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A
NARRATIVE
Of the Causes which led to
PHILIP’S INDIAN WAR,
of 1675 and 1676,

By JOHN EASTON, of Rhode Island.

With other Documents concerning this Event in the Office of the Secretary of State of New York.

Prepared from the Originals, with an
Introduction and Notes.

By FRANKLIN B. HOUGH.

ALBANY, N. Y.

J. MUNSELL, 78 State Street.

M D CCC LVIII.

CONTENTS.

[Pg iv]

ERRATUM.

The Statement inadvertently made in Note [14]⁠, Page 9,
concerning the Absence of the Governor, is erroneous.
He did not sail for England until November, 1677.

[v]

INTRODUCTION.

The Years 1675 and 1676, will ever fill a gloomy Page in New England History, and be equally memorable for the desperate but ineffectual Efforts of its primitive People, to rid their Country of its European Inhabitants, and the efficient Measures adopted by the latter, against the Chances of future Hostilities.

The Details of these Events, have come down to us in the Narratives of several prominent Actors in them, and from them, we have been made familiar with the Scenes of Atrocity which distinguished the several Combatants in this War of mutual Extermination; but in none of these Accounts do we find Evidence of that earnest Desire to render a strictly impartial Statement of Events, which alone constitutes the highest Aim of History, and claims our strongest Regard. The Writers of these Narratives, [vi]in their active Sympathies for the one Party, have scarcely been willing to concede either Justice or Honor to the other. The Indian Leader who acted so prominent a Part in this War, is represented as a Monster in Iniquity, incapable alike of Generosity or Sympathy, waging an unprovoked and aggressive War upon inoffensive Settlers, violating the most solemn Engagement of Treaties, and wantonly butchering those who had extended to him the kindest Offices of Friendship.

The Account of the Origin of this War, given in the following Pages, is believed to be the only one that has been printed, in which a cotemporary Writer has appeared anxious to represent in a favorable Light, the Injuries that provoked the Natives to Acts of Hostility, or to concede to them Motives of Honor and Equity in previous Attempts to adjust the Grounds of Dispute without a final Resort to Arms.

The Government of Rhode Island, of which Mr. Easton was a Member, had been excluded from the Union of the New England Colonies, on account of her heretical Toleration of religious Freedom, and her open Advocacy of that Liberty of Conscience [vii]which has since become a distinguishing Feature of our Government. Her Territory was invaded by armed Forces without previous Notification or Consent, and her Magistrates seized and carried to Prisons beyond her Borders, for presuming to question the Right of these informal Inroads upon her Soil.

The Boundary between Connecticut and Rhode Island, was at this Time a Subject of Dispute, and upon it depended the Question of separate Existence, to the greater Part of the latter. This Controversy had excited a Feeling of Alienation between the two Colonies, as had a similar Question between the former and New York, and in some Degree prevented a cordial Coöperation, in Measures tending to the common Welfare of the English Colonies. This may perhaps have influenced the Writer of the following Narrative, in his Desire to prove that the Complaints of the Indians might have been peaceably settled, and that the immediate Cause of the War arose from the Indiscretion of their Neighbors. Whatever Weight this Motive may have had, there is found nothing either in the Narrative itself, or the Evidence of other Writers, to lead us to question [viii]the Accuracy of the Facts therein stated, or to doubt that the Grievances complained of, were fully as real as by them represented.

Slighter Grounds of Difference between civilized Nations have often sooner led to open War, and we may perhaps find in this Case, no other Reason for patient Forbearance under continued Wrongs, than the Fact that the Indians were dependent upon the Whites for the Means of commencing and prosecuting Hostilities, and were without those Facilities for Consultation and Coöperation which Education alone confers.

Prompted by that inherent Sense of Equality which has often led them to share equally with their Prisoners, the last Morsel of Food, the Indians had cheerfully given to the first Colonists a liberal Share of their Lands, and had not only supplied them with Provisions when they would otherwise have starved, but had taught them the Method of cultivating Corn, and the Time and Mode of catching Fish, which preserved them from Extremities to which there would have been no other Relief.⁠[1] Thus favored and assisted, the Colonists at Peace [ix]with the native Tribes rapidly multiplied, and their Fields everywhere extended along the Valleys and over the Plains that had been the Haunts and the Homes of the primitive Owners. During more than fifty Years, they had been gaining steadily upon the Wilderness, and the Indians had proportionably wasted away, deriving few and doubtful Benefits from Civilization, but becoming daily more degraded by its Vices, and more dependent upon its Arts for the Means of Existence.

Massasoit, the chief Sachem of the Wampanoags, had been the early and constant Friend of the Whites, and towards the Close of his Life had taken his two Sons, upon whom his Authority was to descend, to a principal Settler to make them pledge their continued Friendship to the English. Alexander, the elder of these Brothers, was a few Years after summoned to appear and answer to Charges made against him upon Suspicion that he was plotting the Destruction of the Settlers; but not obeying promptly, he was surprised at an unguarded Moment, and taken towards Plymouth. Exasperated at this Treatment, he fell sick, was released [x]under the Pledge of Hostages, but died on his Way Home.

The chief Authority devolved upon Metacom,⁠[2] better known as Philip, on the Death of his Brother, and whatever may have been his early Feeling towards the English, there can be no Doubt that from this Period he harbored a secret Resolution of Vengeance, although Policy led him for a Season to conceal his Purpose under a Cloak of Friendship, and even to consent to repeated Renewals of the Treaties of Amity, which his Father had made.

With this Design he visited many Indian Tribes, portrayed in eloquent Language the steady Encroachments of the Settlers, reminded them of their ancient Power now rapidly wasting away, and invoked them by the Love of Country and Kindred, the Memory of their Forefathers, and their Duty to Posterity, to unite in driving from the Land these dangerous Rivals, whose past Encroachments foreshadowed the rapid and complete Destruction of their Race.

The Magnitude of this Enterprise, and the evident [xi]Success with which he privately advanced in its Arrangement, bespeaks a Mind capable of the most comprehensive Generalization, while his future Course proved him the Owner of Talents equal to the most pressing Emergencies that might arise in the Execution of its Details.

His Tact in enlisting the Narragansetts, the hereditary Enemies of his Tribe, in the general Scheme which he had formed, indicates the Possession of a fair Degree of diplomatic Skill, and a thorough Knowledge of the human Character.

The Circumstances attending the Conference related in the following Narrative, are particularly interesting, as showing the Wrongs which had for Years been practiced upon the unsuspecting Natives, and the lively Sense of Injustice which these Injuries had awakened. The simple confiding Ignorance of these untutored Sons of Nature, had led them on from one Concession to another, until they were brought to a forcible Realization of the Value of Land, by a pressing Sense of its Want, and found themselves in almost as feeble and dependent a Condition, as were the English upon their first Arrival.

[xii]

There is something peculiarly refined and elevated in the Sentiment expressed by Philip, in answer to their Remark, that the Whites were now too strong for the Indians, when he replied, that then the English should do to them, as they did, when they were too strong for the English. In this was expressed the Spirit of that most sacred Injunction of Scripture, that “all Things whatsoever ye would that Men should do to you, do ye even so to them,” with all the additional Obligation that a previous Performance of this Duty could impose.

His Plans, it is said, had been laid with Reference to their Development in the Spring of 1676, but were prematurely hastened by the Death of Sassamon, and the Executions which followed.

Perhaps fearing that he might be selected as the next Victim, Philip kept himself surrounded by his armed Followers, and finally yielding to their Impatience for Plunder, allowed them to commit Depredations. These by provoking an Attack from the Whites, relieved him from the Superstitious dread which he is said to have entertained of beginning the War, and active Hostilities quickly followed.

[xiii]

The first Attack was made at Swansea upon People returning from public Worship. A Body of Troops arriving soon after, were fired upon, and one of the Party killed. The Indians fled, marking their Course by burning Houses, and fixing on Poles the Heads of those they had slain; but being pressed by the Troops, Philip left Mount Hope and retired to a Swamp at Pocasset, where he succeeded in repelling the English and killing sixteen of their Number.

Learning that his Enemy was preparing to guard every Exit from the Swamp and thus reduce him to Starvation, he escaped towards the Nipmucks in Worcester County, pursued by People of Rehoboth and Providence. The Indians continued to hang upon the Outskirts of the Settlements in small Parties, committing frequent Murders, and generally evading Pursuit. Being intimately acquainted with every Locality, they could easily fall upon an unguarded Hamlet, murder its Inmates, and escape before an Alarm could be raised, or a Force collected. Mendon, Brookfield, Deerfield, Hadley, Northfield, Hatfield, Northampton and Springfield, became in Turn the Scene of desperate Encounters, in which [xiv]Fortune favored sometimes one and at other Times the other Party. Philip, who was generally present in these Engagements to direct his Men, evinced a Boldness mingled with Caution, that defied the utmost Efforts of the English to gain any signal Advantage.

It being no longer doubted that the Narragansetts were in secret Alliance with Philip, War was declared against them by the Commissioners of the United Colonies in November, and in December an Army of from fifteen hundred to two thousand Men, including Volunteers, Indians and a Troop of Horse, the whole under the Command of General Winslow, assembled in the Neighborhood of the Enemy. The Indians, under Philip, were located on an Island in a Swamp in South Kingston, Rhode Island, and had surrounded their Camp with Pallisades and an almost impenetrable Hedge of fallen Trees, with their Tops pointing outwards. Within this Inclosure, the Indians had gathered with their Families to the Number of three thousand, comfortably supplied with Provisions and armed with Bows and Arrows, Muskets and Tomahawks.

Here, on the 18th of December, was fought the [xv]most bloody Battle recorded in the early Annals of New England, in which seven hundred Indian Warriors were slain and three hundred wounded; three hundred more and as many Women and Children taken Prisoners. The Number of Women and Children that perished in the Flames was never known. The English lost six Captains and eighty Men in killed and one hundred and fifty in wounded.

The Weather was intensely cold, and the English suffered extremely from Cold and Fatigue while traveling in deep Snows. Philip fled, and is supposed to have passed the Winter upon the western Borders of Massachusetts. The Winter was remarkably mild, and upon the Hudson River opening unexpectedly in February, the Governor of New York sent up several Sloops laden with Soldiers and military Stores, to resist any Attack which Philip might make in that Quarter. Sudbury, Lancaster and Medfield were attacked in February.

The Spring opened with renewed Hostilities, and Parts of Groton, Marlborough, Warwick, Rehoboth and Providence were burned. A memorable Engagement occurred in Rehoboth, on the [xvi]26th of March, known as the “Pierce Fight,” in which Capt. Michael Pierce, of Scituate, at the Head of a Band of 63 English and a few friendly Indians, was led into an Ambuscade, in which 55 English and 10 of their Indian Allies were slain on the Spot, but not without destroying several Times this Number of their Enemies.

The Indians scattering in small Parties, were enabled to distract the Attention of the English Forces by simultaneous Attacks in different Quarters. In March, a Body of Volunteers from Connecticut, succeeded in capturing Conanchet, Sachem of the Narragansetts, who was scarcely less formidable than Philip, and Expeditions upon the Strongholds of the Indians were constantly reducing their Numbers and rendering their Prospects more gloomy.

On the 18th of May, Capt. Turner, with 180 Men, surprised a large Party of Indians at the great Falls in the Connecticut River, above Deerfield. They found the Camp entirely unguarded, and slew great Numbers, while others rushed into the River, only to meet a watery Grave. The English lost but one, while the Indians afterwards admitted the Loss of 300 Men in killed and drowned, some of [xvii]them being principal Sachems. In returning, the English in their turn experienced heavy Reverses at the Hands of another Lodge of Indians, in which Capt. Turner was killed, and before reaching Hatfield, their Numbers were reduced to thirty-eight Men.

The Slaughter at the Falls proved a death Blow to the Hopes of Philip, and from this Time Misfortunes closed thickly upon him. There still, however, remained sufficient Force to seriously annoy the Settlements. On the 30th of May, six or seven hundred Indians invaded Hatfield, burned several Houses without the Fortification, and killed five Men, but were repulsed with the Loss of five Times this Number.

On the Morning of the 12th of June, about seven hundred Indians made a furious Assault upon Hadley, and the Inhabitants were thrown into great Confusion and Alarm. The Indians succeeded in forcing the Palisades and gaining Possession of one House, but were beaten back with Loss. Suddenly, a Man of noble Mien, peculiar in Dress, venerable in Appearance and manifestly familiar with military [xviii]Affairs, assumed the Command, ordered the English to rally in the Manner best adapted to meet the pressing Emergency, and by his Voice and Example inspired them to new Activity and Courage. Under his Direction the Indians were at length repulsed with Loss, and driven into the Woods. The mysterious Stranger as suddenly disappeared, and it was long reported and believed that an Angel from Heaven had led them to Victory. It was afterwards found, that this Person was Col. Goffe, the Regicide, who had for fifteen Years, with Whalley his Father-in-law, been concealed in the Colony, and who was then living in strict Seclusion in the Family of Mr. Russell the Minister.

The Indians began to lose their Courage with these Failures, and their Attacks were thenceforth made with less Bravery. They also found new Enemies in the Mohawks of New York, who willingly listened to Propositions from the English to engage in a War against the eastern Indians. They did this the more readily, from having discovered an Act of Treachery on the Part of Philip.

A Party of 200 Indians, on their Way westward from the Connecticut, was surprised in the present [xix]Town of Stockbridge, of whom about sixty were killed and taken, with the Loss of but one Man.

Thus repulsed from the Connecticut, Philip returned to the Plymouth Colony, still following out his Purpose of Extermination, but daily losing his Counselors and Friends, his Captains and Warriors. He continued to struggle against Fate, and to gather new Energies from the Desperation into which his Affairs were plunged. His Wife and Children were seized or killed, and many of his Followers gave up in Despair and threw themselves upon the Mercy of the English. Retiring to Mount Hope, his former Residence, he took Refuge in a Swamp with about two hundred of his Men. Some Time before he had slain one of his Followers, who presumed to propose Submission to the English, and the Brother of this Indian, in Revenge betrayed the Secret of his Retreat. Captain Benjamin Church, who had been distinguished throughout the War for his Courage and Success, surrounded the Swamp on the 12th of August, 1676, and but sixty of the Indians escaped. Philip was shot by an Indian and fell with his Face in the Mud. His Head was cut off and exhibited as a Trophy.

[xx]

Annawan, his principal Captain, was taken August 28th, in Rehoboth, which ended the War in this Section of New England, although Hostilities continued one or two Years later, in the northeastern Part of the Colonies.

The Indians, everywhere broken and scattered, either submitted to such Terms as the English might dictate or removed North and joined the French in Canada; and the exhausted Colonies were left to a realization of the Ravages which this vindictive War had occasioned. Famine would have followed close upon the Miseries of the Torch and Tomahawk, but for timely Charities from Dublin and London, obtained through the Letters of Dr. Increase Mather. One eleventh of the able bodied Men of New England are said to have been slain during these two Years, and according to another Writer, almost every Person in the two Colonies, had lost a Relation or near Friend, so that every Family was in deep Mourning.

We have already alluded to the Jealousies then existing between New York and Connecticut, on account of disputed Boundaries. The first News of Indian Hostilities, naturally filled the Country [xxi]with an Alarm which was frequently renewed during the Progress of the War, as Rumors of projected Massacres, magnified by the Fears of the Timid or the Exposed, were circulated among the Settlers or reported to the Governor. Although the Province of New York escaped the Calamities which fell upon the New England Colonies, the occasional Intercourse of its Indians with those to the Eastward, especially the tributary Dependence in which the Tribes upon the east End of Long Island were held by the Narragansetts, gave just Reason to suspect that these Indians might be in secret Alliance with their powerful Masters, and justified the Measures that were adopted for their Security.

A prominent Source of Irritation between New England and New York, arose from the Charges publicly made by the former, that the hostile Indians were supplied with Powder and Arms by the latter. The Documents which follow, exhibit the Grounds upon which this Allegation was made, and the Spirit with which it was repelled. They also prove that the Indians were in some Degree at least assisted by the French in Canada, with whom the English were then nominally at Peace.

[xxii]

The Government of New York pursued an undeviating Line of Policy with regard to the Indians within her Borders, and claimed at all Times the exclusive Management of their Affairs; asserting sometimes rudely, at other Times respectfully, but always firmly, her sole Right of negotiating with them. Every Attempt of the neighboring Colonies to treat with the New York Indians, for Aid against the eastern and northern Tribes, was met with a prompt Refusal, unless conducted in the Presence of the Governor or his authorized Agents.

This Policy, and the Grounds upon which it was based, were not understood by those who had Occasion to deal with these Indians, and the unpleasant Feeling which followed the Failure of informal Attempts at Negotiation, has in some Degree influenced the public Mind, and imparted to the historic Page a Tinge of Prejudice against the Conduct of New York, which is by no means deserved. A careful Study of these Documents will convince the Reader, that whenever proper Courtesy was shown to New York in these Transactions, the Subject of Request received proper Attention.

The warlike Mohawks needed but slight Entreaty [xxiii]to engage in a Pursuit so congenial to their Tastes, and had Hostilities continued, would doubtless have aided in an effectual Manner, in the War against Philip. Indeed upon several Occasions after the Peace, they made Inroads upon the Christian Indians of Natick and other Villages, mistaking them for the late Enemies to the English; and it became necessary to explain to them that their Services were not further needed, and to dissuade them from Hunting in that Quarter, least they might injure the friendly Natives.

The rude and unadorned Style and Language of these Documents afford an interesting View of the Period and the Events to which they relate, and we are enabled to catch a Glimpse of the Manners of the Age, the Relations existing between the Whites and the Indians, the Hopes and Fears of the Colonists, and the Light in which these Events were regarded by the Government of New York, more satisfactorily perhaps than could have been done by any other Means. Should they in any Degree answer this Purpose, the Object of their Publication will be accomplished.

F. B. H.

[Pg 1]

A RELATION
of the
INDYAN WARR,

By M^r Easton⁠[1] of Rhoad Island,
1675.

A true Relation of what I kno & of Reports & my Understanding concerning the Begining & Progress of the War now between the English and the Indians.

In the Winter in the Year 1674, an Indian was found dead, and by a Coroner’s Inquest of Plimouth [2]Colony iudged murdered.⁠[2] He was found dead in a Hole thro Ice broken in a Pond⁠[3] with his Gun and sum Foulls by him. Sum English suposed him thrown in, sum Indians y^t I iudged intelegabell and impartiall in y^e Case did think he fell in and was so drouned, and that the Ies did hurt his Throat, as the English said it was cut;⁠[4] but acnoledge [3]y^t sumetimes naty Indians wold kill others but not as euer they herd to obscuer as if the dead Indian was not murdered. The dead Indian was caled Sansimun⁠[5] and a Christian y^t could read and write. Report was he was a bad Man, y^t King Philip got him to write his Will, and he made the Writing for a great Part of the Land to be his, but read as [4]if it had bin as Philip wrote; But it came to be known, and then he run away from him.

Now one Indian informed that three Indians had murdered him, and sheued a Coat y^t he said thay gave him to conseall them. The Indians report y^t the Informer had playd away his Coate, and these Men sent him y^e Coate, and after demanded Pay, and he not to pay, so acused them, and knoing that it wold pleas the English so to think him a beter Christian, and the Reporte came y^t the three Indians had confesed and acused Philip so to imploy them, and y^t y^e English wold hang Philip; so the Indians wear afraid, and reported y^t the English had flatred them (or by threats) to bely Philip y^t thay might kill him to have his Land, and y^t if Philip had dun it, it was ther Law so to execute home ther Kings iudged deserved it, y^t he had no Case to hide it.⁠[6]⁠

[5]

So Philip kept his Men in Armes. Plimoth Gouerner required him to disband his Men, and informed him his Jealousy was falce. Philip answered he would do no Harm, and thanked the Governer for his Information.⁠[7]⁠

The three Indians wer hunge, to the last denied the Fact; but one broke the Halter as it is reported, then desired to be sayed, and so was a littell while, then confessed they three had dun the Fact; and then he was hanged.⁠[8] And it was reported Sansimun before his death had informed of the Indian Plot, and y^t if the Indians knew it they wold kill him, and that the Hethen might destroy the English for their Wickedness, as God had permitted the Heathen to destroy the Israellites of olde. So the English wear afraid and Philip was afraid, [6]and both incresed in Arems. But for four Yeares Time, Reports and Iealosys of War had bin veri frequent, y^t we did not think y^t now a War was breaking forth;⁠[9] but about a Week before it did,⁠[10] we had Case to think it wold. Then to indever to prevent it, we sent a Man to Philip, y^t if he wold cum to the Fery we wold cum over to speke with him. About four Miles we had to cum; thither our Messenger cum to them; they not [7]aware of it behaved themselves as furious, but sudingly apeased when they understood who he was and what he came for, he called his Counsell and agreed to cum to us; came himself unarmed, and about 40 of his Men armed. Then 5 of us went over, 3 wear Magistrates. We sate veri friendly together.⁠[11] We told him our bisnes was to indever that they might not reseue or do Rong. They said that was well; they had dun no Rong, the [8]English ronged them. We said we knew the English said the Indians ronged them, and the Indians said the English ronged them, but our Desier was the Quarrell might rightly be desided, in the best Way, and not as Dogs desided their Quarrells. The Indians owned y^t fighting was the worst Way; then they propounded how Right might take Place. We said, by Arbitration. They said that all English agreed against them, and so by Arbitration they had had much Rong; mani Miles square of Land so taken from them, for English wold have English Arbitrators; and once they were persuaded to give in their Armes, y^t thereby Jealousy might be removed,⁠[12] and the English having [9]their Arms wold not deliver them as they had promised, untill they consented to pay a 100L, and now they had not so much Sum or Muny; y^t thay wear as good be kiled as leave all ther Liueslyhode.⁠[13]⁠

We said they might chuse a Indian King and the English might chuse the Governor of New Yorke,⁠[14] y^t nether had Case to say either wear Parties [10]in the Diferance. They said they had not heard of y^t Way, and said we onestly spoke, so we wear perswaided if y^t Way had bine tendered they would have acsepted. We did endeaver not to hear their Complaints, said it was not convenient for us now to consider of, but to indever to prevent War; said to them when in War against English, Blood was spilt, y^t ingaged all Englishmen, for we wear to be all under one King; we knew what their Complaints wold be, and in our Colony had removed some of them in sending for Indian Rulers in what the Crime concerned Indians Lives, which thay veri lovingly acsepted, and agreed with us to their Execution, and said so they were abell to satisfie their Subjects when they knew an Indian sufered duly, but said in what was only between their Indians and not in Towneshipes, y^t we had purchased, they wold not have us prosecute, and y^t that thay had a great Fear to have ani of ther Indians should be caled or forced to be Christian Indians.⁠[15] Thay [11]said y^t such wer in everi thing more mischievous, only Disemblers, and then the English made them not subject to ther Kings, and by their lying to rong ther Kings. We knew it to be true, and we promising them y^t however in Government to Indians all should be alike, and y^t we knew it was our King’s will it should be so, y^t altho we wear weaker than other Colonies, they having submitted to our King to protect them, others dared not otherwise to molest them; expressed thay took that to be well, that we had littell Case to doute, but that to us under the King thay would have yielded to our Determinations in what ani should have complained to us against them.

But Philip charged it to be disonestly in us to put of the Hering to iust Complaints, therefore we [12]consented to hear them. Thay said thay had bine the first in doing Good to the English, and the English the first in doing Rong; said when the English first came, their King’s Father was as a great Man, and the English as a littell Child;⁠[16] he constrained other Indians from ronging the English, and gave them Corn and shewed them how to plant, and was free to do them ani Good, and had let them have a 100 Times more Land than now the King had for his own Peopell. But ther King’s Brother, when he was King, came miserably to dy by being forced to Court, as they iudge [13]poysoned.⁠[17] And another Greavance was, if 20 of there onest Indiand testified that a Englishman had dun them Rong, it was as nothing; and if but one of their worst Indians testified against any Indian or ther King, when it pleased the English it was sufitiant. Another Grievance was, when their King sold Land, the English wold say, it was more than they agreed to, and a Writing must be prove against all them, and sum of their Kings had dun Rong to sell so much. He left his Peopell none, and sum being given to Drunknes the English made them [14]drunk and then cheated them in Bargains, but now ther Kings wear forwarned not for to part with Land, for nothing in Cumparison to the Value thereof. Now home the English had owned for King or Queen, they wold disinheret, and make another King that wold give or sell them these Lands; that now, they had no Hopes left to kepe ani Land. Another Grievance, the English Catell and Horses still incresed; that when thay removed 30 Mill from where English had ani thing to do, thay could not kepe ther Corn from being [15]spoyled, thay never being iused to fence, and thoft when the English boft Land of them thay wold have kept their Catell upon ther owne Land. Another Grievance, the English were so eager to sell the Indians Lickers, y^t most of the Indians spent all in Drynknes, and then raueved upon the sober Indians, and thay did believe often did hurt the English Catell, and ther King could not prevent it.

We knew before, these were their grand Complaints, but then we only indevered to persuaid y^t all Cumplaints might be righted without War, but could have no other Answer but that thay had not heard of that Way for the Governor of Yorke and an Indian King to have the Hearing of it. We had Case to think in y^t had bine tendered it wold have bine acsepted. We indevered y^t however thay should lay doune the War, for the English wear to strong for them; thay said, then the English should do to them as they did when thay wear to strong for the English.

So we departed without ani Discurtiousness, and sudingly had Letter from Plimoth Governor thay intended in Arms to conforem Philip, but no Information what y^t was thay required or w^t Termes [16]he refused to have their Quarrell desided; and in a Weke’s Time after we had bine with the Indians the War thus begun.⁠[18] Plimouth Soldiers were cum to have their Head Quarters within 10 Miles of Philip; then most of the English thereabout left there Houses, and we had Leter from Plimouth Governor to desier our Help with sum Boats if thay had such Ocation, and for us to looke to our selfs; and from the Generall at the Quarters we had Leter of the Day thay intended to cum upon the Indians, and desier for sum of our Boats to attend. So we took it to be of Nesesity for our Ieslanders one half one Day and Night to atend and the other half the next, so by Turnes for our owne Safety. In this Time sum Indians fell a pilfering sum Houses y^t the English had left, and a old Man and a Lad going to one of these Houses did see three Indians run out thereof. The old Man bid the young [17]Man shoot; so he did, and a Indian fell doune, but got away againe. It is reported y^t sum Indians came to the Gareson, asked why they shot the Indian. Thay asked whether he was dead. The Indians said yea. A English Lad saied it was no Mater. The Men indevered to inform them it was but an idell Lad’s Words, but the Indians in haste went away and did not hearken to them. The next Day, the Lad that shot the Indian, and his Father, and fief English Men wear killed so the War begun with Philip.⁠[19] But ther was a Queen y^t I knew [18]was not a Party with Philip, and Plimoth Governor recumended her y^t if she wold cum to our Iesland it wold be well shee desired shee might if it wear but with but six of her Men.⁠[20] I can sufitiantly prove, but it is to large here to relate, that shee had practised much the Quarell might be decided without War; but sum of our English allso, in Fury against all Indians, wold not consent shee should be reseved to our Iesland although I profered to be at all the Charge to secuer her and those shee desired to cum with her; so at length prevailed we might send for her; but one Day acsedentaly we [19]wear prevented, and then our Men had seased sum Cannos on her Side, suposing they wear Philip’s, and the next Day a English House was there burned and Mischief of either Side indevered to the other, and much dun, her House burned; and so we wear prevented of ani Menes to atain hir. The English Army cam not downe as informed thay wold, so Philip got over, and they could not find him. Three Days after, thay came doune, had a veri stormy Night, y^t in the Morning the Foote wear disabled to return. Before they had Refreshment, thay wear free to acsept, as we wear willing to relieve them,⁠[21] but ... Trupers sayed of their Captaine [20]they despised it, and so left the Foote. After the Foote had refreshed themselfs they also returned to their head Quarters, and after hunt[ing] Philip from all sea Shores, y^t thay could not tell what was becum of him, the Naroganset Kings informed us y^t the Queen aforesaid must be in a Thicket, a starving or conformed to Philip; but thay knew shee wold be glad to be from them, so from us had Incuragement to get her and as mani as they could from Philip.⁠[22]⁠

[21]

After the English Army, without our Consent or informing us, came into our Colony, brought the Naroganset Indians to Articles of Agreement to them.⁠[23] Philip being flead, about a 150 Indians came in to a Plimouth Garrison volentarley. Plimouth Authority sould all for Slafes (but about six of them) to be carried out of the Country.⁠[24] It is [22]true the Indians genaraly are very barbarous Peopell but in this War I have not heard of their tormenting ani, but y^t the English Army cote an old Indian and tormented him. He was well knone to have bine a long Time a veri decrepid and harmless Indian of the Queen’s.⁠[25] As Philip fled the foresaid Queen got to the Narogansets, and as manni of her Men as she could get, but one Part of the Narogansets Agreement to Boston was to kill or deliver as mani as they could of Philip’s Peopell, therefore Boston Men demanded the fore said Queene and others y^t thay had so reseved; for which the Indians wear unfree, and made mani Excuses, as that the Queen was none of them, and sum others [23]wear but Sudierners with Philip becase removed by the English having got their Land, and wear of their Kindred, which we kno is true, not but we think they did shelter mani thay should not, and y^t they did kno sum of their Men did assist Philip, but according to their barbarous Ruells thay accounted so was no Rong, or they could not help it. But sum enemies Heds thay did send in, and told us thay wear informed y^t however when Winter came thay might be suer the English wold be their Enemies. And so thay stood doubtful for about 5 Months. The English wear iealous that there was a generall Plot of all Indians against English; and the Indians wear in like Manner iealous of the English. I think it was generall, y^t thay wear unwilling to be ronged, and y^t the Indians did iudg the English partiall against them, and among all a philthy Crue y^t did desire and indever for War; and those of any Solidety wear against it, and indevered to prevent the War.⁠[26] For conserning Philip [24]we have good Intelligence y^t he advised sum English to be gone from ther out Plases where they lived or they wear in Danger to be killed; but whether it wear to prevent a War, or by their Prests informed if thay begun thay should be beaten, and otherwise not, so we have good Intelligence; for I do think most of them had a Desire the English would begin; and if the English be not carefull to manifest the Indians mai expect Equity from them, thay mai have more Enemies than thay wold, and more Case of Jelosy.⁠[27]⁠

The Report is, y^t to y^e Estward the War thus begun, by supposing y^t sum of those Indians were at a Fight in these Parts, and y^t thear thay saw a Man wounded, so Authority sent sum forth to discufer, having before disarmed those Indians and confined them to a Place which the Indians wear [25]not ofended at; but these Men coming upon them in a warlike Postuer, they fled; y^t the Men cote but 3 of them. Those in Authority sent out againe to excuse themselfs, but thay could only cum to the Spech with one Man; as he kept out of their Rech, thay excused themselfs and said his Father was not hurt; one of them thay had taken. He said he could not believe them, for if it was so, thay wold have broft him; thay had bin desaitfull to disarm them, and so wold have killed them all; and so he run away, and then English wear killed, and the Report is, y^t up in the Country here away thay had demanded the Indians’ Armes, and went againe to parrell with them, and the Indians by Ambushcade tretcherously killed 8 y^t wear going to treat with them.⁠[28]⁠

When Winter was cum we had Leter from [26] Boston of the iunited Comitioners that thay wear resolved to reduce the Narogansets to Conformity, not to be trubled with them ani more, and desered sum Help of Botes and otherwise, if we saw Case, and y^t we should kepe Secret conserning it.⁠[29] Our Governor sent them Word we wear satesfied Narragansets wear tretcherous, and had ayded Philip, [27]and as we had asisted to relive ther Army before, so we should be ready to asist them still, and advised y^t Termes might be tendred y^t such might expect Compation y^t would acsept not to ingag in War, and y^t ther might be a Separation betwene the Gilty and the Inosent which in War could not be expected, we not in the lest expecting thay wold have begun the War and not before proclaimed it, or not give them Defianc.

I having often informed the Indians y^t English Men wold not begin a War, otherwise it was brutish so to do. I am sorry so the Indians have Case to think me desaitfull, for the English thus began the War with the Narogansets, we having sent ofe our Iesland mani Indians and informed them if thay kept by the water Side and did not medell; y^t however the English wold do them no Harem, altho it was not save for us to let them live here. The Army first take all those Prisoners then fell upon Indian Houses, burned them and killed sum Men. The War [began] without Proclamation, and sum of our Peopell did not kno the English had begun Mischief to Indians, and being confedent and had Case therefore; y^t the Indians wold [28]not hurt them before the English begun, so did not kepe ther Gareson exactly; but the Indians having reseued y^t Mischief came unexpected upone them, destroyed 145 of them beside other great Loss, but the English Army say thay suposed Conetecot Forces had bine there. Thay solde the Indians y^t thay had taken as afoersaid, for Slafes, but one old Man y^t was caried of our Iesland upone his Sun’s Back he was so decreped could not go, and when the Army tooke them upon his Back caried him to the Garison, sum wold have had him devoured by Doges, but the Tendernes of sum of them prevailed to cut ofe his Head; and after came sudingly upon the Indians whear the Indians had prepared to defend themselfs, and so reseved and did much Mischief, and for aboute six Weeks sinc hath bine spent as for both Parties to recruet. And now the English Army is out to seeke after the Indians, but it is most lickly y^t such most abell to do Mischief will escape, y^t Women and Children and Impotent mai be destroyed, and so the most abell will have the less Incumbranc to do Mischief.⁠[30]⁠

[29]

But I am confident it wold be best for the English and Indians y^t a Peas wear made upone onest Terems, for each to have a dew Propriety and to enioy it without Opretion or Iusurpation by one to the other, but the English dear not trust the Indian’s Promises, nether the Indians to the Englishes Promises; and each have gret Case therefor. I see no Way likely, but if a Sessation from Arems might be procured untill it might be known what Terems King Charles wold propound; for we have gret Case to think the Naroganset Kings wold trust our King, and y^t thay wold have acsepted him to be Umpier if it had bine tendered, about ani Diferanc; for we do kno the English have had much [30]Contention against these Indians to invaled the king’s Determination for Naroganset to be in our Colony; and we have Case to think y^t was the great Case of the war against them.

I see no Menes likely to prevent a Sesation from Arems, except the Gouevner of New York can find a Way so to interfere, and so it will be likely a Pease mai be made without trubbling our King; not but it allwais hath bine a Prinsipell in our Colonly, y^t ther should be but one supreme to English Men, and in our natief Country wher ever English have Iurisdiction; and so we know no English should begin a War and not first tender for the King to be Umpier, and not persecute such y^t can not conforem to ther Worship; and ther Worship be what is not owned by the King, the King not to mind to have such Things redresed, sum mai take it that he hath not Pouer, and that ther mai be a Wai for them to take Pouer in Oposition to him.⁠[31] I am so perswaided of New England Prists, [31]thay are so blinded by the Spirit of Persecution and to maintaine to have Hyer, and to have Name to be mere Hyrelings y^t thay have bine the Case y^t the Law of Nations and the Law of Arems have bine violated in this War; and y^t the War had not bine if ther had not bine a Hyerling, that for his Moni, giving what he caleth the Gospel by Voiolanc to have it chargabell for his Gaine from his Quarter; and if ani in Magistracy be not so as ther pack Horses, thay will be trumpating for Inovation or War.⁠[32]⁠

5 : 12^m : 1675. Poadiestan.

[32]
[33]

PAPERS
RELATING TO
PHILIP’S INDIAN WAR.

Letter from Governor Francis Lovelace of New York, to Governor Benedict Arnold of Newport.

[Orders, Warrants, Letters, ii, 461.]

Sr This Opportunity presenting, I was willing to give you Notice of y^e Apprehension some Persons at y^e east End of Long Island have of Comocons like to arise by their Indians and yo^rs of the Narragansett, sett on by their Sachem Ninsecrast against the English.⁠[1] A Copy of some Passages in a [34]Letter sent expresse from thence to mee, I here inclosed send you. For my Part I can not thinke them in a Condicon strong enough to make any such bould Attempt. Whatsoever their Will may bee, however, its Good to be cercumspect and to provide against the Worst. I shall desire you would make Enquiry into y^e Matter, and send mee yo^r Opinion of it by y^e First.

It seemes Nonecrast hath become an old Enemy to y^e English so to be suspected. Mr. Thomas Terry,⁠[2] of Block Island, informes mee that he hath had 6 Indyans Servants run away from him, which Nonecrast protects and keepes, though none of his Indians. I thinke you may do well to admonish him of it, and that hee ought not to doe the least [35]Injury to the English under whose Protection hee liues, without giving Satisfaction for it. It may bee by his Answer you may iudge of his Intent. I have not further but to desire a neighbourly and friendley Correspondence between us, which shall bee cherished upon all Occasions.

Yo^r affectionate Friend and Serv^t
Francis Lovelace.

New York this 5th July, 1669.

To Mr. Benedict Arnold,
Governo^r of Rhode Island.

[36]

Letter from Governor Lovelace of New York, to Governor Arnold of Rhode Island.

[Orders, Warrants, Letters, ii, 519.]

For y^e Hon^ble M^r Benedict Arnold, Governo^r &c. of Rhode Island, These:

S^r I rec^d y^r L^re of y^e 29^th of July —69, in Answer to myne for which I must render you my pticuler Thanks for those Civilityes you were pleased to afford me in yo^r friendly Expressions. Next, I cannot but kindly reseve y^t Care you have showne in setling y^e Myndes of some over credulous Prsons amongst us, who (being possest w^th a pannick Feare) were apt to entertaine very melancholly Thoughts according as they were instilled by y^e Intelligence and Informations of some fond Indians, to y^e great Disturbance of y^e publique Peace, and by it animating y^e Heathens who taking Courage from our Feare might be apt to breake forth into Extravagances not to be redrest w^thout a Warre, and all y^e Miseryes attending it, but those Apprehensions are now vanisht and men’s Myndes by y^e Reason of [37]yo^r excellent L^re well pacified and settled, neither do I believe they will too hastily againe give Credence to y^e Information of a faithlesse and false Generation. All that I shall further add and heartily desire for y^e Future, is that this friendly and neighbourly Correspondence w^ch by this Occasion hath had its first Rise, may by y^e same Zeale and Kindnesse be continued; to w^ch we are not onely oblieged by y^e comon Tyes of Xtianit ybut comon Safety, and y^e Happinesse promised to all Brethren living in Love and Unity togeth^r w^ch as none shall be ready to cherish it more than myselfe, as to y^e Gen^ral so I shall not be wanting to embrace all Occasions to demonstrate y^e sincere Service I have to you pticuler in y^e Compellation of

Yo^r affectionate Freind and Serv^t
Fran. Lovelace.

Fort James in N. Yorke,
Aug. 24th, 1669.

[38]

Extract from a Letter of Francis Lovelace Governour of New York, to Thomas Prence, Governour of New Plymouth, dated May 5, 1671.

[Court of Assize ii, 678.]

   * * * As to yo^r Indyan Affaires,⁠[1] I am heartily glad that yo^r Courage and Wisdome has met w^th that Success as to compell him to a Complacency to yo^r Desires; and I verily believe (by what Relacons I have met with) even of our own Indyans, the Defection seemed almost universal. At present, there can be no better Prevention practisd then Vigilancy, and such a Composure towards them as may testify wee rather despise than feare them. The Confession of the Sagamore seems cleere enough, w^ch if his Compunction be soe toe, it then may proove in y^e politique Body as sometimes it happens in y^e naturall; that a Bone once broken and well sett, strengthens y^e Limbe; which [39]good Effect I heartily wish it may have, and if my Endeav^ors can any Wayes be subservient to you, you shall as freely command mee as I subscribe myselfe

Yo^r affe^te ffriend and
Humble Servant,

[40]

Fragment of a Letter from Governor John Winthrop of Connecticut, to the Governor of New York.⁠[1]⁠

[N. Y. Colonial MSS., xxiv.]

New London, June 29, 1675.

S^r
   P ... att M^r Richards Smith
... tt I met Cap^t Hutch-
... n Boston with a Lre
... verno^r and Councill dir ...
... Le ... craft, and the
... ca, the Contents whe ...
... ernore p’ticularly
... ams, which being brought
to ... morning with the said Robert
of the farther Confirmation of the Truth of the
Murther committed upon several English by Philip;
there is P^r paration for Conveyance to yourselfe,
[41] and being something ill myselfe since my
Returne, have desired M^r Witherly what Intelligence
is passing, to convey it.

A Coppy is subscribed p^r
J. Winthrop.

[42]

Fragment of a Letter from New London about the Indian News.

[New York Colonial MSS., xxiv.]

New London, June 29, 1675.

Yestarday Lef^t Avery, myselfe and some others
went vp to Vncas,⁠[1] to vnderstand, iff possible we
could, how he stood affected to Phillip’s Designe. He
informed us that he heard of much Damage done
by Philip, by killing many English, and burning
theire Houses. But would not be known that he
held any Correspondence with him, but vpon carefull
Vew, we have Reason to beleive that most of
his Men are gone that Wa ... ath ... very
[43] ... th ... three
few Men Gunns it m ...
hath had great ...
and many presen ...
that particular Course ...
Part, into a Posture of ...
   It is reported that ...
expects farther ...

   (Copy)         Subscribed by ...

[44]

Council Minutes concerning Indian Hostilities.

[Council Minutes, iii, 44.]

At a Councell July 4th, 1675.

It is the Opinion of the Councell that Conecticott doth not expect nor desire Assistance from us in Relacon to the Indyan Disturbance at this Time.⁠[1]⁠

Upon due Consideracon of y^e Intelligence now sent from thence concerning y^e Indyans,

[45]

Resolved, That y^e Governo^r doe proceed on his intended Voyage to Conecticott forthwith, and do take a Force with him, to be in a Capacity to protect that Part of his Royall Highnesse Government, as there may be Occasions.

[46]

A Letter from the Governour to Governour Winthrop, upon the Indyan News.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 117.]

S^r

   About 3 a Clock this Morning, [July 4] I rec^d yo^rs of the 1^st Inst, together with severall Copyes of L^res, of the Indyans being in Armes in Plymouth Colony, and their having destroyed severall Christians to the Eastward of you, as neare as Narrowgansett, and Apprehencon of their trending further to you wards. I am very much troubled at the Christians’ Misfortunes, and hard Disasters in these Parts, being so overpowered by such Heathen.

Here upon I have hastened my coming to your Parts, and added a fforce to bee ready to take such Resolucons as may be fitt for mee, upon this extraordinary Occasion, with which I intend (God willing) to sett out this Evening, and to make the best of my Way to Connecticutt River, his Royall [47]Highnesses Bounds there; where at my Arrivall you shall heare further from

S^r
Yo^r most humble Serv^t

This was sent in Post hast,
from Cons^t to Constable.⁠[1]

[48]

A Letter to Governor Carterett, upon the Indyan News; sent July 4th, 1675.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 117.]

Hon^ed S^r⁠[1]⁠.

   The severall inclosed Copyes, came to my Hands at 3 o’clock this Morning, which I thought fitt (as soone as I could), to dispatch to you, that you may see the Power of, and Outrages committed by the Indyans in Plymouth Colony, as farre as Narrowgansett, on the Christians; and Apprehencons of their further Proceedings, upon which, I have quickened my Voyage that Way, and resolve to take a Force with mee, which I intend (God willing) to imbarke this Night for Connecticutt River.

I am in Haste S^r
Yo^r humble Servant,
E. Andros.

[49]

A Lre at Seabrooke, from the Go. to the Go. or Dep^ty Go. and Assistants, or chiefe Magistrates of the Colony of Conecticutt, to be delivered to the Chiefe of them at Hartford,⁠[1] July 8th, 1675.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 118.]

Hono^ble Gent.

I writt to you at large, the 28th past, by Mr. John Collyer, and also by another the 4^th Instant in the Morning, by Returne of yo^r Expresse, upon yo^r Notice of the Indyans’ Rebellion and Barbarisme did give you Acco^t of my Intent this Way, and to this Place, where I am now arrived. But finding no Occasion heer upon the Indyan Acco^t I am sending a small Vessel further eastward for Intelligence, and do send this by Express to you, in his Ma^ties and Royall Hignesse Behalfe to desire your [50]direct and effectuall Answer to my former L^re, which I here attend in Discharge of my Duty, accordingly.

In the Meantime I remaine
Hono^ble Gent.
Yo^r affec^ate Friend and
Humble Serv^t
E. Andross.

[51]

A Letter of the same Date from Governour Andros to the Governour of Boston.

[Orders, Warrants, Passes, iii, 118.]

Hono^ble S^r

   I cannot omitt this Opportunity by M^r Andrew Belcher, with my Respects, to give you an Acco^t of my Arrivall to this Place, being intended to these Parts upon Acco^t of the Limitts, expressed in his Ma^ties L^res Patents, between his Royall H^ss. and Connecticutt: But suddenly hastened by the Newes from Go: Winthrop, by Expresse, of the Indyans Irruption and Barbarousnesse; of which Proceedings hearing no further, I hope there already is (or will be speedily) a good Event. And as to the Limits, having proceeded in y^e fairest Manner, (according to his Ma^ties Pleasure and Commands) I will not doubt a suitable Issue therein, accordingly, for w^ch, and the Indyan Concernes, I do attend here; where I shall bee glad, or at my Returne, of any Opportunity to serve you, remaining,

Hono^ble S^r
Yo^r very humble Serv^t
E. Andross.

[52]

Letter from Governour Andros to Major Winthrop, at New London.

[Orders, Warrants, Passes, iii, 119.]

S^r According to the Acc^ts I gave Go: Winthrop, I arrived yesterday to this Port, where I am very sorry to hear of your continued Indisposition, which I hearing no further Certainty of the Indyans Proceedings, occasions my sending this small Vessell herewith, desiring to heare more particularly of yo^r Health, and if you please, what Newes you heare of the said Indyans. I have also ordered the Master, William Welch, (if you shall thinke fitt) to proceed further eastward, for Intelligence, not beyond Rhoad Island, and hope in the meane Time to have a good Issue concerning the Limitts; having proceeded therein according to his Ma^ties Pleasure and Commands, with all Fairnesse; and shall still with all Respect in my Power, to the worthy Governor, and bee glad, I may bee any Wayes capable of serving you, being really,

S^r Yo^r most affec^ate humble Serv^t
E. Andross.

Seabrooke, July the 9th, 1675.

[53]

Instructions for William Welch.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 119.]

Having herewith rec^d a L^re to Major Winthrop, you are forthwith to repaire with it to New London, and having delivered the same, (if he shall think fitt) to proceed further eastward, as he shall direct, for Intelligence about the Indyans, but not further than Road Island: And having his Despatch, that you make the best of yo^r Way back to this Post. I wish yo^u a good Voyage, and am,

Yo^r loving ffriend,

Seabrooke, July the 9th, 1675.

[54]

A L^re sent from the Governo^r to Capt. John Young, at Southold.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 119.]

Capt. Young:

Being afore designed for these Parts, I was hastened the sooner, by the Receipt of the L^re from Go: Winthrop, with the Intelligence of the Indyan Disturbence, and Insurrection in Plymouth Colony, so that I immediately made ready to come out with two Sloopes, and arrived to this Place, where I may stay yet some few Days longer. I have this Evening received a L^re from Major Winthrop, relating to the Indians being disperst, but continue in their mischievous Practices. Having now this Opportunity by a Boat going over to Southhold,⁠[1] I was willing to advertize you hereof. And the rather it being by them eastward suspected that there is a gen^all Intelligence and Confederacy between the Indyans even to Delaware Bay, which wee cannot perceive to the Westward. But if you do finde any Thing [55]from yo^r Parts, amongst those Indyans, I desire you’l give mee present Notice to this Place, and in the meane Time, will not doubt yo^r Care upon all Occasions; And do intend (God willing) to see you in my Returne. I hope Mr. Arnolde and Mr. Silvester gott well to Boston, having heard Nothing to the Contrary, though many others found Dead upon the Wayes. I am

Yo^r very loveing ffriend.
E. Andros.

Seabrooke, July 10th, 1675.

[56]

A Letter to Mr. Thomas Backer, Justice of the Peace at East Hampton, of the same Date.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 120.]

[The Beginning as the former; the Conclusion viz:] At my going from hence I do intend (God willing) either to see you, or to send a Sloope, for the Endeavouring the getting up, or taking in of those Guns of the Wreck, which I writt to you of before. Therefore if the Indyans have not done it already I pray they may be in Readynesse for it, which I thinke may bee in a few Dayes.

I am Yo^rs
E. Andros.

[57]

A Letter to Mr. Thomas Mayhew, or Chiefe Magistrate at Martin’s Vineyard.⁠[1]⁠

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 120.]

Southhold, July the 14^th, 1675.

Mr. Mayhew:

   Having Notice of the Irruption of the Indyans, [58]and their barbarous Proceedings against the English, in and on this Side of Plymouth Colony, hath occasioned my hastening to visite these Parts and to take Order in any Thing that may bee wanting for their Security: To which End I am proceeding as farre as South and East Hampton. But lest you and yo^r Neighbo^rs of Nantuckett bee not furnisht with Ammunicon, and thereby suffer by the said Indyans Irruptions, I have without Delay, despatcht this Sloope w^th Ammunicon, and to inquire of yo^r State, to wit, for you one Barrell of Powder, ffifteen Musketts, and foure Skeynes of Match. The which, to bee returned in kinde, to the Stores at New Yorke, when you can with Convenience bee supplyde. I desire you will furnish the Master of the Sloope with a Pilot, or Direcons to Nantuckett, as hee shall have Occasion; And that you will send mee by him, an Acco^t of the State of all Things with you, in this present Juncture, as to y^e Strength or Posture of Defence, if any of the said Indyans should attempt to come upon yo^r Island, that I may take such further Order as may be fitt. In w^ch I shall not faile (God willing.) All our Indyans [59]westward, are hitherto very quiett, and promise faire, and I hope, will not intermeddle.

I am,
Yo^rs

A L^re of the same Tenor and Date was sent to Nantuckett by the Sloope at that Time likewise.

The Ammunicon sent thither was one Barrell of Powder, ten Musketts, and three Skeynes of Match.

The L^re was directed, To M^r Richard Gardner, and Capt. John Gardner, or Chiefe Magistrate and Offic^rs at Nantuckett.

[60]

Instructions for Franck Lee, being sent with his Sloope to Martin’s Vineyard and Nantuckett.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 121.]

Franck Lee:

   Having received on Board yo^r Sloope two Barrells of Powder, twenty-five Musketts, and seven Skeynes of Match, with a L^re to Martin’s Vineyard, and another to Nantuckett, and a Pilott to the said Places, you are, (Wind and Weather permitting) to make Sayle the next Tyde, and the best of yo^r Way thither, where being arrived, you are to deliver my L^re to Mr. Mayhew, or Chiefe Officer at Martin’s Vineyard, together with one Barrell of Powder, ffifteen Musketts, and foure Skeynes of Match, and at Nantuckett my other L^re with one Barrell of Powder, ten Musketts, and three Skeynes of Match, taking a Receipt of the Chiefe Magistrate or Officer, at each Place, to whom you shall deliver it. Having so done, you are not to stay in either Place above one Tyde, unlesse it may happen that the Indyans should flock over from the [61]Maine, and the Chiefe Magistrate or Officer desire yo^r Assistance for obstructing the same by Water; in w^ch Case you are to stay, as there may bee Occasion, for their Preservation; which having p’formed, and received the L^res to mee, from the Chief Magistrate or Officers in each Place, you are (Winde and Weather prmitting) to make the best of your Way back to mee, to New Yorke.

In yo^r going there and returne, you are to take Care, that yo^rselfe, Souldyers and Seamen, be vigilant and carefull in the Businesse, and do give no just Cause of Complaint or Offence; If they should not have Occasion, or desire y^e Armes, you are to bring them back with you. I wish you a good Voyage, and am

Yo^r loving ffriend,
E. Andros.

Southold, July 14th, 1675.

[62]

Abstract of a Letter from the Governour of Rhode Island to the Governour of New York, dated July 21st, 1675.

[New York Colonial MSS., xxiv, 128.]

A great Part is a Relation of severall Passages of the Warre betweene Plymouth Colony and the Indyans, and their own being in a warlike Posture of Defence.

Then relates the coming of an Army from Boston and Connecticut Colonyes into their Colony (without informing them thereof) to bring the Indians there to their own Terms, and to call that Part of Roade Isl Colony theirs (viz^t Kingstoune in the Narrogansett Country)⁠[1] and having made Terms [63]with the Indians, tooke one Tho. Gould appointed a Conservator of the Peace in Kingstown Prisoner, for questioning whether they should not firstly have informed them of their coming with an Army within that Province, and pinioned him and guarded him, and the next Morne sentenced him to bee sent from Constable to Constable to Connecticutt Prison with 8 Horsemen at his own Charge, but afterwards tooke Bayle from him.

And further, those of Connecticutt have formerly threatned Force, that we should not use the K’s Authority there, and not to maintaine it for the K’s Province, as confirmed to us. It intimates their Force was as much therefor as their Pretence ag^st y^e Indyans, and we doubt not but we could have prevailed to have brought y^e Indyans to greater Conformity than they have done by their Armes; and so with Relacon of some Skirmishes with the Indyans take leave.

Signed,
R. Codrington.

[64]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, 44.]

At a Councell, July 24, 1675.

The Governo^r relates y^e severall Passages of his Voyage.⁠[1]⁠

Resolved, That an Order be sent to y^e severall Tounes upon Long Island to continue a good Constable’s Watch until further Order, and to take Care that y^e Indyans now disarmed bee not any Wise injured, but assisted upon any Occasion requireing it.

That Mr. Pell⁠[2] be written to to take a daily Acco^t of his Indyans, unlesse they send Hostages to this Place, which would be best.

[65]

Letter from Governour Andros to Mr. Woodhull.⁠[1]⁠

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 125.]

New Yorke, August the 4^th, 1675.

Mr. Woodhull:

I have this Afternoone rec^d yo^rs of the 4^th, which I suppose was writ yesterday. You have done well in prosecuting my Orders to yo^r out Indyans of Unquechauge,⁠[2] for their Armes, and particularly sending a Party to compell them, when they did not punctually bring them in, as you desired, which cannot bee amisse, though ’tis possible the Sachem being at South’ton, (as you alleadge) to that Day, and others disperst might have no [66]Notice, so not faulty. But I would not have you faile to seize the Indyan Messengers you sent, as soone as you can light on them, and unlesse they can give you a satisfactory Account of their Endeavo^rs that you send them up hither, by the first Convenience, and for others, that you continue the same Care for their Proteccon (being disarmed) and do them Justice upon all Occasions requiring it, of which you may acquaint them againe.

I dispatch this the sooner to you, upon receiving this Night a Paper and Letter from the Eastward, of which I send you Copyes, desiring you’l send forthwith towards Nesaquacke,⁠[3] to informe yourselfe if there hath been any Meeting of the Indyans that Way, as intimated, and that you give Order to Mr. Smith to be careful, and give you Notice if any Thing happen there for the Future; and that you take such Order therein as you shall judge necessary, and give mee Account thereof, if any Thing requiring it.

[67]

As to the Charge of the Party, or any Thing else concerning the Publick, I think it ought to be borne by the Publicke, and shall bee allowed out of the country Rates: But if any seeme to exact at any Time, you may send up their Demands hither, where it shall bee determined, but none are to bee suffered to refuse a publicke Service. I hope all our Indyans will bee quiet. But you are not (however) to omit yo^r watching till further Order.

I am,
Yo^r very loving ffriend,

[68]

A Letter sent to Seatalcott by the Deputy Governour in the Governour’s Absence.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 126.]

Gent:

   In the Absence of the Governo^r⁠[1] I rec^d your L^re by Serjeant Briggs. The Contents thereof relating some Apprehencons you have, of yo^r Indyans ill Designe, for that they stragle abroad, and are not conformable as they ought, to the Orders left by the Governour. I have made some Enquiry about the Matter, and advised thereupon, and in Answer thereunto (at psent) can make you no other Returne, then that you give yo^r Indyans Notice duly to observe the Governo^rs Orders and Direccons; and if any one of them shall do any violent Act, or harbo^r strange Indyans, without giving Notice thereof, that you send them up hither, where they shall be secured to answer their Misdemeano^r or Contempt; of the which, the Governo^r will shortly bee back to bee Judge.

[69]

In the meane Time, it will not bee proper for you to shew any Doubts or Feares you may have of them; onlly to have a vigilant Eye over their Accons, otherwise to live with them as formerly.

Tom the Indyan hath been heere, who saith hee came from the Sachem, only to see if the Governo^r were returned, for that hee intends then to come to the Governo^r as hee was appointed. At his Hono^rs Returne (which may be expected the latter End of this or Beginning of the next Weeke) such further Order will bee taken about yo^r Affaires as will bee thought convenient. This is all at psent from,

Gent,
Yo^r very Loving ffriend,
Antho. Brockholes.

New York, Aug^st 30^th, 1675.

[70]

Rumour of Indian Hostilities.

[New York Colonial MSS., xxiv, 137.]

September 10, ’75.

To Mr. Townsend,⁠[1] or to the Constable and Overseers and Inhabitants of Oyster Bay:

Gentlemen and Naibours,

   I being at the South, and our Naibours being informed by an Indian that the Indians would be speedily in Action, soe that it is my Advice to get yourselves in the best Poster of Defenc you can, which is the Advice of

Your Friend,
Joseph Bayly.

[71]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, 50.]

At a Councell, Sept^ber 10th, 1675.

The Matter under Consideracon was about ye Indyans at this present Juncture.

Resolved, That we ought not to breake w^th our Indyans, upon Acc^t of ye Warre betweene our Neighbours and their Indyans, they receiving more Benefitt by o^r Peace w^th them, whereby they are hindred from joyning w^th their Enemys.

Neither to prohibitt y^e selling of Powder to our Indyans, but to be regulated as formerly, and according to Law.

Resolved, To send for all the Sachems, and acquaint them with y^e Peace made above at Albany, and to assure them that comporting themselves as they ought, and have done, they shall be protected, [72]and may live quiet, and thereupon, that an Order be made for the Redelivery of their Arms to them.

[Ibid. p. 51.]

[Sept. 14, the same Members present.]

A flying Rumour of y^e Indyans taken into Consideracon.

Ordered to be respited for any Resolucon untill y^e Indyans come in or are heard of, they being sent for.

[Ibid. p. 52.]

[Sept. 15, the same Members present.]

Resolved, That y^e Indyans of Long Island shall by Reason of their good Comport, and y^e Season of y^e Year, have their Guns restored to them againe by y^e Officers of y^e Townes where they have been delivered, unlesse to such Indyans as shall not be thought fitt to be trusted therewith. Excepting East Hampton and Shelter Island, who having paid Contribution to those of Narrogansett, are not to have their Armes for y^e Present, but to have equall [73]Justice, and (if quiet) Protection, as others of y^e Government.

Copies of this Order were sent out.

Resolved, That there be a Proclamation issued forth to quiett people’s Mindes, and satisfy them of the Falsity of the late Reports about y^e Indyans ill Intents.

That each Toune upon Long Island and its Dependencies be enjoyned to fortify some particuler Place in their respective Touns for their Defence upon all Occasions, and to secure their Wives and Children in Case of any Enemy.

[74]

A Proclamation about the Indyans and making of Block Houses.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 132.]

Whereas there hath lately been severall Reports or Rumours spread, of the Indyans evill and mischievous Intents and Readynesse to execute it against the Inhabitants of this Government, particularly Long Island, which hath very much disturbed the Mindes and the lawfull Occupacons of his Ma^ties Subjects in the same; And whereas upon a strict Examinacon, there appeares no Evidence or Cause for such Reports, but the Contrary, these are therefore by the Advice of my Councell, in his Ma^ties Name, to require and charge all his Ma^ties Subjects of this Government, Christians and Indyans, that shall know or heare any Thing of such a publick Nature, forthwith to repaire and give a full Relacon thereof, to the next Magistrate or Chiefe Officer, and the said Magistrate or Officer to take the Examinacon and give necessary Orders or Notice, and send mee a present Account thereof, as the Thing may require.

[75]

And whereas it is necessary to keep Watch and Ward, all Magistrates and Officers of the severall Tounes and Places within this Government, are hereby required to see y^e same continued and punctually performed; And where there is not a Block House or some stockadoed or palisadoed House or Place, that there bee one forthwith fitted, in the most convenient Place in each respective Toune, for a Retreat to the Women and Children, into which our Indyan Women and Children, to bee also received and protected if they desire it: And that all our Indyans bee friendly treated, and have equall Justice according to Law, of which all Persons are to take Notice and conforme themselves thereunto accordingly as they and every of them will answer the Contrary at their utmost Perills.

Given under my Hand in New Yorke this 16th Day of Sept^r in the 27^th Yeare of his Ma^ties Reigne, Annoq Domini, 1675.

E. Andross.

To the Mayo^r and Aldermen
of this City, &c.

[76]

[New York Colonial MSS., xxv, 138.]

Sept. 18th, 1675.

This Morning there came to the Governo^r in the Fort one of the Long Island Sachems that mist yesterday ... he is of Rockaway⁠[1] or.... The other ... Day upon the Newes of ... sse. Here was ... with Tom ... and others, and were very well ... what was done. Yesterday ... the behalfe of the Rest.

There were also two Sachems from the other Side, one from Hackingsack,⁠[2] the other from Tapan, who hearing of the Go^s Returne from Alb. came to bid him welcome Home and promise all Friendship.

[77]

A Letter to South’ton and Seatalcott.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 133.]

Gent.

   I yestarday rec^d yo^rs of the 13^th Instant, so long a coming, (as the Indyan saith) by Reason of the wet Weather. I arrived here on the 9^th Instant, late, and am sorry to heare that you (as well as the most Part of the Island) have been so alarm’d upon a false Report of our Indyans ill Intent against us, which I endeavour’d and hope is now rectified, and all Partyes well satisfied and quiet. Some Officers from all the Tounes on this side Seatalcott, and all the Sachems of Long Island and Neighbourhood on the Maine, having been here with mee since; And although I did hope you would not have been alarm’d, yet I writ to you on the 11^th, which I hope came well to yo^r Hands, and satisfide you. The same Night I ordered and sett out a Sloope armed, to cruise in the Sound, and the next Morning went myselfe in my Pinnace as farre as Mr. Pells, to the Indyans there, and from thence to Fflushing, and Home by Land, the better to settle people’s Mindes.

[78]

I now send you a copy of a Proclamacon, relating to the said Matters, that it may be forthwith put in Execucon, both by you, and the neighbouring Tounes of Southold and Easthampton, to whom you are to send Copyes attested, and also to communicate this, not having Time to write to them, and unwilling to stay yo^r expresse Indian. Though I do not apprehend any Danger by the Indyans, yet there shall continue an armed Sloope to ply in the Sound that so, no ill Indyans may have Opportunityes to cross it at their Pleasure; which Sloope is intended to call at Southold and Easthampton, some Time the next Weeke. And if there should happen any Occasion, more Sloopes shall bee forthwith sent out, as the Matter may require, so that I hope none will have Cause to neglect their lawfull Occasions. Recommending you to bee vigilant, and that I may heare from you, upon all Occasions requiring it, I remaine,

Yo^r very loving friend,
E. Andross.

New Yorke, Sept.
the 18th, 1675.

[79]

Postscript.

It being Resolved, That the Indyans of the north and west Ridings of Long Island, shall (by Reason of their good Comport and the Season of the Yeare) have their Guns restored to them; you have likewise Liberty to do the same in yo^r Parts, unlesse you know any of yo^r Indians not fitt to bee trusted therewith, excepting Easthampton, and Shelter Island, who, having yo^r Contribucon to the Narrowgansett Indyans, are not to have them for the P’sent.

To Mr. John Topping,
Justice of the Peace,
and Capt. John Howell.
These at East Hampton.

[80]

The Governour’s Letter to Mr. Woodhull sent by the Indyan, Sept. 18, 1675.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 134.]

S^r

   I rec^d yo^rs of the 16^th the last Night, and am very well satisfyed of yo^r Care and Justice in Relation to y^e Indyans, who I finde have not misbehaved themselves, notwithstanding the great Noise, Jealousies and Apprehencons of them, so that the Cause and Instruments thereof ought to bee severely Punisht: However the Indyans to the Eastward, being still strong and active, I have issued forth the Proclamacon herewith sent, the better to satisfy all people’s Minds, particularly the Christians, and to keepe a Sloope armed in the Sound, that no ill Indyans may easily crosse it, and shall bee ready to send more upon any Occasion requiring it. I would advise you to be vigilant, though as yet no Cause of Feare, but to continue in being just and protecting yo^r Indians upon all Occasions.

Had you named those of yo^r Towne who you seeme to imply to bee troublesome, or exceed their [81]Bounds towards the Indyans, I would have taken such present Order in it as had been fitting: But you having sufficient Power as a Justice, I do not doubt but you will make Use of it as there is Occasion, and you see Cause.

I sent for Capt. Bayley, and the Offic^rs of more of the other Townes, (as well as Sachems of Long Island and Neighbourhood upon the Maine) have been w^th mee since my Returne, and all satisfyed and well.

I am,
Yo^r very loving ffriend,

[The same Postscript as in the previous Letter.]

[82]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 57.]

At a Councell, Sept^ber 28^th, 1675.

The Matter in Consultation was about a Letter brought by an Expresse from y^e Island Nantuckett, intimateing their Weaknesse, and great Strength of the Indyans, both on their Island, and Martin’s 1500 Indyans Men, Women and Children. Vineyard, not above 40 Men at y^e last, and 30 on y^e former, capable of bearing Armes. On Nantuckett y^e Indyan Men 5 or 600; not so many on Martin’s Vineyard.

They desire in their Letter a Couple of great Guns, and halfe a douzen Sould^rs. They pretend an ill Consequence may arrive upon the Indyans trayning in Armes upon Martin’s Vineyard.

Resolved, To send them each a great Gun at y^e two Islands of Nantucket and Martin’s Vineyard, and to each y^e Proclamation concerning y^e Indyans of keeping Watches, erecting Block Houses, &c.

[83]

Memorial of the Sachem of Montauk to the Governour.

[N. Y. Colonial MSS., xxiv, 157.]

Right Hon^rble.

   I and my Men understanding that y^r Hon^r was pleased to graunt Liberty to the other Indians to have their Guns restored to them, but a Restraint was imposed vpon vs the Montaakut Indians by Reason of some Complyance we have had w^th Nenccraft the Narbiggen Sachem, have sent this our Messenger w^th these few Lines, to intreat your Hon^rs Fauour towards yo^r poor Supplicants. Your Hon^r may vnderstand my Father and Grandfather haue stood always loyall to y^e English in y^e Pequot Warrs, now towards 40 Years since.... Forefather was a great Help to y^e English, haueing then this whole Island att his Command, and since then upon all Occasions manifested his Faithfulnes to the English; and if any Plots were att any Tyme against them, tymely discouered them; and this is known to many of the English yet alive. And concerning this Plot now on Foot against the English, [84]and yo^r Hon^r may be assured (for we speak it before God the Knower of all Hearts) that had we been in the least acquainted w^th any such Matter, we should haue discouered the same; and though of late Years we have held some Correspondency w^th Ninecraft, yo^r Hon^r may be assured it was onely w^th respect to our own Security, we being very weak and few in Numbers, and he being great, and having had wofull Experience of the great Desolation he made amongst us while we stood in Termes of Hostility against him. But this we vnderstanding is offensive to yo^r Hon^r we shall forbear for the Future, onely entreate yo^r Hon^r to take some speedy Course for our Security, that we may not be more hectr’d by the Narhegansits, for our Dependance is wholly upon yo^r Hon^r for Protection, as we hope yo^r Hon^r shall find us ever loyall Subjects to the King and Duke of Yorke, and to yo^r Hon^r and to all Authority under you.

Yo^r Hon^r may be pleased to take Notice, that 4 of our stoutest Men have been this Tyme of Warre w^th the English Captaines, and fought vnder them, and helped to doe some Execution vpon their Enemies, and had their free Liberty to returne Home, [85]being dismissed upon their Desire to retire to their Friends and Relatives, by the Govern^r at Boston. We leave our selues w^th yo^r Hon^r hopeing yo^r Hon^rs favourable Acceptation of vs. Now is the vsual Tyme of our Hunting, and to gett a litle Provision and some Skins for Cloathing, and if our humble Request herein may find a gracious Answer, we shall take it as a further Engagem^t to yo^r Hon^r and shall rest

Yo^r Hon^rs humble Servants,

Easthampton, Oct 5th, 1675.

In y^e Name and w^th the Consent of y^e Reste of y^e Indians at Montaukut.

[86]

Right Hon^able.

The Lines upon the other Side I wrote vpon the Desire of the Sachem and his Men. They are their own Words, and the Substance thereof they also had expressed before Mr. Backer, but since my writeing or them, w^ch was almost a Week since, I perceiue that deliuering up their Armes to the Indians doth not relish well w^th the English, especially since of late we h ... of the great Slaughter they haue made vp ... English in other Parts of the Country. I perceiue at Southampton y^e English are much troubled, the Indians haue their Armes, and I thinke it doth much disturbe y^e Spirits of those have them not. As for these Indians, for my owne Part I doe thinke they are as cordiall Friends to the English as any in y^e Country, and what is written by y^m and known by many to be y^e Truth, though God knows their Hearts as their Counsellor s^d. Yo^r Hon^rs Predecessor wrote severall Letters to me to stirre me vp about instructing the Indians in the Knowledge of God and his Religion, and that he would further and encourage the Busines, so farr as lay in his Power. I doe thinke if yo^r Hon^r [87]be pleased to sett in att this Tyme it may be a good Promotion of that Work w^ch as I have seen in severall Writeings of his most excellent Majesty y^e King his pious Desires expressed for y^e putting forward y^t Worke. But S^r I cease further to trouble your Hon^r att present, and for w^t y^e Indians have written I leave to yo^r Hon^rs Prudence to act for y^e Best, and rest w^th my humble Service to yo^r Hon^r and Hon^rs Counsell,

Yo^r Hon^rs humble Supplicant att
y^e Throne of Grace.
Tho. James.⁠[1]

Easthampton, Oct. 5th, 1675.

[88]

An Order to reinforce the Building of Block Houses.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 139.]

Whereas there issued forth a Proclamacon bearing Date the 16th 7ber last, for the keeping of Watches, and immediate making of Block Houses in the severall Townes upon Long Island and Dependences, for their gen^all Safety, and to bee a Retreat (upon all Occasions) for the Women and Children, and observe the said Proclamacon; and many from all Parts resorting to this Gen^all Court of Assizes, These are therefore, (by the Advice of my Councell) in his Ma^ties Name to require you, that forthw^th and w^thout Delay, you cause the said Proclamacon to bee fully put in Execucon, And that you give mee a psent Acco^t thereof, and how strong you keep y^e Watches in yo^r respective Townes. Hereof you are not to faile in any Particular, as you or any of you, will answer the Contrary at yo^r utmost Perills.

Given under my Hand in New Yorke, this 6th Day of October, in the 29th Yeare of his Mat^ies Reigne, Annoq. Domini 1675.

E. Andros.

[89]

Letter from Gov. Andros to the Deputy Governour of Connecticut.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 141.]

S^r

An Indyan under a P^rtence of ffriendship, telling and affirming very confidently, to one of this Place, That there is an extraordinary Confederacy between all the neighboring Indyans, and eastwards, (in w^ch yo^r pretended ffriends to bee included) and designed this light Moone, to attack Hartford itselfe, and some other Places about Greenw^ch, of which being informed this Morning, I have immediately despatched this, to give you Acco^t thereof, least there should bee some Thing in it, though not so much as they report, 5 or 6000 Indyans enjoyned together.

I am,
Yo^r humble Serv^t
E. Andross.

New Yorke, Octobr.
10^th, 1675.

[90]

Extract from the Minutes of a Court of Assizes.

[New York Colonial MSS., xxiv, 172.]

At a Gen^all Court of Assizes held in the City of New York [&c.] the 6th Day of Oct. 1675.

Upon the Governo^rs Receipt of a L^re from Governour Carteret⁠[1] in Court, all but the Bench were ordered to withdraw.

The Contents were a late Violence acted by some Indyans at the Nevesans,⁠[2] who plundered a Boat sent by him to trade, whereupon he hath issued forth a Proclamation to prohibit every one to carry Goods or trade w^th them, and desireth the like may bee done here.

It is ordered in like Manner that there bee no Trading with the Indyans at their Plantacons.

That the Law bee observed w^ch prohibits selling strong Liquo^rs to Indyans, Albany excepted.

[91]

The selling of Powder and Shott to the Indyans debated and put to the Vote.

Capt. Chambers,⁠[3] to be forbid to all but the Maques and Sinnekes.

Mr. Geo. Hall⁠[4] the like.

Mr. Cornell⁠[5] idem.

Mr. Topping,⁠[6] forbid to all except those that comport themselves well.

Mr. Pell,⁠[7] a Restraint for a Time.

All the Rest⁠[8] to continue as it is, w^ch is by farre the majo^r Vote.

That pursuant to the Law the Constables of the severall Tounes take Care no Powder or Lead bee sold to the Indyans, but by them as directed or their Consents.

[92]

The Proclamacon about the Block Houses, &c. approved of.

At a Court of Assizes Octob^r 11^th, 1675.

Vpon a Proposall whether it will not bee convenient at this Juncture of Time, of the Indyan Disturbance to the Eastward, to bring all Canoes on the north Side of Long Island to this Place, or to have them all destroyed, to prevent any Intercourse w^th the Indians on the Maine.

Or that the Canooes bee brought to the next Towne and secured by the Officers.

Resolved, That all Canooes whatsoever belonging to Christians or Indyans on the north Side of Long Island, to the East of Hell-Gate, shall within three Dayes after Publicacon hereof, bee brought to the next Townes and delivered into the Constables Custody, to bee laid up and secured by them, neare the Block House.

And that whatsoever Canooe shall be found upon the Sound after that Time bee destroyed.

And that the Indyans at Mr. Pells bee ordered [93]to remove within a ffortnight to their usuall Winter Quarters within Hell Gate upon this Island, during w^ch Time loaden Canooes which shall have Certificates from the Magistrates of the Place from whence they come, expressing whether they are going, shall bee permitted quietly to passe along the Shoare, except out of the Government, which in no Case is to be allowed.

[94]

A Proclamation about Canooes being laid up and secured by the Constables,⁠[1] &c.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 141.]

Whereas it hath been thought convenient, and it is ordered by the Gen^a11 Court of Assizes, at this present Juncture, That all Canooes whatsoever, belonging to Christians or Indyans, on the north Side of Long Island, to the East of Hell Gate, shall within three Days after the Publication hereof, bee brought to the next Tounes and delivered into the Constable’s Custody, to bee laid up and secured by them, near their Block Houses. And that what Canooes soever shall bee found upon the Sound after that Time, shall be destroyed: As also that the Indyans at Mr. Pell’s⁠[2] bee ordered to remove within a ffortnight, to their usuall Winter Quarters, w^thin Hell-Gate, upon this Island; During which Time all loaden Canoes which shall have Certificates from the Magistrates of the Place from whence they [95]came, expressing whether they are going, shall bee permitted quietly to passe along the Shoare, except into or out of the Government, which in no Case is to be alloued; These are in his Ma^ties Name to require a strict and due Observance of this Order from all Persons, as they and every of them will answer the Contrary at their utmost Perills.

Given under my Hand in N. Yorke, this 12^th Day of October, 1675.

E. Andross.

To all Magistrates, Constables, and
Overseers, or other his Ma^ties Officers,
and others whom it may concerne.

[96]

Order to disarm the Indians.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 142.]

Whereas there lately past an Ord^r of Councell, That by Reason of the good Comport of the Indyans, their Armes should be restored unto them, except those of Easthampton and Shelter Island, for the Reasons therein given, or such others as were not fitt to be trusted therew^th: The which hath in most Places beene attended: These are (notwithstanding the former Order) to empower and authorize Mr. John Topping, Justice of the Peace, and Capt. John Howell of Southampton, That as the Matter may require, and they shall see Occasion, They send for their Indyans and disarme them againe, yet w^thall, to afford them due Proteccon as formerly; ffor the doing whereof this shall bee your Warrant.

Given under my Hand in New Yorke this 14th Day of October, 1675.

E. Andross.

[97]

A Letter sent to Mr. Tapping about y^e Indians.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 143.]

New Yorke the 14^th October, 1675.

Mr. Justice Tapping:⁠[1]

   In Answer to some of your Lines, wherein you seem dissatisfyed at the delivering the Indyans Armes. Yourselfe nor Capt. Howell, nor yet the Constable and Overseers, not finding just Cause to detaine them longer, you have done well. And as for the other, you are of yourselves sufficiently authorized (upon any Occasion requiring it) either for the publicke Peace, or Safety, to call for or take from the said Indyans, or any other that shall happen to bee in yo^r Parts, All or Part of their Armes, or secure the Persons of any that shall, or indeavo^r to do Harme, or cause Disturbance; But are alwayes to do Justice, and protect the Good and Unconcerned, from

Yo^r affectionate ffriend,
E. Andros.

[98]

An Order sent to all the Townes within the Governm^t about reinforcing the Watch &c.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 143.]

Whereas notw^thstanding two severall Proclamacons or Ord^rs, the last of the 6^th Inst. strictly requiring and commanding all Townes and Villages within this Government (that have not before) forthw^th without Delay, to ffortify and make compleat, in some convenient Place, a block or palizadoed House, or Place for a Retreat to Women and Children, &c. and keeping good Watch and Ward, in their said Townes, and to make a present Returne thereof, unto mee: of which, having had no Account, and being credibly informed that most do neglect the due Execucon of Part of the said Proclamacon: These are in his Ma^ties Name to require you forthw^th to cause double and strict Watches to bee kept in your respective Townes; And yo^r Constable, or one of the Overseers, on Sight hereof, to repaire to mee, to give mee an Acco^t of yo^r Proceedings, and answering yo^r and yo^r Tounes Contempt, if you [99]have not obeyed every Part of the Proclamacon; Of which you are not to faile, as you will answer the Contrary at yo^r utmost Perills.

Given under my Hand in New Yorke, this 16^th Day of October, 1675,

[100]

A Letter to y^e Dep^ty Governo^r of Hartford.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 145.]

Gent.

   Last Night I received yo^rs of y^e 6^th Instant, and am as from the Beginning very sensible of, and much troubled at the Indyans continued Depradations and Successes, and Misery of our Countrymen in those Parts, and have endeavoured not to bee wanting in my Duty, though at the very first slighted and rejected. When I was at Albany, I took the Occasion on a Lett^r from Majo^r Pinchon⁠[1] to the Command^r and Comissaryes there to returne him an Answer myselfe, and of my Endeavo^rs, in [101]which I have been as carefull since as possible, but noe Answer.

The 10^th Inst. I gave you by Expresse an Acco^t of some Indian Newes, of their Designe on Hartford itselfe,⁠[2] &c. and immediately dispatched Capt. Brockholes my first Lievten^t to Albany with reiterated Orders to those Parts, for yo^r Advantage, as farr as I might, not having heard from you. But if you desire anything further, and please to send a fitt Parson, I shall be ready to doe what is fitt for mee, and serve you to my Power, being

Yo^r affectionate ffriend and
Humble Servant,
Edm^d Andros.

New Yorke, Octobr.
17^th, 1675.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] John Pynchon was perhaps more prominent in the public Service of Massachusetts than any other of the earlier Settlers upon the Connecticut River. He came to Springfield when but ten Years old, was a Magistrate fifty Years, and on almost every Commission and Committee, whose Duties he discharged with remarkable Ability and Success. He died in 1703, at the Age of seventy-six.

The Pynchon House, the first brick Structure in the Valley, was built in 1660, and torn down in 1831. Its Picture is preserved in the Seal of the City of Springfield.—Holland’s W. Mass., i, 44, 162.—Ed.

[2] See Letter of Oct. 10, 1675, ante, p. 89.—Ed.

[102]

A Letter to Capt. Brockholes at Albany.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 146.]

Capt. Brockholes:

I long much to have an Acco^t from you. Yesterday wee had the Newes of Springfield being burnt,⁠[1] and Indyan Strength in those Parts, which evinces the Necessity of yo^r being carefull in keeping good Guards.

[103]

I have nothing more to add to yo^r Instructions, but that you order Matters the best you can accordingly, and see that the Maques may see tis ffriendship, not Apprehension or Need of them, but for their Good; Hearing that they and the Sinnekes are inclinable to a Warre w^th the Indyans to the East, if soe, though they have not yet attack^t us, ’tis the Opinion of my Councell, that ’twere well the said Maques were rather encouraged than hindred; and you may lett them have a ffree Markett for Powder &c. as formerly, continued.

Pray remember mee to all w^th you. I hope my Brother, Knapton,⁠[2] Sharpe,⁠[3] &c. will bee here per first.

I am,
Yo^rs &c.
Edm^d Andross.

N. Y. Octbr. 19^th 1675.

[104]

Letter from the Governour to Esopus, &c.⁠[1]⁠

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 147.]

Gent:

I have just now received yo^rs of the 16^th Instant, and think you have done well to putt yourselves in a fitting Posture for all Events, and securing the Goods and Corne of yo^r out ffarmers, which is also done in these Parts, where all is quiet; but have a Rumour that Stanford Indyans are in Armes, but have done noe Harme. However its thought they have noe good Intent in it. I doe not know that I have any brasse Gunn of yours, but if you have Occasion shall notwithstanding bee ready to send you one or more such iron Gunns as are here, the least of which is a small Saker, and if I can will gett and fitt up a Petrara for Capt. Chambers, having none in the ffort ready, and the Sloope in hast not to loose their Tide. I am,

Yo^r affec^ate ffriend,
E. Andross.

N. Yorke, October 19, 1675.

[105]

An Order for Oyster Bay to fortify, &c.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 148.]

By the Governo^r:

Whereas I am informed that severall of the Inhabitants of Oyster Bay, notwithstanding the late Orders and Proclamacons, are still very backward in making up their ffortifications, These are by the Advice of my Councell, in his Ma^ties Name, to require all the Inhabitants in Gen^all, that with all Speed they apply themselves to finish the said Worke already begunn, only that it bee left to the Discretion of the Constable and Overseers to excuse such Persons as they shall think most proper, and may not bee a Hindrance to the setting forward soe needfull and publick a Work: Provided they bee such auncient Persons as have principally contributed to the House taken in within the said ffortificacon.

Given under my Hand in New Yorke this 19th Day of October, 1675.

E. Andross.

To the Constable and Overseers
of Oyster Bay.

[106]

An Order about selling Powder to the Indyans.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 151.]

Whereas there was at the City Hall an Order of the last Gen^all Court of Assizes, publisht the 12^th Instant, strictly prohibiting the Sale of Powder or Strong Drink to Indyans in any Part of Yorkshire, on Long Island, or Dependencyes, as p^r said Order; notwithstanding which some Persons think it doth not comprehend or is binding to the city Inhabitants; These are therefore by Advice of my Councell in his Ma^ties Name to require and command the strict Observance of said Order in this City in every Particular, under the Penaltyes therein expressed, at their utmost Perills.

Given under my Hand in New Yorke, this 12^th Day of October, 1675.

E. Andross.

[107]

An Order for the Inhabitants of Madd Nan’s Neck⁠[1] to make a Block House.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 153.]

By the Governour:

Whereas I am given to understand that notwithstanding the severall Orders for making of Block Houses, or some Place of Defence in each respective Toune upon Long Island and Dependencyes, the Inhabit^ts of yo^r Place have neither contributed any Help or Assistance towards the making of the Block House or Fortification at Hempstead, nor taken Care to make any for themselves; These are in his Ma^ties Name to require you, that forthwith and without Delay you make up some Fortification upon yo^r Neck of Land, and give mee an immediate Acco^t thereof by one from yo^r Neck, and Answer [108]of short Contempt, as you and every of you will answer the Contrary at yo^r utmost Perills.

Given under my Hand in New Yorke, y^e 21^th Day of October, 1675.

To the Deputy Constable at
Madd Nan’s Neck.

[109]

Letter from the Governour to the Constable of Harlem.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 153.]

Mr. Constable:

I have just now seen yo^rs of this Day, sent Expresse by W^m Palmer, of yo^r having stopt 10 or 12 Indyan Canoes with Women, Children, Corne, and Baggage, coming as they say from Westchester, and goeing to Wickers Creek,⁠[1] but not any Passe mentioned. Soe that you have done very well in stopping the said Indyans, and giving Notice thereof.

These are now to order all the said Indyans to stay in yo^r Toune, and that you send some of the chiefest of them to mee early to-morrow, and one of yo^r Overseers for further Orders; and that it may [110]bee the better effected you are to order them some convenient House or Barne to bee in, and draw up their Canooes until y^e Returne of them you shall send; And that you double yo^r Watch.

I am,
Yo^r loving Friend,
E. Andross.

N. Y. Octbr. y^e 21^th, 1675.

[111]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 65.]

At a Councell, Oct^ber 23^th, 1675.

A Letter from Mr. Leete, Dep. Govern^r of Conecticott about y^e Indyan Affaires and in Answer to y^e Governo^rs Letter of Intelligence to them, was read.

The Governo^r had another Letter of private Intelligence about y^e Indyans ill Intent upon Long Island.

Resolved, upon y^e said Indyan Intelligence of our Indyans being in Confederacy w^th the Narrogansett Indyans upon y^e Maine, and plotting Mischiefe, That all our said Indians on Long Island be forthwith disarmed.

The Armes to be delivered into y^e Constables Hands of y^e severall Touns, who may lend some few of them to such Indyans as they shall think may be [112]trusted, for their Hunting, w^th y^e Approbacon of y^e Justice of Peace, and where no Justice at Hand, of y^e chiefest military Officers of y^e Place.

That an Order be made hereupon for the putting of this in Execucon.

[113]

Letter to Mr. Wm. Leet, Deputy Governor of Connecticott, &c.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 155.]

Hon^ble S^r.

I have just now received yo^rs of y^e 19^th Instant, for w^ch this is only my Acknowledgment, having writt fully in my last, to which have nothing more to add; being ready if any Thing bee yet wanting to doe my Duty, and serve you to my Power.

I am,
Yo^r affec^ate humble Serv^t,
E. Andross.

To M^r. Leet, Dp^ty Governo^r
of Connecticot.

[114]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 66.]

At a Councell, Oct^ber 24^th, 1675.

Letters being brought from y^e Commissaryes of Albany by Mr. Knapton, who had been Commander there, concerning a Peace newly made or renewed by them at the ffort between y^e Maques and Mahycanders⁠[1] Indyans, though without Leave, it is ordered to be kept. It is likewise resolved, That there be at this Juncture, a Prohibicon of selling Powder and Lead to any Indyans whatsoever at Albany, unlesse it be to y^e Maques & Sinnekes, the same to be under y^e Penalty of one hundred [115]Guild^rs Beaver,⁠[2] for each Quart^r of a Pound,⁠[3] and so proporconably for more or lesse, or corporall Punishment extending to Life as the Case may require, except allowed by the Commander himselfe under his Hand, to some adjacent Mahycand^r Indyan well knowne to himselfe or Magistrates; the Quantity of one Quarter of a Pound for y^e present Hunting, or to some few such Indyans, who shall be knowne by them to be designed for y^e beaver Hunting who may by the said Command be allowed one Pound with Lead proportionable. This Prohibicon to continue for the Space of six Months after this Date.

It is also ordered and resolved, That y^e like Ord^r be sent up to Esopus, only the Alteration of [116] the Words (Mutatis Mutandis) instead of y^e Comander, the Justices or chiefe Officers to be inserted. Upon y^e Receite of a Letter from y^e Esopus, relating their great Apprehension of y^e Indyans.

It is resolved, That y^e Magistrates there be checkt for their needlesse Feares, and they are all ordered to keep at their usual Habitations and Places of Abode, both at y^e distant Villages and out Farmes, untill more apparent Cause to y^e Contrary.

Ordered, That y^e Magistrates doe give a present Acc^t what is meant by the Indyans offering to deliver up y^e Articles made betweene Coll. Nicolls and them, and who spake of it first, whether private Persons amongst the Indyans, or Sachems. The Agreement in y^e said Article sett forth having been renewed with those Indyans, this very Spring, and themselves having no Authority to alter or make either Peace or Warre, nor to treate of either in y^e least, but to do their Dutyes in continuing Things as they are.

[117]

Letter to Mr. Baker of East Hampton.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 156.]

Mr. Baker.

I have just now received yo^rs of y^e 24^th of yo^r Indyans friendly Intelligence and Declaracons of their good Wills and constant ffriendshipp w^ch I shall also acknowledge upon all Occasions, and may assure them that if any Disturbance shall happen to the Eastward, or any other against the Governm^t soe long as they continue thus they shall be sure of Protection, and need not feare.

But I finde no Cause or Likelyhood of their Intelligence w^ch I rather believe the ffancyes of some disaffected Indyans who would gladly have it soe, for I have not heard of one English Man killed, much less 12, which could not have been concealed, nor is there nor hath been for some Years one Indyan belonging to Staten Island, and those towards Achter Cull⁠[1] are now as friendly as ever. However wee, as you know, are upon our Guard, and upon some Intelligence of the Rockaway and Masha-Peage⁠[2] [118]Indyans Plotting have againe disordered them, and see rather lesse Cause of apprehending Troubles this Way than when you were here, but would have all Watches continued, and see none neglect their Occasions abroad as well as at Home.

If any Troubles should happen, you have by yo^r Commissions, and Places of Peace and Militia sufficient Power to call before you, disarm and committ any that shall goe about, or (you suspect) would break the King’s Peace, not only Indyans but Christians, and if any resist to make Use of all the fforce of yo^r Towne to reduce them. Pray doth you and Southampton send daily to see yo^r Indyans in their Plantacons, and then unlesse you discover very good Cause, bee not at all alarm’d to hinder (as above) any yo^r Occasions.

I am,
Yo^r affectionate Friend,
E. Andros.

N. Yorke, 27th October, 1675.

[119]

Letter from the Governour to Mr. Hicks.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 156.]

Mr. Hicks.⁠[1]

I have just now received yo^rs dated yesterday, of yo^r Indyans having brought in their Armes, and ffriendlynesse, which is well, and think may lend them as many back as you judge proper for their present Hunting, without any Apprehension from them however that those of Hempstead omitt not sending daily to see them according to order.

The Letter from the Eastwards is Mr. Justice Bakers of East Hampton, occasioned upon Rumo^rs from these Parts for which I can see noe Ground.

I am,
Yo^r affec^ate Friend,
E. Andross.

N. Yorke, y^e 27^th, Octbr. 1675.

[120]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 68.]

At a Councell, Nov^ber 8^th, 1675.

The Matter under Consideracon was upon Occasion of Nehemiah Peirce and James Pennymans being sent downe from Albany by Capt. Brockholes, upon Suspicon of writing false Storyes to Boston.

Nehemiah Peirce being first examined saith, That he never hath writt to Boston of Powder sold to y^e Indyans to y^e Eastward, nor knows of any, but on the Contrary, having heard from y^e Command^r y^t whosoever should sell any Powder to them if it could be discovered, y^e Person or Persons offending should be severely punisht. He saith y^t hereupon he did forewarne many thereof as he had Oppertunity, and had watch^t some whom hee did suspect, but never could meet with any Powder so sold.

[121]

Withall being demanded if he had not sold Powder himselfe, he saith yes, that he did sell some few Barrells, being all that he had, but it was to y^e Christians.

The said Peirce is ordered to be dismist he giving Security to make his Appearance when called for, or to give Notice if he shall have Occasion to depart y^e Governm^t before a Returne from Boston about this Matter, from whence if nothing materiall shall come against him as to this Businesse, within three Months, then to be totally discharged and cleare.

James Pennyman being examined saith, that he knoweth no more, than what he hath set down in a Paper which he delivered in, it being a Recitalle of y^e Contents of a Letter to his Wife at Boston, which is as followeth, viz^t:

The said Pennyman was hereupon ordered to find Security for his good Behaviour, and to make his Appearance when called for.

[124]

Letter to the Governour of Maryland.⁠[1]⁠

[Orders, Warrants, Letters, &c., iii, 164.]

Right Hon^ble.

I have received yo^rs of the 4^th past, of your Progresse against the Indyans, which I wish may have ended it, but am sorry the Susquehannas were concerned, having allwayes (as the Maques to this) had the Repute of being perfect ffriends to the Christians, particularly Maryland; and being Offsprings of the Maques, though by the Sinnekes engaged in Warre, and the Indyans to the Eastward, soe great Successes in Plymouth and Massachusetts Colonyes having engaged all others their Neighbo^rs and endeavoring by all Meanes of Command and Profitt to engage the Maques and sent to all other Parts as farre as Canada, w^ch New England think doe supply their said Enemyes, and all our Indyans as farre as Delaware, thought only to wait Opportunityes.

There only remaines firme the Maques and by their Meanes the Sinnekes, which as seated are most [125]able to do Good or Harme and too farre and particularly the Sinnekes, if they fall off to bee forced.

I here send you an Abstract of a Letter sent from the Commander at Albany, relating to some Particulars (writte by y^e Jesuite among the Maques), by which you may see his Sence, though I think him in a great Measure mistaken, but of myselfe can doe more than I have already.

I heare that all New England have joyned a very great Force to fall on the Narragansett Indians, the Event whereof (w^ch I hope good) will very much influence Things, and conduce to the Future or next Yeares Action, which is all in Addition to mine of y^e 21^th of October last.

Soe remaine
Yo^r very humble Serv^t,
E. Andross.

N. Yorke, Decem. 10^th, 1675.

[126]

A Speciall Warrant sent to Huntington to Demand the Indyans Armes of Rockaway and Seaquatalke, who are to Kintecoy there.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 189.]

By the Governo^r:

Whereas I am informed that several Indyans at Rockaway, Unchechauge and Parts adjacent, are in a few Dayes to have a great Kintecoy⁠[1] at Seaquetalke, which being unusuall at this Time of Yeare, is at this Juncture in no Case to be neglected; And [127]therefore (by the Advice of my Councell) you are in his Ma^ties Name hereby required upon Notice of the Time or Day the said Indyans Kintecoy is to bee, with six or more Men, not exceeding ten (as you shall judge fitt to bring Home their Armes) to repaire to Seaquatalke or Place where the above Kintecoy shall bee, sending two Men a little before, to give them Notice of your coming (that they bee not scared at your Arrivall) to informe yourselfe of what Indyans are there, and demand their Armes; which having rec^d to warne and command them to separate, and each to repaire to their proper Place of Abode, and for the Future to forbear appointing or coming to any such public Meetings, or Kintecoyes, w^thout speciall Leave, and to bring away with you all their said Armes, w^ch you are safely to lay up and keepe in your Towne, till further Order. But in Case the above Indyans should happen to be refractory, and refuse to deliver their Armes, you are (having taken the best Acco^t or Notice you can from whence they are, their Number, &c.), to warne and command all their Sagamacks, w^thout Delay, to repaire to mee at this Place, and all other Indyans Home, and so leave them. At yo^r Return, [128]you are immediately to give mee a particular Acc^t of yo^r Proceedings, according to the aboue; of which you are not to faile, as you will answer the Contrary at your Perills. And for so doing this shall bee to you, and every of you, a sufficient Warrant.

Given under my Hand and Seale in New Yorke, this 13^th Day of December, 1675.

To the Constable or chiefe Overseer
of Huntington.

[129]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 74.]

At a Councell, Decem^r 22^th, 1675.

Ordered that a Letter be writt to y^e Governour of Roade Island, upon News or Report that a Vessell designed or bound for this Port, is stopt at that Island upon Acc^t of having Powder and Armes in her.

That Copies be likewise sent of the Orders for Prohibicon of Powder at Albany to be sold to the Indyans.

[130]

Letter to the Governour of Rhode Island.⁠[1]⁠

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 169.]

Decem. 22^th, 1675.

Hon^ble S^r.

This is by a Sloope bound to yo^r Parts not to omitt noe good Opportunity, though there bee nothing new, but that I heare you have stopped a Vessel bound to this Place, on Acc^t of some Powder and Armes in her, which (as represented) would not only reflect on mee, and all the Magistrates of this Government, but also on his Royall Highnesse and the King himselfe, whose Commissions I have. And therefore as I have endeavoured to do my Duty, and (un-asked) to serve my Neighbours, particularly yo^r Colony from the Beginning of the Indyan Troubles, &c., Sale of Powder to Indyans being soe strictly forbidden here, I cannot give Creditt to this Report, not having heard from yo^r selfe or Colony of it, which I am confident I should, yet being told mee by sufficient Men, I pray I may. [131]And if any such Thing bee, whether you have any Orders from the King to stop any of his Ma^ties Subjects, Vessells or Goods coming to these Parts and you^l oblige,

Yo^r humble Servant,

[132]

The Governour of Rhode Island to the Governour and Councell of Boston.

[New York Colonial MSS., xxv, p. 67.]

The Governo^r and Councell of y^e Mathacusetts and Comissioners of y^e Vnited Collonies writing to us do give vs Thanks for transporting their Sould^rs and P^rvision and y^t our Sloops transported their Wounded and desired vs to lett out 100 or 200 Souldiers answering you denying so to doe and gave your Grounds. This was our Postcript.

Friends, Since our writing y^e aboue said to you is come to our Hands, certain printed Lawes or Orders of y^e 3^th Nouemb^r 1675⁠[1] set forth by y^e [133]Authority of yor Generall Assembly of y^e Matathusetts your Secretaries Hand being to y^m wherein you say you haue apostated from y^e Lord with a great Backsliding: To w^ch I do consent so great hardly to be paralleled, all Things considered, we were a People p^rfessing y^e Feare of y^e Lord in England against Bishops and Ceremonies in tender Loue to all y^t pfessed Godliness, and so departed from y^e Land of our Nativity, declaring y^e Ground of our Removall into New England, viz: to seek out a Place for our Brethren where we might enjoy y^e Liberty of our Consciences y^t y^e Sons of Wickedness might vex vs noe more, as was y^ri⁠[2] publikely preached and declared.

2^dly ... For y^e P^rpagating of y^e Gospel converting y^e Indians &c:

3^dly ... That we might enjoy such as preached y^e Gospell (y^e Power of God to Salvation) for y^e Bishops did yⁿ Silence our best Ministers these and others in 1630 was printed and dispersed both in England and Holland w^ch I haue by me in Print, y^e Governo^r and Deputy Governo^r and Assistants Hands being to it, my selfe and Simon Broadstreet [134]being two of y^e yⁿ Assistants our Hands is to it, I haue y^m at large in Print to be seene.

How well this hath bin performed by you, let your printed Lawes declare, and this amongst y^e Rest our Houses are now open to receive your Wounded and all in Distress, we have p^rpared an Hospitall for yors, but you a House of Correction for all y^t repaire to our Meetings, is this soe do as you would be done by? Your Ministers with us have not been molested, ours with you have been persecuted,⁠[3] is this a Time for you to establish Iniquity by a Law,—will not y^e Lord be avenged on such a Nation as this y^t set vp Ministers y^t are not so made Ministers by yo^r Power of and endless Life, but of y^e Letter y^t kills but not y^e Spirit y^t giues Life and a Worship, y^t is not in Spirit and Truth, set by Christ aboue 1600 Yeares agoe; we cannot come to you, but depart from o^r Lord as you haue done, therefore desiring your returne to y^e Power y^t made you y^e true Light y^t is in you.

This is written to you by one who aboue 45 [135]Yeares past was one of you and now is one y^t desires your true Good both eternall and temporall as I did when I was with you, and am,

Yours in true Loue,
Wm. Coddington,
Gouerno^r.

Rhoad Island, January
y^e 9^th, 167^5/6.
Vera Copia.

[136]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 81.]

At a Councell, Jan^y 17^th, 1675.⁠[1]

Resolved to write to y^e Governo^r of Boston, to vindicate this Governm^t from an Aspersion in a printed Paper of Decem^r the 7^th last past, wherein they sett forth, that Philip in his Flight was supplyde with Ammunition from Albany whereby he was enabled to prosecute his bloody Designe against y^e English.

That it be despatched by an Expresse w^th the first Convenience.

Resolved, That there be a civill Letter of Thanks sent to y^e Govern^r of Roade Island, in Answer to his two last to y^e Governo^r and a nearer Correspondence accepted and concluded, in y^e best Manner for y^e Preservacon of both Colonyes, according [137]to y^e Extent of their Patents, from all Invasions or Encroachments on them and particularly to accept of a Mediation to compose y^e Difference betwixt them and the neighbouring Colonyes concerning y^e Narragansett Country and other Territoryes upon y^e Maine, all which Treatys to be privately managed by y^e Person or Persons, who shall carry the Letter to Boston, who shall have a Letter of Creditt and Instructions to that Purpose.

Resolved to let y^e Governo^r of Roade Island know, that any in their Parts driven by the Indyans from their Habitacons or Plantations, shall be welcome here and have Land assigned them upon this, Long Island or Staten Island.

And to take away all Apprehensions from our present Inhabitants, or such as shall come hither, it is likewise ordered, That all o^r Indyans on Long Island not yet disarmed, viz^t Sequetauke, Seatauque, Unchechauge and Southampton, be forthwith disarmed, as y^e others upon y^e Island already are, and no Indyan there to be permitted to have any fire Arms in any Case during y^e present Troubles.

[138]

An Order for all Indyans on Long Island to be disarmed, in this Juncture of the Warre, and that none ramble from Place to Place, &c.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 174.]

By the Governour:

Whereas I am informed from several Townes and Places on Long Island, of the general Apprehensions of the People concerning any our Indyans being armed at this Juncture, for w^ch though I hope there is noe Cause, however by the Advice of my Councell I have ordered that all Indyans on Long Island that have by the Favour of the Townes (as allowed) their Armes still entrusted to them bee forthwith disarmed, and the said Armes according to former Order to be safely laid up and kept in or near the Block House or ffortification in the severall Townes: And that all Indyans have Notice not to ramble or goe from Place to Place out of the Bounds they live in without a Certificate from y^e Magistrate or Constable to be showed to the like Officers at [139]their Arrivall where they goe, and have Leave to stay: But all Justice to be shewed to them according to Law and Orders of y^e Court of Assizes, and concerning ffortification. This Order to bee forthwith effectually put in Execution, and a due Returne made to mee thereof by the severall Townes in whose Precincts any Indyans live by the first Opportunity or Expresse, if Occasion: Of which none to faile as they will Answer the Default at their utmost Perills.

Given under my Hand in New Yorke y^e 24th Day of January, in the 27th Yeare of his Ma^ties Reigne, Annoq D^mi 1675.⁠[1]⁠

E. Andros.

To the Justices of the Peace, Military Officers,
Constables and Overseers of Southampton, &c.

[The like sent to all the Towns on Long Island.]

[140]

Mr. Stanton about Indyan News.

[New York Colonial MSS., xxv, 77.]

These may certifie all whome it may conserne that the Pecoites⁠[1] Indians haue bene out with the English against the Naragansits and haue aproued themselues uery faithfull to our English Interest the Enemy fled before the Army and in the Pursute these Pequets Indians did uery good Serues: we slewe in all neere about fouer score Persons and followed them neare about thre score and ten Mille the Enemies hauing Noties of our Armyes aproaching the Sechems fleed and their Wimen and Children and lefte sixtye Patomtook Indians three hundred fitteing Men to way lay the Army by the Ambuscadoes weare by the Prouidence of God timely discovered by our Endyins. They wounded fiue English Men in the Rear of the Army after they weare beaten in the Fronte by our English and our Endyans. We slew at that Time fiue of the Uplanders and kiled on of there chefe Captaines and [141]the same Day took y^e Towne and layed there all Night, the next Day burned the Towne and then marched to the Metropolitente Place and found it deserted so fired nere fiue hundred Widgwames. This Scalpe cared by the Bearer was a Endyon of greate Accounte and was taken with 25 Persones more by the Pecoites Indyons upon their returning Home after they parted with the English ... and his Men killed two Men nere Noradg and took away a Boy alive this 6 Febrery. This is short but ... in large.

Febr’y 9: 1675.⁠[2]⁠

Your loving Friend,

[142]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 85.]

At a Consultation held Feb^y 24^th, 1675.⁠[1]

Mr. Matthias Nicolls, and Mr. Samuell Leete, being returned from Boston, and having brought a Letter from y^e Governor and Councell there to y^e Governor, which was not satisfactory.

Resolved, That for y^e Present no further Application be made to y^e Government of Boston.

[143]

The Examination of Tho. Warner, that had been a Prisoner with the Indians.

Feb. 25, 1675.⁠[1]

[New York Colonial MSS., xxv, 81.]

Thomas Warner one of the two that came downe from Albany and had beene Prison^r w^th y^e Indyans who arrived here this Morne, being examined, saith, that he was one of y^e Psons that being sent out from Hatfield⁠[2] where the English Army lay, to discover [144]the Enemy, but a Party of Indyans way layd them, and shott downe 5 of their Company, and tooke 3 of which he and his Comrade are two, the 3^d they put to death, the 9^th was an Indyan that came with them, and escap’t away.

That the Indyans lay still two Dayes after they were taken, and then a Party of about 30 with whom he was march’t to a River to the north east from thence about 80 Miles called Oasuck, where about a Fortnight after the Rest of the Army came to them, having in the meane Time burnt two Townes: They kill’d one of the Prisone^rs presently after they had taken him, cutting a Hole below his Breast out of which they pull’d his Gutts, and then cutt off his Head.

That they putt him so to Death in the Presence of him and his Comrade, and threatened them also with the like.

That they burnt his Nayles, and put his Feet to scald them ag^st the Fire, and drove a Stake through one of his Feet to pin him to the Ground. The Stake about the Bignesse of his Finger, this was about 2 Days after hee was taken. They continued at Oasmuk sending out p’ys severall Days and that [145]about 5 Weeks agoe at one of their Meetings he saw 2100 Indyans all fighting Men, [of?] which 5 or 600 French Indyans, with Strawes in their Noses.

When hee was taken the p^ty were ab^t 600 Indyans.

That the Riuer Indyans rec^d those Indyans kindly, furnish’t them with Provisions, and some of those Indyans were with them that ... him.

That there were 5 or 600 of the Indyans with Strawes in their Noses, which they called the French Indyans.

That hee was made to tell the Number by y^e Indyans themselves, which hee did 3 Times over.

That there were most young Men, the oldest not 40 Years old.

That they were supplyed with Powder from ... French Indyans.

That they s^d their Designe was in y^e Spring to goe to Hadley, Hartford &c. and Conecticut Col., and having destroyed them to goe to Boston y^e ... and then after that they would destroy y^e Dutch, &c., but the French and ...

[146]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 85.]

At a Councell, Feb. 26^th, 167^5/6.

Upon reading Governo^r Coddington’s Letter, and Consideracons of other Letters, and Returnes of Messages from other Colonyes,

Resolved, That it is not adviseable at this Juncture to make any Application, or send any friendly Message to y^e North Indyans, but if they apply themselves not refuse hearing of them.

The other Colonyes, viz^t y^e Massachusetts Connecticott and Plimouth principally engaged in y^e Warre, not having made us acquainted with their Concernes, and some of them slighted our friendly Tenders, to continue our Endeavors as Christians and y^e King’s Subjects, for y^e Good of this Government without farther Application to the said Colonyes.

[147]

Resolved, That y^e Governo^r goe forthwith to Albany to settle Matters there, it being of very great Import.

That y^e Wickerscreeke Indyans, if they desire it, be admitted with their Wives and Children to plant upon this Island but nowhere else if they remove, and y^t it be upon y^e north Point of y^e Island neare Spiting Devill. The s^d Indyans to be protected comporting themselves as they ought, and all our other Indyans round, doeing y^e like to be assured of Protection.

That a Letter be written to y^e Governo^r of Roade Island to acquaint him w^th y^e Governo^rs going up to Albany to take Order there, having Notice of y^e Maques Indyans being moved in a warrelike Manner against y^e North Indyans. That y^e Governo^r hath not Time to write now in Answer to y^e Particulars of his Letter, but shall have all due Regard to them, of w^ch he shall give him an Acc^tt at his Returne.

[148]

The Governour’s Order to Lieut. Teunise to demand Christian Prisoners of the Indians.

[New York Colonial MSS., xxv, p. 88.]

By the Governour:

You are hereby authorized and required, with the Indian Guide ordered w^t you, forthwith to goe eastward, to the furthest Part of the Goverm^t or as farr as Coneticut River, to finde out Philep or other North Indians, lately within this Governm^t, and lett him or other Sachems or Commanders in Chief know; y^t haveing heard of there being in warlike Posture, intruded and brought some Christian Prisoners in our Parts, I have therefore sent you to demand the said Christian Prisoners, brought by them vnto this Governm^t and to command and forewarne them, from, or returning into any Pairt of the Government or Confines.

If they should be divided into severall Partyes or Parts, you are then as you see Cause and have Opportunity, to goe to each, but to make no [149]longer Stay, in any, than to deliver your Message, and receive such Prisoners as they shall deliver and refresh and rest yourself, and without Delay to return and make the best of your Way to me.

Given under my Hand and Seall in Albany, the 4^th March, 167^5/6.

To Gerrit Teunise,
L^t to Capt. Volkert.

Agrees w^th y^e Principall was signed,

Quod Attestor R. Livingston.

[150]

Order to Confine William Loveridge.

[New York Colonial MSS., xxv, p. 90.]

Copia Vera.

By the Governour:

Whereas Mr. W^m. Loveridge did 2d Instant afore me Magistrates and cheef Officers of these Pairts, alleadge and confidently affirm that the North Indians have been lately now this last Winter, supplyed by the (Dutch as he termed them) Inhabitants of this Place with Ammunition, notwithstanding the Law and strict Prohibicon; but could not make it appear by any Evidence, or Circumstance, or named any Persone, whatever, he could suspect, and therefore was committed, and not haveing yett, and it being a generall Imputation and Reflexion, you are in his Maj: Name, further ordered; still to keep the said W^m Loveredge, untill he give sufficient Security, at the Secretary, or Clerks Office, to answere y^e same, at the next generall Court of Assizes, and to be in the mean Time of good Behavior, [151]for which this shall be your sufficient Warrant.

Given under my Hand in Albany this 11^th Day of March 167^5/6

Was signed
E. Andross.

To M^r Michel Suton, Sheriffe
or Scout in Albany.

This is a true Coppy examined by me,
Ro: Livingston, Secr.

[152]

An Order made at Albany about selling of Powder to the Indyans there.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 223.]

By the Governour.

Whereas I did in October last past, limite the Sale of Powder in these Parts to be observed, but the Mahikanders coming now to live among us, and nearer to this Place, I do hereby allow and order that the Commander, or two of the Magistrates, may and do, from Time to Time, permitt such Mahikanders as are already, or shall come to live by us, as above, to buy and bee supplyd with Powder for their necessary Occasions, not exceeding 1-4 of a Pound at a Time as pr said Order which Leave or Permitts to bee writt and given out either to Indyans or Christians for them, by the Secretary or Towne Clarke ex officio gratis.

Given under my Hand in Albany, this 27^th March 1676.

E. Andross.

[153]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 87.]

At a Councell, Aprill y^e 4^th, 1676.

The Governour returning yesterday from Albany he was pleased to shew to the Councell severall Papers of the Proceedings above between his Hono^r and the Maques Indyans, together with a Relation of the Message sent to the North Indyans.

Resolved, That y^e Wickersecreeke and Long Island Indyans have speedy Notice of y^e Governo^rs Arrivall, that they may bee spoke with.

[154]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 87.]

At a Councell, Aprill y^e 8^th, 1676.

Ordered, That all Boates and Vessells that pass through Hell Gate do take a Permitt from y^e Custom House by Reason of y^e Indian Troubles, which Permitt (unlesse for Merchandize) to be given Gratis and with all Dispatch.

[155]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 90.]

Aprill y^e 10^th, 1676.

There was a Meeting of the Governo^r and Councell in the Morning upon Occasion of the Arrivall of M^r Samuell Willis and M^r Will^m Pitkin with a Letter from the Councell of Connecticott; The Letter being read, it was not adjudged that the Gentlemen menconed therein were authorized further than in Complement or for Advice. Thereupon they produced their Instructions and read them, but no further Authority appearing, the Governo^r proposed to them to deliver their Minds in writeing, to y^e which he would likewise returne them Answer in writeing.

Afternoone, Mr. Willis and Mr. Pitkin delivered in their Proposalls in writeing. To the which after a Consultacon of the Governo^r and Councell, together with the Mayor and Aldermen, an Answer was made; and publikely read to the Connecticott Gentlemen, y^e Governo^r and Councell, with the [156]Mayor and Aldermen being together, and divers Merchants and other Strangers admitted to bee present.

Ordered, That a faire Copy of what was read be given to the Gentlemen as an Answer both to the Letter and Proposalls.

The Tenour as follows.

[158]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 93.]

At a Councell Apr. 23^d, 1676.

Before Noone.

The Matter under Consideracon was y^e Receit of two Letters, the one from Councell of Boston the other from the Councell of Connecticut in answer to what was sent by M^r. Willis and M^r. Pitkin.

Neither of them being plaine or satisfactory, the Returne of an Answer was put off till afternoon.

After Noone.

The Mayo^r being also present with the Governo^r and Councell, it was concluded that an Answer should be sent by M^r. Daniell Burre (who brought the Letter from Connecticutt) by Word of Mouth. To the Effect hereafter written, viz^t:

Resolved, That the Letter of the 18^th Instant from the Councell of Connecticutt, being only gen^rall and as formerly no suiteable Returnes, nor [159]any Trust reposed, it requires no Answer, but shall continue our Duty without intrenching on our Neighbours.

That an Answer be likewise sent by Word of Mouth for the present to Boston, by M^r. Richard Pattershall, who is upon his Departure. The which was accordingly done, but with all Civility.

[160]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 94.]

At a Councell, May 5^th, 1676.

Newes being brought from Roade Island by Mr. Joseph Carpenter, of the great Number of People flockt thither from their Habitations destroyed by the Indyans, insomuch that the Inhabitants are very much straitened by their Numbers, and will quickly want Provisions.

It being proposed whether not convenient at this Juncture to send a Sloope thither to offer them Transportation into this Colony, where they may have Lands assigned them.

Ordered, That the Governours Sloope being ready, bee forthwith sent to Rhode Island with Directions to bring as many Passengers as may bee, and that the Sloopes belonging to Luycas and [161]Christian now bound for Boston, do call there likewise in coming back, and any other Sloopes to hasten thither, and take in such Passengers as are willing to come.

Ordered, That upon this extraordinary Occasion of the Warre, and other late Intelligences, the severall Townes upon Long Island be sent to, to represent the same unto the Inhabitants in order to a Levy, and to know what they will give towards a Supply.

[162]

Orders sent to the Townes of the West and North Ridings, by Capt. William Dyre, May 8th, 1676.

[Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 193.]

Mr. Constable and Overseers:

The Warre continuing eastward, in the Manner it is, of w^ch daily sad Tidings, I am now necessitated to represent to you and the whole Government, and how necessary it is to make a more than ordinary Provision, to prevent the like Miseryes, ffor which, having already been at a greater Expence then his Royall Highnesse Revenue in this Place: I pray you’l take it into yo^r p’sent Consideracons to agree and order such a suitable Supply for yo^r Towne, as may be proper, for so an extraordinary Occasion, and that it bee in the Nature of a Rate, designing to bee received in the same Manner and accompted for to the Countrey at the Gen^all Court of Assizes.

I am,
Yo^r affectionate ffriend,
E. Andros.

[163]

This is by Cap^t William Dyre, who is ordered to receive and bring yo^r Result.

M.[atthias] N[icolls,] Secr.

Warrants were issued May 13^th to the Constables and Overseers of Hempstead and Flatlands, to appear and answer for Neglect of the above Orders.

[164]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 97.]

At a Councell, May 23^d, 1676.

The Matter under Consideracon was about a Letter to be writt to y^e Governour and Councell of Boston, in answer to theirs of Aprill y^e fifth.

The Letter being read was approved of, and ordered to be sent by Mr. Mayor, hee being bound for Boston.

At a Councell, May 28^th, 1676.

Upon the Arrivall of the Governo^rs Sloope from Rhode Island, severall Letters comeing to his Hono^r [165]from thence, Martins Vineyard, and Nantuckett, relateing to their present Condicon and the Report and Probability of Boston, makeing a Peace with the North Indyans, upon their own Account alone; Resolved, That Endeavours be made to putt a Stop to the Maques farther prosecuting the North Indyans.

That an Order be issued forth for the Redelivery of the Indyans Armes upon Long Island.

At a Councill May y^e 29^th, 1676.

Whereas, being in Peace we have upon Acc^t of our Neighbours Warre, disarmed all our Indyans upon Long Island, and prohibitted all Canooes from goeing in the Sound, neither of which our Neighbours have as yett done, and finding no Cause to continue the same; but rather the Contrary by our Indyans good Comport, these are therefore to signify the same unto you, and that you may and are at Liberty to redeliver all Arms taken from your Indyans, unlesse you see or know Cause to the Contrary: In which Case you are to detayne them and signify the same unto the Governo^r. But [166]in either Case to continue carefull Watch and Ward according to former Orders.

To the Justices of the Peace, Constables, and Overseers of any of the Townes upon Long Island.

Upon Application of Mr. John Pell (one of the Justices of the Peace,) concerning the Indyans living upon his Land at Anne Hookes Neck, using their Canooes, contrary to the Order of the Court of Assizes, presumeing so to doe for that y^e Indians upon Long Neck (neare Stamford in y^e neighbour Colony) have theirs, and never forbidden them, though in Warre. Ordered, That Mr. Pell do make Enquiry of the Truth thereof and give an Account of itt hither. In meane Time upon his Request, the Indians upon his Land are to have Liberty to make Use of three Canooes about their Occasions, and if the Justice upon Enquiry do find it practised as is alleaged, upon his making his Returne thereof to y^e Governour, then they are to have all their Canooes returned them againe.

Ordered, That all North Indyans that will come in, may be protected, and a Stop to be put to the Maques further prosecuting s^d North Indyans.

[167]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 101.]

At a Councell May 30^th, 1676.

Resolved, The Governo^r being intended for Albany the next Weeke and Capt. Tho. Delavall being now goeing up, that he be desired and authorized as soon as hee arrives there, to communicate it to Serj^t Sharpe the present Command^r and with said Sharpe, by Means of Arnold the Interpreter, send Word to the Maques and Sinnekes of y^e Governo^rs said Coming, and that he desires and orders that some of them will meet him there, and particularly Carriconty. The said Message to be sent by a Maques from Albany, who is to be well paid, and no further Mencon to any others, or Talke thereof at Albany: Also to send Word by some good Mahicander eastward (who is likewise to be rewarded) that all Indyans that will come in and submit, shall bee received to live under the Protection of the Government, and that the Governo^r will bee there as afore, where any of them may freely come and [168]speake with him, and returne againe as they see Cause without Molestation.

Memorand^m. That the ffrench do receive North Indyans under their Protection, and its said that five hundred of them are already there.⁠[1]⁠

That the Governm^t of Conecticutt hath likewise made an Order, at their late Gen^rall Court, that any Indyans that will come in shall be received, have Land assigned them, and be protected under their Government.

[169]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 103.]

At a Meeting of the Councell in the Absence
of the Governour, June 10, 1676.

Mr. Pell having upon Enquiry made Returne that it hath been and still is practised by y^e Indyans on Long Neck, &c., to have their Canooes, the following Order was made.

The Wyckerscreeke Indyans having made Suite to the Governo^r that the Restraint of their going into and passing to and fro in y^e Sound in Canooes may be taken off, in regard to their planting on Mr. Pells Land at Anne Hoockes Neck⁠[1] or y^e Islands adjacent; Upon Consideration of their good Comport, and also for that y^e Indyans in the neighbour Colony of Conecticutt have hitherto beene, and are [170]now permitted the Use of their Canooes, it is Ordered, That our said Indyans of Wickerscreeke have Liberty to make Use of their Canooes, in the Sound, or any other Part within the Government, Long Island excepted.

[171]

Council Minutes.

[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 104.]

At a Councell, July 26, 1676.

A Letter being brought from the Governo^r and Councell of Conecticott, giving Notice of the North Indians tending towards Hudsons River,

An Answer was sent to it, declaring y^e Improbability of what was suggested by them.

[172]
[173]

Record of a Court Martial
HELD AT
Newport, R. I. in August, 1676,

FOR THE
Trial of Indians charged with being engaged
in Philip’s Designs.⁠[1]

Newport, August 24^th, 1676.

The Names of the Members of the Court Martiall.

Mr. Walter Clarke, Governour,
Major John Crayton, Dept. Governour,
Mr. John Coggeshall, Assistant,
Mr. James Barker, Assistant,
[174] Mr. John Easton, Assistant,
Mr. William Harris, Assistant,
Capt. Arthur ffenner, Assistant,
Mr. Thomas Borden, Assistant,
Mr. Joshua Coggeshall, Assistant,
Mr. William Cadman, Assistant,
Capt. Randall Houlden, Assistant,
Mr. Samuell Gorton, Jun., Assistant,
Edward Richmond, Secretary,
Capt. Edmund Calverly, Attorney General,
James Rogers, Gen. Sergeant,
Henry Lilly, Marshall and Cryer.

I Edmund Calverly, Attorney Generall, in the Behalfe of our Soveraigne Lord the King Charles the [175]second, of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, King, &c. Doe impeach the Quanpen otherwise Sowagonish, an Indian Sachim, relating to the Narragansett Country in the Collony of Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations in New England, for these sundry Crimes following, namely: ffor being disloyall to his said Majesty sundry Ways.

Videleset. ffor that thou hast not faithfully adheared to the Government established in this said Collony by his said Majesty, but hast rebelliously adheared to Indians of another Collony called Plymoth, namely, Philip chiefe Sachem of the Indians [176]in that said Collony, whoe with his Indians did within sixteen Months past trayterously, rebelliously, royetously and routously arm, weapon, and array themselves with Swords, Guns and Staves, &c., and have killed and bloodely muthered many of his said Majestys good Subjects, who lived peaceably under the sundry Governments to which they did belong.

Butt more partikularly thou hast through thy wicked bloody Minde and trayterous, rebellious, roietous and routous Acts, with Swords, Guns, Staves, &c., in thy owne Person, within this his Maj^ties Collony, and many great Companys of Indians with the, some of them yett unknowne, armed and arrayed as aforesaid, didst doe great Damage to our soveraigne Lord the King, by killing his Subjects, burning their Houses, killing and driving away their Cattell, and many more Outrages of that Nature, have been by the and thy Confederats done and committed, all against the Peace of our soveraigne Lord the King, his Crowne and Dignity, for all which Acts of thine, I doe on the Behalfe of his said Majesty, impeatch the as a Rebell in the Face [177]of this Court, and pray Justice against thee the said Quanapen, otherwise Sowagonish, &c.

Edward Calverly,
Attorney Generall.

Dated at a Court Martiall held in Newport, y^e 24^th of August, 1676.

Quanopen owned, that he among the Rest was in Armes against the English Nation, and that he was at the swamp Fight, and that he had nothing to say against the Indians burning and distroying Pettacomscutt, and that he was at the Assaulting of Mr. William Carpenters Garisson at Pawtuxet,⁠[2] and that he was in Armes at Nashaway, and did asist in difsroyinge and burninge the Towne, and takeinge and carrying away the Englifh Captives to the Number of about 20.

Voted. Guilty of the Charge, and that he shall be shott to death in this Towne on the 26th Instant, at about one of the Clock in the Afternoone.

An Indian with one Eye, Quanopens Brother [178]saith his Brother Quanopen was a Comander in the Warr, but he was not, he being soe defective in his eye Sight, that he was incapable.

Voted, that at present Judgment is suspended.

August 25^th.

Sunkeecunasuck upon his Examination owneth, that he was at the burning and destroying of Warwick, and that Wenunaquabin, an Indian that is now in Prison, was at the burning and distroying Warwick with him, at the same Time, and that his Brother Quanopin, was the second Man in Comand in the Narragansett Cuntry, that he was the next to Nenanantenentt.

And Nechett, an Indian, owned that he saw Sunkeecunasuck at Warwick, and that he was instrumentall in chief in saveing his Life.

Voted guilty of the Charge, and to suffer Death, the same Time and Place with his Brother.

Ashamattan, upon his Examination, owneth that his Brother Quanapin, had some of the Wampanooage with him, and that his Brother Quanapin had many Indians under his Comand, but Nenanantenentt was counted the chiefest of the two, and [179]that they had recrute of Powder latly from the Dutch.

Voted that present Judgement is suspended.

Wenanaquabin of Pawtuxett saith, that he was not at the wounding of John Scott, but was at that Time living at Abiah Carpenters, and he could cleer him. Abiah Carpenters being sent for, before his Face saith, that he went away from their House some Time in May, 1675, and did not see him againe, nor could heare of him till towards Winter, which he saith is true. The laid Wenanaquabin further saith, that he did not come to Warwick till Night after the Towne was burned, and after owned that he saw Nechett an Indian there. The said Nechett, to his Face afirmed that he saw him at Warwick at the burning the Towne with his Gun, about Noone. The said Wenanaquabin also confesseth, that he was at the Fight with Capt. Turner, and there lost his Gun, and swam over a River to save his Life.⁠[3]⁠

[180]

Voted guilty of the Charge, and that he shall be putt to Death after the same Manner, and Time and Place as Quanopin.

John Wecopeak, on his Examination saith, that he was never out against the English, but one Time with other Narragansett Indians about the Month of March last, against a Towne upon Conecticutt River called in Indian Pewanasuck, and at that Time their Company burned a Barne and two dwelling Houses, and killed two Englishmen, and that he was not at the burninge of Pettacomscutt, but was at that Time with Indian John, William Heiffermans Man, removeinge their Wigwams, but shortly after he was sent downe by the Sachems to fetch off two dead Indians from thence, and saith that Georg Crafts Wife was shott with a Slugg, and chopt in some Parts of her Body with a Hatchett, and saith she did not crye hoe. Also saith, that he was at the Fight with Capt. Turner, and run away [181]by Reason the Shott came as thick as Raine, but said alsoe, that he was at a great Distance. Butt John Godfree and William Heifferman saith, that he the said Wecopeak told them, that he saw Capt. Turner, and that he was shott in the Thigh, and that he knew it was him, for the said Turner said that was his Name.

Voted guilty of the Charge, and to dye as the others.

Anashawin of Narragansett denyeth, that he layed Hands on John Green of Narragansett, occasioned about the Death of a dumb Boy, although afirmed by three Witnesses to his Face, to wit: Mr. Thomas Gould, John Andra and Daniel Green.

The Court adjourned till Thursday next at ten of the Clock in the Morning, being the 31^st of this Instant.

Before the Court Martiall the 31^st of August, 1676.

Quonaehewacout saith, that he was informed that all the Sachims was at the takeing and burning of Ireh Bulls Garrison.⁠[4]⁠

[182]

Manasses Molasses, called and answered to the Name, being examined concerning Low Howland, kild at Pocasset⁠[5] Side (being an Englishman) and slaine or murdered by the Indians, and this Mollasses being charged or suspected to have a Hand in the Crime, answers, that he did not kill him, but being in the Woods, the Indians came and said such a one was kild, and offered to sell the Coate of the Person soe murdered or slaine, and that he the said Mollasses bought the Coate (of the said dead Man) for ground Nuts, and further saith, that it was one Quasquomack kild the said Howland.

This Deponent, John Cook, aged about forty-five Yeares, testefyeth, being at Punckatest, in the Midle of July, or thereabout, did ask of severall Indians, named as followeth: Woodcock, Matowat, and Job, whome they were, that kild Low Howland, the fores^d Indians’ Answer was, that there was six of them in Company, and Manasses was the Indian that fetcht him out of the Water. ffurther this Deponant saith not.

This Deponant, John Brigs, aged thirty-five Yeares or thereabout, testefyeth to the above written [183]Testamony, and alsoe, that the said Manasses shot at Joseph Russell, as the Indians, first above named relate, and ffurther this Deponent saith not.

Taken before me this 25^th of August, 1676.

W^m. Cadman, Assist.

This Deponant William Manchester, aged twenty and two Yeares, or thereabout, being at Pocasset, asked of Peter Nonoet, the Husband of Wetamoe, whoe it was that killed Low Howland, his Answer was, that Manasses fetcht him out of the Water, and further saith not.

Taken before me, W^m. Cadman, Asist., Aug^st 25^th, 1676.

Court adjourned until to-morrow Morning, eight of the Clock.

Sept^r 1^st, 1676. The Court called.

Awetamoes Sister being examined, what she could say concerning the killing of Low Howland, she saith, she was informed by one of those that was at his killing, called Ohom, that this abovs^d Molasses was the Person that fetcht Low Howland out of the Water, at the Time he was kild, although the Indians that were with them perswaded him not to [184]persue him, and alsoe further saith, that she knoweth him the s^d Mollases to be one of the 12, that was of that Company, that took and kild the said Howland.

Mumuxuack alias Toby, being charged for Suspition of killing or assisting, or being in the Company of them that killed John Archer. Upon his Examination saith that he was one of four at the killing of John Archer and his Sonn, but he was with one more, that was about tenn Rod Distance, and that the other called whether they should shoot, or not, but did shoot; but after, the said Mamuxack said, being over-perswaded, and threatned by his Brother to carry away John Archers Head, he did doe it to Awetamoe⁠[6] by Reason his Brother threatened him, if he refused to take off his Head, and that he carryed the Head to Awetamoe, and that his Brother gave him a Shirt for soe doeing, for carrying the Head.

Jack Havens saith that he heard the Indians say, that John Archer had like to have escaped, by takeing hold of Mamuxuats Brother called Whaweapunet [185]his Hatchett: but that he, the s^d Mamuxuat came behind the s^d Archer, and struck him on the Head with his Hatchitt, and soe they kild him.

Wechuncksum, alias Abram, saith, that he well knoweth the above s^d Molasses, and that he heard at the Spring of the Yeare last, being then at Wachusett,⁠[7] there was then Information given, what Execution had lately been done against the English, amongst which was afirmed, that the above s^d Malasses had latly killed an Englishman at Pocasset.

Suckats Squa, that lives with Daniel Wilcocks, saith, that she heard the above s^d Malasses say, being askt, or examined by the Indians at the Spring of the Yeare last, towards Wachusett, whether he had latly killed an Englishman at Pocassett, he answered that he had done it.

Whawinuckshin, Serj^t Roger’s Man, being examined saith that he was at Thomas Gould’s Garrison, and the Occasion of his cominge was to bury his Father, or help bury him, and there found severall Indians upon their Gard, but stayed not long there, but emediatly came away.

[186]

Voted that Serj^t Rogers shall have his Indian Man home with him, provided that the said Indian shall be brought forth, if required, which the said Serj^t Rogers doe in the Face of the Court, engage to doe.

The Court adjourned till tomorrow Morning at eight of the Clock.

The following Record is, probably, a Copy of a Letter, addressed by the Court Martial to Walter Clarke, of Newport, the Governour.⁠[8]⁠

[187]

(Place and Date, probably)
Newport, R. I., August 31, 1676.

“Sir:

   The Court adjourned till tomorrow Morning at eight of the C’ck. The Letter sent by the Governour of Plymouth to yourselfe, and by yourselfe to us bearing Date August 28, last past, purporating the Massachusetts and New Plymoths Demand of Indians on this Island, &c., an Answer to which Concerne in a speciall Manner yo^r selfe, and need of all Expedition for divers Reasons, besides Safety and Charge. Wee therefore pray your Presence at the usiall Place of Meeting this Day to consider what Answer, or to require a full Apearance of the Councell, or otherwise, as you please; with Speed doe what seems best to you; we are redy to doe our Service to the publick Peace and Safety.”

The Letter of the Governor of Plymouth to the Governor of Rhode Island is as follows:

“These are to certefy all whome it may Concerne that Capt. Benjamin Church is authorized and fully empowered by the Authority of this Collony of New Plymoth, in the Name of the said Collony, [188]and for their Use and Benefitt, to demand and receive of the Governo^r and Authority of Rhode Island, all such of our Indian Enemys, whether Men, Women, or Children, as whilst our forces were abroad ranging, the adjacent Parts of our Collony, in Pursute of the said Enemyes, were received by, and are entertained upon the s^d Island. And having received them, he is ordered to guard and conduct them to Plymoth afores^d and alsoe impowred to sell and dispose of such of them, and soe many as he shall see Cause for, there: to the Inhabitants, or others, for Term of Life, or for shorter Time, as there may be Reasons. And his actinge, herein, shall at all Times be owned and justefyed by the said Collony.

[Plymoth]
August 28, ’76.
Pr. Josiah Winslow, Go^vr.”

Voted, That Malasses and Mamuxuat and Quanachuagat are ordered to be delivered out of the Prison to Capt. Benjamin Church, and seven more to be delivered to Capt. Anthony Low, whoe have engaged to transport them out of the Collony, and that they shall not returne here againe, and one more to be at the Dispose of Henry Lilly, which [189]he receives in full Satisfaction for his Attendance at this Court, and to be transported, as the other to Capt. Low; and that, at or before the Delivery of these the Mashall shall take all their Names, and give Returne thereof to the Clerk of this present Court.

Whereas it is reported that divers Indians are now brought to Newport, and severall upon the main Land, neer Shores of Rhode Island, wee doe therefore declare, and in his Majesty’s Name require, that noe Indian, either great or small, be landed on any Part of Rhode Island aforesaid, or any Island in the Narragansett Bay, upon the Penalty, as formerly imposed upon such Offenders; and they shall be taken as being contemney of the Authorety of this Collony; Always, provided that bee, or may bee, upon just Cause detected, he, or they, at all Times, shall be lyable to be brought forth to answer the same, by Warrant from the Governor or Dept. Govern^or, or any two Assistants.

Dated at a Court Martiall held in Newport, on Rhode Island, August 24^th, 1676.

Pr. Edw^d Richmond, Sec^ry
to the Court.

[190]

Voted, That the Dept. Governo^r shall have Copys of the Transactions of this Court between this and the next Sitting.

Voted, That the Court is adjourned till the 25^th this Instant, except the Dept. Governour shall see Cause to call the s^d Court in the Intrim, between this and the 25^th of this Instant, as afores^d and upon any such Occasion the Dept. Govo^r have full Power to call a Court Martiall as aforesaid.

[191]

INDEX.