“_Adventures are to the adventurous._”
                                                     BEACONSFIELD.




[Illustration: _THE ADVENTURE SERIES._]




[Illustration]




                       =THE ADVENTURE SERIES.=

                      Illustrated. Crown 8vo, 5s.

                                   1.

                   =Adventures of a Younger Son.=
                      By E. J. TRELAWNY. _With
                      an Introduction by Edward
                      Garnett._ Second Edition.

                                   2.

                   =Robert Drury’s Journal in
                      Madagascar.= _Edited, with
                      an Introduction and Notes,
                      by Captain S. P. Oliver._

                                   3.

                   =Memoirs of the Extraordinary
                      Military= Career of
                      John Shipp. _With an
                      Introduction by H. Manners
                      Chichester._

                                   4.

                   =The Adventures of Thomas
                      Pellow,= of Penryn, Mariner.
                      _Written by himself, and
                      Edited with an Introduction
                      and Notes by Dr. Robert
                      Brown._

                                   5.

                   =The Buccaneers and Marooners
                      of America.= Being an
                      Account of the Famous
                      Adventures, and Daring
                      Deeds of certain Notorious
                      Freebooters of the Spanish
                      Main. _Edited by Howard
                      Pyle._


                        (_OTHERS IN THE PRESS._)




[Illustration: MORGAN RECRUITING FOR THE ATTACK ON PORTO BELLO.]




                     [Illustration] THE BUCCANEERS
                            AND MAROONERS OF
                         AMERICA [Illustration]




                        BEING AN ACCOUNT OF THE
                         FAMOUS ADVENTURES AND
                        DARING DEEDS OF CERTAIN
                         NOTORIOUS FREEBOOTERS
                          OF THE SPANISH MAIN




                       A NEW ILLUSTRATED EDITION




                         EDITED BY HOWARD PYLE




                        LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN,
                     PATERNOSTER SQUARE. MDCCCXCI.




                               CONTENTS.
                                                             PAGE
     (1) EDITOR’S INTRODUCTION                                 15

     (2) THE TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION         43


                               =PART I.=

                       THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA.

                               CHAPTER I.

     The Introduction--The Author sets forth for the
        Western Islands, in the service of the West India
        Company of France--They meet with an English
        frigate, and arrive at the Island of Tortuga           49

                              CHAPTER II.

     A description of Tortuga--The fruits and plants
        there--How the French first settled there, at two
        several times, and forced out the Spaniards--The
        Author twice sold in the said island                   54

                              CHAPTER III.

     A description of Hispaniola--A relation of the French
        Buccaneers                                             64

                              CHAPTER IV.

     Original of the most famous pirates of the coasts of
        America--Famous exploit of Pierre le Grand             76

                             CHAPTER V.

     How the pirates arm their vessels and regulate their
        voyages                                                80

                               CHAPTER VI.

     Of the origin of Francis Lolonois and the beginning of
        his robberies                                          95

                              CHAPTER VII.

     Lolonois equips a fleet to land upon the Spanish
        islands of America with intent to rob, sack, and
        burn whatsoever he met with                           100

                              CHAPTER VIII.

     Lolonois makes new preparations to take the city of
        St. James de Leon; as also that of Nicaragua; where
        he miserably perishes                                 115

                               CHAPTER IX.

     The origin and descent of Captain Henry Morgan--his
        exploits, and the most remarkable actions of his
        life                                                  131

                               CHAPTER X.

     Of the Island of Cuba--Captain Morgan attempts to
        preserve the Isle of St. Catherine as a refuge to
        the nest of pirates but fails of his design--He
        arrives at, and takes, the village of El Puerto del
        Principe                                              140

                               CHAPTER XI.

     Captain Morgan resolving to attack and plunder the
        City of Puerto Bello, equips a fleet, and with
        little expense and small forces, takes it             149

                              CHAPTER XII.

     Captain Morgan takes the City of Maracaibo, on the
        coast of Nueva Venezuela--Piracies committed in
        those seas--Ruin of three Spanish ships set forth
        to hinder the robberies of the pirates                158

                           CHAPTER XIII.

     Captain Morgan goes to Hispaniola to equip a new fleet
        with intent to pillage again on the coast of the
        West Indies                                           187

                               CHAPTER XIV.

     What happened in the river De la Hacha                   190

                               CHAPTER XV.

     Captain Morgan leaves Hispaniola and goes to St.
        Catherine’s which he takes                            195

                               CHAPTER XVI.

     Captain Morgan takes the Castle of Chagre with
        four hundred men sent to this purpose from St.
        Catherine’s                                           202

                              CHAPTER XVII.

     Captain Morgan departs from Chagre at the head of
        twelve hundred men to take the city of Panama         209

                              CHAPTER XVIII.

     Captain Morgan sends canoes and boats to the South
        Sea--He fires the city of Panama--Robberies and
        cruelties committed there by the pirates, till
        their return to the Castle of Chagre                  223


                                =PART II.=

                A TRUE ACCOUNT OF FOUR NOTORIOUS PIRATES.

             CHAPTER I. OF CAPTAIN TEACH _alias_ BLACK-BEARD.

     His beginning--His confederacy with Hornygold--The
        confederacy broken--Takes a large Guinea
        man--Engages the _Scarborough_ man-of-war--His
        alliance with Major Stede Bonnet--Deposes his
        new ally--His advice to the Major--His progress
        and success--Takes prizes in sight of Charles
        Town--Sends ambassadors to the Governor of
        Carolina upon an impudent demand--Runs his ship
        aground designedly--His cruelty to some of
        his own companions--Surrenders to the King’s
        Proclamation--The Governor of North Carolina’s
        exceeding generosity to him--He marries--The
        number of his wives then living--Makes a second
        excursion in the way of pirating--Some State
        legerdemain betwixt him and the Governor--His
        frolics on shore--The merchants apply for a force
        against him, and where--A proclamation with a
        reward for taking or killing of pirates--Lieutenant
        Maynard sent in pursuit of him--Black-beard’s
        good intelligence--The lieutenant engages
        Black-beard--A most execrable health drank by
        Black-beard--The fight bloody; the particulars
        of it--Black-beard killed--His sloop taken--The
        lieutenant’s conduct--A reflection on the
        humours of seamen--Black-beard’s correspondents
        discovered by his papers--Black-beard’s desperate
        resolution before the fight--The lieutenant and
        Governor no very good friends--The prisoners
        hanged--Samuel Odell saved, and why--The good
        luck of Israel Hands--Black-beard’s mischievous
        frolics--His beard described--Several instances
        of his wickedness--Some memoranda taken from his
        journal--The names of the pirates killed in the
        engagement--Of those executed--The value of the
        prize                                                 239


                   CHAPTER II. OF CAPTAIN WILLIAM KID.

     Commanded a privateer in the West Indies--Recommended
        to the Government by Lord Bellamont, &c.--Not
        encouraged--He is sent out in a private
        man-of-war with the King’s commission--He
        sails for New York--In his way takes a French
        banker--Arrived there--Ships more hands--Sails to
        Madeira, Bonavista, Cape de Verde Islands, and
        Madagascar--Meets three English men-of-war--Meets
        with nothing at Madagascar--Goes to the Malabar
        coast--Cruises about Mohila and Johanna--Borrows
        money and repairs his ship--At Mabbee he takes some
        corn--From thence steers for Bab’s Key--He sends a
        boat along the coast, and gains intelligence--He
        falls in with a fleet, but is obliged to sheer
        off--Goes to the Malabar coast--Takes a Moorish
        vessel--Treats the men cruelly, and discharges
        the vessel--Touches at Carawar, and is suspected
        of piracy--Engages a Portuguese man-of-war sent
        after him and gets off--Takes a Moor ship under
        pretence of her being French--Keeps company
        with a Dutch ship--Quarrels with and kills
        his gunner--Plunders a Portuguese ship on the
        Malabar coast and lets her go--His cooper is
        murdered in one of the Malabar Islands--He burns
        and pillages several houses--Commands a native
        to be shot--He takes the _Queda_, and shares
        £200 a man amongst his crew--He cheats the
        Indians--Goes to Madagascar--Meets there Culliford
        the pirate--Shifts into the _Queda_, and shares
        the rest of her cargo--His men desert from him
        to forty--Goes to Amboyna--hears he is declared
        a pirate in England--Lord Bellamont prints his
        justification--A pardon granted to pirates--Avery
        and Kid excepted--Kid goes to, and is secured at,
        New York--Some of his crew depending on the pardon,
        are confined--Sent to England and condemned--Three
        excepted--A distinction of the lawyers--Kid found
        guilty of the murder of his gunner--Some plead the
        king’s pardon to no purpose--Mullins’s plea--Kid’s
        plea useless--He and his men indicted--Executed       257


             CHAPTER III. OF CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW ROBERTS AND
                                HIS CREW.

     His beginning--Elected captain in the room of
        Davis--The speech of Lord Dennis at the
        election--Lord Sympton objects against a
        papist--The death of Davis revenged--Roberts sails
        southward in quest of adventures--The names of the
        prizes taken by them--Brazil described--Roberts
        falls into a fleet of Portuguese--Boards and
        takes the richest ship amongst them--Make the
        Devil’s Islands--An unfortunate adventure of
        Roberts--Kennedy’s treachery--Irishmen excluded
        by Roberts and his crew--Articles sworn to by
        them--A copy of them--Some account of the laws and
        customs of the pirates--An instance of Roberts’s
        cunning--He proceeds again upon business, and takes
        prizes--Narrowly escapes being taken--Sails for
        the Island Dominico--Another escape--Sails for
        Newfoundland--Plunders, sinks, and burns twenty-two
        sail in the harbour of Trepassi--Plunders ten sail
        of Frenchmen--The mad behaviour of the crew--A
        correspondence hinted at--The pirates caressed
        at the island of St. Bartholomew--In extreme
        distress--Sail for Martinico--A stratagem of
        Roberts--The insolent device in his colours--Odd
        compliment paid to Roberts--Three men desert the
        pirates, and are taken by them--Their trial--Two
        executed and one saved--The brigantine deserts
        them--Great divisions in the company--A description
        of Serra Leone River--The names of English
        settled there, and way of life--The _Onslow_
        belonging to the African Company taken--The
        pirates’ contempt of soldiers--They are for
        entertaining a chaplain--Their skirmish with the
        Calabar negroes--The _King Solomon_, belonging
        to the African Company taken--The frolics of
        the pirates--Take eleven sail in Whydah Road--A
        comical receipt given by the pirates--A cruel
        action of Roberts--Sails for Anna Bona--The
        progress of the _Swallow_ man-of-war, in pursuit
        of Roberts--Roberts’s consort taken--The bravery
        of Skyrme, a Welsh pirate--The surly humour of
        some of the prisoners--The _Swallow_ comes up with
        Roberts--Roberts’s dress described--Is killed--His
        character--His ship taken--The behaviour of the
        pirates when prisoners--A conspiracy of theirs
        discovered--Reflections on the manner of trying
        them--The form of the commission for trying the
        pirates--The oath taken by the commissioners--The
        names of those arraigned taken in the ship
        _Ranger_--The form of the indictment--The
        sum of the evidence against them--Their
        defence--The names of the prisoners of the _Royal
        Fortune_--Proceedings against them--Harry Glasby
        acquitted--The particular trial of Captain James
        Skyrme--Of John Walden--Of Peter Scudamore--Of
        Robert Johnson--Of George Wilson--Of Benjamin
        Jeffries--Of John Mansfield--Of William Davis--The
        names of those executed at Cape Corso--The petition
        of some condemned--The court’s resolution--The
        form of an indenture of a pardoned pirate--The
        names of those pardoned upon indenture to serve
        seven years--The pirates how disposed of--The dying
        behaviour of those executed                           275


                CHAPTER IV. OF CAPTAIN AVERY AND HIS CREW.

     Romantic reports of his greatness--His birth--Is mate
        of a Bristol man--For what voyage designed--Tampers
        with the seamen--Forms a plot for carrying off the
        ship--Executes it, and how--The pirates take a rich
        ship belonging to the Great Mogul--The Great Mogul
        threatens the English settlements--The pirates
        steer their course back for Madagascar--Call a
        council--Put all the treasure of board of Avery’s
        ship--Avery and his crew treacherously leave
        his confederates--Go to the Isle of Providence
        in the West Indies--Sell the ship--Go to North
        America in a sloop--They disperse--Avery goes to
        New England--From thence to Ireland--Avery afraid
        to expose his diamonds to sale--Goes over to
        England--Puts his wealth into merchant’s hands of
        Bristol--Changes his name--Lives at Bideford--The
        merchants send him no supplies--Importunes
        them--Goes privately to Bristol--They threaten
        to discover him--Goes over to Ireland--Solicits
        them from thence--Is very poor--Works his passage
        over to Plymouth--Walks to Bideford--Dies a
        beggar--An account of Avery’s confederates--Their
        settlement at Madagascar--They meet other
        pirates--An account of them--The pirates deposed,
        and why--Marooned on the Island Mauritius--Some
        account of that island--The adventures of the
        company continued--Angria, an Indian pirate--His
        strength by land and sea--The East India Company’s
        wars with him--The pirates go to the island of
        Melinda--Their barbarous behaviour there--Hear
        of Captain Mackra’s designs against them--Their
        reflections thereupon--Sail for Cochin, a Dutch
        settlement--The pirates and the Dutch very good
        friends--Mutual presents made between the pirates
        and the Governor--The pirates in a fright--Almost
        starved--Take a prize of an immense value--Take
        an Ostend East Indiaman--A short description
        of Madagascar--A prodigious dividend made by
        the pirates--A fellow’s way of increasing his
        diamonds--Some of the pirates quit, and join the
        remains of Avery--The proceedings of the men-of-war
        in those parts--Some Dutchmen petition to be
        among the pirates--The pirates divided in their
        measures--Break up--What became of them               384

  [Illustration]




                          LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.


  (1) MORGAN RECRUITING FOR THE ATTACK ON PORTO BELLO (from
      a drawing by Howard Pyle)                    _Frontispiece_

  (2) BARTHOLOMEW PORTUGUES (from the portrait in “De
      Americaensche Zee Roovers”)                 _To face p._ 85

  (3) LOLONOIS (from the portrait in “De Americaensche Zee
      Roovers”)                                   _To face p._ 96

  (4) CAPTAIN HENRY MORGAN (from the portrait in “De
      Americaensche Zee Roovers”)                _To face p._ 178

  (5) CAPTAIN TEACH (from the engraving in the second edition
      of Johnson’s “General History of the Pyrates”)
                                                 _To face p._ 239

  (6) CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW ROBERTS (from the engraving in the
      second edition of Johnson’s “General History of the
      Pyrates”)                                  _To face p._ 300




                              INTRODUCTION.

                                    I.


Why is it that a little spice of deviltry lends not an unpleasantly
titillating twang to the great mass of respectable flour that goes to
make up the pudding of our modern civilization? And pertinent to this
question another--Why is it that the pirate has, and always has had, a
certain lurid glamour of the heroical enveloping him round about? Is
there, deep under the accumulated _débris_ of culture, a hidden
ground-work of the old-time savage? Is there even in these
well-regulated times an unsubdued nature in the respectable mental
household of every one of us that still kicks against the pricks of
law and order? To make my meaning more clear, would not every boy, for
instance--that is every boy of any account--rather be a pirate captain
than a Member of Parliament? And we ourselves; would we not rather
read such a story as that of Captain Avery’s capture of the East
Indian treasure-ship, with its beautiful princess and load of jewels
(which gems he sold by the handful, history sayeth, to a Bristol
merchant), than--say one of Bishop Atterbury’s sermons or the goodly
Master Robert Boyle’s religious romance of “Theodora and Didymus”? It
is to be apprehended that to the unregenerate nature of most of us,
there can be but one answer to such a query.

In the pleasurable warmth the heart feels in answer to tales of
derring-do, Nelson’s battles are all mightily interesting, but even in
spite of their romance of splendid courage, I fancy that the majority
of us would rather turn back over the leaves of history to read how
Drake captured the Spanish treasure-ship in the South Sea, and of how
he divided such a quantity of booty in the Island of Plate (so named
because of the tremendous dividend there declared) that it had to be
measured in quart bowls, being too considerable to be counted.

Courage and daring, no matter how mad and ungodly, have always a
redundancy of _vim_ and life to recommend them to the nether man that
lies within us, and no doubt his desperate courage, his battle against
the tremendous odds of all the civilized world of law and order have
had much to do in making a popular hero of our friend of the black
flag. But it is not altogether courage and daring that endears him to
our hearts. There is another and perhaps a greater kinship in that
lust for wealth that makes one’s fancy revel more pleasantly in the
story of the division of treasure in the pirate’s island retreat, the
hiding of his godless gains somewhere in the sandy stretch of tropic
beach, there to remain hidden until the time should come to rake the
dubloons up again and to spend them like a lord in polite society,
than in the most thrilling tales of his wonderful escapes from
commissioned cruisers through tortuous channels between the
coral-reefs.

And what a life of adventure is his to be sure! A life of constant
alertness, constant danger, constant escape! An ocean Ishmaelite, he
wanders for ever aimlessly, homelessly; now unheard of for months, now
careening his boat on some lonely uninhabited shore, now appearing
suddenly to swoop down on some merchant-vessel with rattle of
musketry, shouting, yells, and a hell of unbridled passions let loose
to rend and tear.

What a Carlislean hero! What a setting of blood and lust and flame and
rapine for such a hero!


                                   II.

Piracy such as was practised in the flower of its days--that is,
during the early eighteenth century--was no sudden growth. It was an
evolution, from the semi-lawful buccaneering of the sixteenth century,
just as buccaneering was upon its part, in a certain sense, an
evolution from the unorganized, unauthorized warfare of the Tudor
period.

For there was a deal of piratical smack in the anti-Spanish ventures
of Elizabethan days. Many of the adventurers--of the Sir Francis Drake
school, for instance--actually overstepped again and again the bounds
of international law, entering into the realms of _de facto_ piracy.
Nevertheless, while their doings were not recognized officially by the
Government, the perpetrators were neither punished nor reprimanded for
their excursions against Spanish commerce at home or in the West
Indies; rather were they commended, and it was considered not
altogether a discreditable thing for men to get rich upon the spoils
taken from Spanish galleons in times of nominal peace. Many of the
most reputable citizens and merchants of London, when they felt that
the Queen failed in her duty of pushing the fight against the great
Catholic Power, fitted out fleets upon their own account and sent them
to levy good Protestant war of a private nature upon the Pope’s
anointed.

Some of the treasures captured in such ventures were immense,
stupendous, unbelievable. For an example, one can hardly credit the
truth of the “purchase” gained by Drake in the famous capture of the
plate-ship in the South Sea.

One of the old buccaneer writers of a century later says: “The
Spaniards affirm to this day that he took at that time twelve-score
tons of plate and sixteen bowls of coined money a man (his number
being then forty-five men in all), insomuch that they were forced to
heave much of it overboard, because his ship could not carry it all.”

Maybe this was a very greatly exaggerated statement put by the author
and his Spanish authorities, nevertheless there was enough truth in it
to prove very conclusively to the bold minds of the age that
tremendous profits--“purchases” they called them--were to be made from
piracy. The Western World is filled with the names of daring mariners
of those old days, who came flitting across the great trackless ocean
in their little tub-like boats of a few hundred tons burden, partly to
explore unknown seas, partly--largely, perhaps--in pursuit of Spanish
treasure: Frobisher, Davis, Drake, and a score of others.

In this left-handed war against Catholic Spain many of the adventurers
were, no doubt, stirred and incited by a grim, Calvinistic,
Puritanical zeal for Protestantism. But equally beyond doubt the gold
and silver and plate of the “Scarlet Woman” had much to do with the
persistent energy with which these hardy mariners braved the
mysterious unknown terrors of the great unknown ocean that stretched
away to the sunset, there in far away waters to attack the huge,
unwieldy treasure-ladened galleons that sailed up and down the
Caribbean Sea and through the Bahama Channel.


                                   III.

Of all ghastly and terrible things old-time religious war was the most
ghastly and terrible. One can hardly credit nowadays the cold, callous
cruelty of those times. Generally death was the least penalty that
capture entailed. When the Spaniards made prisoners of the English,
the Inquisition took them in hand, and what that meant all the world
knows. When the English captured a Spanish vessel the prisoners were
tortured, either for the sake of revenge or to compel them to disclose
where treasure lay hidden. Cruelty begat cruelty, and it would be hard
to say whether the Anglo-Saxon or the Latin showed himself to be most
proficient in torturing his victim.

When Cobham, for instance, captured the Spanish ship in the Bay of
Biscay, after all resistance was over and the heat of the battle had
cooled, he ordered his crew to bind the captain and all of the crew
and every Spaniard aboard--whether in arms or not--to sew them up in
the mainsail and to fling them overboard. There were some twenty dead
bodies in the sail when a few days later it was washed up on the
shore.

Of course such acts were not likely to go unavenged, and many an
innocent life was sacrificed to pay the debt of Cobham’s cruelty.

Nothing could be more piratical than all this, nevertheless, as was
said, it was winked at, condoned, if not sanctioned, by the law; and
it was not beneath people of family and respectability to take part in
it. But by and by Protestantism and Catholicism began to be at
somewhat less deadly enmity with one another, religious wars were
still far enough from being ended, but the scabbard of the sword was
no longer flung away when the blade was drawn. And so followed a time
of nominal peace, and a generation arose with whom it was no longer
respectable and worthy--one might say a matter of duty--to fight a
country with which one’s own land was not at war. Nevertheless, the
seed had been sown; it had been demonstrated that it was feasible to
practice piracy against Spain and not to suffer therefor. Blood had
been shed and cruelty practised, and once indulged no lust seems
stronger than that of shedding blood and practising cruelty.

Though Spain might be ever so well grounded in peace at home, in the
West Indies she was always at war with the whole world--English,
French, Dutch. It was almost a matter of life or death with her to
keep her hold upon the New World. At home she was bankrupt and, upon
the earthquake of the Reformation, her power was already beginning to
totter and to crumble to pieces. America was her treasure-house, and
from it alone could she hope to keep her leaking purse full of gold
and silver. So it was that she strove strenuously, desperately to keep
out the world from her American possessions--a bootless task, for the
old order upon which her power rested was broken and crumbled for
ever. But still she strove, fighting against fate, and so it was that
in the tropical America it was one continual war between her and all
the world. Thus it came that long after piracy ceased to be allowed at
home, it continued in those far away seas with unabated vigour,
recruiting to its service all that lawless malign element which
gathers together in every newly-opened country where the only law is
lawlessness, where might is right and where a living is to be gained
with no more trouble than cutting a throat.


                                   IV.

Such were the conditions of life that gave rise to that peculiar class
of outlaws and semi-outlaws known as the buccaneers--those pirates,
hunters, and freebooters, whose very name has become a synonym of all
that is lawless, desperate, godless.

Little or nothing is known of the lives and habits of these nomadic
hunter-pirates beyond what is to be found in a short concise history
of some of their greater exploits, written by one of their
number--John Esquemeling by name--who lived with them, and was with
Captain Morgan during his most deservedly famous attack upon the City
of Panama.

The temptation is always great to an editor to interlope his own ideas
of character and his own views of the results to the world of the
world’s happenings; but in the case of the Esquemeling history--though
more serious historians are prone to say that the statements therein
given are not to be depended upon--it should be decidedly hands off.
One touch of the modern brush would destroy the whole tone of dim
local colours of the past made misty by the lapse of time. It needs
the quaint old archaic language of the seventeenth century to tell of
those deeds of blood and rapine and cruelty, and the stiff, formal
style of the author-translator seems in some way to remove those deeds
out of the realms of actuality into the hazy light of romance. So told
the adventures of those old buccaneers still remain a part of humbler
history, but they do not sound so cruel, so revolting as they would be
told in our nineteenth-century vernacular.

And as for the lives of the buccaneers themselves--the account of how
they wrenched Tortuga from Spain, of how they peopled Western
Hispaniola with cattle-killing hunters and desperadoes, of how they
roamed through the tropical rankness of the forests, with their
half-wild dogs and their huge, unwieldy firelock guns, now hunted by
the Spaniards like wild beasts, and now like wild beasts turning at
bay to rend and tear with savage quickness--it would be, if anything,
still more a pity to mar the telling as he tells it with his pithy
conciseness. And then, after all, it is such old histories alone that
can bring one in full touch with the empty shell of a life that is
past and gone, and such a history is doubly, trebly full of interest
when told by an actor who actually lived it in the scenes of which he
writes. And so we leave honest John Esquemeling to tell his own
history in his own way.

However, of the differentiation of the buccaneer pirate from the
buccaneer proper something may, perhaps, be added to aid the reader in
a clearer understanding of the manner in which they came to graduate
from cattle-stealing to throat-cutting.


                                    V.

The buccaneers took their name from a peculiar method of curing beef
by drying it in the sun, which was termed buchanning. The beef so
cured was, itself wild or half-wild cattle, stolen from the
neighbouring Spaniards of the great Island of Hispaniola--the San
Domingo of our day. The chief rendezvous of these nomadic hunters and
curers of meat was upon a little hunch of an island known as Tortuga
de Mar, so called from its supposed resemblance to the sea-turtle. Of
the manner in which the French settled upon this island of the
sea-turtle, of their bloody fights with the Spaniards, of the conquest
of the island by the one, of its recapture by the other, of its
recapture again by the French, the author tells at length. Suffice it
to be said here that, in spite of all the power of Spain, the
buccaneers finally made conquest of Tortuga, and that a French
governor was sent to rule over them.

No better situation could have been found for the trade in which they
were busied. Tortuga, lying as it does off the north-west shore of
Hispaniola and at the outlet of the Old Bahama Channel (a broad
stretch of navigable water extending between the Island of Cuba and
the great Bahama Banks), was almost in the very centre of the main
route of travel between the Western World and Europe, along which the
commerce of the West Indies came and went, ebbed and flowed. It
afforded, perhaps, one of the most convenient ports of the whole
Western World in which home-returning vessels might provision and take
in water. The captains and owners of the trading vessels asked no
questions as to the means whereby cattle were procured. It sufficed
them that the meat was well dried and well cured, and, having been
stolen, was cheaper than that to be had at Porto Bello, Santa
Catharina, and other Spanish ports. So buccaneering (in its proper
sense) was quite a profitable business, and prospered accordingly; the
step from stealing cattle to piracy was not so very great.

Among the buccaneers were to be found the offscourings of all the
French and English West Indies--a mad, savage, unkempt phase of
humanity, wilder than the wildest Western cow-boys--fierce, savage,
lawless, ungoverned, ungovernable. The Spaniards were merely the means
whereby money was to be gained--money to spend in the wild
debaucheries, for which the world has afforded few better
opportunities than were to be found in the Spanish West Indies. The
old days of legalized piracy had never been forgotten, and by and by
it began to be felt by the wild cattle-hunters that beef-curing was
too slow and laborious a means of earning doubloons. It needed only
the leadership of such a one as Pierre le Grand to awaken dormant
piracy to a renewed vigour of life.

Our author only gives us meagre details concerning the result of that
first bold expedition of the buccaneers under Pierre le Grande into
the Carribbean Sea. He tells us but little of the capture of the great
galleon by the pirate crew of the long-boat, and as to the gains made
by the buccaneers upon the occasion he tells us only that “he (Pierre)
set sail for France, carrying with him all the riches he found in that
huge vessel, and that there he continued without ever returning to the
parts of America again.” But though our author does not tell just what
was the plunder taken upon this memorable occasion, it must have been
very considerable indeed, and one can imagine how the success of the
venture set agog all the buccaneers of Tortuga and Hispaniola. One can
fancy what a ferment the rumour of the great capture occasioned; what
a hurrying hither and thither; what a crowding of crews of desperadoes
into long-boats and hoys! It was so infinitely much easier, so vastly
quicker and so much more congenial a means of getting rich upon
ill-gotten gains than the dangerous and monotonous business of hunting
and stealing cattle in an enemy’s country. So, in a little while--a
few years--the West Indian seas were alive with pirates--English,
French, Dutch, and Portuguese.

Nearly always, though our author does not explicitly say so, the
buccaneers appear to have sailed under some semi-official letters of
marque, granted by the colonial governors. It was under such that the
famous Captain Morgan sailed in his expedition against Porto Bello,
Santa Catharina, and Panama. But such unauthorized letters of marque
only made piracy all the more strenuous, unrelaxing, merciless giving
as they did some sanction to the cruel and bloody warfare. French and
English West Indian towns--such, for instance, as Port Royal, in
Jamaica--grew fabulously rich with an unbelievable quickness. In ten
or twelve years Spain had lost millions upon millions of dollars,
which vast treasure was poured in a golden flood into those hot
fever-holes of towns, where Jews and merchants and prostitutes
battened on the burning lusts of the wild hunters whose blood was
already set aflame with plunder and rapine. At last the risks of
Spanish West Indian commerce became so great that no vessel dared
venture out of port, excepting under escort of men-of-war. Even then
they were not secure always of protection, for there are records that
tell of the capture of rich prizes from the very midst of the
surrounding plate fleet.

Cargoes of value from the Western provinces of Central and South
America, instead of being sent to Spain across the Isthmus from Panama
as heretofore, were carried more often by way of the Strait of
Magellan, there being less danger in that long and toilsome voyage
than in the pirate-infested Carribbean Sea in spite of its trade-winds
and steady ocean currents. So it came that by and by the trade of
freebooting no longer returned the great profits that had been one
time realized by those who embarked in it. It seemed for awhile as
though the business were likely to find its death in the very thing
that had given it birth--the weakness of Spanish power, decaying to
ruin.

It was in this time of its threatened decadence that Francis Lolonois
gave a new impulse to the free trade--as it was sometimes called--of
the times.

In the temporary paralysis of commerce vast wealth had gathered and
accumulated in the great treasure-houses of the walled and fortified
towns of the West Indies--Cartagena, Porto Bello, Maracaibo, Havana,
and numerous other centres of Spanish power. It was Lolonois who
conceived the scheme of descending upon these storehouses of treasure,
there to gather in one swoop a prize such as a score of ventures in
times past could not return.

It was upon Maracaibo that the first attack was made, and in the
matter-of-fact way with which our author describes the sacking of that
city and of the town of Gibraltar a picture of a phase of the times is
given, so grim, so terrible, that were it not for the further bearing
out of the impeachable records, we of these days of light might well
doubt that such things could really be in lands calling themselves
Christian. The result of the expedition was all--more than all--that
Lolonois’ most sanguine hopes could have anticipated; and when he
returned in triumph to Tortuga, almost a howl of exultation went up
from all the West Indies not under Spanish rule, for there were many
other and richer towns than Maracaibo.


                                   VI.

It was upon the lines marked out by Lolonois that the greatest of all
the buccaneers reaped fame and wealth--Sir Henry Morgan, the hero of
the author’s book, the Alexander of his history. Of the birth,
parentage, and family of Morgan but little is known, that little being
quite apocryphal in its nature. Our author tells us that he was a
Welshman, as was to be supposed from his name; that he was of good
strain, as was also to be supposed; and that his father was a rich
yeoman. The history further tells us that Captain Morgan was, upon his
first coming to the Americas, sold for his passage, such being the
customary manner of dealing with the steerage passengers of the day.
Having served his time he went to Jamaica, where he entered into the
service of one Mansvelt, a buccaneer of not a little note, and
presently his name becomes famous in the nether history of the period.

Another history, not so picturesque as that written by Esquemeling,
but perhaps more accurate, tells us of the great buccaneer’s having
been commissioned by Sir Thomas Modyford, then Governor of Jamaica, to
levy war upon Spain and other nationalites upon behalf of the King of
England.

As was said before, the governors of the non-Spanish West India
Islands were accustomed to issue such warrants to the buccaneer
privateersmen, but during Sir Thomas Modyford’s time some effort was
beginning to be made by the home governments to put a stop to this
semi-legal piracy. Sir Thomas, who, it was said, shared in the gains
of the freebooters, was carried as prisoner to England to answer for
the assumption of his authority in having declared war against a
nation with whom the country was then at peace. Nevertheless the
latent sympathy of the Government was still on the side of the
buccaneers, and it was on account of his attack upon Panama that
Captain Morgan was created Sir Henry Morgan by his Majesty King
Charles II.

In the historical records of Jamaica his name appears twice as
Lieutenant-Governor: once during the time that Sir Thomas Modyford,
who had granted him commission, was a State prisoner in the
Tower--once, succeeding Charles Earl, of Carlisle, in 1680.

It was perhaps a part of the paradoxical management of State affairs
that he was finally recalled to England in 1683 by order of the
Secretary of State, for breaking the peace with the Spaniards,
contrary to his Majesty’s express orders, and it seems a very fitting
epilogue to the comedy of fate that he should have died in the Tower
of London for the very deeds for which he was knighted.

Such are the bald and meagre details of his life. Of his renown the
world has heard more or less blatant blasts upon the trumpet of Fame
for two hundred years and more, the notes whereof are not a little
attuned to the history of his deeds written by honest John
Esquemeling, the first English edition of which is here edited.


                                   VII.

If, as some assert, the popularity of a book is to be estimated
according to the number of editions through which it passes, the
history of Captain Sir Henry Morgan has, at least in past few
generations, been very dear to English-speaking people.

At least this is true of the Esquemeling history; the first English
edition was printed under date of 1684--about the time that the hero
of it was a State prisoner standing his trial for levying war against
Spain, contrary to his Majesty’s express orders, and for the doing of
those deeds of conquest for which he had once been honoured. Upon the
title page of the quaint old volume is given briefly and concisely the
bibliography of the history to its then condition. That it was
originally written in Dutch, thence translated into Spanish by Alonso
de Bonne-Maison, and now faithfully rendered into English for the
first time.

More particularly, the Dutch history from which the Spanish
translation was taken is a work published at Amsterdam in 1678,
entitled, “De Americaensche Zee Roovers.” A number of other
translations beside the Spanish and English accounts were made
cotemporarily with other European languages, the best known of which
is, perhaps, the French “Histoire des Aventuriers qui se sont signaley
dans les Indies,” published originally in 1686. Another French
edition, considerably enlarged and appearing in four volumes, was
published in 1775.

In each new translation and each new edition the original narrative
was expanded by additional matter. A year or two after the appearance
of the earliest English edition--that of 1684--a second appeared in
the same general form with the first, but with a supplement treating
of the adventures of Captain Sharp, Sawkins, Coxon, and others on the
coasts of the South Sea from the journal kept by Mr. Basil Ringrose.
Both of these two editions are now of considerable rarity, and, being
rather better printed than cotemporary volumes of the kind, and being,
besides, well and interestingly illustrated by portraits of the more
prominent freebooters, curious maps and quaint plates, they are in
considerable esteem with collectors of old books. Of the two the
second edition is the more valued because of the additional matter and
maps, but for ordinary literary purposes the first edition is,
perhaps, more preferable. The whole value of the history culminates
and centres with Captain Morgan, and that part treating of the
adventures of Captain Sparks and the others is not only dull,
protracted, and prosy, but excessively tedious. Accordingly for the
present purposes it has been deemed better to adhere to the scheme of
the first edition, which is in reality a history of Captain Morgan’s
expeditions, rather than to unnecessarily extend the volume upon the
lines more usually followed.

From these two earlier editions has sprung a host of successors. The
second--that containing the adventures of Captain Sharp, Sawkins,
Coxon, and others--with some further additions was reprinted in
Walker’s “British Classics” (12mo, 1810), besides which the history
has appeared in a score of cheaper forms adapted to more popular
reading and far too obscure and too numerous to trace and follow.

In the edition here presented some few changes have been made, some of
the long and tedious bits of description have been omitted, but as a
whole the history of Captain Morgan and his fellow buccaneers stands
almost exactly as originally told by the English translation of the
Spanish translation of the Dutch Buccaneer Pirate Story.


                                  VIII.

It was about 1680-5 that the English Government, as was shown in the
case of Sir Henry Morgan and others, seriously took in hand the
suppression of freebooting. Morgan was only one of many punished for
having at one time or another levied private war upon Spain. Then came
the Peace of Ryswick between France and Spain, which gave the
finishing blow to buccaneering as a semi-legal venture; henceforth
nothing remained but open piracy to those bold spirits, too active in
the ferment of their passions to be contained by the bottle of law.
Both France and England joined in stamping out freebooting, and for a
little while it seemed as if they had succeeded--but it was only for a
little while.

Filibustering and semi-piracy had become too much a part of the life
of the West Indies, and was too thoroughly congenial to those who
sought escape from the restraints of civilization to be thus easily
put an end to. It was only the stem of buccaneering that had been
lopped away by the sword of the law; from the roots sprung a new and
more vigorous offshoot--the flower of Piracy itself. Under the new
order it was no longer Spain alone that suffered, but the lawful
commerce of all nations that became the prey of these ocean wolves.
During the early eighteenth century the Spanish main and adjacent
waters swarmed with pirate crafts, and the fame of their deeds forms a
chapter of popular history that may almost take rank with that which
tells of Robin Hood, Friar Rush, Schinderhannes, and other worthies of
the like kidney of a more or less apocryphal nature.

Who has not heard tell of Black-beard? Who does not know of the name
of the renowned Captain Kid? Who has not heard the famous ballad which
tells of his deeds of wickedness?--a rhythmical chant such as has from
the beginning of time been most taking to the popular ear:--

   “Oh! my name is Captain Kid,
        As I sailed,
        As I sailed,
    Oh! my name is Captain Kid,
        As I sailed,
    Oh! my name is Captain Kid,
        And God’s laws I did forbid,
    And right wickedly I did
        As I sailed.”

So far as the knowledge of the editor of this work extends no such
ballad has been written concerning the doings of that other famous
knight of the black flag whose name is no less renowned in the history
of his kind--Captain Edward Teach, better known as Black-beard. But,
though so far as ballad fame is concerned he is at a disadvantage with
the other, Captain Teach stands _par excellent_ in an unique
personality of his own. Perhaps there are few figures so picturesque
as that suggested in the description of his get-up upon the occasions
of public appearances--the plaited beard, the face smeared black with
gunpowder, the lighted matches thrust under his hat brim, the burning
sparks thereof hanging down about his face. The fiendish grimness of
that figure has made fully as much impression upon the clay of the
past as even that of Captain Kid, in spite of the celebrated song that
emphasizes his fame. But the two together stand head and shoulders
above all others of their kidney as the best-known pirates of the
early eighteenth century. Even to this day it is safe to say that
nowhere along the Atlantic coast of the whole United States, from
Maine to Florida, are their names unknown, and that in all that
stretch of sea-board there is hardly a lonesome sandy beach but is
reputed to have held treasure hidden by the one or the other of them.
Each is the hero of half a hundred legends and fantastically
exaggerated tales, and it was Captain Kid who buried the treasure that
Poe discovered in the delightful romance of “The Gold Bug.”

But, nevertheless, though the fame of these two worthies is so
pre-eminent, there are others only second to them in renown--others
whose names and deeds have also been chronicled by Captain Johnson,
the famous historian of scoundreldom. Captain Bartholomew Roberts, for
instance, if he may not have had the fortune to be so famous as the
two above-mentioned worthies, yet, in his marvellous escapes and deeds
of daring, he well deserves to stand upon the same pedestal of renown.
And Captain Avery, though his history is, perhaps, more apochryphal in
its nature, nevertheless there is sufficient stamina of trust in the
account of his exploits to grant him also place with his more famous
brothers, for the four together--Black-beard, Kid, Roberts, and
Avery--form a galaxy the like of which is indeed hard to match in its
own peculiar brilliancy.


                                   IX.

Through circumstances the hunter name of buccaneers was given to the
seventeenth-century pirates and freebooters; the term “marooners” was
bestowed upon those who followed the same trade in the century
succeeding. The name has in itself a terrible significance. The
dictionary tells us that to maroon is to put ashore as upon a desert
island, and it was from this that the title was derived.

These later pirates--the marooners--not being under the protection of
the West Indian governors, and having no such harbour for retreat as
that, for instance, of Port Royal, were compelled to adopt some means
for the disposal of prisoners captured with their prizes other than
taking them into a friendly port.

Occasionally such unhappy captives were set adrift in the ship’s
boats--with or without provisions, as the case might be. A method of
disposing of them maybe more convenient, certainly more often used,
was to set them ashore upon some desert coast or uninhabited island,
with a supply of water perhaps, and perhaps a gun, a pinch of powder,
and a few bullets--there to meet their fate, either in the slim chance
of a passing vessel or more probably in death.

Nor was marooning the fate alone of the wretched captives of their
piracy; sometimes it was resorted to as a punishment among themselves.
Many a mutinous pirate sailor and not a few pirate captains have been
left to the horrors of such a fate, either to die under the
shrivelling glare of the tropical sun upon some naked sandspit or to
consume in the burning of a tropical fever amid the rank wilderness of
mangroves upon some desert coast.

Hence the name marooners.


                                    X.

As the marooners followed the buccaneers in actual fact, so should
they follow them in the history that treats of West Indian
freebooters.

Nor is it merely a matter of correctness of form to add the more
unusual histories the four famous pirates here incorporated. There is
another, a deeper, a more humanitarian reason for such a sequel. For
is not the history of the savage outlawry of the marooners a
verisemblance of the degeneration, the quick disintegration of
humanity the moment that the laws of God and man are lifted? The Tudor
sea-captains were little else than legalized pirates, and in them we
may see that first small step that leads so quickly into the smooth
downward path. The buccaneers, in their semi-legalized piracy,
succeeded them as effect follows cause. Then as the ultimate result
followed the marooners--fierce, bloody, rapacious, human wild beasts
lusting for blood and plunder, godless, lawless, the enemy of all men
but their own wicked kind.

Is there not a profitable lesson to be learned in the history of such
a human extreme of evil--all the more wicked from being the rebound
from civilization?

Thus, in the present volume, it has been deemed best to add as a
sequel to the redoubtable narrative of the honest Dutchman
Esquemeling, the history, first of Captain Kid--who stood upon a sort
of middle ground between the buccaneers and the marooners proper--and
then the story of the lives of Black-beard, Roberts, and Avery:
roaring, ranting, raving pirates _per se_.

As a rule it is generally difficult to find any actual data, any
tangible history of the popular villain-hero. Now and then the curious
collector of such ephemeral trifles gathers together a few chap-book
histories of such, but as a rule any positive material passes quickly
away and is lost in the oblivion of past things. Their deeds and
actions are usually of small moment in the policy of nations, and it
is only in popular romance and fiction that their name and fame is
embalmed and preserved. But in the case of Kid and of Black-beard,
however, and the more famous pirates and notorious rogues of their
generation--both land-thieves and water-thieves, land-rats and
water-rats--a Pliny has arisen, who has handed down their names and
the history of their deeds to the present time--Captain Charles
Johnson, who, in the earlier half of the eighteenth century collected
and edited numberless chap-book histories of famous pirates and
highwaymen.

As in the case of “The History of the Buccaneers,” Johnson’s works
have gone through numberless editions, so that if by the quantity of
books we measure the popular regard, Black-beard and Kid and Avery
with their land-types--Duval, Shepherd, and Jonathan Wild--have a very
dear place in the hearts of the people.

The first of these collected histories appeared under place and date,
London, 1724, 8vo. It was entitled, “General History of the Pyrates of
the New Providence,” &c., and appeared again in a second edition of
two volumes in 1727. In this history, most quaint and rare, appear the
lives both of Black-beard and Kid, and it is now numbered among the
more interesting and curious of Americana.

In 1734 was published in folio form “The History of Highwaymen and
Pirates,” &c.; but although the history of Black-beard appears in this
edition, that of Captain Kid is, for some reason, omitted. In 1742
followed a second edition of this same history, printed from the
original plates. Both this and the first edition (some of the copies
of which bear the date 1736) are now grown quite rare and curious,
being not often met with outside the libraries of the book-collector.
From them so numerous a progeny had sprung that, as in the case of
“The History of the Buccaneers,” it is almost an impossible task to
follow and particularize them. One of the more notable reprints
appeared in 1839, another with additions by C. Whitehead in 1840, and
again in 1853. These are but a few of a numerous tribe of the grand
family in which these popular heroes act their life under the gaze of
our far-away time.

To them the reader must turn if he would seek further in the dark
passages of such lives as are here presented in the most notorious
examples, perhaps, of all.

                                                       HOWARD PYLE.

     WILMINGTON, DELAWARE,
       _November, 1890_.




                              THE TRANSLATOR

                                  TO THE

                              READER (OF 1684).


_The present Volume, both for its Curiosity and Ingenuity, I dare
recommend unto the perusal of our English Nation, whose glorious
actions it containeth. What relateth unto the curiosity hereof, this
Piece, both of Natural and Humane History, was no sooner published in
the =Dutch Original=, than it was snatch’t up for the most curious
Library’s of =Holland=; it was Translated into =Spanish= (two
impressions thereof being sent into =Spain= in one year); it was taken
notice of by the learned Academy of Paris; and finally recommended as
worthy our esteem, by the ingenious Author of the =Weekly Memorials
for the Ingenious=, printed here at =London= about two years ago.
Neither all this undeservedly, seeing it enlargeth our acquaintance of
Natural History, so much prized and enquired for, by the Learned of
this present Age, with several observations not easily to be found in
other accounts already received from =America=: and besides, it
informeth us (with huge novelty) of as great and bold attempts, in
point of Military conduct and valour, as ever were performed by
mankind; without excepting, here, either =Alexander the Great=, or
=Julius Cæsar=, or the rest of the =Nine Worthy’s of Fame=. Of all
which actions, as we cannot confess ourselves to have been ignorant
hitherto (the very name of =Bucaniers= being, as yet, known but unto
few of the =Ingenious=; as their Lives, Laws, and Conversation, are in
a manner unto none) so can they not choose but be admired, out of this
ingenuous Author, by whosoever is curious to learn the various
revolutions of humane affairs. But, more especially by our =English
Nation=; as unto whom these things more narrowly do appertain. We
having here more than half the =Book= filled with the unparallel’d, if
not inimitable, adventures and =Heroick= exploits of our own
Country-men, and Relations; whose undaunted, and exemplary courage,
when called upon by our King and Country, we ought to emulate._

_From whence it hath proceeded, that nothing of this kind was ever, as
yet, published in =England=, I cannot easily determine; except, as
some will say, from some secret =Ragion di Stato=. Let the reason be
as t’will; this is certain, so much the more we are obliged unto this
present Author, who though a stranger unto our Nation, yet with that
Candour and Fidelity hath recorded our Actions, as to render the Metal
of our true English Valour to be the more believed and feared abroad,
than if these things had been divulged by our selves at home. From
hence peradventure will other Nations learn, that the English people
are of their Genius more inclinable to act than to write; seeing as
well they as we have lived unacquainted with these actions of our
Nation, until such time as a Foreign Author to our Country came to
tell them._

_Besides the merits of this Piece for its curiosity, another point of
no less esteem, is the truth and sincerity wherewith everything
seemeth to be penned. No greater ornament or dignity can be added unto
History, either humane or natural, than truth. All other
embellishments, if this be failing, are of little or no esteem; if
this be delivered, are either needless or superfluous. What concerneth
this requisite in our Author, his lines do every-where declare the
faithfulness and sincerity of his mind. He writeth not by hearsay, but
was an eye witness, as he somewhere telleth you, unto all and every
one of the bold and hazardous attempts which he relateth. And these he
delivereth with such candour of stile, such ingenuity of mind, such
plainness of words, such conciseness of periods, so much divested of
Rhetorical Hyperboles, or the least flourishes of Eloquence, so hugely
void of Passion or national Reflections, as that he strongly
perswadeth all-along to the credit of what he saith; yea, raiseth the
mind of the Reader to believe these things far greater than what he
hath said; and having read him, leaveth onely this scruple or concern
behind, that you can read him no longer. In a word, such are his
deserts, that some persons peradventure would not stickle to compare
him to the Father of Historians, =Philip de Comines=; at least thus
much may be said, with all truth imaginable, that he resembleth that
great Author in many of his excellent qualities._

_I know some persons have objected against the greatness of these
prodigious Adventures, intimating that the resistance our =Bucaniers=
found in =America=, was every-where but small. For the =Spaniards=,
say they, in the =West Indies=, are become of late years nothing less,
but rather much more degenerate than in =Europe=. The continual Peace
they have enjoyed in those parts, the defect of Military Discipline,
and =European= Souldiers for their Commanders, much contributing
hereunto. But more especially, and above all other reasons, the very
luxury of the Soil and Riches, the extreme heat of those Countries,
and influence of the Stars being such, as totally inclineth their
bodies unto an infinite effeminacy and cowardize of minds._

_Unto these Reasons I shall only answer in brief. This History will
convince them to be manifestly false. For as to the continual Peace
here alleadged, we know that no Peace could ever be established
=beyond the Line=, since the first possession of the =West-Indies= by
the =Spaniards=, till the burning of =Panama=. At that time, or few
months before, =Sir William Godolphin= by his prudent negotiation in
quality of Embassadour for our most Gracious Monarch, did conclude at
=Madrid= a peace to be observed even =beyond the Line=, and through
the whole extent of the Spanish Dominions in the =West-Indies=. This
transaction gave the Spaniards new causes of complaints against our
proceedings, that no sooner a Peace had been established for those
parts of =America=, but our forces had taken and burnt both =Chagre=,
=St. Catherine=, and =Panama=. But our reply was convincing. That
whereas eight or ten months of time had been allowed by Articles for
the publishing of the said Peace through all the Dominions of both
Monarchies in =America=, those Hostilities had been committed, not
onely without orders from his Majesty of =England=, but also within
the space of the said eight or ten months of time. Until that time the
Spanish Inhabitants of =America= being, as it were, in a perpetual War
with =Europe=, certain it is that no Coasts nor Kingdoms in the World
have been more frequently infested nor alarm’d with the invasions of
several Nations than theirs. Thus from the very beginning of their
Conquests in America, both =English=, =French=, =Dutch=, =Portuguese=,
=Swedes=, =Danes=, =Curlanders=, and all other nations that navigate
the =Ocean=, have frequented the =West-Indies=, and filled them with
their Robberies and Assaults. From these occasions have they been in
continual watch and ward, and kept their =Militia= in constant
exercise, as also their Garrisons pretty well provided and paid; as
fearing every sail they discovered at Sea, to be =Pirats= of one
Nation or another. But much more especially, since that =Curasao=,
=Tortuga=, and =Jamaica= have been inhabited by =English=, =French=,
and =Dutch=, and bred up that race of =Hunts-men=, than which, no
other ever was more desperate, nor more mortal enemies to the
Spaniards, called Bucaniers. Now shall we say, that these People,
through too long continuation of Peace, have utterly abolished the
exercises of War, having been all-along incessantly vexed with the
Tumults and Alarms thereof?_

_In like manner is it false, to accuse their defect of Military
Discipline for want of =European= Commanders. For who knoweth not that
all places, both Military and Civil, through those vast dominions of
the West-Indies, are provided out of =Spain=? And those of the Militia
most commonly given unto expert Commanders, trained up from their
infancy in the Wars of =Europe=, either in =Africa=, =Milan=,
=Sicily=, =Naples=, or =Flanders=, fighting against either =English=,
=French=, =Dutch=, =Portuguese=, or =Moors=? Yea, their very
Garrisons, if you search them in those parts, will peradventure be
found to be stock’d three parts to four with Souldiers both born and
bred in the Kingdom of =Spain=._

_From these Considerations it may be inferr’d, what little difference
ought to be allowed betwixt the Spanish Souldiers, Inhabitants of the
=West-Indies=, and those of =Europe=. And how little the Soil or
Climate hath influenced or caused their Courage to degenerate towards
cowardize or baseness of mind. As if the very same Argument, deduced
from the nature of that Climate, did not equally militate against the
valour of our famous Bucaniers, and represent this to be of as
degenerate Metal as theirs._

_But nothing can be more clearly evinced, than is the Valour of the
=American Spaniards=, either Souldiers or Officers, by the sequel of
this History. What men ever fought more desperately than the Garrison
of =Chagre=? Their number being 314, and of all these, only thirty
remaining; of which number scarce ten were unwounded; and among them,
not one officer found alive? Were not 600 killed upon the spot at
=Panama=, 500 at =Gibraltar=, almost as many more at =Puerto del
Principe=, all dying with their Arms in their hands, and facing
bravely the Enemy for the defence of their Country and private
Concerns? Did not those of the Town of =San Pedro= both =fortifie=
themselves, lay several Ambuscades, and lastly sell their lives as
dear as any European Souldier could do; Lolonois being forced to gain
step by step his advance unto the Town, with huge loss both of bloud
and men? Many other instances might be produced out of this
compendious Volume, of the generous resistance the =Spaniards= made in
several places, though Fortune favoured not their Arms._

_Next, as to the personal Valour of many of their Commanders, What man
ever behaved himself more briskly than the Governour of =Gibraltar=,
than the Governour of =Puerto del Principe=, both dying for the
defence of their Towns; than Don Alonso del Campo, and others? Or what
examples can easily parallel the desperate courage of the Governour of
=Chagre=? who, though the =Palizada’s= were fired, the Terraplens were
sunk into the Ditch, the Breaches were entred, the Houses all burnt
above him, the whole Castle taken, his men all killed; yet would not
admit of any quarter, but chose rather to die under his Arms, being
shot into the brain, than surrender himself as a Prisoner unto the
=Bucaniers=. What Lion ever fought to the last gasp more obstinately
than the Governour of =Puerto Velo=? who, seeing the Town enter’d by
surprizal in the night, one chief Castle blown up into the Air, all
the other Forts and Castles taken, his own assaulted several ways,
both Religious men and women placed at the front of the Enemy to fix
the Ladders against the Walls; yet spared not to kill as many of the
said Religious persons as he could. And at last, the walls being
scaled, the Castle enter’d and taken, all his own men overcome by fire
and smoke, who had cast down their Arms, and begged mercy from the
Enemy; yet would admit of none for his own life. Yea, with his own
hands killed several of his Souldiers, to force them to stand to their
Arms, though all were lost. Yea, though his own Wife and Daughter
begged of him upon their knees that he would save his life by craving
quarter, though the Enemy desired of him the same thing; yet would
hearken to no cries nor perswasions, but they were forced to kill him,
combating with his Arms in his hands, being not otherwise able to take
him Prisoner, as they were desirous to do. Shall these men be said to
be influenced with Cowardize, who thus acted to the very last =Scene=
of their own =Tragedies=? Or shall we rather say that they wanted not
Courage, but Fortune? It being certainly true, that he who is killed
in a Battle, may be equally couragious with him that killeth. And that
whosoever derogateth from the Valour of the =Spaniards= in the
=West-Indies=, diminisheth in like manner the Courage of the
=Bucaniers=, his own Country-men, who have seemed to act beyond mortal
men in =America=._

_Now, to say something concerning =John Esquemeling=, the first Author
of this History. I take him to be a =Dutch-man=, or at least born in
=Flanders=, notwithstanding that the Spanish Translation representeth
him to be Native of the Kingdom of =France=. His printing this History
originally in Dutch, which doubtless must be his native Tongue, who
otherwise was but an illiterate man, together with the very sound of
his name, convincing me thereunto. True it is, he set sail from
=France=, and was some years at Tortuga; but neither of these two
Arguments, drawn from the History, are prevalent. For were he to be a
=French-man= born, how came he to learn the =Dutch= language so
perfectly as to prefer it to his own? Especially that not being spoken
at =Tortuga= nor =Jamaica=, where he resided all the while._

_I hope I have made this English Translation something more plain and
correct than the Spanish. Some few notorious faults either of the
Printer or the Interpreter, I am sure I have redressed. But the
Spanish Translator complaining much of the intricacy of Stile in the
Original (as flowing from a person who, as hath been said, was no
Scholar) as he was pardonable, being in great haste, for not rendring
his own Version so distinct and elaborate as he could desire; so must
I be excused from the one, that is to say, Elegancy, if I have
cautiously declined the other, I mean Confusion._




                               THE HISTORY

                                  OF THE

                          BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA.




                                CHAPTER I.

  The introduction--The author sets forth for the Western Islands,
     in the service of the West-India Company of France--They
     meet with an English frigate, and arrive at the Island of
     Tortuga.


We set sail from Havre-de-Grace in France, from whence we set sail in
the ship called _St. John_, May 2, 1666. Our vessel was equipped with
twenty-eight guns, twenty mariners, and two hundred and twenty
passengers, including those whom the company sent as free passengers.
Soon after we came to an anchor under the Cape of Barfleur, there to
join seven other ships of the same West-India company, which were to
come from Diep, under convoy of a man-of-war, mounted with
thirty-seven guns, and two hundred and fifty men. Of these ships two
were bound for Senegal, five for the Caribbee islands, and ours for
Tortuga. Here gathered to us about twenty sail of other ships, bound
for Newfoundland, with some Dutch vessels going for Nantz, Rochel, and
St. Martin’s, so that in all we made thirty sail. Here we put
ourselves in a posture of defence, having noticed that four English
frigates, of sixty guns each, waited for us near Aldernay. Our
admiral, the Chevalier Sourdis, having given necessary orders, we
sailed thence with a favourable gale, and some mists arising, totally
impeded the English frigates from discovering our fleet. We steered
our course as near as we could to the coast of France, for fear of the
enemy. As we sailed along, we met a vessel of Ostend, who complained
to our admiral, that a French privateer had robbed him that very
morning; whereupon we endeavoured to pursue the said pirate; but our
labour was in vain, not being able to overtake him.

Our fleet, as we sailed, caused no small fears and alarms to the
inhabitants of the coasts of France, these judging us to be English,
and that we sought some convenient place for landing. To allay their
fright, we hung out our colours; but they would not trust us. After
this we came to an anchor in the bay of Conquet in Brittany, near
Ushant, there to take in water. Having stored ourselves with fresh
provisions here, we prosecuted our voyage, designing to pass by the
Ras of Fontenau, and not expose ourselves to the Sorlingues, fearing
the English that were cruising thereabouts. The river Ras is of a
current very strong and rapid, which, rolling over many rocks,
disgorges itself into the sea, on the coast of France, in 48 deg. 10
min. latitude; so that this passage is very dangerous, all the rocks,
as yet, being not thoroughly known.

Here I shall mention the ceremony, which, at this passage, and some
other places, is used by the mariners, and by them called baptism,
though it may seem little to our purpose. The master’s mate clothed
himself with a ridiculous sort of garment, that reached to his feet,
and on his head he put a suitable cap, made very burlesque; in his
right hand he had a naked wooden sword, and in his left a pot full of
ink: his face was horribly blacked with soot, and his neck adorned
with a collar of many little pieces of wood. Thus apparelled, he
commanded every one to be called who had never passed through that
dangerous place before; and then, causing them to kneel down, he made
the sign of the cross on their foreheads, with ink, and gave every one
a stroke on the shoulders with his wooden sword. Meanwhile, the
standers-by cast a bucket of water upon each man’s head; and so ended
the ceremony. But that done, each of the baptized must give a bottle
of brandy, placing it nigh the main-mast, without speaking a word;
even those who have no such liquor not being excused. If the vessel
never passed that way before, the captain is obliged to distribute
some wine among the mariners and passengers; but as for other gifts,
which the newly-baptized frequently offer, they are divided among the
old seamen, and of them they make a banquet among themselves.

The Hollanders likewise, not only at this passage, but also at the
rocks called Berlingues, nigh the coast of Portugal, in 39 deg. 40
min. (being a passage very dangerous, especially by night, when, in
the dark, the rocks are not distinguishable, the land being very high)
they use some such ceremony: but their manner of baptizing is very
different from that of the French; for he that is to be baptized is
fastened, and hoisted up thrice, at the main-yard’s end, as if he were
a criminal. If he be hoisted the fourth time, in the name of the
Prince of Orange, or of the captain of the vessel, his honour is more
than ordinary. Thus every one is dipped several times in the main
ocean; but he that is dipped first has the honour of being saluted
with a gun. Such as are not willing to fall, must pay twelve pence for
ransom; if he be an officer, two shillings; and if a passenger, at
their own pleasure. If the ship never passed that way before, the
captain is to give a small rundlet of wine, which, if he denies, the
mariners may cut off the stem of the vessel. All the profit accruing
by this ceremony is kept by the master’s mate, who, after reaching
their port, usually lays it out in wine, which is drank amongst the
ancient seamen. Some say this ceremony was instituted by the Emperor
Charles V. though it is not amongst his laws. But here I leave these
sea customs, and return to our voyage.

Having passed the Ras, we had very good weather, till we came to Cape
Finis Terræ: here a sudden tempest surprised us, and separated our
ship from the rest that were in our company. This storm continued
eight days; in which time it would move compassion to see how
miserably the passengers were tumbled to and fro, on all sides of the
ship; insomuch, that the mariners, in the performance of their duty,
were compelled to tread upon them. This boisterous weather being over,
we had very favourable gales again, till we came to the tropic of
Cancer. This tropic is an imaginary circle, which astronomers have
invented in the heavens, limiting the progress of the sun towards the
north pole. It is placed in the latitude of 23 deg. 30 min. Here we
were baptized a second time, as before. The French always perform this
ceremony at the tropic of Cancer, as also under the tropic of
Capricorn. In this part of the world we had very favourable weather,
at which we were very glad, because of our great want of water; for
that element was so scarce with us, that we were stinted to two half
pints a man every day.

About the latitude of Barbadoes, we met an English frigate, or
privateer, who first began to give us chase; but finding herself not
to exceed us in force, presently got away: hereupon, we pursued her,
firing several guns, eight-pounders, at her; but at length she
escaped, and we returned to our course. Soon after, we came within
sight of Martinico. We were bent to the coast of the isle of St.
Peter, but were frustrated by a storm, which took us hereabouts. Hence
we resolved to steer to Gaudaloupe, yet we could not reach this
island, by reason of the said storm; so that we directed our course to
the isle of Tortuga, being the very same land we were bound to. We
passed along the coast of Punta Rica, which is extremely agreeable and
delightful to the sight, being adorned with beautiful woods, even to
the tops of the mountains. Then we discovered Hispaniola (of which I
shall give a description), and we coasted about it till we came to
Tortuga, our desired port. Here we anchored, July 7, in the same year,
not having lost one man in the voyage. We landed the goods that
belonged to the West-India company, and, soon after, the ship was sent
to Cal de Sac with some passengers.




                               CHAPTER II.

  A description of Tortuga--The fruits and plants there--How the
     French first settled there, at two several times, and forced
     out the Spaniards--The author twice sold in the said island.


The island of Tortuga is situate on the north side of Hispaniola, in
20 deg. 30 min. latitude; its just extent is threescore leagues about.
The Spaniards, who gave name to this island, called it so from the
shape of the land, in some manner resembling a great sea-tortoise,
called by them Tortuga-de-mar. The country is very mountainous, and
full of rocks, and yet thick of lofty trees, that grow upon the
hardest of those rocks, without partaking of a softer soil. Hence it
comes that their roots, for the greatest part, are seen naked,
entangled among the rocks like the branching of ivy against our walls.
That part of this island which stretches to the north is totally
uninhabited: the reason is, first, because it is incommodious, and
unhealthy: and, secondly, for the ruggedness of the coast, that gives
no access to the shore, unless among rocks almost inaccessible: for
this cause it is peopled only on the south part, which hath only one
port indifferently good: yet this harbour has two entries, or
channels, which afford passage to ships of seventy guns; the port
itself being without danger, and capable of receiving a great number
of vessels. The inhabited parts, of which the first is called the
Low-Lands, or Low-Country: this is the chief among the rest, because
it contains the port aforesaid. The town is called Cayona, and here
live the chiefest and richest planters of the island. The second part
is called the Middle Plantation: its soil is yet almost new, being
only known to be good for tobacco. The third is named Ringot, and is
situate towards the west part of the island. The fourth and last is
called the Mountain, in which place were made the first plantations
upon this island.

As to the wood that grows here, we have already said that the trees
are exceeding tall, and pleasing to the sight; whence no man will
doubt, but they may be applied to several uses. Such is the yellow
saunder, which by the inhabitants is called bois de chandel, or, in
English, candle-wood, because it burns like a candle, and serves them
with light while they fish by night. Here grows, also, lignum sanctum,
or guiacum: its virtues are very well known, more especially to those
who observe not the Seventh Commandment, and are given to impure
copulations!--physicians drawing hence, in several compositions, the
greatest antidote for venereal diseases; as also for cold and viscous
humours. The trees, likewise, which afford gummi elemi, grow here in
great abundance; as doth radix Chinæ, or China root: yet this is not
so good as that of other parts of the western world. It is very white
and soft, and serves for pleasant food to the wild boars, when they
can find nothing else. This island, also, is not deficient in aloes,
nor an infinite number of the other medicinal herbs, which may please
the curiosity of such as are given to their contemplation: moreover,
for building of ships, or any other sort of architecture, here are
found several sorts of timber. The fruits, likewise, which grow here
abundantly, are nothing inferior, in quantity or quality, to what
other islands produce. I shall name only some of the most ordinary and
common: such are magniot, potatoes, Abajou apples, yannas, bacones,
paquays, carosoles, mamayns, annananes, and divers other sorts, which
I omit to specify. Here grow likewise, in great numbers, those trees
called palmitoes, or palmites, whence is drawn a certain juice which
serves the inhabitants instead of wine, and whose leaves cover their
houses instead of tiles.

In this island aboundeth, also, the wild boar. The governor hath
prohibited the hunting of them with dogs, fearing lest, the island
being but small, the whole race of them, in a short time, should be
destroyed. The reason why he thought convenient to preserve these wild
beasts was, that, in case of any invasion, the inhabitants might
sustain themselves with their food, especially were they once
constrained to retire to the woods and mountains. Yet this sort of
game is almost impeded by itself, by reason of the many rocks and
precipices, which, for the greatest part, are covered with little
shrubs, very green, and thick; whence the huntsmen have oftentimes
fallen, and left us the sad remembrance of many a memorable disaster.

At a certain time of the year there resort to Tortuga large flocks of
wild pigeons, and then the inhabitants feed on them very plentifully,
having more than they can consume, and leaving totally to their repose
all other sorts of fowl, both wild and tame; that so, in the absence
of the pigeons, these may supply their place. But as nothing in the
universe, though never so pleasant, can be found, but what hath
something of bitterness with it; the very symbol of this truth we see
in the aforesaid pigeons: for these, the season being past, can scarce
be touched with the tongue, they become so extremely lean, and bitter
even to admiration. The reason of this bitterness is attributed to a
certain seed which they eat about that time, even as bitter as gall.
About the sea-shores, everywhere, are found great multitudes of crabs,
both of land and sea, and both sorts very big. These are good to feed
servants and slaves, whose palates they please, but are very hurtful
to the sight: besides, being eaten too often, they cause great
giddiness in the head, with much weakness of the brain; so that, very
frequently, they are deprived of sight for a quarter of an hour.

The French having settled in the isle of St. Christopher, planted
there a sort of trees, of which, at present, there possibly may be
greater quantities; with the timber whereof they made long-boats, and
hoys, which they sent thence westward, well manned and victualled, to
discover other islands. These setting sail from St. Christopher, came
within sight of Hispaniola, where they arrived with abundance of joy.
Having landed, they marched into the country, where they found large
quantities of cattle; such as cows, bulls, horses, and wild boars: but
finding no great profit in these animals, unless they could enclose
them, and knowing, likewise, the island to be pretty well peopled by
the Spaniards, they thought it convenient to enter upon and seize the
island of Tortuga. This they performed without any difficulty, there
being upon the island no more than ten or twelve Spaniards to guard
it. These few men let the French come in peaceably, and possess the
island for six months, without any trouble; meanwhile they passed and
repassed, with their canoes, to Hispaniola, from whence they
transported many people, and at last began to plant the whole island
of Tortuga. The few Spaniards remaining there, perceiving the French
to increase their number daily, began, at last, to repine at their
prosperity, and grudge them the possession: hence they gave notice to
others of their nation, their neighbours, who sent several boats, well
armed and manned, to dispossess the French. This expedition succeeded
according to their desires; for the new possessors, seeing the great
number of Spaniards, fled with all they had to the woods, and hence,
by night, they wafted over with canoes to the island of Hispaniola:
this they the more easily performed, having no women or children with
them, nor any great substance to carry away. Here they also retired
into the woods, both to seek for food, and from thence, with secrecy,
to give intelligence to others of their own faction; judging for
certain, that within a little while they should be in a capacity to
hinder the Spaniards from fortifying in Tortuga.

Meanwhile, the Spaniards of the great island ceased not to seek after
their new guests, the French, with intent to root them out of the
woods if possible, or cause them to perish with hunger; but this
design soon failed, having found that the French were masters both of
good guns, powder, and bullets. Here therefore the fugitives waited
for a certain opportunity, wherein they knew the Spaniards were to
come from Tortuga with arms, and a great number of men, to join with
those of the greater island for their destruction. When this occasion
offered, they in the meanwhile deserting the woods where they were,
returned to Tortuga, and dispossessed the small number of Spaniards
that remained at home. Having so done, they fortified themselves the
best they could, thereby to prevent the return of the Spaniards in
case they should attempt it. Moreover, they sent immediately to the
governor of St. Christopher’s, craving his aid and relief, and
demanding of him a governor, the better to be united among themselves,
and strengthened on all occasions. The governor of St. Christopher’s
received their petition with much satisfaction, and, without delay,
sent Monsieur le Passeur to them in quality of a governor, together
with a ship full of men, and all necessaries for their establishment
and defence. No sooner had they received this recruit, but the
governor commanded a fortress to be built upon the top of a high rock,
from whence he could hinder the entrance of any ships or other vessels
to the port. To this fort no other access could be had, than by almost
climbing through a very narrow passage that was capable only of
receiving two persons at once, and those not without difficulty. In
the middle of this rock was a great cavity, which now serves for a
storehouse: besides, here was great convenience for raising a battery.
The fort being finished, the governor commanded two guns to be
mounted, which could not be done without great toil and labour; as
also a house to be built within the fort, and afterwards the narrow
way, that led to the said fort, to be broken and demolished, leaving
no other ascent thereto than by a ladder. Within the fort gushes out a
plentiful fountain of pure fresh water, sufficient to refresh a
garrison of a thousand men. Being possessed of these conveniences, and
the security these things might promise, the French began to people
the island, and each of them to seek their living; some by hunting,
others by planting tobacco, and others by cruising and robbing upon
the coasts of the Spanish islands, which trade is continued by them to
this day.

The Spaniards, notwithstanding, could not behold, but with jealous
eyes, the daily increase of the French in Tortuga, fearing lest, in
time, they might by them be dispossessed also of Hispaniola. Thus
taking an opportunity (when many of the French were abroad at sea, and
others employed in hunting), with eight hundred men, in several
canoes, they landed again in Tortuga, almost without being perceived
by the French; but finding that the governor had cut down many trees
for the better discovery of any enemy in case of an assault, as also
that nothing of consequence could be done without great guns, they
consulted about the fittest place for raising a battery. This place
was soon concluded to be the top of a mountain which was in sight,
seeing that from thence alone they could level their guns at the fort,
which now lay open to them since the cutting down of the trees by the
new possessors. Hence they resolved to open a way for the carriage of
some pieces of ordnance to the top. This mountain is somewhat high,
and the upper part thereof plain, from whence the whole island may be
viewed: the sides thereof are very rugged, by reason a great number of
inaccessible rocks do surround it; so that the ascent was very
difficult, and would always have been the same, had not the Spaniards
undergone the immense labour and toil of making the way before
mentioned, as I shall now relate.

The Spaniards had with them many slaves and Indians, labouring men,
whom they call matades, or, in English, half-yellow men; these they
ordered with iron tools to dig a way through the rocks. This they
performed with the greatest speed imaginable; and through this way, by
the help of many ropes and pulleys, they at last made shift to get up
two pieces of ordnance, wherewith they made a battery next day, to
play on the fort. Meanwhile, the French knowing these designs,
prepared for a defence (while the Spaniards were busy about the
battery) sending notice everywhere to their companions for help. Thus
the hunters of the island all joined together, and with them all the
pirates who were not already too far from home. These landed by night
at Tortuga, lest they should be seen by the Spaniards; and, under the
same obscurity of the night, they all together, by a back way, climbed
the mountain where the Spaniards were posted, which they did the more
easily being acquainted with these rocks. They came up at the very
instant that the Spaniards, who were above, were preparing to shoot at
the fort, not knowing in the least of their coming. Here they set upon
them at their backs with such fury as forced the greatest part to
precipitate themselves from the top to the bottom, and dash their
bodies in pieces: few or none escaped; for if any remained alive, they
were put to the sword. Some Spaniards did still keep the bottom of the
mountain; but these, hearing the shrieks and cries of them that were
killed, and believing some tragical revolution to be above, fled
immediately towards the sea, despairing ever to regain the island of
Tortuga.

The governors of this island behaved themselves as proprietors and
absolute lords thereof till 1664, when the West-India company of
France took possession thereof, and sent thither, for their governor,
Monsieur Ogeron. These planted the colony for themselves by their
factors and servants, thinking to drive some considerable trade from
thence with the Spaniards, even as the Hollanders do from Curacao: but
this design did not answer; for with other nations they could drive no
trade, by reason they could not establish any secure commerce from the
beginning with their own; forasmuch as at the first institution of
this company in France they agreed with the pirates, hunters, and
planters, first possessors of Tortuga, that these should buy all their
necessaries from the said company upon trust. And though this
agreement was put in execution, yet the factors of the company soon
after found that they could not recover either monies or returns from
those people, that they were constrained to bring some armed men into
the island, in behalf of the company, to get in some of their
payments. But neither this endeavour, nor any other, could prevail
towards the settling a second trade with those of the island.
Hereupon, the company recalled their factors, giving them orders to
sell all that was their own in the said plantation, both the servants
belonging to the company (which were sold, some for twenty, and others
for thirty pieces of eight), as also all other merchandizes and
proprieties. And thus all their designs fell to the ground.

On this occasion I was also sold, being a servant under the said
company in whose service I left France: but my fortune was very bad,
for I fell into the hands of the most cruel and perfidious man that
ever was born, who was then governor, or rather lieutenant-general, of
that island. This man treated me with all the hard usage imaginable,
yea, with that of hunger, with which I thought I should have perished
inevitably. Withal, he was willing to let me buy my freedom and
liberty, but not under the rate of three hundred pieces of eight, I
not being master of one at a time in the world. At last, through the
manifold miseries I endured, as also affliction of mind, I was thrown
into a dangerous sickness. This misfortune, added to the rest, was the
cause of my happiness: for my wicked master, seeing my condition,
began to fear lest he should lose his monies with my life. Hereupon he
sold me a second time to a surgeon, for seventy pieces of eight. Being
with this second master, I began soon to recover my health through the
good usage I received, he being much more humane and civil than my
first patron. He gave me both clothes and very good food; and after I
had served him but one year, he offered me my liberty, with only this
condition, that I should pay him one hundred pieces of eight when I
was in a capacity so to do; which kind proposal of his I could not but
accept with infinite joy and gratitude.

Being now at liberty, though like Adam when he was first created--that
is, naked and destitute of all human necessaries--not knowing how to
get my living, I determined to enter into the order of the pirates or
robbers at sea. Into this society I was received with common consent,
both of the superior and vulgar sort, where I continued till 1672.
Having assisted them in all their designs and attempts, and served
them in many notable exploits (of which hereafter I shall give the
reader a true account), I returned to my own native country. But
before I begin my relation, I shall say something of the island
Hispaniola, which lies towards the western part of America; as also
give my reader a brief description thereof, according to my slender
ability and experience.




                               CHAPTER III.

  A Description of Hispaniola.--A Relation of the French Buccaneers.


The large and rich island called Hispaniola is situate from 17 degrees
to 19 degrees latitude; the circumference is 300 leagues; the extent
from east to west 120; its breadth almost 50, being broader or
narrower at certain places. This island was first discovered by
Christopher Columbus, A.D. 1492; he being sent for this purpose by
Ferdinand, king of Spain; from which time to this present the
Spaniards have been continually possessors thereof. There are upon
this island very good and strong cities, towns, and hamlets, as well
as a great number of pleasant country houses and plantations, the
effects of the care and industry of the Spaniards its inhabitants.

The chief city and metropolis hereof is Santo Domingo; being dedicated
to St. Dominic, from whom it derives its name. It is situate towards
the south, and affords a most excellent prospect; the country round
about being embellished with innumerable rich plantations, as also
verdant meadows and fruitful gardens; all which produce plenty and
variety of excellent pleasant fruits, according to the nature of those
countries. The governor of the island resides in this city, which is,
as it were, the storehouse of all the cities, towns, and villages,
which hence export and provide themselves with all necessaries for
human life; and yet hath it this particularity above many other
cities, that it entertains no commerce with any nation but its own,
the Spaniards. The greatest part of the inhabitants are rich and
substantial merchants or shopkeepers.

Another city of this island is San Jago, or St. James, being
consecrated to that apostle. This is an open place, without walls or
castle, situate in 19 deg. latitude. The inhabitants are generally
hunters and planters, the adjacent territory and soil being very
proper for the said exercises: the city is surrounded with large and
delicious fields, as much pleasing to the view as those of Santo
Domingo; and these abound with beasts both wild and tame, yielding
vast numbers of skins and hides, very profitable to the owners.

In the south part of this island is another city, called Nuestra
Sennora de Alta Gracia. This territory produces great quantities of
cacao, whereof the inhabitants make great store of the richest
chocolate. Here grows also ginger and tobacco, and much tallow is made
of the beasts which are hereabouts hunted.

The inhabitants of this beautiful island of Hispaniola often resort in
their canoes to the isle of Savona, not far distant, where is their
chief fishery, especially of tortoises. Hither those fish constantly
resort in great multitudes, at certain seasons, there to lay their
eggs, burying them in the sands of the shoal, where, by the heat of
the sun, which in those parts is very ardent, they are hatched. This
island of Savona has little or nothing that is worthy consideration,
being so very barren by reason of its sandy soil. True it is, that
here grows some small quantity of lignum sanctum, or guaiacum, of
whose use we say something in another place.

Westward of Santo Domingo is another great village called El Pueblo de
Aso, or the town of Aso: the inhabitants thereof drive great traffic
with those of another village, in the very middle of the island, and
is called San Juan de Goave, or St. John of Goave. This is environed
with a magnificent prospect of gardens, woods, and meadows. Its
territory extends above twenty leagues in length, and grazes a great
number of wild bulls and cows. In this village scarce dwell any others
than hunters and butchers, who flay the beasts that are killed. These
are for the most part a mongrel sort of people; some of which are born
of white European people and negroes, and called mulattoes: others of
Indians and white people, and termed mesticos: but others come of
negroes and Indians, and are called alcatraces. Besides which sorts of
people there are several other species and races, both here and in
other places of the West Indies, of whom this account may be
given--That the Spaniards love better the negro women in those western
parts, or the tawny Indian females, than their own white European
race; when as, peradventure, the negroes and Indians have greater
inclinations to the white women, or those that come near them, the
tawny, than their own. From the said village are exported yearly vast
quantities of tallow and hides, they exercising no other traffic: for
as to the lands in this place, they are not cultivated, by reason of
the excessive dryness of the soil. These are the chiefest places that
the Spaniards possess in this island, from the Cape of Lobos towards
St. John de Goave, unto the Cape of Samana nigh the sea, on the north
side, and from the eastern part towards the sea, called Punta de
Espada. All the rest of the island is possessed by the French, who are
also planters and hunters.

This island hath very good ports for ships, from the Cape of Lobos to
the Cape of Tiburon, on the west side thereof. In this space there are
no less than four ports, exceeding in goodness, largeness, and
security, even the very best of England. Besides these, from the Cape
of Tiburon to the Cape of Donna Maria, there are two very excellent
ports; and from this cape to the Cape of St. Nicholas, there are no
less than twelve others. Every one of these ports hath also the
confluence of two or three good rivers, in which are great plenty of
several sorts of fish very pleasing to the palate. The country
hereabouts is well watered with large and deep rivers and brooks, so
that this part of the land may easily be cultivated without any great
fear of droughts, because of these excellent streams. The sea-coasts
and shores are also very pleasant, to which the tortoises resort in
large numbers to lay their eggs.

This island was formerly very well peopled, on the north side, with
many towns and villages; but these, being ruined by the Hollanders,
were at last, for the greatest part, deserted by the Spaniards.

The spacious fields of this island commonly are five or six leagues in
length, the beauty whereof is so pleasing to the eye, that, together
with the great variety of their natural productions, they captivate
the senses of the beholder. For here at once they not only with
diversity of objects recreate the sight, but with many of the same do
also please the smell, and with most contribute delights to the taste;
also they flatter and excite the appetite, especially with the
multitudes of oranges and lemons here growing, both sweet and sour,
and those that participate of both tastes, and are only pleasantly
tartish. Besides here abundantly grow several sorts of fruit, such are
citrons, toronjas, and limas; in English not improperly called crab
lemons.

Beside the fruits which this island produces, whose plenty, as is
said, surpasses all the islands of America; it abounds also with all
sorts of quadrupeds, as horses, bulls, cows, wild boars, and others,
very useful to mankind, not only for food, but for cultivating the
ground, and the management of commerce.

Here are vast numbers of wild dogs: these destroy yearly many cattle;
for no sooner hath a cow calved, or a mare foaled, but these wild
mastiffs devour the young, if they find not resistance from keepers
and domestic dogs. They run up and down the woods and fields, commonly
fifty, threescore, or more, together; being withal so fierce, that
they will often assault an entire herd of wild boars, not ceasing to
worry them till they have fetched down two or three. One day a French
buccaneer showed me a strange action of this kind: being in the fields
a-hunting together, we heard a great noise of dogs which had
surrounded a wild boar: having tame dogs with us, we left them to the
custody of our servants, being desirous to see the sport. Hence my
companion and I climbed up two several trees, both for security and
prospect. The wild boar, all alone, stood against a tree, defending
himself with his tusks from a great number of dogs that enclosed him;
killed with his teeth, and wounded several of them. This bloody fight
continued about an hour; the wild boar, meanwhile, attempting many
times to escape. At last flying, one dog, leaping upon his back,
fastened on his testicles, which at one pull he tore in pieces. The
rest of the dogs, perceiving the courage of their companion, fastened
likewise on the boar, and presently killed him. This done, all of
them, the first only excepted, laid themselves down upon the ground
about the prey, and there peaceably continued, till he, the first and
most courageous of the troop, had ate as much as he could: when this
dog had left off, all the rest fell in to take their share, till
nothing was left. What ought we to infer from this notable action,
performed by wild animals, but this: that even beasts themselves are
not destitute of knowledge, and that they give us documents how to
honour such as have deserved well; even since these irrational animals
did reverence and respect him that exposed his life to the greatest
danger against the common enemy?

The governor of Tortuga, Monsieur Ogeron, finding that the wild dogs
killed so many of the wild boars, that the hunters of that island had
much ado to find any; fearing lest that common sustenance of the
island should fail, sent for a great quantity of poison from France to
destroy the wild mastiffs: this was done, A.D. 1668, by commanding
horses to be killed, and empoisoned, and laid open at certain places
where the wild dogs used to resort. This being continued for six
months, there were killed an incredible number; and yet all this could
not exterminate and destroy the race, or scarce diminish them; their
number appearing almost as large as before. These wild dogs are easily
tamed among men, even as tame as ordinary house dogs. The hunters of
those parts, whenever they find a wild bitch with whelps, commonly
take away the puppies, and bring them home; which being grown up, they
hunt much better than other dogs.

But here the curious reader may perhaps inquire how so many wild dogs
came here. The occasion was, the Spaniards having possessed these
isles, found them peopled with Indians, a barbarous people, sensual
and brutish, hating all labour, and only inclined to killing, and
making war against their neighbours; not out of ambition, but only
because they agreed not with themselves in some common terms of
language; and perceiving the dominion of the Spaniards laid great
restrictions upon their lazy and brutish customs, they conceived an
irreconcilable hatred against them; but especially because they saw
them take possession of their kingdoms and dominions. Hereupon, they
made against them all the resistance they could, opposing everywhere
their designs to the utmost: and the Spaniards finding themselves
cruelly hated by the Indians, and nowhere secure from their
treacheries, resolved to extirpate and ruin them, since they could
neither tame them by civility, nor conquer them with the sword. But
the Indians, it being their custom to make the woods their chief
places of defence, at present made these their refuge, whenever they
fled from the Spaniards. Hereupon, those first conquerors of the New
World made use of dogs to range and search the intricatest thickets of
woods and forests for those their implacable and unconquerable
enemies: thus they forced them to leave their old refuge, and submit
to the sword, seeing no milder usage would do it; hereupon they killed
some of them, and quartering their bodies, placed them in the
highways, that others might take warning from such a punishment; but
this severity proved of ill consequence, for instead of frighting them
and reducing them to civility, they conceived such horror of the
Spaniards, that they resolved to detest and fly their sight for ever;
hence the greatest part died in caves and subterraneous places of the
woods and mountains, in which places I myself have often seen great
numbers of human bones. The Spaniards finding no more Indians to
appear about the woods, turned away a great number of dogs they had in
their houses, and they finding no masters to keep them, betook
themselves to the woods and fields to hunt for food to preserve their
lives; thus by degrees they became unacquainted with houses, and grew
wild. This is the truest account I can give of the multitudes of wild
dogs in these parts.

But besides these wild mastiffs, here are also great numbers of wild
horses everywhere all over the island: they are but low of stature,
short bodied, with great heads, long necks, and big or thick legs: in
a word, they have nothing handsome in their shape. They run up and
down commonly in troops of two or three hundred together, one going
always before to lead the multitude: when they meet any person
travelling through the woods or fields, they stand still, suffering
him to approach till he can almost touch them: and then suddenly
starting, they betake themselves to flight, running away as fast as
they can. The hunters catch them only for their skins, though
sometimes they preserve their flesh likewise, which they harden with
smoke, using it for provisions when they go to sea.

Here would be also wild bulls and cows in great number, if by
continual hunting they were not much diminished; yet considerable
profit is made to this day by such as make it their business to kill
them. The wild bulls are of a vast bigness of body, and yet they hurt
not any one except they be exasperated. Their hides are from eleven to
thirteen feet long.

It is now time to speak of the French who inhabit great part of this
island. We have already told how they came first into these parts: we
shall now only describe their manner of living, customs, and ordinary
employments. The callings or professions they follow are generally but
three, either to hunt or plant, or else to rove the seas as pirates.
It is a constant custom among them all, to seek out a comrade or
companion, whom we may call partner in their fortunes, with whom they
join the whole stock of what they possess towards a common gain. This
is done by articles agreed to, and reciprocally signed. Some
constitute their surviving companion absolute heir to what is left by
the death of the first; others, if they be married, leave their
estates to their wives and children; others, to other relations. This
done, every one applies himself to his calling, which is always one of
the three afore-mentioned.

The hunters are again subdivided into two sorts; for some of these
only hunt wild bulls and cows, others only wild boars. The first of
these are called bucaniers, and not long ago were about six hundred on
this island, but now they are reckoned about three hundred. The cause
has been the great decrease of wild cattle, which has been such, that,
far from getting, they now are but poor in their trade. When the
bucaniers go into the woods to hunt for wild bulls and cows, they
commonly remain there a twelvemonth or two years, without returning
home. After the hunt is over, and the spoil divided, they commonly
sail to Tortuga, to provide themselves with guns, powder, and shot,
and other necessaries for another expedition; the rest of their gains
they spend prodigally, giving themselves to all manner of vices and
debauchery, particularly to drunkenness, which they practise mostly
with brandy: this they drink as liberally as the Spaniards do water.
Sometimes they buy together a pipe of wine; this they stave at one
end, and never cease drinking till it is out. Thus sottishly they live
till they have no money left, and as freely gratify their lusts; for
which they find more women than they can use; for all the
tavern-keepers and strumpets wait for these lewd bucaniers just as
they do at Amsterdam for the arrival of the East India fleet. The said
bucaniers are very cruel and tyrannical to their servants, so that
commonly they had rather be galley slaves, or saw Brazil wood in the
rasphouses of Holland, than serve such barbarous masters.

The second sort hunt nothing but wild boars; the flesh of these they
salt, and sell it so to the planters. These hunters have the same
vicious customs, and are as much addicted to debauchery as the former;
but their manner of hunting is different from that in Europe; for
these bucaniers have certain places designed for hunting, where they
live for three or four months, and sometimes a whole year. Such places
are called deza boulan; and in these, with only the company of five or
six friends, they continue all the said time in mutual friendship. The
first bucaniers many times agree with planters to furnish them with
meat all the year at a certain price: the payment hereof is often made
with two or three hundredweight of tobacco in the leaf; but the
planters commonly into the bargain furnish them with a servant, whom
they send to help. To the servant they afford sufficient necessaries
for the purpose, especially of powder and shot to hunt withal.

The planters here have but very few slaves; for want of which,
themselves and their servants are constrained to do all the drudgery.
These servants commonly bind themselves to their masters for three
years; but their masters, having no consciences, often traffic with
their bodies, as with horses at a fair, selling them to other masters
as they sell negroes. Yea, to advance this trade, some persons go
purposely into France (and likewise to England, and other countries)
to pick up young men or boys, whom they inveigle and transport; and
having once got them into these islands, they work them like horses,
the toil imposed on them being much harder than what they enjoin the
negroes, their slaves; for these they endeavour to preserve, being
their perpetual bondmen: but for their white servants, they care not
whether they live or die, seeing they are to serve them no longer than
three years. These miserable kidnapped people are frequently subject
to a disease, which in these parts is called coma, being a total
privation of their senses. This distemper is judged to proceed from
their hard usage, and the change of their native climate; and there
being often among these some of good quality, tender education, and
soft constitutions, they are more easily seized with this disease, and
others of those countries, than those of harder bodies, and laborious
lives. Beside the hard usage in their diet, apparel, and rest, many
times they beat them so cruelly, that they fall down dead under the
hands of their cruel masters. This I have often seen with great grief.
Of the many instances, I shall only give you the following history, it
being remarkable in its circumstances.

A certain planter of these countries exercised such cruelty towards
one of his servants, as caused him to run away. Having absconded, for
some days, in the woods, at last he was taken, and brought back to the
wicked Pharaoh. No sooner had he got him, but he commanded him to be
tied to a tree; here he gave him so many lashes on his naked back, as
made his body run with an entire stream of blood; then, to make the
smart of his wounds the greater, he anointed him with lemon-juice,
mixed with salt and pepper. In this miserable posture he left him tied
to the tree for twenty-four hours, which being past, he began his
punishment again, lashing him, as before, so cruelly, that the
miserable wretch gave up the ghost, with these dying words: “I beseech
the Almighty God, creator of heaven and earth, that he permit the
wicked spirit to make thee feel as many torments before thy death, as
thou hast caused me to feel before mine.” A strange thing, and worthy
of astonishment and admiration! Scarce three or four days were past,
after this horrible fact, when the Almighty Judge, who had heard the
cries of the tormented wretch, suffered the evil one suddenly to
possess this barbarous and inhuman homicide, so that those cruel hands
which had punished to death his innocent servant, were the tormentors
of his own body: for he beat himself, and tore his flesh, after a
miserable manner, till he lost the very shape of a man; not ceasing to
howl and cry, without any rest by day or night. Thus he continued
raving mad, till he died. Many other examples of this kind I could
rehearse; but these not belonging to our present discourse, I omit
them.

The planters of the Carribbee islands are rather worse, and more cruel
to their servants, than the former. In the isle of St. Christopher
dwells one named Bettesa, well known to the Dutch merchants, who has
killed above a hundred of his servants with blows and stripes. The
English do the same with their servants; and the mildest cruelty they
exercise towards them is, that when they have served six years of
their time (they being bound among the English for seven) they use
them so cruelly, as to force them to beg of their masters to sell them
to others, though it be to begin another servitude of seven years, or
at least three or four. And I have known many, who have thus served
fifteen or twenty years, before they could obtain their freedom.
Another law, very rigorous in that nation, is, if any man owes another
above twenty-five shillings English, if he cannot pay it, he is liable
to be sold for six or eight months. Not to trouble the reader any
longer with relations of this kind, I shall now describe the famous
actions and exploits of the greatest pirates of my time, during my
residence in those parts: these I shall relate without the least
passion or partiality, and assure my reader that I shall give him no
stories upon trust, or hearsay, but only those enterprises to which I
was myself an eye-witness.




                               CHAPTER IV.

  Original of the most famous pirates of the coasts of America--
     Famous exploit of Pierre le Grand.

I have told you in the preceding chapters how I was compelled to
adventure my life among the pirates of America; which sort of men I
name so, because they are not authorized by any sovereign prince: for
the kings of Spain having on several occasions sent their ambassadors
to the kings of England and France, to complain of the molestations
and troubles those pirates often caused on the coasts of America, even
in the calm of peace; it hath always been answered, “that such men did
not commit those acts of hostility and piracy as subjects to their
majesties; and therefore his Catholic Majesty might proceed against
them as he should think fit.” The king of France added, “that he had
no fortress nor castle upon Hispaniola, neither did he receive a
farthing of tribute from thence.” And the king of England adjoined,
“that he had never given any commissions to those of Jamaica, to
commit hostilities against the subjects of his Catholic Majesty.” Nor
did he only give this bare answer, but out of his royal desire to
pleasure the court of Spain, recalled the governor of Jamaica, placing
another in his room; all which could not prevent these pirates from
acting as heretofore. But before I relate their bold actions, I shall
say something of their rise and exercises; as also of the chiefest of
them, and their manner of arming themselves before they put to sea.

The first pirate that was known upon Tortuga was Pierre le Grand, or
Peter the Great. He was born at Dieppe in Normandy. That action which
rendered him famous was his taking the vice-admiral of the Spanish
flota, near the Cape of Tiburon, on the west side of Hispaniola; this
he performed with only one boat, and twenty-eight men. Now till that
time the Spaniards had passed and repassed with all security, through
the channel of Bahama; so that Pierre le Grand setting out to sea by
the Caycos, he took this great ship with all the ease imaginable. The
Spaniards they found aboard they set ashore, and sent the vessel to
France. The manner how this undaunted spirit attempted and took this
large ship I shall give you, out of the journal of the author, in his
own words. “The boat,” says he, “wherein Pierre le Grand was with his
companions, had been at sea a long time without finding any prize
worth his taking; and their provisions beginning to fail, they were in
danger of starving. Being almost reduced to despair, they spied a
great ship of the Spanish flota, separated from the rest; this vessel
they resolved to take, or die in the attempt. Hereupon, they sailed
towards her, to view her strength. And though they judged the vessel
to be superior to theirs, yet their covetousness, and the extremity
they were reduced to, made them venture. Being come so near that they
could not possibly escape, they made an oath to their captain, Pierre
le Grand, to stand by him to the last. ’Tis true, the pirates did
believe they should find the ship unprovided to fight, and thereby the
sooner master her. It was in the dusk of the evening they began to
attack; but before they engaged, they ordered the surgeon of the boat
to bore a hole in the sides of it, that their own vessel sinking under
them, they might be compelled to attack more vigorously, and endeavour
more hastily to board the ship. This was done accordingly, and without
any other arms than a pistol in one hand and a sword in the other,
they immediately climbed up the sides of the ship, and ran altogether
into the great cabin, where they found the captain, with several of
his companions, playing at cards. Here they set a pistol to his
breast, commanding him to deliver up the ship. The Spaniards,
surprised to see the pirates on board their ship, cried ‘Jesus bless
us! are these devils, or what are they?’ Meanwhile some of them took
possession of the gun-room, and seized the arms, killing as many as
made any opposition; whereupon the Spaniards presently surrendered.
That very day the captain of the ship had been told by some of the
seamen that the boat which was in view, cruising, was a boat of
pirates; whom the captain slightly answered, ‘What then, must I be
afraid of such a pitiful thing as that is? No, though she were a ship
as big and as strong as mine is.’ As soon as Pierre le Grand had taken
this rich prize, he detained in his service as many of the common
seamen as he had need of, setting the rest ashore, and then set sail
for France, where he continued, without ever returning to America
again.”

The planters and hunters of Tortuga had no sooner heard of the rich
prize those pirates had taken, but they resolved to follow their
example. Hereupon, many of them left their employments, and
endeavoured to get some small boats, wherein to exercise piracy; but
not being able to purchase, or build them at Tortuga, they resolved to
set forth in their canoes, and seek them elsewhere. With these they
cruised at first upon Cape de Alvarez, where the Spaniards used to
trade from one city to another in small vessels, in which they carry
hides, tobacco, and other commodities, to the Havannah, and to which
the Spaniards from Europe do frequently resort.

Here it was that those pirates at first took a great many boats laden
with the aforesaid commodities; these they used to carry to Tortuga,
and sell the whole purchase to the ships that waited for their return,
or accidentally happened to be there. With the gains of these prizes
they provided themselves with necessaries, wherewith to undertake
other voyages, some of which were made to Campechy, and others toward
New Spain; in both which the Spaniards then drove a great trade. Upon
those coasts they found great numbers of trading vessels, and often
ships of great burden. Two of the biggest of these vessels, and two
great ships which the Spaniards had laden with plate in the port of
Campechy, to go to the Caraccas, they took in less than a month’s
time, and carried to Tortuga; where the people of the whole island,
encouraged by their success, especially seeing in two years the riches
of the country so much increased, they augmented the number of pirates
so fast, that in a little time there were, in that small island and
port, above twenty ships of this sort of people. Hereupon the
Spaniards, not able to bear their robberies any longer, equipped two
large men-of-war, both for the defence of their own coasts, and to
cruise upon the enemies.




                                CHAPTER V.

  How the pirates arm their vessels, and regulate their voyages.


Before the pirates go to sea, they give notice to all concerned, of
the day on which they are to embark; obliging each man to bring so
many pounds of powder and ball as they think necessary. Being all come
aboard, they consider where to get provisions, especially flesh,
seeing they scarce eat anything else; and of this the most common sort
is pork; the next food is tortoises, which they salt a little:
sometimes they rob such or such hog-yards, where the Spaniards often
have a thousand head of swine together. They come to these places in
the night, and having beset the keeper’s lodge, they force him to
rise, and give them as many heads as they desire, threatening to kill
him if he refuses, or makes any noise; and these menaces are
oftentimes executed on the miserable swine-keepers, or any other
person that endeavours to hinder their robberies.

Having got flesh sufficient for their voyage, they return to their
ship: here they allow, twice a day, every one as much as he can eat,
without weight or measure; nor does the steward of the vessel give any
more flesh, or anything else, to the captain, than to the meanest
mariner. The ship being well victualled, they deliberate whither they
shall go to seek their desperate fortunes, and likewise agree upon
certain articles, which are put in writing, which every one is bound
to observe; and all of them, or the chiefest part, do set their hands
to it. Here they set down distinctly what sums of money each
particular person ought to have for that voyage, the fund of all the
payments being what is gotten by the whole expedition; for otherwise
it is the same law among these people as with other pirates, No prey,
no pay. First, therefore, they mention how much the captain is to have
for his ship; next, the salary of the carpenter, or shipwright, who
careened, mended, and rigged the vessel: this commonly amounts to one
hundred or one hundred and fifty pieces of eight, according to the
agreement. Afterwards, for provisions and victualling, they draw out
of the same common stock about two hundred pieces of eight; also a
salary for the surgeon, and his chest of medicaments, which usually is
rated at two hundred or two hundred and fifty pieces of eight. Lastly,
they agree what rate each one ought to have that is either wounded or
maimed in his body, suffering the loss of any limb; as, for the loss
of a right arm, six hundred pieces of eight, or six slaves; for the
left arm, five hundred pieces of eight, or five slaves; for a right
leg, five hundred pieces of eight, or five slaves; for the left leg,
four hundred pieces of eight, or four slaves; for an eye, one hundred
pieces of eight, or one slave; for a finger, the same as for an eye.
All which sums are taken out of the common stock of what is gotten by
their piracy, and a very exact and equal dividend is made of the
remainder. They have also regard to qualities and places: thus the
captain, or chief, is allotted five or six portions, to what the
ordinary seamen have: the master’s mate only two, and other officers
proportionably to their employ: after which, they draw equal parts
from the highest to the lowest mariner, the boys not being omitted,
who draw half a share; because when they take a better vessel than
their own, it is in the boys’ duty to fire their former vessel, and
then retire to the prize.

They observe among themselves very good orders; for in the prizes
which they take, it is severely prohibited, to every one, to take
anything to themselves: hence all they take is equally divided, as
hath been said before: yea, they take a solemn oath to each other, not
to conceal the least thing they find among the prizes; and if any one
is found false to the said oath, he is immediately turned out of the
society. They are very civil and charitable to each other; so that if
any one wants what another has, with great willingness they give it
one to another. As soon as these pirates have taken a prize, they
immediately set ashore the prisoners, detaining only some few, for
their own help and service: whom, also, they release, after two or
three years. They refresh themselves at one island or another, but
especially at those on the south of Cuba; here they careen their
vessels, while some hunt, and others cruise in canoes for prizes.

The inhabitants of New Spain and Campechy lade their best merchandize
in ships of great bulk: the vessels from Campechy sail in the winter
to Caraccas, Trinity isles, and that of Margarita, and return back
again in the summer. The pirates knowing these seasons (being very
diligent in their inquiries) always cruise between the places
above-mentioned; but in case they light on no considerable booty, they
commonly undertake some more hazardous enterprises: one remarkable
instance of which I shall here give you.

A certain pirate called Pierre Francois, or Peter Francis, waiting a
long time at sea with his boat and twenty-six men, for the ships that
were to return from Maracaibo to Camphecy, and not being able to find
any prey, at last he resolved to direct his course to Rancheiras, near
the River de la Plata, in 12 deg. and a half north latitude. Here lies
a rich bank of pearl, to the fishery whereof they yearly sent from
Carthagena twelve vessels with a man-of-war for their defence. Every
vessel has at least two negroes in it, who are very dextrous in diving
to the depth of six fathoms, where they find good store of pearls. On
this fleet, called the pearl-fleet, Pierre Francois resolved to
venture, rather than go home empty; they then rid at anchor at the
mouth of the River de la Hacha, the man-of-war scarce half a league
distant from the small ships, and the wind very calm. Having spied
them in this posture, he presently pulled down his sails, and rowed
along the coast feigning to be a Spanish vessel coming from Maracaibo;
but no sooner was he come to the pearl-bank, when suddenly he
assaulted the vice-admiral of eight guns and sixty men, commanding
them to surrender. The Spaniards made a good defence for some time,
but at last were forced to submit.

Having thus taken the vice-admiral, he resolved to attempt the
man-of-war, with which addition he hoped to master the rest of the
fleet: to this end he presently sunk his own boat, putting forth the
Spanish colours, and weighed anchor with a little wind which then
began to stir, having with threats and promises compelled most of the
Spaniards to assist him: but so soon as the man-of-war perceived one
of his fleet to sail, he did so too, fearing lest the mariners
designed to run away with the riches they had on board. The pirate on
this immediately gave over the enterprise, thinking themselves unable
to encounter force to force: hereupon they endeavoured to get out of
the river and gain the open seas, by making as much sail as they
could; which the man-of-war perceiving, he presently gave them chase,
but the pirates having laid on too much sail, and a gust of wind
suddenly rising, their main-mast was brought by the board, which
disabled them from escaping.

This unhappy event much encouraged those in the man-of-war, they
gaining upon the pirates every moment, and at last overtook them; but
they finding they had twenty-two sound men, the rest being either
killed or wounded, resolved to defend themselves as long as possible;
this they performed very courageously for some time, till they were
forced by the man-of-war, on condition that they should not be used as
slaves to carry stones, or be employed in other labours for three or
four years, as they served their negroes, but that they should be set
safe ashore on free land. On these articles they yielded with all they
had taken, which was worth, in pearls alone, above 100,000 pieces of
eight, besides the vessel, provisions, goods, &c. All which would have
made this a greater prize than he could desire, which he had certainly
carried off, if his main-mast had not been lost, as we said before.

Another bold attempt like this, no less remarkable, I shall also give
you. A certain pirate of Portugal, thence called Bartholomew
Portugues, was cruising in a boat of thirty men and four small guns
from Jamaica, upon the Cape de Corriente in Cuba, where he met a great
ship from Maracaibo and Carthagena, bound for the Havannah, well
provided with twenty great guns and seventy men, passengers and
mariners; this ship he presently assaulted, which they on board as
resolutely defended. The pirate escaping the first encounter, resolved
to attack her more vigorously than before, seeing he had yet suffered
no great damage: this he performed with so much resolution, that at
last, after a long and dangerous fight, he became master of it. The
Portuguese lost only ten men, and had four wounded; so that he had
still remaining twenty fighting men, whereas the Spaniards had double
the number. Having possessed themselves of the ship, the wind being
contrary to return to Jamaica, they resolved to steer to Cape St.
Anthony (which lies west of Cuba), there to repair and take in fresh
water, of which they were then in great want.

  [Illustration: BARTHOLOMEUS DE PORTUGEES.
                _Hoost yan een party Franse
                     en Engelse Roovers_.

                 BARTHOLOMEW PORTUGES.
  (_From the Portrait in “De Americaensche Roovers.”_)]

Being very near the cape abovesaid, they unexpectedly met with three
great ships coming from New Spain, and bound for the Havannah; by
these not being able to escape, they were easily retaken, both ship
and pirates, and all made prisoners, and stripped of all the riches
they had taken but just before. The cargo consisted in 120,000 weight
of cocoa-nuts, the chief ingredient of chocolate, and 70,000 pieces of
eight. Two days after this misfortune, there arose a great storm,
which separated the ships from one another. The great vessel, where
the pirates were, arrived at Campechy, where many considerable
merchants came and saluted the captain; these presently knew the
Portuguese pirate, being infamous for the many insolencies, robberies
and murders he had committed on their coasts, which they kept fresh in
their memory.

The next day after their arrival, the magistrates of the city sent to
demand the prisoners from on board the ship, in order to punish them
according to their desserts; but fearing the captain of the pirates
should make his escape (as he had formerly done, being their prisoner
once before) they judged it safer to leave him guarded on ship-board
for the present, while they erected a gibbet to hang him on the next
day, without any other process than to lead him from the ship to his
punishment; the rumour of which was presently brought to Bartholomew
Portugues, whereby he sought all possible means to escape that night:
with this design he took two earthen jars, wherein the Spaniards carry
wine from Spain to the West Indies, and stopped them very well,
intending to use them for swimming, as those unskilled in that art do
corks or empty bladders; having made this necessary preparation, he
waited when all should be asleep; but not being able to escape his
sentinel’s vigilance, he stabbed him with a knife he had secretly
purchased, and then threw himself into the sea with the earthen jars
before-mentioned, by the help of which, though he never learned to
swim, he reached the shore, and immediately took to the woods, where
he hid himself for three days, not daring to appear, eating no other
food than wild herbs.

Those of the city next day made diligent search for him in the woods,
where they concluded him to be. This strict inquiry Portugues saw from
the hollow of a tree, wherein he lay hid; and upon their return he
made the best of his way to del Golpho Triste, forty leagues from
Campechy, where he arrived within a fortnight after his escape: during
which time, as also afterwards, he endured extreme hunger and thirst,
having no other provision with him than a small calabaca with a little
water: besides the fears of falling again into the hands of the
Spaniards. He ate nothing but a few shell-fish, which he found among
the rocks near the seashore; and being obliged to pass some rivers,
not knowing well how to swim, he found at last an old board which the
waves had driven ashore, wherein were a few great nails; these he
took, and with no small labour whetted on a stone, till he had made
them like knives, though not so well; with these, and nothing else, he
cut down some branches of trees, which with twigs and osiers he joined
together, and made as well as he could a boat to waft him over the
rivers: thus arriving at the Cape of Golpho Triste, as was said, he
found a vessel of pirates, comrades of his own, lately come from
Jamaica.

To these he related all his adversities and misfortunes, and withal
desired they would fit him with a boat and twenty men, with which
company alone he promised to return to Campechy, and assault the ship
that was in the river, by which he had been taken fourteen days
before. They presently granted his request, and equipped him a boat
accordingly. With this small company he set out to execute his design,
which he bravely performed eight days after he left Golpho Triste; for
being arrived at Campechy, with an undaunted courage, and without any
noise, he assaulted the said ship: those on board thought it was a
boat from land that came to bring contraband goods, and so were in no
posture of defence; which opportunity the pirates laying hold of,
assaulted them so resolutely, that in a little time they compelled the
Spaniards to surrender.

Being masters of the ship, they immediately weighed anchor and set
sail from the port, lest they should be pursued by other vessels. This
they did with the utmost joy, seeing themselves possessors of so brave
a ship; especially Portugues, who by a second turn of fortune was
become rich and powerful again, who was so lately in that same vessel
a prisoner, condemned to be hanged. With this purchase he designed
greater things, which he might have done, since there remained in the
vessel so great a quantity of rich merchandise, though the plate had
been sent to the city: but while he was making his voyage to Jamaica,
near the isle of Pinos, on the south of Cuba, a terrible storm arose,
which drove against the Jardines rocks, where she was lost; but
Portugues, with his companions, escaped in a canoe, in which he
arrived at Jamaica, where it was not long ere he went on new
adventures, but was never fortunate after.

Nor less considerable are the actions of another pirate who now lives
at Jamaica, who on several occasions has performed very surprising
things. He was born at Groninghen in the United Provinces. His own
name not being known, his companions gave him that of Roche
Brasiliano, by reason of his long residence in Brasil: hence he was
forced to fly, when the Portuguese retook those countries from the
Dutch, several nations then inhabiting at Brasil (as English, French,
Dutch, and others), being constrained to seek new fortunes.

This person fled to Jamaica, where, being at a stand how to get his
living, he entered himself into the society of pirates, where he
served as a private mariner for some time, and behaved himself so
well, that he was beloved and respected by all. One day some of the
mariners quarrelled with their captain to that degree, that they left
the boat. Brasiliano following them, was chosen their leader, who
having fitted out a small vessel, they made him captain.

Within a few days after, he took a great ship coming from New Spain,
which had a great quantity of plate on board, and carried it to
Jamaica. This action got him a great reputation at home; and though in
his private affairs he governed himself very well, he would oftentimes
appear brutish and foolish when in drink, running up and down the
streets, beating and wounding those he met, no person daring to make
any resistance.

To the Spaniards he was always very barbarous and cruel, out of an
inveterate hatred against that nation. Of these he commanded several
to be roasted alive on wooden spits, for not showing him hog-yards
where he might steal swine. After many of these cruelties, as he was
cruising on the coasts of Campechy, a dismal tempest surprised him so
violently, that his ship was wrecked upon the coasts, the mariners
only escaping with their muskets and some few bullets and powder,
which were the only things they could save. The ship was lost between
Campechy and the Golpho Triste: here they got ashore in a canoe, and,
marching along the coast with all the speed they could, they directed
their course towards Golpho Triste, the common refuge of the pirates.
Being upon his journey, and all very hungry and thirsty, as is usual
in desert places, they were pursued by a troop of an hundred
Spaniards. Brasiliano, perceiving their imminent danger, encouraged
his companions, telling them they were better soldiers, and ought
rather to die under their arms fighting, as it became men of courage,
than surrender to the Spaniards, who would take away their lives with
the utmost torments. The pirates were but thirty; yet, seeing their
brave commander oppose the enemy with such courage, resolved to do the
like: hereupon they faced the troop of Spaniards, and discharged their
muskets on them so dextrously, that they killed one horseman almost
with every shot. The fight continued for an hour, till at last the
Spaniards were put to flight. They stripped the dead, and took from
them what was most for their use; such as were also not quite dead
they dispatched with the ends of their muskets.

Having vanquished the enemy, they mounted on horses they found in the
field, and continued their journey; Brasiliano having lost but two of
his companions in this bloody fight, and had two wounded. Prosecuting
their way, before they came to the port they spied a boat at anchor
from Campechy, well manned, protecting a few canoes that were lading
wood: hereupon they sent six of their men to watch them, who next
morning, by a wile, possessed themselves of the canoes. Having given
notice to their companions, they boarded them, and also took the
little man-of-war, their convoy. Being thus masters of this fleet,
they wanted only provisions, of which they found little aboard those
vessels: but this defect was supplied by the horses, which they
killed, and salted with salt, which by good fortune the wood-cutters
had brought with them, with which they supported themselves till they
could get better.

They took also another ship going from New Spain to Maracaibo, laden
with divers sorts of merchandise and pieces of eight, designed to buy
cocoa-nuts for their lading home: all these they carried to Jamaica,
where they safely arrived, and, according to custom, wasted all in a
few days in taverns and stews, giving themselves to all manner of
debauchery. Such of these pirates will spend two or three thousand
pieces of eight in a night, not leaving themselves a good shirt to
wear in the morning. I saw one of them give a common strumpet five
hundred pieces of eight to see her naked. My own master would buy
sometimes a pipe of wine, and, placing it in the street, would force
those that passed by to drink with him, threatening also to pistol
them if they would not. He would do the like with barrels of beer or
ale; and very often he would throw these liquors about the streets,
and wet peoples’ clothes without regarding whether he spoiled their
apparel.

Among themselves these pirates are very liberal: if any one has lost
all, which often happens in their manner of life, they freely give him
of what they have. In taverns and alehouses they have great credit;
but at Jamaica they ought not to run very deep in debt, seeing the
inhabitants there easily sell one another for debt. This happened to
my patron, to be sold for a debt of a tavern wherein he had spent the
greatest part of his money. This man had, within three months before,
three thousand pieces of eight in ready cash, all which he wasted in
that little time, and became poor as I have told you.

But to return: Brasiliano, after having spent all, was forced to go to
sea again to seek his fortune. He set forth towards the coast of
Campechy, his common rendezvous: fifteen days after his arrival, he
put himself into a canoe to espy the port of that city, and see if he
could rob any Spanish vessel; but his fortune was so bad, that both he
and all his men were taken and carried before the governor, who
immediately cast them into a dungeon, intending to hang them every
one; and doubtless he had done so, but for a stratagem of Brasiliano,
which saved their lives. He wrote a letter to the governor, in the
names of other pirates that were abroad at sea, telling him he should
have a care how he used those persons he had in custody; for if he
hurt them in the least, they swore they would never give quarter to
any Spaniard that should fall into their hands.

These pirates having been often at Campechy, and other places of the
West Indies in the Spanish dominions, the governor feared what
mischief their companions abroad might do, if he should punish them.
Hereupon he released them, exacting only an oath on them that they
would leave their exercise of piracy for ever; and withal he sent them
as common mariners, in the galleons, to Spain. They got in this
voyage, all together, five hundred pieces of eight; so that they
tarried not long there after their arrival. Providing themselves with
necessaries, they returned to Jamaica, from whence they set forth
again to sea, committing greater robberies and cruelties than before;
but especially abusing the poor Spaniards, who fell into their hands,
with all sorts of cruelty.

The Spaniards, finding they could gain nothing on these people, nor
diminish their number, daily resolved to lessen the number of their
trading ships. But neither was this of any service; for the pirates,
finding few ships at sea, began to gather into companies, and to land
on their dominions, ruining cities, towns, and villages; pillaging,
burning, and carrying away as much as they could.

The first pirate who began these invasions by land was Lewis Scot, who
sacked the city of Campechy, which he almost ruined, robbing and
destroying all he could; and after he had put it to an excessive
ransom, he left it. After Scot came another named Mansvelt, who
invaded Granada, and penetrated even to the South Sea; till at last,
for want of provision, he was forced to go back. He assaulted the isle
of St. Catherine, which he took, with a few prisoners. These directed
him to Carthagena, a principal city in Nueva Granada. But the bold
attempts and actions of John Davis, born at Jamaica, ought not to be
forgotten, being some of the most remarkable; especially his rare
prudence and valour showed in the fore-mentioned kingdom of Granada.
This pirate, having long cruised in the Gulf of Pocatauro, on the
ships expected to Carthagena, bound for Nicaragua, and not meeting any
of them, resolved at last to land in Nicaragua, leaving his ship hid
on the coast.

This design he soon executed; for taking eighty men out of ninety,
which he had in all--and the rest he left to keep the ship--he divided
them equally into three canoes. His intent was to rob the churches,
and rifle the houses of the chief citizens of Nicaragua. Thus in the
dark night they entered the river leading to that city, rowing in
their canoes; by day they hid themselves and boats under the branches
of trees, on the banks, which grow very thick along the river-sides in
those countries, and along the sea-coast. Being arrived at the city
the third night, the sentinel, who kept the post of the river, thought
them to be fishermen that had been fishing in the lake: and most of
the pirates understanding Spanish, he doubted not, as soon as he heard
them speak. They had in their company an Indian who had run away from
his master, who would have enslaved him unjustly. He went first
ashore, and instantly killed the sentinel: this done, they entered the
city, and went directly to three or four houses of the chief citizens,
where they knocked softly. These, believing them to be friends, opened
the doors; and the pirates, suddenly possessing themselves of the
houses, stole all the money and plate they could find. Nor did they
spare the churches and most sacred things; all which were pillaged and
profaned, without any respect or veneration.

Meanwhile, great cries and lamentations were heard of some who had
escaped them; so that the whole city was in an uproar, and all the
citizens rallied in order to a defence; which the pirates perceiving,
they instantly fled, carrying away their booty, and some prisoners:
these they led away, that if any of them should be taken by the
Spaniards, they might use them for ransom. Thus they got to their
ship, and with all speed put to sea, forcing the prisoners, before
they let them go, to procure them as much flesh as was necessary for
their voyage to Jamaica. But no sooner had they weighed anchor, when
they saw a troop of about five hundred Spaniards, all well armed, at
the sea-side: against these they let fly several guns, wherewith they
forced them to quit the sands, and retire, with no small regret to see
these pirates carry away so much plate of their churches and houses,
though distant at least forty leagues from the sea.

These pirates got, on this occasion, above four thousand pieces of
eight in money, besides much plate, and many jewels; in all, to the
value of fifty thousand pieces of eight, or more: with all this they
arrived at Jamaica soon after. But this sort of people being never
long masters of their money, they were soon constrained to seek more
by the same means; and Captain John Davis, presently after his return,
was chosen admiral of seven or eight vessels, he being now esteemed an
able conductor for such enterprises. He began his new command by
directing his fleet to the north of Cuba, there to wait for the fleet
from New Spain; but missing his design, they determined for Florida.
Being arrived there, they landed their men, and sacked a small city
named St. Augustine of Florida. The castle had a garrison of two
hundred men, but could not prevent the pillage of the city, they
effecting it without the least damage from the soldiers or townsmen.




                               CHAPTER VI.

  Of the origin of Francis Lolonois, and the beginning of his
     robberies.


Francis Lolonois was a native of that territory in France which is
called Les Sables d’Olone, or The Sands of Olone. In his youth he was
transported to the Caribbee islands, in quality of servant, or slave,
according to custom; of which we have already spoken. Being out of his
time, he came to Hispaniola; here he joined for some time with the
hunters, before he began his robberies upon the Spaniards, which I
shall now relate, till his unfortunate death.

At first he made two or three voyages as a common mariner, wherein he
behaved himself so courageously as to gain the favour of the governor
of Tortuga, Monsieur de la Place; insomuch that he gave him a ship, in
which he might seek his fortune, which was very favourable to him at
first; for in a short time he got great riches. But his cruelties
against the Spaniards were such, that the fame of them made him so
well known through the Indies, that the Spaniards, in his time, would
choose rather to die, or sink fighting, than surrender, knowing they
should have no mercy at his hands. But Fortune, being seldom constant,
after some time turned her back; for in a huge storm he lost his ship
on the coast of Campechy. The men were all saved, but coming upon dry
land, the Spaniards pursued them, and killed the greatest part,
wounding also Lolonois. Not knowing how to escape, he saved his life
by a stratagem; mingling sand with the blood of his wounds, with which
besmearing his face, and other parts of his body, and hiding himself
dextrously among the dead, he continued there till the Spaniards
quitted the field.

They being gone, he retired to the woods, and bound up his wounds as
well as he could. These being pretty well healed, he took his way to
Campechy, having disguised himself in a Spanish habit; here he enticed
certain slaves, to whom he promised liberty if they would obey him and
trust to his conduct. They accepted his promises, and stealing a
canoe, they went to sea with him. Now the Spaniards, having made
several of his companions prisoners, kept them close in a dungeon,
while Lolonois went about the town and saw what passed. These were
often asked, “What is become of your captain?” To whom they constantly
answered, “He is dead:” which rejoiced the Spaniards, who made
bonfires, and, knowing nothing to the contrary, gave thanks to God for
their deliverance from such a cruel pirate. Lolonois, having seen
these rejoicings for his death, made haste to escape, with the slaves
above-mentioned, and came safe to Tortuga, the common refuge of all
sorts of wickedness, and the seminary, as it were, of pirates and
thieves. Though now his fortune was low, yet he got another ship with
craft and subtlety, and in it twenty-one men. Being well provided with
arms and necessaries, he set forth for Cuba, on the south whereof is a
small village, called De los Cayos. The inhabitants drive a great
trade in tobacco, sugar, and hides, and all in boats, not being able
to use ships, by reason of the little depth of that sea.

  [Illustration: FRANCOIS LOLONOIS.
         _gebooren in Olonne in Vranckryck
    Generaal van de Fransse Roovers in Tortuga_

                  LOLONOIS.
  (_From the Portrait in “De Americaensche Roovers.”_)]

Lolonois was persuaded he should get here some considerable prey; but
by the good fortune of some fishermen who saw him, and the mercy of
God, they escaped him: for the inhabitants of the town dispatched
immediately a vessel overland to the Havannah, complaining that
Lolonois was come to destroy them with two canoes. The governor could
very hardly believe this, having received letters from Campechy that
he was dead: but, at their importunity, he sent a ship to their
relief, with ten guns, and ninety men, well armed; giving them this
express command, “that they should not return into his presence
without having totally destroyed those pirates.” To this effect he
gave them a negro to serve for a hangman, and orders, “that they
should immediately hang every one of the pirates, excepting Lolonois,
their captain, whom they should bring alive to the Havannah.” This
ship arrived at Cayos, of whose coming the pirates were advertised
beforehand, and instead of flying, went to seek it in the river
Estera, where she rode at anchor. The pirates seized some fishermen,
and forced them by night to show them the entry of the port, hoping
soon to obtain a greater vessel than their two canoes, and thereby to
mend their fortune. They arrived, after two in the morning, very nigh
the ship; and the watch on board the ship asking them, whence they
came, and if they had seen any pirates abroad? They caused one of the
prisoners to answer, they had seen no pirates, nor anything else.
Which answer made them believe that they were fled upon hearing of
their coming.

But they soon found the contrary, for about break of day the pirates
assaulted the vessel on both sides, with their two canoes, with such
vigour, that though the Spaniards behaved themselves as they ought,
and made as good defence as they could, making some use of their great
guns, yet they were forced to surrender, being beaten by the pirates,
with sword in hand, down under the hatches. From hence Lolonois
commanded them to be brought up, one by one, and in this order caused
their heads to be struck off: among the rest came up the negro,
designed to be the pirates’ executioner; this fellow implored mercy at
his hands very dolefully, telling Lolonois he was constituted hangman
of that ship, and if he would spare him, he would tell him faithfully
all that he should desire. Lolonois, making him confess what he
thought fit, commanded him to be murdered with the rest. Thus he
cruelly and barbarously put them all to death, reserving only one
alive, whom he sent back to the governor of the Havannah, with this
message in writing: “I shall never henceforward give quarter to any
Spaniard whatsoever; and I have great hopes I shall execute on your
own person the very same punishment I have done upon them you sent
against me. Thus I have retaliated the kindness you designed to me and
my companions.” The governor, much troubled at this sad news, swore,
in the presence of many, that he would never grant quarter to any
pirate that should fall into his hands. But the citizens of the
Havannah desired him not to persist in the execution of that rash and
rigorous oath, seeing the pirates would certainly take occasion from
thence to do the same, and they had an hundred times more opportunity
of revenge than he; that being necessitated to get their livelihood by
fishery, they should hereafter always be in danger of their lives. By
these reasons he was persuaded to bridle his anger, and remit the
severity of his oath.

Now Lolonois had got a good ship, but very few provisions and people
in it; to purchase both which, he resolved to cruise from one port to
another. Doing thus, for some time, without success, he determined to
go to the port of Maracaibo. Here he surprised a ship laden with
plate, and other merchandises, outward bound, to buy cocoa-nuts. With
this prize he returned to Tortuga, where he was received with joy by
the inhabitants; they congratulating his happy success, and their own
private interest. He stayed not long there, but designed to equip a
fleet sufficient to transport five hundred men, and necessaries. Thus
provided, he resolved to pillage both cities, towns, and villages, and
finally, to take Maracaibo itself. For this purpose he knew the island
of Tortuga would afford him many resolute and courageous men, fit for
such enterprises: besides, he had in his service several prisoners
well acquainted with the ways and places designed upon.




                               CHAPTER VII.

  Lolonois equips a fleet to land upon the Spanish islands of
     America, with intent to rob, sack, and burn whatsoever he
     met with.


Of this design Lolonois giving notice to all the pirates, whether at
home or abroad, he got together, in a little while, above four hundred
men; beside which, there was then in Tortuga another pirate, named
Michael de Basco, who, by his piracy, had got riches sufficient to
live at ease, and go no more abroad; having, withal, the office of
major of the island. But seeing the great preparations that Lolonois
made for this expedition, he joined him, and offered him, that if he
would make him his chief captain by land (seeing he knew the country
very well, and all its avenues) he would share in his fortunes, and go
with him. They agreed upon articles to the great joy of Lolonois,
knowing that Basco had done great actions in Europe, and had the
repute of a good soldier. Thus they all embarked in eight vessels,
that of Lolonois being the greatest, having ten guns of indifferent
carriage.

All things being ready, and the whole company on board, they set sail
together about the end of April, being, in all, six hundred and sixty
persons. They steered for that part called Bayala, north of
Hispaniola: here they took into their company some French hunters, who
voluntarily offered themselves, and here they provided themselves with
victuals and necessaries for their voyage.

From hence they sailed again the last of July, and steered directly to
the eastern cape of the isle called Punta d’Espada. Hereabouts espying
a ship from Puerto Rico, bound for New Spain, laden with cocoa-nuts,
Lolonois commanded the rest of the fleet to wait for him near Savona,
on the east of Cape Punta d’Espada, he alone intending to take the
said vessel. The Spaniards, though they had been in sight full two
hours, and knew them to be pirates, yet would not flee, but prepared
to fight, being well armed, and provided. The combat lasted three
hours, and then they surrendered. This ship had sixteen guns, and
fifty fighting men aboard: they found in her 120,000 weight of cocoa,
40,000 pieces of eight, and the value of 10,000 more in jewels.
Lolonois sent the vessel presently to Tortuga to be unladed, with
orders to return as soon as possible to Savona, where he would wait
for them: meanwhile, the rest of the fleet being arrived at Savona,
met another Spanish vessel coming from Coman, with military provisions
to Hispaniola, and money to pay the garrisons there. This vessel they
also took, without any resistance, though mounted with eight guns. In
it were 7,000 weight of powder, a great number of muskets, and like
things, with 12,000 pieces of eight.

These successes encouraged the pirates, they seeming very lucky
beginnings, especially finding their fleet pretty well recruited in a
little time: for the first ship arriving at Tortuga, the governor
ordered it to be instantly unladen, and soon after sent back, with
fresh provisions, and other necessaries, to Lolonois. This ship he
chose for himself, and gave that which he commanded to his comrade,
Anthony du Puis. Being thus recruited with men in lieu of them he had
lost in taking the prizes, and by sickness, he found himself in a good
condition to set sail for Maracaibo, in the province of Neuva
Venezuela, in the latitude of 12 deg. 10 min. north. This island is
twenty leagues long, and twelve broad. To this port also belong the
islands of Onega and Monges. The east side thereof is called Cape St.
Roman, and the western side Cape of Caquibacoa: the gulf is called, by
some, the Gulf of Venezuela, but the pirates usually call it the Bay
of Maracaibo.

At the entrance of this gulf are two islands extending from east to
west; that towards the east is called Isla de las Vigilias, or the
Watch Isle; because in the middle is a high hill, on which stands a
watch-house. The other is called Isla de la Palomas, or the Isle of
Pigeons. Between these two islands runs a little sea, or rather lake
of fresh water, sixty leagues long, and thirty broad; which disgorging
itself into the ocean, dilates itself about the said two islands.
Between them is the best passage for ships, the channel being no
broader than the flight of a great gun, of about eight pounds. On the
Isle of Pigeons standeth a castle, to impede the entry of vessels, all
being necessitated to come very nigh the castle, by reason of two
banks of sand on the other side, with only fourteen feet water. Many
other banks of sand there are in this lake; as that called El Tablazo,
or the Great Table, no deeper than ten feet, forty leagues within the
lake; others there are, that have no more than six, seven, or eight
feet in depth: all are very dangerous, especially to mariners
unacquainted with them. West hereof is the city of Maracaibo, very
pleasant to the view, its houses being built along the shore, having
delightful prospects all round: the city may contain three or four
thousand persons, slaves included, all which make a town of a
reasonable bigness. There are judged to be about eight hundred persons
able to bear arms, all Spaniards. Here are one parish church, well
built and adorned, four monasteries, and one hospital. The city is
governed by a deputy governor, substituted by the governor of the
Caraccas. The trade here exercised is mostly in hides and tobacco. The
inhabitants possess great numbers of cattle, and many plantations,
which extend thirty leagues in the country especially towards the
great town of Gibraltar, where are gathered great quantities of
cocoa-nuts, and all other garden fruits, which serve for the regale
and sustenance of the inhabitants of Maracaibo, whose territories are
much drier than those of Gibraltar. Hither those of Maracaibo send
great quantities of flesh, they making returns in oranges, lemons, and
other fruits; for the inhabitants of Gibraltar want flesh, their
fields not being capable of feeding cows or sheep.

Before Maracaibo is a very spacious and secure port, wherein may be
built all sorts of vessels, having great convenience of timber, which
may be transported thither at little charge. Nigh the town lies also a
small island called Borrica, where they feed great numbers of goats,
which cattle the inhabitants use more for their skins than their flesh
or milk; they slighting these two, unless while they are tender and
young kids. In the fields are fed some sheep, but of a very small
size. In some islands of the lake, and in other places hereabouts, are
many savage Indians, called by the Spaniards bravoes, or wild: these
could never be reduced by the Spaniards, being brutish, and
untameable. They dwell mostly towards the west side of the lake, in
little huts built on trees growing in the water; so to keep themselves
from the innumerable mosquitoes, or gnats, which infest and torment
them night and day. To the east of the said lake are whole towns of
fishermen, who likewise live in huts built on trees, as the former.
Another reason of this dwelling, is the frequent inundations; for
after great rains, the land is often overflown for two or three
leagues, there being no less than twenty-five great rivers that feed
this lake. The town of Gibraltar is also frequently drowned by these,
so that the inhabitants are constrained to retire to their
plantations.

Gibraltar, situate at the side of the lake about forty leagues within
it, receives its provisions of flesh, as has been said, from
Maracaibo. The town is inhabited by about 1,500 persons, whereof four
hundred may bear arms; the greatest part of them keep shops, wherein
they exercise one trade or other. In the adjacent fields are numerous
plantations of sugar and cocoa, in which are many tall and beautiful
trees, of whose timber houses may be built, and ships. Among these are
many handsome and proportionable cedars, seven or eight feet about, of
which they build boats and ships, so as to bear only one great sail;
such vessels being called piraguas. The whole country is well
furnished with rivers and brooks, very useful in droughts, being then
cut into many little channels to water their fields and plantations.
They plant also much tobacco, well esteemed in Europe, and for its
goodness is called there tobacco de sacerdotes, or priest’s tobacco.
They enjoy nigh twenty leagues of jurisdiction, which is bounded by
very high mountains perpetually covered with snow. On the other side
of these mountains is situate a great city called Merida, to which the
town of Gibraltar is subject. All merchandise is carried hence to the
aforesaid city on mules, and that but at one season of the year, by
reason of the excessive cold in those high mountains. On the said
mules returns are made in flour of meal, which comes from towards
Peru, by the way of Estaffe.

Thus far I thought good to make a short description of the lake of
Maracaibo, that my reader might the better comprehend what I shall say
concerning the actions of pirates in this place, as follows.

Lolonois arriving at the gulf of Venezuela, cast anchor with his whole
fleet out of sight of the Vigilia or Watch Isle; next day very early
he set sail thence with all his ships for the lake of Maracaibo, where
they cast anchor again; then they landed their men, with design to
attack first the fortress that commanded the bar, therefore called de
la barra. This fort consists only of several great baskets of earth
placed on a rising ground, planted with sixteen great guns, with
several other heaps of earth round about for covering their men: the
pirates having landed a league off this fort, advanced by degrees
towards it; but the governor having espied their landing, had placed
an ambuscade to cut them off behind, while he should attack them in
front. This the pirates discovered, and getting before, they defeated
it so entirely, that not a man could retreat to the castle: this done,
Lolonois, with his companions, advanced immediately to the fort, and
after a fight of almost three hours, with the usual desperation of
this sort of people, they became masters thereof, without any other
arms than swords and pistols: while they were fighting, those who were
the routed ambuscade, not being able to get into the castle, retired
into Maracaibo in great confusion and disorder, crying “The pirates
will presently be here with two thousand men and more.” The city
having formerly been taken by this kind of people, and sacked to the
uttermost, had still an idea of that misery; so that upon these dismal
news they endeavoured to escape towards Gibraltar in their boats and
canoes, carrying with them all the goods and money they could. Being
come to Gibraltar, they told how the fortress was taken, and nothing
had been saved, nor any persons escaped.

The castle thus taken by the pirates, they presently signified to the
ships their victory, that they should come farther in without fear of
danger: the rest of that day was spent in ruining and demolishing the
said castle. They nailed the guns, and burnt as much as they could not
carry away, burying the dead, and sending on board the fleet the
wounded. Next day, very early, they weighed anchor, and steered
altogether towards Maracaibo, about six leagues distant from the fort;
but the wind failing that day, they could advance little, being forced
to expect the tide. Next morning they came in sight of the town, and
prepared for landing under the protection of their own guns, fearing
the Spaniards might have laid an ambuscade in the woods: they put
their men into canoes, brought for that purpose, and landed where they
thought most convenient, shooting still furiously with their great
guns: of those in the canoes, half only went ashore, the other half
remained aboard; they fired from the ships as fast as possible,
towards the woody part of the shore, but could discover nobody; then
they entered the town, whose inhabitants, as I told you, were retired
to the woods, and Gibraltar, with their wives, children, and families.
Their houses they left well provided with victuals, as flour, bread,
pork, brandy, wines, and poultry, with these the pirates fell to
making good cheer, for in four weeks before they had no opportunity of
filling their stomachs with such plenty.

They instantly possessed themselves of the best houses in the town,
and placed sentinels wherever they thought convenient; the great
church served them for their main guard. Next day they sent out an
hundred and sixty men to find out some of the inhabitants in the woods
thereabouts; these returned the same night, bringing with them 20,000
pieces of eight, several mules laden with household goods and
merchandise, and twenty prisoners, men, women, and children. Some of
these were put to the rack, to make them confess where they had hid
the rest of the goods; but they could extort very little from them.
Lolonois, who valued not murdering, though in cold blood, ten or
twelve Spaniards, drew his cutlass, and hacked one to pieces before
the rest, saying, “If you do not confess and declare where you have
hid the rest of your goods, I will do the like to all your
companions.” At last, amongst these horrible cruelties and inhuman
threats, one promised to show the place where the rest of the
Spaniards were hid; but those that were fled, having intelligence of
it, changed place, and buried the remnant of their riches underground,
so that the pirates could not find them out, unless some of their own
party should reveal them; besides, the Spaniards flying from one place
to another every day, and often changing woods, were jealous even of
each other, so as the father durst scarce trust his own son.

After the pirates had been fifteen days in Maracaibo, they resolved
for Gibraltar; but the inhabitants having received intelligence
thereof, and that they intended afterwards to go to Merida, gave
notice of it to the governor there, who was a valiant soldier, and had
been an officer in Flanders. His answer was, “he would have them take
no care, for he hoped in a little while to exterminate the said
pirates.” Whereupon he came to Gibraltar with four hundred men well
armed, ordering at the same time the inhabitants to put themselves in
arms, so that in all he made eight hundred fighting men. With the same
speed he raised a battery towards the sea, mounted with twenty guns,
covered with great baskets of earth: another battery he placed in
another place, mounted with eight guns. This done, he barricaded a
narrow passage to the town through which the pirates must pass,
opening at the same time another through much dirt and mud into the
wood totally unknown to the pirates.

The pirates, ignorant of these preparations, having embarked all their
prisoners and booty, took their way towards Gibraltar. Being come in
sight of the place, they saw the royal standard hanging forth, and
that those of the town designed to defend their houses. Lolonois
seeing this, called a council of war what they ought to do, telling
his officers and mariners, “That the difficulty of the enterprise was
very great, seeing the Spaniards had had so much time to put
themselves in a posture of defence, and had got a good body of men
together, with much ammunition; but notwithstanding,” said he, “have a
good courage; we must either defend ourselves like good soldiers, or
lose our lives with all the riches we have got. Do as I shall do who
am your captain: at other times we have fought with fewer men than we
have in our company at present, and yet we have overcome greater
numbers than there possibly can be in this town: the more they are,
the more glory and the greater riches we shall gain.” The pirates
supposed that all the riches of the inhabitants of Maracaibo were
transported to Gibraltar, or at least the greatest part. After this
speech, they all promised to follow, and obey him. Lolonois made
answer, “’Tis well; but know ye, withal, that the first man who shall
show any fear, or the least apprehension thereof, I will pistol him
with my own hands.”

With this resolution they cast anchor nigh the shore, near
three-quarters of a league from the town: next day before sun-rising,
they landed three hundred and eighty men well provided, and armed
every one with a cutlass, and one or two pistols, and sufficient
powder and bullet for thirty charges. Here they all shook hands in
testimony of good courage, and began their march, Lolonois speaking
thus, “Come, my brethren, follow me, and have good courage.” They
followed their guide, who, believing he led them well, brought them to
the way which the governor had barricaded. Not being able to pass that
way, they went to the other newly made in the wood among the mire,
which the Spaniards could shoot into at pleasure; but the pirates,
full of courage, cut down the branches of trees and threw them on the
way, that they might not stick in the dirt. Meanwhile, those of
Gibraltar fired with their great guns so furiously, they could scarce
hear nor see for the noise and smoke. Being passed the wood, they came
on firm ground, where they met with a battery of six guns, which
immediately the Spaniards discharged upon them, all loaded with small
bullets and pieces of iron; and the Spaniards sallying forth, set upon
them with such fury, as caused the pirates to give way, few of them
caring to advance towards the fort, many of them being already killed
and wounded. This made them go back to seek another way; but the
Spaniards having cut down many trees to hinder the passage, they could
find none, but were forced to return to that they had left. Here the
Spaniards continued to fire as before, nor would they sally out of
their batteries to attack them any more. Lolonois and his companions
not being able to grimp up the baskets of earth, were compelled to use
an old stratagem, wherewith at last they deceived and overcame the
Spaniards.

Lolonois retired suddenly with all his men, making show as if he fled;
hereupon the Spaniards crying out “They flee, they flee, let us follow
them,” sallied forth with great disorder to the pursuit. Being drawn
to some distance from the batteries, which was the pirates only
design, they turned upon them unexpectedly with sword in hand, and
killed above two hundred men; and thus fighting their way through
those who remained, they possessed themselves of the batteries. The
Spaniards that remained abroad, giving themselves over for lost, fled
to the woods: those in the battery of eight guns surrendered
themselves, obtaining quarter for their lives. The pirates being now
become masters of the town, pulled down the Spanish colours and set up
their own, taking prisoners as many as they could find. These they
carried to the great church, where they raised a battery of several
great guns, fearing lest the Spaniards that were fled should rally,
and come upon them again; but next day, being all fortified, their
fears were over. They gathered the dead to bury them, being above five
hundred Spaniards, besides the wounded in the town, and those that
died of their wounds in the woods. The pirates had also above one
hundred and fifty prisoners, and nigh five hundred slaves, many women
and children.

Of their own companions only forty were killed, and almost eighty
wounded, whereof the greatest part died through the bad air, which
brought fevers and other illness. They put the slain Spaniards into
two great boats, and carrying them a quarter of a league to sea, they
sunk the boats; this done, they gathered all the plate, household
stuff, and merchandise they could, or thought convenient to carry
away. The Spaniards who had anything left had hid it carefully: but
the unsatisfied pirates, not contented with the riches they had got,
sought for more goods and merchandise, not sparing those who lived in
the fields, such as hunters and planters. They had scarce been
eighteen days on the place, when the greatest part of the prisoners
died for hunger. For in the town were few provisions, especially of
flesh, though they had some, but no sufficient quantity of flour of
meal, and this the pirates had taken for themselves, as they also took
the swine, cows, sheep, and poultry, without allowing any share to the
poor prisoners; for these they only provided some small quantity of
mules’ and asses’ flesh; and many who could not eat of that loathsome
provision died for hunger, their stomachs not being accustomed to such
sustenance; only some women were allowed better cheer, because they
served their sensual delights, to which those robbers are much given.
Among these, some had been forced, others were volunteers, though
almost all rather submitted through poverty and hunger than any other
cause. Of the prisoners many also died under the torment they
sustained to make them discover their money or jewels; and of these,
some had none, nor knew of none, and others denying what they knew,
endured such horrible deaths.

Finally, after having been in possession of the town four entire
weeks, they sent four of the prisoners to the Spaniards that were fled
to the woods, demanding of them a ransom for not burning the town. The
sum demanded was 10,000 pieces of eight, which if not sent, they
threatened to reduce it to ashes. For bringing in this money, they
allowed them only two days; but the Spaniards not having been able to
gather so punctually such a sum, the pirates fired many parts of the
town; whereupon the inhabitants begged them to help quench the fire,
and the ransom should be readily paid. The pirates condescended,
helping as much as they could to stop the fire; but, notwithstanding
all their best endeavours, one part of the town was ruined, especially
the church belonging to the monastery was burnt down. After they had
received the said sum, they carried aboard all the riches they had
got, with a great number of slaves which had not paid the ransom; for
all the prisoners had sums of money set upon them, and the slaves were
also commanded to be redeemed. Hence they returned to Maracaibo, where
being arrived, they found a general consternation in the whole city,
to which they sent three or four prisoners to tell the governor and
inhabitants, “they should bring them 30,000 pieces of eight aboard
their ships, for a ransom of their houses, otherwise they should be
sacked anew and burnt.”

Among these debates a party of pirates came on shore, and carried away
the images, pictures, and bells of the great church, aboard the fleet.
The Spaniards who were sent to demand the sum aforesaid returned, with
orders to make some agreement; who concluded with the pirates to give
for their ransom and liberty 20,000 pieces of eight, and five hundred
cows, provided that they should commit no farther hostilities, but
depart thence presently after payment of money and cattle. The one and
the other being delivered, the whole fleet set sail, causing great joy
to the inhabitants of Maracaibo, to see themselves quit of them: but
three days after they renewed their fears with admiration, seeing the
pirates appear again, and re-enter the port with all their ships: but
these apprehensions vanished, upon hearing one of the pirate’s errand,
who came ashore from Lolonois, “to demand a skilful pilot to conduct
one of the greatest ships over the dangerous bank that lieth at the
very entry of the lake.” Which petition, or rather command, was
instantly granted.

They had now been full two months in those towns, wherein they
committed those cruel and insolent actions we have related. Departing
thence, they took their course to Hispaniola, and arrived there in
eight days, casting anchor in a port called Isla de la Vacca, or Cow
Island. This island is inhabited by French bucaniers, who mostly sell
the flesh they hunt to pirates and others, who now and then put in
there to victual, or trade. Here they unladed their whole cargazon of
riches, the usual storehouse of the pirates being commonly under the
shelter of the bucaniers. Here they made a dividend of all their
prizes and gains, according to the order and degree of every one, as
has been mentioned before. Having made an exact calculation of all
their plunder, they found in ready money 260,000 pieces of eight: this
being divided, every one received for his share in money, as also in
silk, linen, and other commodities, to the value of above 100 pieces
of eight. Those who had been wounded received their first part, after
the rate mentioned before, for the loss of their limbs: then they
weighed all the plate uncoined, reckoning ten pieces of eight to a
pound; the jewels were prized indifferently, either too high or too
low, by reason of their ignorance: this done, every one was put to his
oath again, that he had not smuggled anything from the common stock.
Hence they proceeded to the dividend of the shares of such as were
dead in battle, or otherwise: these shares were given to their
friends, to be kept entire for them, and to be delivered in due time
to their nearest relations, or their apparent lawful heirs.

The whole dividend being finished, they set sail for Tortuga: here
they arrived a month after, to the great joy of most of the island;
for as to the common pirates, in three weeks they had scarce any money
left, having spent it all in things of little value, or lost it at
play. Here had arrived, not long before them, two French ships, with
wine and brandy, and suchlike commodities; whereby these liquors, at
the arrival of the pirates, were indifferent cheap. But this lasted
not long, for soon after they were enhanced extremely, a gallon of
brandy being sold for four pieces of eight. The governor of the island
bought of the pirates the whole cargo of the ship laden with cocoa,
giving for that rich commodity scarce the twentieth part of its worth.
Thus they made shift to lose and spend the riches they had got, in
much less time than they were purchased: the taverns and stews,
according to the custom of pirates, got the greatest part; so that,
soon after, they were forced to seek more by the same unlawful means
they had got the former.




                              CHAPTER VIII.

  Lolonois makes new preparations to take the city of St. James
     de Leon; as also that of Nicaragua; where he miserably
     perishes.


Lolonois had got great repute at Tortuga by this last voyage, because
he brought home such considerable profit; and now he need take no
great care to gather men to serve under him, more coming in
voluntarily than he could employ; every one reposing such confidence
in his conduct that they judged it very safe to expose themselves, in
his company, to the greatest dangers. He resolved therefore a second
voyage to the parts of Nicaragua, to pillage there as many towns as he
could.

Having published his new preparations, he had all his men together at
the time, being about seven hundred. Of these he put three hundred
aboard the ship he took at Maracaibo, and the rest in five other
vessels of lesser burthen; so that they were in all six ships. The
first port they went to was Bayaha in Hispaniola, to victual the
fleet, and take in provisions; which done, they steered their course
to a port called Matamana, on the south side of Cuba, intending to
take here all the canoes they could; these coasts being frequented by
the fishers of tortoises, who carry them hence to the Havannah. They
took as many of them, to the great grief of those miserable people, as
they thought necessary; for they had great use for these small
bottoms, by reason the port they designed for had not depth enough for
ships of any burthen. Hence they took their course towards the cape
Gracias à Dios on the continent, in latitude 15 deg. north, one
hundred leagues from the Island de los Pinos. Being at sea, they were
taken with a sad and tedious calm, and, by the agitation of the waves
alone, were thrown into the gulf of Honduras: here they laboured hard
in vain to regain what they had lost, both the waters and the winds
being contrary; besides, the ship wherein Lolonois was embarked could
not follow the rest; and what was worse, they wanted provisions.
Hereupon, they were forced to put into the first port they could
reach, to revictual: so they entered with their canoes into the river
Xagua, inhabited by Indians, whom they totally destroyed, finding
great quantities of millet, and many hogs and hens: not contented with
which, they determined to remain there till the bad weather was over,
and to pillage all the towns and villages along the coast of the gulf.
Thus they passed from one place to another, seeking still more
provisions, with which they were not sufficiently supplied. Having
searched and rifled many villages, where they found no great matter,
they came at last to Puerto Cavallo: here the Spaniards have two
storehouses to keep the merchandises that are brought from the inner
parts of the country, till the arrival of the ships. There was then in
the port a Spanish ship of twenty-four guns, and sixteen pedreros or
mortar-pieces: this ship was immediately seized by the pirates, and
then drawing nigh the shore, they landed, and burnt the two
storehouses, with all the rest of the houses there. Many inhabitants
likewise they took prisoners, and committed upon them the most inhuman
cruelties that ever heathens invented; putting them to the cruellest
tortures they could devise. It was the custom of Lolonois, that having
tormented persons not confessing, he would instantly cut them in
pieces with his hanger, and pull out their tongues, desiring to do so,
if possible, to every Spaniard in the world. It often happened that
some of these miserable prisoners, being forced by the rack, would
promise to discover the places where the fugitive Spaniards lay hid,
which not being able afterwards to perform, they were put to more
cruel deaths than they who were dead before.

The prisoners being all dead but two (whom they reserved to show them
what they desired), they marched hence to the town of San Pedro, or
St. Peter, ten or twelve leagues from Puerto Cavallo, being three
hundred men, whom Lolonois led, leaving behind him Moses van Vin his
lieutenant, to govern the rest in his absence. Being come three
leagues on their way, they met with a troop of Spaniards, who lay in
ambuscade for their coming: these they set upon, with all the courage
imaginable, and at last totally defeated. Howbeit, they behaved
themselves very manfully at first; but not being able to resist the
fury of the pirates, they were forced to give way, and save themselves
by flight, leaving many pirates dead in the place, some wounded, and
some of their own party maimed, by the way. These Lolonois put to
death without mercy, having asked them what questions he thought fit
for his purpose.

There were still remaining some few prisoners not wounded; these were
asked by Lolonois, if any more Spaniards did lie farther on in
ambuscade? They answered, there were. Then being brought before him,
one by one, he asked if there was no other way to the town but that.
This he did to avoid if possible those ambuscades. But they all
constantly answered him they knew none. Having asked them all, and
finding they could show him no other way, Lolonois grew outrageously
passionate; so that he drew his cutlass, and with it cut open the
breast of one of those poor Spaniards, and pulling out his heart began
to bite and gnaw it with his teeth, like a ravenous wolf, saying to
the rest, “I will serve you all alike, if you show me not another
way.”

Hereupon, those miserable wretches promised to show him another way,
but withal, they told him, it was extremely difficult, and laborious.
Thus to satisfy that cruel tyrant, they began to lead him and his
army; but finding it not for his purpose as they had told him, he was
forced to return to the former way, swearing with great choler and
indignation, “Mort Dieu, les Espagnols me le payeront. By God’s death,
the Spaniards shall pay me for this.”

Next day he fell into another ambuscade, which he assaulted with such
horrible fury, that in less than an hour’s time he routed the
Spaniards, and killed the greatest part of them. The Spaniards thought
by these ambuscades better to destroy the pirates, assaulting them by
degrees, and for this reason had posted themselves in several places.
At last he met with a third ambuscade, where was placed a party
stronger, and more advantageously, than the former: yet
notwithstanding, the pirates, by continually throwing little
fire-balls in great numbers, for some time, forced this party, as well
as the former, to flee, and this with so great loss of men, that
before they could reach the town, the greatest part of the Spaniards
were either killed or wounded. There was but one path which led to the
town, very well barricaded with good defences; and the rest of the
town round was planted with shrubs called raqueltes, full of thorns
very sharp pointed. This sort of fortification seemed stronger than
the triangles used in Europe, when an army is of necessity to pass by
the place of an enemy; it being almost impossible for the pirates to
traverse those shrubs. The Spaniards posted behind the said defences,
seeing the pirates come, began to ply them with their great guns; but
these perceiving them ready to fire, used to stoop down, and when the
shot was made, to fall upon the defendants with fire-balls and naked
swords, killing many of the town: yet notwithstanding, not being able
to advance any farther, they retired, for the present: then they
renewed the attack with fewer men than before, and observing not to
shoot till they were very nigh, they gave the Spaniards a charge so
dextrously, that with every shot they killed an enemy.

The attack continuing thus eager on both sides till night, the
Spaniards were compelled to hang forth a white flag, and desired to
come to a parley: the only conditions they required were, “that the
pirates should give the inhabitants quarter for two hours.” This
little time they demanded with intent to carry away and hide as much
of their goods and riches as they could, and to fly to some other
neighbouring town. Granting this article, they entered the town, and
continued there the two hours, without committing the least hostility
on the inhabitants; but no sooner was that time past, than Lolonois
ordered that the inhabitants should be followed, and robbed of all
they had carried away; and not only their goods, but their persons
likewise to be made prisoners; though the greatest part of their
merchandise and goods were so hid, as the pirates could not find them,
except a few leathern sacks, filled with anil, or indigo.

Having stayed here a few days, and, according to their custom,
committed most horrid insolences, they at last quitted the place,
carrying away all they possibly could, and reducing the town to ashes.
Being come to the sea-side, where they left a party of their own, they
found these had been cruising upon the fishermen thereabouts, or who
came that way from the river of Guatemala: in this river was also
expected a ship from Spain. Finally, they resolved to go toward the
islands on the other side of the gulf, there to cleanse and careen
their vessels; but they left two canoes before the coast, or rather
the mouth of the river of Guatemala, in order to take the ship, which,
as I said, was expected from Spain.

But their chief intent in going hither was to seek provisions, knowing
the tortoises of those places are excellent food. Being arrived, they
divided themselves, each party choosing a fit post for that fishery.
They undertook to knit nets with the rinds of certain trees called
macoa, whereof they make also ropes and cables; so that no vessel can
be in need of such things, if they can but find the said trees. There
are also many places where they find pitch in so great abundance, that
running down the sea-coasts, being melted by the sun, it congeals in
the water in great heaps, like small islands. This pitch is not like
that of Europe, but resembles, both in colour and shape, that froth of
the sea called bitumen; but, in my judgment, this matter is nothing
but wax mixed with sand, which stormy weather, and the rolling waves
of great rivers hath cast into the sea; for in those parts are great
quantities of bees who make their honey in trees, to the bodies of
which the honeycomb being fixed, when tempests arise, they are torn
away, and by the fury of the winds carried into the sea, as is said.
Some naturalists say, that the honey and the wax are separated by the
salt water; whence proceeds the good amber. This opinion seems the
more probable, because the said amber tastes as wax doth.

But to return to my discourse. The pirates made in those islands all
the haste they possibly could to equip their vessels, hearing that the
Spanish ship was come which they expected. They spent some time
cruising on the coasts of Jucatan, where inhabit many Indians, who
seek for the said amber in those seas. And I shall here, by the by,
make some short remarks on the manner of living of the Indians, and
their religion.

They have now been above a hundred years under the Spaniards, to whom
they performed all manner of services; for whensoever any of them
needed a slave or servant, they sent for these to serve them as long
as they pleased. By the Spaniards they were initiated in the
principles of the Christian faith and religion, and they sent them
every Sunday and holiday a priest to perform divine service among
them; afterwards, for reasons not known, but certainly through
temptations of the father of idolatry, the devil, they suddenly cast
off the Christian religion, abusing the priest that was sent them:
this provoked the Spaniards to punish them, by casting many of the
chief into prison. Every one of those barbarians had, and hath still,
a god to himself, whom he serves and worships. It is a matter of
admiration, how they use a child newly born: as soon as it comes into
the world, they carry it to the temple; here they make a hole, which
they fill with ashes only, on which they place the child naked,
leaving it there a whole night alone, not without great danger, nobody
daring to come near it; meanwhile the temple is open on all sides,
that all sorts of beasts may freely come in and out. Next day, the
father, and relations of the infant, return to see if the track or
step of any animal appears in the ashes: not finding any, they leave
the child there till some beast has approached the infant, and left
behind him the marks of his feet: to this animal, whatsoever it be,
they consecrate the creature newly born, as to its god, which he is
bound to worship all his life, esteeming the said beast his patron and
protector. They offer to their gods sacrifices of fire, wherein they
burn a certain gum called by them copal, whose smoke smells very
deliciously. When the infant is grown up, the parents thereof tell him
who he ought to worship, serve, and honour as his own proper god. Then
he goes to the temple, where he makes offerings to the said beast.
Afterwards, if in the course of his life, any one injure him, or any
evil happen to him, he complains to that beast, and sacrifices to it
for revenge. Hence it often comes, that those who have done the injury
of which he complains are bitten, killed, or otherwise hurt by such
animals.

After this superstitious and idolatrous manner live those miserable
and ignorant Indians that inhabit the islands of the gulf of Honduras;
as also many of them on the continent of Jucatan, in the territories
whereof are most excellent ports, where those Indians most commonly
build their houses. These people are not very faithful to one another,
and use strange ceremonies at their marriages. Whensoever any one
pretends to marry a young damsel, he first applies himself to her
father or nearest relation: he examines him nicely about the manner of
cultivating their plantations, and other things at his pleasure.
Having satisfied the questions of his father-in-law, he gives the
young man a bow and arrow, with which he repairs to the young maid,
and presents her with a garland of green leaves and sweet-smelling
flowers; this she is obliged to put on her head, and lay aside that
which she wore before, it being the custom for virgins to go
perpetually crowned with flowers. This garland being received, and put
on her head, every one of the relations and friends go to advise with
others, whether that marriage will be like to be happy or not; then
they meet at the house of the damsel’s father, where they drink of a
liquor made of maize, or Indian wheat; and here, before the whole
company, the father gives his daughter in marriage to the bridegroom.
Next day the bride comes to her mother, and in her presence pulls off
the garland, and tears it in pieces, with great cries and
lamentations. Many other things I could relate of the manner of living
and customs of those Indians, but I shall follow my discourse.

Our pirates therefore had many canoes of the Indians in the isle of
Sambale, five leagues from the coasts of Jucatan. Here is great
quantity of amber, but especially when any storm arises from towards
the east; whence the waves bring many things, and very different.
Through this sea no vessels can pass, unless very small, it being too
shallow. In the lands that are surrounded by this sea, is found much
Campechy wood, and other things that serve for dyeing, much esteemed
in Europe, and would be more, if we had the skill of the Indians, who
make a dye or tincture that never fades.

The pirates having been in that gulf three months, and receiving
advice that the Spanish ship was come, hastened to the port where the
ship lay at anchor unlading her merchandise, with design to assault
her as soon as possible; but first they thought convenient to send
away some of their boats to seek for a small vessel also expected very
richly laden with plate, indigo, and cochineal. Meanwhile, the ship’s
crew having notice that the pirates designed upon them, prepared all
things for a good defence, being mounted with forty-two guns, well
furnished with arms and other necessaries, and one hundred and thirty
fighting men. To Lolonois all this seemed but little, for he assaulted
her with great courage, his own ship carrying but twenty-two guns, and
having no more than a small saety or fly-boat for help: but the
Spaniards defended themselves so well, as they forced the pirates to
retire; but the smoke of the powder continuing thick, as a dark fog or
mist, with four canoes well manned, they boarded the ship with great
agility, and forced the Spaniards to surrender.

The ship being taken, they found not in her what they thought, being
already almost unladen. All they got was only fifty bars of iron, a
small parcel of paper, some earthen jars of wine, and other things of
small importance.

Then Lolonois called a council of war, and told them, he intended for
Guatemala: hereupon they divided into several sentiments, some liking
the proposal, and others disliking it, especially a party of them who
were but raw in those exercises, and who imagined at their setting
forth from Tortuga that pieces of eight were gathered as easy as pears
from a tree; but finding most things contrary to their expectation,
they quitted the fleet, and returned; others affirmed they had rather
starve than return home without a great deal of money.

But the major part judging the propounded voyage little to their
purpose, separated from Lolonois and the rest: of these one Moses
Vanclein was ringleader, captain of the ship taken at Puerto Cavallo:
this fellow steered for Tortuga, to cruise to and fro in these seas.
With him joined another comrade of his, by name Pierre le Picard, who
seeing the rest leave Lolonois, thought fit to do the same. These
runaways having thus parted company, steered homewards, coasting along
the continent till they came to Costa Rica; here they landed a strong
party nigh the river Veraguas, and marched in good order to the town
of the same name: this they took and totally pillaged, though the
Spaniards made a strong resistance. They brought away some of the
inhabitants as prisoners, with all they had, which was of no great
importance, by reason of the poverty of the place, which exerciseth no
other trade than working in the mines, where some of the inhabitants
constantly attend, while none seek for gold, but only slaves. These
they compel to dig and wash the earth in the neighbouring rivers,
where often they find pieces of gold as big as peas. The pirates
gaining in this adventure but seven or eight pounds weight of gold,
they returned, giving over the design to go to the town of Nata,
situate on the coasts of the South Sea, whose inhabitants are rich
merchants, and their slaves work in the mines of Veraguas; being
deterred by the multitudes of Spaniards gathered on all sides to fall
upon them, whereof they had timely advice.

Lolonois, thus left by his companions, remained alone in the gulf of
Honduras. His ship being too great to get out at the reflux of those
seas, there he sustained great want of provisions, so as they were
constrained to go ashore every day to seek sustenance, and not finding
anything else, they were forced to kill and eat monkeys, and other
animals, such as they could find.

At last in the altitude of the cape of Gracias a Dios, near a certain
little island called De las Pertas, his ship struck on a bank of sand,
where it stuck so fast, as no art could get her off again, though they
unladed all the guns, iron, and other weighty things as much as they
could. Hereupon they were forced to break the ship in pieces, and with
planks and nails build themselves a boat to get away; and while they
are busy about it, I shall describe the said isles and their
inhabitants.

The islands De las Pertas are inhabited by savage Indians, not having
known or conversed with civil people: they are tall and very nimble,
running almost as fast as horses; at diving also they are very
dextrous and hardy. From the bottom of the sea I saw them take up an
anchor of six hundredweight, tying a cable to it with great dexterity,
and pulling it from a rock. Their arms are made of wood, without any
iron point; but some instead thereof use a crocodile’s tooth. They
have no bows nor arrows, as the other Indians have, but their common
weapon is a sort of lance a fathom and a half long. Here are many
plantations surrounded with woods, whence they gather abundance of
fruits, as potatoes, bananas, racoven, ananas, and many others. They
have no houses to dwell in, as at other places in the Indies. Some say
they eat human flesh, which is confirmed by what happened when
Lolonois was there. Two of his companions, one a Frenchman and the
other a Spaniard, went into the woods, where having straggled awhile,
a troop of Indians pursued them. They defended themselves as well as
they could with their swords, but at last were forced to flee. The
nimble Frenchman escaped; but the Spaniard being not so swift, was
taken and heard of no more. Some days after, twelve pirates set forth
well armed to seek their companion, among whom was the Frenchman, who
conducted them, and showed them the place where he left him; here they
found that the Indians had kindled a fire, and at a small distance
they found a man’s bones well roasted, with some pieces of flesh ill
scraped off the bones, and one hand, which had only two fingers
remaining, whence they concluded they had roasted the poor Spaniard.

They marched on, seeking for Indians, and found a great number
together, who endeavoured to escape, but they overtook some of them,
and brought aboard their ships five men and four women; with these
they took much pains to make themselves be understood, and to gain
their affections, giving them trifles, as knives, beads, and the like;
they gave them also victuals and drink, but nothing would they taste.
It was also observable, that while they were prisoners, they spoke not
one word to each other; so that seeing these poor Indians were much
afraid, they presented them again with some small things, and let them
go. When they parted, they made signs they would come again, but they
soon forgot their benefactors, and were never heard of more; neither
could any notice afterwards be had of these Indians, nor any others in
the whole island, which made the pirates suspect that both those that
were taken, and all the rest of the islanders, swam away by night to
some little neighbouring islands, especially considering they could
never set eyes on any Indian more, nor any boat or other vessel.
Meanwhile the pirates were very desirous to see their long-boat
finished out of the timber that struck on the sands; yet considering
their work would be long, they began to cultivate some pieces of
ground; here they sowed French beans, which ripened in six weeks, and
many other fruits. They had good provision of Spanish wheat, bananas,
racoven, and other things; with the wheat they made bread, and baked
it in portable ovens, brought with them. Thus they feared not hunger
in those desert places, employing themselves thus for five or six
months; which past, and the long-boat finished, they resolved for the
river of Nicaragua, to see if they could take some canoes, and return
to the said islands for their companions that remained behind, by
reason the boat could not hold so many men together; hereupon, to
avoid disputes, they cast lots, determining who should go or stay.

The lot fell on one half of the people of the lost vessel, who
embarked in the long-boat, and on the skiff which they had before, the
other half remaining ashore. Lolonois having set sail, arrived in a
few days at the river of Nicaragua: here that ill-fortune assailed him
which of long time had been reserved for him, as a punishment due to
the multitude of horrible crimes committed in his licentious and
wicked life. Here he met with both Spaniards and Indians, who jointly
setting upon him and his companions, the greatest part of the pirates
were killed on the place. Lolonois, with those that remained alive,
had much ado to escape aboard their boats: yet notwithstanding this
great loss, he resolved not to return to those he had left at the isle
of Pertas, without taking some boats, such as he looked for. To this
effect he determined to go on to the coasts of Carthagena; but God
Almighty, the time of His Divine justice being now come, had appointed
the Indians of Darien to be the instruments and executioners thereof.
These Indians of Darien are esteemed as bravoes, or wild savage
Indians, by the neighbouring Spaniards, who never could civilize them.
Hither Lolonois came (brought by his evil conscience that cried for
punishment), thinking to act his cruelties; but the Indians within a
few days after his arrival took him prisoner, and tore him in pieces
alive, throwing his body limb by limb into the fire, and his ashes
into the air, that no trace or memory might remain of such an
infamous, inhuman creature. One of his companions gave me an exact
account of this tragedy, affirming that himself had escaped the same
punishment with the greatest difficulty; he believed also that many of
his comrades, who were taken in that encounter by those Indians, were,
as their cruel captain, torn in pieces and burnt alive. Thus ends the
history, the life, and miserable death of that infernal wretch
Lolonois, who full of horrid, execrable, and enormous deeds, and
debtor to so much innocent blood, died by cruel and butcherly hands,
such as his own were in the course of his life.

Those that remained in the island De las Pertas, waiting for the
return of them who got away only to their great misfortune, hearing no
news of their captain nor companions, at last embarked on the ship of
a certain pirate, who happened to pass that way. This fellow came from
Jamaica, with intent to land at Gracias a Dios, and from thence to
enter the river with his canoes, and take the city of Carthagena.
These two crews of pirates being now joined, were infinitely glad at
the presence and society of one another. Those, because they found
themselves delivered from their miseries, poverty, and necessities,
wherein they had lived ten entire months. These, because they were now
considerably strengthened, to effect with greater satisfaction their
designs. Hereupon, as soon as they were arrived at Gracias a Dios,
they all put themselves into canoes, and entered the river, being five
hundred men, leaving only five or six persons in each ship to keep
them. They took no provisions, being persuaded they should find
everywhere sufficient; but these their hopes were found totally vain,
not being grounded on Almighty God; for He ordained it so, that the
Indians, aware of their coming, all fled, not leaving in their houses
or plantations, which for the most part border on the sides of rivers,
any necessary provisions or victuals: hereby, in a few days after they
had quitted their ships, they were reduced to most extreme necessity
and hunger; but their hopes of making their fortunes very soon,
animating them for the present, they contented themselves with a few
green herbs, such as they could gather on the banks of the river.

Yet all this courage and vigour lasted but a fortnight, when their
hearts, as well as bodies, began to fail for hunger; insomuch as they
were forced to quit the river, and betake themselves to the woods,
seeking out some villages where they might find relief, but all in
vain; for having ranged up and down the woods for some days, without
finding the least comfort, they were forced to return to the river,
where being come, they thought convenient to descend to the sea-coast
where they had left their ships, not having been able to find what
they sought for. In this laborious journey they were reduced to such
extremity, that many of them devoured their own shoes, the sheaths of
their swords, knives, and other such things, being almost ravenous,
and eager to meet some Indians, intending to sacrifice them to their
teeth. At last they arrived at the sea-coast, where they found some
comfort and relief to their former miseries, and also means to seek
more: yet the greatest part perished through faintness and other
diseases contracted by hunger, which also caused the remaining part to
disperse, till at last, by degrees, many or most of them fell into the
same pit that Lolonois did; of whom, and of whose companions, having
given a compendious narrative, I shall continue with the actions and
exploits of Captain Henry Morgan, who may deservedly be called the
second Lolonois, not being unlike or inferior to him, either in
achievements against the Spaniards, or in robberies of many innocent
people.




                               CHAPTER IX.

  The origin and descent of Captain Henry Morgan--His exploits,
     and the most remarkable actions of his life.


Captain Henry Morgan was born in Great Britain, in the principality of
Wales; his father was a rich yeoman, or farmer, of good quality, even
as most who bear that name in Wales are known to be. Morgan, when
young, had no inclination to the calling of his father, and therefore
left his country, and came towards the sea-coasts to seek some other
employment more suitable to his aspiring humour; where he found
several ships at anchor, bound for Barbadoes. With these he resolved
to go in the service of one, who, according to the practice of those
parts, sold him as soon as he came ashore. He served his time at
Barbadoes, and obtaining his liberty, betook himself to Jamaica, there
to seek new fortunes: here he found two vessels of pirates ready to go
to sea; and being destitute of employment, he went with them, with
intent to follow the exercises of that sort of people: he soon learned
their manner of living, so exactly, that having performed three or
four voyages with profit and success, he agreed with some of his
comrades, who had got by the same voyages a little money, to join
stocks, and buy a ship. The vessel being bought, they unanimously
chose him captain and commander.

With this ship he set forth from Jamaica to cruise on the coasts of
Campechy, in which voyage he took several ships, with which he
returned triumphant. Here he found an old pirate, named Mansvelt (whom
we have already mentioned), busied in equipping a considerable fleet,
with design to land on the continent, and pillage whatever he could.
Mansvelt seeing Captain Morgan return with so many prizes, judged him
to be a man of courage, and chose him for his vice-admiral in that
expedition: thus having fitted out fifteen ships, great and small,
they sailed from Jamaica with five hundred men, Walloons and French.
This fleet arrived, not long after, at the isle of St. Catherine, near
the continent of Costa Rica, latitude 12 deg. 30 min. and distant
thirty-five leagues from the river Chagre. Here they made their first
descent, landing most of their men, who soon forced the garrison that
kept the island to surrender all the forts and castles thereof; which
they instantly demolished, except one, wherein they placed a hundred
men of their own party, and all the slaves they had taken from the
Spaniards: with the rest of their men they marched to another small
island, so near St. Catherine’s, that with a bridge they made in a few
days, they passed thither, taking with them all the ordnance they had
taken on the great island. Having ruined with fire and sword both the
islands, leaving necessary orders at the said castle, they put to sea
again, with their Spanish prisoners; yet these they set ashore not
long after, on the firm land, near Puerto Velo: then they cruised on
Costa Rica, till they came to the river Colla, designing to pillage
all the towns in those parts, thence to pass to the village of Nata,
to do the same.

The governor of Panama, on advice of their arrival, and of the
hostilities they committed, thought it his duty to meet them with a
body of men. His coming caused the pirates to retire suddenly, seeing
the whole country was alarmed, and that their designs were known, and
consequently defeated at that time. Hereupon, they returned to St.
Catherine’s, to visit the hundred men they left in garrison there. The
governor of these men was a Frenchman, named Le Sieur Simon, who
behaved himself very well in that charge, while Mansvelt was absent,
having put the great island in a very good posture of defence, and the
little one he had caused to be cultivated with many fertile
plantations, sufficient to revictual the whole fleet, not only for the
present, but also for a new voyage. Mansvelt was very much bent to
keep the two islands in perpetual possession, being very commodiously
situated for the pirates; being so near the Spanish dominions, and
easily defended.

Hereupon, Mansvelt determined to return to Jamaica, to send recruits
to St. Catherine’s, that in case of an invasion the pirates might be
provided for a defence. As soon as he arrived, he propounded his
intentions to the governor there, who rejected his propositions,
fearing to displease his master, the king of England; besides, that
giving him the men he desired, and necessaries, he must of necessity
diminish the forces of that island, whereof he was governor. Hereupon,
Mansvelt, knowing that of himself he could not compass his designs, he
went to Tortuga; but there, before he could put in execution what was
intended, death surprised him, and put a period to his wicked life,
leaving all things in suspense till the occasion I shall hereafter
relate.

Le Sieur Simon, governor of St. Catherine’s, receiving no news from
Mansvelt, his admiral, was impatiently desirous to know the cause
thereof: meanwhile, Don John Perez de Guzman, being newly come to the
government of Costa Rica, thought it not convenient for the interest
of Spain for that island to be in the hands of the pirates: hereupon,
he equipped a considerable fleet, which he sent to retake it; but
before he used violence, he writ a letter to Le Sieur Simon, telling
him, that if he would surrender the island to his Catholic Majesty, he
should be very well rewarded; but, in case of refusal, severely
punished, when he had forced him to do it. Le Sieur Simon, seeing no
probability of being able to defend it alone, nor any emolument that
by so doing could accrue either to him, or his people, after some
small resistance delivered it up to its true lord and master, under
the same articles they had obtained it from the Spaniards; a few days
after which surrender, there arrived from Jamaica an English ship,
which the governor there had sent underhand, with a good supply of
people, both men and women: the Spaniards from the castle having
espied the ship, put forth English colours, and persuaded Le Sieur
Simon to go aboard, and conduct the ship into a port they assigned
him. This he performed and they were all made prisoners. A certain
Spanish engineer has published in print an exact relation of the
retaking of this isle by the Spaniards, which I have thought fit to
insert here:--

  _A true relation, and particular account of the victory
     obtained by the arms of his Catholic Majesty against the
     English pirates, by the direction and valour of Don John
     Perez de Guzman, knight of the order of St. James, governor
     and captain-general of Terra Firma, and the Province of
     Veraguas._

The kingdom of Terra Firma, which of itself is sufficiently strong to
repel and destroy great fleets, especially the pirates of Jamaica, had
several ways notice imparted to the governor thereof, that fourteen
English vessels cruised on the coasts belonging to his Catholic
Majesty. July 14, 1665, news came to Panama, that they were arrived at
Puerto de Naos, and had forced the Spanish garrison of the isle of St.
Catherine, whose governor was Don Estevan del Campo, and possessed
themselves of the said island, taking prisoners the inhabitants, and
destroying all that they met. About the same time, Don John Perez de
Guzman received particular information of these robberies from some
Spaniards who escaped out of the island (and whom he ordered to be
conveyed to Puerto Velo), that the said pirates came into the island
May 2, by night, without being perceived; and that the next day, after
some skirmishes, they took the fortresses, and made prisoners all the
inhabitants and soldiers that could not escape. Upon this, Don John
called a council of war, wherein he declared the great progress the
said pirates had made in the dominions of his Catholic Majesty; and
propounded “that it was absolutely necessary to send some forces to
the isle of St. Catherine, sufficient to retake it from the pirates,
the honour and interest of his Majesty of Spain being very narrowly
concerned herein; otherwise the pirates by such conquests might
easily, in course of time, possess themselves of all the countries
thereabouts.” To this some made answer, “that the pirates, not being
able to subsist in the said island, would of necessity consume and
waste themselves, and be forced to quit it, without any necessity of
retaking it: that consequently it was not worth the while to engage in
so many expenses and troubles as this would cost.” Notwithstanding
which, Don John being an expert and valiant soldier, ordered that
provisions should be conveyed to Puerto Velo for the use of the
militia, and transported himself thither, with no small danger of his
life. Here he arrived July 2, with most things necessary to the
expedition in hand, where he found in the port a good ship, and well
mounted, called the _St. Vincent_, that belonged to the company of the
negroes, which he manned and victualled very well, and sent to the
isle of St. Catherine, constituting Captain Joseph Sanchez Ximenez,
major of Puerto Velo, commander thereof. He carried with him two
hundred and seventy soldiers, and thirty-seven prisoners of the same
island, besides thirty-four Spaniards of the garrison of Puerto Velo,
twenty-nine mulattoes of Panama, twelve Indians, very dextrous at
shooting with bows and arrows, seven expert and able gunners, two
lieutenants, two pilots, one surgeon, and one religious, of the order
of St. Francis, for their chaplain.

Don John soon after gave orders to all the officers how to behave
themselves, telling them that the governor of Carthagena would supply
them with more men, boats, and all things else, necessary for that
enterprise; to which effect he had already written to the said
governor. July 24, Don John setting sail with a fair wind, he called
before him all his people, and made them a speech, encouraging them to
fight against the enemies of their country and religion, and
especially against those inhuman pirates, who had committed so many
horrid cruelties upon the subjects of his Catholic Majesty; withal,
promising every one most liberal rewards, especially to such as should
behave themselves well in the service of their king and country. Thus
Don John bid them farewell, and the ship set sail under a favourable
gale. The 22nd they arrived at Carthagena, and presented a letter to
the governor thereof, from the noble and valiant Don John, who
received it with testimonies of great affection to the person of Don
John, and his Majesty’s service: and seeing their resolution to be
conformable to his desires, he promised them his assistance, with one
frigate, one galleon, one boat, and one hundred and twenty-six men;
one half out of his own garrison, and the other half mulattoes. Thus
being well provided with necessaries, they left the port of
Carthagena, August 2, and the 10th they arrived in sight of St.
Catherine’s towards the western point thereof; and though the wind was
contrary, yet they reached the port, and anchored within it, having
lost one of their boats by foul weather, at the rock called Quita
Signos.

The pirates, seeing our ships come to an anchor, gave them presently
three guns with bullets, which were soon answered in the same coin.
Hereupon, Major Joseph Sanchez Ximenez sent ashore to the pirates one
of his officers to require them, in the name of the Catholic King his
master, to surrender the island, seeing they had taken it in the midst
of peace between the two crowns of Spain and England; and that if they
would be obstinate, he would certainly put them all to the sword. The
pirates made answer, that the island had once before belonged unto the
government and dominions of the king of England, and that instead of
surrendering it, they preferred to lose their lives.

On Friday the 13th, three negroes, from the enemy, came swimming
aboard our admiral; these brought intelligence, that all the pirates
upon the island were only seventy-two in number, and that they were
under a great consternation, seeing such considerable forces come
against them. With this intelligence, the Spaniards resolved to land,
and advance towards the fortresses, which ceased not to fire as many
great guns against them as they possibly could; which were answered in
the same manner on our side, till dark night. On Sunday, the 15th, the
day of the Assumption of our Lady, the weather being very calm and
clear, the Spaniards began to advance thus: The ship _St. Vincent_,
riding admiral, discharged two whole broadsides on the battery called
the Conception; the ship _St. Peter_, that was vice-admiral,
discharged likewise her guns against the other battery named St.
James: meanwhile, our people landed in small boats, directing their
course towards the point of the battery last mentioned, and thence
they marched towards the gate called Cortadura. Lieutenant Francis de
Cazeres, being desirous to view the strength of the enemy, with only
fifteen men, was compelled to retreat in haste, by reason of the great
guns, which played so furiously on the place where he stood; they
shooting, not only pieces of iron, and small bullets, but also the
organs of the church, discharging in every shot threescore pipes at a
time.

Notwithstanding this heat of the enemy, Captain Don Joseph Ramirez de
Leyva, with sixty men, made a strong attack, wherein they fought on
both sides very desperately, till at last he overcame, and forced the
pirates to surrender the fort.

On the other side, Captain John Galeno, with ninety men, passed over
the hills, to advance that way towards the castle of St. Teresa.
Meanwhile Major Don Joseph Sanchez Ximenez, as commander-in-chief,
with the rest of his men, set forth from the battery of St. James,
passing the port with four boats, and landing, in despite of the
enemy. About this same time, Captain John Galeno began to advance with
the men he led to the fore-mentioned fortress; so that our men made
three attacks on three several sides, at one and the same time, with
great courage; till the pirates seeing many of their men already
killed, and that they could in no manner subsist any longer, retreated
towards Cortadura, where they surrendered, themselves and the whole
island, into our hands. Our people possessed themselves of all, and
set up the Spanish colours, as soon as they had rendered thanks to God
Almighty for the victory obtained on such a signalized day. The number
of dead were six men of the enemies, with many wounded, and seventy
prisoners: on our side was only one man killed, and four wounded.

There were found on the island eight hundred pounds of powder, two
hundred and fifty pounds of small bullets, with many other military
provisions. Among the prisoners were taken also, two Spaniards, who
had bore arms under the English against his Catholic Majesty: these
were shot to death the next day, by order of the major. The 10th day
of September arrived at the isle an English vessel, which being seen
at a great distance by the major, he ordered Le Sieur Simon, who was a
Frenchman, to go and visit the said ship, and tell them that were on
board, that the island belonged still to the English. He performed the
command, and found in the said ship only fourteen men, one woman and
her daughter, who were all instantly made prisoners.

The English pirates were all transported to Puerto Velo, excepting
three, who by order of the governor were carried to Panama, there to
work in the castle of St. Jerom. This fortification is an excellent
piece of workmanship, and very strong, being raised in the middle of
the port of a quadrangular form, and of very hard stone: its height is
eighty-eight geometrical feet, the wall being fourteen, and the
curtains seventy-five feet diameter. It was built at the expense of
several private persons, the governor of the city furnishing the
greatest part of the money; so that it cost his Majesty nothing.




                                CHAPTER X.

  Of the Island of Cuba--Captain Morgan attempts to preserve the
     Isle of St. Catherine as a refuge to the nest of pirates,
     but fails of his design--He arrives at and takes the
     village of El Puerto del Principe.


Captain Morgan seeing his predecessor and admiral Mansvelt were dead,
used all the means that were possible, to keep in possession the isle
of St. Catherine, seated near Cuba. His chief intent was to make it a
refuge and sanctuary to the pirates of those parts, putting it in a
condition of being a convenient receptacle of their preys and
robberies. To this effect he left no stone unmoved, writing to several
merchants in Virginia and New England, persuading them to send him
provisions and necessaries, towards putting the said island in such a
posture of defence, as to fear no danger of invasion from any side.
But all this proved ineffectual, by the Spaniards retaking the said
island: yet Captain Morgan retained his courage, which put him on new
designs. First, he equipped a ship, in order to gather a fleet as
great, and as strong as he could. By degrees he effected it, and gave
orders to every member of his fleet to meet at a certain port of Cuba,
there determining to call a council, and deliberate what was best to
be done, and what place first to fall upon. Leaving these preparations
in this condition, I shall give my reader some small account of the
said isle of Cuba, in whose port this expedition was hatched, seeing I
omitted to do it in its proper place.

Cuba lies from east to west, in north latitude, from 20 to 23 deg. in
length one hundred and fifty German leagues, and about forty in
breadth. Its fertility is equal to that of Hispaniola; besides which,
it affords many things proper for trading and commerce; such as hides
of several beasts, particularly those that in Europe are called hides
of Havanna. On all sides it is surrounded with many small islands,
called the Cayos: these little islands the pirates use as ports of
refuge. Here they have their meetings, and hold their councils, how
best to assault the Spaniards. It is watered on all sides with
plentiful and pleasant rivers, whose entries form both secure and
spacious ports; beside many other harbours for ships, which along the
calm shores and coasts adorn this rich and beautiful island; all which
contribute much to its happiness, by facilitating trade, whereto they
invited both natives and aliens. The chief of these ports are San
Jago, Bayamo, Santa Maria, Espiritu Santo, Trinidad, Zagoa, Cabo de
Corientes, and others, on the south side of the island; on the north
side are, La Havanna, Puerto Mariano, Santa Cruz, Mata Ricos, and
Barracoa.

This island hath two chief cities, to which all the towns and villages
thereof give obedience. The first is Santa Jago, or St. James, seated
on the south side, and having under its jurisdiction one half of the
island. The chief magistrates hereof are a bishop and a governor, who
command the villages and towns of the said half. The chief of these
are, on the south side, Espiritu Santo, Puerto del Principe, and
Bayamo. On the north it has Barracoa, and De los Cayos. The greatest
part of the commerce driven here comes from the Canaries, whither they
transport much tobacco, sugar, and hides, which sort of merchandise
are drawn to the head city from the subordinate towns and villages.
Formerly the city of Santa Jago was miserably sacked by the pirates of
Jamaica and Tortuga, though it is defended by a considerable castle.

The city and port De la Havanna lies between the north and west side
of the island: this is one of the strongest places of the West Indies;
its jurisdiction extends over the other half of the island; the chief
places under it being Santa Cruz on the north side, and La Trinidad on
the south. Hence is transported huge quantities of tobacco, which is
sent to New Spain and Costa Rica, even as far as the South Sea,
besides many ships laden with this commodity, that are consigned to
Spain and other parts of Europe, not only in the leaf, but in rolls.
This city is defended by three castles, very great and strong, two of
which lie towards the port, and the other is seated on a hill that
commands the town. It is esteemed to contain about ten thousand
families. The merchants of this place trade in New Spain, Campechy,
Honduras, and Florida. All ships that come from the parts before
mentioned, as also from Caraccas, Carthagena and Costa Rica, are
necessitated to take their provisions in at Havanna to make their
voyage for Spain; this being the necessary and straight course they
must steer for the south of Europe, and other parts. The plate-fleet
of Spain, which the Spaniards call Flota, being homeward bound,
touches here yearly to complete their cargo with hides, tobacco, and
Campechy wood.

Captain Morgan had been but two months in these ports of the south of
Cuba, when he had got together a fleet of twelve sail, between ships
and great boats, with seven hundred fighting men, part English and
part French. They called a council, and some advised to assault the
city of Havanna in the night, which they said might easily be done, if
they could but take any few of the ecclesiastics; yea, that the city
might be sacked before the castles could put themselves in a posture
of defence. Others propounded, according to their several opinions,
other attempts; but the former proposal was rejected, because many of
the pirates, who had been prisoners at other times in the said city,
affirmed nothing of consequence could be done with less than one
thousand five hundred men. Moreover, that with all these people, they
ought first to go to the island De los Pinos, and land them in small
boats about Matamona, fourteen leagues from the said city, whereby to
accomplish their designs.

Finally, they saw no possibility of gathering so great a fleet, and
hereupon, with what they had, they concluded to attempt some other
place. Among the rest, one propounded they should assault the town of
El Puerto del Principe. This proposition he persuaded to, by saying he
knew that place very well, and that being at a distance from sea, it
never was sacked by any pirates, whereby the inhabitants were rich,
exercising their trade by ready money, with those of Havanna who kept
here an established commerce, chiefly in hides. This proposal was
presently admitted by Captain Morgan, and the chief of his companions.
Hereupon they ordered every captain to weigh anchor and set sail,
steering towards that coast nearest to El Puerto del Principe. Here is
a bay named by the Spaniards El Puerto de Santa Maria: being arrived
at this bay, a Spaniard, who was prisoner aboard the fleet, swam
ashore by night to the town of El Puerto del Principe, giving an
account to the inhabitants of the design of the pirates, which he
overheard in their discourse, while they thought he did not understand
English. The Spaniards upon this advice began to hide their riches,
and carry away their movables; the governor immediately raised all the
people of the town, freemen and slaves, and with part of them took a
post by which of necessity the pirates must pass, and commanded many
trees to be cut down and laid cross the ways to hinder their passage,
placing several ambuscades strengthened with some pieces of cannon to
play upon them on their march. He gathered in all about eight hundred
men, of which detaching part into the said ambuscades, with the rest
he begirt the town, drawing them up in a spacious field, whence they
could see the coming of the pirates at length.

Captain Morgan, with his men, now on the march, found the avenues to
the town unpassable; hereupon they took their way through the wood,
traversing it with great difficulty, whereby they escaped divers
ambuscades; at last they came to the plain, from its figure called by
the Spaniards La Savanna, or the Sheet. The governor seeing them come,
detached a troop of horse to charge them in the front, thinking to
disperse them, and to pursue them with his main body: but this design
succeeded not, for the pirates marched in very good order, at the
sound of their drums, and with flying colours; coming near the horse
they drew into a semicircle, and so advanced towards the Spaniards,
who charged them valiantly for a while; but the pirates being very
dextrous at their arms, and their governor, with many of their
companions, being killed, they retreated towards the wood, to save
themselves with more advantage; but before they could reach it, most
of them were unfortunately killed by the pirates. Thus they left the
victory to these new-come enemies, who had no considerable loss of men
in the battle, and but very few wounded. The skirmish lasted four
hours: they entered the town not without great resistance of such as
were within, who defended themselves as long as possible, and many
seeing the enemy in the town, shut themselves up in their own houses,
and thence made several shots upon the pirates; who thereupon
threatened them, saying, “If you surrender not voluntarily, you shall
soon see the town in a flame, and your wives and children torn in
pieces before your faces.” Upon these menaces the Spaniards submitted
to the discretion of the pirates, believing they could not continue
there long.

As soon as the pirates had possessed themselves of the town, they
enclosed all the Spaniards, men, women, children, and slaves, in
several churches, and pillaged all the goods they could find; then
they searched the country round about, bringing in daily many goods
and prisoners, with much provision. With this they fell to making
great cheer, after their old custom, without remembering the poor
prisoners, whom they let starve in the churches, though they tormented
them daily and inhumanly to make them confess where they had hid their
goods, money, &c., though little or nothing was left them, not sparing
the women and little children, giving them nothing to eat, whereby the
greatest part perished.

Pillage and provisions growing scarce, they thought convenient to
depart and seek new fortunes in other places; they told the prisoners,
“they should find money to ransom themselves, else they should be all
transported to Jamaica; and beside, if they did not pay a second
ransom for the town, they would turn every house into ashes.” The
Spaniards hereupon nominated among themselves four fellow-prisoners to
go and seek for the above-mentioned contributions; but the pirates, to
the intent that they should return speedily with those ransoms,
tormented several cruelly in their presence, before they departed.
After a few days, the Spaniards returned, telling Captain Morgan, “We
have ran up and down, and searched all the neighbouring woods and
places we most suspected, and yet have not been able to find any of
our own party, nor consequently any fruit of our embassy; but if you
are pleased to have a little longer patience with us, we shall
certainly cause all that you demand to be paid within fifteen days;”
which Captain Morgan granted. But not long after, there came into the
town seven or eight pirates who had been ranging in the woods and
fields, and got considerable booty. These brought amongst other
prisoners a negro, whom they had taken with letters. Captain Morgan
having perused them, found that they were from the governor of Santa
Jago, being written to some of the prisoners, wherein he told them,
“they should not make too much haste to pay any ransom for their town
or persons, or any other pretext; but on the contrary, they should put
off the pirates as well as they could with excuses and delays,
expecting to be relieved by him in a short time, when he would
certainly come to their aid.” Upon this intelligence Captain Morgan
immediately ordered all their plunder to be carried aboard; and
withal, he told the Spaniards, that the very next day they should pay
their ransoms, for he would not wait a moment longer, but reduce the
whole town to ashes, if they failed of the sum he demanded.

With this intimation, Captain Morgan made no mention to the Spaniards
of the letters he had intercepted. They answered, “that it was
impossible for them to give such a sum of money in so short a space of
time, seeing their fellow-townsmen were not to be found in all the
country thereabouts.” Captain Morgan knew full well their intentions,
but thought it not convenient to stay there any longer, demanding of
them only five hundred oxen or cows, with sufficient salt to powder
them, with this condition, that they should carry them on board his
ships. Thus he departed with all his men, taking with him only six of
the principal prisoners as pledges. Next day the Spaniards brought the
cattle and salt to the ships, and required the prisoners; but Captain
Morgan refused to deliver them, till they had helped his men to kill
and salt the beeves: this was performed in great haste, he not caring
to stay there any longer, lest he should be surprised by the forces
that were gathering against him; and having received all on board his
vessels, he set at liberty the hostages. Meanwhile there happened some
dissensions between the English and the French: the occasion was as
follows: A Frenchman being employed in killing and salting the beeves,
an English pirate took away the marrow-bones he had taken out of the
ox, which these people esteem much; hereupon they challenged one
another: being come to the place of duel, the Englishman stabbed the
Frenchman in the back, whereby he fell down dead. The other Frenchmen,
desirous of revenge, made an insurrection against the English; but
Captain Morgan soon appeased them, by putting the criminal in chains
to be carried to Jamaica, promising he would see justice done upon
him; for though he might challenge his adversary, yet it was not
lawful to kill him treacherously, as he did.

All things being ready, and on board, and the prisoners set at
liberty, they sailed thence to a certain island, where Captain Morgan
intended to make a dividend of what they had purchased in that voyage;
where being arrived, they found nigh the value of fifty thousand
pieces of eight in money and goods; the sum being known, it caused a
general grief to see such a small purchase, not sufficient to pay
their debts at Jamaica. Hereupon Captain Morgan proposed they should
think on some other enterprise and pillage before they returned. But
the French not being able to agree with the English, left Captain
Morgan with those of his own nation, notwithstanding all the
persuasions he used to reduce them to continue in his company. Thus
they parted with all external signs of friendship, Captain Morgan
reiterating his promises to them that he would see justice done on
that criminal. This he performed; for being arrived at Jamaica, he
caused him to be hanged, which was all the satisfaction the French
pirates could expect.




                               CHAPTER XI.

  Captain Morgan resolving to attack and plunder the city of
     Puerto Bello, equips a fleet, and with little expense and
     small forces takes it.


Some may think that the French having deserted Captain Morgan, the
English alone could not have sufficient courage to attempt such great
actions as before. But Captain Morgan, who always communicated vigour
with his words, infused such spirit into his men, as put them
instantly upon new designs; they being all persuaded that the sole
execution of his orders would be a certain means of obtaining great
riches, which so influenced their minds, that with inimitable courage
they all resolved to follow him, as did also a certain pirate of
Campechy, who on this occasion joined with Captain Morgan, to seek new
fortunes under his conduct. Thus Captain Morgan in a few days gathered
a fleet of nine sail, either ships or great boats, wherein he had four
hundred and sixty military men.

All things being ready, they put forth to sea, Captain Morgan
imparting his design to nobody at present; he only told them on
several occasions, that he doubted not to make a good fortune by that
voyage, if strange occurrences happened not. They steered towards the
continent, where they arrived in a few days near Costa Rica, all their
fleet safe. No sooner had they discovered land but Captain Morgan
declared his intentions to the captains, and presently after to the
company. He told them he intended to plunder Puerto Bello by night,
being resolved to put the whole city to the sack: and to encourage
them he added, this enterprise could not fail, seeing he had kept it
secret, without revealing it to anybody, whereby they could not have
notice of his coming. To this proposition some answered, “they had not
a sufficient number of men to assault so strong and great a city.” But
Captain Morgan replied, “If our number is small, our hearts are great;
and the fewer persons we are, the more union and better shares we
shall have in the spoil.” Hereupon, being stimulated with the hope of
those vast riches they promised themselves from their success, they
unanimously agreed to that design. Now, that my reader may better
comprehend the boldness of this exploit, it may be necessary to say
something beforehand of the city of Puerto Bello.

This city is in the province of Costa Rica, 10 deg. north latitude,
fourteen leagues from the gulf of Darien, and eight westwards from the
port called Nombre de Dios. It is judged the strongest place the king
of Spain possesses in all the West Indies, except Havanna and
Carthagena. Here are two castles almost impregnable, that defend the
city, situate at the entry of the port, so that no ship or boat can
pass without permission. The garrison consists of three hundred
soldiers, and the town is inhabited by about four hundred families.
The merchants dwell not here, but only reside awhile, when the
galleons come from or go for Spain, by reason of the unhealthiness of
the air, occasioned by vapours from the mountains; so that though
their chief warehouses are at Puerto Bello, their habitations are at
Panama, whence they bring the plate upon mules, when the fair begins,
and when the ships belonging to the company of negroes arrive to sell
slaves.

Captain Morgan, who knew very well all the avenues of this city and
the neighbouring coasts, arrived in the dusk of the evening at Puerto
de Naos, ten leagues to the west of Puerto Bello. Being come hither,
they sailed up the river to another harbour called Puerto Pontin,
where they anchored: here they put themselves into boats and canoes,
leaving in the ships only a few men to bring them next day to the
port. About midnight they came to a place called Estera longa Lemos,
where they all went on shore, and marched by land to the first posts
of the city: they had in their company an Englishman, formerly a
prisoner in those parts, who now served them for a guide: to him and
three or four more they gave commission to take the sentinel, if
possible, or kill him on the place: but they seized him so cunningly,
as he had no time to give warning with his musket, or make any noise,
and brought him, with his hands bound, to Captain Morgan, who asked
him how things went in the city, and what forces they had; with other
circumstances he desired to know. After every question they made him a
thousand menaces to kill him, if he declared not the truth. Then they
advanced to the city, carrying the said sentinel bound before them:
having marched about a quarter of a league, they came to the castle
near the city, which presently they closely surrounded, so that no
person could get either in or out.

Being posted under the walls of the castle, Captain Morgan commanded
the sentinel, whom they had taken prisoner, to speak to those within,
charging them to surrender to his discretion; otherwise they should
all be cut in pieces, without quarter. But they regarding none of
these threats, began instantly to fire, which alarmed the city; yet
notwithstanding, though the governor and soldiers of the said castle
made as great resistance as could be, they were forced to surrender.
Having taken the castle, they resolved to be as good as their words,
putting the Spaniards to the sword, thereby to strike a terror into
the rest of the city. Whereupon, having shut up all the soldiers and
officers as prisoners into one room, they set fire to the powder
(whereof they found great quantity) and blew up the castle into the
air, with all the Spaniards that were within. This done, they pursued
the course of their victory, falling upon the city, which, as yet, was
not ready to receive them. Many of the inhabitants cast their precious
jewels and money into wells and cisterns, or hid them in places
underground, to avoid, as much as possible, being totally robbed. One
party of the pirates, assigned to this purpose, ran immediately to the
cloisters, and took as many religious men and women as they could
find. The governor of the city, not being able to rally the citizens,
through their great confusion, retired to one of the castles
remaining, and thence fired incessantly at the pirates: but these were
not in the least negligent either to assault him, or defend
themselves, so that amidst the horror of the assault, they made very
few shots in vain; for aiming with great dexterity at the mouths of
the guns, the Spaniards were certain to lose one or two men every time
they charged each gun anew.

This continued very furious from break of day till noon; yea, about
this time of the day the case was very dubious which party should
conquer, or be conquered. At last, the pirates perceiving they had
lost many men, and yet advanced but little towards gaining either
this, or the other castles, made use of fire-balls, which they threw
with their hands, designing to burn the doors of the castles; but the
Spaniards from the walls let fall great quantities of stones, and
earthen pots full of powder, and other combustible matter, which
forced them to desist. Captain Morgan seeing this generous defence
made by the Spaniards, began to despair of success. Hereupon, many
faint and calm meditations came into his mind; neither could he
determine which way to turn himself in that strait. Being thus
puzzled, he was suddenly animated to continue the assault, by seeing
English colours put forth at one of the lesser castles, then entered
by his men; of whom he presently after spied a troop coming to meet
him, proclaiming victory with loud shouts of joy. This instantly put
him on new resolutions of taking the rest of the castles, especially
seeing the chiefest citizens were fled to them, and had conveyed
thither great part of their riches, with all the plate belonging to
the churches and divine service.

To this effect, he ordered ten or twelve ladders to be made in all
haste, so broad, that three or four men at once might ascend them:
these being finished, he commanded all the religious men and women,
whom he had taken prisoners, to fix them against the walls of the
castle. This he had before threatened the governor to do, if he
delivered not the castle: but his answer was, “he would never
surrender himself alive.” Captain Morgan was persuaded the governor
would not employ his utmost force, seeing the religious women, and
ecclesiastical persons, exposed in the front of the soldiers to the
greatest danger. Thus the ladders, as I have said, were put into the
hands of religious persons of both sexes, and these were forced, at
the head of the companies, to raise and apply them to the walls: but
Captain Morgan was fully deceived in his judgment of this design; for
the governor, who acted like a brave soldier in performance of his
duty, used his utmost endeavour to destroy whosoever came near the
walls. The religious men and women ceased not to cry to him, and beg
of him, by all the saints of heaven, to deliver the castle, and spare
both his and their own lives; but nothing could prevail with his
obstinacy and fierceness. Thus many of the religious men and nuns were
killed before they could fix the ladders; which at last being done,
though with great loss of the said religious people, the pirates
mounted them in great numbers, and with not less valour, having
fire-balls in their hands, and earthen pots full of powder; all which
things, being now at the top of the walls, they kindled and cast in
among the Spaniards.

This effort of the pirates was very great, insomuch that the Spaniards
could no longer resist nor defend the castle, which was now entered.
Hereupon they all threw down their arms, and craved quarter for their
lives; only the governor of the city would crave no mercy, but killed
many of the pirates with his own hands, and not a few of his own
soldiers; because they did not stand to their arms. And though the
pirates asked him if he would have quarter; yet he constantly
answered, “By no means, I had rather die as a valiant soldier, than be
hanged as a coward.” They endeavoured as much as they could to take
him prisoner, but he defended himself so obstinately, that they were
forced to kill him, notwithstanding all the cries and tears of his own
wife and daughter, who begged him, on their knees, to demand quarter,
and save his life. When the pirates had possessed themselves of the
castle, which was about night, they enclosed therein all the
prisoners, placing the women and men by themselves, with some guards:
the wounded were put in an apartment by itself, that their own
complaints might be the cure of their diseases; for no other was
afforded them.

This done, they fell to eating and drinking, as usual; that is,
committing in both all manner of debauchery and excess: these two
vices were immediately followed by many insolent actions of rape and
adultery, committed on many very honest women, as well married as
virgins; who being threatened with the sword, were constrained to
submit their bodies to the violence of those lewd and wicked men. Thus
they gave themselves up to all sorts of debauchery, that fifty
courageous men might easily have retaken the city, and killed all the
pirates. Next day, having plundered all they could find, they examined
some of the prisoners (who had been persuaded by their companions to
say they were the richest of the town), charging them severely to
discover where they had hid their riches and goods. Not being able to
extort anything from them, they not being the right persons, it was
resolved to torture them: this they did so cruelly, that many of them
died on the rack, or presently after. Now the president of Panama
being advertised of the pillage and ruin of Puerto Bello, he employed
all his care and industry to raise forces to pursue and cast out the
pirates thence; but these cared little for his preparations, having
their ships at hand, and determining to fire the city, and retreat.
They had now been at Puerto Bello fifteen days, in which time they had
lost many of their men, both by the unhealthiness of the country, and
their extravagant debaucheries.

Hereupon, they prepared to depart, carrying on board all the pillage
they had got, having first provided the fleet with sufficient victuals
for the voyage. While these things were doing, Captain Morgan demanded
of the prisoners a ransom for the city, or else he would burn it down,
and blow up all the castles; withal, he commanded them to send
speedily two persons, to procure the sum, which was 100,000 pieces of
eight. To this effect two men were sent to the president of Panama,
who gave him an account of all. The president, having now a body of
men ready, set forth towards Puerto Bello, to encounter the pirates
before their retreat; but they, hearing of his coming, instead of
flying away, went out to meet him at a narrow passage, which he must
pass: here they placed a hundred men, very well armed, which at the
first encounter put to flight a good party of those of Panama. This
obliged the president to retire for that time, not being yet in a
posture of strength to proceed farther. Presently after, he sent a
message to Captain Morgan, to tell him, “that if he departed not
suddenly with all his forces from Puerto Bello, he ought to expect no
quarter for himself, nor his companions, when he should take them, as
he hoped soon to do.” Captain Morgan, who feared not his threats,
knowing he had a secure retreat in his ships, which were at hand,
answered, “he would not deliver the castles, before he had received
the contribution money he had demanded; which if it were not paid
down, he would certainly burn the whole city, and then leave it,
demolishing beforehand the castles, and killing the prisoners.”

The governor of Panama perceived by this answer that no means would
serve to mollify the hearts of the pirates, nor reduce them to reason:
hereupon, he determined to leave them, as also those of the city whom
he came to relieve, involved in the difficulties of making the best
agreement they could. Thus in a few days more the miserable citizens
gathered the contributions required, and brought 100,000 pieces of
eight to the pirates for a ransom of their cruel captivity: but the
president of Panama was much amazed to consider that four hundred men
could take such a great city, with so many strong castles, especially
having no ordnance, wherewith to raise batteries, and, what was more,
knowing the citizens of Puerto Bello had always great repute of being
good soldiers themselves, and who never wanted courage in their own
defence. This astonishment was so great, as made him send to Captain
Morgan, desiring some small pattern of those arms wherewith he had
taken with such vigour so great a city. Captain Morgan received this
messenger very kindly, and with great civility; and gave him a pistol,
and a few small bullets, to carry back to the president his master;
telling him, withal, “he desired him to accept that slender pattern of
the arms wherewith he had taken Puerto Bello, and keep them for a
twelvemonth; after which time he promised to come to Panama, and fetch
them away.” The governor returned the present very soon to Captain
Morgan, giving him thanks for the favour of lending him such weapons
as he needed not; and, withal, sent him a ring of gold, with this
message, “that he desired him not to give himself the labour of coming
to Panama, as he had done to Puerto Bello: for he did assure him, he
should not speed so well here, as he had done there.”

After this, Captain Morgan (having provided his fleet with all
necessaries, and taken with him the best guns of the castles, nailing
up the rest) set sail from Puerto Bello with all his ships, and
arriving in a few days at Cuba, he sought out a place wherein he might
quickly make the dividend of their spoil. They found in ready money
250,000 pieces of eight, besides other merchandises; as cloth, linen,
silks, &c. With this rich purchase they sailed thence to their common
place of rendezvous, Jamaica. Being arrived, they passed here some
time in all sorts of vices and debaucheries, according to their
custom; spending very prodigally what others had gained with no small
labour and toil.




                               CHAPTER XII.

  Captain Morgan takes the city of Maracaibo on the coast of
     Neuva Venezuela--Piracies committed in those seas--Ruin of
     three Spanish ships, set forth to hinder the robberies of
     the pirates.


Not long after their arrival at Jamaica, being that short time they
needed to lavish away all the riches above mentioned, they concluded
on another enterprise to seek new fortunes: to this effect Captain
Morgan ordered all the commanders of his ships to meet at De la Vacca,
or the Cow Isle, south of Hispaniola, as is said. Hither flocked to
them great numbers of other pirates, French and English; the name of
Captain Morgan being now famous in all the neighbouring countries for
his great enterprises. There was then at Jamaica an English ship newly
come from New England, well mounted with thirty-six guns: this vessel,
by order of the governor of Jamaica, joined Captain Morgan to
strengthen his fleet, and give him greater courage to attempt mighty
things. With this supply Captain Morgan judged himself sufficiently
strong; but there being in the same place another great vessel of
twenty-four iron guns, and twelve brass ones, belonging to the French,
Captain Morgan endeavoured also to join this ship to his own; but the
French not daring to trust the English, denied absolutely to consent.

The French pirates belonging to this great ship had met at sea an
English vessel; and being under great want of victuals, they had taken
some provisions out of the English ship, without paying for them,
having, perhaps, no ready money aboard: only they gave them bills of
exchange for Jamaica and Tortuga, to receive money there. Captain
Morgan having notice of this, and perceiving he could not prevail with
the French captain to follow him, resolved to lay hold on this
occasion, to ruin the French, and seek his revenge. Hereupon he
invited, with dissimulation, the French commander, and several of his
men, to dine with him on board the great ship that was come to
Jamaica, as is said. Being come, he made them all prisoners,
pretending the injury aforesaid done to the English vessel.

This unjust action of Captain Morgan was soon followed by Divine
punishment, as we may conceive: the manner I shall instantly relate.
Captain Morgan, presently after he had taken these French prisoners,
called a council to deliberate what place they should first pitch upon
in this new expedition. Here it was determined to go to the isle of
Savona, to wait for the flota then expected from Spain, and take any
of the Spanish vessels straggling from the rest. This resolution being
taken, they began aboard the great ship to feast one another for joy
of their new voyage, and happy council, as they hoped: they drank many
healths, and discharged many guns, the common sign of mirth among
seamen. Most of the men being drunk, by what accident is not known,
the ship suddenly was blown up, with three hundred and fifty
Englishmen, besides the French prisoners in the hold; of all which
there escaped but thirty men, who were in the great cabin, at some
distance from the main force of the powder. Many more, it is thought,
might have escaped, had they not been so much overtaken with wine.

This loss brought much consternation of mind upon the English; they
knew not whom to blame, but at last the accusation was laid on the
French prisoners, whom they suspected to have fired the powder of the
ship out of revenge, though with the loss of their own lives: hereupon
they added new accusations to their former, whereby to seize the ship
and all that was in it, by saying the French designed to commit piracy
on the English. The grounds of this accusation were given by a
commission from the governor of Barracoa, found aboard the French
vessel, wherein were these words, “that the said governor did permit
the French to trade in all Spanish ports,” &c. “As also to cruise on
the English pirates in what place soever they could find them, because
of the multitudes of hostilities which they had committed against the
subjects of his Catholic Majesty in time of peace betwixt the two
crowns.” This commission for trade was interpreted as an express order
to exercise piracy and war against them, though it was only a bare
licence for coming into the Spanish ports; the cloak of which
permission were those words, “that they should cruise upon the
English.” And though the French did sufficiently expound the true
sense of it, yet they could not clear themselves to Captain Morgan nor
his council: but in lieu thereof, the ship and men were seized and
sent to Jamaica. Here they also endeavoured to obtain justice, and the
restitution of their ship, but all in vain; for instead of justice,
they were long detained in prison, and threatened with hanging.

Eight days after the loss of the said ship, Captain Morgan commanded
the bodies of the miserable wretches who were blown up to be searched
for, as they floated on the sea; not to afford them Christian burial,
but for their clothes and attire: and if any had gold rings on their
fingers, these were cut off, leaving them exposed to the voracity of
the monsters of the sea. At last they set sail for Savona, the place
of their assignation. There were in all fifteen vessels, Captain
Morgan commanding the biggest, of only fourteen small guns; his number
of men was nine hundred and sixty. Few days after, they arrived at the
Cabo de Lobos, south of Hispaniola, between Cape Tiburon and Cape
Punta de Espada: hence they could not pass by reason of contrary winds
for three weeks, notwithstanding all the utmost endeavours Captain
Morgan used to get forth; then they doubled the cape, and spied an
English vessel at a distance. Having spoken with her, they found she
came from England, and bought of her, for ready money, some provisions
they wanted.

Captain Morgan proceeded on his voyage till he came to the port of
Ocoa; here he landed some men, sending them into the woods to seek
water and provisions, the better to spare such as he had already on
board. They killed many beasts, and among others some horses. But the
Spaniards, not well satisfied at their hunting, laid a stratagem for
them, ordering three or four hundred men to come from Santo Domingo
not far distant, and desiring them to hunt in all the parts thereabout
near the sea, that so, if the pirates should return, they might find
no subsistence. Within few days the same pirates returned to hunt, but
finding nothing to kill, a party of about fifty straggled farther on
into the woods. The Spaniards, who watched all their motions, gathered
a great herd of cows, and set two or three men to keep them. The
pirates having spied them, killed a sufficient number; and though the
Spaniards could see them at a distance, yet they could not hinder them
at present; but as soon as they attempted to carry them away, they set
upon them furiously, crying, “Mata, mata,” _i.e._, “Kill, kill.” Thus
the pirates were compelled to quit the prey, and retreat to their
ships; but they did it in good order, retiring by degrees, and when
they had opportunity, discharging full volleys on the Spaniards,
killing many of their enemies, though with some loss.

The Spaniards seeing their damage, endeavoured to save themselves by
flight, and carry off their dead and wounded companions. The pirates
perceiving them flee, would not content themselves with what hurt they
had already done, but pursued them speedily into the woods, and killed
the greatest part of those that remained. Next day Captain Morgan,
extremely offended at what had passed, went himself with two hundred
men into the woods to seek for the rest of the Spaniards, but finding
nobody, he revenged his wrath on the houses of the poor and miserable
rustics that inhabit those scattering fields and woods, of which he
burnt a great number: with this he returned to his ships, somewhat
more satisfied in his mind for having done some considerable damage to
the enemy, which was always his most ardent desire.

The impatience wherewith Captain Morgan had waited a long while for
some of his ships not yet arrived, made him resolve to sail away
without them, and steer for Savona, the place he always designed.
Being arrived, and not finding any of his ships come, he was more
impatient and concerned than before, fearing their loss, or that he
must proceed without them; but he waiting for their arrival a few days
longer, and having no great plenty of provisions, he sent a crew of
one hundred and fifty men to Hispaniola to pillage some towns near
Santo Domingo; but the Spaniards, upon intelligence of their coming,
were so vigilant, and in such good posture of defence, that the
pirates thought not convenient to assault them, choosing rather to
return empty-handed to Captain Morgan, than to perish in that
desperate enterprise.

At last Captain Morgan, seeing the other ships did not come, made a
review of his people, and found only about five hundred men; the ships
wanting were seven, he having only eight in his company, of which the
greatest part were very small. Having hitherto resolved to cruise on
the coasts of Caraccas, and to plunder the towns and villages there,
finding himself at present with such small forces, he changed his
resolution by advice of a French captain in his fleet. This Frenchman
having served Lolonois in the like enterprises, and at the taking of
Maracaibo, knew all the entries, passages, forces, and means, how to
put in execution the same again in company of Captain Morgan; to whom
having made a full relation of all, he concluded to sack it the second
time, being himself persuaded, with all his men, of the facility the
Frenchman propounded. Hereupon they weighed anchor, and steered
towards Curasao. Being come within sight of it, they landed at another
island near it, called Ruba, about twelve leagues from Curasao to the
west. This island, defended by a slender garrison, is inhabited by
Indians subject to Spain, and speak Spanish, by reason of the Roman
Catholic religion, here cultivated by a few priests sent from the
neighbouring continent.

The inhabitants exercise commerce or trade with the pirates that go or
come this way: they buy of the islanders sheep, lambs, and kids, which
they exchange for linen, thread, and like things. The country is very
dry and barren, the whole substance thereof consisting in those three
things, and in a little indifferent wheat. This isle produces many
venemous insects, as vipers, spiders, and others. These last are so
pernicious, that a man bitten by them dies mad; and the manner of
recovering such is to tie them very fast both hands and feet, and so
to leave them twenty-four hours, without eating or drinking anything.
Captain Morgan, as was said, having cast anchor before this island,
bought of the inhabitants sheep, lambs, and wood, for all his fleet.
After two days, he sailed again in the night, to the intent they might
not see what course he steered.

Next day they arrived at the sea of Maracaibo, taking great care not
to be seen from Vigilia, for which reason they anchored out of sight
of it. Night being come, they set sail again towards the land, and
next morning, by break of day, were got directly over against the bar
of the said lake. The Spaniards had built another fort since the
action of Lolonois, whence they now fired continually against the
pirates, while they put their men into boats to land. The dispute
continued very hot, being managed with great courage from morning till
dark night. This being come, Captain Morgan, in the obscurity thereof,
drew nigh the fort, which having examined, he found nobody in it, the
Spaniards having deserted it not long before. They left behind them a
match lighted near a train of powder, to have blown up the pirates and
the whole fortress as soon as they were in it. This design had taken
effect, had not the pirates discovered it in a quarter of an hour; but
Captain Morgan snatching away the match, saved both his own and his
companions’ lives. They found here much powder, whereof he provided
his fleet, and then demolished part of the walls, nailing sixteen
pieces of ordnance, from twelve to twenty-four pounders. Here they
also found many muskets and other military provisions.

Next day they commanded the ships to enter the bar, among which they
divided the powder, muskets, and other things found in the fort: then
they embarked again to continue their course towards Maracaibo; but
the waters being very low, they could not pass a certain bank at the
entry of the lake: hereupon they were compelled to go into canoes and
small boats, with which they arrived next day before Maracaibo, having
no other defence than some small pieces which they could carry in the
said boats. Being landed, they ran immediately to the fort De la
Barra, which they found as the precedent, without any person in it,
for all were fled into the woods, leaving also the town without any
people, unless a few miserable folks, who had nothing to lose.

As soon as they had entered the town, the pirates searched every
corner, to see if they could find any people that were hid, who might
offend them unawares; not finding anybody, every party, as they came
out of their several ships, chose what houses they pleased. The church
was deputed for the common corps du guard, where they lived after
their military manner, very insolently. Next day after they sent a
troop of a hundred men to seek for the inhabitants and their goods;
these returned next day, bringing with them thirty persons, men,
women, and children, and fifty mules laden with good merchandise. All
these miserable people were put to the rack, to make them confess
where the rest of the inhabitants were, and their goods. Among other
tortures, one was to stretch their limbs with cords, and then to beat
them with sticks and other instruments. Others had burning matches
placed betwixt their fingers, which were thus burnt alive. Others had
slender cords or matches twisted about their heads, till their eyes
burst out. Thus all inhuman cruelties were executed on those innocent
people. Those who would not confess, or who had nothing to declare,
died under the hands of those villains. These tortures and racks
continued for three whole weeks, in which time they sent out daily
parties to seek for more people to torment and rob, they never
returning without booty and new riches.

Captain Morgan having now gotten into his hands about a hundred of the
chief families, with all their goods, at last resolved for Gibraltar,
as Lolonois had done before: with this design he equipped his fleet,
providing it sufficiently with all necessaries. He put likewise on
board all the prisoners, and weighing anchor, set sail with resolution
to hazard a battle. They had sent before some prisoners to Gibraltar,
to require the inhabitants to surrender, otherwise Captain Morgan
would certainly put them all to the sword, without any quarter.
Arriving before Gibraltar, the inhabitants received him with continual
shooting of great cannon bullets; but the pirates, instead of fainting
hereat, ceased not to encourage one another, saying, “We must make one
meal upon bitter things, before we come to taste the sweetness of the
sugar this place affords.”

Next day very early they landed all their men, and being guided by the
Frenchman abovesaid, they marched towards the town, not by the common
way, but crossing through woods, which way the Spaniards scarce
thought they would have come; for at the beginning of their march they
made as if they intended to come the next and open way to the town,
hereby to deceive the Spaniards: but these remembering full well what
Lolonois had done but two years before, thought it not safe to expect
a second brunt, and hereupon all fled out of the town as fast as they
could, carrying all their goods and riches, as also all the powder;
and having nailed all the great guns, so as the pirates found not one
person in the whole city, but one poor innocent man who was born a
fool. This man they asked whither the inhabitants were fled, and where
they had hid their goods. To all which questions and the like, he
constantly answered, “I know nothing, I know nothing:” but they
presently put him to the rack, and tortured him with cords; which
torments forced him to cry out, “Do not torture me any more, but come
with me, and I will show you my goods and my riches.” They were
persuaded, it seems, he was some rich person disguised under those
clothes so poor, and that innocent tongue; so they went along with
him, and he conducted them to a poor miserable cottage, wherein he had
a few earthen dishes and other things of no value, and three pieces of
eight, concealed with some other trumpery underground. Then they asked
him his name, and he readily answered, “My name is Don Sebastian
Sanchez, and I am brother unto the governor of Maracaibo.” This
foolish answer, it must be conceived, these inhuman wretches took for
truth: for no sooner had they heard it, but they put him again upon
the rack, lifting him up on high with cords, and tying huge weights to
his feet and neck. Besides which, they burnt him alive, applying
palm-leaves burning to his face.

The same day they sent out a party to seek for the inhabitants, on
whom they might exercise their cruelties. These brought back an honest
peasant with two daughters of his, whom they intended to torture as
they used others, if they showed not the places where the inhabitants
were hid. The peasant knew some of those places, and seeing himself
threatened with the rack, went with the pirates to show them; but the
Spaniards perceiving their enemies to range everywhere up and down the
woods, were already fled thence farther off into the thickest of the
woods, where they built themselves huts, to preserve from the weather
those few goods they had. The pirates judged themselves deceived by
the peasant, and hereupon, to revenge themselves, notwithstanding all
his excuses and supplication, they hanged him on a tree.

Then they divided into parties to search the plantations; for they
knew the Spaniards that were absconded could not live on what the
woods afforded, without coming now and then for provisions to their
country houses. Here they found a slave, to whom they promised
mountains of gold and his liberty, by transporting him to Jamaica, if
he would show them where the inhabitants of Gibraltar lay hid. This
fellow conducted them to a party of Spaniards, whom they instantly
made prisoners, commanding this slave to kill some before the eyes of
the rest; that by this perpetrated crime, he might never be able to
leave their wicked company. The negro, according to their orders,
committed many murders and insolencies upon the Spaniards, and
followed the unfortunate traces of the pirates; who eight days after
returned to Gibraltar with many prisoners, and some mules laden with
riches. They examined every prisoner by himself (who were in all about
two hundred and fifty persons), where they had hid the rest of their
goods, and if they knew of their fellow-townsmen. Such as would not
confess were tormented after a most inhuman manner. Among the rest,
there happened to be a Portuguese, who by a negro was reported, though
falsely, to be very rich; this man was commanded to produce his
riches. His answer was, he had no more than one hundred pieces of
eight in the world, and these had been stolen from him two days before
by his servant; which words, though he sealed with many oaths and
protestations, yet they would not believe him, but dragging him to the
rack, without any regard to his age of sixty years, they stretched him
with cords, breaking both his arms behind his shoulders.

This cruelty went not alone; for he not being able or willing to make
any other declaration, they put him to another sort of torment more
barbarous; they tied him with small cords by his two thumbs and great
toes to four stakes fixed in the ground, at a convenient distance, the
whole weight of his body hanging on those cords. Not satisfied yet
with this cruel torture, they took a stone of above two hundred
pounds, and laid it upon his belly, as if they intended to press him
to death; they also kindled palm leaves, and applied the flame to the
face of this unfortunate Portuguese, burning with them the whole skin,
beard, and hair. At last, seeing that neither with these tortures, nor
others, they could get anything out of him, they untied the cords, and
carried him half dead to the church, where was their corps du garde;
here they tied him anew to one of the pillars thereof, leaving him in
that condition, without giving him either to eat or drink, unless very
sparingly, and so little that would scarce sustain life for some days;
four or five being past, he desired one of the prisoners might come to
him, by whose means he promised he would endeavour to raise some money
to satisfy their demands. The prisoner whom he required was brought to
him, and he ordered him to promise the pirates five hundred pieces of
eight for his ransom; but they were deaf and obstinate at such a small
sum, and instead of accepting it, beat him cruelly with cudgels,
saying, “Old fellow, instead of five hundred, you must say five
hundred thousand pieces of eight; otherwise you shall here end your
life.” Finally, after a thousand protestations that he was but a
miserable man, and kept a poor tavern for his living, he agreed with
them for one thousand pieces of eight. These he raised, and having
paid them, got his liberty; though so horribly maimed, that it is
scarce to be believed he could survive many weeks.

Other tortures, besides these, were exercised upon others, which this
Portuguese endured not: some were hanged up by the testicles, or
privy-members, and left till they fell to the ground, those parts
being torn from their bodies: if with this they minded to show mercy
to those wretches, thus lacerated in the most tender parts, their
mercy was, to run them through with their swords; otherwise they used
to lie four or five days under the agonies of death, before they died.
Others were crucified by these tyrants, and with kindled matches burnt
between the joints of their fingers and toes: others had their feet
put into the fire, and thus were left to be roasted alive. Having used
these and other cruelties with the white men, they began to practise
the same with the negroes, their slaves, who were treated with no less
inhumanity than their masters.

Among these slaves was one who promised Captain Morgan to conduct him
to a river of the lake, where he should find a ship and four boats,
richly laden with goods of the inhabitants of Maracaibo: the same
discovered likewise where the governor of Gibraltar lay hid, with the
greatest part of the women of the town; but all this he revealed, upon
great menaces to hang him, if he told not what he knew. Captain Morgan
sent away presently two hundred men in two settees, or great boats, to
this river, to seek for what the slave had discovered; but he himself,
with two hundred and fifty more, undertook to go and take the
governor. This gentleman was retired to a small island in the middle
of the river, where he had built a little fort, as well as he could,
for his defence; but hearing that Captain Morgan came in person with
great forces to seek him, he retired to the top of a mountain not far
off, to which there was no ascent but by a very narrow passage, so
straight, that whosoever did attempt to gain the ascent, must march
his men one by one. Captain Morgan spent two days before he arrived at
this little island, whence he designed to proceed to the mountain
where the governor was posted, had he not been told of the
impossibility of ascent, not only for the narrowness of the way, but
because the governor was well provided with all sorts of ammunition:
beside, there was fallen a huge rain, whereby all the pirates’ baggage
and powder was wet. By this rain, also, they lost many men at the
passage over a river that was overflown: here perished, likewise, some
women and children, and many mules laden with plate and goods, which
they had taken from the fugitive inhabitants; so that things were in a
very bad condition with Captain Morgan, and his men much harassed, as
may be inferred from this relation: whereby, if the Spaniards, in that
juncture, had had but fifty men well armed, they might have entirely
destroyed the pirates. But the fears the Spaniards had at first
conceived were so great, that the leaves stirring on the trees they
often fancied to be pirates. Finally, Captain Morgan and his people,
having upon this march sometimes waded up to their middles in water
for half, or whole miles together, they at last escaped, for the
greatest part; but the women and children for the major part died.

Thus twelve days after they set forth to seek the governor they
returned to Gibraltar, with many prisoners: two days after arrived
also the two settees that went to the river, bringing with them four
boats, and some prisoners; but the greatest part of the merchandise in
the said boats they found not, the Spaniards having unladed and
secured it, having intelligence of their coming; who designed also,
when the merchandise was taken out, to burn the boats: yet the
Spaniards made not so much haste to unlade these vessels, but that
they left in the ship and boats great parcels of goods, which the
pirates seized, and brought a considerable booty to Gibraltar. Thus,
after they had been in possession of the place five entire weeks, and
committed an infinite number of murders, robberies, rapes, and
such-like insolencies, they concluded to depart; but first they
ordered some prisoners to go forth into the woods and fields, and
collect a ransom for the town, otherwise they would certainly burn it
down to the ground. These poor afflicted men went as they were sent,
and having searched the adjoining fields and woods, returned to
Captain Morgan, telling him they had scarce been able to find anybody,
but that to such as they had found they had proposed his demands; to
which they had answered, that the governor had prohibited them to give
any ransom for the town, but they beseeched him to have a little
patience, and among themselves they would collect five thousand pieces
of eight; and for the rest, they would give some of their own townsmen
as hostages, whom he might carry to Maracaibo, till he had received
full satisfaction.

Captain Morgan having now been long absent from Maracaibo, and knowing
the Spaniards had had sufficient time to fortify themselves, and
hinder his departure out of the lake, granted their proposition, and
made as much haste as he could for his departure: he gave liberty to
all the prisoners, first putting every one to a ransom; yet he
detained the slaves. They delivered him four persons agreed on for
hostages of what money more he was to receive, and they desired to
have the slave mentioned above, intending to punish him according to
his deserts; but Captain Morgan would not deliver him, lest they
should burn him alive. At last, they weighed anchor, and set sail in
all haste for Maracaibo: here they arrived in four days, and found all
things as they had left them; yet here they received news from a poor
distressed old man, whom alone they found sick in the town, that three
Spanish men-of-war were arrived at the entry of the lake, waiting the
return of the pirates: moreover, that the castle at the entry thereof
was again put into a good posture of defence, well provided with guns
and men, and all sorts of ammunition.

This relation could not choose but disturb the mind of Captain Morgan,
who now was careful how to get away through the narrow entry of the
lake: hereupon he sent his swiftest boat to view the entry, and see if
things were as they had been related. Next day the boat came back,
confirming what was said; assuring him, they had viewed the ships so
nigh, that they had been in great danger of their shot: hereunto they
added, that the biggest ship was mounted with forty guns, the second
with thirty, and the smallest with twenty-four. These forces being
much beyond those of Captain Morgan, caused a general consternation in
the pirates, whose biggest vessel had not above fourteen small guns.
Every one judged Captain Morgan to despond, and to be hopeless,
considering the difficulty of passing safe with his little fleet
amidst those great ships and the fort, or he must perish. How to
escape any other way, by sea or land, they saw no way. Under these
necessities, Captain Morgan resumed new courage, and resolving to show
himself still undaunted, he boldly sent a Spaniard to the admiral of
those three ships, demanding of him a considerable ransom for not
putting the city of Maracaibo to the flames. This man (who was
received by the Spaniards with great admiration of the boldness of
those pirates) returned two days after, bringing to Captain Morgan a
letter from the said admiral, as follows:--

   _The Letter of Don Alonso del Campo y Espinosa, Admiral of the
     Spanish Fleet, to Captain Morgan, Commander of the Pirates._

     “Having understood by all our friends and neighbours, the
     unexpected news that you have dared to attempt and commit
     hostilities in the countries, cities, towns, and villages
     belonging to the dominions of his Catholic Majesty, my
     sovereign lord and master; I let you understand by these
     lines, that I am come to this place, according to my
     obligation, near that castle which you took out of the hands
     of a parcel of cowards; where I have put things into a very
     good posture of defence, and mounted again the artillery
     which you had nailed and dismounted. My intent is, to
     dispute with you your passage out of the lake, and follow
     and pursue you everywhere, to the end you may see the
     performance of my duty. Notwithstanding, if you be contented
     to surrender with humility all that you have taken, together
     with the slaves and all other prisoners, I will let you
     freely pass, without trouble or molestation; on condition
     that you retire home presently to your own country. But if
     you make any resistance or opposition to what I offer you, I
     assure you I will command boats to come from Caraccas,
     wherein I will put my troops, and coming to Maracaibo, will
     put you every man to the sword. This is my last and absolute
     resolution. Be prudent, therefore, and do not abuse my
     bounty with ingratitude. I have with me very good soldiers,
     who desire nothing more ardently than to revenge on you, and
     your people, all the cruelties, and base infamous actions,
     you have committed upon the Spanish nation in America. Dated
     on board the royal ship named the _Magdalen_, lying at
     anchor at the entry of the lake of Maracaibo, this 24th of
     April, 1669.
                               “DON ALONSO DEL CAMPO Y ESPINOSA.”

As soon as Captain Morgan received this letter, he called all his men
together in the market-place of Maracaibo, and after reading the
contents thereof, both in French and English, asked their advice and
resolution on the whole matter, and whether they had rather surrender
all they had got to obtain their liberty, than fight for it.

They answered all, unanimously, they had rather fight to the last drop
of blood, than surrender so easily the booty they had got with so much
danger of their lives. Among the rest, one said to Captain Morgan,
“Take you care for the rest, and I will undertake to destroy the
biggest of those ships with only twelve men: the manner shall be, by
making a brulot, or fire-ship, of that vessel we took in the river of
Gibraltar; which, to the intent she may not be known for a fire-ship,
we will fill her decks with logs of wood, standing with hats and
montera caps, to deceive their sight with the representation of men.
The same we will do at the port-holes that serve for the guns, which
shall be filled with counterfeit cannon. At the stern we will hang out
English colours, and persuade the enemy she is one of our best
men-of-war going to fight them.” This proposition was admitted and
approved by every one; howbeit, their fears were not quite dispersed.

For, notwithstanding what had been concluded there, they endeavoured
the next day to come to an accommodation with Don Alonso. To this
effect, Captain Morgan sent to him two persons, with these
propositions: First, that he would quit Maracaibo, without doing any
damage to the town, or exacting any ransom for the firing thereof.
Secondly, that he would set at liberty one half of the slaves, and all
the prisoners, without ransom. Thirdly, that he would send home freely
the four chief inhabitants of Gibraltar, which he had in his custody
as hostages for the contributions those people had promised to pay.
These propositions were instantly rejected by Don Alonso, as
dishonourable: neither would he hear of any other accommodation, but
sent back this message: “That if they surrendered not themselves
voluntarily into his hands, within two days, under the conditions
which he had offered them by his letter, he would immediately come,
and force them to do it.”

No sooner had Captain Morgan received this message from Don Alonso,
than he put all things in order to fight, resolving to get out of the
lake by main force, without surrendering anything. First, he commanded
all the slaves and prisoners to be tied, and guarded very well, and
gathered all the pitch, tar, and brimstone, they could find in the
whole town, for the fire-ship above-mentioned: then they made several
inventions of powder and brimstone with palm leaves, well anointed
with tar. They covered very well their counterfeit cannon, laying
under every piece many pounds of powder; besides, they cut down many
outworks of the ship, that the powder might exert its strength the
better; breaking open, also, new port-holes, where, instead of guns,
they placed little drums used by the negroes. Finally, the decks were
handsomely beset with many pieces of wood, dressed up like men with
hats, or monteras, and armed with swords, muskets, and bandeleers.

The fire-ship being thus fitted, they prepared to go to the entry of
the port. All the prisoners were put into one great boat, and in
another of the biggest they placed all the women, plate, jewels, and
other rich things: into others they put the bales of goods and
merchandise, and other things of bulk: each of these boats had twelve
men aboard, very well armed; the brulot had orders to go before the
rest of the vessels, and presently to fall foul with the great ship.
All things being ready, Captain Morgan exacted an oath of all his
comrades, protesting to defend themselves to the last drop of blood,
without demanding quarter; promising withal, that whosoever behaved
himself thus, should be very well rewarded.

With this courageous resolution they set sail to seek the Spaniards.
On April 30, 1669, they found the Spanish fleet riding at anchor in
the middle of the entry of the lake. Captain Morgan, it being now late
and almost dark, commanded all his vessels to an anchor, designing to
fight even all night if they forced him to it. He ordered a careful
watch to be kept aboard every vessel till morning, they being almost
within shot, as well as within sight of the enemy. The day dawning,
they weighed anchor, and sailed again, steering directly towards the
Spaniards; who seeing them move, did instantly the same. The fire-ship
sailing before the rest fell presently upon the great ship, and
grappled her; which the Spaniards (too late) perceiving to be a
fire-ship, they attempted to put her off, but in vain: for the flame
seizing her timber and tackling, soon consumed all the stern, the fore
part sinking into the sea, where she perished. The second Spanish ship
perceiving the admiral to burn, not by accident, but by industry of
the enemy, escaped towards the castle, where the Spaniards themselves
sunk her, choosing to lose their ship rather than to fall into the
hands of those pirates. The third, having no opportunity to escape,
was taken by the pirates. The seamen that sunk the second ship near
the castle, perceiving the pirates come towards them to take what
remains they could find of their shipwreck (for some part was yet
above water), set fire also to this vessel, that the pirates might
enjoy nothing of that spoil. The first ship being set on fire, some of
the persons in her swam towards the shore; these the pirates would
have taken up in their boats, but they would not ask or take quarter,
choosing rather to lose their lives than receive them from their
hands, for reasons which I shall relate.

The pirates being extremely glad at this signal victory so soon
obtained, and with so great an inequality of forces, conceived greater
pride than they had before, and all presently ran ashore, intending to
take the castle. This they found well provided with men, cannon, and
ammunition, they having no other arms than muskets, and a few hand
granadoes: their own artillery they thought incapable, for its
smallness, of making any considerable breach in the walls. Thus they
spent the rest of the day, firing at the garrison with their muskets,
till the dusk of the evening, when they attempted to advance nearer
the walls, to throw in their fire-balls: but the Spaniards resolving
to sell their lives as dear as they could, fired so furiously at them,
that they having experimented the obstinacy of the enemy, and seeing
thirty of their men dead, and as many more wounded, they retired to
their ships.

The Spaniards believing the pirates would next day renew the attack
with their own cannon, laboured hard all night to put things in order
for their coming; particularly, they dug down, and made plain, some
little hills and eminences, when possibly the castle might be
offended.

  [Illustration: JOHAN MORGAN,
                _gebooren in de Provincie van Walles, in Engelandt
                 Generaal van der Roovere of Iamaica._

                        HENRY MORGAN.
  (_From the Portrait in “De Americaensche Roovers.”_)]

But Captain Morgan intended not to come again, busying himself next
day in taking prisoners some of the men who still swam alive, hoping
to get part of the riches lost in the two ships that perished. Among
the rest, he took a pilot, who was a stranger, and who belonged to the
lesser ship of the two, of whom he inquired several things; as, What
number of people those three ships had in them? Whether they expected
any more ships to come? From what port they set forth last, when they
came to seek them out? He answered, in Spanish, “Noble sir, be pleased
to pardon and spare me, that no evil be done to me, being a stranger
to this nation I have served, and I shall sincerely inform you of all
that passed till our arrival at this lake. We were sent by orders from
the Supreme Council of State in Spain, being six men-of-war well
equipped, into these seas, with instructions to cruise upon the
English pirates, and root them out from these parts by destroying as
many of them as we could.

“These orders were given, upon the news brought to the court of Spain
of the loss and ruin of Puerto Bello, and other places; of all which
damages and hostilities committed here by the English, dismal
lamentations have often been made to the catholic king and council, to
whom belongs the care and preservation of this new world. And though
the Spanish court hath many times by their ambassadors complained
hereof to the king of England; yet it hath been the constant answer of
his Majesty of Great Britain, that he never gave any letters patent,
nor commissions, for acting any hostility against the subjects of the
king of Spain. Hereupon the catholic king resolved to revenge his
subjects, and punish these proceedings: commanded six men-of-war to be
equipped, which he sent under the command of Don Augustine de Bustos,
admiral of the said fleet. He commanded the biggest ship, named _N. S.
de la Soleda_, of forty-eight great guns, and eight small ones. The
vice-admiral was Don Alonso del Campo y Espinosa, who commanded the
second ship called _La Conception_, of forty-four great guns, and
eight small ones; beside four vessels more, whereof the first was
named the _Magdalen_, of thirty-six great guns, and twelve small ones,
with two hundred and fifty men. The second was called _St. Lewis_,
with twenty-six great guns, twelve small ones, and two hundred men.
The third was called _La Marquesa_, of sixteen great guns, eight small
ones, and one hundred and fifty men. The fourth and last, _N. S. del
Carmen_, with eighteen great guns, eight small ones, and one hundred
and fifty men.

“Being arrived at Carthagena, the two greatest ships received orders
to return to Spain, being judged too big for cruising on these coasts.
With the four ships remaining, Don Alonso del Campo y Espinosa
departed towards Campechy to seek the English: we arrived at the port
there, where, being surprised by a huge storm from the north, we lost
one of our ships, being that which I named last. Hence we sailed for
Hispaniola, in sight of which we came in a few days, and steered for
Santo Domingo: here we heard that there had passed that way a fleet
from Jamaica, and that some men thereof had landed at Alta Gracia; the
inhabitants had taken one prisoner, who confessed their design was to
go and pillage the city of Caraccas. On this news, Don Alonso
instantly weighed anchor, and, crossing over to the continent, we came
in sight of the Caraccas: here we found them not, but met with a boat,
which certified us they were in the lake of Maracaibo, and that the
fleet consisted of seven small ships, and one boat.

“Upon this we came here, and arriving at the entry of the lake, we
shot off a gun for a pilot from the shore. Those on land perceiving we
were Spaniards, came willingly to us with a pilot, and told us the
English had taken Maracaibo, and that they were now at the pillage of
Gibraltar. Don Alonso, on this news, made a handsome speech to his
soldiers and mariners, encouraging them to their duty, and promising
to divide among them all they should take from the English: he ordered
the guns we had taken out of the ship that was lost to be put into the
castle, and mounted for its defence, with two eighteen-pounders more,
out of his own ship. The pilots conducted us into the port, and Don
Alonso commanded the people on shore to come before him, whom he
ordered to repossess the castle, and reinforce it with one hundred men
more than it had before its being taken. Soon after, we heard of your
return from Gibraltar to Maracaibo, whither Don Alonso wrote you a
letter, giving you an account of his arrival and design, and exhorting
you to restore what you had taken. This you refusing, he renewed his
promises to his soldiers and seamen, and having given a very good
supper to all his people, he ordered them not to take or give any
quarter, which was the occasion of so many being drowned, who dared
not to crave quarter, knowing themselves must give none. Two days
before you came against us, a negro came aboard Don Alonso’s ship,
telling him, ‘Sir, be pleased to have great care of yourself; for the
English have prepared a fire-ship, with design to burn your fleet.’
But Don Alonso not believing this, answered, ‘How can that be? Have
they, peradventure, wit enough to build a fire-ship? Or what
instruments have they to do it withal?’”

This pilot having related so distinctly these things to Captain
Morgan, was very well used by him, and, after some kind proffers made
to him, remained in his service. He told Captain Morgan, that, in the
ship which was sunk, there was a great quantity of plate, to the value
of forty thousand pieces of eight; which occasioned the Spaniards to
be often seen in boats about it. Hereupon, Captain Morgan ordered one
of his ships to remain there, to find ways of getting out of it what
plate they could; meanwhile, himself, with all his fleet, returned to
Maracaibo, where he refitted the great ship he had taken, and chose it
for himself, giving his own bottom to one of his captains.

Then he sent again a messenger to the admiral, who was escaped ashore,
and got into the castle, demanding of him a ransom of fire for
Maracaibo; which being denied, he threatened entirely to consume and
destroy it. The Spaniards considering the ill-luck they had all along
with those pirates, and not knowing how to get rid of them, concluded
to pay the said ransom, though Don Alonso would not consent.

Hereupon, they sent to Captain Morgan, to know what sum he demanded.
He answered, that on payment of 30,000 pieces of eight, and five
hundred beeves, he would release the prisoners and do no damage to the
town. At last they agreed on 20,000 pieces of eight, and five hundred
beeves to victual his fleet. The cattle were brought the next day,
with one part of the money; and, while the pirates were busied in
salting the flesh, they made up the whole 20,000 pieces of eight, as
was agreed.

But Captain Morgan would not presently deliver the prisoners, as he
had promised, fearing the shot of the castle at his going forth out of
the lake. Hereupon he told them he intended not to deliver them till
he was out of that danger, hoping thus to obtain a free passage. Then
he set sail with his fleet in quest of the ship he had left, to seek
for the plate of the vessel that was burnt. He found her on the place,
with 15,000 pieces of eight got out of the work, beside many pieces of
plate, as hilts of swords, and the like; also a great quantity of
pieces of eight melted and run together, by the force of the fire.

Captain Morgan scarce thought himself secure, nor could he contrive
how to avoid the shot of the castle: hereupon he wished the prisoners
to agree with the governor to permit a safe passage to his fleet,
which, if he should not allow, he would certainly hang them all up in
his ships. Upon this the prisoners met, and appointed some of their
fellow-messengers to go to the said governor, Don Alonso: these went
to him, beseeching and supplicating him to have compassion on those
afflicted prisoners, who were, with their wives and children, in the
hands of Captain Morgan; and that to this effect he would be pleased
to give his word to let the fleet of pirates freely pass, this being
the only way to save both the lives of them that came with this
petition, as also of those who remained in captivity; all being
equally menaced with the sword and gallows, if he granted them not
this humble request. But Don Alonso gave them for answer a sharp
reprehension of their cowardice, telling them, “If you had been as
loyal to your king in hindering the entry of these pirates, as I shall
do their going out, you had never caused these troubles neither to
yourselves nor to our whole nation, which hath suffered so much
through your pusillanimity. In a word, I shall never grant your
request, but shall endeavour to maintain that respect which is due to
my king, according to my duty.”

Thus the Spaniards returned with much consternation, and no hopes of
obtaining their request, telling Captain Morgan what answer they had
received: his reply was, “If Don Alonso will not let me pass, I will
find means how to do it without him.” Hereupon he presently made a
dividend of all they had taken, fearing he might not have an
opportunity to do it in another place, if any tempest should rise and
separate the ships, as also being jealous that any of the commanders
might run away with the best part of the spoil, which then lay much
more in one vessel than another. Thus they all brought in according to
their laws, and declared what they had, first making oath not to
conceal the least thing. The accounts being cast up, they found to the
value of 25,000 pieces of eight, in money and jewels, beside the huge
quantity of merchandise and slaves, all which purchase was divided to
every ship or boat, according to their share.

The dividend being made, the question still remained how they should
pass the castle, and get out of the lake. To this effect they made use
of a stratagem, as follows: the day before the night wherein they
determined to get forth, they embarked many of their men in canoes,
and rowed towards the shore, as if they designed to land: here they
hid themselves under branches of trees that hang over the coast
awhile, laying themselves down in the boats; then the canoes returned
to the ships, with the appearance of only two or three men rowing them
back, the rest being unseen at the bottom of the canoes: thus much
only could be perceived from the castle, and this false landing of
men, for so we may call it, was repeated that day several times: this
made the Spaniards think the pirates intended at night to force the
castle by scaling it. This fear caused them to place most of their
great guns on the land side, together with their main force, leaving
the side towards the sea almost destitute of defence.

Night being come, they weighed anchor, and by moonlight, without
setting sail, committed themselves to the ebbing tide, which gently
brought them down the river, till they were near the castle; being
almost over against it, they spread their sails with all possible
haste. The Spaniards perceiving this, transported with all speed their
guns from the other side, and began to fire very furiously at them;
but these having a very favourable wind, were almost past danger
before those of the castle could hurt them; so that they lost few of
their men, and received no considerable damage in their ships. Being
out of the reach of the guns, Captain Morgan sent a canoe to the
castle with some of the prisoners, and the governor thereof gave them
a boat to return to their own homes; but he detained the hostages from
Gibraltar, because the rest of the ransom for not firing the place was
yet unpaid. Just as he departed, Captain Morgan ordered seven great
guns with bullets to be fired against the castle, as it were to take
his leave of them, but they answered not so much as with a musket
shot.

Next day after, they were surprised with a great tempest, which forced
them to cast anchor in five or six fathom water: but the storm
increasing, compelled them to weigh again, and put to sea, where they
were in great danger of being lost; for if they should have been cast
on shore, either into the hands of the Spaniards or Indians, they
would certainly have obtained no mercy: at last, the tempest being
spent, the wind ceased, to the great joy of the whole fleet.

While Captain Morgan made his fortune by these pillagings, his
companions, who were separated from his fleet at the Cape de Lobos, to
take the ship spoken of before, endured much misery, and were
unfortunate in all their attempts. Being arrived at Savona, they found
not Captain Morgan there, nor any of their companions, nor had they
the fortune to find a letter which Captain Morgan at his departure
left behind him in a place where in all probability they would meet
with it. Thus, not knowing what course to steer, they concluded to
pillage some town or other. They were in all about four hundred men,
divided into four ships and one boat: being ready to set forth, they
constituted an admiral among themselves, being one who had behaved
himself very courageously at the taking of Puerto Bello, named Captain
Hansel. This commander attempted the taking of the town of Commana, on
the continent of Caraccas, nigh sixty leagues to the west of the Isle
de la Trinidad. Being arrived there, they landed their men, and killed
some few Indians near the coast; but approaching the town, the
Spaniards having in their company many Indians, disputed the entry so
briskly, that, with great loss and confusion, they were forced to
retire to the ships. At last they arrived at Jamaica, where the rest
of their companions, who came with Captain Morgan, mocked and jeered
them for their ill success at Commana, often telling them, “Let us see
what money you brought from Commana, and if it be as good silver as
that which we bring from Maracaibo.”




                              CHAPTER XIII.

  Captain Morgan goes to Hispaniola to equip a new fleet, with
     intent to pillage again on the coast of the West Indies.


Captain Morgan perceived now that Fortune favoured him, by giving
success to all his enterprises, which occasioned him, as is usual in
human affairs, to aspire to greater things, trusting she would always
be constant to him.

Such was the burning of Panama, wherein Fortune failed not to assist
him, as she had done before, though she had led him thereto through a
thousand difficulties. The history hereof I shall now relate, being so
remarkable in all its circumstances, as peradventure nothing more
deserving memory will be read by future ages.

Captain Morgan arriving at Jamaica, found many of his officers and
soldiers reduced to their former indigency, by their vices and
debaucheries. Hence they perpetually importuned him for new exploits,
thereby to get something to expend still in wine and strumpets, as
they had already done what they got before.

Captain Morgan, willing to follow Fortune’s call, stopped the mouths
of many inhabitants of Jamaica, who were creditors to his men for
large sums, with the hopes and promises of greater achievements than
ever, by a new expedition. This done, he could easily levy men for any
enterprise, his name being so famous through all those islands as that
alone would readily bring him in more men than he could well employ.
He undertook therefore to equip a new fleet, for which he assigned the
south side of Tortuga as a place of rendezvous, writing letters to all
the expert pirates there inhabiting, as also to the governor, and to
the planters and hunters of Hispaniola, informing them of his
intentions, and desiring their appearance, if they intended to go with
him. These people upon this notice flocked to the place assigned, in
huge numbers, with ships, canoes, and boats, being desirous to follow
him. Many, who had not the convenience of coming by sea, traversed the
woods of Hispaniola, and with no small difficulties arrived there by
land. Thus all were present at the place assigned, and ready against
October 24, 1670.

Captain Morgan was not wanting to be there punctually, coming in his
ship to Port Couillon, over against the island De la Vaca, the place
assigned. Having gathered the greatest part of his fleet, he called a
council to deliberate about finding provisions for so many people.
Here they concluded to send four ships and one boat, with four hundred
men, to the continent, in order to rifle some country towns and
villages for all the corn or maize they could gather. They set sail
for the continent towards the river De la Hacha, designing to assault
the village called La Rancheria, usually best stored with maize of all
the parts thereabouts. Meanwhile Captain Morgan sent another party to
hunt in the woods, who killed a huge number of beasts, and salted
them: the rest remained in the ships, to clean, fit, and rig them,
that, at the return of their fellows, all things might be in a
readiness to weigh anchor and follow their designs.




                               CHAPTER XIV.

                  What happened in the river De la Hacha.


These four ships setting sail from Hispaniola, steered for the river
De la Hacha, where they were suddenly overtaken with a tedious calm.
Being within sight of land becalmed for some days, the Spaniards
inhabiting along the coasts, who had perceived them to be enemies, had
sufficient time to prepare themselves, at least to hide the best of
their goods, that, without any care of preserving them, they might be
ready to retire, if they proved unable to resist the pirates, by whose
frequent attempts on those coasts they had already learned what to do
in such cases. There was then in the river a good ship, come from
Carthagena to lade with maize, and now almost ready to depart. The men
of this ship endeavoured to escape; but, not being able to do it, both
they and the vessel fell into their hands. This was a fit purchase for
them, being good part of what they came for. Next morning, about break
of day, they came with their ships ashore, and landed their men,
though the Spaniards made good resistance from a battery they had
raised on that side, where, of necessity, they were to land; but they
were forced to retire to a village, whither the pirates followed them.
Here the Spaniards rallying, fell upon them with great fury, and
maintained a strong combat, which lasted till night; but then,
perceiving they had lost a great number of men, which was no less on
the pirates’ side, they retired to secret places in the woods.

Next day the pirates seeing them all fled, and the town left empty of
people, they pursued them as far as they could, and overtook a party
of Spaniards, whom they made prisoners, and exercised with most cruel
torments, to discover their goods. Some were forced, by intolerable
tortures, to confess; but others, who would not, were used more
barbarously. Thus, in fifteen days that they remained there, they took
many prisoners, much plate and movables, with which booty they
resolved to return to Hispaniola: yet, not content with what they had
got, they dispatched some prisoners into the woods to seek for the
rest of the inhabitants, and to demand a ransom for not burning the
town. They answered, they had no money nor plate; but if they would be
satisfied with a quantity of maize, they would give as much as they
could. The pirates accepted this, it being then more useful to them
than ready money, and agreed they should pay four thousand hanegs, or
bushels of maize. These were brought in three days after, the
Spaniards being desirous to rid themselves of that inhuman sort of
people. Having laded them on board with the rest of their purchase,
they returned to Hispaniola, to give account to their leader, Captain
Morgan, of all they had performed.

They had now been absent five weeks on this commission, which long
delay occasioned Captain Morgan almost to despair of their return,
fearing lest they were fallen into the hands of the Spaniards;
especially considering the place whereto they went could easily be
relieved from Carthagena and Santa Maria, if the inhabitants were
careful to alarm the country. On the other side, he feared lest they
should have made some great fortune in that voyage, and with it have
escaped to some other place. But seeing his ships return in greater
numbers than they departed, he resumed new courage, this sight causing
both in him and his companions infinite joy, especially when they
found them full laden with maize, which they much wanted for the
maintenance of so many people, from whom they expected great matters
under such a commander.

Captain Morgan having divided the said, maize, as also the flesh which
the hunters brought, among his ships, according to the number of men,
he concluded to depart; having viewed beforehand every ship, and
observed their being well equipped and clean. Thus he set sail, and
stood for Cape Tiburon, where he determined to resolve what enterprise
he should take in hand. No sooner were they arrived, but they met some
other ships newly come to join them from Jamaica; so that now their
fleet consisted of thirty-seven ships, wherein were two thousand
fighting men, beside mariners and boys. The admiral hereof was mounted
with twenty-two great guns, and six small ones of brass; the rest
carried some twenty, some sixteen, some eighteen, and the smallest
vessel at least four; besides which, they had great quantities of
ammunition and fire-balls, with other inventions of powder.

Captain Morgan having such a number of ships, divided the whole fleet
into two squadrons, constituting a vice-admiral, and other officers of
the second squadron, distinct from the former. To these he gave
letters patent, or commissions to act all manner of hostilities
against the Spanish nation, and take of them what ships they could,
either abroad at sea, or in the harbours, as if they were open and
declared enemies (as he termed it) of the king of England, his
pretended master. This done, he called all his captains and other
officers together, and caused them to sign some articles of agreement
betwixt them, and in the name of all. Herein it was stipulated, that
he should have the hundredth part of all that was gotten to himself:
that every captain should draw the shares of eight men for the
expenses of his ship, besides his own. To the surgeon, beside his pay,
two hundred pieces of eight for his chest of medicaments. To every
carpenter, above his salary, one hundred pieces of eight. The rewards
were settled in this voyage much higher than before: as, for the loss
of both legs, fifteen hundred pieces of eight, or fifteen slaves, the
choice left to the party: for the loss of both hands, eighteen hundred
pieces of eight, or eighteen slaves: for one leg, whether right or
left, six hundred pieces of eight, or six slaves: for a hand, as much
as for a leg; and for the loss of an eye, one hundred pieces of eight,
or one slave. Lastly, to him that in any battle should signalize
himself, either by entering first any castle, or taking down the
Spanish colours, and setting up the English, they allotted fifty
pieces of eight for a reward. All which extraordinary salaries and
rewards to be paid out of the first spoil they should take, as every
one should occur to be either rewarded or paid.

This contract being signed, Captain Morgan commanded his vice-admirals
and captains to put all things in order, to attempt one of these three
places; either Carthagena, Panama, or Vera Cruz. But the lot fell on
Panama, as the richest of all three; though this city being situate at
such a distance from the North Sea as they knew not well the
approaches to it, they judged it necessary to go beforehand to the
isle of St. Catherine, there to find some persons for guides in this
enterprise; for in the garrison there are commonly many banditti and
outlaws belonging to Panama and the neighbouring places, who are very
expert in the knowledge of that country. But before they proceeded,
they published an act through the whole fleet, promising, if they met
with any Spanish vessel, the first captain who should take it should
have for his reward the tenth part of what should be found in her.




                               CHAPTER XV.

  Captain Morgan leaves Hispaniola, and goes to St. Catherine’s,
     which he takes.


Captain Morgan and his companions weighed anchor from the Cape of
Tiburon, December 16, 1670. Four days after they arrived in sight of
St. Catherine’s, now in possession of the Spaniards again, as was said
before, to which they commonly banish the malefactors of the Spanish
dominions in the West Indies. Here are huge quantities of pigeons at
certain seasons. It is watered by four rivulets, whereof two are
always dry in summer. Here is no trade or commerce exercised by the
inhabitants; neither do they plant more fruits than what are necessary
for human life, though the country would make very good plantations of
tobacco of considerable profit, were it cultivated.

As soon as Captain Morgan came near the island with his fleet, he sent
one of his best sailing vessels to view the entry of the river, and
see if any other ships were there, who might hinder him from landing;
as also fearing lest they should give intelligence of his arrival to
the inhabitants, and prevent his designs.

Next day, before sunrise, all the fleet anchored near the island, in a
bay called Aguade Grande. On this bay the Spaniards had built a
battery, mounted with four pieces of cannon. Captain Morgan landed
about one thousand men in divers squadrons, marching through the
woods, though they had no other guides than a few of his own men, who
had been there before, under Mansvelt. The same day they came to a
place where the governor sometimes resided: here they found a battery
called the Platform, but nobody in it, the Spaniards having retired to
the lesser island, which, as was said before, is so near the great
one, that a short bridge only may conjoin them.

This lesser island was so well fortified with forts and batteries
round it, as might seem impregnable. Hereupon, as soon as the
Spaniards perceived the pirates approach, they fired on them so
furiously, that they could advance nothing that day, but were content
to retreat, and take up their rest in the open fields, which was not
strange to these people, being sufficiently used to such kind of
repose. What most afflicted them was hunger, having not eaten anything
that whole day. About midnight it rained so hard, that they had much
ado to bear it, the greatest part of them having no other clothes than
a pair of seaman’s trousers or breeches, and a shirt, without shoes or
stockings. In this great extremity they pulled down a few thatched
houses to make fires withal; in a word, they were in such a condition,
that one hundred men, indifferently well armed, might easily that
night have torn them all in pieces. Next morning, about break of day,
the rain ceased, and they dried their arms and marched on: but soon
after it rained afresh, rather harder than before, as if the skies
were melted into waters; which kept them from advancing towards the
forts, whence the Spaniards continually fired at them.

The pirates were now reduced to great affliction and danger, through
the hardness of the weather, their own nakedness, and great hunger;
for a small relief hereof, they found in the fields an old horse,
lean, and full of scabs and blotches, with galled back and sides: this
they instantly killed and flayed, and divided in small pieces among
themselves, as far as it would reach (for many could not get a morsel)
which they roasted and devoured without salt or bread, more like
ravenous wolves than men. The rain not ceasing, Captain Morgan
perceived their minds to relent, hearing many of them say they would
return on board. Among these fatigues of mind and body, he thought
convenient to use some sudden remedy: to this effect, he commanded a
canoe to be rigged in haste, and colours of truce to be hanged out.
This canoe he sent to the Spanish governor, with this message: “That
if within a few hours he delivered not himself and all his men into
his hands, he did by that messenger swear to him, and all those that
were in his company, he would most certainly put them to the sword,
without granting quarter to any.”

In the afternoon the canoe returned with this answer: “That the
governor desired two hours’ time to deliberate with his officers about
it, which being past, he would give his positive answer.” The time
being elapsed, the governor sent two canoes with white colours, and
two persons to treat with Captain Morgan; but, before they landed,
they demanded of the pirates two persons as hostages. These were
readily granted by Captain Morgan, who delivered them two of his
captains for a pledge of the security required. With this the
Spaniards propounded to Captain Morgan, that the governor, in a full
assembly, had resolved to deliver up the island, not being provided
with sufficient forces to defend it against such an armada. But
withal, he desired Captain Morgan would be pleased to use a certain
stratagem of war, for the better saving of his own credit, and the
reputation of his officers both abroad and at home, which should be as
follows:--That Captain Morgan would come with his troops by night to
the bridge that joined the lesser island to the great one, and there
attack the fort of St. Jerome: that at the same time all his fleet
would draw near the castle of Santa Teresa, and attack it by land,
landing, in the meanwhile, more troops near the battery of St.
Matthew: that these troops being newly landed, should by this means
intercept the governor as he endeavoured to pass to St. Jerome’s fort,
and then take him prisoner; using the formality, as if they forced him
to deliver the castle; and that he would lead the English into it,
under colour of being his own troops. That on both sides there should
be continual firing, but without bullets, or at least into the air, so
that no side might be hurt. That thus having obtained two such
considerable forts, the chiefest of the isle, he need not take care
for the rest, which must fall of course into his hands.

These propositions were granted by Captain Morgan, on condition they
should see them faithfully observed; otherwise they should be used
with the utmost rigour: this they promised to do, and took their
leave, to give account of their negotiation to the governor. Presently
after, Captain Morgan commanded the whole fleet to enter the port, and
his men to be ready to assault, that night, the castle of St. Jerome.
Thus the false battle began, with incessant firing from both the
castles, against the ships, but without bullets, as was agreed. Then
the pirates landed, and assaulted by night the lesser island, which
they took, as also both the fortresses; forcing the Spaniards, in
appearance, to fly to the church. Before this assault, Captain Morgan
sent word to the governor, that he should keep all his men together in
a body; otherwise, if the pirates met any straggling Spaniards in the
streets, they should certainly shoot them.

This island being taken by this unusual stratagem, and all things put
in order, the pirates made a new war against the poultry, cattle, and
all sorts of victuals they could find, for some days; scarce thinking
of anything else than to kill, roast, and eat, and make what good
cheer they could. If wood was wanting, they pulled down the houses,
and made fires with the timber, as had been done before in the field.
Next day they numbered all the prisoners they had taken upon the
island, which were found to be in all four hundred and fifty-nine
persons, men, women, and children; viz., one hundred and ninety
soldiers of the garrison; forty inhabitants, who were married:
forty-three children, thirty-four slaves, belonging to the king; with
eight children, eight banditti, thirty-nine negroes belonging to
private persons; with twenty-seven female blacks, and thirty-four
children. The pirates disarmed all the Spaniards, and sent them out
immediately to the plantations to seek for provisions, leaving the
women in the church to exercise their devotions.

Soon after they reviewed the whole island, and all the fortresses
thereof, which they found to be nine in all, viz., the fort of St.
Jerome, next the bridge, had eight great guns, of twelve, six, and
eight pounds carriage; with six pipes of muskets, every pipe
containing ten muskets. Here they found still sixty muskets, with
sufficient powder and other ammunition. The second fortress, called
St. Matthew, had three guns, of eight pounds each. The third, and
chiefest, named Santa Teresa, had twenty great guns, of eighteen,
twelve, eight, and six pounds; with ten pipes of muskets, like those
before, and ninety muskets remaining, besides other ammunition. This
castle was built with stone and mortar, with very thick walls, and a
large ditch round it, twenty feet deep, which, though it was dry, yet
was very hard to get over. Here was no entry, but through one door, to
the middle of the castle. Within it was a mount, almost inaccessible,
with four pieces of cannon at the top; whence they could shoot
directly into the port. On the sea side it was impregnable, by reason
of the rocks round it, and the sea beating furiously upon them. To the
land it was so commodiously seated on a mountain, as there was no
access to it but by a path three or four feet broad. The fourth
fortress was named St. Augustine, having three guns of eight and six
pounds. The fifth, named La Plattaforma de la Conception, had only two
guns, of eight pounds. The sixth, by name San Salvador, had likewise
no more than two guns. The seventh, called Plattaforma de los
Artilleros, had also two guns. The eighth, called Santa Cruz, had
three guns. The ninth, called St. Joseph’s Fort, had six guns, of
twelve and eight pounds, besides two pipes of muskets, and sufficient
ammunition.

In the storehouses were above thirty thousand pounds of powder, with
all other ammunition, which was carried by the pirates on board. All
the guns were stopped and nailed, and the fortresses demolished,
except that of St. Jerome, where the pirates kept guard and
resistance. Captain Morgan inquired for any banditti from Panama or
Puerto Bello, and three were brought him, who pretended to be very
expert in the avenues of those parts. He asked them to be his guides,
and show him the securest ways to Panama, which, if they performed, he
promised them equal shares in the plunder of that expedition, and
their liberty when they arrived in Jamaica. These propositions the
banditti readily accepted, promising to serve him very faithfully,
especially one of the three, who was the greatest rogue, thief, and
assassin among them, who had deserved rather to be broken alive on the
wheel, than punished with serving in a garrison. This wicked fellow
had a great ascendant over the other two, and domineered over them as
he pleased, they not daring to disobey his orders.

Captain Morgan commanded four ships and one boat to be equipped, and
provided with necessaries, to go and take the castle of Chagre, on the
river of that name; neither would he go himself with his whole fleet,
lest the Spaniards should be jealous of his farther design on Panama.
In these vessels he embarked four hundred men, to put in execution
these his orders. Meanwhile, himself remained in St. Catherine’s with
the rest of the fleet, expecting to hear of their success.




                               CHAPTER XVI.

  Captain Morgan takes the Castle of Chagre, with four hundred
     men sent to this purpose from St Catherine’s.


Captain Morgan sending this little fleet to Chagre, chose for
vice-admiral thereof one Captain Brodely, who had been long in those
quarters, and committed many robberies on the Spaniards, when Mansvelt
took the isle of St. Catherine, as was before related; and therefore
was thought a fit person for this exploit, his actions likewise having
rendered him famous among the pirates, and their enemies the
Spaniards. Captain Brodely being made commander, in three days after
his departure arrived in sight of the said castle of Chagre, by the
Spaniards called St. Lawrence. This castle is built on a high
mountain, at the entry of the river, surrounded by strong palisades,
or wooden walls, filled with earth, which secures them as well as the
best wall of stone or brick. The top of this mountain is, in a manner,
divided into two parts, between which is a ditch thirty feet deep. The
castle hath but one entry, and that by a drawbridge over this ditch.
To the land it has four bastions, and to the sea two more. The south
part is totally inaccessible, through the cragginess of the mountain.
The north is surrounded by the river, which here is very broad. At the
foot of the castle, or rather mountain, is a strong fort, with eight
great guns, commanding the entry of the river. Not much lower are two
other batteries, each of six pieces, to defend likewise the mouth of
the river. At one side of the castle are two great storehouses of all
sorts of warlike ammunition and merchandise, brought thither from the
island country. Near these houses is a high pair of stairs hewn out of
the rock, to mount to the top of the castle. On the west is a small
port, not above seven or eight fathoms deep, fit for small vessels,
and of very good anchorage; besides, before the castle, at the entry
of the river, is a great rock, scarce to be descried but at low tides.

No sooner had the Spaniards perceived the pirates, but they fired
incessantly at them with the biggest of their guns. They came to an
anchor in a small port, about a league from the castle. Next morning,
very early, they went ashore, and marched through the woods, to attack
the castle on that side. This march lasted till two of the clock in
the afternoon, before they could reach the castle, by reason of the
difficulties of the way, and its mire and dirt; and though their
guides served them very exactly, yet they came so nigh the castle at
first, that they lost many of their men by its shot, they being in an
open place without covert. This much perplexed the pirates, not
knowing what course to take; for on that side, of necessity, they must
make the assault: and being uncovered from head to foot, they could
not advance one step without danger: besides that, the castle, both
for its situation and strength, made them much doubt of success. But
to give it over they dared not, lest they should be reproached by
their companions.

At last, after many doubts and disputes, resolving to hazard the
assault and their lives desperately, they advanced towards the castle
with their swords in one hand, and fireballs in the other. The
Spaniards defended themselves very briskly, ceasing not to fire at
them continually; crying withal, “Come on, ye English dogs! enemies to
God and our king; and let your other companions that are behind come
on too, ye shall not go to Panama this bout.” The pirates making some
trial to climb the walls, were forced to retreat, resting themselves
till night. This being come, they returned to the assault, to try, by
the help of their fire-balls, to destroy the pales before the wall;
and while they were about it, there happened a very remarkable
accident, which occasioned their victory. One of the pirates being
wounded with an arrow in his back, which pierced his body through, he
pulled it out boldly at the side of his breast, and winding a little
cotton about it, he put it into his musket, and shot it back to the
castle; but the cotton being kindled by the powder, fired two or three
houses in the castle, being thatched with palm-leaves, which the
Spaniards perceived not so soon as was necessary: for this fire
meeting with a parcel of powder, blew it up, thereby causing great
ruin, and no less consternation to the Spaniards, who were not able to
put a stop to it, not having seen it time enough.

The pirates perceiving the effect of the arrow, and the misfortunes of
the Spaniards, were infinitely glad; and while they were busied in
quenching the fire, which caused a great confusion for want of water,
the pirates took this opportunity, setting fire likewise to the
palisades. The fire thus seen at once in several parts about the
castle, gave them great advantage against the Spaniards, many breaches
being made by the fire among the pales, great heaps of earth falling
into the ditch. Then the pirates climbing up, got over into the
castle, though those Spaniards, who were not busy about the fire, cast
down many flaming pots full of combustible matter, and odious smells,
which destroyed many of the English.

The Spaniards, with all their resistance, could not hinder the
palisades from being burnt down before midnight. Meanwhile the pirates
continued in their intention of taking the castle; and though the fire
was very great, they would creep on the ground, as near as they could,
and shoot amidst the flames against the Spaniards on the other side,
and thus killed many from the walls. When day was come, they observed
all the movable earth, that lay betwixt the pales, to be fallen into
the ditch; so that now those within the castle lay equally exposed to
them without, as had been on the contrary before; whereupon the
pirates continued shooting very furiously, and killed many Spaniards;
for the governor had charged them to make good those posts, answering
to the heaps of earth fallen into the ditch, and caused the artillery
to be transported to the breaches.

The fire within the castle still continuing, the pirates from abroad
did what they could to hinder its progress, by shooting incessantly
against it; one party of them was employed only for this, while
another watched all the motions of the Spaniards. About noon the
English gained a breach, which the governor himself defended with
twenty-five soldiers. Here was made a very courageous resistance by
the Spaniards, with muskets, pikes, stones, and swords; but through
all these the pirates fought their way, till they gained the castle.
The Spaniards, who remained alive, cast themselves down from the
castle into the sea, choosing rather to die thus (few or none
surviving the fall) than to ask quarter for their lives. The governor
himself retreated to the corps du gard, before which were placed two
pieces of cannon: here he still defended himself, not demanding any
quarter, till he was killed with a musket-shot in the head.

The governor being dead, and the corps du gard surrendering, they
found remaining in it alive thirty men, whereof scarce ten were not
wounded: these informed the pirates that eight or nine of their
soldiers had deserted, and were gone to Panama, to carry news of their
arrival and invasion. These thirty men alone remained of three hundred
and fourteen wherewith the castle was garrisoned, among which not one
officer was found alive. These were all made prisoners, and compelled
to tell whatever they knew of their designs and enterprises. Among
other things, that the governor of Panama had notice sent him three
weeks ago from Carthagena, that the English were equipping a fleet at
Hispaniola, with a design to take Panama; and, beside, that this had
been discovered by a deserter from the pirates at the river De la
Hacha, where they had victualled. That upon this, the governor had
sent one hundred and sixty-four men to strengthen the garrison of that
castle, with much provision and ammunition; the ordinary garrison
whereof was only one hundred and fifty men, but these made up two
hundred and fourteen men, very well armed. Besides this, they declared
that the governor of Panama had placed several ambuscades along the
river of Chagre; and that he waited for them in the open fields of
Panama with three thousand six hundred men.

The taking of this castle cost the pirates excessively dear, in
comparison to what they were wont to lose, and their toil and labour
was greater than at the conquest of the isle of St. Catherine; for,
numbering their men, they had lost above a hundred, beside seventy
wounded. They commanded the Spanish prisoners to cast the dead bodies
of their own men from the top of the mountain to the sea-side, and to
bury them. The wounded were carried to the church, of which they made
an hospital, and where also they shut up the women. Thus it was
likewise turned into a place of prostitution, the pirates ceasing not
to defile the bodies of those afflicted widows with all manner of
insolent actions and threats.

Captain Morgan remained not long behind at St. Catherine’s, after
taking the castle of Chagre, of which he had notice presently; but
before he departed, he embarked all the provisions that could be
found, with much maize, or Indian wheat, and cazave, whereof also is
made bread in those parts. He transported great store of provisions to
the garrison of Chagre, whencesoever they could be got. At a certain
place they cast into the sea all the guns belonging thereto, designing
to return, and leave that island well garrisoned, to the perpetual
possession of the pirates; but he ordered all the houses and forts to
be fired, except the castle of St. Teresa, which he judged to be the
strongest and securest wherein to fortify himself at his return from
Panama.

Having completed his arrangements, he took with him all the prisoners
of the island, and then sailed for Chagre, where he arrived in eight
days. Here the joy of the whole fleet was so great, when they spied
the English colours on the castle, that they minded not their way into
the river, so that they lost four ships at the entry thereof, Captain
Morgan’s being one; yet they saved all the men and goods. The ships,
too, had been preserved, if a strong northerly wind had not risen,
which cast them on the rock at the entry of the river.

Captain Morgan was brought into the castle with great acclamations of
all the pirates, both of those within, and those newly come. Having
heard the manner of the conquest, he commanded all the prisoners to
work, and repair what was necessary, especially to set up new
palisades round the forts of the castle. There were still in the river
some Spanish vessels, called chatten, serving for transportation of
merchandise up and down the river, and to go to Puerto Bello and
Nicaragua. These commonly carry two great guns of iron, and four small
ones of brass. These vessels they seized, with four little ships they
found there, and all the canoes. In the castle they left a garrison of
five hundred men, and in the ships in the river one hundred and fifty
more. This done, Captain Morgan departed for Panama at the head of
twelve hundred men. He carried little provisions with him, hoping to
provide himself sufficiently among the Spaniards, whom he knew to lie
in ambuscade by the way.




                              CHAPTER XVII.

  Captain Morgan departs from Chagre, at the head of twelve
     hundred men, to take the city of Panama.


Captain Morgan set forth from the castle of Chagre, towards Panama,
August 18, 1670. He had with him twelve hundred men, five boats laden
with artillery, and thirty-two canoes. The first day they sailed only
six leagues, and came to a place called De los Bracos. Here a party of
his men went ashore, only to sleep and stretch their limbs, being
almost crippled with lying too much crowded in the boats. Having
rested awhile, they went abroad to seek victuals in the neighbouring
plantations; but they could find none, the Spaniards being fled, and
carrying with them all they had. This day, being the first of their
journey, they had such scarcity of victuals, as the greatest part were
forced to pass with only a pipe of tobacco, without any other
refreshment.

Next day, about evening, they came to a place called Cruz de Juan
Gallego. Here they were compelled to leave their boats and canoes, the
river being very dry for want of rain, and many trees having fallen
into it.

The guides told them, that, about two leagues farther, the country
would be very good to continue the journey by land. Hereupon they left
one hundred and sixty men on board the boats, to defend them, that
they might serve for a refuge in necessity.

Next morning, being the third day, they all went ashore, except those
who were to keep the boats. To these Captain Morgan gave order, under
great penalties, that no man, on any pretext whatever, should dare to
leave the boats, and go ashore; fearing lest they should be surprised
by an ambuscade of Spaniards in the neighbouring woods, which appeared
so thick as to seem almost impenetrable. This morning beginning their
march, the ways proved so bad, that Captain Morgan thought it more
convenient to transport some of the men in canoes (though with great
labour) to a place farther up the river, called Cedro Bueno. Thus they
re-embarked, and the canoes returned for the rest; so that about night
they got altogether at the said place. The pirates much desired to
meet some Spaniards or Indians, hoping to fill their bellies with
their provisions, being reduced to extremity and hunger.

The fourth day the greatest part of the pirates marched by land, being
led by one of the guides; the rest went by water farther up, being
conducted by another guide, who always went before them, to discover,
on both sides of the river, the ambuscades. These had also spies, who
were very dextrous to give notice of all accidents, or of the arrival
of the pirates, six hours, at least, before they came. This day, about
noon, they came near a post called Torna Cavallos: here the guide of
the canoes cried out, that he perceived an ambuscade. His voice caused
infinite joy to all the pirates, hoping to find some provisions to
satiate their extreme hunger. Being come to the place, they found
nobody in it, the Spaniards being fled, and leaving nothing behind but
a few leathern bags, all empty, and a few crumbs of bread scattered on
the ground where they had eaten. Being angry at this, they pulled down
a few little huts which the Spaniards had made, and fell to eating the
leathern bags, to allay the ferment of their stomachs, which was now
so sharp as to gnaw their very bowels. Thus they made a huge banquet
upon these bags of leather, divers quarrels arising concerning the
greatest shares. By the bigness of the place, they conjectured about
five hundred Spaniards had been there, whom, finding no victuals, they
were now infinitely desirous to meet, intending to devour some of them
rather than perish.

Having feasted themselves with those pieces of leather, they marched
on, till they came about night to another post, called Torna Munni.
Here they found another ambuscade, but as barren as the former. They
searched the neighbouring woods, but could not find anything to eat,
the Spaniards having been so provident, as not to leave anywhere the
least crumb of sustenance, whereby the pirates were now brought to
this extremity. Here again he was happy that had reserved since noon
any bit of leather to make his supper of, drinking after it a good
draught of water for his comfort. Some, who never were out of their
mothers’ kitchens, may ask, how these pirates could eat and digest
those pieces of leather, so hard and dry? Whom I answer, that, could
they once experiment what hunger, or rather famine, is, they would
find the way as the pirates did. For these first sliced it in pieces,
then they beat it between two stones, and rubbed it, often dipping it
in water, to make it supple and tender. Lastly, they scraped off the
hair, and broiled it. Being thus cooked, they cut it into small
morsels, and ate it, helping it down with frequent gulps of water,
which, by good fortune, they had at hand.

The fifth day, about noon, they came to a place called Barbacoa. Here
they found traces of another ambuscade, but the place totally as
unprovided as the former. At a small distance were several
plantations, which they searched very narrowly, but could not find any
person animal, or other thing, to relieve their extreme hunger.
Finally, having ranged about, and searched a long time, they found a
grot, which seemed to be but lately hewn out of a rock, where were two
sacks of meal, wheat, and like things, with two great jars of wine,
and certain fruits called platanoes. Captain Morgan, knowing some of
his men were now almost dead with hunger, and fearing the same of the
rest, caused what was found to be distributed among them who were in
greatest necessity. Having refreshed themselves with these victuals,
they marched anew with greater courage than ever. Such as were weak
were put into the canoes, and those commanded to land that were in
them before. Thus they prosecuted their journey till late at night;
when coming to a plantation, they took up their rest, but without
eating anything; for the Spaniards, as before, had swept away all
manner of provisions.

The sixth day they continued their march, part by land and part by
water. Howbeit, they were constrained to rest very frequently, both
for the ruggedness of the way, and their extreme weakness, which they
endeavoured to relieve by eating leaves of trees and green herbs, or
grass; such was their miserable condition. This day at noon they
arrived at a plantation, where was a barn full of maize. Immediately
they beat down the doors and ate it dry, as much as they could devour;
then they distributed a great quantity, giving every man a good
allowance. Thus provided, and prosecuting their journey for about an
hour, they came to another ambuscade. This they no sooner discovered,
but they threw away their maize, with the sudden hopes of finding all
things in abundance. But they were much deceived, meeting neither
Indians nor victuals, nor anything else: but they saw, on the other
side of the river, about a hundred Indians, who, all fleeing, escaped.
Some few pirates leaped into the river to cross it, and try to take
any of the Indians, but in vain: for, being much more nimble than the
pirates, they not only baffled them, but killed two or three with
their arrows; hooting at them, and crying, “Ha, perrros! a la savana,
a la savana.”--“Ha, ye dogs! go to the plain, go to the plain.”

This day they could advance no farther, being necessitated to pass the
river, to continue their march on the other side. Hereupon they
reposed for that night, though their sleep was not profound; for great
murmurings were made at Captain Morgan, and his conduct; some being
desirous to return home, while others would rather die there than go
back a step from their undertaking: others, who had greater courage,
laughed and joked at their discourses. Meanwhile, they had a guide who
much comforted them, saying, “It would not now be long before they met
with people from whom they should reap some considerable advantage.”

The seventh day, in the morning, they made clean their arms, and every
one discharged his pistol, or musket, without bullet, to try their
firelocks. This done, they crossed the river, leaving the post where
they had rested, called Santa Cruz, and at noon they arrived at a
village called Cruz. Being yet far from the place, they perceived much
smoke from the chimneys: the sight hereof gave them great joy, and
hopes of finding people and plenty of good cheer. Thus they went on as
fast as they could, encouraging one another, saying, “There is smoke
comes out of every house: they are making good fires, to roast and
boil what we are to eat;” and the like.

At length they arrived there, all sweating and panting, but found no
person in the town, nor anything eatable to refresh themselves, except
good fires, which they wanted not; for the Spaniards, before their
departure, had every one set fire to his own house, except the king’s
storehouses and stables.

They had not left behind them any beast, alive or dead, which much
troubled their minds, not finding anything but a few cats and dogs,
which they immediately killed and devoured. At last, in the king’s
stables, they found, by good fortune, fifteen or sixteen jars of Peru
wine, and a leathern sack full of bread. No sooner had they drank of
this wine, when they fell sick, almost every man: this made them think
the wine was poisoned, which caused a new consternation in the whole
camp, judging themselves now to be irrecoverably lost. But the true
reason was, their want of sustenance, and the manifold sorts of trash
they had eaten. Their sickness was so great, as caused them to remain
there till the next morning, without being able to prosecute their
journey in the afternoon. This village is seated in 9 deg. 2 min.
north latitude, distant from the river Chagre twenty-six Spanish
leagues, and eight from Panama. This is the last place to which boats
or canoes can come; for which reason they built here storehouses for
all sorts of merchandise, which to and from Panama are transported on
the backs of mules.

Here Captain Morgan was forced to leave his canoes, and land all his
men, though never so weak; but lest the canoes should be surprised, or
take up too many men for their defence, he sent them all back to the
place where the boats were, except one, which he hid, that it might
serve to carry intelligence. Many of the Spaniards and Indians of this
village having fled to the near plantations, Captain Morgan ordered
that none should go out of the village, except companies of one
hundred together, fearing lest the enemy should take an advantage upon
his men. Notwithstanding, one party contravened these orders, being
tempted with the desire of victuals: but they were soon glad to fly
into the town again, being assaulted with great fury by some Spaniards
and Indians, who carried one of them away prisoner. Thus the vigilancy
and care of Captain Morgan was not sufficient to prevent every
accident.

The eighth day in the morning Captain Morgan sent two hundred men
before the body of his army, to discover the way to Panama, and any
ambuscades therein: the path being so narrow, that only ten or twelve
persons could march abreast, and often not so many. After ten hours’
march they came to a place called Quebrada Obscura: here, all on a
sudden, three or four thousand arrows were shot at them, they not
perceiving whence they came, or who shot them: though they presumed it
was from a high rocky mountain, from one side to the other, whereon
was a grot, capable of but one horse or other beast laded. This
multitude of arrows much alarmed the pirates, especially because they
could not discover whence they were discharged. At last, seeing no
more arrows, they marched a little farther, and entered a wood: here
they perceived some Indians to fly as fast as they could, to take the
advantage of another post, thence to observe their march; yet there
remained one troop of Indians on the place, resolved to fight and
defend themselves, which they did with great courage till their
captain fell down wounded; who, though he despaired of life, yet his
valour being greater than his strength, would ask no quarter, but,
endeavouring to raise himself, with undaunted mind laid hold of his
azagayo, or javelin, and struck at one of the pirates; but before he
could second the blow, he was shot to death. This was also the fate of
many of his companions, who, like good soldiers, lost their lives with
their captain, for the defence of their country.

The pirates endeavoured to take some of the Indians prisoners, but
they being swifter than the pirates, every one escaped, leaving eight
pirates dead, and ten wounded: yea, had the Indians been more dextrous
in military affairs, they might have defended that passage, and not
let one man pass. A little while after they came to a large champaign,
open, and full of fine meadows; hence they could perceive at a
distance before them some Indians, on the top of a mountain, near the
way by which they were to pass: they sent fifty men, the nimblest they
had, to try to catch any of them, and force them to discover their
companions: but all in vain; for they escaped by their nimbleness, and
presently showed themselves in another place, hallooing to the
English, and crying, “A la savana, a la savana, cornudos, perros
Ingleses!” that is, “To the plain, to the plain, ye cuckolds, ye
English dogs!” Meanwhile the ten pirates that were wounded were
dressed, and plastered up.

Here was a wood, and on each side a mountain. The Indians possessed
themselves of one, and the pirates of the other. Captain Morgan was
persuaded the Spaniards had placed an ambuscade there, it lying so
conveniently: hereupon, he sent two hundred men to search it. The
Spaniards and Indians perceiving the pirates descend the mountain, did
so too, as if they designed to attack them; but being got into the
wood, out of sight of the pirates, they were seen no more, leaving the
passage open.

About night fell a great rain, which caused the pirates to march the
faster, and seek for houses to preserve their arms from being wet; but
the Indians had set fire to every one, and driven away all their
cattle, that the pirates, finding neither houses nor victuals, might
be constrained to return: but, after diligent search, they found a few
shepherds’ huts, but in them nothing to eat. These not holding many
men, they placed in them, out of every company, a small number, who
kept the arms of the rest: those who remained in the open field
endured much hardship that night, the rain not ceasing till morning.

Next morning, about break of day, being the ninth of that tedious
journey, Captain Morgan marched on while the fresh air of the morning
lasted; for the clouds hanging yet over their heads, were much more
favourable than the scorching rays of the sun, the way being now more
difficult than before. After two hours’ march, they discovered about
twenty Spaniards, who observed their motions: they endeavoured to
catch some of them, but could not, they suddenly disappearing, and
absconding themselves in caves among the rocks, unknown to the
pirates. At last, ascending a high mountain, they discovered the South
Sea. This happy sight, as if it were the end of their labours, caused
infinite joy among them: hence they could descry also one ship, and
six boats, which were set forth from Panama, and sailed towards the
islands of Tavoga and Tavogilla: then they came to a vale where they
found much cattle, whereof they killed good store: here, while some
killed and flayed cows, horses, bulls, and chiefly asses, of which
there were most; others kindled fires, and got wood to roast them:
then cutting the flesh into convenient pieces, or gobbets, they threw
them into the fire, and, half carbonaded or roasted, they devoured
them, with incredible haste and appetite; such was their hunger, as
they more resembled cannibals than Europeans; the blood many times
running down from their beards to their waists.

Having satisfied their hunger, Captain Morgan ordered them to continue
the march. Here, again, he sent before the main body fifty men to take
some prisoners, if they could; for he was much concerned, that in nine
days he could not meet one person to inform him of the condition and
forces of the Spaniards. About evening they discovered about two
hundred Spaniards, who hallooed to the pirates, but they understood
not what they said. A little while after they came in sight of the
highest steeple of Panama: this they no sooner discovered but they
showed signs of extreme joy, casting up their hats into the air,
leaping and shouting, just as if they had already obtained the
victory, and accomplished their designs. All their trumpets sounded,
and drums beat, in token of this alacrity of their minds: thus they
pitched their camp for that night, with general content of the whole
army, waiting with impatience for the morning, when they intended to
attack the city. This evening appeared fifty horse, who came out of
the city, on the noise of the drums and trumpets, to observe, as it
was thought, their motions: they came almost within musket-shot of the
army, with a trumpet that sounded marvellously well. Those on
horseback hallooed aloud to the pirates, and threatened them, saying,
“Perros! nos veremos,” that is, “Ye dogs! we shall meet ye.” Having
made this menace, they returned to the city, except only seven or
eight horsemen, who hovered thereabouts to watch their motions.
Immediately after the city fired, and ceased not to play their biggest
guns all night long against the camp, but with little or no harm to
the pirates, whom they could not easily reach. Now also the two
hundred Spaniards, whom the pirates had seen in the afternoon,
appeared again, making a show of blocking up the passages, that no
pirates might escape their hands: but the pirates, though in a manner
besieged, instead of fearing their blockades, as soon as they had
placed sentinels about their camp, opened their satchels, and, without
any napkins or plates, fell to eating, very heartily, the pieces of
bulls’ and horses’ flesh which they had reserved since noon. This
done, they laid themselves down to sleep on the grass, with great
repose and satisfaction, expecting only, with impatience, the dawning
of the next day.

The tenth day, betimes in the morning, they put all their men in
order, and, with drums and trumpets sounding, marched directly towards
the city; but one of the guides desired Captain Morgan not to take the
common highway, lest they should find in it many ambuscades. He took
his advice, and chose another way through the wood, though very
irksome and difficult. The Spaniards perceiving the pirates had taken
another way they scarce had thought on, were compelled to leave their
stops and batteries, and come out to meet them. The governor of Panama
put his forces in order, consisting of two squadrons, four regiments
of foot, and a huge number of wild bulls, which were driven by a great
number of Indians, with some negroes, and others, to help them.

The pirates, now upon their march, came to the top of a little hill,
whence they had a large prospect of the city and champaign country
underneath. Here they discovered the forces of the people of Panama,
in battle array, to be so numerous, that they were surprised with
fear, much doubting the fortune of the day: yea, few or none there
were but wished themselves at home, or at least free from the
obligation of that engagement, it so nearly concerning their lives.
Having been some time wavering in their minds, they at last reflected
on the straits they had brought themselves into, and that now they
must either fight resolutely, or die; for no quarter could be expected
from an enemy on whom they had committed so many cruelties. Hereupon
they encouraged one another, resolving to conquer, or spend the last
drop of blood. Then they divided themselves into three battalions,
sending before two hundred bucaniers, who were very dextrous at their
guns. Then descending the hill, they marched directly towards the
Spaniards, who in a spacious field waited for their coming. As soon as
they drew nigh, the Spaniards began to shout and cry, “Viva el rey!”
“God save the king!” and immediately their horse moved against the
pirates: but the fields being full of quags, and soft underfoot, they
could not wheel about as they desired. The two hundred bucaniers, who
went before, each putting one knee to the ground, began the battle
briskly, with a full volley of shot: the Spaniards defended themselves
courageously, doing all they could to disorder the pirates. Their foot
endeavoured to second the horse, but were constrained by the pirates
to leave them. Finding themselves baffled, they attempted to drive the
bulls against them behind, to put them into disorder; but the wild
cattle ran away, frighted with the noise of the battle; only some few
broke through the English companies, and only tore the colours in
pieces, while the bucaniers shot every one of them dead.

The battle having continued two hours, the greatest part of the
Spanish horse was ruined, and almost all killed: the rest fled, which
the foot seeing, and that they could not possibly prevail, they
discharged the shot they had in their muskets, and throwing them down,
fled away, every one as he could. The pirates could not follow them,
being too much harassed and wearied with their long journey. Many, not
being able to fly whither they desired, hid themselves, for that
present, among the shrubs of the sea-side, but very unfortunately; for
most of them being found by the pirates, were instantly killed,
without any quarter. Some religious men were brought prisoners before
Captain Morgan; but he, being deaf to their cries, commanded them all
to be pistolled, which was done. Soon after they brought a captain to
him, whom he examined very strictly; particularly, wherein consisted
the forces of those of Panama? He answered, their whole strength
consisted in four hundred horse, twenty-four companies of foot, each
of one hundred men complete; sixty Indians, and some negroes, who were
to drive two thousand wild bulls upon the English, and thus, by
breaking their files, put them into a total disorder: beside, that in
the city they had made trenches, and raised batteries in several
places, in all which they had placed many guns; and that at the entry
of the highway, leading to the city, they had built a fort mounted
with eight great brass guns, defended by fifty men.

Captain Morgan having heard this, gave orders instantly to march
another way; but first he made a review of his men, whereof he found
both killed and wounded a considerable number, and much greater than
had been believed. Of the Spaniards were found six hundred dead on the
place, besides the wounded and prisoners. The pirates, nothing
discouraged, seeing their number so diminished, but rather filled with
greater pride, perceiving what huge advantage they had obtained
against their enemies, having rested some time, prepared to march
courageously towards the city, plighting their oaths to one another,
that they would fight till not a man was left alive. With this courage
they recommenced their march, either to conquer or be conquered;
carrying with them all the prisoners.

They found much difficulty in their approach to the city, for within
the town the Spaniards had placed many great guns, at several
quarters, some charged with small pieces of iron, and others with
musket bullets; with all these they saluted the pirates at their
approaching, and gave them full and frequent broadsides, firing at
them incessantly; so that unavoidably they lost at every step great
numbers of men. But neither these manifest dangers of their lives, nor
the sight of so many as dropped continually at their sides, could
deter them from advancing, and gaining ground every moment on the
enemy; and though the Spaniards never ceased to fire, and act the best
they could for their defence, yet they were forced to yield, after
three hours’ combat. And the pirates having possessed themselves,
killed and destroyed all that attempted in the least to oppose them.
The inhabitants had transported the best of their goods to more remote
and occult places; howbeit, they found in the city several warehouses
well stocked with merchandise, as well silks and cloths, as linen and
other things of value. As soon as the first fury of their entrance was
over, Captain Morgan assembled his men, and commanded them, under
great penalties, not to drink or taste any wine; and the reason he
gave for it was, because he had intelligence that it was all poisoned
by the Spaniards. Howbeit, it was thought he gave these prudent orders
to prevent the debauchery of his people, which he foresaw would be
very great at the first, after so much hunger sustained by the way;
fearing, withal, lest the Spaniards, seeing them in wine, should
rally, and, falling on the city, use them as inhumanly as they had
used the inhabitants before.




                              CHAPTER XVIII.

  Captain Morgan sends canoes and boats to the South Sea--He
     fires the city of Panama--Robberies and cruelties committed
     there by the pirates, till their return to the Castle of
     Chagre.


Captain Morgan, as soon as he had placed necessary guards at several
quarters within and without the city, commanded twenty-five men to
seize a great boat, which had stuck in the mud of the port, for want
of water, at a low tide. The same day about noon, he caused fire
privately to be set to several great edifices of the city, nobody
knowing who were the authors thereof, much less on what motives
Captain Morgan did it, which are unknown to this day: the fire
increased so, that before night the greatest part of the city was in a
flame. Captain Morgan pretended the Spaniards has done it, perceiving
that his own people reflected on him for that action. Many of the
Spaniards, and some of the pirates, did what they could, either to
quench the flame, or, by blowing up houses with gunpowder, and pulling
down others, to stop it, but in vain: for in less than half an hour it
consumed a whole street. All the houses of the city were built with
cedar, very curious and magnificent, and richly adorned, especially
with hangings and paintings, whereof part were before removed, and
another great part were consumed by fire.

There were in this city (which is the see of a bishop) eight
monasteries, seven for men, and one for women; two stately churches,
and one hospital. The churches and monasteries were all richly adorned
with altar-pieces and paintings, much gold and silver, and other
precious things, all which the ecclesiastics had hidden. Besides
which, here were two thousand houses of magnificent building, the
greatest part inhabited by merchants vastly rich. For the rest of less
quality, and tradesmen, this city contained five thousand more. Here
were also many stables for the horses and mules that carry the plate
of the king of Spain, as well as private men, towards the North Sea.
The neighbouring fields are full of fertile plantations and pleasant
gardens, affording delicious prospects to the inhabitants all the
year.

The Genoese had in this city a stately house for their trade of
negroes. This likewise was by Captain Morgan burnt to the very ground.
Besides which building, there were consumed two hundred warehouses,
and many slaves, who had hid themselves therein, with innumerable
sacks of meal; the fire of which continued four weeks after it had
begun. The greatest part of the pirates still encamped without the
city, fearing and expecting the Spaniards would come and fight them
anew, it being known they much outnumbered the pirates. This made them
keep the field, to preserve their forces united, now much diminished
by their losses. Their wounded, which were many, they put into one
church, which remained standing, the rest being consumed by the fire.
Besides these decreases of their men, Captain Morgan had sent a convoy
of one hundred and fifty men to the castle of Chagre, to carry the
news of his victory at Panama.

They saw often whole troops of Spaniards run to and fro in the fields,
which made them suspect their rallying, which they never had the
courage to do. In the afternoon Captain Morgan re-entered the city
with his troops, that every one might take up their lodgings, which
now they could hardly find, few houses having escaped the fire. Then
they sought very carefully among the ruins and ashes, for utensils of
plate or gold, that were not quite wasted by the flames: and of such
they found no small number, especially in wells and cisterns, where
the Spaniards had hid them.

Next day Captain Morgan dispatched away two troops, of one hundred and
fifty men each, stout and well armed, to seek for the inhabitants who
were escaped. These having made several excursions up and down the
fields, woods, and mountains adjacent, returned after two days,
bringing above two hundred prisoners, men, women, and slaves. The same
day returned also the boat which Captain Morgan had sent to the South
Sea, bringing three other boats which they had taken. But all these
prizes they could willingly have given, and greater labour into the
bargain, for one galleon, which miraculously escaped, richly laden
with all the king’s plate, jewels, and other precious goods of the
best and richest merchants of Panama: on board which were also the
religious women of the nunnery, who had embarked with them all the
ornaments of their church, consisting in much gold, plate, and other
things of great value.

The strength of this galleon was inconsiderable, having only seven
guns, and ten or twelve muskets, and very ill provided with victuals,
necessaries, and fresh water, having no more sails than the uppermost
of the mainmast. This account the pirates received from some who had
spoken with seven mariners belonging to the galleon, who came ashore
in the cockboat for fresh water. Hence they concluded they might
easily have taken it, had they given her chase, as they should have
done; but they were impeded from following this vastly rich prize, by
their lascivious exercises with women, which they had carried and
forced on board their boat. To this vice were also joined those of
gluttony and drunkenness, having plentifully debauched themselves with
several rich wines they found ready, choosing rather to satiate their
lusts and appetites than to lay hold on such huge advantage; since
this only prize would have been of far greater value than all they got
at Panama, and the places thereabout. Next day, repenting of their
negligence, being weary of their vices and debaucheries, they set
forth another boat, well armed, to pursue with all speed the said
galleon; but in vain, the Spaniards who were on board having had
intelligence of their own danger one or two days before, while the
pirates were cruising so near them; whereupon they fled to places more
remote and unknown.

The pirates found, in the ports of the island of Tavoga and Tavogilla,
several boats laden with very good merchandise; all which they took,
and brought to Panama, where they made an exact relation of all that
had passed to Captain Morgan. The prisoners confirmed what the pirates
said, adding, that they undoubtedly knew where the galleon might then
be, but that it was very probable they had been relieved before now
from other places. This stirred up Captain Morgan anew, to send forth
all the boats in the port of Panama to seek the said galleon till they
could find her. These boats, being in all four, after eight days’
cruising to and fro, and searching several ports and creeks, lost all
hopes of finding her: hereupon they returned to Tavoga and Tavogilla;
here they found a reasonable good ship newly come from Payta, laden
with cloth, soap, sugar, and biscuit, with 20,000 pieces of eight;
this they instantly seized, without the least resistance; as also a
boat which was not far off, on which they laded great part of the
merchandises from the ship, with some slaves. With this purchase they
returned to Panama, somewhat better satisfied: yet, withal, much
discontented that they could not meet with the galleon.

The convoy which Captain Morgan had sent to the castle of Chagre
returned much about the same time, bringing with them very good news;
for while Captain Morgan was on his journey to Panama, those he had
left in the castle of Chagre had sent forth two boats to cruise. These
met with a Spanish ship, which they chased within sight of the castle.
This being perceived by the pirates in the castle, they put forth
Spanish colours, to deceive the ship that fled before the boats; and
the poor Spaniards, thinking to take refuge under the castle, were
caught in a snare, and made prisoners. The cargo on board the said
vessel consisted in victuals and provisions, than which nothing could
be more opportune for the castle, where they began already to want
things of this kind.

This good luck of those of Chagre caused Captain Morgan to stay longer
at Panama, ordering several new excursions into the country round
about; and while the pirates at Panama were upon these expeditions,
those at Chagre was busy in piracies on the North Sea. Captain Morgan
sent forth, daily, parties of two hundred men, to make inroads into
all the country round about; and when one party came back, another
went forth, who soon gathered much riches, and many prisoners. These
being brought into the city, were put to the most exquisite tortures,
to make them confess both other people’s goods and their own. Here it
happened that one poor wretch was found in the house of a person of
quality, who had put on, amidst the confusion, a pair of taffety
breeches of his master’s, with a little silver key hanging out;
perceiving which, they asked him for the cabinet of the said key. His
answer was, he knew not what was become of it, but that finding those
breeches in his master’s house, he had made bold to wear them. Not
being able to get any other answer, they put him on the rack, and
inhumanly disjointed his arms; then they twisted a cord about his
forehead, which they wrung so hard that his eyes appeared as big as
eggs, and were ready to fall out. But with these torments not
obtaining any positive answer, they hung him up by the testicles,
giving him many blows and stripes under that intolerable pain and
posture of body. Afterwards they cut off his nose and ears, and singed
his face with burning straw, till he could not speak, nor lament his
misery any longer: then, losing all hopes of any confession, they bade
a negro run him through, which put an end to his life, and to their
inhuman tortures. Thus did many others of those miserable prisoners
finish their days, the common sport and recreation of these pirates
being such tragedies.

They spared in these their cruelties no sex nor condition: for as to
religious persons, and priests, they granted them less quarter than
others, unless they could produce a considerable sum, sufficient for a
ransom. Women were no better used, except they submitted to their
filthy lusts; for such as would not consent were treated with all the
rigour imaginable. Captain Morgan gave them no good example in this
point: for when any beautiful woman was brought prisoner to his
presence, he used all means, both of rigour and mildness, to bend them
to his lascivious pleasure. For confirmation of which, I shall give a
short history of a lady, whose virtue and constancy ought to be
transmitted to posterity.

Among the prisoners brought by the pirates from Tavoga and Tavogilla
was a gentlewoman of good quality, and no less virtue and chastity,
wife to one of the richest merchants there. She was young, and so
beautiful, as perhaps few in all Europe surpassed her, either in
comeliness or honesty. Her husband then was from home, being gone as
far as Peru, about his commerce and trade. This virtuous lady, hearing
of the pirates’ coming, had fled, with other friends and relations, to
preserve her life from the cruelties and tyrannies of those
hard-hearted enemies: but no sooner did she appear before Captain
Morgan, but she was designed for his pleasure. Hereupon, he lodged her
in an apartment by herself, giving her a negro, or black woman, to
wait on her, and treated her with all the respect due to her quality.
The poor afflicted lady begged, with many sobs and tears, to lodge
among the other prisoners; her relations fearing that unexpected
kindness of the commander might be a design on her chastity. But
Captain Morgan would by no means hearken to her; but commanded she
should be treated with more particular care than before, and have her
victuals from his own table.

This lady had formerly heard very strange reports concerning the
pirates, as if they were not men, but, as they said, heretics, who did
neither invoke the blessed Trinity, nor believe in Jesus Christ. But
now she began to have better thoughts of them, upon these civilities
of Captain Morgan; especially hearing him many times swear by God, and
Jesus Christ, in whom, she thought, they did not believe. Nor did she
think them to be so bad, or to have the shapes of beasts, as had been
related. As to the name of robbers, or thieves, commonly given them,
she wondered not much at it, seeing, among all nations of the
universe, there were wicked men, covetous to possess the goods of
others. Like this was the opinion of another woman of weak
understanding at Panama, who used to say, before the pirates came
thither, she had a great curiosity to see a pirate, her husband having
often told her that they were not like other men, but rather
irrational beasts. This silly woman happening to see the first of
them, cried out aloud, “Jesus bless me! these thieves are like us
Spaniards.”

This false civility of Captain Morgan towards this lady, as is usual
to such as pretend, and cannot obtain, was soon changed into barbarous
cruelty; for after three or four days he came to see her, and
entertained her with lascivious discourses, desiring the
accomplishment of his lust. The virtuous lady constantly denied him,
with much civility, and many humble and modest expressions; but
Captain Morgan still persisted in his base request, presenting to her
much pearl, gold, and whatever he had that was precious and valuable:
but the lady, not willing to consent, or accept his presents, showing
herself like Susannah for constancy, he presently changed his note,
and addressed her in another tone, threatening a thousand cruelties
and hard usages. To all which she gave only this resolute and positive
answer: “Sir, my life is in your hands: but as to my body, in relation
to that which you would persuade me to, my soul shall sooner be
separated from it, through the violence of your arms, than I shall
condescend to your request.” Captain Morgan understanding this her
heroic resolution, commanded her to be stripped of the best of her
apparel, and imprisoned in a darksome stinking cellar; here she was
allowed a small quantity of meat and drink, wherewith she had much ado
to sustain her life.

Under this hardship the virtuous lady prayed daily to God Almighty for
constancy and patience; but Captain Morgan, now thoroughly convinced
of her chaste resolutions, as also desirous to conceal the cause of
her hard usage--since many of his companions compassionated her
condition--pretended she held intelligence with the Spaniards, and
corresponded with them, abusing his lenity and kindness. I myself was
an eye-witness thereof, and could never have judged such constancy and
chastity to be found in the world, if my own eyes and ears had not
assured me thereof. But of this incomparable lady I shall say
something more hereafter.

Captain Morgan having now been at Panama full three weeks, commanded
all things to be prepared for his departure. He ordered every company
of men to seek so many beasts of carriage as might convey the spoil to
the river where his canoes lay. About this time there was a great
rumour, that a considerable number of pirates intended to leave
Captain Morgan; and that, taking a ship then in the port, they
determined to go and rob on the South Sea, till they had got as much
as they thought fit, and then return homewards, by way of the East
Indies. For which purpose they had gathered much provisions, which
they had hid in private places, with sufficient powder, bullets, and
all other ammunition: likewise some great guns belonging to the town,
muskets, and other things, wherewith they designed not only to equip
their vessel, but to fortify themselves in some island which might
serve them for a place of refuge.

This design had certainly taken effect, had not Captain Morgan had
timely advice of it from one of their comrades: hereupon he commanded
the mainmast of the said ship to be cut down and burnt, with all the
other boats in the port: hereby the intentions of all or most of his
companions were totally frustrated. Then Captain Morgan sent many of
the Spaniards into the adjoining fields and country to seek for money,
to ransom not only themselves, but the rest of the prisoners, as
likewise the ecclesiastics. Moreover, he commanded all the artillery
of the town to be nailed and stopped up. At the same time he sent out
a strong company of men to seek for the governor of Panama, of whom
intelligence was brought, that he had laid several ambuscades in the
way by which he ought to return: but they returned soon after, saying
they had not found any sign of any such ambuscades. For confirmation
whereof, they brought some prisoners, who declared that the said
governor had had an intention of making some opposition by the way,
but that the men designed to effect it were unwilling to undertake it:
so that for want of means he could not put his design in execution.

February 24, 1671, Captain Morgan departed from Panama, or rather from
the place where the city of Panama stood; of the spoils whereof he
carried with him one hundred and seventy-five beasts of carriage,
laden with silver, gold, and other precious things, beside about six
hundred prisoners, men, women, children and slaves. That day they came
to a river that passes through a delicious plain, a league from
Panama: here Captain Morgan put all his forces into good order, so as
that the prisoners were in the middle, surrounded on all sides with
pirates, where nothing else was to be heard but lamentations, cries,
shrieks, and doleful sighs of so many women and children, who feared
Captain Morgan designed to transport them all into his own country for
slaves. Besides, all those miserable prisoners endured extreme hunger
and thirst at that time, which misery Captain Morgan designedly caused
them to sustain, to excite them to seek for money to ransom
themselves, according to the tax he had set upon every one. Many of
the women begged Captain Morgan, on their knees, with infinite sighs
and tears, to let them return to Panama, there to live with their dear
husbands and children, in little huts of straw, which they would
erect, seeing they had no houses till the rebuilding of the city. But
his answer was, “He came not thither to hear lamentations and cries,
but to seek money: therefore they ought first to seek out that,
wherever it was to be had, and bring it to him; otherwise he would
assuredly transport them all to such places whither they cared not to
go.”

Next day, when the march began, those lamentable cries and shrieks
were renewed, so as it would have caused compassion in the hardest
heart: but Captain Morgan, as a man little given to mercy, was not
moved in the least. They marched in the same order as before, one
party of the pirates in the van, the prisoners in the middle, and the
rest of the pirates in the rear; by whom the miserable Spaniards were
at every step punched and thrust in their backs and sides, with the
blunt ends of their arms, to make them march faster.

That beautiful and virtuous lady, mentioned before for her
unparalleled constancy and chastity, was led prisoner by herself,
between two pirates. Her lamentations now pierced the skies, seeing
herself carried away into captivity often crying to the pirates, and
telling them, “That she had given orders to two religious persons, in
whom she had relied, to go to a certain place, and fetch so much money
as her ransom did amount to; that they had promised faithfully to do
it, but having obtained the money, instead of bringing it to her, they
had employed it another way, to ransom some of their own, and
particular friends.” This ill action of theirs was discovered by a
slave, who brought a letter to the said lady. Her complaints, and the
cause thereof, being brought to Captain Morgan, he thought fit to
inquire thereinto. Having found it to be true--especially hearing it
confirmed by the confession of the said religious men, though under
some frivolous excuses of having diverted the money but for a day or
two, in which time they expected more sums to repay it--he gave
liberty to the said lady, whom otherwise he designed to transport to
Jamaica. But he detained the said religious men as prisoners in her
place, using them according to their deserts.

Captain Morgan arriving at the town called Cruz, on the banks of the
river Chagre, he published an order among the prisoners, that within
three days every one should bring in their ransom, under the penalty
of being transported to Jamaica. Meanwhile he gave orders for so much
rice and maize to be collected thereabouts, as was necessary for
victualling his ships. Here some of the prisoners were ransomed, but
many others could not bring in their money. Hereupon he continued his
voyage, leaving the village on the 5th of March following, carrying
with him all the spoil he could. Hence he likewise led away some new
prisoners, inhabitants there, with those of Panama, who had not paid
their ransoms. But the two religious men, who had diverted the lady’s
money, were ransomed three days after by other persons, who had more
compassion for them than they had showed for her.

About the middle of the way to Chagre, Captain Morgan commanded them
to be mustered, and caused every one to be sworn, that they had
concealed nothing, even not to the value of sixpence. This done,
Captain Morgan knowing those lewd fellows would not stick to swear
falsely for interest, he commanded every one to be searched very
strictly, both in their clothes and satchels, and elsewhere. Yea, that
this order might not be ill taken by his companions, he permitted
himself to be searched, even to his very shoes. To this effect, by
common consent, one was assigned out of every company to be searchers
of the rest. The French pirates that assisted on this expedition
disliked this new practice of searching; but, being outnumbered by the
English, they were forced to submit as well as the rest. The search
being over, they re-embarked, and arrived at the castle of Chagre on
the 9th of March. Here they found all things in good order, excepting
the wounded men whom they had left at their departure; for of these
the greatest number were dead of their wounds.

From Chagre, Captain Morgan sent, presently after his arrival, a great
boat to Puerto Bello, with all the prisoners taken at the isle of St.
Catherine, demanding of them a considerable ransom for the castle of
Chagre, where he then was; threatening otherwise to ruin it. To this
those of Puerto Bello answered, they would not give one farthing
towards the ransom of the said castle, and the English might do with
it as they pleased. Hereupon the dividend was made of all the spoil
made in that voyage; every company, and every particular person
therein, receiving their proportion, or rather what part thereof
Captain Morgan pleased to give them. For the rest of his companions,
even of his own nation, murmured at his proceedings, and told him to
his face that he had reserved the best jewels to himself: for they
judged it impossible that no greater share should belong to them than
two hundred pieces of eight, per capita, of so many valuable plunders
they had made; which small sum they thought too little for so much
labour, and such dangers, as they had been exposed to. But Captain
Morgan was deaf to all this, and many other like complaints, having
designed to cheat them of what he could.

At last, finding himself obnoxious to many censures of his people, and
fearing the consequence, he thought it unsafe to stay any longer at
Chagre, but ordered the ordnance of the castle to be carried on board
his ship; then he caused most of the walls to be demolished, the
edifices to be burnt, and as many other things ruined as could be done
in a short time. This done, he went secretly on board his own ship,
without giving any notice to his companions, and put out to sea, being
only followed by three or four vessels of the whole fleet. These were
such (as the French pirates believed) as went shares with Captain
Morgan in the best part of the spoil, which had been concealed from
them in the dividend. The Frenchmen could willingly have revenged
themselves on Captain Morgan and his followers, had they been able to
encounter him at sea; but they were destitute of necessaries, and had
much ado to find sufficient provisions for their voyage to Jamaica, he
having left them unprovided for all things.




                        END OF THE BUCCANEERS.




                   _A GENUINE ACCOUNT OF FOUR NOTORIOUS
                                PIRATES._


  [Illustration: _Blackbeard the Pirate._]




                                    I.

                    CAPTAIN TEACH _alias_ BLACK-BEARD.

  His beginning--His confederacy with Hornygold--The confederacy
     broken--Takes a large Guineaman--Engages the _Scarborough_
     man-of-war--His alliance with Major Stede Bonnet--Deposes
     his new ally--His advice to the Major--His progress and
     success--Takes prizes in sight of Charles Town--Sends
     ambassadors to the Governor of Carolina upon an impudent
     demand--Runs his ship aground designedly--His cruelty
     to some of his own companions--Surrenders to the King’s
     Proclamation--The Governor of North Carolina’s exceeding
     generosity to him--He marries--The number of his wives
     then living--Makes a second excursion in the way of
     pirating--Some State legerdemain betwixt him and the
     Governor--His frolics on shore--The merchants apply for
     a force against him, and where--A proclamation with a
     reward for taking or killing of pirates--Lieutenant
     Maynard sent in pursuit of him--Black-beard’s good
     intelligence--The lieutenant engages Black-beard--A most
     execrable health drunk by Black-beard--The fight bloody;
     the particulars of it--Black-beard killed--His sloop
     taken--The lieutenant’s conduct--A reflection on the
     humours of seamen--Black-beard’s correspondents discovered
     by his papers--Black-beard’s desperate resolution
     before the fight--The lieutenant and Governor no very
     good friends--The prisoners hanged--Samuel Odell saved,
     and why--The good luck of Israel Hands--Black-beard’s
     mischievous frolics--His beard described--Several
     instances of his wickedness--Some memoranda taken from
     his journal--The names of the pirates killed in the
     engagement--Of those executed--The value of the prize.


Edward Teach was a Bristol man born, but had sailed some time out of
Jamaica, in privateers, in the late French war; yet though he had
often distinguished himself for his uncommon boldness and personal
courage, he was never raised to any command, till he went a-pirating,
which, I think, was at the latter end of the year 1716, when Captain
Benjamin Hornygold put him into a sloop that he had made prize of, and
with whom he continued in consortship till a little while before
Hornygold surrendered.

In the spring of the year 1717 Teach and Hornygold sailed from
Providence, for the main of America, and took in their way a billop
from the Havana, with 120 barrels of flour, as also a sloop from
Bermuda, Thurbar master, from whom they took only some gallons of
wine, and then let him go; and a ship from Madeira to South Carolina,
out of which they got plunder to a considerable value.

After cleaning on the coast of Virginia, they returned to the West
Indies, and in the latitude of 24, made prize of a large French
Guineaman, bound to Martinico, which, by Hornygold’s consent, Teach
went aboard of as captain, and took a cruise in her. Hornygold
returned with his sloop to Providence, where, at the arrival of
Captain Rogers, the governor, he surrendered to mercy, pursuant to the
king’s proclamation.

Aboard of this Guineaman Teach mounted forty guns, and named her the
_Queen Ann’s Revenge_; and cruising near the island of St. Vincent,
took a large ship, called the _Great Allen_, Christopher Taylor,
commander; the pirates plundered her of what they thought fit, put all
the men ashore upon the island above mentioned, and set fire to the
ship.

A few days after Teach fell in with the _Scarborough_, man-of-war, of
thirty guns, who engaged him for some hours; but she, finding the
pirate well-manned, and having tried her strength, gave over the
engagement and returned to Barbadoes, the place of her station, and
Teach sailed towards the Spanish America.

In his way he met with a pirate sloop of ten guns, commanded by one
Major Bonnet, lately a gentleman of good reputation and estate in the
island of Barbadoes, whom he joined; but in a few days after, Teach,
finding that Bonnet knew nothing of a maritime life, with the consent
of his own men, put in another captain, one Richards, to command
Bonnet’s sloop, and took the Major on board his own ship, telling him,
that as he had not been used to the fatigues and care of such a post,
it would be better for him to decline it and live easy, at his
pleasure, in such a ship as his, where he would not be obliged to
perform the necessary duties of a sea-voyage.

At Turniff, ten leagues short of the Bay of Honduras, the pirates took
in fresh water, and while they were at anchor there, they saw a sloop
coming in, whereupon Richards, in the sloop called the _Revenge_,
slipped his cable and run out to meet her; who, upon seeing the black
flag hoisted, struck his sail and came to under the stern of Teach,
the commodore. She was called the _Adventure_, from Jamaica, David
Harriot, master. They took him and his men aboard the great ship, and
sent a number of other hands with Israel Hands, master of Teach’s
ship, to man the sloop for the piratical account.

The 9th of April they weighed from Turniff, having lain there about a
week, and sailed to the bay, where they found a ship and four sloops;
three of the latter belonged to Jonathan Bernard, of Jamaica, and the
other to Captain James. The ship was of Boston, called the _Protestant
Cæsar_, Captain Wyar, commander. Teach hoisted his black colours and
fired a gun, upon which Captain Wyar and all his men left their ship
and got ashore in their boat. Teach’s quartermaster and eight of his
crew took possession of Wyar’s ship, and Richards secured all the
sloops, one of which they burnt out of spite to the owner. The
_Protestant Cæsar_ they also burnt, after they had plundered her,
because she belonged to Boston, where some men had been hanged for
piracy; and the three sloops belonging to Bernard they let go.

From hence the rovers sailed to Turkill, and then to the Grand
Caimanes, a small island about thirty leagues to the westward of
Jamaica, where they took a small turtler, and so to the Havana, and
from thence to the Bahama Wrecks; and from the Bahama Wrecks they
sailed to Carolina, taking a brigantine and two sloops in their way,
where they lay off the bar of Charles Town for five or six days. They
took here a ship as she was coming out, bound for London, commanded by
Robert Clark, with some passengers on board for England. The next day
they took another vessel coming out of Charles Town, and also two
pinks coming into Charles Town; likewise a brigantine with fourteen
negroes aboard; all of which, being done in the face of the town,
struck a great terror to the whole province of Carolina, having just
before been visited by Vane, another notorious pirate, that they
abandoned themselves to despair, being in no condition to resist their
force. There were eight sail in the harbour, ready for the sea, but
none dared to venture out, it being almost impossible to escape their
hands. The inward bound vessels were under the same unhappy dilemma,
so that the trade of this place was totally interrupted. What made
these misfortunes heavier to them was a long, expensive war the colony
had had with the natives, which was but just ended when these robbers
infested them.

Teach detained all the ships and prisoners, and, being in want of
medicines, resolved to demand a chest from the government of the
province. Accordingly, Richards, the captain of the _Revenge_ sloop,
with two or three more pirates, were sent up along with Mr. Marks, one
of the prisoners whom they had taken in Clark’s ship, and very
insolently made their demands, threatening that if they did not send
immediately the chest of medicines and let the pirate ambassadors
return, without offering any violence to their persons, they would
murder all their prisoners, send up their heads to the governor, and
set the ships they had taken on fire.

Whilst Mr. Marks was making application to the council, Richards and
the rest of the pirates walked the streets publicly in the sight of
all people, who were fired with the utmost indignation, looking upon
them as robbers and murderers, and particularly the authors of their
wrongs and oppressions, but durst not so much as think of executing
their revenge for fear of bringing more calamities upon themselves,
and so they were forced to let the villains pass with impunity. The
government were not long in deliberating upon the message, though it
was the greatest affront that could have been put upon them, yet, for
the saving so many men’s lives (among them Mr. Samuel Wragg, one of
the council), they complied with the necessity and sent aboard a
chest, valued at between three and four hundred pounds, and the
pirates went back safe to their ships.

Black-beard (for so Teach was generally called, as we shall hereafter
show), as soon as he had received the medicines and his brother
rogues, let go the ships and the prisoners, having first taken out of
them in gold and silver about £1,500 sterling, besides provisions and
other matters.

From the bar of Charles Town they sailed to North Carolina, Captain
Teach in the ship, which they called the man-of-war, Captain Richards
and Captain Hands in the sloops, which they termed privateers, and
another sloop serving them as a tender. Teach began now to think of
breaking up the company and securing the money and the best of the
effects for himself and some others of his companions he had most
friendship for, and to cheat the rest. Accordingly, on pretence of
running into Topsail inlet to clean, he grounded his ship, and then,
as if it had been done undesignedly and by accident, he orders Hands’
sloop to come to his assistance and get him off again, which he,
endeavouring to do, ran the sloop on shore near the other, and so were
both lost. This done, Teach goes into the tender sloop, with forty
hands, and leaves the _Revenge_ there, then takes seventeen others and
maroons them upon a small sandy island, about a league from the main,
where there was neither bird, beast, or herb for their subsistence,
and where they must have perished if Major Bonnet had not, two days
after, taken them off.

Teach goes up to the governor of North Carolina, with about twenty of
his men, and they surrender to his Majesty’s proclamation, and receive
certificates thereof from his Excellency; but it did not appear that
their submitting to this pardon was from any reformation of manners,
but only to await a more favourable opportunity to play the same game
over again; which he soon after effected, with greater security to
himself, and with much better prospect of success, having in this time
cultivated a very good understanding with Charles Eden, Esq., the
governor above mentioned.

The first piece of service this kind governor did to Black-beard was
to give him a right to the vessel which he had taken when he was
a-pirating in the great ship called the _Queen Ann’s Revenge_, for
which purpose a court of vice-admiralty was held at Bath Town, and,
though Teach had never any commission in his life, and the sloop
belonging to the English merchants, and taken in time of peace, yet
was she condemned as a prize taken from the Spaniards by the said
Teach. These proceedings show that governors are but men.

Before he sailed upon his adventures, he married a young creature of
about sixteen years of age, the governor performing the ceremony. As
it is a custom to marry here by a priest, so it is there by a
magistrate; and this, I have been informed, made Teach’s fourteenth
wife whereof about a dozen might be still living.

In June, 1718, he went to sea upon another expedition, and steered his
course towards Bermudas. He met with two or three English vessels in
his way, but robbed them only of provisions, stores, and other
necessaries, for his present expense; but near the island before
mentioned, he fell in with two French ships, one of them was laden
with sugar and cocoa, and the other light, both bound to Martinico.
The ship that had no lading he let go, and putting all the men of the
loaded ship aboard her, he brought home the other with her cargo to
North Carolina, where the governor and the pirates shared the plunder.

When Teach and his prize arrived he and four of his crew went to his
Excellency and made affidavit that they found the French ship at sea
without a soul on board her; and then a court was called, and the ship
condemned. The governor had sixty hogsheads of sugar for his dividend,
and one Mr. Knight, who was his secretary and collector for the
province, twenty, and the rest was shared among the other pirates.

The business was not yet done; the ship remained, and it was possible
one or other might come into the river that might be acquainted with
her, and so discover the roguery. But Teach thought of a contrivance
to prevent this, for, upon a pretence that she was leaky, and that she
might sink, and so stop up the mouth of the inlet or cove where she
lay, he obtained an order from the governor to bring her out into the
river and set her on fire, which was accordingly executed, and she was
burnt down to the water’s edge, her bottom sunk, and with it their
fears of her ever rising in judgment against them.

Captain Teach, alias Black-beard, passed three or four months in the
river, sometimes lying at anchor in the coves, at other times sailing
from one inlet to another, trading with such sloops as he met for the
plunder he had taken, and would often give them presents for stores
and provisions he took from them; that is, when he happened to be in a
giving humour; at other times he made bold with them, and took what he
liked, without saying “By your leave,” knowing well they dared not
send him a bill for the payment. He often diverted himself with going
ashore among the planters, where he revelled night and day. By these
he was well received, but whether out of love or fear I cannot say.
Sometimes he used them courteously enough, and made them presents of
rum and sugar in recompense of what he took from them; but, as for
liberties, which it is said he and his companions often took with the
wives and daughters of the planters, I cannot take upon me to say
whether he paid them _ad valorem_ or no. At other times he carried it
in a lordly manner towards them, and would lay some of them under
contribution; nay, he often proceeded to bully the governor, not that
I can discover the least cause of quarrel between them, but it seemed
only to be done to show he dared do it.

The sloops trading up and down this river being so frequently pillaged
by Black-beard, consulted with the traders and some of the best of the
planters what course to take. They saw plainly it would be in vain to
make any application to the governor of North Carolina, to whom it
properly belonged to find some redress; so that if they could not be
relieved from some other quarter, Black-beard would be like to reign
with impunity; therefore, with as much secrecy as possible, they sent
a deputation to Virginia, to lay the affair before the governor of
that colony, and to solicit an armed force from the men-of-war lying
there to take or destroy this pirate.

This governor consulted with the captains of the two men-of-war, viz.,
the _Pearl_ and _Lime_, who had lain in St. James’s river about ten
months. It was agreed that the governor should hire a couple of small
sloops, and the men-of-war should man them. This was accordingly done,
and the command of them given to Mr. Robert Maynard, first lieutenant
of the _Pearl_, an experienced officer, and a gentleman of great
bravery and resolution, as will appear by his gallant behaviour in
this expedition. The sloops were well manned, and furnished with
ammunition and small arms, but had no guns mounted.

About the time of their going out the governor called an assembly, in
which it was resolved to publish a proclamation, offering certain
rewards to any person or persons who, within a year after that time,
should take or destroy any pirate. The original proclamation, being in
our hands, is as follows:--

       By his Majesty’s Lieutenant-Governor and Commander-in-Chief
                 of the Colony and Dominion of Virginia.

                             A PROCLAMATION,

         Publishing the Rewards given for apprehending or killing
                                 Pirates.

  WHEREAS, by an Act of Assembly, made at a Session of Assembly, begun
  at the capital in Williamsburg, the eleventh day of November, in
  the fifth year of his Majesty’s reign, entitled, An Act to Encourage
  the Apprehending and Destroying of Pirates: It is, amongst other
  things, enacted, that all and every person, or persons, who, from
  and after the fourteenth day of November, in the Year of our Lord
  one thousand seven hundred and eighteen, and before the fourteenth
  day of November, which shall be in the Year of our Lord one thousand
  seven hundred and nineteen, shall take any pirate, or pirates,
  on the sea or land, or, in case of resistance, shall kill any
  such pirate, or pirates, between the degrees of thirty-four and
  thirty-nine of northern latitude, and within one hundred leagues
  of the continent of Virginia, or within the provinces of Virginia,
  or North Carolina, upon the conviction, or making due proof of
  the killing of all and every such pirate, and pirates, before the
  Governor and Council, shall be entitled to have, and receive out
  of the public money, in the hands of the Treasurer of this Colony,
  the several rewards following: that is to say, for Edward Teach,
  commonly called Captain Teach, or Black-beard, one hundred pounds;
  for every other commander of a pirate ship, sloop, or vessel, forty
  pounds; for every lieutenant, master, or quartermaster, boatswain, or
  carpenter, twenty pounds; for every other inferior officer, fifteen
  pounds; and for every private man taken on board such ship, sloop, or
  vessel, ten pounds; and that for every pirate which shall be taken
  by any ship, sloop, or vessel, belonging to this colony, or North
  Carolina, within the time aforesaid, in any place whatsoever, the
  like rewards shall be paid according to the quality and condition of
  such pirates. Wherefore, for the encouragement of all such persons
  as shall be willing to serve his Majesty, and their country, in so
  just and honourable an undertaking as the suppressing a sort of
  people who maybe truly called enemies to mankind: I have thought
  fit, with the advice and consent of his Majesty’s Council, to issue
  this Proclamation, hereby declaring the said rewards shall be
  punctually and justly paid, in current money of Virginia, according
  to the directions of the said Act. And I do order and appoint this
  proclamation to be published by the sheriffs at their respective
  country houses, and by all ministers and readers in the several
  churches and chapels throughout this colony.

               Given at our Council-Chamber at
                    Williamsburgh, this 24th day of
                    November, 1718, in the fifth year of
                    his Majesty’s reign.
                               GOD SAVE THE KING.

                                            A. SPOTSWOOD.[1]


The 17th of November, 1718, the lieutenant sailed from Kicquetan, in
James river in Virginia, and the 31st, in the evening, came to the
mouth of Okerecock inlet, where he got sight of the pirate. This
expedition was made with all imaginable secrecy, and the officer
managed with all the prudence that was necessary, stopping all boats
and vessels he met with in the river from going up, and thereby
preventing any intelligence from reaching Black-beard, and receiving
at the same time an account from them all of the place where the
pirate was lurking. But notwithstanding this caution, Black-beard had
information of the design from his Excellency of the province; and his
secretary, Mr. Knight, wrote him a letter particularly concerning it,
intimating “that he had sent him four of his men, which were all he
could meet with in or about town, and so bid him be upon his guard.”
These men belonged to Black-beard, and were sent from Bath Town to
Okerecock inlet, where the sloop lay, which is about twenty leagues.

Black-beard had heard several reports, which happened not to be true,
and so gave the less credit to this advice; nor was he convinced till
he saw the sloops. Then it was time to put his vessel in a posture of
defence. He had no more than twenty-five men on board, though he gave
out to all the vessels he spoke with that he had forty. When he had
prepared for battle he sat down and spent the night in drinking with
the master of a trading sloop, who, it was thought, had more business
with Teach than he should have had.

Lieutenant Maynard came to an anchor, for the place being shoal, and
the channel intricate, there was no getting in where Teach lay that
night; but in the morning he weighed, and sent his boat ahead of the
sloops to sound, and coming within gun-shot of the pirate, received
his fire; whereupon Maynard hoisted the king’s colours, and stood
directly towards him with the best way that his sails and oars could
make. Black-beard cut his cable, and endeavoured to make a running
fight, keeping a continual fire at his enemies with his guns. Mr.
Maynard, not having any, kept a constant fire with small arms, while
some of his men laboured at their oars. In a little time Teach’s sloop
ran aground, and Mr. Maynard’s, drawing more water than that of the
pirate, he could not come near him; so he anchored within half
gun-shot of the enemy, and, in order to lighten his vessel, that he
might run him aboard, the lieutenant ordered all his ballast to be
thrown overboard, and all the water to be staved, and then weighed and
stood for him; upon which Black-beard hailed him in this rude manner:
“Damn you for villains, who are you; and from whence came you?” The
lieutenant made him answer, “You may see by our colours we are no
pirates.” Black-beard bid him send his boat on board that he might see
who he was; but Mr. Maynard replied thus: “I cannot spare my boat, but
I will come aboard of you as soon as I can with my sloop.” Upon this
Black-beard took a glass of liquor, and drank to him with these words:
“Damnation seize my soul if I give you quarter, or take any from you.”
In answer to which Mr. Maynard told him “that he expected no quarter
from him, nor should he give him any.”

By this time Black-beard’s sloop fleeted as Mr. Maynard’s sloops were
rowing towards him, which being not above a foot high in the waist,
and consequently the men all exposed, as they came near together
(there being hitherto little or no execution done on either side), the
pirate fired a broadside charged with all manner of small shot. A
fatal stroke to them!--the sloop the lieutenant was in having twenty
men killed and wounded, and the other sloop nine. This could not be
helped, for there being no wind, they were obliged to keep to their
oars, otherwise the pirate would have got away from him, which, it
seems, the lieutenant was resolute to prevent.

After this unlucky blow Black-beard’s sloop fell broadside to the
shore; Mr. Maynard’s other sloop, which was called the _Ranger_, fell
astern, being for the present disabled. So the lieutenant, finding his
own sloop had way and would soon be on board of Teach, he ordered all
his men down, for fear of another broadside, which must have been
their destruction and the loss of their expedition. Mr. Maynard was
the only person that kept the deck, except the man at the helm, whom
he directed to lie down snug, and the men in the hold were ordered to
get their pistols and their swords ready for close fighting, and to
come up at his command; in order to which two ladders were placed in
the hatchway for the more expedition. When the lieutenant’s sloop
boarded the other Captain Teach’s men threw in several new-fashioned
sort of grenades, viz., case-bottles filled with powder and small
shot, slugs, and pieces of lead or iron, with a quick-match in the
mouth of it, which, being lighted without side, presently runs into
the bottle to the powder, and, as it is instantly thrown on board,
generally does great execution besides putting all the crew into a
confusion. But, by good Providence, they had not that effect here, the
men being in the hold. Black-beard, seeing few or no hands aboard,
told his men “that they were all knocked to head, except three or
four; and therefore,” says he, “let’s jump on board and cut them to
pieces.”

Whereupon, under the smoke of one of the bottles just mentioned,
Black-beard enters with fourteen men over the bows of Maynard’s sloop,
and were not seen by him until the air cleared. However, he just then
gave a signal to his men, who all rose in an instant, and attacked the
pirates with as much bravery as ever was done upon such an occasion.
Black-beard and the lieutenant fired the first shots at each other, by
which the pirate received a wound, and then engaged with swords, till
the lieutenant’s unluckily broke, and stepping back to cock a pistol,
Black-beard, with his cutlass, was striking at that instant that one
of Maynard’s men gave him a terrible wound in the neck and throat, by
which the lieutenant came off with only a small cut over his fingers.

They were now closely and warmly engaged, the lieutenant and twelve
men against Black-beard and fourteen, till the sea was tinctured with
blood round the vessel. Black-beard received a shot into his body from
the pistol that Lieutenant Maynard discharged, yet he stood his
ground, and fought with great fury till he received five-and-twenty
wounds, and five of them by shot. At length, as he was cocking another
pistol, having fired several before, he fell down dead; by which time
eight more out of the fourteen dropped, and all the rest, much
wounded, jumped overboard and called out for quarter, which was
granted, though it was only prolonging their lives a few days. The
sloop _Ranger_ came up and attacked the men that remained in
Black-beard’s sloop with equal bravery, till they likewise cried for
quarter.

Here was an end of that courageous brute, who might have passed in the
world for a hero had he been employed in a good cause. His
destruction, which was of such consequence to the plantations, was
entirely owing to the conduct and bravery of Lieutenant Maynard and
his men, who might have destroyed him with much less loss had they had
a vessel with great guns; but they were obliged to use small vessels,
because the holes and place she lurked in would not admit of others of
greater draught. And it was no small difficulty for this gentleman to
get to him, having grounded his vessel at least a hundred times in
getting up the river, beside other discouragements, enough to have
turned back any gentleman without dishonour had he been less resolute
and bold than this lieutenant. The broadside that did so much mischief
before they boarded in all probability saved the rest from
destruction; for, before that, Teach had little or no hopes of
escaping, and therefore had posted a resolute fellow, a negro, whom he
had bred up, with a lighted match in the powder-room, with commands to
blow up when he should give him orders, which was as soon as the
lieutenant and his men could have entered, that so he might have
destroyed his conquerors with himself. And when the negro found how it
went with Black-beard, he could hardly be persuaded from the rash
action by two prisoners that were then in the hold of the sloop.

What seems a little odd is that some of these men, who behaved so
bravely against Black-beard, went afterwards a-pirating themselves,
and one of them was taken along with Roberts; but I do not find that
any of them were provided for, except one that was hanged. But this is
a digression.

The lieutenant caused Black-beard’s head to be severed from his body,
and hung up at the boltsprit end; then he sailed to Bath Town, to get
relief for his wounded men.

It must be observed that, in rummaging the pirate’s sloop, they found
several letters and written papers, which discovered the
correspondence between Governor Eden, the secretary and collector, and
also some traders at New York, and Black-beard. It is likely he had
regard enough for his friends to have destroyed these papers before
the action, in order to hinder them from falling into such hands,
where the discovery would be of no use either to the interest or
reputation of these fine gentlemen, if it had not been his fixed
resolution to have blown up together, when he found no possibility of
escaping.

When the lieutenant came to Bath Town, he made bold to seize in the
governor’s storehouse the sixty hogsheads of sugar, and from honest
Mr. Knight, twenty; which it seems was their dividend of the plunder
taken in the French ship. The latter did not survive this shameful
discovery, for, being apprehensive that he might be called to an
account for these trifles, fell sick, it is thought, with the fright,
and died in a few days.

After the wounded men were pretty well recovered, the lieutenant
sailed back to the men-of-war in James River, in Virginia, with
Black-beard’s head still hanging at the boltsprit end, and fifteen
prisoners, thirteen of whom were hanged, it appearing, upon trial,
that one of them, viz., Samuel Odell, was taken out of the trading
sloop but the night before the engagement. This poor fellow was a
little unlucky at his first entering upon his new trade, there
appearing no less than seventy wounds upon him after the action;
notwithstanding which he lived and was cured of them all. The other
person that escaped the gallows was one Israel Hands, the master of
Black-beard’s sloop, and formerly captain of the same, before the
_Queen Ann’s Revenge_ was lost in Topsail inlet.

The aforesaid Hands happened not to be in the fight, but was taken
afterwards ashore at Bath Town, having been sometime before disabled
by Black-beard, in one of his savage humours, after the following
manner: One night, drinking in his cabin with Hands, the pilot, and
another man, Black-beard, without any provocation, privately draws out
a small pair of pistols, and cocks them under the table, which being
perceived by the man, he withdrew and went upon deck, leaving Hands,
the pilot, and the captain together. When the pistols were ready he
blew out the candle, and, crossing his hands, discharged them at his
company; Hands, the master, was shot through the knee and lamed for
life, the other pistol did no execution. Being asked the meaning of
this, he only answered by damning them, that “if he did not now and
then kill one of them, they would forget who he was.”

Hands being taken, was tried and condemned, but just as he was about
to be executed a ship arrived at Virginia with a proclamation for
prolonging the time of his Majesty’s pardon to such of the pirates as
should surrender by a limited time therein expressed. Notwithstanding
the sentence, Hands pleaded the pardon, and was allowed the benefit of
it, and was alive some time ago in London, begging his bread.

Now that we have given some account of Teach’s life and actions, it
will not be amiss that we speak of his beard, since it did not a
little contribute towards making his name so terrible in those parts.

Plutarch and other grave historians have taken notice that several
great men amongst the Romans took their surnames from certain odd
marks in their countenances--as Cicero, from a mark, or vetch, on his
nose--so our hero, Captain Teach, assumed the cognomen of Black-beard,
from that large quantity of hair which, like a frightful meteor,
covered his whole face, and frightened America more than any comet
that has appeared there a long time.

This beard was black, which he suffered to grow of an extravagant
length; as to breadth, it came up to his eyes. He was accustomed to
twist it with ribbons, in small tails, after the manner of our Ramilie
wigs, and turn them about his ears. In time of action he wore a sling
over his shoulders, with three brace of pistols hanging in holsters
like bandaliers, and stuck lighted matches under his hat, which,
appearing on each side of his face, his eyes naturally looking fierce
and wild, made him altogether such a figure that imagination cannot
form an idea of a fury from hell to look more frightful.

If he had the look of a fury, his humours and passions were suitable
to it. We shall relate two or three more of his extravagances which we
omitted in the body of his history, by which it will appear to what a
pitch of wickedness human nature may arrive if its passions are not
checked.

In the commonwealth of pirates, he who goes the greatest length of
wickedness is looked upon with a kind of envy amongst them as a person
of a more extraordinary gallantry, and is thereby entitled to be
distinguished by some post, and if such a one has but courage, he must
certainly be a great man. The hero of whom we are writing was
thoroughly accomplished this way, and some of his frolics of
wickedness were so extravagant, as if he aimed at making his men
believe he was a devil incarnate; for being one day at sea, and a
little flushed with drink, “Come,” says he, “let us make a hell of our
own, and try how long we can bear it.” Accordingly he, with two or
three others, went down into the hold, and closing up all the hatches,
filled several pots full of brimstone and other combustible matter,
and set it on fire, and so continued till they were almost suffocated,
when some of the men cried out for air. At length he opened the
hatches, not a little pleased that he held out the longest.

The night before he was killed he sat up and drank till the morning
with some of his own men and the master of a merchantman; and having
had intelligence of the two sloops coming to attack him, as has been
before observed, one of his men asked him, in case anything should
happen to him in the engagement with the sloops, whether his wife knew
where he had buried his money? He answered, “That nobody but himself
and the devil knew where it was, and the longest liver should take
all.”

Those of his crew who were taken alive told a story which may appear a
little incredible; however, we think it will not be fair to omit it
since we had it from their own mouths. That once upon a cruise they
found out that they had a man on board more than their crew; such a
one was seen several days amongst them, sometimes below and sometimes
upon deck, yet no man in the ship could give an account who he was, or
from whence he came, but that he disappeared a little before they were
cast away in their great ship; but it seems they verily believed it
was the devil.

One would think these things should induce them to reform their lives,
but so many reprobates together, encouraged and spirited one another
up in their wickedness, to which a continual course of drinking did
not a little contribute, for in Black-beard’s journal, which was
taken, there were several memorandums of the following nature found
writ with his own hand: Such a day rum all out; our company somewhat
sober; a damned confusion amongst us; rogues a-plotting; great talk of
separation; so I looked sharp for a prize; such a day took one with a
great deal of liquor on board, so kept the company hot, damned hot,
then all things went well again.

Thus it was these wretches passed their lives, with very little
pleasure or satisfaction in the possession of what they violently take
away from others, and sure to pay for it at last by an ignominious
death.

The names of the pirates killed in the engagement, are as follows:--

Edward Teach, commander; Philip Morton, gunner; Garret Gibbens,
boatswain; Owen Roberts, carpenter; Thomas Miller, quartermaster; John
Husk, Joseph Curtice, Joseph Brooks (1), Nath. Jackson. All the rest,
except the two last, were wounded, and afterwards hanged in
Virginia:--John Carnes, Joseph Brooks (2), James Blake, John Gills,
Thomas Gates, James White, Richard Stiles, Cæsar, Joseph Philips,
James Robbins, John Martin, Edward Salter, Stephen Daniel, Richard
Greensail, Israel Hands, pardoned, Samuel Odel, acquitted.

There were in the pirate sloops, and ashore in a tent near where the
sloops lay, twenty-five hogsheads of sugar, eleven teirces, and one
hundred and forty-five bags of cocoa, a barrel of indigo, and a bale
of cotton; which, with what was taken from the governor and secretary,
and the sale of the sloop, came to £2,500, besides the rewards paid by
the governor of Virginia, pursuant to his proclamation; all which was
divided among the companies of the two ships, _Lime_ and _Pearl_, that
lay in James River; the brave fellows that took them coming in for no
more than their dividend amongst the rest, and were paid it not till
four years afterwards.


     [1] Spottswood.




                                   II.

                           CAPTAIN WILLIAM KID.

  Commanded a privateer in the West Indies--Recommended to the
     Government by Lord Bellamont, &c.--Not encouraged--He
     is sent out in a private man-of-war with the king’s
     commission--He sails for New York--In his way takes a
     French banker--Arrived there--Ships more hands--Sails
     to Madeira, Bonavista, Cape de Verde Islands, and
     Madagascar--Meets three English men-of-war--Meets with
     nothing at Madagascar--Goes to the Malabar coast--Cruises
     about Mohila and Johanna--Borrows money and repairs his
     ship--At Mabbee he takes some corn--From thence steers
     for Bab’s Key--He sends a boat along the coast, and
     gains intelligence--He falls in with a fleet, but is
     obliged to sheer off--Goes to the Malabar coast--Takes a
     Moorish vessel--Treats the men cruelly, and discharges
     the vessel--Touches at Carawar, and is suspected of
     piracy--Engages a Portuguese man-of-war sent after him
     and gets off--Takes a Moor ship under pretence of her
     being French--Keeps company with a Dutch ship--Quarrels
     with and kills his gunner--Plunders a Portuguese ship on
     the Malabar coast and lets her go--His cooper is murdered
     in one of the Malabar Islands--He burns and pillages
     several houses--Commands a native to be shot--He takes the
     _Queda_, and shares £200 a man amongst his crew--He cheats
     the Indians--Goes to Madagascar--Meets there Culliford
     the pirate--Shifts into the _Queda_, and shares the rest
     of her cargo--His men desert from him to forty--Goes to
     Amboyna--hears he is declared a pirate in England--Lord
     Bellamont prints his justification--A pardon granted to
     pirates--Avery and Kid excepted--Kid goes to, and is
     secured at, New York--Some of his crew depending on the
     pardon, are confined--Sent to England and condemned--Three
     excepted--A distinction of the lawyers--Kid found guilty of
     the murder of his gunner--Some plead the king’s pardon to
     no purpose--Mullins’s plea--Kid’s plea useless--He and his
     men indicted--Executed


We are now going to give an account of one whose name is better known
in England than most of those whose histories we have already related;
the person we mean is Captain Kid, whose public trial and execution
here rendered him the subject of all conversation, so that his actions
have been chanted about in ballads; however, it is now a considerable
time since these things passed, and though the people knew in general
that Captain Kid was hanged, and that his crime was piracy, yet there
were scarce any, even at that time, who were acquainted with his life
or actions, or could account for his turning pirate.

In the beginning of King William’s war, Captain Kid commanded a
privateer in the West Indies, and by several adventurous actions
acquired the reputation of a brave man, as well as an experienced
seaman. About this time the pirates were very troublesome in those
parts, wherefore Captain Kid was recommended by the Lord Bellamont,
then governor of Barbadoes, as well as by several other persons, to
the Government here, as a person very fit to be entrusted with the
command of a Government ship, and to be employed in cruising upon the
pirates, as knowing those seas perfectly well, and being acquainted
with all their lurking places; but what reasons governed the politics
of those times I cannot tell, but this proposal met with no
encouragement here, though it is certain it would have been of great
consequence to the subject, our merchants suffering incredible damages
by those robbers.

Upon this neglect the Lord Bellamont and some others, who knew what
great captures had been made by the pirates, and what a prodigious
wealth must be in their possession, were tempted to fit out a ship at
their own private charge, and to give the command of it to Captain
Kid; and to give the thing a greater reputation, as well as to keep
their seamen under the better command, they procured the King’s
Commission for the said Captain Kid, of which the following is an
exact copy:--

     “WILLIAM REX,--William the Third, by the grace of God,
     King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender
     of the Faith, &c. To our trusty and well-beloved Captain
     William Kid, Commander of the ship the _Adventure_ galley,
     or to any other the commander of the same for the time
     being, greeting; Whereas we are informed, that Captain
     Thomas Too, John Ireland, Captain Thomas Wake, and Captain
     William Maze, or Mace, and other subjects, natives or
     inhabitants of New York, and elsewhere, in our plantations
     in America, have associated themselves, with divers others,
     wicked and ill-disposed persons, and do, against the law
     of nations, commit many and great piracies, robberies, and
     depredations on the seas upon the parts of America, and in
     other parts, to the great hindrance and discouragement of
     trade and navigation, and to the great danger and hurt of
     our loving subjects, our allies, and all others, navigating
     the seas upon their lawful occasions. Now know ye, that
     we being desirous to prevent the aforesaid mischiefs,
     and, as much as in us lies, to bring the said pirates,
     freebooters and sea-rovers to justice, have thought fit,
     and do hereby give and grant to the said William Kid (to
     whom our Commissioners for exercising the office of Lord
     High Admiral of England, have granted a commission as a
     private man-of-war, bearing date December 11, 1695), and
     unto the commander of the said ship for the time being, and
     unto the officers, mariners, and others, which shall be
     under your command, full power and authority to apprehend,
     seize, and take into your custody as well the said Captain
     Thomas Too, John Ireland, Captain Thomas Wake, and Captain
     William Maze, or Mace, as all such pirates, freebooters
     and sea-rovers, being either our subjects, or of other
     nations associated with them, which you shall meet with
     upon the seas or coasts of America, or upon any other seas
     or coasts, with all their ships and vessels; and all such
     merchandises, money, goods, and wares as shall be found on
     board, or with them, in case they shall willingly yield
     themselves; but if they will not yield without fighting,
     then you are by force to compel them to yield. And we do
     also require you to bring, or cause to be brought, such
     pirates, freebooters, or sea-rovers, as you shall seize,
     to a legal trial, to the end they may be proceeded against
     according to the law in such cases. And we do hereby
     command all our officers, ministers, and other our loving
     subjects whatsoever, to be aiding and assisting to you
     in the premisses. And we do hereby enjoin you to keep an
     exact journal of your proceedings in the execution of the
     premisses, and set down the names of such pirates, and of
     their officers and company, and the names of such ships and
     vessels as you shall by virtue of these presents take and
     seize, and the quantities of arms, ammunition, provision,
     and lading of such ships, and the true value of the same,
     as near as you judge. And we do hereby strictly charge
     and command you as you will answer the contrary at your
     peril, that you do not, in any manner, offend or molest
     our friends or allies, their ships, or subjects, by colour
     or pretence of these presents, or the authority thereby
     granted. In witness whereof we have caused our Great Seal
     of England to be affixed to these presents. Given at our
     Court of Kensington, the 26th day of January, 1695, in the
     seventh year of our reign.”

Captain Kid had also another commission, which was called a Commission
of Reprisals; for it being then war time, this commission was to
justify him in the taking of French merchant ships, in case he should
meet with any; but as this commission is nothing to our present
purpose, we shall not burthen the readers with it.

With these two commissions he sailed out of Plymouth in May, 1696, in
the _Adventure_ galley of thirty guns and eighty men. The place he
first designed for was New York; in his voyage thither he took a
French banker, but this was no act of piracy, he having a commission
for that purpose, as we have just observed.

When he arrived at New York he put up articles for engaging more
hands, it being necessary to his ship’s crew, since he proposed to
deal with a desperate enemy. The terms he offered were that every man
should have a share of what was taken, reserving for himself and
owners forty shares. Upon which encouragement he soon increased his
company to a hundred and fifty-five men.

With this company he sailed first for Madeira, where he took in wine
and some other necessaries; from thence he proceeded to Bonavist, one
of the Cape de Verde islands, to furnish the ship with salt, and from
thence went immediately to St. Jago, another of the Cape de Verde
islands, in order to stock himself with provisions. When all this was
done he bent his course to Madagascar, the known rendezvous of
pirates. In his way he fell in with Captain Warren, commodore of three
men-of-war; he acquainted them with his design, kept them company two
or three days, and then leaving them made the best way for Madagascar,
where he arrived in February, 1696, just nine months from his
departure from Plymouth.

It happened that at this time the pirate ships were most of them out
in search of prey, so that, according to the best intelligence Captain
Kid could get, there was not one of them at that time about the
island, wherefore, having spent some time in watering his ship and
taking in more provisions, he thought of trying his fortune on the
coast of Malabar, where he arrived in the month of June following,
four months from his reaching Madagascar. Hereabouts he made an
unsuccessful cruise, touching sometimes at the island of Mahala,
sometimes at that of Joanna, between Malabar and Madagascar. His
provisions were every day wasting, and his ship began to want repair;
wherefore, when he was at Joanna, he found means of borrowing a sum of
money from some Frenchmen who had lost their ship, but saved their
effects, and with this he purchased materials for putting his ship in
good repair.

It does not appear all this while that he had the least design of
turning pirate, for near Mahala and Joanna both he met with several
Indian ships richly laden, to which he did not offer the least
violence, though he was strong enough to have done what he pleased
with them; and the first outrage or depredation I find he committed
upon mankind was after his repairing his ship and leaving Joanna. He
touched at a place called Mabbee, upon the Red Sea, where he took some
Guinea corn from the natives, by force.

After this he sailed to Bab’s Key, a place upon a little island at the
entrance of the Red Sea. Here it was that he first began to open
himself to his ship’s company, and let them understand that he
intended to change his measures; for, happening to talk of the Moca
fleet which was to sail that way, he said, “We have been unsuccessful
hitherto; but courage, my boys, we’ll make our fortunes out of this
fleet.” And finding that none of them appeared averse to it he ordered
a boat out, well manned, to go upon the coast to make discoveries,
commanding them to take a prisoner and bring to him, or get
intelligence any way they could. The boat returned in a few days,
bringing him word that they saw fourteen or fifteen ships ready to
sail, some with English, some with Dutch, and some with Moorish
colours.

We cannot account for this sudden change in his conduct, otherwise
than by supposing that he first meant well, while he had hopes of
making his fortune by taking of pirates; but now, weary of
ill-success, and fearing lest his owners, out of humour at their great
expenses, should dismiss him, and he should want employment, and be
marked out for an unlucky man--rather, I say, than run the hazard of
poverty, he resolved to do his business one way, since he could not do
it another.

He therefore ordered a man continually to watch at the mast-head, lest
this fleet should go by them; and about four days after, towards
evening, it appeared in sight, being convoyed by one English and one
Dutch man-of-war. Kid soon fell in with them, and, getting into the
midst of them, fired at a Moorish ship which was next him; but the
men-of-war, taking the alarm, bore down upon Kid, and, firing upon
him, obliged him to sheer off, he not being strong enough to contend
with them. Now he had begun hostilities he resolved to go on, and
therefore he went and cruised along the coast of Malabar. The first
prize he met was a small vessel belonging to Aden; the vessel was
Moorish, and the owners were Moorish merchants, but the master was an
Englishman; his name was Parker. Kid forced him and a Portuguese that
was called Don Antonio, which were all the Europeans on board, to take
on with them; the first he designed as a pilot, and the last as an
interpreter. He also used the men very cruelly, causing them to be
hoisted up by the arms, and drubbed with a naked cutlass, to force
them to discover whether they had money on board, and where it lay;
but as they had neither gold nor silver on board he got nothing by his
cruelty; however, he took from them a bale of pepper, and a bale of
coffee, and so let them go.

A little time after he touched at Carawar, a place upon the same
coast, where, before he arrived, the news of what he had done to the
Moorish ship had reached them; for some of the English merchants there
had received an account of it from the owners, who corresponded with
them; wherefore, as soon as Kid came in, he was suspected to be the
person who committed this piracy, and one Mr. Harvey and Mr. Mason,
two of the English factory, came on board and asked for Parker and
Antonio, the Portuguese, but Kid denied that he knew any such persons,
having secured them both in a private place in the hold, where they
were kept for seven or eight days, that is till Kid sailed from
thence.

However, the coast was alarmed, and a Portuguese man-of-war was sent
out to cruise. Kid met with her, and fought her about six hours,
gallantly enough; but finding her too strong to be taken, he quitted
her, for he was able to run away from her when he would. Then he went
to a place called Porco, where he watered the ship, and bought a
number of hogs of the natives to victual his company.

Soon after this he came up with a Moorish ship, the master whereof was
a Dutchman, called Schipper Mitchel, and chased her under French
colours, which, they observing, hoisted French colours too. When he
came up with her he hailed her in French, and they, having a Frenchman
on board, answered him in the same language; upon which he ordered
them to send their boat on board. They were obliged to do so, and
having examined who they were, and from whence they came, he asked the
Frenchman, who was a passenger, if he had a French pass for himself?
The Frenchman gave him to understand that he had. Then he told the
Frenchman he must pass for captain, and “by G--d,” says he, “you are
the captain.” The Frenchman durst not refuse doing as he would have
him. The meaning of this was, that he would seize the ship as fair
prize, and as if she had belonged to French subjects, according to a
commission he had for that purpose; though, one would think, after
what he had already done, that he need not have recourse to a quibble
to give his actions a colour.

In short, he took the cargo and sold it some time after; yet still he
seemed to have some fears upon him lest these proceedings should have
a bad end, for, coming up with a Dutch ship some time, when his men
thought of nothing but attacking her, Kid opposed it; upon which a
mutiny arose, and the majority being for taking the said ship, and
arming themselves to man the boat to go and seize her, he told them,
such as did, never should come on board him again, which put an end to
the design, so that he kept company with the said ship some time,
without offering her any violence. However, this dispute was the
occasion of an accident, upon which an indictment was afterwards
grounded against Kid; for Moor, the gunner, being one day upon deck,
and talking with Kid about the said Dutch ship, some words arose
between them, and Moor told Kid that he had ruined them all; upon
which Kid, calling him dog, took up a bucket and struck him with it,
which, breaking his skull, he died the next day.

But Kid’s penitential fit did not last long, for, coasting along
Malabar, he met with a great number of boats, all which he plundered.
Upon the same coast he also lighted upon a Portuguese ship, which he
kept possession of a week, and then, having taken out of her some
chests of Indian goods, thirty jars of butter, with some wax, iron,
and a hundred bags of rice, he let her go.

Much about the same time he went to one of the Malabar islands for
wood and water, and his cooper, being ashore, was murdered by the
natives; upon which Kid himself landed, and burnt and pillaged several
of their houses, the people running away; but having taken one, he
caused him to be tied to a tree, and commanded one of his men to shoot
him; then putting to sea again he took the greatest prize which fell
into his hands while he followed this trade. This was a Moorish ship
of four hundred tons, richly laden, named the _Queda_, merchant, the
master whereof was an Englishman--he was called Wright, for the
Indians often make use of English or Dutch men to command their ships,
their own mariners not being so good artists in navigation. Kid chased
her under French colours, and, having come up with her, he ordered her
to hoist out her boat and to send on board of him, which, being done,
he told Wright he was his prisoner; and informing himself concerning
the said ship, he understood there were no Europeans on board except
two Dutch, and one Frenchman, all the rest being Indians or Armenians,
and that the Armenians were part owners of the cargo. Kid gave the
Armenians to understand that if they would offer anything that was
worth his taking for their ransom, he would hearken to it; upon which
they proposed to pay him twenty thousand rupees, not quite three
thousand pounds sterling; but Kid judged this would be making a bad
bargain, wherefore he rejected it, and setting the crew on shore at
different places on the coast, he soon sold as much of the cargo as
came to near ten thousand pounds. With part of it he also trafficked,
receiving in exchange provisions or such other goods as he wanted. By
degrees he disposed of the whole cargo, and when the division was made
it came to about two hundred pounds a man, and, having reserved forty
shares to himself, his dividend amounted to about eight thousand
pounds sterling.

The Indians along the coast came on board and trafficked with all
freedom, and he punctually performed his bargains, till about the time
he was ready to sail; and then, thinking he should have no further
occasion for them, he made no scruple of taking their goods and
setting them on shore without any payment in money or goods, which
they little expected; for as they had been used to deal with pirates,
they always found them men of honour in the way of trade--a people,
enemies to deceit, and that scorned to rob but in their own way.

Kid put some of his men on board the _Queda_, merchant, and with this
ship and his own sailed for Madagascar. As soon as he was arrived and
had cast anchor there came on board of him a canoe, in which were
several Englishmen who had formerly been well acquainted with Kid. As
soon as they saw him they saluted him and told him they were informed
he was come to take them, and hang them, which would be a little
unkind in such an old acquaintance. Kid soon dissipated their doubts
by swearing he had no such design, and that he was now in every
respect their brother, and just as bad as they, and, calling for a cup
of bomboo, drank their captain’s health.

These men belonged to a pirate ship, called the _Resolution_, formerly
the _Mocco_, merchant, whereof one Captain Culliford was commander,
and which lay at an anchor not far from them. Kid went on board with
them, promising them his friendship and assistance, and Culliford in
his turn came on board of Kid; and Kid, to testify his sincerity in
iniquity, finding Culliford in want of some necessaries, made him a
present of an anchor and some guns, to fit him out for the sea again.

The _Adventure_ galley was now so old and leaky that they were forced
to keep two pumps continually going, wherefore Kid shifted all the
guns and tackle out of her into the _Queda_, merchant, intending her
for his man-of-war; and as he had divided the money before, he now
made a division of the remainder of the cargo. Soon after which the
greatest part of the company left him, some going on board Captain
Culliford, and others absconding in the country, so that he had not
above forty men left.

He put to sea and happened to touch at Amboyna, one of the Dutch spice
islands, where he was told that the news of his actions had reached
England, and that he was there declared a pirate.

The truth of it is, his piracies so alarmed our merchants that some
motions were made in Parliament, to inquire into the commission that
was given him, and the persons who fitted him out. These proceedings
seemed to lean a little hard upon the Lord Bellamont, who thought
himself so much touched thereby that he published a justification of
himself in a pamphlet after Kid’s execution. In the meantime it was
thought advisable, in order to stop the course of these piracies, to
publish a proclamation, offering the king’s free pardon to all such
pirates as should voluntarily surrender themselves, whatever piracies
they had been guilty of at any time, before the last day of April,
1699. That is to say, for all piracies committed eastward of the Cape
of Good Hope, to the longitude and meridian of Socatora and Cape
Camorin. In which proclamation Avery and Kid were excepted by name.

When Kid left Amboyna he knew nothing of this proclamation, for
certainly had he had notice of his being excepted in it he would not
have been so infatuated to run himself into the very jaws of danger;
but relying upon his interest with the Lord Bellamont, and fancying
that a French pass or two he found on board some of the ships he took
would serve to countenance the matter, and that part of the booty he
got would gain him new friends--I say, all these things made him
flatter himself that all would be hushed, and that justice would but
wink at him. Wherefore he sailed directly for New York, where he was
no sooner arrived but by the Lord Bellamont’s orders he was secured
with all his papers and effects. Many of his fellow-adventurers who
had forsook him at Madagascar, came over from thence passengers, some
to New England, and some to Jersey, where, hearing of the king’s
proclamation for pardoning of pirates, they surrendered themselves to
the governor of those places. At first they were admitted to bail, but
soon after were laid in strict confinement, where they were kept for
some time, till an opportunity happened of sending them with their
captain over to England to be tried.

Accordingly, a Sessions of Admiralty being held at the Old Bailey, in
May, 1701; Captain Kid, Nicholas Churchill, James How, Robert Lumley,
William Jenkins, Gabriel Loff, Hugh Parrot, Richard Barlicorn, Abel
Owens, and Darby Mullins, were arraigned for piracy and robbery on the
high seas, and all found guilty except three: these were Robert
Lumley, William Jenkins, and Richard Barlicorn, who, proving
themselves to be apprentices to some of the officers of the ship, and
producing their indentures in court, were acquitted.

The three above mentioned, though they were proved to be concerned in
taking and sharing the ship and goods mentioned in the indictment,
yet, as the gentlemen of the long robe rightly distinguished, there
was a great difference between their circumstances and the rest; for
there must go an intention of the mind and a freedom of the will to
the committing an act of felony or piracy. A pirate is not to be
understood to be under constraint, but a free agent; for, in this
case, the bare act will not make a man guilty, unless the will make it
so.

Now a servant, it is true, if he go voluntarily and have his
proportion, he must be accounted a pirate, for then he acts upon his
own account, and not by compulsion. And these persons, according to
the evidence, received their part, but whether they accounted to their
masters for their shares afterwards is the matter in question, and
what distinguishes them as free agents or men, that did go under the
compulsion of their masters, which being left to the consideration of
the jury, they found them “Not Guilty.”

Kid was tried upon an indictment of murder also--viz., for killing
Moor, the gunner--and found guilty of the same. Nicholas Churchill and
James How pleaded the king’s pardon, as having surrendered themselves
within the time limited in the proclamation, and Colonel Bass,
governor of West Jersey, to whom they surrendered, being in court, and
called upon, proved the same; however, this plea was overruled by the
court, because there being four commissioners named in the
proclamation, viz., Captain Thomas Warren, Israel Hayes, Peter
Delannoye, and Christopher Pollard, Esqs., who were appointed
commissioners, and sent over on purpose to receive the submissions of
such pirates as should surrender, it was adjudged no other person was
qualified to receive their surrender, and that they could not be
entitled to the benefit of the said proclamation because they had not
in all circumstances complied with the conditions of it.

Darby Mullins urged in his defence that he served under the king’s
commission, and therefore could not disobey his commander without
incurring great punishments; that whenever a ship or ships went out
upon any expedition under the king’s commissioners, the men were never
allowed to call their officers to an account, why they did this, or
why they did that, because such a liberty would destroy all
discipline; that if anything was done which was unlawful, the officers
were to answer it, for the men did no more than their duty in obeying
orders. He was told by the court that acting under the commission
justified in what was lawful but not in what was unlawful. He
answered, he stood in need of nothing to justify him in what was
lawful, but that the case of seamen must be very hard, if they must be
brought into such danger for obeying the commands of their officers,
and punished for not obeying them; and if they were allowed to dispute
the orders, there could be no such thing as command kept up at sea.

This seemed to be the best defence the thing could bear. But his
taking a share of the plunder, the seamen mutinying on board several
times, and taking upon them to control the captain, showed there was
no obedience paid to the commission, and that they acted in all things
according to the custom of pirates and freebooters, which weighing
with the jury they brought him in guilty with the rest.

As to Captain Kid’s defence, he insisted much upon his own innocence,
and the villainy of his men. He said he went out in a laudable
employment, and had no occasion, being then in good circumstances, to
go a-pirating; that the men often mutinied against him, and did as
they pleased; that he was threatened to be shot in his cabin, and that
ninety-five left him at one time, and set fire to his boat, so that he
was disabled from bringing his ship home, or the prizes he took, to
have them regularly condemned, which he said were taken by virtue of a
commission under the broad seal, they having French passes. The
captain called one Colonel Hewson to his reputation, who gave him an
extraordinary character, and declared to the court that he had served
under his command, and been in two engagements with him against the
French, in which he fought as well as any man he ever saw; that there
were only Kid’s ship and his own against Monsieur du Cass, who
commanded a squadron of six sail, and they got the better of him. But
this being several years before the facts mentioned in the indictment
were committed, proved of no manner of service to the prisoner on his
trial.

As to the friendship shown to Culliford, a notorious pirate, Kid
denied, and said he intended to have taken him, but his men, being a
parcel of rogues and villains, refused to stand by him, and several of
them ran away from his ship to the said pirate. But the evidence being
full and particular against him, he was found guilty as before
mentioned.

When Kid was asked what he had to say why sentence should not pass
against him, he answered that “he had nothing to say, but that he had
been sworn against by perjured, wicked people.” And when sentence was
pronounced, he said, “My lord, it is a very hard sentence. For my part
I am the innocentest person of them all, only I have been sworn
against by perjured persons.”

Wherefore, about a week after, Captain Kid, Nicholas Churchill, James
How, Gabriel Loff, Hugh Parrot, Abel Owen, and Darby Mullins, were
executed at Execution Dock, and afterwards hung up in chains, at some
distance from each other down the river, where their bodies hung
exposed for many years.




                                   III.

                       CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW ROBERTS
                              AND HIS CREW.

  His beginning--Elected captain in the room of Davis--The
     speech of Lord Dennis at the election--Lord Sympson objects
     against a papist--The death of Davis revenged--Roberts
     sails southward in quest of adventures--The names of the
     prizes taken by them--Brazil described--Roberts falls into
     a fleet of Portuguese--Boards and takes the richest ship
     amongst them--Make the Devil’s Islands--An unfortunate
     adventure of Roberts--Kennedy’s treachery--Irishmen
     excluded by Roberts and his crew--Articles sworn to by
     them--A copy of them--Some account of the laws and customs
     of the pirates--An instance of Roberts’s cunning--He
     proceeds again upon business, and takes prizes--Narrowly
     escapes being taken--Sails for the Island Dominico--Another
     escape--Sails for Newfoundland--Plunders, sinks, and burns
     twenty-two sail in the harbour of Trepassi--Plunders
     ten sail of Frenchmen--The mad behaviour of the crew--A
     correspondence hinted at--The pirates caressed at the
     island of St. Bartholomew--In extreme distress--Sail for
     Martinico--A stratagem of Roberts--The insolent device
     in his colours--Odd compliment paid to Roberts--Three
     men desert the pirates, and are taken by them--Their
     trial--Two executed and one saved--the brigantine deserts
     them--Great divisions in the company--A description of
     Sierra Leone River--The names of English settled there,
     and way of life--The _Onslow_ belonging to the African
     Company taken--The pirates’ contempt of soldiers--They
     are for entertaining a chaplain--Their skirmish with the
     Calabar negroes--The _King Solomon_, belonging to the
     African Company taken--The frolics of the pirates--Take
     eleven sail in Whydah Road--A comical receipt given by
     the pirates--A cruel action of Roberts--Sails for Anna
     Bona--The progress of the _Swallow_ man-of-war, in pursuit
     of Roberts--Roberts’s consort taken--The bravery of
     Skyrme, a Welsh pirate--The surly humour of some of the
     prisoners--The _Swallow_ comes up with Roberts--Roberts’s
     dress described--Is killed--His character--His ship
     taken--The behaviour of the pirates when prisoners--A
     conspiracy of theirs discovered--Reflections on the manner
     of trying them--The form of the commission for trying
     the pirates--The oath taken by the commissioners--The
     names of those arraigned taken in the ship _Ranger_--The
     form of the indictment--The sum of the evidence against
     them--Their defence--The names of the prisoners of
     the _Royal Fortune_--Proceedings against them--Harry
     Glasby acquitted--The particular trial of Captain James
     Skyrme--Of John Walden--Of Peter Scudamore--Of Robert
     Johnson--Of George Wilson--Of Benjamin Jeffries--Of John
     Mansfield--Of William Davis--The names of those executed
     at Cape Corso--The petition of some condemned--The court’s
     resolution--The form of an indenture of a pardoned
     pirate--The names of those pardoned upon indenture to
     serve seven years--The pirates how disposed of--The dying
     behaviour of those executed.


Bartholomew Roberts sailed in an honest employ from London, aboard of
the _Princess_, Captain Plumb, commander, of which ship he was second
mate. He left England November, 1719, and arrived at Guinea about
February following, and being at Anamaboe, taking in slaves for the
West Indies, was taken in the said ship by Captain Howel Davis. In the
beginning he was very averse to this sort of life, and would certainly
have escaped from them had a fair opportunity presented itself; yet
afterwards he changed his principles, as many besides him have done
upon another element, and perhaps for the same reason too, viz.,
preferment; and what he did not like as a private man he could
reconcile to his conscience as a commander.

Davis having been killed in the Island of Princes whilst planning to
capture it with all its inhabitants, the company found themselves
under the necessity of filling up his post, for which there appeared
two or three candidates among the select part of them that were
distinguished by the title of Lords--such were Sympson, Ashplant,
Anstis, &c.--and on canvassing this matter, how shattered and weak a
condition their government must be without a head, since Davis had
been removed in the manner before mentioned, my Lord Dennis proposed,
it is said, over a bowl, to this purpose:

“That it was not of any great signification who was dignified with
title, for really and in good truth all good governments had, like
theirs, the supreme power lodged with the community, who might
doubtless depute and revoke as suited interest or humour. We are the
original of this claim,” says he, “and should a captain be so saucy as
to exceed prescription at any time, why, down with him! It will be a
caution after he is dead to his successors of what fatal consequence
any sort of assuming may be. However, it is my advice that while we
are sober we pitch upon a man of courage and skilled in navigation,
one who by his council and bravery seems best able to defend this
commonwealth, and ward us from the dangers and tempests of an unstable
element, and the fatal consequences of anarchy; and such a one I take
Roberts to be--a fellow, I think, in all respects worthy your esteem
and favour.”

This speech was loudly applauded by all but Lord Sympson, who had
secret expectations himself, but on this disappointment grew sullen
and left them, swearing “he did not care who they chose captain so it
was not a papist, for against them he had conceived an irreconcilable
hatred, for that his father had been a sufferer in Monmouth’s
rebellion.”

Roberts was accordingly elected, though he had not been above six
weeks among them. The choice was confirmed both by the Lords and
Commoners, and he accepted of the honour, saying that, since he had
dipped his hands in muddy water and must be a pirate, it was better
being a commander than a common man.

As soon as the government was settled, by promoting other officers in
the room of those that were killed by the Portuguese, the company
resolved to avenge Captain Davis’s death, he being more than
ordinarily respected by the crew for his affability and good nature,
as well as his conduct and bravery upon all occasions; and, pursuant
to this resolution, about thirty men were landed, in order to make an
attack upon the fort, which must be ascended to by a steep hill
against the mouth of the cannon. These men were headed by one Kennedy,
a bold, daring fellow, but very wicked and profligate; they marched
directly up under the fire of their ship guns, and as soon as they
were discovered, the Portuguese quitted their post and fled to the
town, and the pirates marched in without opposition, set fire to the
fort, and threw all the guns off the hill into the sea, which after
they had done they retreated quietly to their ship.

But this was not looked upon as a sufficient satisfaction for the
injury they received, therefore most of the company were for burning
the town, which Roberts said he would yield to if any means could be
proposed of doing it without their own destruction, for the town had a
securer situation than the fort, a thick wood coming almost close to
it, affording cover to the defendants, who, under such an advantage,
he told them, it was to be feared, would fire and stand better to
their arms; besides, that bare houses would be but a slender reward
for their trouble and loss. This prudent advice prevailed; however,
they mounted the French ship they seized at this place with twelve
guns, and lightened her, in order to come up to the town, the water
being shoal, and battered down several houses; after which they all
returned on board, gave back the French ship to those that had most
right to her, and sailed out of the harbour by the light of two
Portuguese ships, which they were pleased to set on fire there.

Roberts stood away to the southward, and met with a Dutch Guineaman,
which he made prize of, but, after having plundered her, the skipper
had his ship again. Two days after he took an English ship, called the
_Experiment_, Captain Cornet, at Cape Lopez; the men went all into the
pirate service, and having no occasion for the ship they burnt her and
then steered for St. Thome, but meeting with nothing in their way,
they sailed for Annabona, and there watered, took in provisions, and
put it to a vote of the company whether their next voyage should be to
the East Indies or to Brazil. The latter being resolved on, they
sailed accordingly, and in twenty-eight days arrived at Ferdinando, an
uninhabited island on that coast. Here they watered, boot-topped their
ship, and made ready for the designed cruise.

Upon this coast our rovers cruised for about nine weeks, keeping
generally out of sight of land, but without seeing a sail, which
discouraged them so that they determined to leave the station and
steer for the West Indies; and, in order thereto, stood in to make the
land for the taking of their departure; and thereby they fell in
unexpectedly with a fleet of forty-two sail of Portuguese ships off
the bay of Los Todos Santos, with all their lading in, for Lisbon,
several of them of good force, who lay-to waiting for two men-of-war
of seventy guns each, their convoy. However, Roberts thought it should
go hard with him, but he would make up his market among them, and
thereupon mixed with the fleet, and kept his men hid till proper
resolutions could be formed. That done, they came close up to one of
the deepest, and ordered her to send the master on board quietly,
threatening to give them no quarter if any resistance or signal of
distress was made. The Portuguese, being surprised at these threats,
and the sudden flourish of cutlasses from the pirates, submitted
without a word, and the captain came on board. Roberts saluted him
after a friendly manner, telling him that they were gentlemen of
fortune, but that their business with him was only to be informed
which was the richest ship in that fleet; and if he directed them
right he should be restored to his ship without molestation, otherwise
he must expect immediate death.

Whereupon this Portuguese master pointed to one of forty guns and a
hundred and fifty men, a ship of greater force than the _Rover_; but
this no ways dismayed them; they were Portuguese, they said, and so
immediately steered away for him. When they came within hail, the
master whom they had prisoner was ordered to ask “how Seignior Captain
did?” and to invite him on board, “for that he had a matter of
consequence to impart to him;” which being done, he returned for
answer that “he would wait upon him presently,” but by the bustle that
immediately followed, the pirates perceived that they were discovered,
and that this was only a deceitful answer to gain time to put their
ship in a posture of defence; so without further delay they poured in
a broadside, boarded, and grappled her. The dispute was short and
warm, wherein many of the Portuguese fell, and two only of the
pirates. By this time the fleet was alarmed: signals of top-gallant
sheets flying and guns fired to give notice to the men-of-war, who rid
still at an anchor, and made but scurvy haste out to their assistance;
and if what the pirates themselves related be true, the commanders of
those ships were blameable to the highest degree, and unworthy the
title, or so much as the name, of men. For Roberts, finding the prize
to sail heavy, and yet resolving not to lose her, lay by for the
headmost of them, which much outsailed the other, and prepared for
battle, which was ignominiously declined, though of such superior
force; for, not daring to venture on the pirate alone, he tarried so
long for his consort as gave them both time leisurely to make off.

They found this ship exceeding rich, being laden chiefly with sugar,
skins, and tobacco, and in gold forty thousand moidores, besides
chains and trinkets of considerable value; particularly a cross set
with diamonds designed for the king of Portugal, which they afterwards
presented to the governor of Caiana, by whom they were obliged.

Elated with this booty, they had nothing now to think of but some safe
retreat where they might give themselves up to all the pleasures that
luxury and wantonness could bestow; and for the present pitched upon a
place called the Devil’s Islands in the river of Surinam, on the coast
of Caiana, where they arrived, and found the civilest reception
imaginable, not only from the governor and factory, but their wives,
who exchanged wares, and drove a considerable trade with them.

They seized in this river a sloop, and by her gained intelligence that
a brigantine had also sailed in company with her from Rhode Island,
laden with provisions for the coast--a welcome cargo! They growing
short in the sea store, and, as Sancho says, “No adventures to be made
without belly-timber.” One evening, as they were rummaging their mine
of treasure, the Portuguese prize, this expected vessel was descried
at the masthead, and Roberts, imagining nobody could do the business
so well as himself, takes forty men in the sloop, and goes in pursuit
of her; but a fatal accident followed this rash, though inconsiderable
adventure, for Roberts, thinking of nothing less than bringing in the
brigantine that afternoon, never troubled his head about the sloop’s
provision, nor inquired what there was on board to subsist such a
number of men; but out he sails after his expected prize, which he not
only lost further sight of, but after eight days’ contending with
contrary winds and currents, found themselves thirty leagues to
leeward. The current still opposing their endeavours, and perceiving
no hopes of beating up to their ship, they came to an anchor, and
inconsiderately sent away the boat to give the rest of the company
notice of their condition, and to order the ship to them; but too
soon--even the next day--their wants made them sensible of their
infatuation, for their water was all expended, and they had taken no
thought how they should be supplied till either the ship came or the
boat returned, which was not likely to be under five or six days.
Here, like Tantalus, they almost famished in sight of the fresh
streams and lakes, being drove to such extremity at last that they
were forced to tear up the floor of the cabin and patch up a sort of
tub or tray with ropeyarns to paddle ashore and fetch off immediate
supplies of water to preserve life.

After some days the long-wished-for boat came back, but with the most
unwelcome news in the world; for Kennedy, who was lieutenant, and
left, in absence of Roberts, to command the privateer and prize, was
gone off with both. This was mortification with a vengeance, and you
may imagine they did not depart without some hard speeches from those
that were left and had suffered by their treachery. And that there
need be no further mention of this Kennedy, I shall leave Captain
Roberts for a page or two with the remains of his crew, to vent their
wrath in a few oaths and execrations, and follow the other, whom we
may reckon from that time as steering his course towards Execution
Dock.

Kennedy was now chosen captain of the revolted crew, but could not
bring his company to any determined resolution. Some of them were for
pursuing the old game, but the greater part of them seemed to have
inclinations to turn from those evil courses, and get home privately,
for there was no act of pardon in force; therefore they agreed to
break up, and every man to shift for himself, as he should see
occasion. The first thing they did was to part with the great
Portuguese prize, and having the master of the sloop (whose name, I
think, was Cane) aboard, who, they said, was a very honest fellow--for
he had humoured them upon every occasion--told them of the brigantine
that Roberts went after; and when the pirates first took him he
complimented them at an odd rate, telling them they were welcome to
his sloop and cargo, and wished that the vessel had been larger and
the loading richer for their sakes. To this good-natured man they gave
the Portuguese ship, which was then above half loaded, three or four
negroes, and all his own men, who returned thanks to his kind
benefactors, and departed.

Captain Kennedy, in the _Rover_, sailed to Barbadoes, near which
island they took a very peaceable ship belonging to Virginia. The
commander was a Quaker, whose name was Knot; he had neither pistol,
sword, nor cutlass on board; and Mr. Knot appearing so very passive to
all they said to him, some of them thought this a good opportunity to
go off; and accordingly eight of the pirates went aboard, and he
carried them safe to Virginia. They made the Quaker a present of ten
chests of sugar, ten rolls of Brazil tobacco, thirty moidores, and
some gold dust, in all to the value of about £250. They also made
presents to the sailors, some more, some less, and lived a jovial life
all the while they were upon their voyage, Captain Knot giving them
their way; nor, indeed, could he help himself, unless he had taken an
opportunity to surprise them when they were either drunk or asleep,
for awake they wore arms aboard the ship and put him in a continual
terror, it not being his principle (or the sect’s) to fight, unless
with art and collusion. He managed these weapons well till he arrived
at the Capes; and afterwards four of the pirates went off in a boat,
which they had taken with them for the more easily making their
escapes, and made up the bay towards Maryland, but were forced back by
a storm into an obscure place of the country, where, meeting with good
entertainment among the planters, they continued several days without
being discovered to be pirates. In the meantime Captain Knot, leaving
four others on board his ship who intended to go to North Carolina,
made what haste he could to discover to Mr. Spotswood, the governor,
what sort of passengers he had been forced to bring with him, who, by
good fortune, got them seized; and search being made after the others,
who were revelling about the country, they were also taken, and all
tried, convicted, and hanged, two Portuguese Jews, who were taken on
the coast of Brazil and whom they brought with them to Virginia, being
the principal evidences. The latter had found means to lodge part of
their wealth with the planters, who never brought it to account. But
Captain Knot surrendered up everything that belonged to them that were
taken aboard, even what they presented to him, in lieu of such things
as they had plundered him of in their passage, and obliged his men to
do the like.

Some days after the taking of the Virginiaman last mentioned, in
cruising in the latitude of Jamaica, Kennedy took a sloop bound
thither from Boston, loaded with bread and flour; aboard of this sloop
went all the hands who were for breaking the gang, and left those
behind that had a mind to pursue further adventures. Among the former
was Kennedy, their captain, of whose honour they had such a despicable
notion that they were about to throw him overboard when they found him
in the sloop, as fearing he might betray them all at their return to
England; he having in his childhood been bred a pickpocket, and before
he became a pirate a house-breaker; both professions that these
gentlemen have a very mean opinion of. However, Captain Kennedy, by
taking solemn oaths of fidelity to his companions, was suffered to
proceed with them.

In this company there was but one that pretended to any skill in
navigation (for Kennedy could neither write nor read, he being
preferred to the command merely for his courage, which indeed he had
often signalized, particularly in taking the Portuguese ship), and he
proved to be a pretender only; for, shaping their course to Ireland,
where they agreed to land, they ran away to the north-west coast of
Scotland, and there were tossed about by hard storms of wind for
several days without knowing where they were, and in great danger of
perishing. At length they pushed the vessel into a little creek and
went all ashore, leaving the sloop at an anchor for the next comers.

The whole company refreshed themselves at a little village about five
miles from the place where they left the sloop, and passed there for
shipwrecked sailors, and no doubt might have travelled on without
suspicion, but the mad and riotous manner of their living on the road
occasioned their journey to be cut short, as we shall observe
presently.

Kennedy and another left them here, and, travelling to one of the
seaports, shipped themselves for Ireland, and arrived there in safety.
Six or seven wisely withdrew from the rest, travelled at their
leisure, and got to their much-desired port of London without being
disturbed or suspected, but the main gang alarmed the country wherever
they came, drinking and roaring at such a rate that the people shut
themselves up in their houses, in some places not daring to venture
out among so many mad fellows. In other villages they treated the
whole town, squandering their money away as if, like Æsop, they wanted
to lighten their burthens. This expensive manner of living procured
two of their drunken stragglers to be knocked on the head, they being
found murdered in the road and their money taken from them. All the
rest, to the number of seventeen, as they drew nigh to Edinburgh, were
arrested and thrown into gaol upon suspicion of they knew not what;
however, the magistrates were not long at a loss for proper
accusations, for two of the gang offering themselves for evidences
were accepted of, and the others were brought to a speedy trial,
whereof nine were convicted and executed.

Kennedy having spent all his money, came over from Ireland and kept a
common B----y-house on Deptford Road, and now and then it was thought,
made an excursion abroad in the way of his former profession, till one
of his household w----s gave information against him for a robbery,
for which he was committed to Bridewell; but because she would not do
the business by halves she found out a mate of a ship that Kennedy had
committed piracy upon, as he foolishly confessed to her. This mate,
whose name was Grant, paid Kennedy a visit in Bridewell, and knowing
him to be the man, procured a warrant, and had him committed to the
Marshalsea prison.

The game that Kennedy had now to play was to turn evidence himself;
accordingly he gave a list of eight or ten of his comrades, but, not
being acquainted with their habitations, one only was taken, who,
though condemned, appeared to be a man of a fair character, was forced
into their service, and took the first opportunity to get from them,
and therefore received a pardon; but Walter Kennedy, being a notorious
offender, was executed July 19, 1721, at Execution Dock.

The rest of the pirates who were left in the ship _Rover_ stayed not
long behind, for they went ashore to one of the West India islands.
What became of them afterwards I cannot tell, but the ship was found
at sea by a sloop belonging to _St. Christophers_, and carried into
that island with only nine negroes aboard.

Thus we see what a disastrous fate ever attends the wicked, and how
rarely they escape the punishment due to their crimes, who, abandoned
to such a profligate life, rob, spoil, and prey upon mankind, contrary
to the light and law of nature, as well as the law of God. It might
have been hoped that the examples of these deaths would have been as
marks to the remainder of this gang, how to shun the rocks their
companions had split on; that they would have surrendered to mercy, or
divided themselves for ever from such pursuits, as in the end they
might be sure would subject them to the same law and punishment, which
they must be conscious they now equally deserved; impending law, which
never let them sleep well unless when drunk. But all the use that was
made of it here, was to commend the justice of the court that
condemned Kennedy, for he was a sad dog, they said, and deserved the
fate he met with.

But to go back to Roberts, whom we left on the coast of Caiana, in a
grievous passion at what Kennedy and the crew had done, and who was
now projecting new adventures with his small company in the sloop; but
finding hitherto they had been but as a rope of sand, they formed a
set of articles to be signed and sworn to for the better conservation
of their society, and doing justice to one another, excluding all
Irishmen from the benefit of it, to whom they had an implacable
aversion upon the account of Kennedy. How, indeed, Roberts could think
that an oath would be obligatory where defiance had been given to the
laws of God and man, I cannot tell, but he thought their greatest
security lay in this--“that it was every one’s interest to observe
them, if they minded to keep up so abominable a combination.”

       *       *       *       *       *

The following is the substance of articles as taken from the pirate’s
own informations:--

                                  I.

     Every man has a vote in affairs of moment, has equal title
     to the fresh provisions or strong liquors at any time
     seized, and may use them at pleasure, unless a scarcity (no
     uncommon thing among them) make it necessary for the good
     of all to vote a retrenchment.

                                 II.

     Every man to be called fairly in turn by list, on board of
     prizes, because, over and above their proper share, they
     were on these occasions allowed a shift of clothes. But if
     they defrauded the company to the value of a dollar, in
     plate, jewels, or money, marooning was their punishment.
     (This was a barbarous custom of putting the offender on
     shore, on some desolate or uninhabited cape or island, with
     a gun, a few shot, a bottle of water, a bottle of powder,
     to subsist with or starve.) If the robbery was only between
     one another, they contented themselves with slitting the
     ears and nose of him that was guilty, and set him on shore,
     not in an uninhabited place, but somewhere where he was
     sure to encounter hardships.

                                 III.

     No person to game at cards or dice for money.

                                 IV.

     The lights and candles to be put out at eight o’clock at
     night. If any of the crew after that hour still remained
     inclined for drinking, they were to do it on the open
     deck. (Which Roberts believed would give a check to their
     debauches, for he was a sober man himself, but found at
     length that all his endeavours to put an end to this
     debauch proved ineffectual.)

                                  V.

     To keep their piece, pistols, and cutlass clean, and
     fit for service. (In this they were extravagantly nice,
     endeavouring to outdo one another in the beauty and
     richness of their arms, giving sometimes at an auction--at
     the mast--£30 or £40 a pair for pistols. These were slung
     in time of service, with different coloured ribbons, over
     their shoulders, in a way peculiar to these fellows, in
     which they took great delight.)

                                 VI.

     No boy or woman to be allowed amongst them. If any man
     were found seducing any of the latter sex; and carried her
     to sea disguised, he was to suffer death. (So that when
     any fell into their hands, as it chanced in the _Onslow_,
     they put a sentinel immediately over her to prevent ill
     consequences from so dangerous an instrument of division
     and quarrel; but then here lies the roguery--they contend
     who shall be sentinel, which happens generally to one of
     the greatest bullies, who, to secure the lady’s virtue,
     will let none lie with her but himself.)

                                 VII.

     To desert the ship or their quarters in battle, was
     punished with death or marooning.

                                VIII.

     No striking one another on board, but every man’s quarrels
     to be ended on shore, at sword and pistol. Thus the
     quartermaster of the ship, when the parties will not come
     to any reconciliation, accompanies them on shore with what
     assistance he thinks proper, and turns the disputants
     back to back at so many paces distance. At the word of
     command they turn and fire immediately, or else the piece
     is knocked out of their hands. If both miss, they come to
     their cutlasses, and then he is declared victor who draws
     the first blood.

                                 IX.

     No man to talk of breaking up their way of living till each
     had shared £1,000. If, in order to this, any man should
     lose a limb, or become a cripple in their service, he was
     to have 800 dollars out of the public stock, and for lesser
     hurts proportionably.

                                  X.

     The captain and quartermaster to receive two shares of a
     prize; the master, boatswain, and gunner, one share and a
     half, and other officers one and a quarter.

                                 XI.

     The musicians to have rest on the Sabbath-day, but the
     other six days and nights none without special favour.

       *       *       *       *       *

These, we are assured, were some of Roberts’s articles, but as they
had taken care to throw overboard the original they had signed and
sworn to, there is a great deal of room to suspect the remainder
contained something too horrid to be disclosed to any, except such as
were willing to be sharers in the iniquity of them. Let them be what
they will, they were together the test of all new-comers, who were
initiated by an oath taken on a Bible, reserved for that purpose only,
and were subscribed to in presence of the worshipful Mr. Roberts. And
in case any doubt should arise concerning the construction of these
laws, and it should remain a dispute whether the party had infringed
them or no, a jury was appointed to explain them, and bring in a
verdict upon the case in doubt.

Since we are now speaking of the laws of this company, I shall go on,
and, in as brief a manner as I can, relate the principal customs and
government of this roguish commonwealth, which are pretty near the
same with all pirates.

For the punishment of small offences which are not provided for by the
articles, and which are not of consequence enough to be left to a
jury, there is a principal officer among the pirates, called the
quartermaster, of the men’s own choosing, who claims all authority
this way, excepting in time of battle. If they disobey his command,
are quarrelsome and mutinous with one another, misuse prisoners,
plunder beyond his order, and in particular, if they be negligent of
their arms, which he musters at discretion, he punishes at his own
arbitrement, with drubbing or whipping, which no one else dare do
without incurring the lash from all the ship’s company. In short, this
officer is trustee for the whole, is the first on board any prize,
separating for the company’s use what he pleases, and returning what
he thinks fit to the owners, excepting gold and silver, which they
have voted not returnable.

After a description of the quartermaster and his duty, who acts as a
sort of a civil magistrate on board a pirate ship, I shall consider
their military officer, the captain; what privileges he exerts in such
anarchy and unruliness of the members. Why, truly very little--they
only permit him to be captain, on condition that they may be captain
over him; they separate to his use the great cabin, and sometimes vote
him small parcels of plate and china (for it may be noted that Roberts
drank his tea constantly), but then every man, as the humour takes
him, will use the plate and china, intrude into his apartment, swear
at him, seize a part of his victuals and drink, if they like it,
without his offering to find fault or contest it. Yet Roberts, by a
better management than usual, became the chief director in everything
of moment; and it happened thus:--The rank of captain being obtained
by the suffrage of the majority, it falls on one superior for
knowledge and boldness--pistol proof, as they call it--and can make
those fear who do not love him. Roberts is said to have exceeded his
fellows in these respects, and when advanced, enlarged the respect
that followed it by making a sort of privy council of half a dozen of
the greatest bullies, such as were his competitors, and had interest
enough to make his government easy; yet even those, in the latter part
of his reign, he had run counter to in every project that opposed his
own opinion; for which, and because he grew reserved and would not
drink and roar at their rate, a cabal was formed to take away his
captainship, which death did more effectually.

The captain’s power is uncontrollable in chase or in battle, drubbing,
cutting, or even shooting any one who dares deny his command. The same
privilege he takes over prisoners, who receive good or ill usage
mostly as he approves of their behaviour, for though the meanest would
take upon them to misuse a master of a ship, yet he would control
herein when he sees it, and merrily over a bottle give his prisoners
this double reason for it: first, that it preserved his precedence;
and secondly, that it took the punishment out of the hands of a much
more rash and mad set of fellows that himself. When he found that
rigour was not expected from his people (for he often practised it to
appease them), then he would give strangers to understand that it was
pure inclination that induced him to a good treatment of them, and not
any love or partiality to their persons; for, says he, “there is none
of you but will hang me, I know, whenever you can clinch me within
your power.”

       *       *       *       *       *

And now, seeing the disadvantages they were under for pursuing the
account, viz., a small vessel ill repaired, and without provisions or
stores, they resolved, one and all, with the little supplies they
could get, to proceed for the West Indies, not doubting to find a
remedy for all these evils and to retrieve their loss.

In the latitude of Deseada, one of the islands, they took two sloops,
which supplied them with provisions and other necessaries, and a few
days afterwards took a brigantine belonging to Rhode Island, and then
proceeded to Barbadoes, off of which island they fell in with a
Bristol ship of ten guns, in her voyage out, from whom they took
abundance of clothes, some money, twenty-five bales of goods, five
barrels of powder, a cable, hawser, ten casks of oatmeal, six casks of
beef, and several other goods, besides five of their men; and after
they had detained her three days let her go, who, being bound for the
abovesaid island, she acquainted the governor with what had happened
as soon as she arrived.

Whereupon a Bristol galley that lay in the harbour was ordered to be
fitted out with all imaginable expedition of 20 guns and 80 men, there
being then no man-of-war upon that station, and also a sloop with 10
guns and 40 men. The galley was commanded by one Captain Rogers, of
Bristol, and the sloop by Captain Graves, of that island, and Captain
Rogers, by a commission from the governor, was appointed commodore.

The second day after Rogers sailed out of the harbour he was
discovered by Roberts, who, knowing nothing of their design, gave them
chase. The Barbadoes ships kept an easy sail till the pirates came up
with them, and then Roberts gave them a gun, expecting they would have
immediately struck to his piratical flag; but instead thereof, he was
forced to receive the fire of a broadside, with three huzzas at the
same time, so that an engagement ensued; but Roberts, being hardly put
to it, was obliged to crowd all the sail the sloop would bear to get
off. The galley, sailing pretty well, kept company for a long while,
keeping a constant fire, which galled the pirate; however, at length,
by throwing over their guns and other heavy goods, and thereby
lightening the vessel, they, with much ado, got clear; but Roberts
could never endure a Barbadoes man afterwards, and when any ships
belonging to that island fell in his way, he was more particularly
severe to them than others.

Captain Roberts sailed in the sloop to the island of Dominico, where
he watered and got provisions of the inhabitants, to whom he gave
goods in exchange. At this place he met with thirteen Englishmen, who
had been set ashore by a French Guard de la Coste, belonging to
Martinico, taken out of two New England ships that had been seized as
prizes by the said French sloop. The men willingly entered with the
pirates, and it proved a seasonable recruit.

They stayed not long here, though they had immediate occasion for
cleaning their sloop, but did not think this a proper place; and
herein they judged right, for the touching at this island had like to
have been their destruction, because they, having resolved to go away
to the Granada Islands for the aforesaid purpose, by some accident it
came to be known to the French colony, who, sending word to the
governor of Martinico, he equipped and manned two sloops to go in
quest of them. The pirates sailed directly for the Granadilloes, and
hall’d into a lagoon at Corvocoo, where they cleaned with unusual
dispatch, staying but a little above a week, by which expedition they
missed of the Martinico sloops only a few hours, Roberts sailing
overnight that the French arrived the next morning. This was a
fortunate escape, especially considering that it was not from any
fears of their being discovered that they made so much haste from the
island, but, as they had the impudence themselves to own, for the want
of wine and women.

Thus narrowly escaped, they sailed for Newfoundland, and arrived upon
the banks the latter end of June, 1720. They entered the harbour of
Trepassi with their black colours flying, drums beating, and trumpets
sounding. There were two-and-twenty vessels in the harbour, which the
men all quitted upon the sight of the pirate, and fled ashore. It is
impossible particularly to recount the destruction and havoc they made
here, burning and sinking all the shipping except a Bristol galley,
and destroying the fisheries and stages of the poor planters without
remorse or compunction; for nothing is so deplorable as power in mean
and ignorant hands--it makes men wanton and giddy, unconcerned at the
misfortunes they are imposing on their fellow-creatures, and keeps
them smiling at the mischiefs that bring themselves no advantage. They
are like madmen that cast fire-brands, arrows, and death, and say, Are
not we in sport?

Roberts manned the Bristol galley he took in the harbour, and mounted
16 guns on board her, and cruising out upon the banks, he met with
nine or ten sail of French ships, all which he destroyed except one of
26 guns, which they seized and carried off for their own use. This
ship they christened the _Fortune_, and leaving the Bristol galley to
the Frenchmen, they sailed away in company with the sloop on another
cruise, and took several prizes, viz., the _Richard_, of Biddiford,
Jonathan Whitfield, master; the _Willing Mind_, of Pool; the
_Expectation_, of Topsham; and the _Samuel_, Captain Cary, of London;
out of these ships they increased their company by entering all the
men they could well spare in their own service. The _Samuel_ was a
rich ship, and had several passengers on board, who were used very
roughly in order to make them discover their money, threatening them
every moment with death if they did not resign everything up to them.
They tore up the hatches and entered the hold like a parcel of furies,
and with axes and cutlasses cut and broke open all the bales, cases,
and boxes they could lay their hands on; and when any goods came upon
deck that they did not like to carry abroad, instead of tossing them
into the hold again, threw them overboard into the sea. All this was
done with incessant cursing and swearing, more like fiends than men.
They carried with them sails, guns, powder, cordage, and £8,000 or
£9,000 worth of the choicest goods, and told Captain Cary “that they
should accept of no Act of Grace, that the K---- and P----t might be
damned with their Acts of G---- for them; neither would they go to
Hope Point to be hanged up a-sundrying, as Kid’s and Braddish’s
company were; but that if they should ever be overpowered, they would
set fire to the powder with a pistol, and go all merrily to hell
together.”

After they had brought all the booty aboard a consultation was held
whether they should sink or burn the ship, but whilst they were
debating the matter they spied a sail, and so left the _Samuel_, to
give her chase; at midnight they came up with the same, which proved
to be a snow from Bristol, bound for Boston, Captain Bowles, master.
They used him barbarously, because of his countryman, Captain Rogers,
who attacked them off Barbadoes, was of the city of Bristol.

July 16th, which was two days afterwards, they took a Virginiaman
called the _Little York_, James Philips, master, and the _Love_, of
Liverpool, which they plundered and let go. The next day a snow from
Bristol, called the _Phœnix_, John Richards, master, met with the same
fate from them, as also a brigantine, Captain Thomas, and a sloop
called the _Sadbury_; they took all the men out of the brigantine and
sunk the vessel.

When they left the banks of Newfoundland they sailed for the West
Indies, and the provisions growing short, they went for the latitude
of the island Deseada, to cruise, it being esteemed the likeliest
place to meet with such ships as (they used in their mirth to say)
were consigned to them, with supplies. And it has been very much
suspected that ships have loaded with provisions at the English
colonies, on pretence of trading on the coast of Africa, when they
have in reality been consigned to them, and though a show of violence
is offered to them when they meet, yet they are pretty sure of
bringing their cargo to a good market.

However, at this time they missed their usual luck, and provisions and
necessaries becoming more scarce every day, they retired towards St.
Christophers, where, being denied all succour or assistance from the
Government, they fired in revenge on the town, and burnt two ships in
the road, one of them commanded by Captain Cox, of Bristol; and then
retreated farther to the island of St. Bartholomew, where they met
with much handsomer treatment, the governor not only supplying them
with refreshments, but he and the chiefs caressing them in the most
friendly manner; and the women, from so good an example, endeavoured
to outvie each other in dress and behaviour to attract the good graces
of such generous lovers, that paid well for their favours.

Sated at length with these pleasures, and having taken on board a good
supply of fresh provisions, they voted unanimously for the coast of
Guinea, and in the latitude of 22 N. in their voyage thither, met with
a French ship from Martinico, richly laden, and, which was unlucky for
the master, had a property of being fitter for their purpose than the
banker. “Exchange was no robbery,” they said, and so after a little
mock complaisance to monsieur for the favour he had done them, they
shifted their men and took leave. This was their first royal fortune.

In this ship Roberts proceeded on his designed voyage; but before they
reached Guinea, he proposed to touch at Brava, the southernmost of
Cape Verde Islands, and clean. But here again, by an intolerable
stupidity and want of judgment, they got so far to leeward of their
port, that, despairing to regain it, or any of the windward parts of
Africa, they were obliged to go back again with the trade-wind, for
the West Indies, which had very near been the destruction of them all.
Surinam was the place now designed for, which was at no less than 700
leagues distance, and they had but one hogshead of water left to
supply 124 souls for that passage--a sad circumstance that eminently
exposes the folly and madness among pirates, and he must be an
inconsiderate wretch indeed, who, if he could separate the wickedness
and punishment from the fact, would yet hazard his life amidst such
dangers as their want of skill and forecast made them liable to.

Their sins, we may presume, were never so troublesome to their
memories as now that inevitable destruction seemed to threaten them,
without the least glimpse of comfort or alleviation to their misery;
for, with what face could wretches who had ravaged and made so many
necessitous, look up for relief; they had to that moment lived in
defiance of the Power that now alone they must trust for their
preservation, and indeed without the miraculous intervention of
Providence there appeared only this miserable choice, viz., a present
death by their own hands, or a lingering one by famine.

They continued their course, and came to an allowance of one single
mouthful of water for twenty-four hours; many of them drank their
urine, or sea-water, which, instead of allaying, gave them an
inextinguishable thirst, that killed them. Others pined and wasted a
little more time in fluxes and apyrexies, so that they dropped away
daily. Those that sustained the misery best were such as almost
starved themselves, forbearing all sorts of food, unless a mouthful or
two of bread the whole day, so that those who survived were as weak as
was possible for men to be and alive.

But if the dismal prospect they set out with gave them anxiety,
trouble, or pain, what must their fears and apprehensions be when they
had not one drop of water left, or any other liquor to moisten or
animate? This was their case, when (by the working of Divine
Providence, no doubt) they were brought into soundings, and at night
anchored in seven fathom water. This was an inexpressible joy to them,
and, as it were, fed the expiring lamp of life with fresh spirits; but
this could not hold long. When the morning came they saw land from the
mast-head, but it was at so great distance that it afforded but an
indifferent prospect to men who had drank nothing for the last two
days; however, they dispatched their boat away, and late the same
night it returned, to their no small comfort, with a load of water,
informing them that they had got off the mouth of Meriwinga River on
the coast of Surinam.

One would have thought so miraculous an escape should have wrought
some reformation, but, alas! they had no sooner quenched their thirst,
but they had forgot the miracle, till scarcity of provisions awakened
their senses and bid them guard against starving. Their allowance was
very small, and yet they would profanely say, “that Providence which
gave them drink, would, no doubt, bring them meat also, if they would
use but an honest endeavour.”

In pursuance of these honest endeavours, they were steering for the
latitude of Barbadoes, with what little they had left, to look out for
more, or starve; and, in their way, met a ship that answered their
necessities, and after that a brigantine; the former was called the
_Greyhound_, belonging to St. Christophers, and bound to Philadelphia,
the mate of which signed the pirates’ articles, and was afterwards
captain of the _Ranger_, consort to the _Royal Fortune_.

Out of the ship and brigantine the pirates got a good supply of
provisions and liquor, so that they gave over the designed cruise, and
watered at Tobago, and hearing of the two sloops that had been fitted
and sent after them at Corvocoo, they sailed to the island of
Martinico, to make the governor some sort of an equivalent, for the
care and expedition he had shown in that affair.

  [Illustration: _Captain_ Bartho. Roberts _with two Ships, Viz. the_
  Royal Fortune _and_ Ranger, _takes Sail in_ Whydah _Road on the
  Coast of_ Guiney, _January 11ᵗʰ., 1721/2_]

It is the custom at Martinico for the Dutch interlopers that have a
mind to trade with the people of the island to hoist their jacks when
they came before the town. Roberts knew the signal, and being an utter
enemy to them, he bent his thoughts on mischief; and accordingly came
in with his jack flying, which, as he expected, they mistook for a
good market, and thought themselves happiest that could soonest
dispatch off their sloops and vessels for trade. When Roberts had got
them within his power, one after another, he told them he would not
have it said that they came off for nothing, and therefore ordered
them to leave their money behind, for that they were a parcel of
rogues, and hoped they would always meet with such a Dutch trade as
this was; he reserved one vessel to set the passengers on shore again,
and fired the rest, to the number of twenty.

Roberts was so enraged at the attempts that had been made for taking
of him by the governors of Barbadoes and Martinico that he ordered a
new jack to be made, which they ever after hoisted, with his own
figure portrayed, standing upon two skulls, and under them the letters
A. B. H. and A. M. H., signifying a Barbadian’s and a Martinican’s
head, as may be seen in the plate of Captain Roberts.

At Dominico, the next island they touched at, they took a Dutch
interloper of twenty-two guns and seventy-five men, and a brigantine
belonging to Rhode Island, one Norton, master. The former made some
defence, till some of his men being killed, the rest were discouraged
and struck their colours. With these two prizes they went down to
Guadalupe, and brought out a sloop and a French fly-boat laden with
sugar; the sloop they burnt, and went on to Moonay, another island,
thinking to clean, but finding the sea ran too high there to undertake
it with safety, they bent their course for the north part of
Hispaniola, where, at Bonnet’s Key, in the Gulf of Saminah, they
cleaned both the ship and the brigantine. For though Hispaniola be
settled by the Spaniards and French, and is the residence of a
President from Spain, who receives, and finally determines appeals
from all the other Spanish West India Islands, yet are its people by
no means proportioned to its magnitude, so that there are many
harbours in it to which pirates may securely resort without fear of
discovery from the inhabitants.

Whilst they were here two sloops came in, as they pretended, to pay
Roberts a visit. The masters, whose names were Porter and Tuckerman,
addressed the pirate, as the Queen of Sheba did Solomon, to wit, “that
having heard of his fame and achievements,” they had put in there to
learn his art and wisdom in the business of pirating, being vessels on
the same honourable design with himself; and hoped with the
communication of his knowledge they should also receive his charity,
being in want of necessaries for such adventures. Roberts was won upon
by the peculiarity and bluntness of these two men, and gave them
powder, arms, and whatever else they had occasion for, spent two or
three merry nights with them, and at parting, said, “he hoped the
L---- would prosper their handy works.”

They passed some time here, after they had got their vessel ready, in
their usual debaucheries. They had taken a considerable quantity of
rum and sugar, so that liquor was as plenty as water, and few there
were who denied themselves the immoderate use of it; nay, sobriety
brought a man under a suspicion of being in a plot against the
commonwealth, and in their sense he was looked upon to be a villain
that would not be drunk. This was evident in the affair of Harry
Glasby, chosen master of the _Royal Fortune_, who, with two others,
laid hold of the opportunity at the last island they were at to move
off without bidding farewell to his friends. Glasby was a reserved,
sober man, and therefore gave occasion to be suspected, so that he was
soon missed after he went away, and a detachment being sent in quest
of the deserters, they were all three brought back again next day.
This was a capital offence, and for which they were ordered to be
brought to an immediate trial.

Here was the form of justice kept up, which is as much as can be said
of several other courts that have more lawful commissions for what
they do. Here was no feeing of council, and bribing of witnesses was a
custom not known among them, no packing of juries, no torturing and
wresting the sense of the law, for bye ends and purposes, no puzzling
or perplexing the cause with unintelligible canting terms and useless
distinctions, nor was their sessions burthened with numberless
officers, the ministers of rapine and extortion, with ill-boding
aspects enough to fright Astrea from the court.

The place appointed for their trials was the steerage of the ship, in
order to which a large bowl of rum punch was made and placed upon the
table, the pipes and tobacco being ready, the judicial proceedings
began. The prisoners were brought forth, and articles of indictment
against them read. They were arraigned upon a statute of their own
making, and the letter of the law being strong against them, and the
fact plainly proved, they were about to pronounce sentence, when one
of the judges moved that they should first smoke the other pipe, which
was accordingly done.

All the prisoners pleaded for arrest of judgment very movingly, but
the court had such an abhorrence of their crime that they could not be
prevailed upon to show mercy, till one of the judges, whose name was
Valentine Ashplant, stood up, and taking his pipe out of his mouth,
said he had something to offer to the court in behalf of one of the
prisoners, and spoke to this effect: “By G----, Glasby shall not die,
d----n me if he shall.” After this learned speech he sat down in his
place and resumed his pipe. This motion was loudly opposed by all the
rest of the judges in equivalent terms, but Ashplant, who was resolute
in his opinion, made another pathetical speech in the following
manner: “G---- d----n ye gentlemen, I am as good a man as the best of
you; d----n my s----l if ever I turned my back to any man in my life,
or ever will, by G----. Glasby is an honest fellow, notwithstanding
this misfortune, and I love him, d----l d----n me if I don’t. I hope
he’ll live and repent of what he has done, but d----n me if he must
die, I will die along with him.” And thereupon he pulled out a pair of
pistols and presented them to some of the learned judges upon the
bench, who, perceiving his argument so well supported, thought it
reasonable that Glasby should be acquitted; and so they all came over
to his opinion, and allowed it to be law.

But all the mitigation that could be obtained for the other prisoners
was that they should have the liberty of choosing any four of the
whole company to be their executioners. The poor wretches were tied
immediately to the mast, and there shot dead, pursuant to their
villainous sentence.

When they put to sea again, the prizes which had been detained only
for fear of spreading any rumour concerning them, which had like to
have been so fatal at Corvocoo, were thus disposed of: they burnt
their own sloop and manned Norton’s brigantine, sending the master
away in the Dutch interloper, not dissatisfied.

With the _Royal Fortune_ and the brigantine, which they christened the
_Good Fortune_, they pushed towards the latitude of Deseada, to look
out for provisions, being very short again, and, just to their wish,
Captain Hingstone’s ill fortune brought him in their way, richly laden
for Jamaica; him they carried to Bermudas and plundered, and
stretching back again to the West Indies, they continually met with
some consignment or other (chiefly French) which stored them with
plenty of provisions and recruited their starving condition, so that,
stocked with this sort of ammunition, they began to think of something
worthier their aim, for these robberies that only supplied what was in
constant expenditure by no means answered their intentions, and
accordingly they proceeded again for the coast of Guinea, where they
thought to buy gold dust very cheap. In their passage thither they
took numbers of ships of all nations, some of which they burnt or
sunk, as the carriage or characters of the masters displeased them.

Notwithstanding the successful adventures of this crew, yet it was
with great difficulty they could be kept together under any kind of
regulation, for, being almost always mad or drunk, their behaviour
produced infinite disorders, every man being in his own imagination a
captain, a prince, or a king. When Roberts saw there was no managing
of such a company of wild, ungovernable brutes by gentle means, nor to
keep them from drinking to excess, the cause of all their
disturbances, he put on a rougher deportment and a more magisterial
carriage towards them, correcting whom he thought fit, and if any
seemed to resent his usage he told them “they might go ashore and take
satisfaction of him, it they thought fit, at sword and pistol, for he
neither valued or feared any of them.”

About four hundred leagues from the coast of Africa, the brigantine,
who had hitherto lived with them in all amicable correspondence,
thought fit to take the opportunity of a dark night and leave the
commodore, which leads me back to the relation of an accident that
happened at one of the islands of the West Indies, where they watered
before they undertook this voyage, which had like to have thrown their
government (such as it was) off the hinges, and was partly the
occasion of the separation. The story is as follows:--

Captain Roberts having been insulted by one of the drunken crew (whose
name I have forgot), he, in the heat of his passion, killed the fellow
on the spot, which was resented by a great many others, but
particularly one Jones, a brisk, active young man, who died lately in
the Marshalsea, and was his messmate. This Jones was at that time
ashore a-watering the ship, but as soon as he came on board was told
that Captain Roberts had killed his comrade, upon which he cursed
Roberts, and said he ought to be served so himself. Roberts hearing
Jones’s invective, ran to him with a sword, and ran him into the body,
who, notwithstanding his wound, seized the captain, threw him over a
gun, and beat him handsomely. This adventure put the whole company in
an uproar, and some taking part with the captain and others against
him, there had like to have ensued a general battle with one another,
like my Lord Thomont’s cocks. However, the tumult was at length
appeased by the mediation of the quartermaster, and as the majority of
the company were of opinion that the dignity of the captain ought to
be supported on board, that it was a post of honour, and therefore the
person whom they thought fit to confer it on, should not be violated
by any single member; wherefore they sentenced Jones to undergo two
lashes from every one of the company for his misdemeanour, which was
executed upon him as soon as he was well of his wound.

This severe punishment did not at all convince Jones that he was in
the wrong, but rather animated him to some sort of a revenge, but not
being able to do it upon Roberts’s person on board the ship, he and
several of his comrades correspond with Anstis, captain of the
brigantine, and conspire with him and some of the principal pirates on
board that vessel to go off from the company. What made Anstis a
malecontent was the inferiority he stood in with respect to Roberts,
who carried himself with a haughty and magisterial air to him and his
crew, he regarding the brigantine only as a tender, and, as such, left
them no more than the refuse of their plunder. In short, Jones and his
consort go on board of Captain Anstis on pretence of a visit, and
there, consulting with their brethren, they find a majority for
leaving of Roberts, and so came to a resolution to bid a soft
farewell, as they call it, that night, and to throw overboard
whosoever should stick out; but they proved to be unanimous, and
effected their design as above mentioned.

I shall have no more to say of Captain Anstis till the story of
Roberts is concluded, therefore I return to him in the pursuit of his
voyage to Guinea. The loss of the brigantine was a sensible shock to
the crew, she being an excellent sailor and had seventy hands aboard;
however, Roberts, who was the occasion of it, put on a face of
unconcern at this his ill conduct and mismanagement, and resolved not
to alter his purposes upon that account.

Roberts fell in to windward nigh the Senegal, a river of great trade
for gum on this part of the coast, monopolized by the French, who
constantly keep cruisers to hinder the interloping trade. At this time
they had two small ships on that service, one of 10 guns and 65 men,
and the other of 16 guns and 75 men, who having got a sight of Mr.
Roberts, and supposing him to be one of these prohibited traders,
chased with all the sail they could make to come up with him; but
their hopes which had brought them very nigh, too late deceived them,
for on the hoisting of Jolly Roger (the name they give their black
flag) their French hearts failed, and they both surrendered without
any, or at least very little, resistance. With these prizes they went
into Sierra Leone, and made one of them their consort by the name of
the _Ranger_, and the other a storeship, to clean by.

Sierra Leone river disgorges with a large mouth, the starboard side of
which draughts into little bays, safe and convenient for cleaning and
watering; what still made it preferable to the pirates is that the
traders settled here are naturally their friends. There are about
thirty Englishmen in all, men who in some part of their lives have
been either privateering, buccaneering, or pirating, and still retain
and love the riots and humours common to that sort of life. They live
very friendly with the natives, and have many of them of both sexes to
be their gromettas, or servants. The men are faithful and the women so
obedient that they are very ready to prostitute themselves to
whomsoever their masters shall command them. The Royal African Company
has a fort on a small island called Bence Island, but it is of little
use, besides keeping their slaves, the distance making it incapable of
giving any molestation to their starboard shore. Here lives at this
place an old fellow who goes by the name of Crackers, who was formerly
a noted buccaneer, and while he followed the calling robbed and
plundered many a man; he keeps the best house in the place, has two or
three guns before his door, with which he salutes his friends, the
pirates, when they put in, and lives a jovial life with them all the
while they are there.

Here follows a list of the rest of those lawless merchants and their
servants who carry on a private trade with the interlopers, to the
great prejudice of the Royal African Company, who, with extraordinary
industry and expense, have made and maintain settlements without any
consideration from those who, without such settlements and forts,
would soon be under an incapacity of pursuing any such private trade.
Wherefore it is to be hoped proper means will be taken to root out a
pernicious set of people who have all their lives supported themselves
by the labours of other men.

Two of these fellows entered with Roberts’s crew, and continued with
them till the destruction of the company.


          A LIST OF THE WHITE MEN NOW LIVING ON THE HIGH LAND OF
                SIERRA LEONE, AND THE CRAFT THEY OCCUPY:--

John Leadstone, three boats and a periagoe; his man, Tom; his man,
John Brown. Alexander Middleton, one long-boat; his man, Charles
Hawkins. John Pierce, William Mead, partners, one long-boat; their
man, John Vernon. David Chatmers, one long-boat. John Chatmers, one
long-boat. Richard Richardson, one long-boat. Norton, Richard Warren,
Robert Glynn, partners, two long-boats and two small boats; his man,
John Franks. William Waits, and one young man. John Bonnerman. John
England, one long-boat. Robert Samples, one long-boat. William
Presgrove, Harry Presgrove, Davis Presgrove, Mitchel Presgrove,
Richard Lamb, one sloop, two long-boats, a small boat, and periagoe.
With Roquis Rodrigus, a Portuguese. George Bishop. Peter Brown. John
Jones, one long-boat; his Irish young man. At Rio Pungo, Benjamin Gun.
At Kidham, George Yeats. At Gallyneas, Richard Lemmons.

The harbour is so convenient for wooding and watering that it
occasions many of our trading ships, especially those of Bristol, to
call in there with large cargoes of beer, cider, and strong liquors,
which they exchange with these private traders for slaves and teeth,
purchased by them at the Rio Nune’s and other places to the northward,
so that here was what they call good living.

Hither Roberts came the end of June, 1721, and had intelligence that
the _Swallow_ and _Weymouth_, two men-of-war, of fifty guns each, had
left that river about a month before and designed to return about
Christmas; so that the pirates could indulge themselves with all the
satisfaction in the world, in that they knew they were not only secure
whilst there, but that in going down the coast after the men-of-war
they should always be able to get such intelligence of their
rendezvous as would serve to make their expedition safe. So after six
weeks’ stay, the ships being cleaned and fitted, and the men weary of
whoring and drinking, they bethought themselves of business, and went
to sea the beginning of August, taking their progress down the whole
coast as low as Jaquin, plundering every ship they met of what was
valuable in her, and sometimes to be more mischievously wicked, would
throw what they did not want overboard, accumulating cruelty to theft.

In this range they exchanged their old French ship for a fine
frigate-built ship called the _Onslow_, belonging to the Royal African
Company, Captain Gee, commander, which happened to lie at Sestos, to
get water and necessaries for the company. A great many of Captain
Gee’s men were ashore when Roberts’s bore down, and so the ship
consequently surprised into his hands, though had they been all on
board it was not likely the case would have been otherwise, the
sailors, most of them, voluntarily joining the pirates, and
encouraging the same disposition in the soldiers (who were going
passengers with them to Cape Corso Castle), whose ears being
constantly tickled with the feats and gallantry of those fellows, made
them fancy that to go was only being bound on a voyage of knight
errantry (to relieve the distressed and gather up fame) and so they
likewise offered themselves. But here the pirates were at a stand;
they entertained so contemptible a notion of landmen that they put
them off with refusals for some time, till at length, being wearied
with solicitations and pitying a parcel of stout fellows, which they
said were going to starve upon a little canky and plantane, they
accepted of them, and allowed them a quarter share, as it was then
termed, out of charity.

There was a clergyman on board the _Onslow_, sent from England to be
chaplain of Cape Corso Castle. Some of the pirates were for keeping
him, alleging merrily that their ship wanted a chaplain. Accordingly
they offered him a share to take on with them, promising he should do
nothing for his money but make punch and say prayers; yet, however
brutish they might be in other things, they bore so great a respect to
his order that they resolved not to force him against his
inclinations; and the parson, having no relish for this sort of life,
excused himself from accepting the honour they designed him; they were
satisfied, and generous enough to deliver him back everything he owned
to be his. The parson laid hold of this favourable disposition of the
pirates, and laid claim to several things belonging to others, which
were also given up, to his great satisfaction; in fine, they kept
nothing which belonged to the Church except three Prayer-books and a
bottle-screw.

The pirates kept the _Onslow_ for their own use, and gave Captain Gee
the French ship, and then fell to making such alterations as might fit
her for a sea-rover, pulling down her bulkheads and making her flush,
so that she became, in all respects, as complete a ship for their
purpose as any they could have found; they continued to her the name
of the _Royal Fortune_ and mounted her with forty guns.

She and the _Ranger_ proceeded (as I said before) to Jaquin, and from
thence to Old Calabar, where they arrived about October, in order to
clean their ships--a place the most suitable along the whole coast,
for there is a bar with not above fifteen foot water upon it, and the
channel intricate, so that had the men-of-war been sure of their being
harboured here, they might still have bid defiance to their strength,
for the depth of water at the bar, as well as the want of a pilot, was
a sufficient security to the rovers and invincible impediments to
them. Here, therefore, they sat easy and divided the fruits of their
dishonest industry, and drank and drove care away. The pilot who
brought them into this harbour was Captain L----e, who for this and
other services was extremely well paid, according to the journal of
their own accounts, which do not run in the ordinary and common way of
debtor _contra_ creditor, but much more concise, lumping it to their
friends, and so carrying the debt in their heads against the next
honest trader they meet.

They took at Calabar, Captain Loane and two or three Bristol ships,
the particulars of which would be an unnecessary prolixity, therefore
I come now to give an account of the usage they received from the
natives of this place. The Calabar negroes did not prove so civil as
they expected, for they refused to have any commerce or trade with
them when they understood they were pirates. An indication that these
poor creatures, in the narrow circumstances they were in, and without
the light of the Gospel or the advantage of an education, have,
notwithstanding, such a moral innate honesty as would upbraid and
shame the most knowing Christian. But this did but exasperate these
lawless fellows, and so a party of forty men were detached to force a
correspondence or drive the negroes to extremities, and they
accordingly landed under the fire of their own cannon. The negroes
drew up in a body of two thousand men, as if they intended to dispute
the matter with them, and stayed till the pirates advanced within
pistol-shot; but finding the loss of two or three made no impression
on the rest, the negroes thought fit to retreat, which they did with
some loss. The pirates set fire to the town and then returned to their
ships. This terrified the natives and put an entire stop to all the
intercourse between them, so that they could get no supplies, which
obliged them, as soon as they had finished the cleaning and trimming
of their ships, to lose no time, but went for Cape Lopez and watered,
and at Anna Bona took aboard a stock of fresh provisions, and then
sailed for the coast again.

This was their last and fatal expedition, which we shall be more
particular in, because it cannot be imagined that they could have had
assurance to have undertaken it, but upon a presumption that the
men-of-war (whom they knew were upon the coast) were unable to attack
them, or else pursuant to the rumour that had indiscretionally
obtained at Sierra Leone, were gone thither again.

It is impossible at this time to think they could know of the weak and
sickly condition they were in, and therefore founded the success of
this second attempt upon the coast on the latter presumption, and this
seems to be confirmed by their falling in with the coast as low as
Cape Lahou (and even that was higher than they designed), in the
beginning of January, and took the ship called the _King Solomon_,
with twenty men in their boat, and a trading vessel, both belonging to
the Company. The pirate ship happened to fall about a league to
leeward of the _King Solomon_, at Cape Appollonia, and the current and
wind opposing their working up with the ship, they agreed to send the
long-boat with sufficient men to take her. The pirates are all
volunteers on these occasions, the word being always given, Who will
go? And presently the staunch and firm men offer themselves, because,
by such readiness, they recommend their courage, and have an allowance
also of a shift of clothes, from head to foot, out of the prize.

They rowed towards the _King Solomon_ with a great deal of alacrity,
and being hailed by the commander of her, answered defiance. Captain
Trahern, before this, observing a great number of men in the boat,
began not to like his visitors, and prepared to receive them, firing a
musket as they come under his stern, which they returned with a
volley, and made greater speed to get on board. Upon this he applied
to his men, and asked them whether they would stand by him to defend
the ship, it being a shame they should be taken by half their number
without any repulse? But his boatswain, Philips, took upon him to be
the mouth of the people, and put an end to the dispute; he said
plainly, he would not, laid down his arms in the King’s name, as he
was pleased to term it, and called out to the boat for quarters, so
that the rest, by his example, were misled to the losing of the ship.

When they came on board, they brought her under sail by an expeditious
method of cutting the cable; Walden, one of the pirates, telling the
master this hope of heaving up the anchor was a needless trouble when
they designed to burn the ship. They brought her under Commodore
Roberts’s stern, and not only rifled her of what sails, cordage, &c.,
they wanted for themselves, but wantonly threw the goods of the
Company overboard, like spendthrifts, that neither expected or
designed any account.

On the same day also they took the _Flushing_, a Dutch ship, robbed
her of her masts, yards, and stores, and then cut down her foremast;
but what sat as heavily as anything with the skipper was, their taking
some fine sausages he had on board, of his wife’s making, and
stringing them in a ludicrous manner round their necks, till they had
sufficiently showed their contempt of them, and then threw them into
the sea. Others chopped the heads of his fowls off, to be dressed for
their supper, and courteously invited the landlord, provided he would
find liquor. It was a melancholy request to the man, but it must be
complied with, and he was obliged, as they grew drunk, to sit quietly
and hear them sing French and Spanish songs out of his Dutch
prayer-books, with other profaneness, that he, though a Dutchman,
stood amazed at.

In chasing too near in they alarmed the coast, and expresses were sent
to the English and Dutch factories, giving an account of it. They were
sensible of this error immediately, and, because they would make the
best of a bad market, resolved to keep out of sight of land, and lose
the prizes they might expect between that and Whydah, to make the more
sure of that port, where commonly is the best booty, all nations
trading thither, especially Portuguese, who purchase chiefly with
gold, the idol their hearts were bent upon. And notwithstanding this
unlikely course, they met and took several ships between Axim and that
place; the circumstantial stories of which, and the panic terrors they
struck into his Majesty’s subjects, being tedious and unnecessary to
relate, I shall pass by, and come to their arrival in that road.

They came to Whydah with a St. George’s ensign, a black silk flag
flying at their mizzen-peak, and a jack and pendant of the same. The
flag had a death’s-head on it, with an hour-glass in one hand and
cross-bones in the other, a dart by it, and underneath a heart
dropping three drops of blood. The jack had a man portrayed on it with
a flaming sword in his hand, and standing on two skulls, subscribed A.
B. H. and A. M. H. _i.e._, a Barbadian’s and a Martinican’s head, as
has been before taken notice of. Here they found eleven sail in the
road, English, French, and Portuguese; the French were three stout
ships of thirty guns, and upwards of one hundred men each, yet, when
Roberts came to fire, they, with the other ships, immediately struck
their colours and surrendered to his mercy. One reason, it must be
confessed, of his early victory, was, the commanders and a good part
of the men being ashore, according to the custom of the place, to
receive the cargoes, and return the slaves, they being obliged to
watch the seasons for it, which otherwise, in so dangerous a sea as
here, would be impracticable. These all, except the _Porcupine_,
ransomed with him for eight pounds of gold dust, a ship, not without
the trouble of some letters passing and repassing from the shore
before they could settle it; and, notwithstanding the agreement and
payment, they took away one of the French ships, though with a promise
to return her if they found she did not sail well, taking with them
several of her men for that end.

Some of the foreigners, who never had dealing this way before,
desired, for satisfaction to their owners, that they might have
receipts for their money, which were accordingly given, a copy of one
of them I have here subjoined, viz.:--

     “This is to certify whom it may or doth concern, that
     we GENTLEMEN OF FORTUNE have received eight pounds of
     gold-dust for the ransom of the _Hardy_, Captain Dittwitt
     Commander, so that we discharge the said ship.

     “Witness our hands, _Jan. 13, 1721-2_,
                                             “BATT. ROBERTS.
                                             “HARRY GLASBY.”

Others were given to the Portuguese captains which were in the same
form, but being signed by two waggish fellows, viz., Sutton and
Simpson, they subscribed by the names of--
                                              AARON WHIFFLINGPIN.
                                              SIM. TUGMUTTON.

But there was something so singularly cruel and barbarous done here to
the _Porcupine_, Captain Fletcher, as must not be passed over without
special remark.

This ship lay in the road, almost slaved, when the pirates came in,
and the commander, being on shore settling his accounts, was sent to
for the ransom, but he excused it, as having no orders from the
owners; though the true reason might be that he thought it
dishonourable to treat with robbers, and that the ship, separate from
the slaves, towards whom he could mistrust no cruelty, was not worth
the sum demanded; hereupon Roberts sends the boat to transport the
negroes, in order to set her on fire, but, being in haste, and finding
that unshackling them cost much time and labour, they actually set her
on fire, with eighty of those poor wretches on board chained two and
two together, under the miserable choice of perishing by fire or
water. Those who jumped overboard from the flames were seized by
sharks, a voracious fish, in plenty in this road, and, in their sight,
tore limb from limb alive: a cruelty unparalleled, and for which had
every individual been hanged, few, I imagine, would think that Justice
had been rigorous.

The pirates, indeed, were obliged to dispatch their business here in
haste, because they had intercepted a letter from General Phips to Mr.
Baldwin, the Royal African Company’s agents at Whydah, giving an
account that Roberts had been seen to windward of Cape Three Points,
that he might the better guard against the damages to the Company’s
ships, if he should arrive at that road before the _Swallow_,
man-of-war, which he assured him, at the time of that letter, was
pursuing them to that place. Roberts called up his company, and
desired they would hear Phips’s speech, for so he was pleased to call
the letter, and, notwithstanding their vapouring, persuaded them of
the necessity of moving; for, says he, “such brave fellows cannot be
supposed to be frightened at this news, yet that it were better to
avoid dry blows, which is the best that can be expected if overtaken.”

This advice weighed with them and they got under sail, having stayed
only from Thursday to Saturday night; and at sea voted for the island
of Anna Bona, but the wind hanging out of the way, crossed their
purpose, and brought them to Cape Lopez, where I shall leave them for
their approaching fate, and relate some further particulars of his
Majesty’s ship the _Swallow_, viz., where it was she had spent her
time during the mischief that was done, and by what means unable to
prevent it; what also was the intelligence she received, and the
measures thereon formed, that at last brought two such strangers as
Mr. Roberts and Captain Ogle to meet in so remote a corner of the
world.

The _Swallow_ and _Weymouth_ left Sierra Leone, May 28, where, I have
already taken notice, Roberts arrived a month after, and doubtless
learned the intent of their voyage, and cleaning on the coast, which
made him set down with more security to his diversion, and furnish him
with such intimations as made his first range down the coast in August
following more prosperous; the _Swallow_ and _Weymouth_ being then at
the port of Princes a-cleaning.

Their stay at Princes was from July 28 to September 20, 1721 where, by
a fatality, common to the irregularities of seamen, who cannot in such
cases be kept under due restraint, they buried one hundred men in
three weeks’ time, and reduced the remainder of the ships’ companies
into so sickly a state, that it was with difficulty they brought them
to sail; and this misfortune was probably the ruin of Roberts, for it
prevented the men-of-war’s going back to Sierra Leone as it was
intended, there being a necessity of leaving his Majesty’s ship
_Weymouth_--in much the worse condition of the two--under the guns of
Cape Corso, to impress men, being unable at this time, either to hand
the sails or weigh her anchor; and Roberts, being ignorant of the
occasion or alteration of the first design, fell into the mouth of
danger when he thought himself the farthest from it; for the
men-of-war, not endeavouring to attain further to windward, when they
came from Princes, then to secure Cape Corso road under their lee,
they luckily hovered in the track he had took.

The _Swallow_ and _Weymouth_ fell in with the continent at Cape
Appollonia, October 20th, and there received the ungrateful news from
one Captain Bird--a notice that awakened and put them on their guard;
but they were far from expecting any temerity should ever bring him a
second time on the coast while they were there. Therefore the
_Swallow_ having seen the _Weymouth_ into Cape Corso road, November
10th, she plied to windward as far as Bassam, rather as an airing to
recover a sickly ship’s company and show herself to the trade, which
was found everywhere undisturbed, and were, for that reason, returning
to her consort, when accidentally meeting a Portuguese ship, she told
her that the day before she saw two ships chase into Junk an English
vessel, which she believed must have fallen into their hands. On this
story the _Swallow_ clung her wind and endeavoured to gain that place,
but receiving soon after (October 14th) a contrary report from Captain
Plummer, an intelligent man, in the _Jason_, of Bristol, who had come
further to windward and neither saw or heard anything of this, she
turned her head down the second time, anchored at Cape Appollonia the
23rd, at Cape Tres Puntas the 27th, and in Corso road, January 7,
1721-2.

They learned that their consort, the _Weymouth_, was, by the
assistance of some soldiers from the castle, gone to windward to
demand restitution of some goods or men belonging to the African
Company that were illegally detained by the Dutch at Des Minas; and
while they were regretting so long a separation, an express came to
General Phips from Axim, the 9th, and followed by another from Dixcove
(an English factory) with information that three ships had chased and
taken a galley nigh Axim Castle, and a trading boat belonging to the
Company. No doubt was made concerning what they were, it being taken
for granted they were pirates, and supposed to be the same that had
the August before infested the coast. The natural result, therefore,
from these two advices, was to hasten for Whydah, for it was concluded
the prizes they had taken had informed them how nigh the _Swallow_
was, and withal how much better in health than she had been for some
months past; so that unless they were very mad indeed they would,
after being discovered, make the best of their way for Whydah and
secure the booty there, without which their time and industry had been
entirely lost; most of the gold lying in that corner.

The _Swallow_ weighed from Cape Corso, January 10th, but was retarded
by waiting some hours on the _Margaret_, a Company’s ship, at Accra,
again on the _Portugal_, and a whole day at Apong on a person they
used to style Miss Betty: a conduct that Mr. Phips blamed when he
heard the pirates were missed at Whydah, although he had given it as
his opinion they could not be passed by, and intimated that to stay a
few hours would prove no prejudice.

This, however, hindered the _Swallow’s_ catching them at Whydah, for
the pirates came into that road with a fresh gale of wind the same day
the _Swallow_ was at Apong, and sailed the 13th of January from
thence, that she arrived the 17th. She gained notice of them by a
French shallop from Grand Papa, the 14th, at night, and from Little
Papa next morning by a Dutch ship; so that the man-of-war was on all
sides, as she thought, sure of her purchase, particularly when she
made the ships, and discovered three of them to get under sail
immediately at sight of her, making signals to one another as though
they designed a defence; but they were found to be three French ships,
and those at anchor Portuguese and English, all honest traders, who
had been ransacked and ransomed.

This disappointment chagrined the ship’s company, who were very intent
upon their market, which was reported to be an arm-chest full of gold,
and kept with three keys; though in all likelihood, had they met with
them in that open road, one or both would have made their escapes, or
if they had thought fit to have fought, an emulation in their defence
would probably have made it desperate.

While they were contemplating on the matter, a letter was received
from Mr. Baldwin (governor here for the Company) signifying that the
pirates were at Jaquin, seven leagues lower. The _Swallow_ weighed at
two next morning, January 16th, and got to Jaquin by daylight, but to
no other end than frightening the crews of two Portuguese ships on
shore, who took her for the pirate that had struck such terror at
Whydah. She returned therefore that night, and having been
strengthened with thirty volunteers, English and French, the discarded
crews of the _Porcupine_ and the French ship they had carried from
hence, she put to sea again January 19th, conjecturing that either
Calabar, Princes, the river Gabone, Cape Lopez, or Anna Bona, must be
touched at for water and refreshment, though they should resolve to
leave the coast. As to the former of those places, I have before
observed it was hazardous to think of, or rather impracticable;
Princes had been a sour grape to them, but, being the first in the
way, she came before the harbour the 29th, where, learning no news,
without losing time, steered for the river Gabone, and anchored at the
mouth of it February 1st.

This river is navigable by two channels, and has an island about five
leagues up, called Popaguays, or Parrots, where the Dutch cruisers for
this coast generally clean, and where sometimes pirates come in to
look for prey, or to refit, it being very convenient by reason of a
soft mud about it that admits a ship’s lying on shore with all her
guns and stores in without damage. Hither Captain Ogle sent his boat
and a lieutenant, who spoke with a Dutch ship above the island, from
whom he had this account, viz.: That he had been four days from Cape
Lopez and had left no ship there. However, they beat up for the Cape,
without regard to this story, and on the 5th, at dawning, was
surprised with the noise of a gun, which, as the day brightened, they
found was from Cape Lopez Bay, where they discovered three ships at
anchor, the largest with the king’s colours and pendant flying, which
was soon after concluded to be Mr. Roberts and his consorts; but the
_Swallow_ being to windward and unexpectedly deep in the bay, was
obliged to steer off for avoiding a sand called the Frenchman’s Bank,
which the pirates observed for some time, and rashly interpreting it
to be fear in her, righted the French _Ranger_, which was then on the
heel, and ordered her to chase out in all haste, bending several of
their sails in the pursuit. The man-of-war, finding they had foolishly
mistaken her design, humoured the deceit and kept off to sea, as if
she had been really afraid, and managed her steerage so, under the
direction of Lieutenant Sun, an experienced officer, as to let the
_Ranger_ come up with her when they thought they had got so far as not
to have their guns heard by her consort at the Cape. The pirates had
such an opinion of their own courage that they could never dream
anybody would use a stratagem to speak with them, and so was the more
easily drawn into the snare.

The pirates now drew nigh enough to fire their chase guns; they
hoisted the black flag that was worn in Whydah road, and got their
spritsail yard alongships with intent to board, no one having ever
asked all this while what country ship they took the chase to be; they
would have her to be a Portuguese (sugar being then a commodity
wanting among them), and were swearing every minute at the wind or
sail to expedite so sweet a chase; but, alas! all turned sour in an
instant. It was with the utmost consternation they saw her suddenly
bring-to and haul up her lower ports, now within pistol-shot, and
struck their black flag upon it directly. After the first surprise was
over they kept firing at a distance, hoisted it again, and vapoured
with their cutlasses on the poop, though wisely endeavouring at the
same time to get away. Being now at their wits’ end, boarding was
proposed by the heads of them, and so to make one desperate push; but
the motion not being well seconded, and their maintop-mast coming down
by a shot, after two hours’ firing, it was declined. They grew sick,
struck their colours, and called out for quarter, having had 10 men
killed outright, and 20 wounded, without the loss or hurt of one of
the king’s men. She had 32 guns, manned with 16 Frenchmen, 20 negroes,
and 77 English. The colours were thrown overboard that they might not
rise in judgment nor be displayed in triumph over them.

While the _Swallow_ was sending their boat to fetch the prisoners, a
blast and smoke was seen to pour out of the great cabin, and they
thought they were blowing up; but upon inquiry afterwards found that
half a dozen of the most desperate, when they saw all hopes fled, had
drawn themselves round what powder they had left in the steerage and
fired a pistol into it, but it was too small a quantity to effect
anything more than burning them in a frightful manner.

The ship was commanded by one Skyrme, a Welshman, who, though he had
lost his leg in the action, would not suffer himself to be dressed or
carried off the deck, but, like Widrington, fought upon his stump. The
rest appeared gay and brisk, most of them with white shirts, watches,
and a deal of silk vests, but the gold-dust belonging to them was most
of it left in the _Little Ranger_ in the bay (this company’s proper
ship) with the _Royal Fortune_.

I cannot but take notice of two among the crowd of those disfigured
from the blast of powder just before mentioned, viz., William Main and
Roger Ball. An officer of the ship seeing a silver call hang at the
waist of the former, said to him, “I presume you are boatswain of this
ship.” “Then you presume wrong,” answered he, “for I am boatswain of
the _Royal Fortune_, Captain Roberts, commander.” “Then, Mr.
Boatswain, you will be hanged, I believe,” replies the officer. “That
is as your honour pleases,” answered he again, and was for turning
away; but the officer desired to know of him how the powder which had
made them in that condition came to take fire. “By G----,” says he,
“they are all mad and bewitched, for I have lost a good hat by
it”--the hat and he being both blown out of the cabin gallery into the
sea. “But what signifies a hat, friend?” says the officer. “Not much,”
answered he; the men being busy in stripping him of his shoes and
stockings. The officer then inquired of him whether Roberts’s company
were as likely fellows as these. “There are 120 of them,” answered he,
“as clever fellows as ever trod shoe-leather. Would I were with them!”
“No doubt of it,” says the officer. “By G----, it is naked truth,”
answered he, looking down and seeing himself by this time quite
stripped.

The officer then approached Roger Ball, who was seated in a private
corner, with a look as sullen as winter, and asked him, how he came
blown up in that frightful manner. “Why,” says he, “John Morris fired
a pistol into the powder, and if he had not done it I would” (bearing
his pain without the least complaint). The officer gave him to
understand he was surgeon, and if he desired it, he would dress him;
but he swore it should not be done, and that if anything was applied
to him he would tear it off. Nevertheless the surgeon had good nature
enough to dress him, though with much trouble. At night he was in a
kind of delirium, and raved on the bravery of Roberts, saying he
should shortly be released, as soon as they should meet him, which
procured him a lashing down upon the forecastle, which he resisting
with all his force, caused him to be used with the more violence, so
that he was tied down with so much severity that, his flesh being sore
and tender with the blowing up, he died next day of a mortification.

They secured the prisoners with pinions and shackles, but the ship was
so much disabled in the engagement that they had once thoughts to set
her on fire; but this would have given them the trouble of taking the
pirate’s wounded men on board themselves, and that they were certain
the _Royal Fortune_ would wait for their consort’s return, they lay by
her two days, repairing her rigging and other damages, and sent her
into Princes with the Frenchmen and four of their own hands.

On the 9th, in the evening, the _Swallow_ gained the Cape again, and
saw the _Royal Fortune_ standing into the bay with the _Neptune_,
Captain Hill, of London--a good presage of the next day’s success, for
they did not doubt but the temptation of liquor and plunder they might
find in this their new prize would make the pirates very confused; and
so it happened.

On the 10th, in the morning, the man-of-war bore away to round the
Cape. Roberts’s crew discerning their masts over the land, went down
into the cabin to acquaint him of it, he being then at breakfast with
his new guest, Captain Hill, on a savoury dish of solomongundy, and
some of his own beer. He took no notice of it, and his men almost as
little, some saying she was a Portuguese ship, others a French slave
ship, but the major part swore it was the French _Ranger_ returning,
and were merrily debating for some time on the manner of reception,
whether they should salute or not; but as the _Swallow_ approached
nigher things appeared plainer, and though they were stigmatized with
the name of cowards who showed any apprehension of danger, yet some of
them, now undeceived, declared it to Roberts, especially one
Armstrong, who had deserted from that ship and knew her well. Those
Roberts swore at as cowards, who meant to dishearten the men, asking
them if it were so, whether they were afraid to fight, or no? and
hardly restrained from blows. What his own apprehensions were till she
hauled up her ports and hoisted their proper colours is uncertain; but
then being perfectly convinced, he slipped his cable, got under sail,
and ordered his men to arms without any show of timidity, dropping a
first-rate oath, “that it was a bite,” but at the same time resolved,
like a gallant rogue, to get clear or die.

There was one Armstrong, as I just mentioned, a deserter from the
_Swallow_, whom they inquired of concerning the trim and sailing of
that ship; he told them she sailed best upon a wind, and therefore, if
they designed to leave her, they should go before it.

The danger was imminent, and time very short to consult of means to
extricate himself. His resolution in this strait was as follows: To
pass close to the _Swallow_, with all their sails and, receive her
broadside, before they returned a shot; if disabled by this, or that
they could not depend on sailing, then to run on shore at the point
(which is steep to) and every one to shift for himself among the
negroes; or failing in these, to board, and blow up together, for he
saw that the greatest part of his men were drunk, passively
courageous, unfit for service.

Roberts himself made a gallant figure at the time of the engagement,
being dressed in a rich crimson damask waistcoat and breeches, a red
feather in his hat, a gold chain round his neck, with a diamond cross
hanging to it, a sword in his hand, and two pair of pistols hanging at
the end of a silk sling, flung over his shoulders (according to the
fashion of the pirates), and is said to have given his orders with
boldness and spirit; coming, according to what he had purposed, close
to the man-of-war, received her fire, and then hoisted his black flag,
and returned it, shooting away from her with all the sail he could
pack; and had he took Armstrong’s advice, to have gone before the
wind, he had probably escaped; but keeping his tacks down, either by
the winds shifting, or ill steerage, or both, he was taken a-back with
his sails, and the _Swallow_ came a second time very nigh to him. He
had now perhaps finished the fight very desperately, if Death, who
took a swift passage in a grape-shot, had not interposed, and struck
him directly on the throat. He settled himself on the tackles of a
gun, which one Stephenson, from the helm, observing, ran to his
assistance, and not perceiving him wounded, swore at him and bid him
stand up and fight like a man; but when he found his mistake, and that
his captain was certainly dead, he gushed into tears and wished the
next shot might be his lot. They presently threw him overboard, with
his arms and ornaments on, according to the repeated requests he made
in his lifetime.

Roberts was a tall black man, near forty years of age, born at
Newey-bagh, nigh Haverford-West, in Pembrokeshire, of good natural
parts and personal bravery, though he applied them to such wicked
purposes as to make them of no commendation, frequently drinking
“D----n to him who ever lived to wear a halter.” He was forced himself
at first among this company out of the _Prince_, Captain Plumb, at
Anamaboe, about three years before, where he served as second mate,
and shed, as he used to tell the fresh men, as many crocodile tears
then as they did now, but time and good company had wore it off. He
could not plead want of employment, nor incapacity of getting his
bread in an honest way, to favour so vile a change, nor was he so much
a coward as to pretend it, but frankly owned it was to get rid of the
disagreeable superiority of some masters he was acquainted with, and
the love of novelty and change maritime peregrinations had accustomed
him to. “In an honest service,” says he, “there is thin commons, low
wages, and hard labour; in this, plenty and satiety, pleasure and
ease, liberty and power; and who would not balance creditor on this
side when all the hazard that is run for it, at worst, is only a
fore-look or two at choking. No, ‘a merry life and a short one’ shall
be my motto.” Thus he preached himself into an approbation of what he
at first abhorred, and being daily regaled with music, drinking, and
the gaiety and diversions of his companions, these depraved
propensities were quickly edged and strengthened, to the extinguishing
of fear and conscience. Yet among all the vile and ignominious acts he
had perpetrated he is said to have had an aversion towards forcing men
into that service, and had procured some their discharge,
notwithstanding so many had made force their plea.

When Roberts was gone, as though he had been the life and soul of the
gang, their spirits sunk; many deserted their quarters, and all
stupidly neglected any means for defence or escape; and their
main-mast soon after being shot by the board, they had no way left but
to surrender and call for quarter. The _Swallow_ kept aloof, while her
boat passed and repassed for the prisoners, because they understood
they were under an oath to blow up; and some of the desperadoes showed
a willingness that way, matches being lighted, and scuffles happening
between those who would and those who opposed it. But I cannot easily
account for this humour, which can be termed no more than a false
courage, since any of them had power to destroy his own life, either
by pistol or drowning, without involving others in the same fate who
are in no temper of mind for it. And at best, it had been only dying
for fear of death.

She had 40 guns, and 157 men, 45 whereof were negroes; three only were
killed in the action, without any loss to the _Swallow_. There was
found upwards of £2,000 in gold-dust in her. The flag could not be got
easily from under the fallen mast, and was therefore recovered by the
_Swallow_; it had the figure of a skeleton in it, and a man portrayed
with a flaming sword in his hand, intimating a defiance of death
itself.

The _Swallow_ returned back into Cape Lopez Bay, and found the little
_Ranger_, whom the pirates had deserted in haste, for the better
defence of the ship. She had been plundered, according to what I could
learn, of £2,000 in gold-dust (the shares of those pirates who
belonged to her), and Captain Hill, in the _Neptune_, not unjustly
suspected, for he would not wait the man-of-war’s returning into the
bay again, but sailed away immediately, making no scruple afterwards
to own the seizure of other goods out of her, and surrendered, as a
confirmation of all, fifty ounces at Barbadoes, for which, see the
article at the end of this book: “All persons who after the 29th of
September, 1690,” &c.

To sum up the whole, if it be considered, first, that the sickly state
of the men-of-war when they sailed from Princes was the misfortune
that hindered their being as far as Sierra Leone, and consequently out
of the track the pirates then took; that those pirates, directly
contrary to their design, in the second expedition, should get above
Cape Corso, and that nigh Axim a chase should offer that inevitably
must discover them and be soon communicated to the men-of-war; that
the satiating their evil and malicious tempers at Whydah in burning
the _Porcupine_ and running off with the French ship had strengthened
the _Swallow_ with thirty men; that the _Swallow_ should miss them in
that road, where probably she had not, or at least so effectually,
obtained her end; that they should be so far infatuated at Cape Lopez
as to divide their strength which, when collected, might have been so
formidable; and lastly, that the conquest should be without
bloodshed--I say, considering all these circumstances, it shows that
the hand of Providence was concerned in their destruction.

As to their behaviour after they were taken, it was found that they
had great inclinations to rebel if they could have laid hold of any
opportunity, for they were very uneasy under restraint, having been
lately all commanders themselves, nor could they brook their diet or
quarters without cursing and swearing and upbraiding each other with
the folly that had brought them to it.

So that, to secure themselves against any mad, desperate undertaking
of theirs, the _Swallow_ strongly barricaded the gun-room, and made
another prison before it, an officer with pistols and cutlasses doing
duty night and day, and the prisoners within manacled and shackled.

They would yet in these circumstances be impudently merry, saying,
when they viewed their nakedness, “That they had not left them a
halfpenny, to give old Charon, to ferry them over Styx;” and at their
thin commons they would observe that they fell away so fast that they
should not have weight left to hang them. Sutton used to be very
profane, he happening to be in the same irons with another prisoner
who was more serious than ordinary and read and prayed often, as
became his condition; this man Sutton used to swear at and ask him,
“what he proposed by so much noise and devotion?” “Heaven,” says the
other, “I hope.” “Heaven, you fool,” says Sutton, “did you ever hear
of any pirates going thither? Give me h--ll, it’s a merrier place;
I’ll give Roberts a salute of thirteen guns at entrance.” And when he
found such ludicrous expressions had no effect on him he made a formal
complaint, and requested that the officer would either remove this man
or take his Prayer Book away, as a common disturber.

A combination and conspiracy was formed betwixt Moody, Ashplant,
Magnes, Mare, and others, to rise and kill the officers and run away
with the ship. This they had carried on by means of a mulatto boy, who
was allowed to attend them, and proved very trusty in his messages
between the principals, but the evening of that night they were to
have made the struggle, two of the prisoners that sat next Ashplant
heard the boy whisper them upon the project and naming to him the hour
they should be ready, presently gave notice of it to the captain,
which put the ship in an alarm for a little time; and on examination
several of them had made shift to break off or lose their shackles, no
doubt for such purpose; but it tended only to procure to themselves
worse usage and confinement.

In the same passage to Cape Corso, the prize, _Royal Fortune_, was in
the same danger. She was left at the Island of St. Thomas’s in the
possession of an officer and a few men to take in some fresh
provisions (which were scarce at Cape Corso), with orders to follow
the ship. There were only some of the pirate’s negroes, three or four
wounded prisoners, and Scudamore, their surgeon, from whom they seemed
to be under no apprehension especially from the last, who might have
hoped for favour on account of his employ, and had stood so much
indebted for his liberty, eating and drinking constantly with the
officers; yet this fellow, regardless of the favour, and lost to all
sense of reformation, endeavoured to bring over the negroes to his
design of murdering the people and running away with the ship. He
easily prevailed with the negroes to come into the design, but when he
came to communicate it to his fellow-prisoners, and would have drawn
them into the same measures, by telling them he understood navigation,
that the negroes were stout fellows, and by a smattering he had in the
Angolan language he had found willing to undertake such an enterprise,
and that it was better venturing to do this, run down the coast and
raise a new company, than to proceed to Cape Corso and be hanged like
dogs and sun-dried. One of them abhorring the cruelty, or fearing the
success, discovered it to the officer, who made him immediately a
prisoner and brought the ship safe.

When they came to be lodged in Cape Corso Castle, their hopes of this
kind all cut off, and that they were assured they must there soon
receive a final sentence, the note was changed among most of them, and
from vain insolent jesting they became serious and devout, begging for
good books; and joining in public prayers, and singing of psalms,
twice at least every day.

As to their trials, if we should give them at length it may appear
tedious to the reader, for which reason I have, for the avoiding
tautology and repetition, put as many of them together as were tried
for the same fact, reserving the circumstances which are most
material, with observations on the dying behaviour of such of them as
came to my knowledge.

And first, it may be observed from the list that a great part of these
pirate ships’ crews were men entered on the coast of Africa not many
months before they were taken; from whence, it may be concluded, that
the pretended constraint of Roberts on them was very often a
complotment between parties equally willing. And this Roberts several
times openly declared, particularly to the _Onslow’s_ people, whom he
called aft, and asked of them “who was willing to go, for he would
force nobody?” As was deposed of some of his best hands, after
acquittal; nor is it reasonable to think he should reject Irish
volunteers, only from a pique against Kennedy, and force others, that
might hazard, and, in time destroy, his government. But their
behaviour soon put him out of this fear and convinced him that the
plea of force was only the best artifice they had to shelter
themselves under in case they should be taken, and that they were less
rogues than others only in point of time.

It may likewise be taken notice of that the country wherein they
happened to be tried is, among other happinesses, exempted from
lawyers and law-books, so that the office of registrar of necessity
fell on one not versed in those affairs, which might justify the court
in want of form, more essentially supplied with integrity and
impartiality.

But perhaps if there was less law there might be more justice than in
some other courts; for if the civil law be a law of universal reason,
judging of the rectitude, or obliquity of men’s actions, every man of
common sense is endued with a portion of it, at least sufficient to
make him distinguish right from wrong, or what the civilians call
_malum in se_.

Therefore, here, if two persons were equally guilty of the same fact,
there was no convicting one and bringing the other off by any quirk or
turn of law; for they formed their judgments upon the constraint, or
willingness, the aim and intention of the parties, and all other
circumstances, which make a material difference. Besides, in crimes of
this nature men bred up to the sea must be more knowing and much abler
than others more learned in the law; for before a man can have a right
idea of a thing he must know the terms standing for that thing. The
sea-terms being a language by itself, which no lawyer can be supposed
to understand, he must of consequence want that discriminating faculty
which should direct him to judge right of the facts meant by those
terms.

The court well knew it was not possible to get the evidence of every
sufferer by this crew, and therefore first of all considered how that
deficiency should be supplied; whether or no they could pardon one Jo.
Dennis, who had early offered himself as King’s evidence, and was the
best read in their lives and conversations; here indeed they were at a
loss for law, and concluded in the negative because it looked like
compounding with a man to swear falsely, losing by it those great
helps he could have afforded.

Another great difficulty in their proceedings was how to understand
those words in the Act of Parliament of “particularly specifying in
the charge the circumstances of time, place,” &c., _i.e._, so to
understand them as to be able to hold a court; for if they had been
indicted on particular robberies the evidence had happened mostly from
the Royal African Company’s ships, on which these gentlemen of Cape
Corso Castle were not qualified to sit, their oath running “That they
have no interest, directly or indirectly, in the ship or goods, for
the robbery of which the party stands accused.” And this they thought
they had, commissions being paid them on such goods; and on the other
side, if they were incapacitated, no court could be formed, the
commission absolutely required three of them by name.

To reconcile all things, therefore, the court resolved to bottom the
whole of their proceedings on the _Swallow’s_ depositions, which were
clear and plain and had the circumstances of time when, place where,
manner how, and the like, particularly specified according to the
statute in that case made and provided. But this admitted only a
general intimation of robbery in the indictment; therefore, “to
approve their clemency,” it looking arbitrary on the lives of men to
lump them to the gallows in such a summary way as must have been done
had they solely adhered to the _Swallow’s_ charge, they resolved to
come to particular trials.

Secondly, “that the prisoners might not be ignorant whereon to
answer,” and so have all fair advantages to excuse and defend
themselves, the court farther agreed with justice and equanimity to
hear any evidence that could be brought to weaken or corroborate the
three circumstances that complete a pirate: first, being a volunteer
amongst them at the beginning; secondly, being a volunteer at the
taking or robbing of any ship; or, lastly, voluntarily accepting a
share in the booty of those that did; for by a parity of reason where
these actions were of their own disposing, and yet committed by them,
it must be believed their hearts and hands joined together in what
they acted against his Majesty’s ship the _Swallow_.




                        THE TRIALS OF THE PIRATES.

  _Taken by his Majesty’s ship the_ Swallow, _begun at Cape
     Corso Castle, on the coast of Africa, March 28th, 1722._


The Commission empowered any three named therein to call to their
assistance such a number of qualified persons as might make the court
always consist of seven; and accordingly summonses were signed to
Lieut. Jo. Barnsley, Lieut. Ch. Fanshaw, Capt. Samuel Hartsease, and
Capt. William Menzies viz.:--

     “By virtue of a Power and Authority, to us given, by a
     Commission from the King under the Seal of Admiralty, you
     are hereby required to attend and make one of the Court for
     the trying and adjudging of the Pirates lately taken on
     this coast by his Majesty’s ship the _Swallow_.

     “Given under our hands this 28th of March, 1722, at Cape
     Corso Castle.
                                            “MUNGO HEARDMAN,
                                             JAMES PHIPS,
                                             HENRY DODSON,
                                             FRANCIS BOY,
                                             EDWARD HIDE.”

The commissioners being met in the hall of the castle, the Commission
was first read; after which the president, and then the other members,
took the oath prescribed in the Act of Parliament, and having directed
the form of that for witnesses, as follows, the court was opened:--

     “I, _A. B._, solemnly promise and swear on the Holy
     Evangelists to bear true and faithful witness between the
     King and prisoner, or prisoners, in relation to the fact or
     facts of piracy and robbery, he or they do now stand accused
     of. So help me God.”

The court consisted of Captain Mungo Heardman, President; James
Phipps, Esq., General of the Coast; Mr. H. Dodson, Mr. F. Boye,
Merchants; Mr. Edward Hyde, Secretary to the Company; Lieut. John
Barnsley; Lieut. Ch. Fanshaw. The following prisoners, out of the
pirate ship _Ranger_, having been commanded before them, the charge,
or indictment, was exhibited:--

                     PRISONERS TAKEN IN THE “RANGER.”

    MEN’S NAMES.          SHIPS FROM.                  TIME WHEN.

  *James Skyrm       _Greyhound_ sloop                Oct., 1720
  *Rich. Hardy       Pirate with Davis                      1718
  *Wm. Main          Brigantine, Capt. Peet           June, 1720

  *Henry Dennis    ⎫                                        1718
  *Val. Ashplant   ⎬ Pirates with Capt. Davis               1719
  *Rob. Birdson    ⎭                                        1719
  *Rich. Harris    ⎫ _Phœnix_ of Bristol, Capt.     ⎫
  *D. Littlejohn   ⎭      Richards                  ⎬ June, 1720
  *Thomas How        at Newfoundland                ⎭

  +Her. Hunkins      _Success_ sloop

  *Hugh Harris       _Willing Mind_                 ⎫
  *W. Mackintosh                                    ⎪
  Thomas Willis      _Richard_ of Bideford          ⎬ July, 1720
  +John Wilden       _Mary_ and _Martha_            ⎪
  *Ja. Greenham      _Little York_, Phillips, Mr.   ⎪
  *John Jaynson      _Love_ of Lancaster            ⎭

  +Chri. Lang        _Thomas_ brigantine             Sept., 1720
  *John Mitchel    ⎫ _Norman_ galley                  Oct., 1720
  T. Withstandenot ⎭

  Peter la Fever   ⎫ _Jeremiah_ and _Anne_             Ap., 1720
  *Wm. Shurin      ⎭

  *Wm. Wats        ⎫ _Sirraleon_ ⎫ of Mr. Glin of   ⎫ July, 1721
  *Wm. Davis       ⎭             ⎭   Seig. Joffeé   ⎭

  +James Barrow    ⎫ _Martha_ snow, Capt. Lady
  *Joshua Lee      ⎭

  Rob. Hartley (1) ⎫ _Robinson_ of Liverpool,         Aug., 1721
  +James Crane     ⎭    Capt. Kanning

  George Smithson  ⎫ _Stanwich_ galley, Captain     ⎫
  Roger Pye        ⎬    Tarlton                     ⎬ Aug., 1721
  +Rob. Fletcher   ⎪                                ⎪
  *Ro. Hartley (2) ⎭                                ⎭

  +Andrew Rance      A Dutch ship

  *Cuthbert Goss   ⎫ _Mercy_ galley of Bristol,     ⎫
  *Tho. Giles      ⎬    at Callibar                 ⎬ Oct., 1721
  *Israel Hynde    ⎭                                ⎭

  William Church     _Gertruycht_ of Holland        ⎫
                                                    ⎪
  Philip Haak        _Flushingham_ of ditto         ⎪
                                                    ⎪
  William Smith    ⎫ _Elizabeth_, Capt. Sharp       ⎪
  Adam Comry       ⎭                                ⎪
                                                    ⎪
  William Graves   ⎫                                ⎪
  *Peter de Vine   ⎬ _King Solomon_, Capt. Trehern, ⎪
  John Johnson     ⎪    off Cape Appollonia         ⎪
  John Stodgill    ⎭                                ⎪
                                                    ⎪
  Henry Dawson     ⎫ _Whydah_ sloop, at Jaquix      ⎬ Jan., 1721-2
  William Glass    ⎭                                ⎪
                                                    ⎪
  Josiah Robinson  ⎫                                ⎪
  John Arnaught    ⎪                                ⎪
  John Davis       ⎪                                ⎪
  +Henry Graves    ⎬ _Tarton_, Capt. Tho. Tarlton   ⎪
  Tho. Howard      ⎪                                ⎪
  +John Rimer      ⎪                                ⎪
  Thomas Clephen   ⎭                                ⎪
                                                    ⎪
  Wm. Guineys        _Porcupine_, Capt. Fletcher    ⎪
  +James Cosins                                     ⎭

  Tho. Stretton    ⎫                                ⎫
  *William Petty   ⎪                                ⎪
  Mic. Lemmon      ⎬ _Onslow_, Capt. Gee, at        ⎪
  *Wm. Wood        ⎪   Cestos                       ⎬ Jan., 1721-2
  *Ed. Watts       ⎪                                ⎪
  *John Horn       ⎭                                ⎭

  Pierre Ravon       _Peter Grossey_                ⎫
  John Dugan         _Rence Frogier_                ⎪
  James Ardeon       _Lewis Arnaus_                 ⎪ From the
  Etrion Gilliot     _Rence Thoby_                  ⎪ French ship
  Ren. Marraud       _Meth Roulac_                  ⎬ in Whydah
  John Gittin        _John Gumar_                   ⎪ road, Feb.,
  Jo. Richardeau     _John Paquete_                 ⎪ 1721-2.
  John Lavogue       _Allan Pigan_                  ⎪
  John Duplaissey    _Pierce Shillot_               ⎭

     “You, James Skyrm, Michael Lemmon, Robert Hartley, &c.

     “Ye, and every one of you, are, in the name and by the
     authority of our dread sovereign lord, George, King of Great
     Britain, indicted as follows:--

     “Forasmuch as, in an open contempt of the laws of your
     country, ye have all of you been wickedly united and
     articled together for the annoyance and disturbance of his
     Majesty’s trading subjects at sea; and have, in conformity
     to the most evil and mischievous intentions, been twice down
     the coast of Africa with two ships--once in the beginning of
     August, and a second time in January last--sinking, burning,
     or robbing such ships and vessels as then happened in your
     way.

     “Particularly ye stand charged at the instance and
     information of Captain Chaloner Ogle, as traitors and
     pirates, for the unlawful opposition ye made to his
     Majesty’s ship, the _Swallow_, under his command.

     “For that on the 5th of February last past, upon sight of
     the aforesaid King’s ship, ye did immediately weigh anchor
     from under Cape Lopez, on the southern coast of Africa, in a
     French-built ship of thirty-two guns called the _Ranger_,
     and did pursue and chase the aforesaid King’s ship with such
     dispatch and precipitancy as declared ye common robbers and
     pirates.

     “That about ten o’clock of the same morning, drawing within
     gunshot of his Majesty’s aforesaid ship, the _Swallow_, ye
     hoisted a piratical black flag, and fired several
     chase-guns, to deter, as much as you were able, his
     Majesty’s servants from their duty.

     “That an hour after this, being very nigh to the aforesaid
     King’s ship, you did audaciously continue in a hostile
     defence and assault for about two hours more, in open
     violation of the laws and in defiance to the King’s colours
     and Commission.

     “And lastly, that in the acting and compassing of all this,
     you were all, and every one of you, in a wicked combination,
     voluntarily to exert, and actually did, in your several
     stations, use your utmost endeavours to distress the said
     King’s ship, and murder his Majesty’s good subjects.”

To which they severally pleaded “Not Guilty.”

Then the court called for the officers of the _Swallow_, Mr. Isaac
Sun, lieutenant, Ralph Baldrick, boatswain, Daniel Maclaughlin, mate,
desiring them to view the prisoners, whether they knew them, and to
give an account in what manner they had attacked and fought the King’s
ship; and they agreed as follows:--

That they had viewed all the prisoners as they stood now before the
court, and were assured they were the same taken out of one or other
of the pirate ships, _Royal Fortune_ or _Ranger_; but verily believe
them to be taken out of the _Ranger_.

That they did, in the King’s ship, at break of day, on Monday, the 5th
of February, 1721-2, discover three ships at anchor, under Cape Lopez,
on the southern coast of Africa, the Cape bearing then W.S.W. about
three leagues, and perceiving one of them to have a pendant flying,
and having heard their morning-gun before, they immediately suspected
them to be Roberts the pirate, his consort, and a French ship they
knew had been lately carried out of Whydah road.

The King’s ship was obliged to haul off N.W. and W.N.W. to avoid a
sand called the French Man’s Bank, the wind then at S.S.E. and found,
in half an hour’s time, one of the three had got under sail from the
careen, and was bending her sails in a chase towards them. To
encourage this rashness and precipitancy, they kept away before the
wind, as though afraid, but with their tacks on board, their main-yard
braced, and making, at the same time, very bad steerage.

About half an hour after ten in the morning, the pirate ship came
within gunshot, and fired four chase-guns, hoisted a black flag at the
mizen-peak and got their spritsail yard under their bowsprit for
boarding. In half an hour more, approaching still nigher, they
starboarded their helm and gave her a broadside, the pirate
bringing-to and returning the same.

After this, the deponents say, their fire grew slack for some time,
because the pirate was shot so far ahead on the weather-bow, that few
of their guns could point to her; yet in this interval their black
flag was either shot away or hauled down a little space and hoisted
again.

At length, by their ill-steerage and favour of the wind, they came
near a second time; and about two in the afternoon shot away their
maintopmast.

The colours they fought under, besides a black flag, were a red
English ensign, a King’s jack, and a Dutch pendant, which they struck
at, or about, three in the afternoon, and called for quarter; it
proving to be a French-built ship of 32 guns, called the _Ranger_.

                                                 ISAAC SUN.
                                                 RALPH BALDRICK.
                                                 DANIEL MACLAUGLIN.

When the evidence had been heard the prisoners were called upon to
answer how they came on board this pirate ship, and their reason for
so audacious a resistance as had been made against the King’s ship.

To this each, in his reply, owned himself to be one of those taken out
of the _Ranger_; that he had signed their piratical articles, and
shared in their plunder, some few only excepted who had been there too
short a time, but that neither in this signing or sharing, nor in the
resistance that had been made against his Majesty’s ship, had they
been volunteers, but had acted in these several parts from a terror of
death, which, by a law amongst them, was to be the portion of those
who refused. The court then asked, Who made those laws? How those guns
came to be fired? Or why they had not deserted their stations and
mutinied when so fair a prospect of redemption offered? They replied
still with the same answers, and could extenuate their crimes with no
other plea than being forced men. Wherefore the court were of opinion
that the indictment, as it charged them with unlawful attack and
resistance of the King’s ship, was sufficiently proved; but then it
being undeniably evident that many of these prisoners had been forced,
and some of them of very short standing, they did, on mature
deliberation, come to this merciful resolution:--

That they would hear further evidence for or against each person
singly, in relation to those parts of the indictment which declared
them volunteers or charged them with aiding and assisting at the
burning, sinking, or robbing of other ships; for if they acted, or
assisted, in any robberies or devastations it would be a conviction
they were volunteers; here such evidence, though it might want the
form, still carried the reason of the law with it.

       *       *       *       *       *

The charge was exhibited also against the following pirates taken out
of the _Royal Fortune_:--

    MEN’S NAMES.         SHIPS FROM.                    TIME WHEN.

  *Mich. Mare        in the _Rover_ 5 years ago
  *Chris. Moody      under Davis                             1718
  *Mar. Johnson      a Dutch ship                            1718
  *James Philips     the _Revenge_, pirate sloop             1717

  *David Symson    ⎫ Pirates with Davis
  *Tho. Sutton     ⎭

  *Hag. Jacobson     a Dutch ship                            1719

  *W. Williams (1) ⎫
  *Wm. Fernon      ⎬ _Sudbury_, Captain Thomas,     ⎫
  *W. Williams (2) ⎪     Newfoundland               ⎭  June, 1720
  *Roger Scot      ⎭

  *Tho. Owen       ⎫                                ⎫
  *Wm. Taylor      ⎭ _York_ of Bristol              ⎬   May, 1720
  *Joseph Nositer    _Expedition_ of Topsham        ⎭
  *John Parker       _Willing Mind_ of Pool         ⎫
  *Robert Crow       _Happy Return_ sloop           ⎪
  *George Smith      _Mary_ and _Martha_            ⎬  July, 1720
  *Ja. Clements      _Success_ sloop                ⎪
  *John Walden       _Blessing_ of Lymington        ⎭

  *Jo. Mansfield     from Martinico
  +James Harris      _Richard_ Pink
  *John Philips        a fishing boat
  Harry Glasby     ⎫
  Hugh Menzies     ⎭ _Samuel_, Capt. Cary              July, 1720
  *Wm. Magnus
  *Joseph Moor       _May Flower_ sloop                Feb., 1720
  +John du Frock   ⎫
  Wm. Champnies    ⎪
  George Danson    ⎬ _Lloyd_ galley, Captain        ⎫
  +Isaac Russel    ⎭     Hyngston                   ⎭   May, 1721
  Robert Lilbourn  ⎫
  *Robert Johnson  ⎬ _Jeremiah_ and _Ann_, Capt.    ⎫ April, 1721
  Wm. Darling      ⎪     Turner                     ⎭
  +Wm. Mead        ⎭

  Thomas Diggles      _Christopher_ snow            ⎫
  *Ben. Jeffreys      _Norman_ galley               ⎪
  John Francia        a sloop at St. Nicholas       ⎪
  *D. Harding         a Dutch ship                  ⎬ April, 1721
  *John Coleman       _Adventure_ sloop             ⎪
  *Charles Bunce      a Dutch galley                ⎪
  *R. Armstrong       ditto run from the _Swallow_  ⎭

  *Abra. Harper    ⎫
  *Peter Lesly     ⎪
  *John Jessup (1) ⎪
  Tho. Watkins     ⎪
  *Philip Bill     ⎬  _Onslow_, Capt. Gee at Sestos     May, 1721
  *Jo. Stephenson  ⎪
  *James Cromby    ⎪
  Thomas Garrat    ⎪
  +George Ogle     ⎭

  Roger Gorsuch    ⎫
  John Watson      ⎭  _Martha_ snow                    Aug., 1721

  William Child    ⎫
  *John Griffin    ⎬  _Mercy_ galley at Callabar       Oct., 1721
  *Pet. Scudamore  ⎭

  Christ. Granger  ⎫
  Nicho. Brattle   ⎪
  James White      ⎪
  Tho. Davis       ⎬ _Cornwall_ galley at Callabar     Oct., 1721
  Tho. Sever       ⎪
  *Rob. Bevins     ⎪
  *T. Oughterlaney ⎪
  *David Rice      ⎭

  *Rob. Haws         _Joceline_, Capt. Loane             ditto.

  Hugh Riddle      ⎫ _Diligence_ boat                  Jan., 1721
  Stephen Thomas   ⎭

  *John Lane       ⎫
  *Sam. Fletcher   ⎪
  *Wm. Philips     ⎬ _King Solomon_                      ditto.
  Jacob Johnson    ⎪
  *John King       ⎭

  Benjamin Par       _Robinson_, Capt. Kanning           ditto.

  William May      ⎫ _Elizabeth_, Capt. Sharp       ⎫
  Ed. Thornden     ⎭                                ⎪
                                                    ⎬    ditto.
  *George Wilson   ⎫                                ⎪
  Edward Tarlton   ⎬ _Tarlton_ of Liverpool at      ⎪
  *Robert Hays     ⎭     Cape La Hou                ⎭

  Thomas Roberts   ⎫
  John Richards    ⎬ _Charlton_, Capt. Allwright       Feb., 1721
  John Cane        ⎭

  Richard Wood

  Richard Scot     ⎫
  Wm. Davison      ⎬ _Porcupine_, Capt. Fletcher    ⎫  Feb., 1721
  Sam. Morwell     ⎪     Whydah road                ⎭
  Edward Evans     ⎭

*John Jessup (2)   surrendered up at Princes

     “You, Harry Glasby, William Davison, William Champnies.
     Samuel Morwell, &c.

     “Ye, and every one of you, are, in the name and by the
     authority of our most dread sovereign lord, George, King of
     Great Britain, indicted as follows:--

     “Forasmuch as, in open contempt and violation of the laws of
     your country, to which ye ought to have been subject, ye
     have all of you been wickedly united and articled together
     for the annoyance and destruction of his Majesty’s trading
     subjects by sea; and, in conformity to so wicked an
     agreement and association, ye have been twice lately down
     this coast of Africa--once in August, and a second time in
     January last--spoiling and destroying many goods and vessels
     of his Majesty’s subjects, and other trading nations.

     “Particularly ye stand indicted at the information and
     instance of Captain Chaloner Ogle, as traitors, robbers,
     pirates, and common enemies to mankind.

     “For that on the 10th of February last, in a ship ye were
     possessed of, called the _Royal Fortune_, of forty guns, ye
     did maintain a hostile defence and resistance for some hours
     against his Majesty’s ship the _Swallow_, nigh Cape Lopez
     Bay, on the southern coast of Africa.

     “That this fight and insolent resistance against the King’s
     ship was made not only without any pretence of authority,
     more than that of your own private depraved will, but was
     done also under a black flag, flagrantly by that donoting
     yourselves common robbers and traitors, opposers and
     violaters of the laws.

     “And lastly, that in this resistance, ye were all of you
     volunteers, and did, as such, contribute your utmost
     efforts, and disabling and distressing the aforesaid King’s
     ship, and deterring his Majesty’s servants therein from
     their duty.”

To which they severally pleaded, Not Guilty.

Whereupon the officers of his Majesty’s ship the _Swallow_, were
called again and testified as follows:--

That they had seen all the prisoners now before the court, and knew
them to be the same which were taken out of one or other of the pirate
ships, _Royal Fortune_ or _Ranger_, and verily believe them to be
those taken out of the _Royal Fortune_.

That the prisoners were possessed of a ship of forty guns, called the
_Royal Fortune_, and were at anchor under Cape Lopez, on the coast of
Africa, with two others, when his Majesty’s ship the _Swallow_ (to
which the deponents belonged, and were officers), stood in for the
place on Saturday, the 10th of February, 1721-2. The largest had a
jack ensign and pendant flying (being this _Royal Fortune_), who, on
sight of them, had their boats passing and repassing from the other
two, which they supposed to be with men. The wind not favouring the
aforesaid King’s ship she was obliged to make two trips to gain nigh
enough the wind to fetch in with the pirates; and being at length
little more than cannon-shot from them, they found she slipped her
cable and got under sail.

At eleven, the pirate was within pistol-shot, abreast of them, with a
black flag and pendant hoisted at their main-topmast head. The
deponents say they then struck the French ensign that had continued
hoisted at their staff all the morning till then, and displayed the
King’s colours, giving her at the same time their broadside, which was
immediately returned.

The pirate’s mizen-topmast fell and some of her rigging was torn, yet
she still outsailed the man-of-war, and slid half gun-shot from them,
while they continued to fire without intermission, and the other to
return such guns as could be brought to bear, till, by favour of the
winds, they were advanced very nigh again; and after exchanging a few
more shot, about half an hour past one, his main-mast came down,
having received a shot below the parrel.

At two, she struck her colours, and called for quarter, proving to be
a ship, formerly called the _Onflow_, but by them the _Royal Fortune_;
and the prisoners from her assured them, that the smallest ship of the
two, then remaining in the road, belonged to them, by the name of the
_Little Ranger_, which they had deserted on this occasion.

                                                ISAAC SUN,
                                                RALPH BALDRICK,
                                                DANIEL MACLAUGHLIN.

The prisoners were asked by the court, to the same purpose the others
had been in the morning--What exception they had to make against what
had been sworn, and what they had to say in their defence? And their
replies were much the same with the other prisoners: that they were
forced men, had not fired a gun in this resistance against the
_Swallow_, and that what little assistance they did give on this
occasion was to the sails and rigging, to comply with the arbitrary
commands of Roberts, who had threatened, and, they were persuaded
would, have shot them on refusal.

The court, to dispense equal justice, mercifully resolved for these,
as they had done for the other pirate crew--that further evidence
should be heard against each man singly, to the two points, of being a
volunteer at first, and to their particular acts of piracy and robbery
since; that so men, who had been lately received amongst them, and as
yet had not been at the taking or plundering of any ship, might have
the opportunity and benefit of clearing their innocence and not fall
promiscuously with the guilty.

                                      By order of the court,
                                            JOHN ATKINS, Registrar.


  _Wm. Magnes, Tho. Oughterlauney, Wm. Main, Wm. Mackintosh,
     Val. Ashplant, John Walden, Israel Hind, Marcus Johnson,
     Wm. Petty, Wm. Fernon, Abraham Harvey, Wm. Wood, Tho. How,
     John Stephenson, Ch. Bunce, and John Griffin._

Against these it was deposed by Captain Joseph Trahern, and George
Fenn, his mate, that they were all of them, either at the attacking
and taking of the ship _King Solomon_, or afterwards at the robbing
and plundering of her, and in this manner:--

That on the 6th of January last, their ship riding at anchor near Cape
Appollonia, in Africa, discovered a boat rowing towards them, against
wind and stream, from a ship that lay about three miles to leeward.
They judged from the number of men in her, as she nearer advanced, to
be a pirate, and made some preparation for receiving her, believing,
on a nigher view, they would think fit to withdraw from an attack that
must be on their side with great disadvantage in an open boat, and
against double the number of men; yet by the rashness and
pusillanimity of his own people, who laid down their arms and
immediately called for quarter, the ship was taken, and afterwards
robbed by them.

President: Can you charge your memory with any particulars in the
seizure and robbery?

Evidence: We know that Magnes, quartermaster of the pirate ship,
commanded the men in this boat that took us, and assumed the authority
of ordering her provisions and stores out, which, being of different
kinds, we soon found were seized and sent away under more particular
directions; for Main, as boatswain of the pirate ship, carried away
two cables and several coils of rope, as what belonged to his
province, beating some of our own men for not being brisk enough at
working in the robbery. Petty, as sail maker, saw to the sails and
canvas; Harper, as cooper, to the cask and tools; Griffin, to the
carpenter’s stores, and Oughterlauney, as pilot, having shifted
himself with a suit of my clothes, a new tye wig, and called for a
bottle of wine, ordered the ship, very arrogantly, to be steered under
Commodore Roberts’s stern (I suppose to know what orders there were
concerning her). So far particularly. In the general, sir, they were
very outrageous and emulous in mischief.

President: Mr. Castel, acquaint the court of what you know in relation
to this robbery of the _King Solomon_; after what manner the pirate
boat was dispatched for this attempt.

Tho. Castel: I was a prisoner, sir, with the pirates when their boat
was ordered upon that service, and found, upon a resolution of going,
word was passed through the company, Who would go? And I saw all that
did, did it voluntarily; no compulsion, but rather pressing who should
be foremost. The prisoners yielded to what had been sworn about the
attack and robbery, but denied the latter evidence, saying Roberts
hectored and upbraided them of cowardice on this very occasion, and
told some they were very ready to step on board of a prize when within
command of the ship, but now there seemed to be a trial of their
valour, backward and fearful.

President: So that Roberts forced ye upon this attack.

Prisoners: Roberts commanded us into the boat, and the quartermaster
to rob the ship, neither of whose commands we dared to have refused.

President: And granting it so, those are still your own acts, since
done by orders from officers of your own election. Why would men,
honestly disposed, give their votes for such a captain and such a
quartermaster as were every day commanding them on distasteful
services?

Here succeeded a silence among the prisoners, but at length Fernon
very honestly owned that he did not give his vote to Magnes, but to
David Sympson (the old quartermaster), “for in truth,” says he, “I
took Magnes for too honest a man, and unfit for the business.”

The evidence was plain and home, and the court, without any
hesitation, brought them in “Guilty.”


  _William Church, Phil. Haak, James White, Nich. Brattle, Hugh
     Riddle, William Thomas, Tho. Roberts, Jo. Richards, Jo.
     Cane, R. Wood, R. Scot, Wm. Davison, Sam. Morwell, Edward
     Evans, Wm. Guineys, and eighteen Frenchmen._

The four first of these prisoners, it was evident to the court, served
as music on board the pirate, were forced lately from the several
merchant ships they belonged to; and that they had, during this
confinement, an uneasy life of it, having sometimes their fiddles, and
often their heads broke, only for excusing themselves, or saying they
were tired when any fellow took it in his head to demand a tune.

The other English had been a very few days on board the pirate, only
from Whydah to Cape Lopez, and no capture or robbery done by them in
that time. And the Frenchmen were brought with a design to reconduct
their own ship (or the _Little Ranger_ in exchange) to Whydah road
again, and were used like prisoners; neither quartered nor suffered to
carry arms. So that the court immediately acquiesced in acquitting
them.


  _Tho. Sutton, David Simpson, Christopher Moody, Phil. Bill, R.
     Hardy, Hen. Dennis, David Rice, Wm. Williams, R. Harris,
     George Smith, Ed. Watts, Jo. Mitchell, and James Barrow._

The evidence against these prisoners were Grata de Haen, master of the
_Flushingham_, taken nigh Axim, the beginning of January last.

Benj. Kreft, master, and James Groet, mate of the _Gertruycht_, taken
nigh Gabone in December last, and Mr. Castel, Wingfield, and others
that had been prisoners with the pirates.

The former deposed that all these prisoners (excepting Hardy) were on
board at the robbery and plunder of their ships, behaving in a vile,
outrageous manner, putting them in bodily fears, sometimes for the
ship, and sometimes for themselves; and in particular Kreft charged it
on Sutton that he had ordered all their gunner’s stores out; on which
that prisoner presently interrupted and said he was perjured--“That he
had not taken half.” A reply, I believe, not designed as any saucy way
of jesting, but to give their behaviour an appearance of more humanity
than the Dutch would allow.

From Mr. Castel, Wingfield, and others, they were proved to be
distinguished men--men who were consulted as chiefs in all
enterprizes; belonged most of them to the House of Lords (as they
called it), and could carry an authority over others. The former said,
particularly of Hardy (quartermaster of the _Ranger_), that when the
_Diligence_ sloop was taken (whereto he belonged) none was busier in
the plunder, and was the very man who scuttled and sunk that vessel.

From some of the prisoners acquitted it was farther demanded whether
the acceptance or refusal of any office was not in their own option?
And it was declared that every officer was chosen by a majority of
votes, and might refuse, if he pleased, since others gladly embraced
what brought with it an additional share of prize. Guilty.

       *       *       *       *       *

The court on the 31st of March remanded the following six before them
for sentence, viz., _Dav. Simpson_, _Wm. Magnes_, _R. Hardy_, _Thomas
Sutton_, _Christopher Moody_, and _Valentine Ashplant_.

To whom the President spoke to the following purpose: “The crime of
piracy, of which all of ye have been justly convicted, is of all other
robberies the most aggravating and inhumane, in that being removed
from the fears of surprise in remote and distant parts, ye do in
wantonness of power often add cruelty to theft.

“Pirates, unmoved at distress or poverty, not only spoil and rob, but
do it from men needy, and who are purchasing their livelihoods through
hazards and difficulties, which ought rather to move compassion; and
what is still worse, do often, by persuasion or force, engage the
inconsiderate part of them, to their own and families’ ruin, removing
them from their wives and children, and by that, from the means that
should support them from misery and want.

“To a trading nation nothing can be so destructive as piracy, or call
for more exemplary punishment; besides the national reflection it
infers, it cuts off the returns of industry, and those plentiful
importations that alone can make an island flourishing; and it is your
aggravation, that ye have been the chiefs and rulers in these
licentious and lawless practices.

“However, contrary to the measures ye have dealt, ye have been heard
with patience, and though little has, or possibly could, have been
said in excuse or extenuation of your crimes, yet charity make us hope
that a true and sincere repentance (which we heartily recommend) may
entitle ye to mercy and forgiveness after the sentence of the law has
taken place, which now remains upon me to pronounce:--

“You, _Dav. Simpson_, _William Magnes_, R. _Hardy_, _Tho. Sutton_,
_Christopher Moody_, and _Val. Ashplant_.

“Ye, and each of you, are adjudged and sentenced to be carried back to
the place from whence ye came, from thence to the place of execution,
without the gates of this castle, and there, within the flood-marks,
to be hanged by the neck till ye are dead.

“After this ye, and each of you, shall be taken down, and your bodies
hanged in chains.”


                          WARRANT FOR EXECUTION.

     “Pursuant to the sentence given on Saturday by the Court of
     Admiralty at Cape Corso Castle, against Dav. Simpson, Wm.
     Magnes, R. Hardy, Tho. Sutton, Christopher Moody, and
     Valentine Ashplant.

     “You are hereby directed to carry the aforesaid malefactors
     to the place of execution, without the gates of this castle,
     to-morrow morning at nine of the clock, and there, within
     the flood-marks, cause them to be hanged by the neck till
     they are dead, for which this shall be your warrant. Given
     under my hand, this 2nd day of April, 1722.
                                                   “MUNGO HEARDMAN.
    “To Joseph Gordyn, provost-marshal.
    “The bodies remove in chains to the gibbets already erected
    on the adjacent hillocks.--M. H.”


                           _William Phillips._

It appeared by the evidence of Captain Jo. Trahern and George Fenn,
mate of the _King Solomon_, that this prisoner was boatswain of the
same ship, when she was attacked and taken off Cape Appollonia, the
6th of January last, by the pirate’s boat.

When the boat drew nigh (they say) it was judged from the number of
men in her that they were pirates, and being hailed, answered,
“Defiance”; at which the commander snatched a musket from one of his
men and fired, asking them at the same time whether they would stand
by him to defend the ship? But the pirates returning a volley, and
crying out they would give no quarter if any resistance was made, this
prisoner took upon him to call out for quarter without the master’s
consent, and mislead the rest to the laying down their arms, and
giving up the ship to half the number of men, and in an open boat. It
was further evident he became after this a volunteer amongst them.
First, because he was presently very forward and brisk in robbing the
ship _King Solomon_ of her provisions and stores; secondly, because he
endeavoured to have his captain ill-used; and lastly, because he had
confessed to Fenn that he had been obliged to sign their Articles that
night (a pistol being laid on the table to signify he must do it or be
shot), when the whole appeared to be an untruth from other evidence,
who also asserted his being armed in the action against the _Swallow_.

In answer to this he first observed upon the unhappiness of being
friendless in this part of the world, which, elsewhere, by witnessing
to the honesty of his former life, would, he believed, in a great
measure have invalidated the wrong evidence had been given of his
being a volunteer with the pirates. He owns, indeed, he made no
application to his captain to intercede for a discharge, but excuses
it with saying he had a dislike to him, and therefore was sure that
such application would have availed him nothing.

The court observed the pretences of this and other of the pirates, of
a pistol and their Articles being served up in a dish together, or of
their being misused and forced from an honest service, was often a
complotment of the parties to render them less suspected of those they
came from, and was to answer the end of being put in a newspaper or
affidavit. And the pirates were so generous as not to refuse a
compliment to a brother that cost them nothing, and at the same time
secured them the best hands; the best I call them, because such a
dependence made them act more boldly. Guilty.


                         _Harry Glasby_, master.

There appearing several persons in court, who had been taken by
Roberts’s ship, whereof the prisoner was master, their evidence was
accepted as follows:--

Jo. Trahern, commander of the _King Solomon_, deposed, the prisoner,
indeed, to act as master of the pirate ship (while he was under
restraint there), but was observed like no master, every one obeying
at discretion, of which he had taken notice, and complained to him how
hard a condition it was to be a chief among brutes; and that he was
weary of his life, and such other expressions (now out of his memory),
as showed in him a great disinclination to that course of living.

Jo. Wingfield, a prisoner with them at Calabar, says the same as to
the quality he acted in, but that he was civil beyond any of them, and
verily believes that when the brigantine he served on board of, as a
factor for the African Company, was voted to be burnt, this man was
the instrument of preventing it, expressing himself with a great deal
of sorrow for this and the like malicious rogueries of the company he
was in, that to him showed he had acted with reluctancy, as one who
could not avoid what he did. He adds further, that when one Hamilton,
a surgeon, was taken by them, and the Articles about to be imposed on
him, he opposed and prevented it; and that Hunter, another surgeon
among them, was cleared at the prisoner’s instance and persuasion,
from which last this deponent had it assured to him that Glasby had
once been under sentence of death on board of them, with two more, for
endeavouring an escape in the West Indies, and that the other two were
really shot for it.

Elizabeth Trengrove, who was taken a passenger in the African
Company’s ship _Onslow_, strengthened the evidence of the last
witness; for having heard a good character of this Glasby, she
inquired of the quartermaster, who was then on board a-robbing,
whether or no she could see him? and he told her “No”; they never
ventured him from the ship, for he had once endeavoured his escape,
and they had ever since continued jealous of him.

Edward Crisp, Captain Trengrove, and Captain Sharp, who had all been
taken in their turns, acknowledge for themselves and others, who had
unluckily fallen into those pirates’ hands, that the good usage they
had met with was chiefly through the prisoner’s means, who often
interposed for leaving sufficient stores and instruments on board the
ships they had robbed, alleging they were superfluous and unnecessary
there.

James White, whose business was music, and was on the poop of the
pirate ship in time of action with the _Swallow_, deposed that during
the engagement and defence she made he never saw the prisoner busied
about the guns, or giving orders, either to the loading or firing of
them; but that he wholly attended to the setting, or trimming, of the
sails as Roberts commanded; and that in the conclusion he verily
believed him to be the man who prevented the ship’s being blown up by
setting trusty sentinels below and opposing himself against such
hot-headed fellows as had procured lighted matches and were going down
for that purpose.

Isaac Sun, lieutenant of the man-of-war, deposed, that when he came to
take possession of the prize in the King’s boat he found the pirates
in a very distracted and divided condition, some being for blowing up,
and others (who perhaps supposed themselves least culpable) opposing
it. That in this confusion he inquired for the prisoner, of whom he
had before heard a good character, and thinks he rendered all the
service in his power for preventing it; in particular, he understood
by all hands that he had seized and taken from one James Philips a
lighted match, at the instant he was going down to the magazine,
swearing that he should send them all to h--l together. He had heard
also that after Roberts was killed the prisoner ordered the colours to
be struck, and had since shown how opposite his practice and
principles had been, by discovering who were the greatest rogues among
them.

The prisoner in his own defence says when he had the misfortune of
falling into the pirates’ hands he was chief mate of the _Samuel_, of
London, Captain Cary; and when he had hid himself to prevent the
design of carrying him away, they found him and beat and threw him
overboard. Seven days afterwards, upon his objecting against, and
refusing to sign, their Articles, he was cut and abused again; that
though after this he ingratiated himself by a more humble carriage it
was only to make life easy; the shares they had given him having been
from time to time returned again to such prisoners as fell in his way,
till of late, indeed, he had made a small reservation, and had desired
Captain Loan to take two or three moidores from him to carry to his
wife. He was once taken, he says, at making his escape in the West
Indies, and, with two more, sentenced to be shot for it by a drunken
jury; the latter actually suffered, and he was preserved only by one
of the chief pirates taking a sudden liking to him and bullying the
others. A second time he ran away at Hispaniola, carrying a pocket
compass for conducting him through the woods; but that being a most
desolate and wild part of the island he fell upon, and he ignorant how
to direct his course, was obliged, after two or three days’ wandering,
to return towards the ship again, denying with egregious oaths the
design he was charged with for fear they should shoot him. From this
time he hopes it will be some extenuation of his fault, that most of
the acquitted prisoners can witness, they entertained jealousies of
him, and Roberts would not admit him into his secrets; and withal that
Captain Cary (and four other passengers with him) had made affidavit
of his having been forced from his employ, which though he could not
produce, yet he humbly hoped the court would think highly probable
from the circumstances offered.

On the whole the court was of opinion artists had the best pretension
to the plea of force, from the necessity pirates are sometimes under
of engaging such, and that many parts of his own defence had been
confirmed by the evidence, who had asserted he acted with reluctance,
and had expressed a concern and trouble for the little hopes remained
to him of extricating himself. That he had used all prisoners (as they
were called) well, at the hazard of ill usage to himself; that he had
not in any military capacity assisted their robberies; that he had
twice endeavoured his escape with the utmost danger. Acquitted him.


                          Captain _James Skyrm_.

It appeared from the evidence of several prisoners acquitted that this
Skyrm commanded the _Ranger_ in that defence she made against the
King’s ship; that he ordered the men to their quarters, and the guns
to be loaded and fired, having a sword in his hand to enforce those
commands, and beat such to their duty whom he espied any way negligent
or backward. That although he had lost a leg in the action his temper
was so warm as to refuse going off the deck till he found all was
lost.

In his defence he says he was forced from a mate’s employ on board a
sloop called the _Greyhound_, of St. Christopher’s, October, 1720. The
pirate having drubbed him and broke his head only for offering to go
away when that sloop was dismissed. Custom and success had since
indeed blunted, and in some measure worn out, the sense of shame, but
that he had really for several months passed been sick and
disqualified for any duty; and though Roberts had forced him on this
expedition, much against his will, yet the evidence must be sensible
the title of captain gave him no pre-eminence, for he could not be
obeyed, though he had often called to them to leave off their fire
when he perceived it to be the King’s ship.

The sickness, he alleged, but more especially the circumstance of
losing his leg, were aggravations of his fault, showing him more alert
on such occasions than he was now willing to be thought. As to the
name of captain, if it were allowed to give him no precedence out of
battle, yet here it was proved a title of authority, such an authority
as could direct an engagement against the King’s colours, and
therefore he was in the highest degree guilty.


                            _John Walden._

Captain John Trahern and George Fenn deposed the prisoner to be one of
the number who, in an open boat, piratically assailed and took their
ship, and was remarkably busy at mischief, having a pole-axe in his
hand, which served him instead of a key to all the locked doors and
boxes he came nigh. Also in particular he cut the cable of our ship,
when the other pirates were willing and busied at heaving up the
anchor, saying, “Captain, what signifies this trouble of hope and
straining in hot weather; there are more anchors at London, and
besides, your ship is to be burnt.”

William Smith (a prisoner acquitted), says Walden was known amongst
the pirates mostly by the nick-name of Miss Nanny (ironically it is
presumed from the hardness of his temper). That he was one of the
twenty who voluntarily came on board the _Ranger_ in the chase she
made out after the _Swallow_, and by a shot from that ship lost his
leg, his behaviour in the fight till then being bold and daring.

The President called for Harry Glasby, and bid him relate a character
of the prisoner, and what custom was among them in relation to these
voluntary expeditions out of their proper ship, and this of going on
board the _Ranger_ in particular.

And he gave in for evidence that the prisoner was looked on as a brisk
hand (_i.e._, as he farther explained it, a stanch pirate, a great
rogue); that when the _Swallow_ first appeared in sight every one was
willing to believe her a Portuguese, because sugar was very much in
demand, and had made some jarring and dissention between the two
companies (the _Fortune’s_ people drinking punch when the _Ranger’s_
could not); that Roberts, on sight of the _Swallow_, hailed the new
_Ranger_ and bid him right-ship and get under sail. “There is,” says
he, “sugar in the offing, bring it in that we may have no more
mumbling;” ordering, at the same time, the word to be passed among the
crew, Who would go to their assistance? and immediately the boat was
full of men, to transport themselves.

President: Then every one that goes on board of any prize does it
voluntarily? Or were there here any other reasons for it?

H. Glasby: Every man is commonly called by list, and insists on his
turn to go on board of a prize, because they then are allowed a shift
of clothes (the best they can find) over and above the dividend from
the robbery; and this they are so far from being compelled to that it
often becomes the occasion of contest and quarrel amongst them. But in
the present or such like cases, where there appears a prospect of
trouble, the lazy and the timorous are often willing to decline this
turn and yield to their betters, who thereby establish a greater
reputation. The prisoner, and those men who went from the _Fortune_ on
board the _Ranger_ to assist in this expedition were volunteers, and
the trustiest men among us.

President: Were there no jealousies of the _Ranger’s_ leaving you in
this chase, or at any other time, in order to surrender?

H. Glasby: Most of the _Ranger’s_ crew were fresh men, men who had
been entered only since their being on the coast of Guinea, and
therefore had not so liberal a share in fresh provisions or wine as
the _Fortune’s_ people, who thought they had borne the burthen and
heat of the day, which had given occasion indeed to some grumblings
and whispers, as though they would take an opportunity to leave us,
but we never supposed, if they did, it would be with any other design
then setting up for themselves, they having, many of them, behaved
with greater severity than the old standers.

The prisoner appeared undaunted, and rather solicitous about resting
his stump than giving any answer to the court, or making any defence
for himself till called upon; then he related in a careless, or rather
hopeless, manner, the circumstances of his first entrance, being
forced, he said, out of the _Blessing_, of Lemmington, at
Newfoundland, about twelve months past; this, he is sure, most of the
old pirates knew, and that he was for some time as sick of the change
as any man, but custom and ill company had altered him, owning very
frankly that he was at the attack and taking of the _King Solomon_,
that he did cut her cable, and that none were forced on those
occasions.

As to the last expedition in the _Ranger_, he confesses he went on
board of her, but that it was by Roberts’s order, and in the chase
loaded one gun to bring her to, but when he saw it was a bite he
declared to his comrades that it was not worth while to resist,
forebore firing, and assisted to reeve the braces in order, if they
could, to get away, in which sort of service he was busied when a shot
from the man-of-war took off his leg. And being asked that supposing
the chase had proved a Portuguese? “Why then,” says he, “I don’t know
what I might have done,” intimating withal that everybody then would
have been ready enough at plundering. Guilty.


                            _Peter Scudamore._

Harry Glasby, Jo. Wingfield, and Nicholas Brattle, depose thus much as
to his being a volunteer with the pirates from Captain Rolls at
Calabar. First, that he quarrelled with Moody (one of the heads of the
gang), and fought with him because he opposed his going, asking Rolls
in a leering manner whether he would not be so kind as to put him into
the _Gazette_ when he came home. And, at another time, when he was
going from the pirate ship in his boat a tornado arose. “I wish,” says
he, “the rascal may be drowned, for he is a great rogue, and has
endeavoured to do me all the ill offices he could among these
gentlemen” (_i.e._, pirates).

And secondly, that he had signed the pirates’ Articles with a great
deal of alacrity, and gloried in having been the first surgeon that
had done so (for before this it was their custom to change their
surgeons when they desired it, after having served a time, and never
obliged them to sign, but he was resolved to break through this for
the good of those who were to follow), swearing immediately upon it,
he was now, he hoped, as great a rogue as any of them.

Captain Jo. Trahern and George Fenn, his mate, deposed the prisoner to
have taken out of the _King Solomon_ their surgeon’s capital
instruments, some medicines, and a backgammon table, which latter
became the means of a quarrel between one Wincon, and he, whose
property they should be, and were yielded to the prisoner.

Jo. Sharp, master of the _Elizabeth_, heard the prisoner ask Roberts’
leave to force Comry, his surgeon, from him, which was accordingly
done, and with him carried also some of the ship’s medicines; but what
gave a fuller proof of the dishonesty of his principles was the
treacherous design he had formed of running away with the prize in her
passage to Cape Corso, though he had been treated with all humanity
and very unlike a prisoner on account of his employ and better
education, which had rendered him less to be suspected.

Mr. Child (acquitted) deposed that in their passage from the Island of
St. Thomas in the _Fortune_ prize, this prisoner was several times
tempting him into measures of rising with the negroes, and killing the
_Swallow’s_ people, showing him how easily the white men might be
demolished, and a new company raised at Angola, and that part of the
coast. “For,” says he, “I understand how to navigate a ship, and can
soon teach you to steer; and is it not better to do this than to go
back to Cape Corso and be hanged and sun-dried?” To which the deponent
replying he was not afraid of being hanged, Scudamore bid him be
still, and no harm should come to him; but before the next day
evening, which was the designed time of executing this project, this
deponent discovered it to the officer, and assured him Scudamore had
been talking all the preceding night to the negroes in Angolan
language.

Isaac Burnet heard the prisoner ask James Harris, a pirate (left with
the wounded in the prize), whether he was willing to come into the
project of running away with the ship, and endeavour the raising of a
new company, but turned the discourse to horse-racing as the deponent
crept nigher; he acquainted the officer with what he had heard, who
kept the people under arms all night, their apprehensions of the
negroes not being groundless; for many of them having lived a long
time in this piratical way, were, by the thin commons they were now
reduced to, as ripe for mischief as any.

The prisoner in his defence said he was a forced man from Captain
Rolls in October last, and if he had not shown such a concern as
became him at the alteration he must remark the occasion to be the
disagreement and enmity between them; but that both Roberts and Val.
Ashplant threatened him into signing their Articles, and that he did
it in terror.

The _King Solomon_ and _Elizabeth_ medicine-chests he owns he
plundered by order of Hunter, the then chief surgeon, who, by the
pirates’ laws, always directs in this province, and Mr. Child (though
acquitted) had, by the same orders, taken out a whole French
medicine-chest, which he must be sensible for me as well as for
himself we neither of us dared to have denied; it was their being the
proper judges made so ungrateful an office imposed. If after this he
was elected chief surgeon himself both Comry and Wilson were set up
also, and it might have been their chance to have carried it, and as
much out of their power to have refused.

As to the attempt of rising and running away with the prize, he denies
it altogether as untrue; a few foolish words, but only by way of
supposition, that if the negroes should take it in their heads
(considering the weakness and ill look-out that was kept), it would
have been an easy matter in his opinion for them to have done it; but
that he encouraged such a thing was false; his talking to them in the
Angolan language was only a way of spending his time, and trying his
skill to tell twenty, he being incapable of further talk. As to his
understanding navigation, he had frequently acknowledged it to the
deponent Child, and wonders he should now so circumstantiate this
skill against him. Guilty.


                            _Robert Johnson._

It appeared to the court that the prisoner was one of the twenty men
in that boat of the pirates which afterwards robbed the _King Solomon_
at an anchor near Cape Appollonia. That all pirates on this and the
like service were volunteers, and he, in particular, had contested his
going on board a second time, though out of his turn.

The prisoner in his defence called for Harry Glasby, who witnessed to
his being so very drunk when he first came among their crew that they
were forced to hoist him out of one ship into the other with a tackle,
and, therefore, without his consent, but had since been a trusty man,
and was placed to the helm in that running battle they made with the
_Swallow_.

He insisted for himself likewise, on Captain Turner’s affidavit of his
being forced, on which others (his shipmates) had been cleared.

The court considering the partiality that might be objected in
acquitting one and condemning another of the same standing, thought
fit to remark it as a clear testimony of their integrity, that their
care and indulgence to each man in allowing his particular defence,
was to exempt from the rigour of the law such who, it must be allowed,
would have stood too promiscuously condemned if they had not been
heard upon any other fact than that of the _Swallow_, and herein what
could better direct them than a character and behaviour from their own
associates; for though a voluntary entry with the pirates may be
doubtful, yet his consequent actions are not, and it is not so
material how a man comes among pirates as how he acts when he is
there. Guilty.


                             _George Wilson._

John Sharp, master of the _Elizabeth_, in which ship the prisoner was
passenger, and fell a second time into the pirates’ hands, deposes
that he took the said Wilson off from Sestos, on this coast, paying to
the negroes for his ransom the value of three pound five shillings in
goods, for which he had taken a note, that he thought he had done a
charitable act in this, till, meeting with one Captain Canning, he was
asked why he would release such a rogue as Wilson was? for that he had
been a volunteer with the pirates out of John Tarlton. And when the
deponent came to be a prisoner himself he found Thomas, the brother of
this John Tarlton, a prisoner with the pirates also, who was
immediately, on Wilson’s instigation, in a most sad manner misused and
beat, and had been shot, through the fury and rage of some of those
fellows, if the town-side (_i.e._, Liverpool) men had not hid him in a
staysail under the bowsprit, for Moody and Harper with their pistols
cocked searched every corner of the ship to find him, and came to the
deponent’s hammock, whom they had like fatally to have mistaken for
Tarlton, but on his calling out they found their error, and left him
with this comfortable anodyne, that “he was the honest fellow who
brought the doctor.” At coming away the prisoner asked about his note,
whether the pirates had it or no? Who not being able readily to tell,
he replied, “It’s no matter, Mr. Sharp, I believe I shall hardly ever
come to England to pay it.”

Adam Comry, surgeon of the _Elizabeth_, says, that although the
prisoner had, on account of his indisposition and want, received many
civilities from him before meeting with the pirates, he yet understood
it was through his and Scudamore’s means that he had been compelled
among them. The prisoner was very alert and cheerful, he says, at
meeting with Roberts, hailed him, told him he was glad to see him, and
would come on board presently, borrowing of the deponent a clean shirt
and drawers, for his better appearance and reception; he signed their
Articles willingly, and used arguments with him to do the same,
saying, they should make their voyage in eight months to Brazil, share
six or seven hundred pounds a man, and then break up. Again, when the
crew came to an election of a chief surgeon, and this deponent was set
up with the others, Wilson told him he hoped he would carry it from
Scudamore, for that a quarter share (which they had more than others)
would be worth looking after; but the deponent missed the preferment,
by the good will of the _Ranger’s_ people, who, in general, voted for
Scudamore, to get rid of him, the chief surgeon being always to remain
with the commodore.

It appeared likewise by the evidence of Captain Jo. Trahern, Tho.
Castel, and others, who had been taken by the pirates, and thence had
opportunities of observing the prisoner’s conduct, that he seemed
thoroughly satisfied with that way of life, and was particularly
intimate with Roberts; they often scoffing at the mention of a
man-of-war, and saying, if they should meet with any of the
turnip-man’s ships, they would blow up and go to h--l all together.
Yet setting aside these silly freaks to recommend himself, his
laziness had got him many enemies; even Roberts told him, on the
complaint of a wounded man, whom he had refused to dress, that he was
a double rogue to be there a second time, and threatened to cut his
ears off.

The evidence further assured the court, from Captain Thomas Tarlton,
that the prisoner was taken out of his brother’s ship, some months
before, a first time, and being forward to oblige his new company, had
presently asked for the pirates’ boat to fetch the medicine-chest
away, when the wind and current proving too hard to contend with, he
was drove on shore at Cape Montzerado.

The prisoner called for William Darling and Samuel Morwel (acquitted),
and Nicholas Butler.

William Darling deposed, the first time the prisoner fell into their
hands Roberts mistook him for Jo. Tarlton, the master, and being
informed it was the surgeon who came to represent him (then
indisposed) he presently swore he should be his messmate, to which
Wilson replied, he hoped not, he had a wife and child, which the other
laughed at; and that he had been two days on board before he went in
that boat, which was drove on shore at Cape Montzerado. And at his
second coming, in the _Elizabeth_, he heard Roberts order he should be
brought on board in the first boat.

Samuel Morwel says that he has heard him bewail his condition while on
board the pirate, and desired one Thomas to use his interest with
Roberts for a discharge, saying, his employ and the little fortune he
had left at home would, he hoped, exempt him the further trouble of
seeking his bread at sea.

Nicholas Butler, who had remained with the pirates about forty-eight
hours, when they took the French ships at Whydah, deposes that in this
space the prisoner addressed him in the French language several times,
deploring the wretchedness and ill-fortune of being confined in such
company.

The prisoner, desiring liberty of two or three questions, asked
whether or no he had not expostulated with Roberts, for a reason of
his obliging surgeons to sign their Articles, when heretofore they did
not; whether he had not expressed himself glad of having formerly
escaped from them; whether he had not said, at taking the ships in
Whydah road, that he could like the sport, were it lawful; and whether
if he had not told him, should the Company discharge any surgeon, that
he would insist on it as his turn? The deponent answered yes to every
question separately; and farther, that he believes Scudamore had not
seen Wilson when he first came and found him out of the _Elizabeth_.

He added in his own defence, that, being surgeon with one John
Tarlton, of Liverpool, he was met a first time on this coast of Guinea
by Roberts the pirate, who, after a day or two, told him, to his
sorrow, that he was to stay there, and ordered him to fetch his chest
(not medicines, as asserted), which opportunity he took to make his
escape; for the boat’s crew happening to consist of five French and
one Englishman, all as willing as himself, they agreed to push the
boat on shore and trust themselves with the negroes of Cape
Montzerado. Hazardous, not only in respect of the dangerous seas that
run there, but the inhumanity of the natives, who sometimes take a
liking to human carcases. Here he remained five months, till Thomas
Tarlton, brother to his captain, chanced to put into the road for
trade, to whom he represented his hardships and starving condition;
but was, in an unchristian manner, both refused a release of this
captivity, or so much as a small supply of biscuit and salt meat,
because, as he said, he had been among the pirates. A little time
after this the master of a French ship paid a ransom for him and took
him off; but, by reason of a nasty leprous indisposition he had
contracted by hard and bad living, was, to his great misfortune, set
ashore at Sestos again, when Captain Sharp met him and generously
procured his release in the manner himself has related, and for which
he stands infinitely obliged. That ill-luck threw him a second time
into the pirates’ hands, in this ship _Elizabeth_, where he met Thomas
Tarlton, and thoughtlessly used some reproaches of him for his severe
treatment at Montzerado; but protests without design his words should
have had so bad a consequence; for Roberts took upon him, as a
dispenser of justice, the correction of Mr. Tarlton, beating him
unmercifully; and, he hopes it will be believed, contrary to any
intention of his it should so happen, because, as a stranger, he might
be supposed to have no influence, and believes there were some other
motives for it. He cannot remember he expressed himself glad to see
Roberts this second time, or that he dropped those expressions about
Comry, as are sworn; but if immaturity of judgment had occasioned him
to slip rash and inadvertent words, or that he had paid any undue
compliments to Roberts, it was to ingratiate himself, as every
prisoner did, for a more civil treatment, and in particular to procure
his discharge, which he had been promised, and was afraid would have
been revoked, if such a person as Comry did not remain there to supply
his room; and of this, he said, all the gentlemen (meaning the
pirates) could witness for him.

He urged also his youth in excuse for his rashness. The first time he
had been with them (only a month in all), and that in no military
employ; but in particular the service he had done in discovering the
design the pirates had to rise in their passage on board the
_Swallow_. Guilty.

But execution respited till the King’s pleasure be known, because the
commander of the _Swallow_ had declared the first notice he received
of this design of the pirates to rise was from him.


                           _Benjamin Jeffreys._

By the depositions of Glasby and Lillburn (acquitted) against this
prisoner, it appeared that his drunkenness was what at first detained
him from going away in his proper ship, the _Norman_ galley; and next
morning, for having been abusive in his drink, saying to the pirates
there was not a man amongst them, he received for a welcome six lashes
from every person in the ship, which disordered him for some weeks,
but on recovery was made boatswain’s mate; the serving of which, or
any office on board a pirate, is at their own option (though elected),
because others are glad to accept what brings an additional share in
prize.

The deponents further say that at Sierra Leone every man had more
especially the means of escaping, and that this prisoner, in
particular, neglected it, and came off from that place after the ship
was under sail and going out of the river.

The prisoner, in his defence, protests he was at first forced, and
that the office of boatswain’s mate was imposed on him, and what he
would have been glad to have relinquished. That the barbarous whipping
he had received from the pirates at first was for telling them that
none who could get their bread in an honest way would go on such an
account. And he had certainly taken the opportunity which presented at
Sierra Leone of ridding himself from so distasteful a life, if there
had not been three or four of the old pirates on shore at the same
time who, he imagined, must know of him, and would doubtless have
served him the same, if not worse, than they since had done William
Williams, who, for such a design, being delivered up by the
treacherous natives, had received two lashes through the whole ship’s
company.

The Court observed the excuses of these pirates about want of means to
escape, was oftentimes as poor and evasive as their pleas of being
forced at first; for here, at Sierra Leone, every man had his liberty
on shore, and, it was evident, might have kept it, if he, or they, had
so pleased. And such are further culpable, who having been introduced
into the society by such uncivil methods as whipping, or beating,
neglect less likely means of regaining liberty; it shows strong
inclinations to dishonesty, and they stand inexcusably. Guilty.


                             _Jo. Mansfield._

It was proved against this prisoner, by Captain Trahern and George
Fenn, that he was one of those volunteers who was at the attack and
robbery of the Company’s ship called the _King Solomon_. That he
bullied well among them who dared not make any reply, but was very
easy with his friends, who knew him; for Moody on this occasion took a
large glass from him, and threatened to blow his brains out (a
favourite phrase with these pirates) if he muttered at it.

From others acquitted it likewise appeared that he was at first a
volunteer among them, from an island called Dominico, in the West
Indies, and had, to recommend himself, told them he was a deserter
from the _Rose_ man-of-war, and, before that, had been on the highway;
he was always drunk, they said, and so bad at the time they met with
the _Swallow_, that he knew nothing of the action, but came up
vapouring with his cutlass, after the _Fortune_ had struck her
colours, to know who would go on board the prize; and it was some time
before they could persuade him into the truth of their condition.

He could say little in defence of himself, acknowledged this latter
part of drunkenness; a vice, he says, that had too great a share in
ensnaring him into this course of life, and had been a greater motive
with him than gold. Guilty.


                             _William Davis._

William Allen deposed he knew this prisoner at Sierra Leone, belonging
to the _Ann_ galley; that he had a quarrel with, and beat, the mate of
that ship, for which, as he said, being afraid to return to his duty,
he consorted to the idle customs and ways of living among the negroes,
from whom he received a wife, and ungratefully sold her one evening
for some punch to quench his thirst. After this, having put himself
under the protection of Mr. Plunket, governor there for the Royal
African Company, the relations and friends of the woman applied to him
for redress, who immediately surrendered the prisoner, and told them
he did not care if they took his head off; but the negroes wisely
judging it would not fetch so good a price, they sold him in his turn
again to Seignior Jessee, a Christian black, and native of that place,
who expected and agreed for two years’ service from him, on
consideration of what he had disbursed for the redemption of the
woman. But long before the expiration of this time Roberts came into
Sierra Leone river, where the prisoner, as Seignior Jessee assured the
deponent, entered a volunteer with them.

The deponent further corroborates this part of the evidence, in that
he being obliged to call at Cape Mount, in his passage down hither,
met there with two deserters from Roberts’s ship, who assured him of
the same, and that the pirates did design to turn Davis away the next
opportunity as an idle, good-for-nothing fellow.

From Glasby and Lillburn it was evident, that every pirate, while they
stayed at Sierra Leone, went on shore at discretion. That Roberts had
often assured Mr. Glynn and other traders at that place, that he would
force nobody; and, in short, there was no occasion for it; in
particular, the prisoner’s row-mate went away, and thinks he might
have done the same if he had pleased.

The prisoner alleged his having been detained against his will, and
says that, returning with elephants’ teeth for Sierra Leone, the
pirates’ boat pursued and brought him on board, where he was kept on
account of his understanding the pilotage and navigation of that
river.

It was obvious to the court, not only how frivolous excuses of
constraint and force were among these people, at their first
commencing pirates, but also it was plain to them, from these two
deserters, met at Cape Mount, and the discretional manner they lived
in at Sierra Leone, through how little difficulty several of them did,
and others might have escaped afterwards, if they could but have
obtained their own consents for it. Guilty.

       *       *       *       *       *

This is the substance of the trials of Roberts’s crew, which may
suffice for others that occur in this book. The foregoing lists show,
by a * before the names, who were condemned; those names with a + were
referred for trial to the Marshalsea, and all the rest were acquitted.

The following pirates were executed, according to their sentence,
without the gates of Cape Corso Castle, within the flood-marks,
viz.:--William Magnes, 35, Minehead; Richard Hardy, 25, Wales; David
Simpson, 36, North Berwick; Christopher Moody, 28; Thomas Sutton, 23,
Berwick; Valentine Ashplant, 32, Minories; Peter de Vine, 42, Stepney;
William Philips, 29, Lower Shadwell; Philip Bill, 27, St. Thomas’s;
William Main, 28; William Mackintosh, 21, Canterbury; William
Williams, 40, near Plymouth; Robert Haws, 31, Yarmouth; William Petty,
30, Deptford; John Jaynson, 22, near Lancaster; Marcus Johnson, 21,
Smyrna; Robert Crow, 44, Isle of Man; Michael Maer, 41, Ghent; Daniel
Harding, 26, Groomsbury in Somersetshire; William Fernon, 22,
Somersetshire; Jo. More, 19, Meer, in Wiltshire; Abraham Harper, 23,
Bristol; Jo. Parker, 22, Winfred, in Dorsetshire; Jo. Philips, 28,
Jersey; James Clement, 20, Bristol; Peter Scudamore, 35, Wales; James
Skyrm, 44, Somersetshire; John Walden, 24, Whitby; Jo. Stephenson, 40,
Orkneys; Jo. Mansfield, 30, Bristol; Israel Hynde, 30, Aberdeen; Peter
Lesley, 21, Exeter; Charles Bunce, 26, Other St. Mary’s, Devonshire;
Robert Birtson, 30, Cornwall; Richard Harris, 45, Sadbury, in
Devonshire; Joseph Nositer, 26 (speechless at execution); William
Williams, 30, Holland; Agge Jacobson, 30, Bristol; Benjamin Jeffreys,
21, Topsham; Cuthbert Goss, 21, Plymouth; John Jessup, 20, Plymouth;
Edward Watts, 22, Dunmore; Thomas Giles, 26, Minehead; William Wood,
27, York; Thomas Armstrong, 34, London (executed on board the
_Weymouth_); Robert Johnson, 32, at Whydah; George Smith, 25, Wales;
William Watts, 23, Ireland; James Philips, 35, Antegoa; John Coleman,
24, Wales; Robert Hays, 20, Liverpool; William Davis, 23, Wales.

The remainder of the pirates, whose names are undermentioned, upon
their humble petition to the court, had their sentence changed from
death to seven years’ servitude, conformable to our sentence of
transportation. The petition is as follows:--

  “_To the Honourable the President and Judges of the Court of
     Admiralty, for trying of pirates, sitting at Cape Corso
     Castle, the 20th day of April, 1722._

     “The humble petition of Thomas How, Samuel Fletcher, &c.

     “Humbly showeth--

     “That your petitioners being unhappily, and unwarily drawn
     into that wretched and detestable crime of piracy, for which
     they now stand justly condemned, they most humbly pray the
     clemency of the court, in the mitigation of their sentence,
     that they may be permitted to serve the Royal African
     Company of England, in this country for seven years, in such
     a manner as the court shall think proper; that by their just
     punishment, being made sensible of the error of their former
     ways, they will for the future become faithful subjects,
     good servants, and useful in their stations, if it please
     the Almighty to prolong their lives.

                            “And your petitioners, as in duty, &c.”

The resolution of the court was--

     “That the petitioners have leave by this Court of Admiralty,
     to interchange indentures with the Captain-General of the
     Gold Coast, for the Royal African Company, for seven years’
     servitude, at any of the Royal African Company’s settlements
     in Africa, in such manner as he, the said Captain-General,
     shall think proper.

     “On Thursday, the 26th day of April, the indentures being
     all drawn out, according to the grant made to the
     petitioners, by the court held on Friday the 20th of this
     instant, each prisoner was sent for up, signed, sealed and
     exchanged them in the presence of--

                                 Captain MUNGO HEARDMAN, President,
                                 JAMES PHIPPS, Esq.,
                                 Mr. EDWARD HYDE,
                                 Mr. CHARLES FANSHAW, and
                                 Mr. JOHN ATKINS, Registrar.”


                        _A Copy of the Indenture._

  The Indenture of a person condemned to serve abroad, for piracy,
     which, upon the humble petition of the pirates therein
     mentioned, was most mercifully granted by his Imperial Majesty’s
     Commissioners and Judges appointed to hold a Court of Admiralty,
     for the trial of pirates, at Cape Corso Castle, in Africa, upon
     condition of serving seven years, and other conditions, are as
     follows, viz.:--

     “This Indenture, made the twenty-sixth day of April, Anno
     Regni Regis Georgii magnæ Britanniæ, &c. Septimo, Domini
     Millessimo, Sepcentessimo viginti duo, between Roger Scot,
     late of the City of Bristol, mariner, of the one part, and
     the Royal African Company of England, their Captain-General
     and Commander-in-chief, for the time being, on the other
     part, witnesseth, That the said Roger Scot doth hereby
     covenant, and agree, to, and with, the said Royal African
     Company, their Captain-General, and Commander-in-chief for
     the time being, to serve him, or his lawful successors, in
     any of the Royal African Company’s settlements on the coast
     of Africa, from the day of the date of these presents, to
     the full term of seven years, from hence next ensuing, fully
     to be complete and ended; there to serve in such employment
     as the said Captain-General or his successors shall employ
     him, according to the custom of the country in like kind.

     “In consideration whereof, the said Captain-General, and
     Commander-in-chief, doth covenant and agree to, and with,
     the said Roger Scot, to find and allow him meat, drink,
     apparel, and lodging, according to the custom of the
     country.

     “In witness whereof, the parties aforesaid, to these
     presents, have interchangeably put their hands and seals,
     the day and year first above written.

     “Signed, sealed, and delivered, in the presence of us, at
     Cape Corso Castle, in Africa, where no stamped paper was to
     be had.
                          MUNGO HEARDMAN, President,}
                                                    }_Witnesses_.”
                          JOHN ATKINS, Registrar,   }

In like manner was drawn out and exchanged the indentures of Thomas
How, of Barnstaple, in the county of Devon; Samuel Fletcher, of East
Smithfield, London; John Lane, of Lombard Street, London; David
Littlejohn, of Bristol; John King, of Shadwell parish, London; Henry
Dennis, of Bideford; Hugh Harris, of Corf Castle, Devonshire; William
Taylor, of Bristol; Thomas Owen, of Bristol; John Mitchel, of Shadwell
parish, London; Joshua Lee, of Liverpool; William Shuren, of Wapping
parish, London; Robert Hartley, of Liverpool; John Griffin, of
Blackwall, Middlesex; James Cromby, of London, Wapping; James
Greenham, of Marshfield, Gloucestershire; John Horn, of St. James’s
parish, London; John Jessup, of Wisbech, Cambridgeshire; David Rice,
of Bristol.

But two or three of whom, I hear, are now living; two others, viz.,
George Wilson and Thomas Oughterlaney, were respited from execution
till his Majesty’s pleasure should be known; the former died abroad,
and the latter came home, and received his Majesty’s pardon; the
account of the whole stands thus:--Acquitted, 74; executed, 32;
respited, 2; to servitude, 20; to the Marshalsea, 17; killed in the
_Ranger_, 10; killed in the _Fortune_, 3; died in the passage to Cape
Corso, 13; died afterwards in the Castle, 4; negroes in both ships,
70: total, 276.

I am not ignorant how acceptable a relation of the behaviour and dying
words of malefactors are to the generality of our countrymen, and
therefore shall deliver what occurred worthy of notice in the
deportment of these criminals.

The first six that were called to execution were Magnes, Moody,
Simpson, Sutton, Ashplant, and Hardy; all of them old standers and
notorious offenders. When they were brought out of the hold, on the
parade, in order to break off their fetters, and fit the halters, none
of them, it was observed, appeared the least dejected, unless Sutton,
who spoke faint, but it was rather imputed to a flux that had seized
him two or three days before than fear. A gentleman, who was surgeon
of the ship, was so charitable at this time, to offer himself in the
room of an ordinary, and represented to them, as well as he was able,
the heinousness of their sin, and necessity which lay on them of
repentance; one particular part of which ought to be acknowledging the
justice they had met with. They seemed heedless for the present, some
calling for water to drink, and others applying to the soldiers for
caps; but when this gentleman pressed them for an answer, they all
exclaimed against the severity of the court, and were so hardened as
to curse, and wish the same justice might overtake all the members of
it as had been dealt to them. “They were poor rogues,” they said, “and
so must be hanged, while others, no less guilty in another way,
escaped.”

When he endeavoured to compose their minds, exhorting them to die in
charity with all the world, and would have diverted them from such
vain discourse by asking them their country, age, and the like, some
of them answered, “What was that to him? They suffered the law, and
should give no account but to God.” They walked to the gallows without
a tear in token of sorrow for their past offences, or showing as much
concern as a man would express at travelling a bad road; nay, Simpson,
at seeing a woman that he knew, said, “He had lain with that b----h
three times, and now she was come to see him hanged.” And Hardy, when
his hands were tied behind him (which happened from their not being
acquainted with the way of bringing malefactors to execution),
observed, “That he had seen many a man hanged, but this way of the
hands being tied behind them he was a stranger to and never saw before
in his life.” I mention these two little instances to show how stupid
and thoughtless they were of their end, and that the same abandoned
and reprobate temper that had carried them through their rogueries,
abided with them to the last.

Samuel Fletcher, another of the pirates ordered for execution, but
reprieved, seemed to have a quicker sense of his condition; for when
he saw those he was allotted with go to execution, he sent a message
by the Provost-Marshal to the court, to be “informed of the meaning of
it, and humbly desired to know whether they designed him mercy or not?
If they did, he stood infinitely obliged to them, and thought the
whole service of his life an incompetent return for so great a favour;
but that if he was to suffer, the sooner the better, he said, that he
might be out of his pain.”

There were others of these pirates the reverse of this, and though
destitute of ministers or fit persons to represent their sins and
assist them with spiritual advice, were yet always employing their
time to good purposes, and behaved with a great deal of seeming
devotion and penitence; among these may be reckoned Scudamore,
Williams, Philips, Stephenson, Jeffreys, Lesly, Harper, Armstrong,
Bunce, and others.

Scudamore too lately discerned the folly and wickedness of the
enterprise, that had chiefly brought him under sentence of death, from
which, seeing there was no hopes of escaping, he petitioned for two or
three days’ reprieve, which was granted; and for that time applied
himself incessantly to prayer and reading the Scriptures. He seemed to
have a deep sense of his sins, of this in particular, and desired, at
the gallows, they would have patience with him, to sing the first part
of the thirty-first Psalm; which he did by himself throughout.

Armstrong, having been a deserter from his Majesty’s service, was
executed on board the _Weymouth_ (and the only one that was); there
was nobody to press him to an acknowledgment of the crime he died for,
nor of sorrowing in particular for it, which would have been
exemplary, and made suitable impressions on seamen; so that his last
hour was spent in lamenting and bewailing his sins in general,
exhorting the spectators to an honest and good life, in which alone
they could find satisfaction. In the end he desired they would join
with him in singing two or three latter verses of the 140th Psalm; and
that being concluded, he was, at the firing of a gun, triced up at the
fore-yard-arm.

Bunce was a young man, not above twenty-six years old, but made the
most pathetic speech of any at the gallows. He first declaimed against
the gilded baits of Power, Liberty, and Wealth, that had ensnared him
among the pirates, his inexperienced years not being able to withstand
the temptation; but that the briskness he had shown, which so fatally
had procured him favour amongst them, was not so much a fault in
principle as the liveliness and vivacity of his nature. He was now
extremely afflicted for the injuries he had done to all men, and
begged their’s and God’s forgiveness, very earnestly exhorting the
spectators to remember their Creator in their youth, and guard
betimes, that their minds took not a wrong bias, concluding with this
apt similitude, “That he stood there as a beacon upon a rock” (the
gallows standing on one) “to warn erring mariners of danger.”




                                   IV.

                       CAPTAIN AVERY AND HIS CREW.

  Romantic reports of his greatness--His birth--Is mate of a
     Bristol man--For what voyage designed--Tampers with the
     seamen--Forms a plot for carrying off the ship--Executes
     it, and how--The pirates take a rich ship belonging to
     the Great Mogul--The Great Mogul threatens the English
     settlements--The pirates steer their course back for
     Madagascar--Call a council--Put all the treasure on
     board of Avery’s ship--Avery and his crew treacherously
     leave his confederates--Go to the Isle of Providence in
     the West Indies--Sell the ship--Go to North America in
     a sloop--They disperse--Avery goes to New England--From
     thence to Ireland--Avery afraid to expose his diamonds
     for sale--Goes over to England--Puts his wealth into
     merchant’s hands of Bristol--Changes his name--Lives at
     Bideford--The merchants send him no supplies--Importunes
     them--Goes privately to Bristol--They threaten to discover
     him--Goes over to Ireland--Solicits them from thence--Is
     very poor--Works his passage over to Plymouth--Walks
     to Bideford--Dies a beggar--An account of Avery’s
     confederates--Their settlement at Madagascar--They meet
     other pirates--An account of them--The pirates deposed, and
     why--Marooned on the Island Mauritius--Some account of that
     island--The adventures of the company continued--Angria,
     an Indian pirate--His strength by land and sea--The East
     India Company’s wars with him--The pirates go the island
     of Melinda--Their barbarous behaviour there--Hear of
     Captain Mackra’s designs against them--Their reflections
     thereupon--Sail for Cochin, a Dutch settlement--The
     pirates and the Dutch very good friends--Mutual presents
     made between the pirates and the Governor--The pirates
     in a fright--Almost starved--Take a prize of an immense
     value--Take an Ostend East Indiaman--A short description
     of Madagascar--A prodigious dividend made by the
     pirates--A fellow’s way of increasing his diamonds--Some
     of the pirates quit, and join the remains of Avery--The
     proceedings of the men-of-war in those parts--Some Dutchmen
     petition to be among the pirates--The pirates divided in
     their measures--Break up--What became of them.


None of these bold adventurers were ever so much talked of for a while
as Avery: he made as great a noise in the world as Meriveis does now,
and was looked upon to be a person of as great consequence; he was
represented in Europe as one that had raised himself to the dignity of
a king, and was likely to be the founder of a new monarchy, having, as
it was said, taken immense riches and married the Great Mogul’s
daughter, who was taken in an Indian ship which fell into his hands;
and that he had by her many children, living in great royalty and
state; that he built forts, erected magazines, and was master of a
stout squadron of ships, manned with able and desperate fellows of all
nations; that he gave commissions out in his own name to the captains
of his ships and to the commanders of his forts, and was acknowledged
by them as their prince. A play was written upon him, called “The
Successful Pirate”; and these accounts obtained such belief that
several schemes were offered to the Council for fitting out a squadron
to take him, while others were for offering him and his companions an
Act of Grace and inviting them to England, with all their treasure,
lest his growing greatness might hinder the trade of Europe to the
East Indies.

Yet all these were no more than false rumours, improved by the
credulity of some and the humour of others who love to tell strange
things; for while, it is said, he was aspiring at a crown he wanted a
shilling, and at the same time it was given out he was in possession
of such prodigious wealth in Madagascar he was starving in England.

No doubt but the reader will have a curiosity of knowing what became
of this man, and what were the true grounds of so many false reports
concerning him; therefore I shall, in as brief a manner as I can, give
his history.

He was born in the West of England near Plymouth, in Devonshire; being
bred to the sea, he served as a mate of a merchantman in several
trading voyages. It happened before the Peace of Ryswick, when there
was an alliance between Spain, England, Holland, &c. against France,
that the French in Martinico carried on a smuggling trade with the
Spaniards on the continent of Peru, which by the law of Spain is not
allowed to friends in time of peace, for none but native Spaniards are
permitted to traffic in those parts or set their feet on shore, unless
at any time they are brought as prisoners; wherefore they constantly
keep certain ships cruising along the coast, whom they call Guarda del
Costa, who have the orders to make prizes of all ships they can light
of within five leagues of land. Now the French, growing very bold in
trade, and the Spaniards being poorly provided with ships, and those
they had being of no force, it often fell out that when they light of
the French smugglers they were not strong enough to attack them,
therefore it was resolved in Spain to hire two or three stout foreign
ships for their service, which being known at Bristol, some merchants
of that city fitted out two ships of thirty odd guns, and one hundred
and twenty hands each, well furnished with provision and ammunition,
and all other stores; and the hire being agreed for by some agents for
Spain, they were commanded to sail for Corunna--the Groine--there to
receive their orders, and to take on board some Spanish gentlemen who
were to go passengers to New Spain.

Of one of these ships, which I take to be called the _Duke_, Captain
Gibson, commander, Avery was first mate, and being a fellow of more
cunning than courage, he insinuated himself into the good will of
several of the boldest fellows on board the other ship as well as that
which he was on board of. Having sounded their inclinations before he
opened himself, and finding them ripe for his design, he at length
proposed to them to run away with the ship, telling them what great
wealth was to be had upon the coast of India. It was no sooner said
than agreed to, and they resolved to execute their plot at ten o’clock
the night following.

It must be observed the captain was one of those who are mightily
addicted to punch, so that he passed most of his time on shore in some
little drinking ordinary; but this day he did not go on shore as
usual; however, this did not spoil the design, for he took his usual
dose on board, and so got to bed before the hour appointed for the
business. The men also who were not privy to the design turned into
their hammocks, leaving none upon deck but the conspirators, who,
indeed, were the greatest part of the ship’s crew. At the time agreed
on the _Duchess’s_ long-boat appeared, which, Avery hailing in the
usual manner, was answered by the men in her, “Is your drunken
boatswain on board?” which was the watchword agreed between them, and
Avery replying in the affirmative the boat came aboard with sixteen
stout fellows and joined the company.

When our gentry saw that all was clear they secured the hatches, so
went to work; they did not slip the anchor, but weighed it leisurely,
and so put to sea without any disorder or confusion, though there were
several ships then lying in the bay, and among them a Dutch frigate of
forty guns, the captain of which was offered a great reward to go out
after her; but Mynheer, who perhaps would not have been willing to
have been served so himself, could not be prevailed upon to give such
usage to another, and so let Mr. Avery pursue his voyage whither he
had a mind to.

The captain, who by this time was awakened, either by the motion of
the ship or the noise of working the tackles, rung the bell. Avery and
two others went into the cabin. The captain, half asleep, and in a
kind of fright, asked, “What was the matter?” Avery answered coolly,
“Nothing.” The captain replied, “Something’s the matter with the ship.
Does she drive? What weather is it?” thinking nothing less than that
it had been a storm and that the ship was driven from her anchors.
“No, no,” answered Avery, “we’re at sea, with a fair wind and good
weather.” “At sea!” says the captain; “how can that be?” “Come,” says
Avery, “don’t be in a fright, but put on your clothes, and I’ll let
you into a secret. You must know that I am captain of this ship now,
and this is my cabin, therefore you must walk out. I am bound to
Madagascar, with a design of making my own fortune, and that of all
the brave fellows joined with me.”

The captain having a little recovered his senses began to apprehend
the meaning. However, his fright was as great as before, which Avery
perceiving, bade him fear nothing; “for,” says he, “if you have a mind
to make one of us we will receive you, and if you’ll turn sober and
mind your business, perhaps in time I may make you one of my
lieutenants; if not, here’s a boat alongside, and you shall be set
ashore.”

The captain was glad to hear this, and therefore accepted of his
offer; and the whole crew being called up, to know who was willing to
go on shore with the captain and who to seek their fortunes with the
rest, there were not above five or six who were willing to quit this
enterprise. Wherefore they were put into the boat with the captain
that minute and made their way to the shore as well as they could.

They proceeded on their voyage to Madagascar; but I do not find they
took any ships in their way. When they arrived at the north-east part
of that island they found two sloops at anchor, who, upon seeing them,
slipped their cables and run themselves ashore, the men all landing
and running into the woods. These were two sloops which the men had
run away with from the West Indies, and seeing Avery, they supposed
him to be some frigate sent to take them, and therefore not being of
force to engage him they did what they could to save themselves.

He guessed where they were, and sent some of his men on shore to let
them know they were friends, and to offer they might join together for
their common safety. The sloops’ men were well armed, and had posted
themselves in a wood, with sentinels just on the outside to observe
whether the ship landed her men to pursue them, and they observing
only two or three men to come towards them without arms, did not
oppose them; but having challenged them, and they answering that they
were friends, they led them to their body, where they delivered their
message. At first they apprehended it was a stratagem to decoy them on
board, but when the ambassadors offered that the captain himself and
as many of the crew as they should name would meet them on shore
without arms, they believed them to be in earnest, and they soon
entered into a confidence with one another, those on board going on
shore and some of those on shore going on board.

The sloops’ men were rejoiced at the new ally, for their vessels were
so small that they could not attack a ship of any force, so that
hitherto they had not taken any considerable prize; but now they hoped
to fly at high game. And Avery was as well pleased at this
reinforcement to strengthen them for any brave enterprise, and though
the booty must be lessened to each by being divided into so many
shares, yet he found out an expedient not to suffer by it himself, as
shall be shown in its place.

Having consulted what was to be done, they resolved to sail out
together upon a cruise--the galley and two sloops. They therefore fell
to work to get the sloops off, which they soon effected, and steered
towards the Arabian coast. Near the River Indus the man at the
masthead spied a sail, upon which they gave chase, and as they came
nearer to her they perceived her to be a tall ship, and fancied she
might be a Dutch East Indiaman homeward bound; but she proved a better
prize. When they fired at her to bring to she hoisted Mogul’s colours,
and seemed to stand upon her defence. Avery only cannonaded at a
distance, and some of his men began to suspect that he was not the
hero they took him for. However, the sloops made use of their time,
and coming one on the bow and the other on the quarter of the ship,
clapped her on board and entered her, upon which she immediately
struck her colours and yielded. She was one of the Great Mogul’s own
ships, and there were in her several of the greatest persons of his
Court, among whom it was said was one of his daughters, who were going
on a pilgrimage to Mecca, the Mahometans thinking themselves obliged
once in their lives to visit that place; and they were carrying with
them rich offerings to present at the shrine of Mahomet. It is known
that the Eastern people travel with the utmost magnificence, so that
they had with them all their slaves and attendants, their rich habits
and jewels, with vessels of gold and silver, and great sums of money
to defray the charges of their journey by land; wherefore the plunder
got by this prize is not easily computed.

Having taken all the treasure on board their own ships, and plundered
their prize of everything else they either wanted or liked, they let
her go; she not being able to continue her voyage, returned back. As
soon as the news came to the Mogul, and he knew that they were English
who had robbed them, he threatened loud, and talked of sending a
mighty army with fire and sword to extirpate the English from all
their settlements on the Indian coast. The East India Company in
England were very much alarmed at it; however, by degrees they found
means to pacify him, by promising to do their endeavours to take the
robbers and deliver them into his hands; however, the great noise this
thing made in Europe as well as in India, was the occasion of all
these romantic stories which were formed of Avery’s greatness.

In the meantime our successful plunderers agreed to make the best of
their way back to Madagascar, intending to make that place their
magazine or repository for all their treasure, and to build a small
fortification there, and leave a few hands always ashore to look after
it and defend it from any attempts of the natives; but Avery put an
end to this project, and made it altogether unnecessary.

As they were steering their course as has been said, he sends a boat
on board of each of the sloops desiring the chief of them to come on
board of him in order to hold a council; they did so, and he told them
he had something to propose to them for the common good, which was to
provide against accidents; he bade them consider the treasure they
were possessed of would be sufficient for them all if they could
secure it in some place on shore, therefore all they had to fear was
some misfortune in the voyage; he bade them consider the consequences
of being separated by bad weather, in which case the sloops, if either
of them should fall in with any ships of force, must be either taken
or sunk, and the treasure on board her lost to the rest, besides the
common accidents of the sea; as for his part he was so strong he was
able to make his party good with any ship they were likely to meet in
those seas; that if he met with any ship of such strength, and could
not take her, he was safe from being taken, being so well-manned,
besides, his ship was a quick sailor, and could carry sail when their
sloops could not, wherefore he proposed to them to put the treasure on
board his ship, to seal up each chest with three seals, whereof each
was to keep one, and to appoint a rendezvous in case of separation.

Upon considering this proposal it appeared so reasonable to them that
they readily came into it, for they argued to themselves that an
accident might happen to one of the sloops and the other escape,
wherefore it was for the common good. The thing was done as agreed to,
the treasure put on board of Avery, and the chests sealed; they kept
company that day and the next, the weather being fair, in which time
Avery tampered with his men, telling them they now had sufficient to
make them all easy, and what should hinder them from going to some
country where they were not known and living on shore all the rest of
their days in plenty. They understood what he meant, and, in short,
they all agreed to bilk their new allies, the sloops’ men; nor do I
find that any of them felt any qualms of honour rising in his stomach
to hinder them from consenting to this piece of treachery. In fine,
they took advantage of the darkness that night, steered another
course, and by morning lost sight of them.

I leave the reader to judge what swearing and confusion there was
among the sloops’ men in the morning when they saw that Avery had
given them the slip, for they knew by the fairness of the weather and
the course they had agreed to steer, that it must have been done on
purpose. But we leave them at present to follow Mr. Avery.

Avery and his men, having consulted what to do with themselves, came
to a resolution to make the best of their way towards America, and,
none of them being known in those parts, they intended to divide the
treasure, to change their names, to go ashore, some in one place some
in another, to purchase some settlements and live at ease. The first
land they made was the island of Providence, then newly settled; here
they stayed some time, and having considered that when they should go
to New England the greatness of their ship would cause much inquiry
about them, and possibly some people from England who had heard the
story of a ship’s being run away with from the Groine might suspect
them to be the people, they therefore took a resolution of disposing
of their ship at Providence. Upon which Avery, pretending that the
ship being fitted out upon the privateering account and having had no
success, he had received orders from the owners to dispose of her to
the best advantage. He soon met with a purchaser, and immediately
bought a sloop.

In this sloop he and his companions embarked. They touched at several
parts of America, where no person suspected them, and some of them
went on shore, and dispersed themselves about the country, having
received such dividends as Avery would give them, for he concealed the
greatest part of the diamonds from them, which in the first hurry of
plundering the ship they did not much regard, as not knowing their
value.

At length he came to Boston, in New England, and seemed to have a
desire of settling in those parts, and some of his companions went on
shore there also, but he changed his resolution, and proposed to the
few of his companions who were left to sail for Ireland, which they
consented to. He found out that New England was not a proper place for
him, because a great deal of his wealth lay in diamonds, and should he
have produced them there he would have certainly been seized on
suspicion of piracy.

In their voyage to Ireland they avoided St. George’s Channel, and
sailing north about, they put into one of the northern ports of that
kingdom; there they disposed of their sloop, and coming on shore they
separated themselves, some going to Cork, and some to Dublin, eighteen
of whom obtained their pardons afterwards of King William. When Avery
had remained some time in this kingdom he was afraid to offer his
diamonds for sale, lest an inquiry into his manner of coming by them
should occasion a discovery; therefore, considering with himself what
was best to be done, he fancied there were some persons at Bristol
whom he might venture to trust; upon which he resolved to pass over
into England; he did so, and, going into Devonshire, he sent one of
these friends to meet him at a town called Bideford. When he had
communicated himself to his friends, and consulted with them about the
means of his effects, they agreed that the safest method would be to
put them in the hands of some merchants, who, being men of wealth and
credit in the world, no inquiry would be made how they came by them.
This friend telling him he was very intimate with some who were very
fit for the purpose, and if he would but allow them a good commission
would do the business very faithfully. Avery liked the proposal, for
he found no other way of managing his affairs, since he could not
appear in them himself; therefore his friend going back to Bristol and
opening the matter to the merchants they made Avery a visit at
Bideford, where, after some protestations of honour and integrity, he
delivered them his effects, consisting of diamonds and some vessels of
gold; they gave him a little money for his present subsistence, and so
they parted.

He changed his name and lived at Bideford without making any figure,
and therefore there was no great notice taken of him; yet let one or
two of his relations know where he was, who came to see him. In some
time his little money was spent, yet he heard nothing from his
merchants. He wrote to them often, and after much importunity they
sent him a small supply, but scarce sufficient to pay his debts; in
fine, the supplies they sent him from time were so small that they
were not sufficient to give him bread, nor could he get that little
without a great deal of trouble and importunity; wherefore, being
weary of his life, he went privately to Bristol to speak to the
merchants himself, where, instead of money he met a most shocking
repulse, for when he desired them to come to an account with him they
silenced him by threatening to discover him, so that our merchants
were as good pirates on land as he was on sea.

Whether he was frightened by these menaces, or had seen somebody else
he thought knew him, is not known; but he went immediately over to
Ireland, and from thence solicited his merchants very hard for a
supply, but to no purpose, for he was even reduced to beggary. In this
extremity he was resolved to return and cast himself upon them, let
the consequences be what it would. He put himself on board a trading
vessel, and worked his passage over to Plymouth, from whence he
travelled on foot to Bideford, where he had been but a few days before
he fell sick and died, not being worth as much as would buy him a
coffin.

Thus have I given all that could be collected of any certainty
concerning this man, rejecting the idle stories which were made of his
fantastic greatness, by which it appears that his actions were more
inconsiderable than those of other pirates since him, though he made
more noise in the world.

Now we shall turn back and give our readers some account of what
became of the two sloops.

We took notice of the rage and confusion which must have seized them
upon their missing of Avery. However, they continued their course,
some of them still flattering themselves that he had only outsailed
them in the night, and that they should find him at the place of
rendezvous. But when they came there, and could hear no tidings of him
there was end of hope. It was time to consider what they should do
with themselves; their stock of sea provision was almost spent, and
though there was rice and fish, and fowl to be had ashore, yet these
would not keep for sea without being properly cured with salt, which
they had no conveniences of doing; therefore, since they could not go
a-cruising any more, it was time to think of establishing themselves
on land; to which purpose they took all things out of the sloops, made
tents of the sails, and encamped themselves, having a large quantity
of ammunition and abundance of small arms.

Here they met with several of their countrymen, the crew of a
privateer sloop which was commanded by Captain Thomas Tew; and, since
it will be but a short digression, we will give an account how they
came here.

Captain George Dew and Captain Thomas Tew having received commissions
from the then Governor of Bermudas to sail directly for the river
Gambia in Africa, there, with the advice and assistance of the agents
of the Royal African Company, to attempt the taking the French factory
at Goorie, lying upon that coast. In a few days after they sailed out,
Dew, in a violent storm, not only sprung his mast, but lost sight of
his consort; Dew therefore returned back to refit, and Tew, instead of
proceeding on his voyage, made for the Cape of Good Hope, and doubling
the said Cape, shaped his course for the Straits of Babel Mandel,
being the entrance into the Red Sea. Here he came up with a large
ship, richly laden, bound from the Indies to Arabia, with three
hundred soldiers on board, besides seamen; yet Tew had the hardiness
to board her, and soon carried her; and it is said by this prize his
men shared near three thousand pounds a-piece. They had intelligence
from the prisoners of five other rich ships to pass that way, which
Tew would have attacked, though they were very strong, if he had not
been overruled by the quartermaster and others. This differing in
opinion created some ill blood amongst them, so that they resolved to
break up pirating, and no place was so fit to receive them as
Madagascar; hither they steered, resolving to live on shore and enjoy
what they got.

As for Tew himself, he, with a few others, in a short time went off to
Rhode Island, from whence he made his peace.

Thus have we accounted for the company our pirates met with here.

It must be observed that the natives of Madagascar are a kind of
negroes; they differ from those of Guinea in their hair, which is
long, and their complexion is not so good a jet; they have innumerable
little princes among them, who are continually making war upon one
another; their prisoners are their slaves, and they either sell them
or put them to death as they please. When our pirates first settled
amongst them their alliance was much courted by these princes, so they
sometimes joined one, sometimes another, but wheresoever they sided
they were sure to be victorious, for the negroes here had no firearms,
nor did they understand their use; so that at length these pirates
became so terrible to the negroes that if two or three of them were
only seen on one side when they were going to engage, the opposite
side would fly without striking a blow.

By these means they not only became feared, but powerful; all the
prisoners of war they took to be their slaves; they married the most
beautiful of the negro women, not one or two, but as many as they
liked; so that every one of them had as great a seraglio as the Grand
Seignior at Constantinople. Their slaves they employed in planting
rice, in fishing, hunting, &c., besides which they had abundance of
others who lived, as it were, under their protection, and to be secure
from their disturbances or attacks of their powerful neighbours, these
seemed to pay them a willing homage. Now they began to divide from one
another, each living with his own wives, slaves, and dependents, like
a separate prince; and as power and plenty naturally beget contention,
they sometimes quarrelled with one another, and attacked each other at
the head of their several armies; and in these civil wars many of them
were killed; but an incident happened which obliged them to unite
again for their common safety.

It must be observed that these sudden great men had used their power
like tyrants, for they grew wanton in cruelty, and nothing was more
common than, upon the slightest displeasure, to cause one of their
dependents to be tied to a tree and shot through the heart--let the
crime be what it would, whether little or great, this was always the
punishment; wherefore the negroes conspired together to rid themselves
of these destroyers all in one night; and as they now lived separate
the thing might easily have been done had not a woman, who had been
wife or concubine to one of them, run near twenty miles in three hours
to discover the matter to them. Immediately upon the alarm they ran
together as fast as they could, so that when the negroes approached
them they found them all up in arms; wherefore they retired without
making any attempt.

This escape made them very cautious from that time, and it will be
worth while to describe the policy of these brutish fellows, and to
show what measures they took to secure themselves.

They found that the fear of their power could not secure them against
a surprise, and the bravest man may be killed when he is asleep by one
much his inferior in courage and strength; therefore, as their first
security, they did all they could to foment war between the
neighbouring negroes, remaining neuter themselves, by which means
those who were overcome constantly fled to them for protection,
otherwise they must be either killed or made slaves. They strengthened
their party, and tied some to them by interest; when there was no war
they contrived to spirit up private quarrels among them, and upon
every little dispute or misunderstanding push on one side or other to
revenge, instruct them how to attack or surprise their adversaries,
and lend them loaded pistols or firelocks to dispatch them with, the
consequence of which was that the murderer was forced to fly to them
for the safety of his life with his wives, children, and kindred.

Such as these were fast friends, as their lives depended upon the
safety of the protectors; for, as we observed before, our pirates were
grown so terrible that none of their neighbours had resolution enough
to attack them in an open war.

By such arts as these, in the space of a few years their body was
greatly increased; they then began to separate themselves and remove
at a greater distance from one another for the convenience of more
ground, and were divided, like Jews, into tribes, each carrying with
him his wives and children (of which by this time they had a large
family), as also their quota of dependents and followers. And if power
and command be the thing which distinguish a prince, these ruffians
had all the marks of royalty about them; nay more, they had the very
fears which commonly disturb tyrants, as may be seen by the extreme
caution they took in fortifying the places where they dwelt.

In this plan of fortification they imitated one another. Their
dwellings were rather citadels than houses; they made choice of a
place overgrown with a wood, and situate near a water; they raised a
rampart or high ditch round it, so straight and high that it was
impossible to climb it, and especially by those who had not the use of
scaling ladders; over this ditch there was one passage into the wood;
the dwelling, which was a hut, was built in that part of the wood
which the prince who inhabited it thought fit, but so covered that it
could not be seen till you came to it; but the greatest cunning lay in
the passage which led to the hut, which was so narrow that no more
than one person could go abreast, and contrived in so intricate a
manner that it was a perfect maze or labyrinth, it being round and
round, with several little cross-ways, so that a person that was not
well acquainted with the way might walk several hours round and cross
these ways without being able to find the hut; moreover, all along the
sides of these narrow paths certain large thorns which grew upon a
tree in that country were struck into the ground with their points
uppermost, and the path itself, being made crooked and serpentine, if
a man should attempt to come near the hut at night he would certainly
have stuck upon these thorns, though he had been provided with that
clue which Ariadne gave to Theseus when he entered the cave of the
Minotaur.

Thus tyrant-like they lived, fearing and feared by all; and in this
situation they were found by Captain Woods Rogers when he went to
Madagascar in the _Delicia_, a ship of forty guns, with a design of
buying slaves, in order to sell to the Dutch at Batavia or New
England. He happened to touch upon a part of the island where no ship
had been seen for seven or eight years before, where he met with some
of the pirates, at which time they had been upon the island above
twenty-five years, having a large motley generation of children and
grandchildren descended from them, there being about that time eleven
of them remaining alive.

Upon their first seeing a ship of this force and burthen they supposed
it to be a man-of-war sent to take them; they therefore lurked within
their fastnesses; but when some from the ship came on shore without
any show of hostility, and offering to trade with the negroes, they
ventured to come out of their holes, attended like princes; and since
they actually are kings _de facto_, which is a kind of a right, we
ought to speak of them as such.

Having been so many years upon this island it may be imagined their
clothes had long been worn out, so that their majesties were extremely
out at the elbows; I cannot say they were ragged, since they had no
clothes--they had nothing to cover them but the skins of beasts
without any tanning, but with all their hair on, nor a shoe nor
stocking, so they looked like the pictures of Hercules in the lion’s
skin; and being overgrown with beard, and hair upon their bodies, they
appeared the most savage figures that a man’s imagination can frame.

However, they soon got rigged, for they sold great numbers of those
poor people under them for clothes, knives, saws, powder and ball, and
many other things, and became so familiar that they went aboard the
_Delicia_, and were observed to be very curious, examining the inside
of the ship, and very familiar with the men, inviting them ashore.
Their design in doing this, as they afterwards confessed, was to try
if it was not practicable to surprise the ship in the night, which
they judged very easy in case there was but a slender watch kept on
board, they having boats and men enough at command; but it seems the
captain was aware of them, and kept so strong a watch upon deck that
they found it was in vain to make any attempt; wherefore, when some of
the men went ashore they were for inveigling them and drawing them
into a plot for seizing the captain, and securing the rest of the men
under hatches when they should have the night-watch, promising a
signal to come on board and join them, proposing, if they succeeded,
to go a-pirating together, not doubting but with that ship they should
be able to take anything they met on the sea. But the captain,
observing an intimacy growing between them and some of his men,
thought it could be for no good; he therefore broke it off in time,
not suffering them so much as to talk together; and when he sent a
boat on shore with an officer to treat with them about the sale of
slaves, the crew remained on board the boat, and no man was suffered
to talk with them but the person deputed by him for that purpose.

Before he sailed away, and they found that nothing was to be done,
they confessed all the designs they had formed against him. Thus he
left them as he found them, in a great deal of dirty state and
royalty, but with fewer subjects than they had, having, as we
observed, sold many of them; and if ambition be the darling passion of
men, no doubt they were happy. One of these great princes had formerly
been a waterman upon the Thames, where, having committed a murder, he
fled to the West Indies, and was of the number of those who ran away
with the sloops, the rest had been all foremast men, nor was there a
man amongst them who could either read or write, and yet their
Secretaries of State had no more learning than themselves. This is all
the account we can give of these kingdoms of Madagascar, some of whom
it is probable are reigning to this day.




                                 THE END.




         UNWIN BROTHERS, THE GRESHAM PRESS, CHILWORTH AND LONDON.




                      [Illustration: Select Books

                              PUBLISHED BY

                          MR. T. FISHER UNWIN

                                 London:

                          PATERNOSTER SQUARE.

                                MDCCCXCI.]




                          The Adventure Series.

                        _Averaging 400 pp. each._

          Large crown 8vo., cloth, 5s. each, fully Illustrated.

The desire of the English people for genuine accounts of the
adventures of their fellows has at present chiefly called forth the
ingenious absurdities of writers who have always stopped at home. To
dispel the idea that adventures are confined to Africa, Mr. T. FISHER
UNWIN has in hand a Collection which will include the narratives of
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the savage Moors;--these names speak for themselves. But of volumes to
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venturous.

                                    I.

                     The Adventures of a Younger Son.
        By E. J. TRELAWNY. With an Introduction by EDWARD GARNETT.
   Second Edition. Illustrated with several Portraits of Trelawny,
   Cuts illustrating his Greek Adventures, and an Autograph Letter.


                                   II.

                  Robert Drury’s Journal in Madagascar.
  With Preface and Notes by CAPT. S. P. OLIVER, Author of “Madagascar.”
                 Illustrated with Maps and curious Cuts.


                                   III.

       Memoirs of the Extraordinary Military Career of John Shipp.
         With Introduction by H. MANNERS CHICHESTER. Illustrated.


                                   IV.

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          (Three-and-Twenty Years in Captivity among the Moors.)
    Written by Himself; and Edited, with an Introduction and Notes,
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                                    V.

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     Fairy Tales.” With Portrait. Crown 8vo., cloth, 6s.

     Keller is the greatest Swiss romancer of modern days.

  =The English Novel in the Time of Shakespeare.= By J. J. JUSSERAND,
     Author of “English Wayfaring Life.” Translated by Elizabeth
     Lee, Revised and Enlarged by the Author. Illustrated by Six
     Heliogravures by DUJARDIN, of Paris, and 21 full-page and many
     smaller Illustrations in facsimile. Demy 8vo., handsome cloth,
     gilt tops, 21s.

     “Here we have learned, yet not at all wearisome,
     descriptions of the works which led up to the novel as we
     now understand it.... Dr. Jusserand’s agreeable style in
     recounting the origin of the modern literary ‘three decker’
     makes his book, though historically valuable, very pleasant
     reading.”--_Daily Telegraph._

  ==English Wayfaring Life in the Middle Ages (XIVth Century). By J. J.
     JUSSERAND. Translated from the French by LUCY A. TOULMIN SMITH.
     Illustrated. Third Edition. Demy 8vo., cloth, 12s.

     “This is an extremely fascinating book, and it is surprising
     that several years should have elapsed before it was brought
     out in an English dress. However, we have lost nothing by
     waiting.”--_Times._

  =The Letters of Horace Walpole.= Selected and Edited, with
     Introduction and Notes, by CHARLES DUKE YONGE, M.A. Portraits
     and Illustrations. Limited Edition of 750 copies in Two Vols.,
     medium 8vo., cloth, 32s.

     “Have been carefully edited, and, moreover, contain
     admirable illustrations.”--_Guardian._

  =The Trials of a Country Parson:= Some Fugitive Papers by Rev. A.
     JESSOPP, D.D., Author of “Arcady,” “The Coming of the Friars,”
     &c. Crown 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d.

     “Sparkles with fresh and unforced humour, and abounds in
     genial common-sense.”--_Scotsman._

  =The Coming of the Friars,= And other Mediæval Sketches. By the Rev.
     AUGUSTUS JESSOPP, D.D., Author of “Arcady: For Better, For
     Worse,” &c. Third Edition. Crown 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d.

    “Always interesting and frequently fascinating.”--_St.
    James’s Gazette._

  =Arcady: For Better, For Worse.= By AUGUSTUS JESSOPP, D.D., Author of
     “One Generation of a Norfolk House.” Portrait. Popular Edition.
     Crown 8vo., cloth, 3s. 6d.

     “A volume which is, to our minds, one of the most delightful
     ever published in English.”--_Spectator._

  =The Twilight of the Gods.= By RICHARD GARNETT, LL.D. Crown 8vo.,
     cloth, 6s.

     “If imagination and style constitute the true elixir of
     literary life, Dr. Garnett’s ‘Twilight of the Gods’ should
     live.”--_British Weekly._

  =Light and Shadow: A Novel.= By EDWARD GARNETT, Author of “The
     Paradox Club.” Crown 8vo., cloth, 6s.

     “An exceedingly clever book.”--_Daily News._

  =The Paradox Club.= By EDWARD GARNETT. With Portrait of Nina Lindon.
     Second Edition. Crown 8vo., limp cloth, 3s. 6d.

     “Mr. Garnett’s dialogue is often quite as good as his
     description, and in description he is singularly happy. The
     mystery of London streets by night is powerfully suggested,
     and the realistic force of his night-pieces is enhanced by
     the vague and Schumann-like sentiment that pervades
     them.”--_Saturday Review._

  =Soul-Shapes.= Crown 4to., with four coloured plates of Souls on
     hand-made paper, with Japanese vellum cover, 3s. 6d.

  =Robert Browning: Personal Notes.= Frontispiece. Small crown 8vo.,
     parchment, 4s. 6d.

     “Every lover of Browning will wish to possess this
     exquisitely-printed and as exquisitely-bound little
     volume.”--_Yorkshire Daily Post._

  =Old Chelsea.= A Summer-Day’s Stroll. By Dr. BENJAMIN ELLIS MARTIN.
     Illustrated by Joseph Pennell. Second Edition. Crown 8vo.,
     cloth, 7s. 6d.

     “Dr. Martin has produced an interesting account of old
     Chelsea, and he has been well seconded by his
     coadjutor.”--_Athenæum._

  =Euphorion:= Studies of the Antique and the Mediæval in the
     Renaissance. By VERNON LEE. Cheap Edition, in one volume. Demy
     8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d.

     “It is the fruit, as every page testifies, of singularly
     wide reading and independent thought, and the style combines
     with much picturesqueness a certain largeness of volume,
     that reminds us more of our earlier writers than those of
     our own time.”--_Contemporary Review._

  =Studies of the Eighteenth Century in Italy.= By VERNON LEE. Demy
     8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d.

     “These studies show a wide range of knowledge of the
     subject, precise investigation, abundant power of
     illustration, and hearty enthusiasm.... The style of writing
     is cultivated, neatly adjusted, and markedly
     clever.”--_Saturday Review._

  =Belcaro:= Being Essays on Sundry Æsthetical Questions. By VERNON
     LEE. Crown 8vo., cloth, 5s.

  =Juvenilia:= A Second Series of Essays on Sundry Æsthetical
     Questions. By VERNON LEE. Two vols. Small crown 8vo., cloth, 12s.

     “To discuss it properly would require more space than a
     single number of ‘The Academy’ could afford.”--_Academy._

  =Baldwin:= Dialogues on Views and Aspirations, By VERNON LEE. Demy
     8vo., cloth, 12s.

     “The dialogues are written with ... an intellectual courage
     which shrinks from no logical conclusion.”--_Scotsman._

  =Ottilie:= An Eighteenth Century Idyl. By VERNON LEE. Square 8vo.,
     cloth extra, 3s. 6d.

     “A graceful little sketch.... Drawn with full insight into
     the period described.”--_Spectator._

  =Introductory Studies in Greek Art.= Delivered in the British Museum
     by JANE E. HARRISON. With Illustrations. Square imperial 16mo.,
     7s. 6d.

     “The best work of its kind in English.”--_Oxford Magazine._

  =The Fleet:= Its River, Prison, and Marriages. By JOHN ASHTON,
     Author of “Social Life in the Reign of Queen Anne,” &c. With
     70 Drawings by the Author from Original Pictures. Second and
     Cheaper Edition, cloth, 7s. 6d.

  =Romances of Chivalry:= Told and Illustrated in Fac-simile by JOHN
     ASHTON. Forty-six Illustrations. New and Cheaper Edition. Crown
     8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d.

     “The result (of the reproduction of the wood blocks) is as
     creditable to his artistic, as the text is to his literary,
     ability.”--_Guardian._

  =The Dawn of the Nineteenth Century in England:= A Social Sketch
     of the Times. By JOHN ASHTON. Cheaper Edition, in one vol.
     Illustrated. Large crown 8vo., 10s. 6d.

     “The book is one continued source of pleasure and interest,
     and opens up a wide field for speculation and comment, and
     many of us will look upon it as an important contribution to
     contemporary history, not easily available to others than
     close students.”--_Antiquary._

  =Chopin, and Other Musical Essays.= By HENRY T. FINCK, Author of
     “Romantic Love and Personal Beauty.” Crown 8vo., cloth, 6s.

     “The six essays are all written with great thoroughness, and
     the interest of each one is admirably sustained
     throughout.”--_Freeman’s Journal._

  =The Temple:= Sacred Poems and Private Ejaculations. By Mr. GEORGE
     HERBERT. New and fourth edition, with Introductory Essay by J.
     HENRY SHORTHOUSE. Small crown, sheep, 5s.

          _A facsimile reprint of the Original Edition of 1633._

     “This charming reprint has a fresh value added to it by the
     Introductory Essay of the Author of ‘John Inglesant.’”--_Academy._

  =Songs, Ballads, and A Garden Play.= By A. MARY F. ROBINSON,
     Author of “An Italian Garden.” With Frontispiece of Dürer’s
     “Melancholia.” Small crown 8vo., half bound, vellum, 5s.

     “The romantic ballads have grace, movement, passion and
     strength.”--_Spectator._ “Marked by sweetness of melody and
     truth of colour.”--_Academy._

  =Essays towards a Critical Method.= Studies in English Literature. By
     JOHN M. ROBERTSON. Cr. 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d.

     “His essays are always shrewd and readable. His criticisms
     on the critics are enjoyable for the irony (conscious or
     unconscious) that is in them; and the book will not fail to
     please lovers of literature and literary history, and to
     prove suggestive to the critical.”--_Scotsman._

  =The Lazy Minstrel.= By J. ASHBY-STERRY, Author of “Boudoir Ballads.”
     Fourth and Popular Edition. Frontispiece by E. A. ABBEY. Fcap.
     8vo., cloth, 2s. 6d.

     “One of the lightest and brightest writers of vers de
     société.” _St. James’s Gazette._

  =Caroline Schlegel, and Her Friends.= By Mrs. ALFRED SIDGWICK. With
     Steel Portrait. Crown 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d.

     “This is a singularly brilliant, delicate and fascinating
     sketch--one of the most skilful pieces of literary
     workmanship we have seen for a long time.... Mrs. Sidgwick
     is a writer of very unusual equipment, power and promise.”
     _British Weekly._

  =Amos Kilbright:= His Adscititious Adventures. With other Stories. By
     FRANK R. STOCKTON. 8vo., cloth, 3s. 6d.

     “Mr. Stockton is the quaintest of living humorists.”--_Academy._




                                 History.


  =The Vikings in Western Christendom,= A.D. 789-888. By C. F. KEARY,
     Author of “Outlines of Primitive Belief,” “The Dawn of History,”
     &c. With Map and Tables. Demy 8vo., cloth, 16s.

  =National Life and Thought;= Or, Lectures on Various Nations of the
     World. Delivered at South Place Institute by Professor THOROLD
     ROGERS, J. S. COTTON MINCHIN, W. R. MORFILL, F. H. GROOME, J.
     THEODORE BENT, Professor A. PÜLSKY, EIRIKE MAGNUSSON, and other
     Specialists. Demy 8vo., cloth, 10s. 6d.

     These Lectures attracted much attention in the Session of
     1889-90, and are now reprinted to meet the desire of a very
     large public. In each case the authors have striven to put
     their audience in thorough sympathy with the National Life
     and Thought of the Nations treated of.

  =Battles and Leaders of the American Civil War.= An Authoritative
     History, written by Distinguished Participants on both sides.
     Edited by ROBERT U. JOHNSON and CLARENCE C. BUEL, of the
     Editorial Staff of “The Century Magazine.” Four Volumes, Royal
     8vo., elegantly bound, £5 5s.

     LORD WOLSELEY, in writing a series of articles in the _North
     American Review_ on this work, says: “The Century Company
     has, in my judgment, done a great service to the soldiers of
     all armies by the publication of these records of the great
     War.”

  =Diary of the Parnell Commission.= Revised with Additions, from _The
     Daily News_. By JOHN MACDONALD, M.A. Large crown 8vo, cloth, 6s.

     “Mr. Macdonald has done his work well.”--_Speaker._

  =The End of the Middle Ages:= Essays and Questions in History. By A.
     MARY F. ROBINSON (Madame Darmesteter). Demy 8vo., cloth, 10s. 6d.

     “We travel from convent to palace, find ourselves among all
     the goodness, the wisdom, the wildness, the wickedness, the
     worst and the best of that wonderful time. We meet with
     devoted saints and desperate sinners.... We seem to have
     made many new acquaintances whom before we only knew by name
     among the names of history.... We can heartily recommend
     this book to every one who cares for the study of history,
     especially in its most curious and fascinating period, the
     later middle age.”--_Spectator._

  =The Federalist:= A Commentary in the Form of Essays on the United
     States Constitution. By ALEXANDER HAMILTON, and others. Edited
     by HENRY CABOT LODGE. Demy 8vo., Roxburgh binding, 10s. 6d.

     “The importance of the Essays can hardly be exaggerated.”--
     _Glasgow Mail._

  =The Story of the Nations.= Crown 8vo., Illustrated, and furnished
     with Maps and Indexes, each 5s.

     “L’interessante serie l’Histoire des Nations formera ... un
     cours d’histoire universelle d’une très grande
     valeur.”--_Journal des Debats._
     “That useful series.”--_The Times._
     “An admirable series.”--_Spectator._
     “That excellent series.”--_Guardian._
     “The series is likely to be found indispensable in every
     school library.”--_Paul Mall Gazette._
     “This valuable series.”--_Nonconformist._
     “Admirable series of historical monographs.”--_Echo._

     “Each volume is written by one of the most foremost English
     authorities on the subject with which it deals.... It is
     almost impossible to over-estimate the value of a series of
     carefully prepared volumes, such as are the majority of
     those comprising this library.... The illustrations make one
     of the most attractive features of the series.”--_The
     Guardian._

  =Rome.= By ARTHUR GILMAN, M.A., Author of “A History of the American
     People,” &c. Third edition.

  =The Jews.= In Ancient, Mediæval, and Modern Times. By Prof. J. K.
     HOSMER. Second edition.

  =Germany.= By Rev. S. BARING-GOULD, Author of “Curious Myths of the
     Middle Ages,” &c. Second edition.

  =Carthage.= By Prof. ALFRED J. CHURCH, Author of “Stories from the
     Classics,” &c. Third edition.

  =Alexander’s Empire.= By Prof. J. P. MAHAFFY, Author of “Social Life
     in Greece.” Fourth edition.

  =The Moors in Spain.= By STANLEY LANE-POOLE, Author of “Studies in a
     Mosque.” Third edition.

  =Ancient Egypt.= By Canon RAWLINSON, Author of “The Five Great
     Monarchies of the World.” Third edition.

  =Hungary.= By Prof. ARMINIUS VAMBÉRY, Author of “Travels in Central
     Asia.” Second edition.

  =The Saracens:= From the Earliest Times to the Fall of Bagdad. By
     ARTHUR GILMAN, M.A., Author of “Rome,” &c.

  =Ireland.= By the Hon. EMILY LAWLESS, Author of “Hurrish.” Third
     edition.

  =Chaldea.= By Z. A. RAGOZIN, Author of “Assyria,” &c. Second edition.

  =The Goths.= By HENRY BRADLEY. Second edition.

  =Assyria.= By ZÉNAÏDE A. RAGOZIN, Author of “Chaldea,” &c.

  =Turkey.= By STANLEY LANE-POOLE. Second edition.

  =Holland.= By Professor THOROLD ROGERS. Second edition.

  =Mediæval France.= By GUSTAVE MASSON. Second edition.

  =Persia.= By S. G. W. BENJAMIN. Second edition.

  =Phœnicia.= By CANON RAWLINSON.

  =Media.= By Z. A. RAGOZIN.

  =The Hansa Towns.= By HELEN ZIMMERN.

  =Early Britain.= By Prof. A. J. CHURCH, Author of “Carthage,” &c.

  =Russia.= By W. R. MORFILL, M.A.

  =The Barbary Corsairs.= By STANLEY LANE-POOLE.

  =The Jews under the Roman Empire.= By W. DOUGLAS MORRISON, M.A.

  =Scotland=. By JOHN MACINTOSH, LL.D.

  =Switzerland.= By LINA HUG and R. STEAD.

  =Mexico.= By SUSAN HALE.


  (_For further information, see “Nation Series” Catalogue. Sent to any
  address on application to the Publisher._)




                                Biography.


  =The Autobiography of Joseph Jefferson= (“Rip Van Winkle”). With many
     full-page Portraits and other Illustrations. Royal 8vo., 16s.

     This celebrated actor’s autobiography is one of the most
     amusing ever penned. It abounds in droll stories and
     anecdotes of theatrical life, and is copious in
     recollections of the famous people of all ranks Jefferson
     mixed with.


  =Nelson:= The Public and Private Life of Horatio, Viscount Nelson.
     By G. LATHOM BROWNE, Barrister-at-Law, Author of “Wellington,”
     “Narratives of State Trials,” &c. With Heliogravure frontispiece
     Portrait, 11 full-page Illustrations of portraits and relics of
     Nelson, hitherto unpublished, and 4 Maps. Demy 8vo., cloth, gilt
     tops, 18s.

     Mr. Lathom Browne has had access to the documents and relics
     of Nelson in the possession of Earl Nelson and Viscount
     Bridport (Duke of Bronté); and by the thorough
     re-examination of all existing material has presented what
     has long been wanting--an impartial, exhaustive, and
     critical Life of Nelson, told largely from the point of view
     of his own letters and eye witnesses of his naval career.

  =Abraham Lincoln:= A History. By JOHN G. NICOLAY and JOHN HAY. With
     many full-page Illustrations, Portraits, and Maps. Royal 8vo.,
     complete in 10 vols., bound in cloth, price £6 the Set.

     “We claim for our work that we have devoted to it twenty
     years of almost unremitting assiduity; that we have
     neglected no means in our power to ascertain the truth; that
     we have rejected no authentic facts essential to a candid
     story; that we have had no theory to establish, no personal
     grudge to gratify, no unavowed objects to subserve. We have
     aimed to write a sufficiently full and absolutely honest
     history of a great man and a great time.”--_Extract from
     Author’s Preface._

  =Sir John Hawkwood (l’Acuto).= Story of a Condottiere. Translated
     from the Italian of John Temple-Leader and Giuseppe Marcotti, by
     LEADER SCOTT. Illustrated. Royal 8vo., bound in buckram, gilt
     tops. Limited Edition.

     “The career of such a man was well worth recording.... A
     valuable and interesting book.”--_Glasgow Herald._

  =The Life & Times of William Lloyd GARRISON.= From 1840-1879. By HIS
     CHILDREN. Vols. III. and IV., completing the work. Portraits and
     Illustrations. Demy 8vo., cloth, 30s.

     “There is something to be learnt in every page, and the
     diversity of subjects taken up by this strong, resolute
     nature, make it altogether a book of the age.”--_Daily
     Telegraph._

  =Anne Gilchrist:= Her Life and Writings. Edited by HERBERT
     HARLAKENDEN GILCHRIST. Prefatory Notice by WILLIAM MICHAEL
     ROSSETTI. Second edition. Twelve Illustrations. Demy 8vo.,
     cloth, 16s.

  =Life and Times of Girolamo Savonarola.= By PASQUALE VILLARI.
     Translated by LINDA VILLARI. Portraits and Illustrations. Two
     vols. Third Edition, with New Preface. Demy 8vo., cloth, 21s.

     “We welcome the translation of this excellent work--which is
     all a translation ought to be.”--_Spectator._

  =Charles Dickens as I knew Him:= The Story of the Reading Tours in
     Great Britain and America (1866-1870). By GEORGE DOLBY. New and
     cheaper edition. Crown 8vo., 3s. 6d.

     “It will be welcome to all lovers of Dickens for Dickens’
     own sake.”--_Athenæum._

  =Ole Bull: A Memoir.= By SARA C. BULL. With Ole Bull’s “Violin Notes”
     and Dr. A. B. Crosby’s “Anatomy of the Violinist.” Portraits.
     Second edition. Crown 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d.

  =Johannes Brahms:= A Biographical Sketch. By Dr. HERMAN DEITERS.
     Translated, with additions, by ROSA NEWMARCH. Edited, with a
     Preface, by J. A. FULLER MAITLAND. Portrait. Small crown 8vo.,
     cloth, 6s.

  =The Lives of Robert and Mary Moffat.= By their Son, JOHN SMITH
     MOFFAT. Sixth edition. Portraits, Illustrations, and Maps. Crown
     8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d.; Popular Edition, crown 8vo., 3s. 6d.

     “The biographer has done his work with reverent care, and in
     a straightforward unaffected style.”--_Contemporary Review._

  =The German Emperor and Empress:= The Late Frederick III. and
     Victoria. The Story of their Lives. By DOROTHEA ROBERTS.
     Portraits. Crown 8vo., cloth, 2s. 6d.

     “A book sure to be popular in domestic circles.”--_The Graphic._

  =Arminius Vambéry:= His Life and Adventures. Written by Himself. With
     Portrait and Fourteen Illustrations. Fifth and Popular Edition.
     Square Imperial 16mo., cloth extra, 6s.

     “The work is written in a most captivating manner.”--_Novoe
     Vremya, Moscow._




                         Theology and Philosophy.


  =The Wider Hope:= Essays and Strictures on the Doctrine and
     Literature of a Future. By Numerous Writers, Lay and Clerical:
     Canon FARRAR, the late Principal TULLOCH, the late Rev. J.
     BALDWIN BROWN, the Very Rev. E. H. PLUMPTRE, D.D., Rev. WILLIAM
     ARTHUR, Rev. JAMES H. RIGG, Rev. HENRY ALLON, D.D. With a Paper
     by THOMAS DE QUINCEY, and a Bibliography of Recent Eschatology
     as contained in the British Museum. Crown 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d.

     “A mass of material which will certainly prove useful to
     students of the subject. Here they will find a large body of
     valuable opinion on a topic perennially
     attractive.”--_Globe._

  =The Treasure Book of Consolation:= For all in Sorrow or Suffering.
     By BENJAMIN ORME, M.A. Popular Edition. Crown 8vo., cloth extra,
     gilt edges, 3s. 6d.

     “It is a useful book for ministers, and will prove an
     invaluable boon for those in whose special interest it has
     been compiled.”--_Christian World._

  =The Questions of the Bible, Arranged in the Order of the Books of
     Scripture, with Connective Readings and Tables. By W. CARNELLEY.
     Demy 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d.

     “The book will be a useful one for theologians and
     students.”--_Fireside News._

     “A book of peculiar value to all who study the
     Bible.”--_Christian._

  =The House and Its Builder,= with Other Discourses: A Book for the
     Doubtful. By Dr. SAMUEL COX. Third Edition. Small crown 8vo.,
     paper, 2s. 6d.; cloth, 3s.

  =“Expositions.”= By the same Author. In Four Volumes, demy 8vo.,
     cloth, price 7s. 6d. each

     “We have said enough to show our high opinion of Dr. Cox’s
     volume. It is indeed full of suggestion.... A valuable
     volume.”--_The Spectator._

     “Here, too, we have the clear exegetical insight, the lucid
     expository style, the chastened but effective eloquence, the
     high ethical standpoint, which secured for the earlier
     series a well-nigh unanimous award of
     commendation.”--_Academy._

     “When we say that the volume possesses all the intellectual,
     moral, and spiritual characteristics which have won for its
     author so distinguished a place among the religious teachers
     of our time ... what further recommendation can be
     necessary?”--_Nonconformist._

  =The Risen Christ:= The King of Men. By the late Rev. J. BALDWIN
     BROWN, M.A. Second and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo., cloth, 3s.
     6d.

     “We have again felt in reading these nervous, spiritual, and
     eloquent sermons how great a preacher has passed
     away.”--_Nonconformist._

  =Christian Facts and Forces.= By the Rev. NEWMAN SMYTH, Author of
     “The Reality of Faith.” New edition. Crown 8vo., cloth, 4s. 6d.

     “An able and suggestive series of discourses.”--_Nonconformist._

     “These sermons abound in noble and beautiful teaching
     clearly and eloquently expressed.”--_Christian._

  =Inspiration and the Bible:= An Inquiry. By ROBERT HORTON, M.A.,
     formerly Fellow of New College, Oxford. Fourth and Cheaper
     Edition. Crown 8vo., cloth, 3s. 6d.

     “The work displays much earnest thought, and a sincere
     belief in, and love of the Bible.”--_Morning Post._

     “It will be found to be a good summary, written in no
     iconoclastic spirit, but with perfect candour and fairness,
     of some of the more important results of recent Biblical
     criticism ”--_Scotsman._

  =Faint, yet Pursuing.= By the Rev. E. J. HARDY, Author of “How to
     be Happy though Married.” Sq. imp. 16mo., cloth, 6s. Cheaper
     Edition, 3s. 6d.

     “One of the most practical and readable volumes of sermons
     ever published. They must have been eminently
     hearable.”--_British Weekly._

  =The Meditations and Maxims of Koheleth.= A Practical Exposition of
     the Book of Ecclesiastes. By Rev. T. CAMPBELL FINLAYSON. Crown
     8vo., 6s.

     “A thoughtful and practical commentary on a book of Holy
     Scripture which needs much spiritual wisdom for its
     exposition.... Sound and judicious handling.”--_Rock._

  =The Pharaohs of the Bondage and the Exodus.= Lectures by CHARLES S.
     ROBINSON, D.D., LL.D. Second edition. Large crown 8vo., cloth,
     5s.

     “Both lectures are conceived in a very earnest spirit, and
     are developed with much dignity and force. We have the
     greatest satisfaction in commending it to the attention of
     Biblical students and Christian ministers.”--_Literary
     World._

  =The Reality of Faith.= By the Rev. NEWMAN SMYTH, D.D., Author of
     “Old Faiths in New Light.” Fourth and cheaper edition. Crown
     8vo., cloth, 4s. 6d.

     “They are fresh and beautiful expositions of those deep
     things, those foundation truths, which underlie Christian
     faith and spiritual life in their varied
     manifestations.”--_Christian Age._

  =A Layman’s Study of the English Bible.= Considered in its Literary
     and Secular Aspects. By FRANCIS BOWEN, LL.D. Crown 8vo., cloth,
     4s. 6d.

     “Most heartily do we recommend this little volume to the
     careful study, not only of those whose faith is not yet
     fixed and settled, but of those whose love for it and
     reliance on it grows with their growing
     years.”--_Nonconformist._

  =The Parousia.= A Critical Inquiry into the New Testament Doctrine of
     Our Lord’s Second Coming. By the Rev. J. S. RUSSELL, M.A. New
     and cheaper edition. Demy 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d.

     “Critical, in the best sense of the word. Unlike many
     treatises on the subject, this is a sober and reverent
     investigation, and abounds in a careful and instructive
     exegesis of every passage bearing upon
     it.”--_Nonconformist._

  =The Gain of Life,= and Other Essays. By WILLIAM CHATTERTON COUPLAND,
     D.Sc., M.A. Crown 8vo., cloth, 6s.

     “The work is so well written as to be likely to attract
     readers not specially addicted to metaphysics.”--_Scotsman._

  =The Ethic of Freethought:= A Selection of Essays and Lectures.
     By KARL PEARSON, M.A., formerly Fellow of King’s College,
     Cambridge. Demy 8vo., cloth, 12s.

    “Are characterised by much learning, much keen and forcible
    thinking, and a fearlessness of denunciation and
    exposition.”--_Scotsman._

  =Personal Creeds;= or, How to form a Working Theory of Life. By
     NEWMAN SMYTH, D.D., Author of “The Reality of Faith,” &c. Crown
     8vo., cloth, 2s. 6d.

  =The Nature and Method of Revelation.= By GEORGE PARK FISHER, D.D.,
     LL.D., Titus Street Professor of Ecclesiastical History in Yale
     University. Crown 8vo., cloth, 4s. 6d.

  =Descartes and His School.= By KUNO FISCHER. Translated from the
     Third and Revised German Edition by J. P. GORDY, Ph.D. Edited by
     NOAH PORTER, D.D., LL.D. Demy 8vo., cloth, 16s.

     “A valuable addition to the literature of
     Philosophy.”--_Scotsman._

     “No greater service could be done to English and American
     students than to give them a trustworthy rendering of Kuno
     Fischer’s brilliant expositions.”--_Mind._

  =Socrates:= A Translation of the Apology, Crito, and Parts of the
     Phædo of Plato. 12mo., cloth, 3s. 6d.

     “The translation is clear and elegant.”--_Morning Post._

  =A Day in Athens with Socrates:= Translations from the Protagoras
     and the Republic of Plato. 12mo., cloth, 3s. 6d.

     “We can commend these volumes to the English reader, as
     giving him what he wants--the Socratic ... philosophy at
     first hand, with a sufficiency of explanatory and
     illustrative comment.”--_Pall Mall Gazette._

  =Talks with Socrates about Life:= Translations from the Gorgias and
     the Republic of Plato. 12mo., cloth, 3s. 6d.

     “A real service is rendered to the general reader who has no
     Greek, and to whom the two ancient philosophers are only
     names, by the publication of these three inviting little
     volumes.... Every young man who is forming a library ought
     to add them to his collection.”--_Christian Leader._

  =Natural Causation.= An Essay in Four Parts. By C. E. PLUMPTRE,
     Author of “General Sketch of the History of Pantheism,” &c. Demy
     8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d.

     “While many will find in this volume much from which they
     will dissent, there is in it a great deal that is deserving
     of careful consideration, and a great deal that is
     calculated to stimulate thought.”--_Scotsman._




                                 Travel.


  =With the Beduins:= A Narrative of Journeys to the East of the Jordan
     and Dead Sea, Palmyra, &c. By GRAY HILL. Numerous Illustrations
     and Map. Demy 8vo., cloth gilt, 15s.

     The author and his wife, in attempting to reach Petra, in
     1890, fell into the hands of Beduins and were held for a
     ransom, and experienced other interesting adventures.

  =Our Journey to the Hebrides.= By JOSEPH PENNELL and ELIZABETH
     ROBBINS PENNELL. 43 Illustrations by Joseph Pennell. Crown 8vo.,
     cloth, 7s. 6d.

     “It will be easily understood that we could not plan a route
     out of our ignorance and prejudice. It remained to choose a
     guide, and our choice, I hardly know why, fell upon Dr.
     Johnson.”--_Preface._

  =Studies in the South and West,= with Comments on Canada. By CHARLES
     DUDLEY WARNER, Author of “Their Pilgrimage.” Crown 8vo., 10s. 6d.

     “The Studies give us a charming account of the old social
     life in the Southern States.”--_Scots Observer._

  =Ranch Life and the Hunting Trail.= By THEODORE ROOSEVELT, Author
     of “Hunting Trips of a Ranchman.” Profusely Illustrated. Small
     4to., cloth elegant, 21s.

     “It contains the highest excellence of letter-press and
     engraving.”--_Saturday Review._

  =Rides and Studies in the Canary Isles.= By CHARLES EDWARDES. With
     many Illustrations and Maps. Crown 8vo., cloth, 10s. 6d.

     “An honest piece of work done by a capable hand.”--_Academy._

  =Guatemala:= The Land of the Quetzal. By WILLIAM T. BRIGHAM.
     Twenty-six full-page and Seventy-nine smaller Illustrations.
     Five Maps. Demy 8vo., cloth, £1 1s.

     “A book of laborious research, keen observation, and
     accurate information concerning a region about which
     previously scarcely anything was known.”--_Leeds Mercury._

  =The Decline of British Prestige in the East.= By SELIM FARIS, Editor
     of the Arabic “El-Jawaïb” of Constantinople Crown 8vo., cloth,
     5s.

     “A perusal of his book must do the English reader
     good.”--_Asiatic Quarterly Review._

  =Daily Life in India.= By the Rev. W. J. WILKINS. Illustrated. Crown
     8vo., cloth, 5s.

     “A very able book.”--_Guardian._

  =Modern Hinduism:= An Account of the Religion and Life of the Hindus
     in Northern India. By Rev. W. J. WILKINS. Demy 8vo., cloth, 16s.

     “A valuable contribution to the study of a very difficult
     subject.”--_Madras Mail._

  =Central Asian Questions:= Essays on Afghanistan, China, and Central
     Asia. By DEMETRIUS C. BOULGER. With Portrait and Three Maps.
     Demy 8vo., cloth, 18s.

     “A mine of valuable information.”--_Times._

  =The Balkan Peninsula.= By EMILE DE LAVELEYE. Translated by Mrs.
     THORPE. Edited and Revised for the English Public by the Author.
     Map. Demy 8vo., cloth, 16s.

     “Likely to be very useful at the present time, as it is one
     of the best books on the subject.”--_Saturday Review._

  =Tuscan Studies and Sketches.= By LEADER SCOTT, Author of “A Nook in
     the Apennines,” “Messer Agnolo’s Household,” &c. Many Full-page
     and smaller Illustrations. Sq. imp. 16mo., cloth, 10s. 6d.

     “The sketches are of that happy kind which appeal to the
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  =Letters from Italy.= By EMILE DE LAVELEYE. Translated by Mrs.
     THORPE. Revised by the Author. Portrait of the Author. Crown
     8vo., 6s.

     “A most delightful volume.”--_Nonconformist._

     “Every page is pleasantly and brightly written.”--_Times._




                              Miscellaneous.


  =A Vindication of the Rights of Woman:= With Strictures on Political
     and other Subjects. By Mary Wollstonecraft. New Edition. With
     Introduction by Mrs. HENRY FAWCETT. Crown 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d.

     This is a reprint of the first edition which appeared nearly
     one hundred years ago. Mrs. Fawcett has added a critical
     introduction in which she traces the development of the
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  =Emigration and Immigration:= A Study in Social Science. By RICHMOND
     M. SMITH, Professor of Political Economy and Social Science in
     Columbia College. Square Imp. 16mo., cloth, 7s. 6d.

     Prof. Smith’s book is a popular examination of one of the
     most urgent of present-day problems from historical,
     statistical, and economic points of view, the information
     being full and exact, and the author’s style being a model
     of terseness and clearness.

  =The Letters of the Duke of Wellington= to Miss J., 1834-1851. Edited
     with extracts from the Diary of the latter by CHRISTINE TERHUME
     HERRICK. Crown 8vo., paper boards, 6s.

     “This is a thoroughly delightful book.”--_Saturday Review._

  =How Men Propose.= The Fateful Question and Its Answer. Love scenes
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     Though Married.”)

     “A most entertaining book.”--_Spectator._

  =Sylvan Folk.= Sketches of Bird and Animal Life in Britain. By JOHN
     WATSON, Author of “A Year in the Fields,” &c. Crown 8vo., cloth,
     3s. 6d.

     “His descriptions are so fresh that they will give genuine
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     especially interesting to young readers.”--_Nature._

  =Industrial Rivers of the United Kingdom.= By various well-known
     Experts. With numerous Illustrations. Crown 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d.

  =The Five Talents of Woman.= A Book for Girls and Young Women. By the
     Rev. E. J. HARDY, Author of “How to be Happy though Married,”
     &c. Sq. Imperial 16mo., cloth, 6s.; Presentation Edition,
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     “Will be acceptable to all girls who are no longer
     ‘children.’”--_Globe._

  =How to be Happy though Married.= Small crown 8vo., cloth, 3s. 6d.
     Bridal Gift Edition, white vellum cloth, extra gilt, bev.
     boards, gilt edges, in box, 7s.6d.

     “The Murray of Matrimony and the Baedeker of Bliss.”--_Pall
     Mall Gazette._

  =“Manners Makyth Man.”= By the Author of “How to be Happy though
     Married.” Popular Edition, small crown 8vo., cloth, 3s. 6d.;
     imp. 16mo., cloth, 6s.

  =Jottings from Jail.= Notes and Papers on Prison Matters. By the Rev.
     J. W. HORSLEY, M.A., Oxon., late (and last) Chaplain of H.M.
     Prison, Clerkenwell. Second edition. Crown 8vo., cloth, 3s. 6d.

  =Literary Landmarks of London.= By LAURENCE HUTTON. Fourth, revised,
     and cheaper edition. Crown 8vo., Illustrated cover, 2s. 6d.;
     cloth, 3s. 6d.

  =English as She is Taught.= Genuine Answers to Examination Questions
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     16mo., cloth, 1s.; paper, 6d.

     MARK TWAIN says: “A darling literary curiosity.... This
     little book ought to set forty millions of people to
     thinking.”

  =Proverbs, Maxims and Phrases of all Ages.= Classified subjectively,
     and arranged alphabetically. By ROBERT CHRISTY. 2 vols., half
     cloth, gilt tops, 21s.




                           Books for Children.

  =Another Brownie Book.= By PALMER COX, Author of “The Brownies,” &c.
     With many quaint pictures by the Author. Medium 4to., cloth
     gilt, 6s.

     The first Brownie book was issued three years ago. The new
     book is like the first in size and style of binding, but a
     new cover design, printed in colors, has been made for it,
     and the contents are entirely new. It contains 150 large
     pages, describing in verse more adventures of the amusing
     Brownies.

  =Alexis and His Flowers.= By BEATRIX F. CRESSWELL. With drawings from
     flowers by HENRIETTA CRESSWELL. Crown 8vo., cloth gilt, bevelled
     boards, gilt edges, 3s. 6d.

     This volume aims at teaching children a love and knowledge
     of flowers and their lore, and will be found a very charming
     gift-book.

  =Wild Nature Won by Kindness.= By Mrs. BRIGHTWEN, Vice-President of
     the Selborne Society. With Illustrations by the Author, and F.
     CARRUTHERS GOULD. Second Edition. Small crown 8vo., cloth, 3s.
     6d.

     “Mrs. Brightwen chats in the most delightful fashion....
     Those who care for a loving observation of winged life, will
     find much to please and amuse them.”--_Graphic._

  =Santa Claus on a Lark,= and Other Christmas Stories. By WASHINGTON
     GLADDEN. Illustrated. Foolscap 4to., cloth, 6s.

  =Daddy Jake, the Runaway;= and Short Stories told after Dark. By
     “UNCLE REMUS” (Joel Chandler Harris). Many Illustrations. Medium
     4to., cloth, gilt edges, 6s. (Uniform with “The Brownies.”)

  =When Mother was Little.= By S. P. YORKE. Thirteen Full-page
     Illustrations by HENRY J. FORD. Small square 8vo., cloth, 3s.
     6d.

  =The Butterfly:= Its Nature, Development, and Attributes. By JOHN
     STUTTARD. Dedicated to Sir John Lubbock, Bart. Illustrated.
     Fcap. 8vo., limp cloth, 1s.

  =Æsop’s Fables for Little Readers:= Told by Mrs. ARTHUR BROOKFIELD.
     Twenty-five Illustrations by HENRY J. FORD. Small 4to., cloth,
     3s. 6d.

     “In their present shape, the fables should be very popular
     among the inmates of the nursery, more particularly as they
     are illustrated with nearly thirty clever drawings by Henry
     Ford, which are beautifully printed in
     monochrome.”--_Scottish Leader._

  =The Brownies: Their Book.= By PALMER COX. Reprinted from _St.
     Nicholas_, with many new Poems and Pictures. Third and Cheaper
     Edition. Medium 4to., cloth, gilt edges, 6s.

  =New Fairy Tales from Brentano.= Told in English by KATE FREILIGRATH
     KROEKER, and Pictured by F. CARRUTHERS GOULD. Eight Full-page
     Coloured Illustrations. Square 8vo., illustrated, paper boards,
     cloth back, 5s.; cloth, gilt edges, 6s.

     “A really charming collection of stories.”--_Pall Mall Gazette._

  =Fairy Tales from Brentano.= Told in English by KATE FREILIGRATH
     KROEKER. Illustrated by F. CARRUTHERS GOULD. Popular Edition.
     Sq. imp. 16mo., 3s. 6d.

     “An admirable translator in Madame Kroeker, and an
     inimitable illustrator in Mr. Carruthers Gould.”--_Truth._

  =In the Time of Roses:= A Tale of Two Summers. Told and Illustrated
     by FLORENCE and EDITH SCANNELL, Author and Artist of “Sylvia’s
     Daughters.” Thirty-two Full-page and other Illustrations. Sq.
     imp. 16mo., cloth, 5s.

     “A very charming story.”--_Scotsman._

     “A delightful story.”--_Punch._

  =Prince Peerless:= A Fairy-Folk Story-Book. By the Hon. MARGARET
     COLLIER (Madame Galletti di Cadilhac), Author of “Our Home by
     the Adriatic.” Illustrated by the Hon. JOHN COLLIER. Sq. imp.
     16mo., cloth, 5s.

     “Delightful in style and fancy.”--_Scotsman._

     “A volume of charming stories.”--_Saturday Review._

  =The Bird’s Nest,= and other Sermons for Children of all Ages. By the
     Rev. SAMUEL COX, D.D., Author of “Expositions,” &c. Cheap and
     Popular Edition. Imp. 16mo., cloth, 3s. 6d.

     “These beautiful discourses were addressed to children of
     all ages, and must have found an echo in the hearts of many
     youthful listeners.”--_St. James’s Gazette._

  =Arminius Vambéry:= His Life and Adventures. Written by Himself. With
     Introductory Chapter dedicated to the Boys of England. Portrait
     and Seventeen Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 5s.

     “We welcome it as one of the best books of travel that our
     boys could have possibly placed in their
     hands.”--_Schoolmaster._

  =Boys’ Own Stories.= By ASCOTT R. HOPE, Author of “Stories of
     Young Adventurers,” “Stories out of School Time,” &c. Eight
     Illustrations. Crown 8vo., cloth, 5s.

     “This is a really admirable selection of genuine narrative
     and history, treated with discretion and skill by the
     author. Mr. Hope has not gathered his stores from the
     highway, but has explored far afield in less-beaten tracts,
     as may be seen in his ‘Adventures of a Ship-boy’ and ‘A
     Smith among Savages.’”--_Saturday Review._

  =The Adventures of Robinson Crusoe.= Newly Edited after the Original
     Editions. Nineteen Illustrations. Large crown 8vo., cloth extra,
     5s.

  =Two Little Confederates.= By THOMAS NELSON PAGE. With eight
     full-page illustrations by E. W. KEMBLE and A. C. REDWOOD.
     Square 8vo., cloth, 6s.

     “A charming story.”--_American Traveller._




                           _THE CAMEO SERIES._

  Half-bound, paper boards, price 3s. 6d. each. Fine Edition, bound
     in parchment, printed on Japan paper, numbered and signed, 30
     copies only printed, 25 being for sale; terms on application
     from Booksellers or the Publisher.

  1. The Lady from the Sea. By HENRIK IBSEN. Translated by ELEANOR
     MARX-AVELING.

     “A powerful study.”--_Notes and Queries._

  2. A London Plane-Tree, and Other Poems. By AMY LEVY.

     “True and tender poetry.”--_Saturday Review._

  3. Wordsworth’s Grave, and Other Poems. By WILLIAM WATSON.

     “True, choicely-worded, well-turned quatrains, which succeed
     each other like the strong unbroken waves of a full
     tide.”--Mr. COSMO MONKHOUSE in _The Academy_.

  4. Iphigenia in Delphi, With some Translations from the Greek, by
     RICHARD GARNETT, LL.D. Illustrated.

     “A very charming volume.... Dr. Garnett has achieved a very
     interesting and scholarly piece of work.”--_Manchester
     Guardian._

  5. Mireio: A Provencal Poem. By FREDERIC MISTRAL. Translated by H. W.
     PRESTON. Frontispiece by JOSEPH PENNELL.

  6. Lyrics. Selected from the Works of A. MARY F. ROBINSON (Mdme. Jas.
     Darmesteter). Frontispiece.                      [_Nearly Ready._


  7. Poems of Robert Surtees. Introduction by EDWARD PEACOCK.
                                                    [_In Preparation._


   _A few copies of the Edition de Luxe of the earlier Volumes in the
           Series may still be had. Prices on application._




                         _THE PSEUDONYM LIBRARY._

  Under this title will be published a collection of entirely New
     Novels and Romances, neatly printed and tastefully bound.
     They will be specially suited by their brightness and
     originality for holiday reading.

                   _24mo., cloth, price 1s. 6d. each._

  1. Mademoiselle Ixe. By LANOE FALCONER.                     [_Ready._

  2. The Story of Eleanor Lambert. By MAGDALEN BROOKE. [_Nearly Ready._

  3. The Mystery of the Campagna; and, a Shadow on a Wave. By VON
     DEGEN.                                          [_In Preparation._


                _OTHER VOLUMES ARE IN ACTIVE PREPARATION._


            LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN, PATERNOSTER SQUARE, E.C.




Transcriber’s Note:

Words and phrases in italics are surrounded by underscores, _like
this_. Those in bold are surrounded by equal signs, =like this=. In
the Translator’s Preface, words not in italic are marked as bold.

Words may have multiple spelling variations or inconsistent
hyphenation in the text. These were left unchanged. Obsolete and
alternative spellings were retained. Misspelled words were corrected.
Obvious printing errors, such as backwards, upside down, or partially
printed letters and punctuation, were corrected. Final stops missing
at the end of sentences and abbreviations were added. Duplicate words
at line endings or page breaks were removed. The only footnote was
moved to the end of the chapter.

The following items were changed:

  added “of” to ... on both sides of the river ...
  added “neither” to ... But neither these manifest dangers ...
  changed “haridness” to ... the hardness of his temper.
  added unprinted word “have” ... glad to have relinquished ...