The Project Gutenberg EBook of A Grammar of Colloquial Chinese, as
Exhibited in the Shanghai Dialect, by Joseph Edkins

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org.  If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.

Title: A Grammar of Colloquial Chinese, as Exhibited in the Shanghai Dialect

Author: Joseph Edkins

Release Date: May 14, 2020 [EBook #62128]

Language: English

Character set encoding: UTF-8

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GRAMMAR OF COLLOQUIAL CHINESE ***




Produced by Ronald Grenier (This file was produced from
images generously made available by the HathiTrust Digital
Library)

iii

PREFACE

to first edition 1853.

Among works on Chinese Grammar, that of Prémare, written a century and a half ago, still stands preeminent. Besides a more extended knowledge, he possessed a better appreciation of the peculiar beauties of Chinese style, than any other writer on the subject. But it has been justly remarked that his work, abounding in good examples, is deficient in order, and the exhibition of principles. Remusat, in his accurate and learned work, has made great use of Prémare, but he has given less attention than his predecessor, to those numerous groups, in which ideas or sounds are repeated, and he says nothing on propositions. The deficiency that the reader of these works feels in the treatment of groups of words, has been pointed out by Bazin in his clever Essay on Colloquial Mandarin. He quotes the section on words, in Gutzlaff’s Notices on Chinese Grammar, containing a classification of compound words. Partly from the suggestion of that work, and more from his own researches, he has constructed a comprehensive system of grouped words (mots composés).

The little work now in the hands of the reader, is an attempt to elucidate colloquial Chinese, by taking a limited field of enquiry, that of the dialect of a single district. By this means it has been hoped, something might be done to help the causes of Chinese philology, by collecting facts, which writers having a wider scope, have overlooked.

iv

There are aids for the study of the southern dialects of China, but no one has yet written on the speech of the rich and populous province of Kiáng-nán. On Missionary and Commercial grounds, it is time that some attempt should be made to supply this want.

The mandarin student will meet with scarcely any new idioms here. Of words, there are a few tens not used in the fashionable colloquial. It is in sounds that the greatest variation exists, and an attempt has therefore been made to form a correct nomenclature for tones, and for the alphabetic elements of spoken words. For the latter, Sir W. Jones’ system, as introduced by J. R. Morrison in the Chinese Repository, has, with a few necessary modifications, been adopted as by far the best.

For the tones, a new nomenclature is here proposed, based on their real character, as distinct from the arbitrary names, which, though they doubtless represented exactly the tones used by their author, are not applicable, except for convenience sake, to those of other dialects.

Upwards of twenty natural tones, from which each dialect chooses its own set, varying from four to eight, are here described. The early Roman Catholic Missionaries wrote much on this singular characteristic of spoken Chinese, but Bayer in his abstract of their system, in the Museum Sinicum, has not given a very intelligible account of it.

Attention has been paid throughout to the mode of grouping words, as a subject second to none in interest and importance. Some similarity, though an independent one, will be found here to the system adopted by M. Bazin.

The grammars of Morrison and Marshman, beside the excellent works already alluded to, have been of occasional service, v especially the latter, which with all its diffuseness, is a useful and suggestive book.

The assistance of friends has been kindly afforded. To Dr. Medhurst special thanks are due, for revising the sheets as they passed through the press, thus adding much to the correctness of the work; and to Rev. T. M’Clatchie, for material assistance in regard to the laws of Shanghai tones.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

vii

viii

RULES FOR USING THE ORTHOGRAPHY HERE ADOPTED.

1. The accent marks long vowels í, é, á, ó, ú, pronounced as the vowel in feel, fail, father, foal, fool.
2. Vowels not accented are the five short vowels corresponding to these; e.g. in fin, fen, fan, fop, fun.
3. The remaining vowels are ö, ü, au, û, eu, pronounced as in könig, une, auburn, 書, 頭.
4. The initial consonants k, t, p, f, s, are pronounced high and with the English and Scotch sound. When k, t, p, take an aspirate as in the pronunciation of some parts of Ireland and the United States, they are written k’, t’, p’. These with the vowels and h’ a strong aspirate, constitute the upper series.
5. The initials g, d, b, y, z with ng, n, m, l, rh, a soft aspirate h, and vowel initials form the lower series. The italic k, t, etc., are to be pronounced two full musical notes lower than the roman k, t, etc., and are counted as the same with g, d, &c.
6. The nasals m, ng, n, without a vowel are italicised.
7. Final n when italicised is pronounced very indistinctly.
8. The superior commas on the left and right of a word, mark the second and third tones. Final h, k and g, indicate the short tone. Words not thus marked are all in the first tone.

The series is known by the initial as in the native mode of spelling, 反切, Fan-t’sih. The capital letters denote dialects as—

1

A GRAMMAR

OF THE

SHANGHAI DIALECT,

PART 1.
ON SOUND.

Section 1. Alphabet.

1. The alphabetical symbols we shall need to employ are the following:—

4

2. Mandarin pronunciation wants several of these sounds. Among the vowels, the short a and e together with û are omitted, and au, eu, are lengthened into aú, eú. Among the consonants, b, d, g, dj, m ng, n, dz, dzz, v and z are wanting.

3. The Shánghái dialect is deficient in the sh, ch and soft j of mandarin and of Sú-cheú pronunciation.

4. Of the above sounds, those foreign to the English, language, and therefore needing particular attention, are the following:—

Of vowels, eu as in 口 ’k’eu, mouth; ö as in 安 ön, rest. û as in 鑽 tsûn, to bore. A final r should be carefully avoided in these three sounds. Oe is not so common in this dialect as in that of Sú-cheú, where it occurs in 船 jön, boat, 滿 ’mön, full, etc., etc. The vowel ü, (French u), is often convertible with û. Thus 書 sû, book is pronounced sü at Súng-kiáng and to the east of the Hwáng-p’ú, while it becomes sz in Paú-shán district.

Of consonants, note well the sibilants sz, tsz, dzz, with rh, and the nasals m, n, ng, also the strong aspirate h’; also the three aspirated mutes p’, k’, t’, and ng at the beginning of a syllable.

5. The native arrangement of the alphabet, as found in the tables prefixed to K’áng-hí’s Dictionary, is borrowed from the Sanscrit.[1] The natural order of the letters as formed by the organs of speech, is as far as possible preserved, and the system adopted contrasts advantageously with the irregularity of the English and other alphabets. The pronunciation there registered is what Chinese authors call the 南音 Nán yin, Southern pronunciation, as it was early in the Christian era. It probably agrees in the main with the modern speech of Sú-cheú, Háng-chú and the surrounding cities. That the pronunciation of Sháng-hiá is one of its dialects, appears from the slightest examination of the tables in question. It is characterized by the same division into Yin and Yáng, i.e.5 hard and soft, or thin and broad consonants, which form the basis of arrangement, in those tables, and agrees in many of the details. Vide Appendix on K’áng-hí’s tables of Initials and Finals.

6. In the native system, while the consonants are accurately distinguished, the initial vowels are placed together, under only two heads. In this respect therefore, we depart from it in the following table. The initials sh, zh, ch, f’, and some others are also omitted as not applicable to our dialect. The imperfect nasal consonants are inserted, though as local variations they have no place in the native tables. In naming the classes, western terms have been adopted.

Tabular view of the alphabetic sounds of the Shánghái dialect.

If from these consonants, we subtract the combinations of t and d, with s and z, the aspirated mutes, and ní, as capable of resolution, there remain twenty three in all. Of those that are left, sz and zz may also be supposed to be made up of s, z, and an indistinct vowel ï, heard in English after the l of beetle, needle, etc.

6

Section 2. On the Tones.

7. In order to determine the position of the Shánghái patois among the dialects of China, something must be said on tones generally. Chinese pronunciation may for our present purpose, be considered in three or more general divisions, according to the number of tones.

(1.) The first of these is the Northern mandarin. 北音 Pih yin, where four or five tones are in use. It is the pronunciation of the Emperor’s court, and professedly of the government officers throughout the empire. It is also spoken in considerable purity in the parts north of the Yáng tsz Kiáng (hence its name), and in the provinces of Sz-ch’uen, Kwei-cheú, Yün-nán, and parts of Kwangsi and Hunan.

(2.) The second in the Southern pronunciation, 南音 Nán yin, spoken in the part of Kiáng-sú, that is south of the Yáng-tsz’-kiáng, in Cheh-kiáng and part of Kiáng-sí. This is mainly the pronunciation out of which the mandarin grew and which is followed in the Dictionaries, from K’ang-hí upwards, nearly to the Hán dynasty.[1] The tones are four in number, each subdivided into kaú and tí, upper and lower, or as they are also denominated yin and yáng, feminine and masculine. These upper and lower series of tones are also distinguished, by different initial consonants, the one taking g, d, b, v, z, etc., and the other k, t, p, f, s, etc. The variations that exist even between contiguous districts, are very numerous, a circumstance which furnishes a mark of distinction between this part of China and the mandarin provinces, where orthographical differences are few.

(3.) The pronunciation of the other provinces presents many extensive departures from the true mandarin. The tones are seven or eight in number, and are often found inverted in position, as well as contradictory in nature to the names they bear. The Fúh-kien and Canton dialects have long been the subject of foreign study, and have received abundant illustration. Ngán-hwei and Kiangsi have also many eccentricities of pronunciation.

8. The tones may be partially described according to their natural character. In attempting this, we intentionally avoid for the present, the usual Chinese terms 平上去入 ping, even, záng, rising, k’ü‘, going, zeh, entering, because, being the same in all dialects, they do not in the majority of cases, represent the actual effect of the sounds on the ear. When first adopted in the reign of Liang wu ti, A.D. 402 to 450, they must have represented the tones of the dialect, spoken by Shen yoh[1] the writer who selected them a native of Hu cheu only 100 miles from Sháng-hái. But when applied according to universal practice, to the sounds given to the same characters in other parts of the empire, these four names convey no idea of the actual pronunciation. The descriptions given of the tones by native authors, are consequently often incomprehensible.

A. Upper acute tone. We pronounce monosyllabic words, when speaking with moderate emphasis, in a quick descending tone. It is heard in commands as Gó, Fíre, Go at ônce. In naming any object, English speakers usually adopt this intonation for a monosyllable, or the penultimate of a dissyllable. It might be called the affirmative tone. It represents the 上平 záng‘ bing, or upper first tone at Sháng-hái and Sú-cheú, as 天 t’íen heaven; while in the dialect of Amoy, it is the second, and in the mandarin of Pe-king, the first tone.

B. Upper even tone. This is a sound without deflection like a long note in music, and is not so common in English conversation as the former. When high in key, it is in Sháng-hái the upper second tone, as in 水 sz; water; 火 hú, fire, 土 t’ú, earth. In Sz-ch’uen mandarin, and in the Fúh-kien of Amoy, it is the upper first tone.

8

C. Upper quick rising tone. This is nearly like the staccato of musical notation, and is usually heard in interjections of surprise and indignation, and frequently in questions. If quick and high, it is in Sháng-háe the upper third tone, as 信 sing, a letter, 菜 ts’é, vegetables. In Pe-king mandarin. It is the lower first tone.

D. Upper slow rising tone. This is a prolonged intonation rising more slowly than the last, and is not needed for the Sháng-háe dialect.

E. Upper short tone. This is the intonation of syllables short in quantity. Long and short quantity may be predicated of vowels or of syllables. In Latin, the short ă of m-ă-gis, becomes long by position in magnus. The converse of this example takes place in Sháng-hái pronunciation, where the long and short a and o are all found in a short tone.[2] In such cases, we write them all with a final h; the presence or absence of the accent marking the quantity of the vowel, while that of h marks the quantity of the syllable; as in 濕 sáh, wet; 薩 sah, in Pú sah, disciple of Buddha; 哭 k’óh weep; 悪 oh, wicked. This tone might be divided into two, as it ascends or descends; but as only the former occurs in Sháng-hái sounds, we count but one of these, to avoid too great subdivision.

F. Lower acute tone. In proceeding to tones in a lower pitch of voice, we enumerate them in an order corresponding to that followed above; thus the same natural description, except as regards key, will readily apply to them. The lower acute tone is not needed for the Shánghái sounds, except in cases of combination. In the Sú-cheú dialect, it represents the lower second tone, while in Fúh-kien, if set very low, it will be the upper third tone.

G. Lower even tone. A low musical sound without deflection. It is the lower first tone at Sháng-hái, as in 能 nung, can. 埋, má, bury. In the mandarin of Nán-king, it is the upper first tone, while in the dialect of Amoy, it is the lower third tone.

9

H. Lower quick rising tone. This intonation is nearly that of any common word, when spoken interrogatively, as I? Yes? Indeed? It is the lower third tone of Sháng-hái, and the lower first of Nán-king and Amoy.

I. Lower slow rising tone. This is the intonation of remonstrance as in “Et tù Brute,” if tù were spoken in a deep and rather lengthened tone. So in many antithetical sentences, as “We seek not yoùrs but yoú,” the former accented word is in a low slow rising tone, and the latter in a quick falling tone. Writers on Elocution mark them with the grave and acute, accents respectively.

J. Lower short tone. The remarks appended to the corresponding upper tone apply also to this. 學習 hoh dzih, to learn and practice.

K. Upper circumflex. This is an intonation high in key and having two deflections, apparently ascending and descending. It may be quick or slow in time. It is not used in Sháng-hái pronunciation. When slow it is the second tone of Nán-king.

L. Lower circumflex. This corresponds to the preceding in character and time, but differs from it in key. When, quick, it is the lower first tone of the district east of Sú-cheú.

9. While selecting most of their tones from those thus described, some dialects would require a more minute subdivision, and perhaps two high and two low divisions of each series might be found necessary. The preceding arrangement however, will be sufficient to give some conception of the variety of tonic effects, whether harmonious or discordant the listener must judge, existing in the speech of China. If it be recollected that independently of these differences in tones, there are also numberless variations in the alphabetic form of the sounds, an accurate knowledge of so Protean a language might seem unattainable, were it not that the characters are everywhere the same. What one pronounces in a high shrill accent, and another in a prolonged whine, and another in a low musical intonation, they all write in the same form; and if asked what is its tone, they give the same reply.

10

The Chinese have themselves described the tones according to their natural character. We quote the following translation of some verses in K’áng-hí’s Dictionary, from Medhurst’s Hok-kien Dictionary.

“The even tone travels on a level road, neither elevated nor depressed.
“The high tone exclaims aloud, being fierce, violent, and strong.
“The departing tone is distinct and clear, gruffly travelling to a distance.
“The entering tone is short and contracted, being hastily gathered up.”[1]

This description must be taken as answering to the tones spoken by the native writer from whom it is taken.

10. The terms used by the Chinese to describe sounds in reference to tones, are such as—

高 低, kau tí, high and low (key of the tone).

陰 陽, yun yáng, high and low (key of the tone).

緩 急, wén‘ kih, slow and quick (time of the tone).

平 仄 ping tsáh, even, deflected. 仄 is further divided into 上 去 入 záng‘, k’ü‘, zeh, rising, departing, entering.

To these we add to express quantity apart from tone:—

長 短 dzáng, ’dön,[1] long and short (time in reference to the syllables).

These terms include all the principles, on which our arrangement of natural tones has been made: thus—

The first two pairs define the upper and lower tones.

The third pair embraces differences in time, the quick and slow tones.

The fourth pair includes even tones and those having deflections, which may rise or fall, and be one or two in number.

The fifth pair distinguishes the three first tones from the fourth.

11

In an article in the Chinese Repository on the Birmese and Shán languages (Vol. V. page 71), there are some facts respecting tones as employed in those countries. The Sháns, inhabiting the country that separates Birmah from China, have two deflected tones rising and falling respectively, two tones short in quantity also rising and falling, and a low even tone.

The Birmese have the two deflected tones, and one short tone.

The Shán language is fundamentally the same as the Siamese, which also has tones.

11. TABLE OF TONES IN SEVERAL DIALECTS.[1]

12

12. Nán-king is here placed among those that belong to the 北音 or Northern Mandarin division. A native author[1] says, that this city and two others 淮陽 Hwái yáng and 徐海 Sü hái use the northern pronunciation.

The large Dictionaries are uniform in the adoption of the pronunciation in our (ii.) division, as their basis of spelling. They usually speak of only four tones, distinguishing the upper from the lower by the initial letter. This is also the universal practice among the educated class vivâ voce. They do not speak of 帝 ti‘ emperor and 地 di‘ earth, as different in tone, the one the upper third tone, the other the lower, but as different in the alphabetical form tí, dí.

The division into eight tones is preferable for a foreign reader, because (1) there is a difference in elevation of voice, 帝 tí‘ being at an interval of a fourth in the musical scale more or less, higher than 地 dí‘. (2) Although the third and fourth tones, upper and lower, are deflected at Sháng-hái in a similar way, so that they may be regarded as the same tones, this is not the case with the first and second, which differ decidedly in character.

The fourth tone in the 北音 Póh yun, class (i.) is in the Northern provinces, long in quantity. The words included under it are distributed among the other tones, and must be learnt separately, in order that they may be correctly pronounced; e.g. of words written chúh, some such as 竹, 竺, 燭 13 are at K’ai-fóng-fú in the upper first tone, while 軸, 祝, 昨 are in the lower first tone.[2]

Section 3. On the Shanghai tones.

13. We shall illustrate the tones one by one with numerous examples, adding a translation for the use of those who wish to acquire at the same time, a vocabulary of common phrases. We have hitherto regarded tones as they are heard, when the sound is enunciated emphatically and single. But there are certain changes which occur in combinations of two or more words in rapid conversation, which can be only explained by examples of such groups arranged in separate columns. In the observations appended to each table, the more prominent 14 of these variations will be pointed out, and the place of the accent determined.[1]

The vowel marks employed in this work are repeated here, that the eye of the reader may be familiarized with them:—

In writing mandarin, the following will also be used:—

The accents denote long vowels, and a symbol is never used for more than one sound. This is the principle of the orthography usually called Sir W. Jones’ system. It was proposed by the Hon. J. R. Morrison in 1836, in the Chinese Repository, (vol, 5, page 22), for application to the Chinese language. For this part of China, modifications are needed in the details, and hence the differences in the system here adopted, from that described by the writer of that article, and in Williams’ Chinese Vocabulary, etc.

The long vowels all have, what is called in England, the Italian pronunciation.

The sound eu is something like the French eu in douleur, or the common short English u as in bun prolonged ’or the corresponding mandarin sound eú as in 口 ’k’eú, Premare uses eou, and Klaproth eu; from them we have borrowed it. In the lengthened form, it is a diphthong eú or uú, as in English cloud. The shorter form eu has no exact English equivalent.

15

14. The upper first tone. This is the common quick falling sound, usually given in. English pronunciation, to any monosyllable when standing alone, and spoken with emphasis.

That it may be readily compared with the other tones, by such as have a native assistant at hand, some examples are here given of the same alphabetical sound, varied according to the four upper tones.

In the fourth word of each series, the vowels change, í into i, and ú into ó. The Chinese regard them as different only in tone; to a foreign ear, the difference is one both of time, as the syllables are long and short, and of vowels sound, as the long i becomes short i, and long u becomes long o.

15. As examples of combination, take first those which have the upper first tone in the penultimate, (p, s, k, j, in roman type, represent the four upper tones in their order; in italic type, the lower).

Obs. In this table, the tone preserves its natural character throughout, but when followed by the quick rising tones, as in p, k, and p, k, or by the short tones, or by a word hurried over without emphasis on account of its unimportance, it is heard with a more distinct accent than in other cases. When the accent is upon the other word, this tone needs to have the voice rest upon it for a time, to prevent its becoming the third tone.

The tone which is the same as this in the Amoy dialect, undergoes a regular change, in combinations such as those in this table. When standing first of two words, it becomes an upper quick rising tone. Thus though a tone be identical when pronounced alone in two dialects, it does not follow that its laws of combination are also the same. For much important information on the Hok-kien tones, and the laws of combination in that dialect, the writer is indebted to Rev. J. Stronach of Amoy.

16. Examples of the upper first tone in the antepenultimate or when first in a group of three.

Obs. i. In the example standing last but two, if 經 is accented, it preserves its proper character, but if, as is often the case, 三 is accented, 經 becomes even and falls in pitch.

Obs. ii. The accent often varies between the first and the last syllable. In regard to position, it is the latter that should receive it. But in reference to tone, that now under illustration admitting emphasis freely, overbears the accent of position.

17. Examples of upper first tone standing last in a combination of two or three.

Obs. In the groups p.p., s.p., and p.p. in this table, the tone of the last word falls and becomes even. In such cases, the initial consonants remain unaffected. Thus, 工夫 kúng fú cannot become kúng vú, though, fú falls in key. The same18 change may sometimes be observed after the third and fourth tones.

18. Examples of this tone, as the second in a group, of three.

Obs. i. There is a secondary accent on some other syllable in groups of three, which sometimes predominates over the other. We have not attempted to record more than one. E.g. 讀 the antepenultimate of the last example is often heard with a decided accent.

Obs. ii. An inspection of these tables will shew that the first tone attracts the accent to itself in many instances, and that through rapidity of pronunciation, or from the accent being placed on the word before, it tends to fall in key and become even.

Obs. iii. In regard to position the accent prefers the last syllable.

19. The upper second tone. It is a high even tone without deflection, and forms a principal element in producing that curious singing effect in many dialects, which the foreigner notices in first listening to Chinese pronunciation.

20. Examples of the upper second tone standing last in a group of two or three.

Obs. i. The last syllable, when preceded by a word in the upper first tone, is usually heard to fall in key, as in the first two of the above examples.

Obs. ii. In some examples, the tone under illustration often changes into a quick falling tone, as in 救火 kieu‘ ’hú, pronounced kieu‘ hú, and 勉强 pronounced míen‘ k’iáng.

21. Examples of the upper second tone in the antepenultimate.

Obs. For purposes of accentuation 下, 打, and 勿 in the20 above examples may be called enclitics or proclitics. As such they leave the emphasis to rest on the significant words.

22. Examples of the second tone in the penultimate of a group of two.

Obs. The accent is usually on the last word, and it is especially marked when that word is in the first or third tone. When the penultimate assumes the accent, it frequently changes to the upper rising tone, but this is apparently nothing more than an occasional irregularity, produced by rapid pronunciation. Native assistants generally deny the existence of these and all such changes; but on having their attention drawn more closely to the subject, they admit that there are exceptional cases.

23. Examples of the same tone standing second in a 21 group of three.

Obs. i. The penultimate is heard higher in key than the others. The last falls, but retains the principal accent more or less distinctly.

Obs. ii. The secondary accent is usually on the first word, except in the example 做好日, where the penultimate word changes into an upper rising tone, and receives the accent.

24. The upper third tone. This tone being both high in key and deflected upwards, is difficult to imitate correctly.

Examples of this tone in the penultimate of a combination of two.

Obs. i. It may be useful as an aid to memory, to notice that verbs are very numerous in this tone. The majority of the above examples will illustrate this remark.

Obs. ii. In the first example 意 í is irregular, and is pronounced in the first tone.

Obs. iii. When the accent is decidedly on the last word, as in most of the examples, the penultimate is very short and pronounced with the least possible emphasis.

Obs. iv. In the examples, k, k, penultimate word is in rapid pronunciation, heard even, like the second tone. Thus 照‘ 應‘ is pronounced ’tsau yung‘.

25. Examples of the same tone, as the antepenultimate of three words.

Obs. To keep the first word short in time, and deflected upwards, is the chief requisite in examples of this kind, If the voice were allowed to rest on it, it would necessarily become the first or second tone.

26. Examples of the upper third tone standing last of two or three words.

Obs. i. The almost unbroken regularity of the accent in these examples, arises partly from the last word being the proper place for it, and partly from the tone under illustration being naturally adapted to receive it.

Obs. ii. In the examples p, k, the last word falls in key, and its upward deflection and initial consonant remain unaffected.

Obs. iii. The examples k, k, follow the same law as in Art. 24. Obs. iv. In 打算 the former word being merely an auxiliary particle, is short in time as if it were táng‘.

27. Examples of the upper third tone as the penultimate in a group of three.

Obs. i. The middle word is always carefully shortened in tone.

Obs. ii. When the last word is one of less significance than the others, it frequently loses the accent.

28. The upper fourth tone. This tone is a short syllable, high and bent upwards. It has k final after the vowels á, ó, o, u, after other vowels k is not heard.

Ex. 角 kok, horn; 刻 k’uk, quarter of an hour; 法 fah, method.

Examples in which it is the first of a group of two.

Words of the fourth tone naturally short, are here in a position unfavourable for the accent. Even the few cases of exception marked, do not take it exclusively on the penultimate.

29. Examples of the same tone in the antepenultimate.

The secondary accent is on the first syllable in these examples.

30. Examples of this tone standing last of two or three words.

In the first two examples, the penultimate being in the upper first tone, the last word may be heard to fall in key.

In those marked k, j, the first word is lengthened in pronunciation, and thus passes into the lower second tone.

31. Examples of the upper fourth tone standing second in a group of three.

The secondary accent may often be distinctly heard on the first word in these examples.

32. A few examples of large groups are here appended.

For analysing such groups as these, all that would seem to be necessary, is to divide them into smaller combinations. Dissyllables and trisyllables may thus be formed, and linked together by the hyphen as above. They then fall under the same laws as preceding examples, and the accent of position will be usually on the last word.

When a number of particles are collected, as in k’ön‘-kú‘-h‘ih-kú-’tsé, they are heard like a word of five syllables with an accent in the first and last syllables. The English words acceptableness, peremptorily, necessarily, may be compared 27 with examples of this kind; without the last two words, the accent would be on the first and third.

In the last example, the first accent is on 聽 t’ing, the second on 拉 lá, which being in a long tone, attracts it.

When there is a string of substantives together, as in enumerating the five colours, the five elements, the five constant virtues, etc. more time is allowed for the pronunciation of each. The hyphen has therefore been omitted in such cases.

33. Collecting these results, the following general remarks may be made on the upper tones.

I. The principal accent prefers the last syllable, but enclitic particles often reject it, while it is attracted most readily by the first and third tones.

The reverse of this is true at Ch’á-p’ú and Hái-ning to the South-west of Sháng-hái, where the penultimate takes the accent.

II. A secondary accent occurs in groups of three, which rests on the most significant word, or on the tones naturally requiring most stress of voice, the first and third.

III. An interchange takes places between the second and third tones, when either of them stands before a word which is the same in tone.

IV. The first tone becomes the lower first, i e. even, low and rising at the end, when standing last, if the word preceding takes the accent. After the third tone, upper and lower, it does not vary.

V. The first tone is lengthened in time in the penultimate, when the stress of the voice is on the last word, and the third, when in that position, shortened.

VI. The upper tones tend to fall in key, where they come after the first tone, and when they do so, always preserve their initial consonants. After any other tone, they usually keep their proper elevation.

34. In entering on the lower tones we meet with new consonants, G, D, B, NG, N, M, L, R. The exceptions will be found noticed in Art. 56.

Lower first tone. This is a long low tone deflected upwards at the end. East of the Hwáng-p’ú river and in the 28 city of Sháng-hái, this tone is as here described. But to the westward of that river, the quick low circumflex very soon takes its place, and is met with to the immediate neighbourhood of Sú-cheú and Háng-cheú. It appears to consist of a quick rising and quick falling tone pronounced rapidly together.

Ex. 篷 póng, sail; 龍 lóng, dragon; 門 mun, door.

35. Examples of this tone in the penultimate of a combination of two.

Obs. i. The accent is predominantly on the penultimate word, and the lower first tone is thus seen to be one of those, that attracts to itself the stress of the voice. In this combination the penultimate is always carefully enunciated in a low key.

Obs. ii. Where we have written t, k, p, the corresponding soft consonants d, g, b, if the ear only were consulted, might sometime be employed; but an orthography ought to be consistent, and it appears to us that the best imitation on the whole of the native sounds, will be secured by writing the latter symbols in the last word of a combination, and the former in the penultimate. The only case it is believed, 29 where this method does not fully represent the true pronunciation, is in such words as 窮, 强, kióng, kiáng, and others whose initial is in mandarin k’ and which are in the lower first tone. There could be no objection to the use of g in those cases, except the want of uniformity among the mute consonants; keeping the letter k, it will be enough to inform the reader, that there is a peculiar thickness of sound, and a consonant difficult to write with any of our alphabetic symbols.

36. Examples of the lower first tone, as the antepenultimate in a group of three.

Obs. The first word in this table, as in the preceding, needs to be studiously kept low, even, and undeflected.

37. Examples of the lower first tone standing last in a group of two or three.

Obs. In the groups not marked p, p, and p, p, the last word changes to the upper quick falling tone. In the remaining instances it preserves its even character. The way is prepared for reciprocal changes between the upper and lower series, by the initial consonants being different. The alphabetical distinction prevents the confusion, that would arise from this intermingling of sounds.

38. Examples of the lower first tone, as the penultimate of three.

Obs. After the deep deflected tone preceding it in s, p, p, the penultimate in these examples is usually raised to the upper falling tone.

39. Lower second tone. This tone properly a low protracted tone rising at its close, contains in it a number of words whose pronunciation is not fixed. These words, sometimes counted in this tone, and at other times in the next in order, are in other parts of China in the third tone. It will be better to consider them under the heading to which they 31 belong in other dialects, and present here such examples as are free from this uncertainty in tone.

Ex. 有 yeu, have; 五 ng, five; 里 lí, Chinese mile.

40. Examples of the lower second tone in the penultimate of two words.

Obs. i. The tone under illustration, keeps its natural character throughout. No initial letters occur but l, m, ng, n, r, and the vowels. Words beginning with mutes and sibilants that were originally in this tone, are in course of transition to the lower third tone. V from w in mandarin, remains in the second tone.

Obs. ii. The low deflected tone in the penultimate of s.p. and s.s. so affects the last words, that they are heard in the quick falling tone.

Obs. iii. This tone is difficult to describe as distinct from the preceding, from the fact that both tend upwards; the former deviates slightly, after beginning even; the latter begins low and ascends through its whole time. The first is in its general character even, but when compared with the pure monotone in the Amoy dialect, to which it is most nearly allied, there is a difference perceptible that needs to be specified. It is heard we believe with this peculiarity when pronounced alone, and when standing last in a binary combination, 32 if it does not then change to the upper first tone. When first in order, it is even. It was before observed, that the first upper tone, when last in order, changes to the first lower. In the sound then heard, when enunciated with the true native drawl, the same may be noticed.

Obs. iv. There is nothing even in the second tone when alone, except when enunciated in a high key. When last in order it often rises to the upper second tone, and is then heard even.

For ready comparison of the sounds, a few examples of words in the lower tones are here appended:—

The last two words here marked as in the second tone will be shewn immediately to be so for this district.

41. Examples of the same tone as the antepenultimate in a group of three.

42. Examples of this tone as the last in a group of two or three words.

Obs. In 情理 and 盡禮 where a difference of accent might have been expected, the distinction is kept in the native pronunciation, entirely by means of the tones. In many of these cases, the last word rises and becomes even, i.e. passes into the upper second tone. Thus, 眼 ngan and 理 lí, become high and even.

43. Examples of the same tone, as the penultimate in a group of three.

44. Before proceeding to those words whose tone is undecided, it may be first observed, that in the Tonic Dictionaries,[1] there is a large class of characters ranged under the second tone, not found there, either in the dialects of the Southern provinces, or in the Northern mandarin as registered by Prémare. These words have for their initials, only the sibilant and mute consonants z, dz, zh, b, d, g, with the vowels, and v from f. In the modern pronunciation of Háng-cheú and Sú-cheú, they are also found as in other parts of the empire in the third tone. It follows that they must have 34 made the transition, since the Dictionary system was completed. The earliest works containing it, quoted in K’áng-hí, are said in the preface to have been written in the Liáng and Táng dynasties,[2] and must consequently be regarded as the tradition of at least a thousand years. While this change has taken place in the sound of a large class of very common words, through the greater part of China, it is curious to notice, that the older pronunciation still lingers in the colloquial practice of one part at least of central China.

Even if the inventors of the syllabic spelling confined themselves in the first instance to the usage of the Kiáng provinces, whik north and south of them a different pronunciation prevailed, still this change has taken place in the large cities of Cheh-kiáng and Kiáng-nán, which are now one with their neighbours. In our own dialect it has not yet been completed. After a sufficient time perhaps, this anomaly will have its term, and the boundaries of the tones be as sharply defined, as according to the laws of Chinese pronunciation they ought to be. There are moreover other illustrations that may be drawn from the Dictionaries, of secular changes (to adopt the phraseology employed in sciences of higher mark) occurring in the tones of China.

45. Lower third tone. The words that were primarily in this tone, are always heard with the quick rising pronunciation that properly belongs to it. It is like “the tone given to some words, when spoken ironically, or to the word ‘indeed!’ when used as an exclamation.” (Medhurst’s Hok-kien Dictionary.)

The words referred to in the last article, are placed here rather than in the second tone, because the other dialects are unanimous in doing so. In fact, however, they are in Sháng-hái usage more in the last tone than in this. The following words for example, when pronounced alone, have the long sound.

35

⁂ In the department of 嘉興 Ka-hiung, occupying the space between those of Háng-cheú and Súng-kiáng, these words are never in the third tone.

Any of these words that occasionally become verbs in the books, being commonly in other parts of speech, are in that case always marked as belonging to the third tone in good editions of native works. E.e. 上꜄ 下꜄ 善꜄ 弟꜄ 後꜄ when they become verbs, change from the second to the third tone and are so marked. All the authorities are uniform in these matters; and the Dictionaries specify the tones by name, assigning the primary sense to the second tone, and the secondary sense, in all these cases a verb, to the third tone.

46. These words though when standing isolated, they keep the old dictionary tone, are liable to such frequent changes in combination, that teachers who have not studied the subject, are at a loss to affix their true tone. In the following examples, these variations will be indicated as they occur, by the apostrophe on the left, and inverted comma on the right, for the second and third tones respectively.

Obs. It will be seen that among these examples, there are nearly as many of the quick or third tone, as of the longer one. Taking the usage all in all, the balance in cases of grouping is however, in favour of the quicker form. When alone the original tone is used almost exclusively. In reading there is about the same amount of variation as in colloquial usage. The quicker tone usually, but not exclusively, prefers to stand last, leaving the penultimate of a combination to the longer tone.

47. In regard to the words that have always been in the lower third tone, there is as much regularity of pronunciation as in any other tone.

Ex. 病 ping, disease; 話 wó, words, to speak; 大 tú, great.

The following are examples where this tone occurs in the penultimate of a group of two.

48. Examples of this tone in the antepenultimate of three.

Obs. In the fourth example 子 being an enclitic, throws back the accent on the penultimate. In the last, the accent is on the first word for a similar reason.

49. Examples of the lower third tone standing last in a group of two or three.

In the first example, long is always in the third tone. With 街上 ká long or 山上 san long, compare the English convict, wisdom, darkness. If the last words however, were not a mere enclitic, the comparison of pronunciation would fail, the accent being on the ultimate.

50. Examples of the same tone in the penultimate of a group of three.

38

Obs. When an enclitic stands last, as in the 3rd, 5th, and 7th examples, the lower third tone preceding it takes the accent.

51. Lower fourth tone. While this may be described as the lower short rising tone, and represented as short in quantity, it should be observed, that two long vowels, and several diphthongs are also admitted to it. The same is true of the short tone in the upper scale. These vowels and diphthongs are á, ó, (vide art. 6,), and iák, iah, iók, iöh, iuk, wák, wah, weh, wok.

Ex. 賊 zuk, thief; 挾 káh, to press; 掘 kiöh, to dig.

52. Examples of this tone when standing last of two words.

Obs. The long tones preserve their character before the short tone with great accuracy.

53. Examples of this tone in the penultimate of two words.

Obs. The terminating consonants of the fourth tone, in some dialects are three, k, t, p, corresponding to the final ng, n, m, of words in the other tones. Only the first of these is audible in Shánghái pronunciation. It occurs after á, ó, o, u. It is heard k before consonants of the upper series, particularly s, t; and g before those of the lower series, particularly z, d. Both will be found exemplified in these two tables.

54. Examples of combinations of three.

Obs. The first of these may be compared to a trissyllable with an accent on the penultimate, as “convicted,” i.e. if 生 sáng be pronounced high. The syllables adjacent to the accent in English are so contracted in time as to sound more like words in short tones or enclitics, than in long tones. Should 生 fall to the lower first tone as it often does, the similarity would not hold.

55. Examples of larger groups in the lower tones.

• 男男女女 nén-nén ’nü-’nü, men and women
• 明明白白 ming-ming báh-báh, perfectly clear.
• 綾羅緞疋 ling-lú dön‘ p’ih, silks and satins.
• 風調雨順 fóng diau ’ü zun‘, wind and rain favourable.
• 日月星辰 zeh, yöh, sing, dzun, sun, moon, and stars.
• 仁義禮智 zun ní‘ ’lí tsz‘ sing‘, five cardinal virtues.
• 天地萬物 t’íen-dí‘ van‘-veh, heaven and earth and all things.
• 書裡有黃金 sû-’lí yeu-wong-kiun, there is gold in books.
• 家常白話 ká-dzáng páh-wó‘, household words 40
• 一眼大一眼 ih-’ngan-dú ih-’ngan, increase little by little.
• 謀衣謀食 meu-í meu-zuh, seek food and clothing.

56. General remarks on the lower tones.

I. The initial consonant is a test for any word being in the upper or lower series. Thus, all the broad mutes and sibilants, the weak aspirate, with the liquids and nasals are in the lower tones. The other consonants with the strong aspirate are in the upper series. The following in the higher tones are exceptions.

Ex. 端, 短, 斷, 對, 答, 鬥, 躭, dön, ’dön, dön‘, dé‘, deh, deu‘, dén. 拉, 咯, lá, lóh. Yet 對 is heard té‘ in té‘ deu, adversary. This is caused by the accent falling on 頭 deu.

This furnishes the principle of the orthography adopted in the present work. The initial letter being an index to the tone, it is needless to employ distinct tonal marks for the upper and lower series. In the same way, the Fan t‘sieh or native syllabic spelling marks the series by the first word, and the particular tone by the sound. Thus 夫 fú is spelt with 方徒 fang dú. The initial F of the first word combined with the U final of the second, gives the sound fu in the first tone. We add an example or two from K’áng-hí:—

• 正 is spelt with 章並 cháng ping‘, giving ching‘.
• 學 is spelt with 行酌 hing chóh, giving hióh.

The first word tells us, whether the sound required is high or low, and the second to which of the four tones it belongs. The pronunciation of the words borrowed for this purpose is supposed known.

II. The orthography is in many instances not fixed. Words sometimes heard g, d, b, are at other times heard k, t, p. The sounds g, d, b, occur after a word in combination; while k, t, p occur when no word precedes. To indicate that they are always low in pitch, they are printed in italics. V, z, come partially under the same rule. The rest dz, dzz, are scarcely heard in the thin form at all, and are therefore spelt with d in this work. Another peculiarity is that z and dz are interchangeable. Z is more common in conversation; dz in reading.

III. There are many words having sibilants or mutes, or the weak aspirate for their initial consonants, of which the tone is uncertain, being sometimes in the second, and at 41 other times in the third. The liquids and vowels have not this peculiarity, and it only belongs to words that were originally in the second tone.

IV. The first tone, when last in a binary combination, rises to the upper first, except when preceded by the first tone, upper or lower. The initial consonant remains broad as in other cases.

V. The other tones also frequently rise to the upper series when standing last, each to its corresponding tone, and the initial consonant is unaffected.

VI. The laws of accent are the same as in the upper tones. The last word of a combination being usually accented, affords the best opportunity for the discrimination of the tones.

57. Relation of Tones to Music. It is only when they are even, that a musical notation can fully and correctly represent the tones. For deflection, so essential to the latter, is not allowed in music, being destructive of harmony. The short and quick tones may however be described as staccato notes, and the violin may be made in passing from one note to another, to produce a continuous sound, which has been adduced in “The Chinese as they are,” to illustrate the deflections. In regard to time, so minutely subdivided in music, there do not appear be more than two classes of tones, the quick and the slow. Kircher supposed that the five tones were the first five notes in an octave do, re, mi, fa, sol; but in reality, differences of elevation are usually not more than two for one dialect. The interval between the two series varies, it being greater for example, in some parts of the north of China, than in Kiáng-nán, where it is about half an octave.

58. Relation of Tones to Accents in other languages. So far as accent only means the distinction of loud and soft, there seems no analogy. For the Chinese tones may be pronounced as gently or sonorously as the speaker pleases, and loudness in this language also constitutes accent as distinct from tone. In the common accents of English conversation however, there is usually a difference in deflection, or as it is called by some writers, modulation. There is one tone (1) 42 for assertion and determination, and another (2) for asking questions; and these differ not in time, or in loudness, but in the fact that they are deflected downwards and upwards respectively. Again, the tone of interrogation (2) is commonly quick, while that of sarcasm (3) is often slow. Those who read aloud, too often confine themselves almost exclusively to the monotone, a fourth variation (4). Now it is these very distinctions of deflection and time that form the essence of the Chinese tones, and they are in daily use in our own language, as aids in expressing the feelings, as marks of emphasis, and as a means of relieving the voice by interchange. All that a foreigner has to do then in imitating the Chinese tones is to apply forms of utterance, to which he is already accustomed, to those words in which the Chinese employ them, and to treat the tone thus individualized, whichever it may be, as a part of the word, to be learned contemporaneously with the vowels and consonants. With regard to the doubly deflected tones, and those that are less familiar to us, the ancient Greeks would have had an advantage we do not possess. Their circumflex was made up of two tones, the acute and grave combined. (Buttman Gr. Gram. Sect. 9.) Every syllable had a tone, and the tones were placed on either long or short vowels. There seem also to have been dialectic and secular varieties. These four facts are all suggestive of a similarity in their enunciation to that of China. Mr. Lay in the work alluded to above, has pointed out to what tones the Greek accents appeared to him to correspond. But our data are so scanty on the subject of classical pronunciation, that nothing certain can be said, when we attempt to detail their individual differences.

59. Examples are here annexed of words, which differing slightly, as in a tone or an aspirate, may be mistaken for each other if mispronounced.

• 鏡子 kiung‘ ’tsz, a mirror.
• 景致 ’kiung tsz‘, beautiful scenery.
• 浪頭 long‘ deu, waves.
• 榔頭 ’long deu, a hammer.
• 此地 ’t’sz dí‘, here. 43
• 次第 t’sz‘ dí‘, regularity.
• 進教 tsing‘ kiau‘, enter a religious order.
• 請教 ’t’sing kiau‘, please inform me.
• 第頭 tí‘ deu, here.
• 剃頭 t’í‘ deu, shave.
• 最多 tsûe‘ tú, very many.
• 最大 tsûe‘ dú‘, very great.
• 第八 tí‘ pah, the eighth.
• 提拔 tí bah, to save.
• 大細 tú‘ sí‘, young son.
• 圖死 tú ’sí, wish to die.
• 勿通 veh t’óng, without reason or proof.
• 勿懂 veh ’tóng, not to understand.
• 勿同 veh dóng, not the same.
• 勿動 veh ’dóng, not moving.

Note. For some words of constant occurrence, the following contractions will in future be used. c. or s.c. Shánghái, colloquial form. m. Northern mandarin pronunciation, r. or s.r. Shánghái reading sound.

Section 4. Alphabetical form of the Shánghái sounds.

i. Initials.

60. In grammatical works on other languages, more or less is said on orthography, or orthography according as the alphabetical symbols are controlled by more or fewer laws. The Chinese sounds are few, and regulated by laws which are easily laid down. A section therefore may properly be devoted to the romanized form of the sounds.

From the time that the Buddhist priests introduced the Sanscrit system, and the initials and finals, the Chinese have had an imperfect method of spelling words. The division of each sound into two parts, represented by two characters, the initial 毋 ’mú, and the final 韻 yün‘, constitutes the method.

The 字彙 zz‘ we‘, a Dictionary of the Ming dynasty, says 韻學自沈 約始, 而釋神琪, 繼以等韻, 列爲三十六毋, 分爲平仄四聲, yün‘ yáh, zz‘ sun‘ yah ’sz, rh suh zun kóng, kí ’í ’tung yün‘, lih wé san seh lóh ’mú’, fun wé ping tsuh sz‘ sung. “The doctrine of arranging sounds by their rhymes began with Shin-yoh, and the Buddhist priests Shin-k’ong continued it, forming the rhymes into classes, and the initials into thirty six divisions, and placing them all under the four tones.”

44

61. From the sixth century of our era, the system whose origin is thus recorded, has been preserved in the Dictionaries successively made, with apparently few variations. The thirty six initials referred to are contained in the following table:—

Native table of Initials.

62. From the table it will be seen, that the division into an upper and lower series of initial consonants, the one embracing thin and clear sounds, with strong aspirates, the other including the broader consonants with the liquids and nasals, meets us not only in the study of the tones of a dialect as shewn in the former section, but in the accredited Dictionaries of the general language. This may be readily accounted for from the Kiáng provinces having been the chief seat of literature and political power, when the sounds of the language were first represented by double characters. Since the growth of the modern pronunciation there has been no attempt in any imperial work to form a new system of spelling.[1] The difference of the old system and the new will be understood if it be mentioned that 魚 ü, is spelt ngü, and that 外, 月, wái‘, yöh, are also in the column headed NG. More details on this subject will be found in the appendix. In the 五方元音 a small portable Dictionary on 45 the alphabetic plan, and containing about 10,000 characters, the modern mandarin is followed in the initials and finals.

63. In eight of the nine divisions above, the second initial is the strong aspirate either alone or following, the letters k, t, ch, p, f, ts and tsh. Of these the palatal ch, and sibilant tsh, are not needed in Shánghái pronunciation. Ts takes their place. In double initials the aspirate is between t and s, or t and sh.

• (ch) 知道 m. ch táú‘ s. tsz dau‘, to know.
• (tsh) 出來 m. ch’uh lái s. ts’eh lé, come out.

F‘ is the same as f. In other instances the aspirate is always preserved.

• 吹進吹出 t’sz tsing‘ t’sz t’séh, blow in and out.
• 看歇戲否 k’ön‘ h’ih h’í‘ ’vá, have you seen the play?
• 開口 k’é ’k’eu, begin speaking.

In other cases, all these letters with and without aspirates, are the same with mandarin.

64. The third initial of the same eight divisions is wanting for Shánghái, only in the case of those headed ch and tsh. Their place is supplied by z. 形狀 yuug zong‘, visible form. Sh and zh in the seventh, are replaced by s and z.

• 一隻手 m. ih chih ’sheú s. ih tsáh ’seu, one hand.
• 時物 m. sh wúh s. zz veh, things in season.
• 扇子 m. shen‘ tsz s. sén‘ tsz, fan.
• 受領 m. sheú ling s. ’zeu ’ling, receive.

65. The h of mandarin is never heard before w or y in the lower tones:—

• 三魂六魄 san wung lóh p’áh, three mental, and six physical principles of human life.
• 無形無像 vú yung vú ziáng‘, invisible.
• 縣分꜄ yön‘ vun‘, what belongs to a district city.
• 效法別人 yiau‘ fah pih niun, imitate others.

In other examples among the lower tones, a slight aspirate is retained for the strong hissing sound of mandarin.

• 紅格紙頭, hóng kák ’tsz deu, red ruled paper.
• 閒書 han sû, light reading, 鞋子 há ’tsz, shoes.

This slight aspirate is lost in a word standing last in a combination.

• 那能修行 ’ná nung sieu ang? how shall I grow virtuous?
• 幾許闊狹 ’kí hau‘ kweh ah? how wide?

46

The English aspirate is between the two aspirates here distinguished, and is the same as that of Fúh-kien. We have no parallel in our pronunciation, to that hissing guttural sound, which in the mandarin provinces, belongs to all the five tones, and in Kiáng-nán to the upper series. Hence Morrison speaks of it as sh. Nor can the weak aspirate of the Kiáng-nán lower series, disappearing as it does so frequently, be regarded an equivalent to the English h.

66. With regard to the thick mutes and sibilants (g, d, b, v, z,) in the lower tones, it may be remarked generally, that foreigners in learning colloquial phrases, usually acquire the habit of pronouncing these consonants thin, when first in a combination, and broad, when some word precedes. This is so frequently true, that no further proof is needed of the pronunciation being variable.

• 第個 tí‘ kú‘, this.
• 次第 t’sz‘ dí‘, good order.
• 提拔 tí bah, rescue.
• 拔草 pah ’ts’au, to weed.
• 罷勿得 pá‘ veh tuh, indispensable.
• 勿罷拉 veh ’bá ’lá, more than that.
• 大同小異 tá‘ dóng ’siau í, differing but little
• 勿大好 veh dá‘ ’hau, not good.

For t and p, there is no difficulty in spelling as is here done, but k, s, f, are not so easily disposed of. The initial k or g is enunciated thickly before the vowels i and ü, though according to the system of the Dictionaries, the initial is the same in all cases. Some foreign students regard it as an aspirated consonant. Others write it dj or d. This anomaly of pronunciation, so difficult to express, does not occur before w, a and é. Limited thus to í and ü, it is thought preferable not to depart from the analogy, by inventing a new symbol for the few words in use that contain this unmanageable consonant.

• 插旗 t’sah gí, set up a flag.
• 顯轎 ’h’ien giau‘, mountain chair.
• 葵花 kwé hwó, sunflower.
• 求告 kieu kau‘, pray.

67. The lower f and s, are often heard v, z, even without a word preceding. Thus the actual pronunciation cannot be fairly represented by the law that answers for the other letters, and the only resource is to follow the natives in each case. This v, as well as that from w (m.) are pronounced w on the eastern side of the Hwáng-p’ú.

• 服事 foh zz‘, to serve.
• 牢實 lau zeh, honesty.
• 謝謝 siá‘ ziá‘, I thank you.
• 俗字眼 sóh zz‘ ngan, colloquial expressions. 47
• 尙書 zong‘ sû, the Historical Classic.
• 飯吃曼 van‘ k’iuh man‘, have you dined?
• 邪派 siá p’á‘, depraved customs.
• 罰咒 vah tseu‘, to swear.
• 實在 seh zé‘, truly.

68. The initials z and dz correspond, though somewhat irregularly, to the tabular initials z, zh, and j, dz, dj.

• 樹丫枝 zû‘ au tsz, branches of trees.
• 若使 zák sz‘, if.
• 炰茶 p’au‘ dzó make tea.
• 傳下來 dzén ’au lé, deliver down.
• 聚攏來 dzü‘ ’lóng lé, collect.

The d is often dropped, both, in reading and in the conversational form.

• 勿會寫字 veh wé‘ siá zz‘, cannot write (m. tsz‘).
• 擺渡船 ’pá dú‘ zén,[1] ferry-boat (m. ch’uen).
• 養蠶 yáng‘ zén, keep silkworms, (m. t‘sán).

The d is in some words retained in reading, when dropped in the colloquial form.

• 豺狼虎豹 zá (r. dzé) long ’hu pau‘, wolves and tigers.
• 稻柴 tau zá (c.) rice straw.
• 柴門 dzé (r.) mun, wooden gate.
• 造完 ’zau (r. dzau) wén, finish building.

69. Words beginning with a vowel, belong to the thirty-first or thirty-third initials (y, y,) according as they are high or low in tone. In giving the romanized form, a more extended subdivision of the vowels must of necessity be adopted. In the present work, the initial vowel is italicized, when its word belongs to the lower series.

• 遠來死 ’yön lé ’sí, very far off.
• 寃枉 yön ’wong, falsely accuse.

Those words in the dialect that begin with n, m, v, while in northern mandarin they have only a vowel as their initial, are placed in the Dictionary system under those consonants, and they are all in the lower tones.

• 原是 ’niön ’zz, well then it is—
• 千山萬水 t’síen san van‘ ’ss, a long distance
• 一百萬 ih páh man‘, a million.

48

Words in the upper series beginning with a vowel, which in northern mandarin take the sound ng before them, never have it in the Shánghái dialect, nor in the Dictionary system. E.g.[1] 愛 ngái‘, 惡 ngóh,[2] are pronounced é‘ and oh.

• 愛伊樣物事 é‘ í yáng‘ meh zz‘, love that thing.

In the lower tones the initial ng is always preserved.

• 勿碍啥 veh ngé‘ sá‘, no matter.
• 一眼勿硬 ih ’ngan veh ngáng‘, not in the least hard.
• 咬牙切齒 ’ngaú ngá t’sih ’t’sz, grind teeth with rage.
• 我勿餓 ’ngú veh ngú‘ I am not hungry.

70. The remaining initials are ng, n, ni, m, v, l, and j. They belong with few exceptions to the lower tones.

Ng, I. Many words classed in the Dictionaries under this initial are pronounced differently in this dialect. Thus 堯 yau, 言 íen, have no initial consonant, 疑 ní, 爾 ’nü, 義 ní‘, belong to the tooth nasal (n), 午五魚 are read ü, ú, but spoken ng. Ng precedes a, e, o, ö, u, but not i, ü.

II. Other words as 月 niöh, 牛 nieu, 願 niön, belong more properly to the class headed ni, or the Spanish circumflexed n. The Sú-cheú dialect agrees better with the Dictionaries in this class of words, than that of Shánghái.

III. All the words in Morrison with the initial g belong to this class, except such as are in the upper tones. Such words as he writes aou, ae, yae, follow the same rule.

71. N, NI. These though distinguished in some alphabets as in Sanscrit and Spanish, may be for our purpose more usefully regarded as identical, the i being considered to belong to the final. Accordingly such words as 女 ’nü 你 ’né, 鈕 nieu, though placed under the palatal nasal ni in the native system, will be regarded as belonging to the tooth nasal n, and the remainder of the sound reckoned as the final. Even in the tables, these two consonants are in intentional 49 juxtaposition. The consonants t, ch, to which they respectively belong are also naturally allied, as may be illustrated from our dialect, where ch becomes ts.

Many words written by Morrison yǔh, yin, yen, ying, yŏ, yu, yuen, yuĕ, take this initial, when they are in the lower tones. N, when thus prefixed, precedes no vowel but i, ü. The following are examples:—

72. M. V. The class headed m includes not only the mandarin words in m, but some that in mandarin begin with w. They are therefore placed together in the Dictionary system. Words thus transformed have v in reading as an intermediate sound, and often retain that form in the colloquial. If they are not words in very common use, they do not assume m as their initial. The following are examples:—

• 夫 mí and ví, c. ví, r.
• 萬 man‘ and van‘, c. van‘, r.
• 襪 mah, 蚊 mun, c. and r.
• 文, 武 vun, ’vú, c. and r.

Also 問忘網望味物 are spoken mun‘, &c., and read vun‘, etc. In early Chinese these words all began with b.

73. L. J. The former of these, as used in our dialect, agrees with the native system, and with the northern mandarin, and calls for no remark except that a very few words as before noted belong to the upper series. See Art. 56.

Under the initial j, are found all the Shánghái words in ni (c), and z (r), which are j, in Mandarin. E.g. 譆饒熱染日忍軟閏絨認撚 are spoken niáng, &c., and read záng, &c.

Thus,

• 人 niun, c. zun, r. jin, m. a man.
• 肉 nióh, c. zóh, r. júh, m. flesh.

Words that are semi-colloquial, or only used in combination retain z. E.g. 惹仁仍弱乳 are read and spoken ’zá, zun, etc.

Thus, 自然 zz‘ zén, c. and r. tsz‘ jen, m.

⁂ Words in z from sh, or s in mandarin, never change into ni. Thus, the natural separation between distinct classes of words is maintained, when their reading sounds are identical.

74. This class also includes r.h. The native tables make no difference between j and rh, and in some parts of China 50 the initial j is in jih, sun, and some other words pronounced like r.

• 而且 rh ’t’siá, perhaps.

When thoroughly colloquialized, however, these words pass into ní, and must be placed under n or ng.

• 二 ní‘, c. rh‘ r. two.
• 兒子 ní ’tsz, or ng ’tsz, c. rh, r. son.
• 耳朶 ’ní ’tú, c. rh tó, r. ears.

ii. Finals.

75. The Shánghái finals are about 60 in number. According to the native system, the whole of a word except the initial letter and the aspirate if there be one, is included in the final. In the Dictionaries, the finals, which unlike the initials differ but slightly from modern mandarin pronunciation, are less numerous. The 字彙 tsz‘ hwei‘ has 44. The short tones which should be considered independent rhymes are counted with the corresponding long ones, and thus the number is diminished. The first table in K’áng-hí has sixteen, and the second, twelve. Under each are several subdivisions. Another small and very convenient Dictionary, the 五方元音 ’Wú fáng yuen yin, taking the five tone mandarin dialect for its guide both in initials and finals, adopts twenty of the one, and twelve of the other, and arranges them under five tones. In reducing them to this small number, some violence is done to the sounds. All words beginning with a vowel, or ng are arranged under w and y. In the finals, expedients are also employed to diminish the number of headings.

76. In the finals, the departures from the mandarin type are numerous, but they are according to system, and the knowledge of one variation is usually a key to the pronunciation of many tens of other words. The variations are usually the same for one long tone as for all.

In the following table which consists of words without a diphthong, the first column contains the final according to Shánghái pronunciation; the second, all the examples of it having different rhymes in mandarin; the third, the mandarin spelling; and the fourth, the Shánghái reading sound.

51

54

77. The other intermediate vowels u, occurring only after k, g, forms the following finals:—

Obs. i. For óng and úng, Morrison writes úng; Prémare óng. It will be seen that in our dialect they are both in use. When a word is pronounced alone, or when last in order, ó is more common, while ú prefers the first place in combination; 松紅 Súng-kong, Súng-kiáng; 吳淞 Ng sóng, Wú-súng; 中國人 tsúng kóh niun, Chinaman; 勿拉當中 veh ’lá tong tsóng, not in the centre.

Obs. ii. Words in é from m. ái have two sounds. Some employ the Scotch ae in sae, nae, etc. nearly like e before r in the English words there, where. Others pronounce the English a in cake, same, i.e. in our orthography é. Ex. 來海 lé, ’hé, are constantly heard with both these sounds.

Obs. iii. Words in én, beyond 黃渡 Wong dú‘, and 朱家閣 Tsû ká koh, 25 and 30 miles to the west of Shánghái, change into ön.

Obs. iv. On án, wán. The second of these mandarin finals passes into én or ön. The former retains a for á. Ex. 滿洲 Mén tseu, Manchu; 五六萬 ’ng lóh man, 50,000 or 60,000.

78. If the old native tables of finals could be reduced to a fixed Roman orthography, our dialect would be found to bear more similarity to that pronunciation as its maternal stem, than to its northern relative the modern mandarin. The final k in the short tone was recognized, and many sub-divisions of a final into two or more branches agree with our usage; i.e. kwán into kwön and kwan. Some southern dialects preserve some parts and some others parts of this traditional pronunciation. The work before referred to, Lé‘ sh‘ yin kíen‘ says, in the 凡例 Fán lieh, Introductory Notes, 南音於剜彎, 官關, 般班, 分之甚細。 北或合面爲一, 55 Nén yun ü wén wan, kwén kwan pén pan, fun tsz zun‘ sí‘. Poh wóh heh rh wé ih. “In the south (Kiáng-nán. etc.), the pronunciation of the words pén pan, etc. is carefully separated, while in the north, they combine in one (á) sound.”

Another instance there given, of difference between the north and south in the final, is in such words as 銀盈, 勤檠, 神繩, 林靈, 貧平, 金京, m. yin ying, k’in k’ing, shin shing, lin ling, p’in p’ing, kin king. These the author says, are carefully distinguished in the north, while in the south they are identical in sound.

The rule of Shánghái pronunciation is this. Those words that end in ng in mandarin keep it. Those words that end in un change n into ng, while such as terminate in un take n or ng indifferently. Thus the above examples are read niun (g) yung, kiun (g) kiung, zun (g) zung, ling ling, ping ping, kiun (g) kiung.

Both of this writer’s observations are exemplified in the table. It is there shewn how far precisely this coalescing and subdividing of rhymes extends. One rhyme in either of the dialects, may branch off in the other into four or even six independent finals.

79. The most curious fact deducible from the table is, the affinity of certain vowels for the terminating consonant k (g before words in the lower tones) found in the short tone; a peculiarity which disappears a little south-west of Shánghái, and is not noticed at Ningpo.

The principal forms of words in the short tone in mandarin, according to different systems of orthography in common use are as follow:—

Most words in the short tone ending in k, are of the last three of these finals u, ú, ó. Of the others, those in ih if they take k often insert a short u. E.g. 力 is heard lik or liuk. Similarly when words in úh and óh do not take k, they 56 change úh and óh into eh. Thus, 末 móh becomes meh, Many words in conformity with this law, change their places among the finals, and the collocation of a and e, with k is carefully avoided, while u, ú, ó, retain it with equal consistency.[1] It should be observed however, that the á of mandarin becomes a in the short tone, and the longer a is only used as the colloquialized form of u. E.g. 百 c. pák, r. puk. Thus in Shánghái usage, á, u, ó, o take k in the short tone, a, e, ö, admit m terminating consonant, while i remains common.

This law is much simpler than that of the Fúh-kien and other dialects of the south of China. But while in those dialects, there are found as in the dictionaries three terminating consonants, k, t, p, similar affinities to vowels are traceable. In Fúh-kien with the exception of á, which, all three share between them, k usually prefers one set of vowels, and t and p another.

The native rule in the southern dialects, that k, t, p, are merely the form assumed by the final letters ng, n, m, in the short tone, is inapplicable to dialects, so far north as this. In the native system of finals, this limitation is found indeed, but is not rigidly adhered to. Some words in t are placed under ng as well as n. Others in k occur under vowel finals. The cases of conformity however, are so much more numerous than the exceptions, that the rule is indubitable. Since here only k is in use, the modern seat of the old pronunciation of the dictionaries must lie in part farther south. It embraces indeed the seaboard provinces, from Shánghái to Canton with parts of Kiang-si and Hu-nan.

80. The letter n is also affected by the preceding vowel. After a, e, ö, û, it is almost unheard when no word follows, and though a well-defined consonant in the next word brings it into notice, it is still only audible as a slight nasal sound. The vowels i, o, refuse to be associated with it, and when u 57 precedes, it only holds its position in common with ng. After ü it is as in mandarin.

81. Out of 63 finals, there are twenty that vary their sound in reading. In all these, there is an approach to the mandarin pronunciation, and they are therefore employed, by those born within the limits of the dialect, when they wish to make themselves intelligible to strangers. In such cases, they are usually under the delusive impression that it is mandarin they speak. Such is the advantage of the alphabetic system, with its all-versatile and exhaustive applicability, that a foreigner can pass from one dialect to another so far as sound is concerned, with much greater quickness than a native. The latter has no ready method of writing new sounds down, nor is he practised in the art of separating them into their alphabetical elements. No thing but a long residence in the region of another pronunciation, and some natural flexibility of organs, can give him a different set of tones, and a new arrangement of vowels and consonants. The sight of a character suggests to him the sound, that he learnt in his childhood, and having always regarded each, sound as a unity not separable into alphabetic parts, any variation is too confusing and difficult of appreciation to be readily adopted.

The total number of sounds in our dialect independent of tones, is about 570. Morrison counts those of mandarin at 411, The difference is due to the broad initials b, g, d, v, z.

82. Irregularities of Pronunciation. Words that do not conform in sound to the rules given in this section are few.

• 十五 só‘ ’ng, (for seh ng), fifteen.
• 錢 dzíen, r. is pronounced díen‘, c.
• 逐軸 dióh, r. They should be dzóh.
• 打 ’tá, to strike, in reading and colloquial is ’táng.[1]
• 那 r. ná, c. á in á lí, where.
• 所在 r. ’sú ’dzé, c. ’sû zé, a house.

To these may be added the tendency of the initial k to be 58 pronounced, when standing before i, like t in the upper series, and like d or dj in the lower.

PART II.
ON THE PARTS OF SPEECH.

Section 1. Native divisions.

83. Common teachers of the language in distinguishing words, only use two pairs of terms, viz. 實, 虛 zeh, h’ü, and 死, 活 ’sz, weh. The former signifies words that have a meaning (full) and such as have not (empty). All substantives are 實字眼 seh zz‘ ’ngan. Auxiliary words or particles receive the name of 虛字眼 h’ü zz‘ ’ngan. Verbs and adjectives are placed by some writers in the first of these classes, and by others in the second. Remusat, says that verbs are 實字 zeh zz‘; a native author 畢華珍 Pih wó tsun treats, all words except substantives, as in the second class.

84. The other pair of terms views words as nouns, which are spoken of as 死字眼 ’si zz‘ ’ngan, or verbs which are 活字眼 weh zz‘ ’ngan. The usual sense of 活 is living, but by an extension of meaning, it is applied to anything not fixed to its place, or liable to change in its appearance or form. Hence, verbs as dependent on circumstances of time, will, etc. are termed moving or transferable words, while substantive are said to be fixed or dead.

85. The native writer just referred to, in a recent work, 衍緖草堂筆記 ’íen ’zü ’t’sau dong pih kí‘, on the parts of speech and construction of sentences, has extended these divisions, by forming the 虛字 h’ü zz‘, or words not substantives, into four classes:—

1. Adjectives 呆虛字 ngé h’ü zz‘:—
   

   Ex.	高 kau, high.	多 tú, many.	大 tá‘, great.
   	低 tí, low.	少 ’sau, few.	小 ’siau, small.

2. Verbs 活虛字 weh h’ü zz‘:—
   

   Ex.

   作 tsok, to do.

   傳 dzén, to deliver down.

3. 口氣語助虛字 ’k’eu k’i‘ ’nü ’dzú h’ü zz‘. Under this head he gives as examples:—
   

   59

   焉 íen,?	乎 ú,?	}	Interrogative and other finals.
   哉 tsé,?	也 ’yé,.
   此 ’t’sz, this.	所 ’sú, which.	}	Pronouns and the sign of the possessive.
   其 gí, he.	之 tsz, of.
   甚 zun‘, very.	可, ’k’ó, can.	}	Adverbs & auxiliary verbs.
   最 tsûe‘, „	爲 wé, be.

4. 空活虛字 k’óng weh h’ü zz‘.

Obs. The word weh is apparently employed, because conjunctions like verbs connect what goes before with what follows. Similarly, in English grammar the verb is the copula, while a large class of conjunctions consists of such as are termed copulative. The word 空 is prefixed to distinguish these particles from verbs. The examples he gives are—

These examples are from the language of books. The corresponding words in the dialect will be found in their places.

86. The frequent interchange of the parts of speech, and the rhythmical construction of sentences, have almost kept in concealment among the natives, the classification of which words naturally admit. Much attention has been given to the successive forms of the characters; the changes that have occurred in them, and the principles of their original formation have been carefully chronicled; but etymological studies have been comparatively neglected.

The rules of the Wun-cháng, or exercises in fine writing, law indeed been laid down, but they do not constitute the grammar of the language. While grammar is a science still unknown to the Chinese, it is a mark of the intelligence of our author that he has approached so nearly, as the preceding article shews to a western classification, and that he has defined with precision, all the principal parts of speech.

The division into parts of speech, and simple and compound words, gains in distinctness as we leave the books and restrict our illustrations to the language of conversation, and much more when instead of embracing the universal mandarin medium, we aim to exhibit the dialect of a single district.

60

For example the words 過 kú‘, 能 nung, 生 sáng, are in the books verbs or nouns according to their position, their tones remaining unchanged. In the Shánghái dialect they are all verbs, viz. to pass, can, to produce, If they stand alone; but the combinations of which they form part are often substantives. Ex. 過失 kú‘ seh, a fault; 能力 nung lih, strength; 生活 sáng wéh work. Ming, 明 which in the books is an adjective or verb, must if used as a verb in the colloquial have 白 páh appended to it, otherwise it is an adjective. Thus instead of terminations invented to carry a root through two or more parts of speech, we have two roots in opposition for the same purpose. In the following pages accordingly, the terms noun; adjective, etc. will be predicated of the combined forms each as a whole, and not of its constituent words except when viewed independently.

Section 2. Relation of the dialect to the written language, and to other dialects.

87. In comparing the dialect with the language of books, it will be best to go at once to the oldest. The earliest portions of the Shú-king, Book of History, date from a period that must have been at least 3000 years ago if not previous to that of Moses. The occurrence of many of the commonest words now found in the colloquial media of China in records so ancient, is a sufficient illustration of the remarkable persistence of the language. It thus appears that many of the nouns and pronouns, adjectives and verbs, that formed the staple of conversation in the days of Yáu and Shun, are found not merely in the pages of an old world literature, but are still “familiar household words,” among the whole Chinese race. The selected examples which follow are all of constant use in the Shánghái dialect.

88. Examples of single words used in combination or singly.

Names of natural objects, animals, &c.

Divisions of time.

Meteorological terms.

Numbers.

Cardinal points.

Verbs.

Adjectives.

Nouns.

Pronoun.

89. Examples of nouns composed of two characters, or as they may be termed, dissyllabic forms.

• 百姓 pák-sing‘, the people.
• 天下 t’íen-’au, the world.
• 正月 tsung‘-niöh, 1st month.
• 聰明 ts’óng-ming, intelligent.
• 上帝 záng‘-tí‘, God.
• 鳳凰 vóng wong‘ phœnix.
• 法度 fah-dú‘, mode of government.

90. Examples of words used in combinations in the dialect, but not singly.

62

• 鳥 as in 窵鳥 ’tiau-niau, birds.
• 帝 as in 皇帝 wong-tí‘, emperor.
• 神 as in 神明 zun-ming, the inferior divinities.
• 位 as in 地位 tí‘-wé‘, station.
• 事 as in 事體 zz‘-’t’í, matter.
• 可 as in 可以 ’k’ó-’í, may, can.
• 日 as in 日頭 nyih-deu, the sun.
• 聞 as in 新聞 sing-vun, intelligence.
• 說 as in 說書 söh-sû, relate stories.

91. These examples, which might if it were necessary, be extended to a much greater length, will be sufficient to exhibit how the most ancient forms of speech, the primitive words of the Chinese race, have maintained their position to the present time. In a similar way, the later classics contemporary with Hebrew literature, and the most flourishing part of the Greek, might be shewn to possess in a still greater abundance, the materials from which this and other dialects have grown into their existing form. But there are also many new words; the passage of time must witness changes, even in the language of a people so devoted to antiquity as that of China. It has been shewn that there has been variation in tones, by referring to the pronouncing Dictionaries made long since. The natives recognize great differences In modern and ancient sounds, as seen in the rhymes of the Book of Odes. Words also have changed; many expressions once common have become antiquated, and new ones have appeared. A reference ta colloquial mandarin will illustrate this statement, and bring before us another large portion of the materials of the dialect.

Relation to colloquial Mandarin. 92. The earliest examples of this form of Chinese, are found in works of the Sung dynasty and in the historical novels. Mencius so remarkable among the classic authors, for his picturesque imagery and the animation of his style, sometimes uses combinations, such as 朋友 páng yeu‘, friend; 自己 zz‘ ’kí, self; seldom found in ancient books, and which may be considered as conversational.

63

93. The following are examples selected from the San kwoh chi 三國志, and Lieh kwoh chi 烈國志, works now five hundred years old, of new words not found in the classics, and all in common use in our dialect.

94. Of the following new pronouns, and interrogative adverbs first found in the historical novels, there is scarcely any use made in the Shánghái dialect.

Obs. The Shánghái pronouns are all different from those, except the mutilated form 那裡 ’a ’lí? where? So for the most part those of Fúh-kien; which again differ entirely from those of the Canton dialect as contained in Bridgman’s Chrestomathy. Some pronouns are widely spread. Thus, ngó 我 I, exists in all these dialects. As a class however, they are among the words most liable to variation in colloquial Chinese.

95. The following examples of double words taken from the same works, will further illustrate the extent to which mandarin phraseology agrees with that of our dialect. They are all such combinations as are not found in the classics, and might be increased indefinitely.

• 人家 niun ká, a man.
• 低頭 tí deu, lower the head.
• 開船 k’é zén, unmoor a boat.
• 時辰 zz zun, an hour, i.e. twelfth of a day.
• 招架 tsau ká‘, shield one’s-self.
• (c) 幫助 pong dzú‘, to assist.
• 容易 yúng í‘, easy. 64
• 船隻 (c) zen tsáh, boats; or a boat.
• 𢬵命 ’p’ing ming‘, throw away life.
• 看見 k’ön‘ kíen‘, to see.
• 踅手 zeh ’seu, maimed hand.
• 利害 lí é‘, dangerous, severe.
• (c) 仔細 ’tsz sí‘, minutely.
• 解說 ’ká seh, explanation.
• 撞倒 dzong‘ ’tau, push down.
• 敬重 kiung‘ dzóng, revere.
• 最好 tsûe‘ ’hau, very good.
• 認得 niun‘ tuh, know a person.
• 唱喏 (c) t’song‘ ’zó, join one’s hands in respect.
• 倒竪 ’tau ’zû, set up on end.

The characters marked (c) are those that were invented, to represent colloquial words written for the first time. The rest are old classical characters, but they are not found in these combinations.

97. On comparing the old historical novels, with mandarin colloquial tales of the present dynasty, such as the well-known 紅樓夢 Dream of the Red Chamber, no closer analogy with our dialect appears. The style indeed is much more diffuse, being a faithful copy of what real conversation is, and so far it is more like provincial dialects. But as to words, the auxiliary particles (in which the chief changes occur), are peculiar to mandarin, and the verbs and nouns are the same as those of earlier works.

Thus, 的 occurs constantly instead of 之 ch, which is the most common sign of the possessive in the Three Kingdoms. As the third personal pronoun, 那 ’ná takes the place of 其 gí The word for said, 曰 yöh, a term not used in conversation, is replaced by 說道 shwóh táú, either together or apart.

98. Having thus briefly considered the historical division that the dialect admits of, into primitive and modern words, something should be added on local terms, constituting the remainder. On examination it will be found that the words, single and compound, not in mandarin, are few. They can scarcely be many more than a hundred. In a list drawn up for the purpose by a native, of about 100, a third part consisted 65 of verbs, another third part of particles, the rest comprised substantives, adjectives, and words imitative of sounds.

Many of these belong also to the dialects of the neighbouring cities. In the histories of Sú-cheú and Súng-kiáng, the short chapter devoted to the subject of colloquialisms, enumerates several that belong equally to Shánghái. They appear to have been copied in great part from one work into another, and the whole number recorded in each does not reach fifty. Those contained in the history of Shánghái, will be found in the following pages under the parts of speech to which they belong. In Medhurst’s Dictionary of the Fúh-kien dialect, there are classified lists of about 250 phrases peculiar to that province. Some of these however are corrupted forms of expressions used in the other parts of China.

99. The neighbouring dialect of Sú-cheú may be expected to have much in common with that of Shánghái, The system of pronunciation is in general the same, the initial consonants forming a hard and soft series, corresponding to the upper and lower tones in the southern provinces. The following are examples of phrases, the same as those of Shánghái.

• 哉 tsé (m. 了), sign of completion.
• 子 ’tsz (m. 了), sign of past participle.
• 个 kú‘ (m. 的), sign of possessive.
• 勿 veh (m. 不), simple negative.
• 全 dsíen (m. 都), all.
• 啥 sá‘ (m. 甚麽)? what?
• 好好能 ’hau ’hau nung, well, in a good manner.
• 想着之 ’siáng záh ’tsz, having thought of.
• 拉屋裡 ’la óh ’lí, at home.
• 是介 zz‘ ké‘ (s. seh ké nung), thus.

In some words very commonly occurring, that dialect differs from Shánghái and agrees with mandarin.

66

Section 3. On the Substantive.

100. The native grammarian already introduced to the reader defines substantives, or rather substances, thus 天地名物, 象數事理 T’íen dí‘ ming veh‘ ziáng‘ sú‘ zz‘ ’li, “Heaven, earth, names and things, images, numbers, facts and principles;” 凡有形有質, 有氣有聲 van ’yeu yiung ’yeu tseh ’yeu k’i ’yeu sung, “all things that have form, material substances, breath and sound;” 一切有端可指者 ih t’sih ’yeu tön ’k’ó ’tsz ’tsé, “all things having any property that can be pointed out;” 皆謂之實字 kia wé‘ tsz seh zz‘, “are called substantives.”

“The names of substances,” he adds, “may consist of one or several characters, which must be arranged in classes, brought under the dominion of the rhythmus, and stored in the memory for use when required.” Such nouns as express the properties of substances he calls 子字 ’tsz zz‘, “son characters,” while the names of the substances themselves are termed 毋字 ’mú zz‘, “mother characters.” Attributes he further subdivides into “universal,” 公共子字 kóng góng‘ ’tsz zz‘, and “special,” 實在子字 seh zé ’tsz zz‘.

Combined and uncombined substantives. 101. One of the most striking peculiarities of Chinese words, whether nouns, verbs or particles, is the strictness with which the laws of combination and order are observed. Each dialect has many words that can be used with or without an adjunct, and may be regarded as purely monosyllabic; another large class embraces such as are never used by the natives, except in apposition with some other word, and constituting for that dialect, what may be considered dissyllables. Of the former or monosyllabic kind are the following examples (s. c).

102. In construction, these and similar words may be observed 67 to remain in an uncombined state. The first word in each, of the following sentences exemplifies this remark.

• 米糴好否 ’mi tih ’hau ’vá? have you brought rice?
• 人是一樣个 niun ’zz ih yáng‘ kú, I am a man as you.
• 袖要大 dzien‘ yau‘ dú‘, let the sleeve be large.

These words may all of them be used in combination, according to some of the laws described in the succeeding paragraphs. Thus they appear in dissyllabic forms such as—

103. The other class consists of those words that are never used without an adjunct. For example 衣 í dress, not used alone, is found among other combinations in the following.

So also 猪 tsz, 日 zeh, 房 vong, 禮 ’lí, are found in combination only.

• 猪驢 tsz lú, a pig.
• 過房 ku‘ vong, adopted child.
• 江猪 kong tsz, the river pig (a fish).
• 禮物 ’lí veh, presents.
• 日食 nyih zuh, eclipse of the sun.

104. In construction, the adjuncts unless the rhythmus requires it, cannot be omitted.

• 着衣裳 tsáh í zong, put on clothes.
• 殺猜驢个 sah tsz lú kú‘, pork butcher.
• 日頭落山 nyih deu lok san, sun is setting.
• 租房子 tsú vong ’tsz, let a house.
• 送禮物 sóng‘ ’lí veh, offer presents.

Combination. 105. Substantives are formed of two or more substantives combined in various ways. If the collocation consists of species and genus, the former precedes.

• 牡丹花 mau‘-tan‘ hwó, moutan pœny.
• 孛相船 peh-siáng‘ zén pleasure boat.
• 堦沿石 ká-íen záh, first door-step.
• 磨刀石 mú tau záh, grind-stone.
• 紅緯帽子 hóng wé‘ mau‘-’tsz, red tasselled hat.

68

Obs. In the last five examples, the first two words constitute the species. The word 石 záh requires 頭 as its appendage, if there is no specific term prefixed. When compounds are formed, the auxiliary word is omitted. In the last case 子 tsz, the auxiliary is retained, or dropped at pleasure.

106. When the compound substantive formed by juxtaposition, consists of whole and part, or substance and accident or attribute, the former precedes.

• 手心 ’seu sing, palm of the hand.
• 手套 ’seu t’au‘, gloves.
• 樹根 zû‘ kun, root of a tree.
• 樹葉 zû‘ ih, leaves of a tree.
• 頭髮 teu fah, hair.
• 首飾 ’seu seh, head ornaments.

107. When two or more substantives, cognate in meaning, or in some logical relation, are in apposition, their order depends on native usage.

• 福祿壽 fóh loh zeu‘, happiness, affluence and age.
• 酒色財氣 ’tsieu suh dzé k’í‘ wine, lust, riches and anger.

Obs. i. The primary reason of the order in which these words are used, may have been a real or fanciful sequence of ideas, convenience of pronunciation, rhythm or caprice; but whatever it was, it is strictly preserved. Should another order be adopted, the meaning would not be conveyed. To these and other fixed combinations, found in all parts of speech, must in great part be attributed, the facility with which a language of monosyllables and tones such as the Chinese, is employed as a conversational medium.

Obs. ii. Many words found in compounds of this sort are inseparable. Thus 眷 kiön‘ has no other use in the dialect, than to form these combinations. As a verb to compassionate its use is limited to the books.

Obs. iii. Under this head may be included antithetical substantives (Literæ oppositæ, Premare), of which there are several in common use without a particle between them. 姊妹 tsí (elder sister) mé‘ (younger do.) sisters; 禽獸 kiun (birds), seu‘ (beasts), animals; 天地 t’íen dí‘, heaven and earth; 夫婦 fú vú‘, husband and wife; 山水人物 san ’sz niun veh, mountains, water, men and things: 銅錢銀子 tóng díen niung ’tsz, copper and silver money.

Obs. iv. Phrases of this sort are not coined ad libitum. They are old forms, and the modern Chinese do not allow themselves to make new ones. Each dialect has its own traditional arrangement of words, as well as its particular mode of enunciating the tones, and its alphabetical variations. But there is 69 in all the dialects, so large a majority of phrases as well as words, common to the rest of China, even in that of Fúh-kien, that the identity of the language is in no district brought into question by these differences.

108. Some of these combined forms consist of a substantive and an enclitic. Of the auxiliary words thus used 子 ’tsz, 頭 teu, are the most common.

These enclitics are never used in the classics; they form a leading characteristic of colloquial Chinese. ’Tsz and teu give individuality and definiteness to the term they qualify. Their proper meaning, son, head, is in these cases lost; they help also to fill the rhythm of the sentence, and to distinguish the words to which they are appended from other terms like them in sound. The enclitic 兒 rh, so common in the mandarin provinces, and also in the dialect of Háng-cheú, has its place supplied by 子 ’tsz. Nyih ’tsz 日子 day is distinguished from nyih deu 日頭 the sun by the enclitic.

109. To express a place where persons come and go, the words 頭 deu and 塲 dzáng are appended to substantives.

• 粒屑 lih sih, or sih alone, expresses small fragments of.
• 局頭 kióh deu, place of carrying on trade.
• 橋頭 kiau deu, landing place of a bridge.
• 碼頭 ’mó deu, „ „ of a ferry.
• 賭場 ’tu dzáng, place of gaming.
• 戲場 h’í dzáng, place of seeing plays.
• 牛場 nieu dzáng, place of tethering cattle.
• 柴粒屑 zá lih sih, small fragments of firewood.

110. Verbs and adjectives form compound substantives, by taking after them such auxiliaries as 頭 teu, 法 fah and 處 t’sû‘.

• 有辦頭 ’yeu pan‘ deu, there is a way of doing it.
• 唔坐處 m ’zú t’sû‘, no place to sit down.
• 有啥做法 ’yeu sá‘ t’sû‘ fah? is there a way of doing it?
• 唔啥好處 m sá‘ ’hau t’sû‘, no benefit in it.
• 那能好法 ’ná nung ’hau fah? how is it good?
• 長頭 dzáng deu, overplus.
• 剩頭, 餘頭 dzung‘ deu, û deu, remainder. 70
• 牢實頭 lau zeh deu, a simple, honest person.
• 苦惱子 ’k’u ’nau ’tsz, one very poor and wretched.

111. Many of the auxiliary substantives treated of in the next section, whose office it is to stand between numerals and their nouns, often follow their substantives without a numeral. A compound is thus formed, in which the sense of the classifying particle is often preserved, A piece of is expressed by k’wé. A bar of by tiau.

112. The words 夫 fú, 手 ’seu, 做 tsoh, 匠 ziáng‘, 司務 sz‘ vú‘, 家 ká, 人 niun, are appended to substantives to denote agents, trades and professions.

• 脚夫 kiák fú, a porter.
• 兇手 h’iúng ’seu, murderer.
• 本作, 木匠 mok tsoh, or móh ziáng‘, carpenter.
• 水作, 泥水匠 ’sz tsoh, or ní ’sz ziáng‘, bricklayer.
• 鞋匠司務 há ziáng‘ sz‘ vú‘, shoemaker.
• 裁縫司務 dzé vóng sz‘ vú‘, tailor.
• 店家 tién ká, shop-keeper.
• 船家 zén ká, boatman.
• 捉魚人 tsoh ng niun. fisherman.
• 拾柴人 sih zá niun, wood gatherer.
• 東家 tóng (east) ká, master (who places his guests on the right.)
• 禮生 ’lí sáng, director of rites.
• 先生 síen sáng, teacher.

Obs. In the longer examples, some verbs will be found which enter into composition, as those in Art. 113.

113. Verbs and adjectives are frequently compounded in the same way as substantives.

• 屏風 ping (to screen) fóng (the wind), a screen.
• 扶手 vú (to support) ’seu (the hand), hand-rail.
• 吃局 k’iuh (eat) gióh (food), food.
• 小姐 ’siau tsiá, young lady.
• 古董 ’kú (old) ’tóng, curiosities.
• 夥計 ’hú (combine) kí‘ (plans), partner in business.
• 辮子 píen‘ (to plait) ’tsz, the queue.
• 黃狼 wong (yellow) long (wolf), weasel.
• 抽㔸 t’seu (to draw out) t’í‘ (drawer), a drawer. 71
• 生梨 sáng (raw) lí (pears), pears.
• 花紅 hwó (flower) óng (red), small apples.
• 金箔 kíun boh, (thin) gold-leaf.
• 相好 siáng (mutual) hau (good) intimate friends.

114. The word 阿, merely euphonic, is joined to the names of persons, both relative and proper. Thus instead of 哥哥 kó kó, elder brother, we have in Shánghái 阿哥 ah (r. á.) kú also 阿爹 or 爹爹 tiá tiá, father. When applied to the names of children and others in humble life, either word in the proper name may annexed.

115. Some examples of foreign words used in the dialect, and of colloquial substantives, extracted from the history of Shánghái are here appended.

• 鴉片 á p’íen‘, opium.
• 袈裟 ká só, Buddhist priest’s robe. Sanscrit Kashaya.
• 記 (c) 翼 (c) kí‘ lih, wings. m. ’ch pang rh.
• 尾杷 (c) ní‘ pó, tail. (尾) r. ’vi) m. i pa.
• 小囝 (c) ’siau nön, little boy.
• 鱟 (c) heu‘, the king-crab, rainbow. m. kang‘, r. 虹 hung.
• 簷凙 (c) yien doh, icicles. m. ping chiu‘ ’tsz.
• 羊乳 (c) yáng ’ná, goat’s milk.
• 筷 (c) k’wan, chopsticks. m. k’wai tsz.
• 烟囪 (c) íen t’sóng, chimney. m. yen ’t’ung.
• 爺娘 yá niáng, father and mother. m. tie niang.

Obs. Characters followed by (c) are such as are borrowed, to represent purely colloquial words.

New and colloquial words are usually written on the phonetic principle, as may be noticed in the first three examples. Natives differ much in their way of writing purely colloquial words, and being never made use of in books, it matters little what character is adopted.

116. The last way of forming compound substantives to be exemplified, is by the particle 個 kú‘, which coming after a verb and noun expresses an agent.

• 吃糧箇 k’iuh liáng kú, (living on imperial rice), soldiers.
• 撐船箇 t’sáng zén kú‘, those who work boats.
• 管賬個 ’kwén tsáng‘-kú‘, account-keeper.
• 賣花個 má‘ hwó kú‘, flower-seller.
• 擺渡個 ’pá dú‘ kú‘, ferryman.

72

Obs. The common word 的 tih and in books 者 ’tsé is not used in this dialect its place being supplied by 個 kú‘ as in these examples.

Repetition. 117. Substantives are in some cases repeated. Forms indicative of diminutiveness are such as occur in the following examples.

• 嘵一星星 ’nau ih sing sing, look! there is a star.
• 要一點點 yau‘ ih ’tíen ’tíen, I want a very little.

118. A few repeated forms occur, with am adjective preceding in opposition.

• 暗洞洞 én‘ dóng dóng, a dark place.
• 亮晃晃 liáng ’kwong ’kwong, a glimmer of light.

Obs. Such forms of repetition are rare, except when they express plurality (v. Art. 129). In the adjective and verb, they are much more common. See also Part III. Repetition.

119. The formation of compound substantives, by the simple apposition of two or more roots, is also found in other languages. English and German contain many examples. Substantives, adjectives, and verbs all enter into these forms. E.g. hearsay (v. v.), sunset (s. v.), windfall (s. v.), footstool (s. s.), farewell (v. adv.), lebewohl (do. German), adieu (prep. s. Fr. Eng.), addio (do. Ital.), safeguard (a. s.), white-bait (a. s.), Rath-haus (s. s.), council-house (s. s.). Though many of these words are written without a break, the accent on the penultimate indicates, for those that are English, that they are compounds. In languages that have an extensive system of terminations such as Latin, Greek, and Sanscrit, when composition occurs, the constituent roots become one word, and the affix of declension, &c. in the word that precedes is usually omitted. Thus, in αὐτάδελφος and αὐτόχειρ the simple root aut precedes the word to which it is joined, in one case with no adjunct, and in the other with the connecting vowel o. In the Latin word respublica, reipublicæ we have two roots in apposition, without the process of declension being interrupted. Cases of simple juxtaposition such as this, are much rarer in the ancient languages than in the modern, where the root admits of few variations in its form.

120. In the development of a language consisting of monosyllabic roots, where nothing can be added or altered, some 73 equivalent for terminations and compounds must be expected. This want is met in the Indian languages of America, by combining several independent roots into one word. If for these agglutinated syllables, separate characters were reserved, it would be a system resembling the Chinese. We have in the latter (1), simple apposition of roots, as exemplified in articles 105, 106, 107. Second, there is a change of certain substantives into mere particles which are appended, deprived of their primitive meaning, to large classes of words, as seen in articles 108, 109, 110. Forms of this second kind are usually expressive of simple ideas only; the others may be simple or compound. The terminations of tense and case in the classical languages came from the simple apposition of separate words. Those of the first, second, and third persons of a verb are derived for example, from the three corresponding personal pronouns. Obsolete forms preserved in the oldest writers countenance this theory. Whether the primitive speech of mankind was of this sort, may be matter of controversy, but there can be no doubt that the Chinese language has this peculiarity.

121. Variation in tone might be enumerated as a third mode of supplying the want of inflexions. Examples in the spoken language are however extremely few. In 種 tsóng‘, to sow, and 種子 ’tsóng ’tsz, seed, the tone differs. But even here the enclitic 子 is an inseparable appendage to the noun. Some other examples here follow:—

Obs. The superior comma on the right shows where the words whose tone varies should receive the quick rising tone, or Shánghái k’u shing.

Gender. 122. Gender is expressed by auxiliary words set apart for the purpose. It being thus merely an instance of adjectives and substantives in apposition, the arrangement 74 requires the words descriptive of sex (男 nén, 女 ’nü), or gender (雌 t’sz, 雄 yióng) to precede.

• 雄鷄雌鷄 yióng-kí t‘sz-kí, a cock and hen.
• 一隻雄獅子 ih tsáh yióng sz-tsz, a male lion.[1]
• 男人 nén niun, husband.
• 女囝 ’nü nön, a girl.

123. Among the words used in the Shánghái dialect to express family relationship are the following:—

Number. 124. The form of the substantives in the singular and plural is the same. The auxiliary adjectives and adverbs used to express plurality are placed some before and some after their words. Tsóng‘, tú hau‘ ’hau ’kí, and tá precede their noun. Dzén, t’óh, invariably follow their words.

125. 衆 tsóng‘ precedes its noun and expresses universality.

• 衆百姓 tsóng‘ pák sing‘, all the people.
• 衆位阿 tsóng‘ wé‘ á, all you persons.

126. 多許 tú hau‘ and ’hau ’ki 好幾 describe a great number or several. Being double inseparable particles, they form a complete member of a sentence alone, and therefore can be separated from their words, and placed afterwards with a copula and a terminating particle.

75

• 多許物事 tú hau‘ meh zz‘, a great many things.
• 物事有多許拉 meh zz‘ ’yeu tú hau‘ lá, there are very many things.
• 好幾个人 ’hau ’kí kú‘ niun, a good many men.
• 人有好幾个 niun ’yeu ’hau ’kí ku‘, there are several men.

127. 多 tú, several, like tsóng‘ cannot form a complete member of a sentence alone, and therefore precedes its word. It is used extensively with, the specific substantive particles already alluded to. The word tu, many, retains its old sound ta for this use.

• 買之大斤者 ’má tsz tá kiun ’tsé, have bought several catties.
• 多囘 tá wé‘, several times.
• 多個國度 tá kú‘ kóh dú‘, or tá kóh, several kingdoms.
• 多句說話 tá kü‘ seh wó‘, many sentences.

128. The words 全, 禿 dzén, t’óh foil following their substantives, usually from the first word in the concluding member of the proposition.

• 米咾肉禿有 ’mí lau niók t’óh yeu, there are both rice and meat.
• 人全拉看戲 niun dzén ’lá k’ön‘ hí‘, they are all looking at the play.

Obs. Pronunciation places these auxiliary particles in closer union with the following word, than with their own noun. Yet the rhythmus often attracts the two members into one sentence. E.g.

• 男女禿有 nén ’nü t’oh ’yeu, the men and women are all there.
• 官府全好 kwén ’fú dzén ’hau, the mandarins are all good.

129. The plural is also formed by repetition.

• 人人來者 niun niun lé ’tsé, the men are all come.
• 國國太平 kók kók t’á‘ bing, nations all at peace.
• 世世代代 sz‘ sz‘ dé‘ dé‘, age after age.

Case. 130. The genitive or possessive case is expressed by 個 kú‘. It corresponds to 的 tih, m. 个 gé, é, Fúhkien, 個 kó‘, Canton.

• 伊个聲氣 í kú‘ sáng k’í‘, his voice.
• 花个蘂頭 hwó kú‘ ’nü deu, the buds of flowers.
• 人个面孔 niun kú‘ míen‘ ’k’óng, the human voice.

Obs. When the possessive particle is omitted, a compound substantive is formed, as hwó ’nü deu, flower buds. Here no transposition is necessary, the 76 predicated part standing last in both cases. English idiom placing the subject after the possessive particle, also requires the definite article to begin the sentence, “the buds of flowers.” When the constituent words are not adapted to form a compound substantive, as in the first of the examples above, the particle is always retained.

131. The objective case has no particle to mark it. It is known by position, coming after the verb. The nominative always precedes the verb.

• 我告訴㑚 ’ngú kau‘ sú‘ ná‘, I tell you.
• 送我一本 sóng ’ngú ih ’pun, give me a book.
• 勿要駡人 veh yau‘ mó‘ niun, do not rail at people.
• 告訴伊拉者 kau‘ sú‘ í ’lá ’tsé, I have told him.

132. Only the verb 話 wó‘, to say, requires a particle to precede the objective noun. The words 替, 對, 忒, t’í‘, té‘, t’eh, may either of them be employed.

• 吾替㑚話 ’ngú t’í‘ ná‘ wó‘, I tell you.
• 忒伊話末者 t’eh í wó‘ meh ’tsé, tell him.
• 對伊話拉者 té‘ í wó‘ ’lá ’tse, have told him.

Obs. This verb being intransitive, and standing last, leaves the substantive ungoverned, and renders a preposition necessary. So in English say requires to after it. In Latin, the noun is put in the dative without a preposition, as dico vobis.

133. The sign of the dative in da mihi, and give it to me is omitted. The euphonic particle ’lá 拉 is used to fill up the rhythmus.

• 撥我一箇 peh ’ngú ih kú‘, give me one.
• 撥飯拉我 peh van ’lá ’ngú, give me rice.
• 撥飯我吃 peh van‘ ’ngú k’iuh, ditto.
• 撥之我末者 peh tsz ’ngú meh ’tsé, give it to me.
• 撥拉伊拉者 peh ’lá í ’lá ’tsé, have given it him.

Obs. i. In English to is omitted or not at pleasure. Such datives as occur in Gloria Patri, dedicated to the interests of truth, my love to you cannot be expressed.

Obs. ii. In the example peh ’ngú ih kú‘, the dative comes next to the verb, while in the following sentence, the object precedes it. These differences of position are occasioned by the rhythmus.

134. To a place is expressed by 到 tau‘, usually with a verb of motion following the substantive.

• 到蘇州去者 tau‘ Sú-tseu k’i‘ ’tsé, gone to Sú-cheú.77
• 幾時到上海 ’kí zz tau‘ Zóng‘ ’hé, when did you come to Shánghái?
• 到此地来做啥 tau‘ ’t’sz dí‘ lé tsú‘ sá? what do you come to do?

135. Motion from or by (ablative) is expressed by 自 zz‘, 從 zóng, 由 yeu or 打, ’táng. The last of these is most frequently employed.

• 打啥户堂來 ’táng sá‘ ú dong lé? whence do you come?
• 打故邊走 ’táng kú‘ píen ’tseu, go that way.
• 從第搭到屋裡 dzóng dí‘ dah tau‘ óh ’lí, from hence home.

136. The sense of for, instead of is given by several particles, 替, 代, 代替, 忒, 爲, t’í, dé, dé t’í, t’uh and wé‘, are all in use.

• 忒我去買 t’uh ’ngú k’í‘ ’má, go and buy for me.
• 爲之我咾 wé‘ tsz ’ngú lau— on my account—.
• 替儂做生活 t’í‘ nóng tsú‘ sáng weh, do work instead of you.

137. In and at (locative case) are expressed by 勒拉 leh ’lá and 拉 ’lá before, and 裏 ’lí or 裏向 ’lí h’iáng‘, after the substantives, (m. 在 tsai‘ prefixed, 裏, 内, 中, ’lí, núi‘, chóng suffixes).

• 勿拉屋裏 veh ’lá óh ’lí, not at home.
• 勿拉上海 veh ’lá Zóng‘ ’hé, not at Shánghái.
• 勒拉勿勒拉 leh ’lá veh leh ’lá, at home or not?
• 勿勒裏 veh leh ’lí, not at home.
• 嘴裏工夫 tsz‘ lí kúng fú, mere words.
• 心裏向 sing ’lí h’iáng, in the mind.

138. With, of (instrumental case) are expressed by the verb, tan (also nan west of Shánghái), or nó, to bring, preceding the noun and a verb following it. (m. 將 tsiáng, 把 pa; in books, 以 ’í and by the suffix 個 kú‘, which usually takes a verb between it and the noun.

• 担刀來割 tan tau lé kweh (köh), cut it with a knife.
• 錫做个 sih tsú‘ kú‘, made of tin.

139. In expressing by (instrumental case), the auxiliary verb peh 撥 precedes the instrumental noun, and the principal verb with or without its regimen follows (m. 彼 pei):—

78

• 撥拉爺娘責備 peh lá yá niáng tsah bé‘, he was reproved by his parents

140. Along with is expressed by t’eh 忒, 替 t’í and 同 tóng. The governed noun is followed by ih dau 一淘 together. This appendage is sometimes omitted, when 同 is used.

• 忒伊一淘去 t’eh í ih dau k’í‘, go with him.
• 同我你跑 tóng ’ngú ’ní pau‘, go with us.
• 替我一淘去 t’í‘ ’ngú ih dau k’í‘, go with me.
• 我忒儂做朋友 ’ngú t’eh nóng tsú‘ páng ’yeu, I will be your friend.

141. As a sign of the vocative, the suffix 呵 á is sometimes used. 老兄阿 lau h’iung á, brother (addressed to strangers as friendly salutation).

142. Case particles in other languages. Prepositions standing before the noun, and terminations making up one word with the root, are used together in the classical languages to express case; and very frequently the suffixes alone. In the modern European languages, suffixes are much less used, prepositions performing the office of case particles. In the Tartar languages, the particles called in other languages prepositions, come after their words, and are therefore called postpositions. In Manchu, the oblique cases, four in number, are formed by suffixes selected from this class of particles. When written they are joined to the noun or not at pleasure, and may all be used independently as particles. Thus it appears that the Chinese in using separate case particles, some before and some after, the nouns to which they belong, do not depart from the practice common to other races.

143. Premare’s method of illustrating one by one, the words most important in a grammatical view, by numerous examples, is here followed in regard to some commonly used nouns.

• 口 ’k’eu, mouth, an opening. It is only used in combination.
• 口音 ’k’eu yun, speech.
• 口才 ’k’eu dzé, fluency.
• 口是心非 ’k’eu ’zz sing fí, plausible but not sincere.
• 三叉路口 san t’só lú‘ ’k’eu, where three roads meet.
• 口頭言語 ’k’eu deu íen ’nü, colloquial particles.
• 一口土白 ih ’k’eu ’t’ú báh, all he says is in the dialect. 79
• 門口 mun ’k’eu, opening.
• 海口 ’hé ’k’eu, sea-port.
• 乍浦口嘴 Dzó‘ p’ú‘ ’k’eu tsz‘, Háng-cheú bay.
• 口說無憑 ’k’eu söh m bing, words without foundation.
• 有口無心 ’yeu k’eu m sing, speaking without thinking, mere words.
• 一口咬定 ih ’k’eu ngau ding‘, spoke decisively.

144. 氣 k’í‘.

1. Breath, vapour.

2. Anger.

• 惹氣儂 ’zá k’í‘ nóng‘, provoke you.
• 勿要動氣 veh yau‘ dóng‘ k’í‘ do not be angry.
• 氣殺我 k’í‘ sah ’ngú, provoke me greatly.

3. Manner, expression, meaning.

• 陽氣來咾 yáng k’í‘ lé lau, beautifully ornamented.
• 神氣宛然 zun k’í‘ wén zén, likeness to perfect.
• 勿要客氣 veh yau‘ k’ák k’í‘, do not stand on ceremony.
• 大有福氣 tú‘ ’yeu fóh k’í‘, has great happiness.

145. 心 sing, heart, mind.

• 心拉書上 sing ’lá sû long‘, attend to your book.
• 心裏明白個 sing ’lí ming bák kú‘, has an intelligent mind.
• 摳心挖胆 k’eu sing wah ’tan, mind set on schemes.
• 當心,留心,小心 tong sing, lieu sing, ’siau sing, pay attention.
• 盡心竭力 dzing‘ sing gih lih, do your utmost.
• 兩條心思 ’liáng diau sing sz, double-minded.
• 白費心思 pak fí‘ sing sz, planning in vain.
• 一心一念 ih sing ih nian‘, all intent upon.
• 直心直肚腸 dzuh sing dzuh tú dzáng, honest, sincere.
• 心心主念 sing sing ’tsû nian, resolutely intent on.
• 赤胆忠心 t’suk ’tan tsóng sing, faithful.

146. 手 ’seu, hand, an artisan.

• 上手下手 zong‘ ’seu ’au ’seu, superior and inferior workmen.
• 動手勿得 ’tóng ’seu veh tuh, may not put hand to it.
• 手忙脚亂, ’seu mong kiáh lön, confused and wrong.
• 親手 t’sing ’seu, with his own hand. 80
• 一手難遮天下目 ih ’seu nan tsó t’íen ’au móh, one hand cannot cover the eyes of all the world.
• 白手求財 pák ’seu gieu dzé, want money without earning it
• 幫手 pong ’seu, assistant.
• 傳手 dzén ’seu, from hand to hand.

147. 分 vun‘, duty, divisions.

• 十分裏一分 seh vun‘ ’lí ih vun‘, one tenth.
• 名分, 本分 ming vun‘, ’pun vun‘, duties.
• 職分꜄ tsuh vun‘, an office.
• 一生安分꜄ ih sáng ön vun‘, do my duty a whole lifetime.
• 分꜄所當然 vun‘ ’sú tong zén, as in duty bound.

148. 頭 teu, head.

• 唔頭唔腦 m deu m ’nau, without order.
• 頭二百里 teu ní‘ páh ’lí, about 200 Chinese miles.
• 幾許人頭 ’kí hau‘ niun deu? how many men?
• 起頭 ’k’í deu, at the beginning.
• 頭頭是道 teu deu ’zz dau‘, it is all reasonable.

149. 眼 ngan eye, a point, a small hole.

• 一眼勿差 ih ngan veh t’só, quite right.
• 眼睛勿好 ’ngan tsing veh ’hau, his eyes are bad.
• 只得—眼 tseh tuh ih ’ngan, only a very little.
• 眼底無人 ’ngan tí m niun, thinks none so good as he.

150. 目 moh, eye.

151. 底 ’tí, bottom.

• 月底 niöh ’tí, end of the month.
• 年底 níen ’tí, end of the year.
• 私底下 sz ’tí ’au, secretly.
• 底裡 ’tí ’li, at the bottom.
• 底下挽通 ’tí ’au ’wan t’óng, to inform secretly.
• 底面不和 ’tí míen‘ peh ú, heart and looks not agreeing.
• 直到底 dzuk tau‘ ’tí, to the end.
• 脚底下 kiák ’tí ’au, under the feet.

152. The following substantives combine with the cardinal points to form nouns of place. They are arranged in the 81 order of their frequency. 沿, 半爿, 面, 邊, 首, 頭, 方, han‘, pén‘ ban, míen‘, píen, ’seu, teu, fong. One or two examples will suffice to explain this usage.

• 東半爿, 東面 tóng pén‘ ban, tóng míen‘, on the eastern side.

The combinations with 裏 ’lí, within, include two other words which here appended, 向, 勢, 面, 邊, 頭, h’iáng‘, sz‘, míen‘, píen, teu.

• Thus, 裏向, 裏面, ’lí h’iáng‘, ’lí míen‘, inside.

Obs. Other words, such as the demonstrative pronouns, and some of the prepositions form similar combinations, as will be afterwards seen.

Section 4. On numeral particles and auxiliary substantives.

153. Under his head, are included the classifying particles, called by some writers numerals, with weights and measures, and any parts not being themselves full appellative nouns, into which substantives admit of being divided.

Obs. i The distinctive numeral particles applied to different substantives, belonging as they do themselves to that class of words, could not be placed with propriety among or after the adjectives; yet their Syntax is sufficiently unlike that of the substantive to require them to be placed apart.

Obs. ii. A comprehensive classification of substantives has been presented to philologists, by Dr. Legge in his “Letters on the rendering of the name God in Chinese,” Hongkong, 1850. Several useful terms are there introduced, partly from Nordheimer, but a place for the nouns now under discussion is not provided for except under class (4). The classes into which common or nouns not proper are there divided, are—

1. “Appellative or generic nouns, or names of species of individual existence, e.g. man, mountain, tree, house, garment.” Here shape and substance are both included, and the indefinite article can be prefixed in all cases.

2. “Material nouns, e.g. corn, gold, water.” Here matter only is embraced, while the limitation of form must be supplied by other words, as “a bushel of corn,” “a handful of gold,” “a cup of water,” “a sceptre of iron.” Nordheimer, Hebrew Grammar, vol. II. 796, invents no name for the former words in these cases, merely saying that the second limits the first in meaning. He considers them all concrete nouns.

3. “Collective nouns, or nouns which though singular in form, yet express a multitude.”

4. “Abstract nouns or names of qualities or modes of existence, abstracted from the object with which they are in combination.” Numeral particles and nouns of measure and shape must be placed here, although they are thereby associated with a multitude of mental and moral terms, with which they have little in common. Abstract nouns might form two classes distinguished as material and moral.

5. “Relative nouns, e.g. father, king.” Since the second class material nouns furnishes the matter of which the words ‘bushel,’ ‘handful’, ‘cup,’ etc. supply the form, perhaps these auxiliary words should be called formal nouns,82 and form a sixth class.

154. The classes (1), (2), (5) and part of (4), are embraced in the preceding section; The remainder form the subject of the present. With regard to their use, combined with the numeral, they cover the ground of the article a, an in the class, and of the auxiliary words in the second.

• Thus, a mountain, 一座山 ih zú‘ san.
• Call a man, 告一个人來 kau‘ ih kú‘ niun lé.
• Two measures of rice, 二斗米 ní‘ ’teu ’mí.
• A cup of cold water, 一碗冷水 ih ’wén ’láng ’sz.

Obs. In Hebrew no word like of is necessary, e.g. shébet (constr.) barzel, a sceptre of iron. Lat. virga ferrea.

155. The number and the auxiliary word are both necessary to the idiom, but the latter is sometimes used alone after the substantive, as noticed in Art. 111. Yet in this case, the same construction is admissible. Thus we have,

• 兩間房間 ’liáng kan vong kan, two rooms.
• 兩條鋼條 ’liáng diau kong diau, two steel springs.
• 三隻船隻 san tsáh zén tsáh, three boats.

156. The distinctive numeral particles, or those employed with the appellative or generic nouns, here follow.

• 箇 kú‘ (keu‘), of men, fish, cash, dials, collars, and all relative terms.
• 顆 ’k’ú, of pearls.
• 根 kun (root), of candles, hairs, trees, masts, bamboos.
• 管 kwén (pipe), of flutes, pencils.
• 口 ’k’eu (mouth), of coffins, men (as consumers).
• 科 k’ú, of plants, trees, roots, 三科樹 san k’ú zû‘, 3 trees.
• 塊 k’wé‘, of stones, bricks, dollars.
• 件 kíen‘, of garments, affairs, news, things.
• 頭 teu, of men, of cattle (when reckoned by heads).
• 頂 ’ting, of sedan chairs, hats, umbrellas, curtains.
• 朶 ’tú, of single flowers.
• 燈 tung, of candles, lights, 一燈火 ih tung ’hú, a light.
• 堵 ’tú, of walls, 一堵牆 ih ’tú dziáng, a wall.
• 條 tiau, of snakes, dragons, bridges, ropes, roads.
• 把 ’pó (hold in hand); of chairs, knives, fans, wine bowls.
• 本 ’pun (root), of books, account books, plays. 83
• 匹 p’ih, of horses (隻 is more common.)
• 面 míen, of mirrors, brass and skin gongs.
• 幅 fóh, of pictures, maps.
• 對 fóng, of letters, 一封信 ih fóng sing‘, a letter.
• 文 vun, of cash, (個 is more common).
• 隻 tsáh, of birds, quadrupeds, tables, temples, hands, feet, watches, shoes, clocks, eyes, ears, vessels.
• 盞 ’tsan, of lamps.
• 樁 tsong, of matters.
• 種 ’tsóng, of matters.
• 枝 tsz, of pencils, branches, stalks.
• 座 zú‘, of houses, mountains, pagodas.
• 乘 zung, of carriages.
• 圓 yön, of dollars.
• 樣 yáng‘, of affairs, matters.
• 項 háng‘, of things, matters. Also 星 sing, of things.

Obs. i. The office of these substantive particles is simply indicative. The reason of their application to particular words is custom only, but etymological connection is sometimes traceable as in 封 to close up, 頭 is applied to men only as a suffix.

Obs. ii. All generic and relative nouns are here included. They are distinguished in English from material nouns by taking the plural, and admitting a, an, before them.