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Title: The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri: or, Memoirs of Jahangir

Author: Nuru-d-din Jahangir Padshah

Editor: Henry Beveridge

Translator: Alexander Roger

Release Date: December 6, 2016 [EBook #53674]

Language: English

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[Contents]

Newly Designed Front Cover.

[Contents]

Jahangir

Reproduced from a Miniature in the British Museum
(MS. Add. 22.282. fol. 2)

The
Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī
Or
Memoirs of Jahāngīr

[vii]

[Contents]

Preface.

Mr. Rogers translated the Memoirs of Jahāngīr several years ago from the edition which Sayyid Aḥmad printed at Ghazipur in 1863 and at Allyghur in 1864. Orientalists are greatly indebted to the Sayyid for his disinterested labours, but his text seems to have been made from a single and defective MS. and is often incorrect, especially in the case of proper names. I have collated it with the excellent MSS. in the India Office and the British Museum, and have thus been able to make numerous corrections. I have also consulted the MS. in the Library of the R.A.S., but it is not a good one. I have, with Mr. Rogers’s permission, revised the translation, and I have added many notes.

There is an account of the Memoirs in the sixth volume of Elliot & Dowson’s “History of India,” and there the subject of the various recensions is discussed. There is also a valuable note by Dr. Rieu in his “Catalogue of Persian MSS.,” i, 253. It is there pointed out that there is a manuscript translation of the first nine years of the Memoirs by William Erskine in the British Museum. I have consulted this translation and found it helpful. The MS. is numbered Add. 26,611. The translation is, of course, excellent, and it was made from a good MS.

A translation of what Dr. Rieu calls the garbled Memoirs of Jahāngīr was made by Major David Price and published by the Oriental Translation Committee of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1829. The author of this work is unknown, and its history is an unsolved problem. It is occasionally fuller than the genuine Memoirs, and it contains some picturesque touches, such as the account [viii]of Akbar’s deathbed. But it is certain that it is, in part at least, a fabrication, and that it contains statements which Jahāngīr could never have made. Compare, for instance, the account of the death of Sohrāb, the son of Mīrzā Rustam, near the end of Price’s translation, pp. 138–9, with that given in the genuine Memoirs in the narrative of the fifteenth year of the reign, p. 293, and also in the Iqbāl-nāma, p. 139. Besides being inaccurate, the garbled or spurious Memoirs are much shorter than the genuine work, and do not go beyond the fifteenth year. Price’s translation, too, was made from a single and badly written MS.1 which is now in the R.A.S. library. Dr. Rieu remarks that it is to be regretted that so poor a fabrication as the garbled Memoirs should have been given to the world as a genuine production of Jahāngīr. This being so, it is appropriate that the present translation of the genuine Memoirs should be published by the Royal Asiatic Society.

When Jahāngīr had written his Memoirs for the first twelve years of his reign he made them into a volume, and had a number of copies made and distributed (Elliot, vi, 360). The first of these he gave to S͟hāh Jahān, who was then in high favour. The present publication is a translation of the first volume of the Memoirs, but the translation of the whole Memoirs, together with the additions of Muʿtamad K͟hān and Muḥammad Hādī, has been completed, and it is to be hoped that its publication will follow in due course.

Jahāngīr reigned for twenty-two years, but ill-health and sorrow made him give up the writing of his Memoirs in the seventeenth year of his reign (see Elliot, vi, 280). He then entrusted the task to Muʿtamad K͟hān, the author [ix]of the Iqbāl-nāma, who continued the Memoirs to the beginning of the nineteenth year. He then dropped writing the Memoirs in the name of the emperor, but he continued the narrative of the reign, to Jahāngīr’s death, in his own work, the Iqbāl-nāma. Muḥammad Hādī afterwards continued the Memoirs down to Jahāngīr’s death, but his work is little more than an abridgment of the Iqbāl-nāma. Sayyid Aḥmad’s edition contains the continuations of the Memoirs by Muʿtamad and Muḥammad Hādī, and also Muḥammad Hādī’s preface and introduction. But this preface and introduction have not been translated by Mr. Rogers, and I do not think that a translation is necessary. Muḥammad Hādī is a late writer (see Elliot, vi, 392), his date being the first quarter of the eighteenth century, and his introduction seems to be almost wholly derived from the Maʾās̤ir-i-Jahāngīrī of Kāmgār Ḥusainī (Elliot, vi, 257). It consists mainly of an account of Jahāngīr’s life from his birth up to his accession.

It is perhaps unnecessary to say anything about the importance of Jahāngīr’s Memoirs. They give a lively picture of India in the early decades of the seventeenth century, and are a valuable supplement to the Akbar-nāma. I may be allowed, however, to end this preface with the following remarks which I contributed to the Indian Magazine for May, 1907:—

“The Royal authors of the East had more blood in them than those kings whose works have been catalogued by Horace Walpole. To find a parallel to them we must go back to Julius Cæsar, and even then the advantage is not upon the side of Europe. After all, the commentaries of the famous Roman are a little disappointing, and certainly the Memoirs of Bābar and Jahāngīr are far more human and fuller of matter than the story of the Gallic Wars. All Muhammadans have a fancy for writing chronicles and autobiographies, and several Muhammadan [x]kings have yielded to the common impulse. Central Asia has given us the Memoirs of Tamarlane, Bābar, and Ḥaidar, and the chronicle of Abu-l-ghazi; Persia has given us the Memoirs of Shah Tahmasp, and India the Memoirs of the Princess Gulbadan and Jahāngīr. In modern times we see the same impulse at work, for we have the biography of the late Ameer of Afghanistan and the diary of the Shah of Persia.

“The contributions to literature by Royal authors which come to us from the East form a department by themselves, and one which is of great value. Nearly all Eastern histories are disfigured by adulation. Even when the author has had no special reason for flattery and for suppression of truth, he has been dazzled by the greatness of his subject, and gives us a picture which no more reveals the real king than does a telescope the real constitution of the Morning Star. But when Eastern monarchs give us chronicles, the case is different. They have no occasion for fear or favour, and mercilessly expose the failings of their contemporaries. Not that they are to be trusted any more than other Orientals when speaking of themselves. Bābar has suppressed the story of his vassalage to Shah Ismaʿīl, of his defeat at Ghajdawān, and his treatment of ʿĀlam Lodi; and Jahāngīr has glossed over his rebellion against his father, and the circumstances of Shīr-āfgan’s death. But when they have to speak of others—whether kings or nobles—they give us the whole truth, and perhaps a little more. An amiable Princess like Gulbadan Begam may veil the faults and weaknesses of her brothers Humāyūn and Hindāl; but Bābar strips the gilt off nearly every one whom he mentions, and spares no one—not even his own father.

“The Memoirs of Bābar, Ḥaidar, and Gulbadan have been translated into English, and those of T̤ahmasp have been translated into German; but unfortunately Jahāngīr’s [xi]have never been fully translated,2 though there are extracts in Elliot & Dowson’s History, and Major Price many years ago gave us from an imperfect manuscript a garbled account of a few years of his Memoirs. Yet in reality Jahāngīr’s Memoirs are not inferior in interest to those of Bābar. Indeed, we may go further and say there is twice as much matter in them as in Bābar’s Memoirs, and that they are by far the most entertaining of the two works. Not that Jahāngīr was by any means as remarkable a man as his great-grandfather. He was a most faulty human being, and his own account of himself often excites our disgust and contempt. But he had the sense not to confine his narrative to an account of himself, and he has given us a picture of his father, the great Akbar, which is a bigger ‘plum’ than anything in Bābar’s Memoirs. But his account of himself has also its charm, for it reveals the real man, and so he lives for us in his Memoirs just as James VI—to whom, and to the Emperor Claudius, he bears a strange and even ludicrous resemblance—lives in the ‘Fortunes of Nigel’ or Claudius in Suetonius and Tacitus. Jahāngīr was indeed a strange mixture. The man who could stand by and see men flayed alive, and who, as he himself tells us, put one man to death and had two others hamstrung because they showed themselves inopportunely and frightened away his game, could yet be a lover of justice and could spend his Thursday evenings in holding high converse. He could quote Fīrdūsi’s verse against cruelty to animals—

‘Ah! spare yon emmet, rich in hoarded grain—

He lives with pleasure, and he dies with pain’;

and be soft-hearted enough to wish that his father were alive to share with him the delicious mangoes of India. He could procure the murder of Abū-l-faẓl and avow [xii]the fact without remorse, and also pity the royal elephants because they shivered in winter when they sprinkled themselves with cold water. ‘I observed this,’ he says, ‘and so I ordered that the water should be heated to the temperature of luke-warm milk.’ And he adds: ‘This was entirely my own idea; nobody had ever thought of it before.’ One good trait in Jahāngīr was his hearty enjoyment of Nature and his love for flowers. Bābar had this also, but he was old, or at least worn out, when he came to India, and he was disgusted by an Indian attempt to poison him, and so his description of India is meagre and splenetic. Jahāngīr, on the other hand, is a true Indian, and dwells delightedly on the charms of Indian flowers, particularises the palās, the bokūl, and the champa, and avows that no fruit of Afghanistan or Central Asia is equal to the mango. He loved, too, to converse with pandits and Hindu ascetics, though he is contemptuous of their avatars, and causes the image of Vishnu as the boar avatar to be broken and flung into the Pushkar lake.

“It is a remark of Hallam’s that the best attribute of Muhammadan princes is a rigorous justice in chastising the offences of others. Of this quality Jahāngīr, in spite of all his weaknesses, had a large share, and even to this day he is spoken of with respect by Muhammadans on account of his love of justice. It is a pathetic circumstance that it was this princely quality which was to some extent the cause of the great affront put upon him by Mahābat K͟hān. Many complaints had been made to Jahāngīr of the oppressions of Mahābat in Bengal, and crowds of suppliants had come to Jahāngīr’s camp. It was his desire to give them redress and to punish Mahābat for his exactions, together with his physical and mental weakness, which led to his capture on the banks of the Jhilam.

“One of the many interesting observations in his Memoirs [xiii]is his account of an inscription he saw at Hindaun. He says that in the thirteenth year of his reign, as he was marching back to Agra, he found a verse by someone inscribed on the pillar of a pleasure-house on an islet in the lake at Hindaun. He then proceeds to quote it, and it turns out to be one of Omar Khayyam’s! This is FitzGerald’s paraphrase:—

‘For some we loved, the loveliest and the best

That from his vintage Time hath prest,

Have drunk their Cup a Round or two before,

And one by one crept silently to rest.’

“The same quatrain has also been quoted by Badayūnī in his history, and the interesting thing about Jahāngīr’s quotation of it is that he could see the beauty of the verse and at the same time did not know who was the author. There is also an interest in the fact that the third line contains a different reading from that given in Whinfield’s edition of the text. Hindaun is in the Jaipur territory, and one would like to know if the inscription still exists.

“Among other things in Jahāngīr’s Memoirs there is the description of the outbreak of the Plague, given to him by a lady of his court [which has been quoted by Dr. Simpson in his book upon Plague], and there is a very full account of Kashmir, which is considerably superior to that in the Āyīn Akbarī, which Sir Walter Lawrence has praised.”

With reference to the portrait of Jahāngīr prefixed to this volume, it may be interesting to note that it appears from Mr. E. B. Havell’s “Indian Sculpture,” p. 203, that the British Museum possesses a drawing by Rembrandt which was copied from a Moghul miniature, and which has been pronounced by Mr. Rouffaer to be a portrait of Jahāngīr. Coryat (Purchas, reprint, iv, 473) thus describes Jahāngīr’s personal appearance:—“He is fifty and three years of age, his nativity-day having been celebrated with wonderful pomp since my arrival here. On that day he weighed himself in a pair of golden scales, which by great [xiv]chance I saw the same day; a custom he observes most inviolably every year. He is of complexion neither white nor black, but of a middle betwixt them. I know not how to express it with a more expressive and significant epitheton than olive. An olive colour his face presenteth. He is of a seemly composition of body, of a stature little unequal (as I guess not without grounds of probability) to mine, but much more corpulent than myself.”

As regards the bibliography of the Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī, I have to note that there is an Urdu translation by Munshī Aḥmad ʿAlī Sīmāb of Rāmpūra, that is, Aligarh in Tonk. It was made from Muḥammad Hādī’s edition under the patronage of Muḥammad Ibrāhīm ʿAlī K͟hān Nawāb of Tonk, and was published by Newal Kishor in 1291 (1874). There is also a Hindi translation by Munshī Debī Prasād which was published in 1905 at Calcutta by the Bhārat Mitra Press. The Urdu translation referred to by Mr. Blumhardt in his Catalogue of Hindustani MSS., p. 61, and noticed by Elliot, vi, 401, and Garcin de Tassy, iii, 301, is, as the two latter writers have remarked, a translation of the Iqbāl-nāma. The MS. referred to by Elliot vi, 277, as having been in the possession of General Thomas Paterson Smith, and which is described in Ethé’s Catalogue of the India Office MSS., No. 2833, p. 1533, was made by Sayyid Muḥammad, the elder brother of Sayyid Aḥmad. At the end of the MS. the copyist gives some account of himself and of his family. He made the copy from copies in the Royal Library and in the possession of Rajah Roghū Nāth Singh alias Lāl Singh Jālpūr. He finished it in October, 1843. Sayyid Muḥammad was Munsif of Hutgām in the Fatḥpūr district. He died young in 1845. My friend Mr. T. W. Arnold, of the India Office, informs me that Sayyid Aḥmad told him that he found a valuable illustrated MS of the Tūzuk in the débris of the Delhi Royal Library, and took it home, but that it was lost when his house was plundered [xv]by the mutineers. There is in the Bodleian a copy in Sayyid Aḥmad’s own handwriting. He states that he made use of ten good MSS. The Englishman at whose request he made the copy was John Panton Gubbins, who was once Sessions Judge of Delhi. This copy is described in the Bodleian Catalogue, p. 117, No. 221. The MS. No. 220 described on the same page was brought home by Fraser, and is a good one, but only goes down to the end of the 14th year.

H. Beveridge.

March, 1909.


Postscript.—Since writing this Preface I have been enabled by the kindness of Mr. Irvine to examine the Hindi Jahāngīr-nāma of Debī Prasād. It is not a translation, but an abstract, and I do not think it is of much value. Being a Jodhpūr man he has been able, perhaps, to correct some spellings of places, but he does not seem to have consulted any MSS., and when he comes to a difficulty he shirks it. The most valuable adjunct to the Tūzuk, after the Iqbāl-nāma, is the Maʾās̤ir-i-Jahāngīrī of Kāmgār Ḥusainī. It is important as giving the early history of Jahāngīr, that is, of the time when he was Prince Selīm. There are three copies of his work in the British Museum, but the so-called Maāthir-i-Jahāngīrī of the India Office Library, No. 3098, or 324 of the new Catalogue, is only a copy of the Iqbāl-nāma.

I regret that the number of Errata and Addenda is so large, but when I began the revision I did not know that Sayyid Aḥmad’s text was so incorrect. It will be seen that at pp. 158 and 162 I have made two erroneous notes.

H. B. [v]


1 It is owing to the crabbed writing of Price’s MS. that at p. 21 Jahāngīr is made to say that the Prince of Kashmir belonged to the society of Jogīs. The real statement is that the prince belonged to the Chak family. 

2 A translation was begun by the Rev. Mr. Lowe for the Asiatic Society of Bengal, but only one fasciculus was published. This was in 1889. 

[Contents]

Table of Transliteration.

ا (Hamza) not represented at the beginning or end of a word; ʾ in the middle of a word. ذ غ g͟h
ب b ر r ف f
پ p ڑ ق q
ت t ز z ك k
ٹ ژ z͟h گ g
ث س s ل l
ج j ش s͟h م m
چ ch ص ن n (m before ب and پ)
ح h ض و w (v in Hindu names)
خ kh ط ة h (not represented at the end of a word except when radical)
د d ظ ى y
ڈ ع ʿ

Transcriber’s note: The presentation of Arabic vowels used in the source cannot be exactly reproduced in Unicode.

Vowels—_َ_ a. ا_َ_ ā. اى_َ_ (alif maḳṣūra) ā.

_ِ_ i. ى_ِ_ ī; e in some Hindu names. ىّ_ِ_ iyy; ī at the end of a word.

_ُ_ u. و_ُ_ ū; o in some Hindu names. وّ_ُ_ uww; ū at the end of a word.

Diphthongsو_َ_ au. وّ_َ_ aww. ى_َ_ ai. ىّ_َ_ ayy.

The ‘Izāfat’ is rendered by ‘-i-’.

The Persian copulative particle و is transliterated by ‘u’.

The ل of the Arabic article is assimilated according to rule, the final vowel of the preceding word being preserved.

[Contents]
[Contents]

Jahāngīr’s Memoirs.

In the Name of God, the Merciful, the Clement.

Chapter I.

By the boundless favour of Allah, when one sidereal hour of Thursday, Jumādā-s̤-s̤ānī 20th, A.H. 1014 (October 24th, 1605), had passed, I ascended the royal throne in the capital of Agra, in the 38th year of my age.1

Till he was 28 years old, no child of my father had lived, and he was continually praying for the survival of a son to dervishes and recluses, by whom spiritual approach to the throne of Allah is obtained. As the great master, K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn Chis͟htī, was the fountain-head of most of the saints of India, he considered that in order to obtain this object he should have recourse to his blessed threshold, and resolved within himself that if Almighty God should bestow a son on him he would, by way of complete humility, go on foot from Agra to his [2]blessed mausoleum, a distance of 140 kos. In A.H. 977, on Wednesday, 17th Rabīʿu-l-awwal (August 31st, 1569), when seven g͟harī of the aforesaid day had passed, when Libra (Mīzān) had risen to the 24th degree, God Almighty brought me into existence from the hiding-place of nothingness. At the time when my venerated father was on the outlook for a son, a dervish of the name of S͟haik͟h Salīm, a man of ecstatic condition, who had traversed many of the stages of life, had his abode on a hill near Sīkrī, one of the villages of Agra, and the people of that neighbourhood had complete trust in him. As my father was very submissive to dervishes, he also visited him. One day, when waiting on him and in a state of distraction, he asked him how many sons he should have. The S͟haik͟h replied, “The Giver who gives without being asked will bestow three sons on you.” My father said, “I have made a vow that, casting my first son on the skirt of your favour, I will make your friendship and kindness his protector and preserver.” The S͟haik͟h accepted this idea, and said, “I congratulate you, and I will give him my own name.” When my mother came near the time of her delivery, he (Akbar) sent her to the S͟haik͟h’s house that I might be born there. After my birth they gave me the name of Sultan Salīm, but I never heard my father, whether in his cups or in his sober moments, call me Muḥammad Salīm or Sultan Salīm, but always S͟haik͟hū Bābā. My revered father, considering the village of Sīkrī, which was the place of my birth, lucky for him, made it his capital. In the course of fourteen or fifteen years that hill, full of wild beasts, became a city containing all kinds of gardens and buildings, and lofty, elegant edifices and pleasant places, attractive to the heart. After the conquest of Gujarāt this village was named Fatḥpūr. When I became king it occurred to me to change my name, because this resembled that of the Emperor of Rūm. An inspiration from the hidden world brought it into my mind [3]that, inasmuch as the business of kings is the controlling of the world, I should give myself the name of Jahāngīr (World-seizer) and make my title of honour (laqab) Nūru-d-dīn, inasmuch as my sitting on the throne coincided with the rising and shining on the earth of the great light (the Sun). I had also heard, in the days when I was a prince, from Indian sages, that after the expiration of the reign and life of King Jalālu-d-dīn Akbar one named Nūru-d-dīn would be administrator of the affairs of the State. Therefore I gave myself the name and appellation of Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr Pāds͟hāh. As this great event took place in Agra, it is necessary that some account of that city should be given.

Agra is one of the grand old cities of Hindustan. It had formerly an old fort on the bank of the Jumna, but this my father threw down before my birth, and he founded a fort of cut red stone, the like of which those who have travelled over the world cannot point out. It was completed in the space of fifteen or sixteen years. It had four gates and two sally-ports, and its cost was 35 lakhs of rupees, equal to 115,000 tomān of current Persian coinage and to 10,500,000 k͟hānī according to the Tūrān reckoning. The habitable part of the city extends on both sides of the river. On its west side, which has the greater population, its circumference is seven kos and its breadth is one kos. The circumference of the inhabited part on the other side of the water, the side towards the east, is 2½ kos, its length being one kos and its breadth half a kos. But in the number of its buildings it is equal to several cities of ʿIrāq, K͟hurāsān, and Māwarāʾa-n-nahr (Transoxiana) put together. Many persons have erected buildings of three or four storeys in it. The mass of people is so great, that moving about in the lanes and bazars is difficult. It is on the boundary of the second climate. On its east is the province of Qanauj; on the west, Nāgor; on the north, Sambhal; and on the south, Chanderī.

It is written in the books of the Hindus that the source [4]of the Jumna is in a hill of the name of Kalind,2 which men cannot reach because of the excessive cold. The apparent source is a hill near the pargana of K͟hiẓrābād.

The air of Agra is warm and dry; physicians say that it depresses the spirits (rūḥrā ba taḥlīl mībarad) and induces weakness. It is unsuited to most temperaments, except to the phlegmatic and melancholy, which are safe from its bad effects. For this reason animals of this constitution and temperament, such as the elephant, the buffalo, and others, thrive in its climate.

Before the rule of the Lodī Afghans, Agra was a great and populous place, and had a castle described by Masʿūd b. Saʿd b. Salmān in the ode (qaṣīda) which he wrote in praise of Maḥmūd, son of Sultan Ibrāhīm, son of Masʿūd, son of Sultan Maḥmūd of G͟haznī, on the capture of the castle—

“The fort of Agra appeared in the midst of the dust

Like a mountain, and its battlements like peaks.”3

When Sikandar Lodī designed to take Gwalior he came to Agra from Delhi, which was the capital of the Sultans of India, and settled down there. From that date the population and prosperity of Agra increased, and it became the capital of the Sultans of Delhi. When God Almighty bestowed the rule of India on this illustrious family, the late king, Bābar, after the defeat of Ibrāhīm, the son of Sikandar Lodī, and his being killed, and after his victory over Rānā Sāngā, who was the chief of the Rajas of Hindustan, established on the east side of the Jumna, on improved land, a garden (chārbāg͟h) which few places equal in beauty. He gave it the name of Gul-afs͟hān [5](Flower-scatterer), and erected in it a small building of cut red stone, and having completed a mosque on one side of it he intended to make a lofty building, but time failed him and his design was never carried into execution.

In these Memoirs, whenever Ṣāḥib qirānī is written it refers to Amīr Tīmūr Gūrgān; and whenever Firdūs-makānī is mentioned, to Bābar Pāds͟hāh; when Jannat-ās͟hyānī is used, to Humāyūn Pāds͟hāh; and when ʿArs͟h-ās͟hyānī is employed, to my revered father, Jalālu-d-dīn Muḥammad Akbar Pāds͟hāh G͟hāzī.

Melons, mangoes, and other fruits grow well in Agra and its neighbourhood. Of all fruits I am very fond of mangoes. In the reign of my father (ʿArs͟h-ās͟hyānī) many fruits of other countries, which till then were not to be had in India, were obtained there. Several sorts of grapes, such as the ṣāḥibī and the ḥabs͟hī4 and the kis͟hmis͟hī, became common in several towns; for instance, in the bazars of Lahore every kind and variety that may be desired can be had in the grape season. Among fruits, one which they call ananās (pineapple), which is grown in the Frank ports,5 is of excessive fragrance and fine flavour. Many thousands are produced every year now in the Gul-afs͟hān garden at Agra.

From the excellencies of its sweet-scented flowers one may prefer the fragrances of India to those of the flowers of the whole world. It has many such that nothing in the whole world can be compared to them. The first is the champa (Michelia champaca), which is a flower of exceedingly sweet fragrance; it has the shape of the saffron-flower, but is yellow inclining to white. The tree is very symmetrical [6]and large, full of branches and leaves, and is shady. When in flower one tree will perfume a garden. Surpassing this is the keoṛā6 flower (Pandanus odoratissimus). Its shape and appearance are singular, and its scent is so strong and penetrating that it does not yield to the odour of musk. Another is the rāe bel,7 which in scent resembles white jessamine. Its flowers are double and treble (?). Another is the mūlsarī8 (Mimusops Elengi). This tree, too, is very graceful and symmetrical, and is shady. The scent of its flowers is very pleasant. Another is the ketakī9 (Pandanus ?), which is of the nature of the keoṛā, but the latter is thorny, whereas the ketkī has no thorns. Moreover, the ketkī is yellowish, whereas the keoṛā is white. From these two flowers and also from the chambelī10 (Jasminum grandiflorum), which is the white jessamine of wilāyat (Persia or Afghanistan), they extract sweet-scented oils. There are other flowers too numerous to mention. Of trees there are the cypress (sarw), the pine [7](sanūbar), the chanar (Platanus orientalis), the white poplar (safīdār, Populus alba), and the bīd mūllā (willow), which they had formerly never thought of in Hindustan, but are now plentiful. The sandal-tree, which once was peculiar to the islands (i.e., Java, Sumatra, etc.), also flourishes in the gardens.

The inhabitants of Agra exert themselves greatly in the acquirement of crafts and the search after learning. Various professors of every religion and creed have taken up their abode in the city.

After my accession, the first order that I gave was for the fastening up of the Chain of Justice, so that if those engaged in the administration of justice should delay or practise hypocrisy in the matter of those seeking justice, the oppressed might come to this chain and shake it so that its noise might attract attention. Its fashion was this: I ordered them to make a chain of pure gold,11 30 gaz in length and containing 60 bells. Its weight was 4 Indian maunds, equal to 42 ʿIrāqī maunds. One end of it they made fast to the battlements of the Shāh Burj of the fort at Agra and the other to a stone post fixed on the bank of the river. I also gave twelve orders to be observed as rules of conduct (dastūru-l-ʿamal) in all my dominions—

(1) Forbidding the levy of cesses under the names of tamghā and mīr baḥrī (river tolls), and other burdens which the jāgīrdārs of every province and district had imposed for their own profit.

(2) On roads where thefts and robberies took place, which roads might be at a little distance from habitations, the [8]jāgīrdārs of the neighbourhood should build sarāʾīs (public rest-houses), mosques, and dig wells, which might stimulate population, and people might settle down in those sarāʾīs. If these should be near a k͟hāliṣa estate (under direct State management), the administrator (mutaṣaddī) of that place should execute the work.

12(3) The bales of merchants should not be opened on the roads without informing them and obtaining their leave.

(4) In my dominions if anyone, whether unbeliever or Musalman, should die, his property and effects should be left for his heirs, and no one should interfere with them. If he should have no heir, they should appoint inspectors and separate guardians to guard the property, so that its value might be expended in lawful expenditure, such as the building of mosques and sarāʾīs, the repair of broken bridges, and the digging of tanks and wells.

(5) They should not make wine or rice-spirit (darbahra)13 or any kind of intoxicating drug, or sell them; although I myself drink wine, and from the age of 18 years up till now, when I am 38, have persisted in it. When I first took a liking to drinking I sometimes took as much as twenty cups of double-distilled spirit; when by degrees it acquired a great influence over me I endeavoured to lessen the quantity, and in the period of seven years I have brought myself from fifteen cups to five or six. My times for drinking were varied; sometimes when three or four sidereal hours of the day remained I would begin to drink, and sometimes at night and partly by day. This went on till I was 30 years old. After that I took to drinking always at night. Now I drink only to digest my food.

14(6) They should not take possession of any person’s house. [9]

(7) I forbade the cutting off the nose or ears of any person, and I myself made a vow by the throne of God that I would not blemish anyone by this punishment.

(8) I gave an order that the officials of the Crown lands and the jāgīrdārs should not forcibly take the ryots’ lands and cultivate them on their own account.

(9) A government collector or a jāgīrdār should not without permission intermarry with the people of the pargana in which he might be.

(10) They should found hospitals in the great cities, and appoint physicians for the healing of the sick; whatever the expenditure might be, should be given from the k͟hāliṣa establishment.

(11) In accordance with the regulations of my revered father, I ordered that each year from the 18th15 of Rabīʿu-l-awwal, which is my birthday, for a number of days corresponding to the years of my life, they should not slaughter animals (for food). Two days in each week were also forbidden, one of them Thursday, the day of my accession, and the other Sunday, the day of my father’s birth. He held this day in great esteem on this account, and because it was dedicated to the Sun, and also because it was the day on which the Creation began. Therefore it was one of the days on which there was no killing in his dominions.16

(12) I gave a general order that the offices and jāgīrs of my father’s servants should remain as they were. Later, the mansabs (ranks or offices) were increased according to [10]each one’s circumstances by not less than 20 per cent. to 300 or 400 per cent. The subsistence money of the aḥadīs was increased by 50 per cent., and I raised the pay of all domestics by 20 per cent. I increased the allowances of all the veiled ladies of my father’s harem from 20 per cent. to 100 per cent., according to their condition and relationship. By one stroke of the pen I confirmed the subsistence lands17 of the holders of aimas (charity lands) within the dominions, who form the army of prayer, according to the deeds in their possession. I gave an order to Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān, who is one of the genuine Sayyids of India, and who for a long time held the high office of ṣadr (ecclesiastical officer) under my father, that he should every day produce before me deserving people (worthy of charity). 18I released all criminals who had been confined and imprisoned for a long time in the forts and prisons.19

At a propitious hour I ordered that they should coin gold and silver of different weights. To each coin I gave a separate name, viz., to the muhr of 100 tola, that of nūr-s͟hāhī; to that of 50 tola, that of nūr-sult̤ānī; to that of 20 tola, nūr-daulat; to that of 10 tola, nūr-karam; to that of 5 tola, nūr-mihr; and to that of 1 tola, [11]nūr-jahānī. The half of this I called nūrānī, and the quarter, rawājī. With regard to the silver coins (sikkas). I gave to the coin of 100 tola the name of kaukab-i-t̤āliʿ (star of horoscope); to that of 50 tola, the name of kaukab-i-iqbāl (star of fortune); to that of 20 tola, the name of kaukab-i-murād (star of desire); to that of 10 tola, the name of kaukab-i-bak͟ht (star of good luck); to that of 5 tola, the name of kaukab-i-saʿd (star of auspiciousness); to that of 1 tola, the name of jahāngīrī. The half jahāngīrī I called sult̤ānī; the quarter, nisārī20 (showering money); the dime, k͟hair-i-qabūl (the acceptable). Copper, also, I coined in the same proportions, and gave each division a particular name. I ordered that on the gold muhr of 100, 50, 20, and 10 tola the following verse by Āṣaf K͟hān21 should be impressed—namely, on the obverse was this couplet:—

“Fate’s pen wrote on the coin in letters of light,

The S͟hāh Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr”;

and between the lines of the verse the Creed (Kalima) was impressed. On the reverse was this couplet, in which the date of coinage was signified:—

“Through this coin is the world brightened as by the sun,

And the date thereof is ‘Sun of Dominion’ (Āftāb-i-Mamlakat).”22

Between the lines of the verse, the mint, the Hijra year, and the regnal year were impressed. On the nūr-jahānī, which is in the place of the ordinary gold muhr and exceeds it in weight by 20 per cent. (as 12 to 10), is impressed this couplet of the Amīru-l-umarā:—

“S͟hāh Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr ibn Akbar Pāds͟hāh

Made gold’s face bright with the sheen of sun and moon.”

[12]

Accordingly, a hemistich was impressed on each face, and also the mint, and the Hijra and regnal year. The jahāngīrī sikka, also, which is greater in weight by 20 per cent., was reckoned as equal to a rupee, its weight being fixed in the same manner as that of the nūr-jahānī (each was a tola in weight, but one was in gold and the other was in silver). The weight of a tola is 2½ mis̤qāls of Persia and Tūrān.23

It would not be good to give all the versified chronograms which were made for my accession. I therefore content myself with the one which Maktūb K͟hān, the superintendent of the library and picture gallery, and one of my old servants, composed—

“The second lord of conjunction, S͟hāhins͟hāh Jahāngīr,

With justice and equity sat on the throne of happiness.

Prosperity, Good Fortune, Wealth, Dignity, and Victory,

With loins girt in his service, stood rejoicing before him.

It became the date of the accession when Prosperity

Placed his head at the feet of the Ṣāḥib-Qirān-i-S̤ānī.”24

To my son K͟husrau a lakh of rupees was presented that he might build up for himself the house of Munʿim K͟hān,25 the (former) K͟hānk͟hānān, outside the fort. The administration and government of the Panjab was bestowed on [13]Saʿid K͟hān,26 who was one of the confidential nobles and connected with my father by marriage. His origin was from the Moghul tribe, and his ancestors were in the service of my forefathers. At the time of his taking leave, as it was said that his eunuchs oppressed and tyrannized over the weak and the poor, I sent a message to him that my justice would not put up with oppression from anyone, and that in the scales of equity neither smallness nor greatness was regarded. If after this any cruelty or harshness should be observed on the part of his people, he would receive punishment without favour.27

Again, having previously bestowed on S͟haik͟h Farīd Buk͟hārī, who had been Mīr Bak͟hs͟hī in my father’s service, a dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a jewelled inkstand and pen, I confirmed him in the same post, and in order to exalt him I said to him, “I regard thee as Ṣāḥibu-s-saif-wa-l-qalam” (“Captain Sword and Captain Pen”). Muqīm,28 to whom my father had given at the end of his reign the title of Wazīr K͟hān and the viziership of his dominions, I selected for the same title, rank, and service. I also gave K͟hwājagī Fatḥu-llah a dress of honour, and made him a bakhshi, as formerly ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq Maʿmūrī, although when I was prince he had left my service without cause or reason and had gone over to my father, I made bakhshi as formerly, and I gave him a dress of honour. To Amīnu-d-daula, who when I was prince had the post of bakhshi, and without my leave had run away and taken service with my revered father, not looking to his offences I gave the office [14]of Ātis͟h-i-begī29 (Head of the Artillery), which he had held under my father. I left all those who were in possession of posts, both inside and outside, in the positions which they had with my father. S͟harīf K͟hān30 had lived with me from his early years. When I was prince I had given him the title of k͟hān, and when I left Allahabad to wait upon my honoured father I presented him with a drum and the tūmān-tog͟h (standard of yāk tails). I had also promoted him to the rank of 2,500 and given him the government of the province of Bihar. I gave him complete control over the province, and sent him off there. On the 4th of Rajab, being fifteen days after my accession, he waited upon me. I was exceedingly pleased at his coming, for his connection with me is such that I look upon him as a brother, a son, a friend, and a companion. As I had perfect confidence in his friendship, intelligence, learning, and acquaintance with affairs, having made him Grand Vizier, I promoted him to the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse and the lofty title of Amīru-l-umarā, to which no title of my servants is superior. Though his position might have warranted a higher rank, he himself represented to me that until some notable service on his part had become perceptible to me he would not accept a higher grade than that mentioned (5,000).

As the reality of the loyalty of my father’s servants had not yet become apparent, and certain faults and errors and unbecoming intentions which were not approved at the throne of the Creator or pleasing to His creatures had [15]shown themselves, they of themselves became ashamed. Though on the day of my accession I had forgiven all offences and determined with myself that I would exact no retribution for past deeds, yet on account of the suspicion that had been aroused in my mind about them I considered the Amīru-l-umarā my guardian and protector; although God Almighty is the guardian of all His servants, and is especially so of kings, because their existence is the cause of the contentment of the world. His father, ʿAbdu-ṣ-Ṣamad, who in the art of painting had no equal in the age, had obtained from the late king (Jannat-ās͟hyānī) Humāyūn the title of S͟hīrīn-qalam (Sweet pen), and in his council had attained a great dignity and was on intimate terms with him (the king). He was one of the chief men of S͟hīrāz. My honoured father, on account of his former services, paid him great honour and reverence. I made Raja Mān Singh—who was one of the greatest and most trusted noblemen of my father, and had obtained alliances with this illustrious family, inasmuch as his aunt had been in my father’s house (i.e. was his wife),31 and I had married his sister, and K͟husrau and his sister Sult̤ānu-n-nisā Begam, the latter of whom is my eldest child, were born of her—as before, ruler of the province of Bengal. Though as in consequence of certain of his acts he had no expectation of this favour towards himself, I dignified him with a chārqab (vest without sleeves) as a robe of honour, a jewelled sword, and [16]one of my own horses, and sent him off to his province, which is a place of (or can keep up) 50,000 horse. His father was Raja Bhagwān Dās. His grandfather, Raja Bihārī Mal, was the first of the Kachwāha Rājpūts to have the honour of entering my father’s service, and he excelled his tribe in truth and sincerity of friendship, and in the quality of valour. After my accession, when all the nobles with their retinues presented themselves at my palace, it came into my mind that I should send this body of retainers under my son, Sultan Parwīz, to make a holy war against the Rānā, who was one of evil deeds, and a foul infidel of the country of Hindustan, and in my father’s time had had troops sent constantly against him, but had not been driven off. In a fortunate hour I invested my said son with gorgeous robes of honour, a jewelled waist-sword, a jewelled waist-dagger, and a rosary of pearls intermixed with rubies of great price of the value of 72,000 rupees, ʿIrāq and Turkmān horses and famous elephants, and dismissed him. About 20,000 horsemen with nobles and chief leaders were appointed to this service. The first was Āṣaf K͟hān, who in my father’s time was one of his confidential servants, and for a long time had been confirmed in the post of bakhshi and afterwards became dīwān ba istiqlāl (Chancellor with full powers); him I advanced from the rank of an Amīr to that of Vizier, and promoting him from the command of 2,500 horse to that of 5,000 made him guardian to Parwīz. Having honoured him with a robe of honour, jewelled waist-sword, a horse and an elephant, I ordered that all the manṣabdārs (commanders), small and great, should not depart from such orders as he thought proper to give them. I made ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq Maʿmūrī his bakhshi and Muk͟htār Beg, Āṣaf K͟hān’s paternal uncle, diwan to Parwīz. I also presented to Raja Jagannāth, son of Raja Bihārī Mal, who had the rank of 5,000, a robe of honour and a jewelled waist-sword.

Again, I gave Rānā S͟hankar, cousin of the Rānā—to [17]whom my father had given the title of Rānā, proposing to send him with K͟husrau against the Rānā, but at that time he (Akbar) became a s͟hanqar (a falcon, i.e. he died)—a robe of honour and a jewelled sword, and sent him with him.

I presented Mādho Singh, brother’s son of Raja Mān Singh, and Rāwal Sāl Darbārī with flags, from this consideration, that they were always present at Court and belonged to the Sekhāwaṭ32 Rājpūts, and were confidential servants of my father. Each received also the rank of 3,000.

I promoted S͟haik͟h Ruknu-d-dīn the Afghan, to whom when I was prince I had given the title of S͟hīr K͟hān, from the grade of 500 to that of 3,500 S͟hīr K͟hān is the head of his clan and a very valiant man. He lost his arm by the sword in service against the Uzbegs.33 ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān, son of S͟haik͟h Abū-l-faẓl, Mahā Singh, grandson of Rāja Mān Singh, Zāhid K͟hān, son of Sādiq K͟hān, Wazīr Jamīl, and Qarā K͟hān Turkmān were exalted to the rank of 2,000; all these obtained robes of honour and horses, and were dismissed. Manohar also obtained leave to join the expedition. He is of the tribe of the Sekhāwaṭ Kachhwāhas, and on him in his young days my father bestowed many favours. He had learned the Persian language, and, although from him up to Adam the power of understanding cannot be attributed to any one of his tribe, he is not without intelligence. He makes Persian verses, and the following is one of his couplets:—

“The object of shade in Creation is this:

That no one place his foot on the light of my Lord, the Sun.”34

[18]

If the details were to be described of all the commanders and servants appointed by me, with the conditions and connections and rank of each, it would be a long business. Many of my immediate attendants and personal followers and nobles’ sons, house-born ones (k͟hānazādān) and zealous Rajputs, petitioned to accompany this expedition. A thousand ahadis, the meaning of which is single ones (Blochmann, p. 20), were also appointed. In short, a force was collected together such that if reliance on the Friend (God) were vouchsafed, it could have embarked on enmity and conflict with any one of the monarchs of power.

“Soldiers came up from all sides,

Seizing life from heroes of the world in battle;

They had no fear of death from the sharp sword,

No terror of water35 and no flight from fire;

In valour singular, in vigour a crowd,

Anvils in endurance, rocks in attack.”

When I was prince I had entrusted, in consequence of my extreme confidence36 in him, my own ūzuk seal37 to the Amīru-l-umarā (S͟harīf), but when he was sent off to the province of Bihar I made it over to Parwīz. Now that Parwīz went off against the Rānā, I made it over, according to the former arrangement, to the Amīru-l-umarā.

Parwīz was born of Ṣāḥib-Jamāl (Mistress of Beauty), [19]the cousin38 of Zain K͟hān Koka, who, in point of affinity, was on the same footing39 as Mirzā ʿAzīz Koka, in the 34th year of my father’s reign, in the city of Kabul, two years and two months after the birth of K͟husrau. After several other children had been born to me and had been received into God’s mercy, a daughter was born of Karamsī,40 who belonged to the Rāṭhor clan, and the child received the name of Bihār Bānū Begam. To Jagat Gosāʾīn,41 daughter of the Mota Raja (the fat raja), was born Sult̤ān K͟hurram, in the 36th year of my father’s reign, corresponding to A.H. 999,42 in the city of Lahore. His advent made the world joyous (k͟hurram),43 [20]and gradually, as his years increased, so did his excellencies, and he was more attentive to my father than all (my) other children, who was exceedingly pleased with and grateful for his services, and always recommended him to me and frequently told me there was no comparison between him and my other children. He recognised him as his real child.

After that (K͟hurram’s birth) some other children were born who died in infancy, and then within one month two sons were borne by concubines. One of these I called Jahāndār and the other S͟hahryār.44

About this time there came a petition from Saʿid K͟hān with regard to granting leave to Mīrzā G͟hāzī, who was a son of the ruler of the province of Thathah (Tattah in Sind).45 I said that as my father had betrothed his sister to my son K͟husrau, please God, when this alliance came into force, I would give him leave to return to Sind.

A year before I became king I had determined that I would drink no wine on Friday eve, and I hope at the throne of God that He will keep me firm in this resolve as long as I live.

Twenty thousand rupees were given to Mīrzā Muḥammad Riẓā Sabzwārī to divide amongst the faqirs and the needy of Delhi. The viziership of my dominions I gave in the proportions of half and half to K͟hān Beg,46 to whom when I was prince I had given the title of Wazīru-l-mulk, and to Wazīr K͟hān47 (Muqīm), and I gave to S͟haik͟h Farīd Buk͟hārī, who held the rank of 4,000, that of 5,000. [21]I promoted Rām Dās Kachhwāha, whom my father had favoured, and who held the rank of 2,000, to that of 3,000. I sent dresses of honour to Mīrzā Rustam, son of Mīrzā Sult̤ān Ḥusain and grandson of S͟hāh Ismāʿīl, the ruler of Qandahar, and to ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm K͟hānk͟hānān, son of Bairām K͟hān, and to Īraj and Dārāb, his sons, and to other nobles attached to the Deccan (command). Bark͟hūrdār, son of ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān, son of Muʾayyid Beg, as he had come to court without a summons, I ordered back to his jagir. 48It is not according to good manners to go to the king’s banquet without a summons, otherwise there would be no forbidding of the doors and walls to the foot of desire.

A month had elapsed after my auspicious accession when Lāla Beg, who while I was prince had obtained the title of Bāz Bahādur, obtained the blessing of waiting on me. His rank, which had been 1,500, was raised to 4,000. I promoted him to the Subah of Bihar and gave him 2,000 rupees. Bāz Bahādur is of the lineage of the special attendants of our family; his father’s name was Niz̤ām, and he was librarian to Humāyūn. Kesho Dās Mārū, who is a Rājpūt of the province of Mairtha and is greater in loyalty than his contemporaries, I promoted to the rank of 1,500. I directed the ʿulamā and the learned men of Islam to collect those of the distinctive appellations of God which were easy to remember, in order that I might make them into my rosary49 (ward). On Friday eves50 I associate with learned and pious men, and with dervishes and recluses. When Qilīj K͟hān, who was one of the old retainers of the State in my revered father’s reign, was appointed to the government of the province of Gujarat, I presented him with a lakh of rupees for his expenses. I raised Mīrān [22]Ṣadr Jahān from the rank of 2,000 to that of 4,000. I knew him in my childhood when I read the “Forty Sayings” with S͟haik͟h ʿAbdu-n-Nabī,51 whose history is given in detail in the Akbarnāma. From these early days till now Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān has acted towards me with single-minded loyalty, and I regard him as my preceptor in religions matters (k͟halīfa). Whilst I was prince and before my revered father’s illness, and during that time, when the ministers (pillars of the State) and the high nobles had become agitated, and each had conceived some idea of gain for himself and wished to become the originator of some act which could only bring ruin on the State, he had not failed in the activity of his service and devotedness. Having made ʿInāyat Beg,52 who for a long period in the reign of my father had been Master of Works (Dīwān-i-buyūtāt) and held the rank of 700, half-vizier of my dominions in the place of Wazīr K͟hān, I gave him the high title of Iʿtimādu-d-daula with the rank of 1,500, and I appointed Wazīr K͟hān to the Dīwānī of the province of Bengal, and assigned to him the settlement of the revenues thereof. To Patr Dās, who in the time of my father had the title of Rāy Rāyān, I gave the title of Raja Bikramājīt. The latter was one of the great Rajas of India, and it was in his reign that astronomical observatories were established in India. I made Patr Dās Master of Ordnance, and ordered that he should always have light artillery53 in the [23]arsenal, 50,000 light guns54 and 3,000 gun-carriages, ready and in efficient order. He was a khatrī by caste, and rose in my father’s service from being accountant of the elephants’ stables to be diwan and an amir. He is not wanting in military qualities and in administrative skill. I made K͟hurram, the son of K͟hān Aʿz̤am (ʿAzīz Koka), who had had the rank of 2,000, an officer of 2,500.

As it was my desire that many of the Akbarī and Jahāngīrī officers should obtain the fruition of their wishes, I informed the bakhshis that whoever wished to have his birthplace made into his jagir should make a representation to that effect, so that in accordance with the Chingīz canon (tūra) the estate might be conveyed to him by āl tamg͟hā and become his property, and he might be secured from apprehension of change. Our ancestors and forefathers were in the habit of granting jagirs to everyone under proprietary title, and adorned the farmans for these with the āl tamg͟hā seal, which is an impressed seal made in vermilion (i.e. red ink). I ordered that they should cover the place for the seal, with gold-leaf (t̤ilāpos͟h) and impress the seal thereon, and I called this the altūn55 tamg͟hā. [24]

I had selected from the other sons of S͟hāhruk͟h, Mīrzā Sult̤ān,56 son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h the grandson of Mīrzā Sulaimān, who was a descendant (great-grandson) of Mīrzā Sult̤ān Abū Saʿīd and for a long time ruler of Badakhshan, and with consent of my57 revered father brought him into my service. I count him as a son, and have promoted him to the rank of 1,000. I also promoted Bhāo Singh, son of Raja Mān Singh and the most capable of his sons, from his original rank to that of 1,500. I raised Zamāna Beg,58 son of G͟hayūr Beg of Kabul, who has served me personally from his childhood, and who, when I was prince, rose from the grade of an ahadi to that of 500, giving him the title of Mahābat K͟hān and the rank of 1,500. He was confirmed as bakhshi of my private establishment (s͟hāgird-pīs͟ha).

I promoted Raja Bīr Singh Deo, a Bandela Rajput, who had obtained my favour, and who excels his equals and relatives in valour, personal goodness, and simple-heartedness, to the rank of 3,000. The reason for his advancement and for the regard shown to him was that near the end of my revered father’s time, S͟haik͟h Abū-l-faẓl, who excelled the S͟haik͟hzādas of Hindustan in wisdom and learning, had adorned himself outwardly with the jewel of sincerity, and sold it to my father at a heavy price. He had been summoned from the Deccan, and, since his feelings towards me were not honest, he both publicly and privately spoke against me. At this period when, through strife-exciting intriguers, the august feelings of my royal father were entirely embittered against me, it was certain that if he obtained the honour of waiting on him (Akbar) it would be the cause of more confusion, and would preclude me [25]from the favour of union with him (my father). It became necessary to prevent him from coming to Court. As Bīr Singh Deo’s country was exactly on his route and he was then a rebel, I sent him a message that if he would stop that sedition-monger and kill him he would receive every kindness from me. By God’s grace, when S͟haik͟h Abū-l-faẓl was passing through Bīr Singh Deo’s country, the Raja blocked his road, and after a little contest scattered his men and killed him. He sent his head to me in Allahabad. Although this event was a cause of anger in the mind of the late king (Akbar), in the end it enabled me to proceed without disturbance of mind to kiss the threshold of my father’s palace, and by degrees the resentment of the king was cleared away.

I made Mīr Ẓiyāʾu-d-dīn of Qazwīn, who had done me service in the days of my princehood and had shown loyalty, commander of 1,000 and accountant of the stables. An order was given that every day thirty horses should be produced before me for the purpose of making presents. I honoured Mīrzā ʿAlī Akbars͟hāhī, who is one of the distinguished braves of this family,59 with the rank of 4,000, and gave him the sarkar of Sambhal as his jagir.

One day the Amīru-l-umarā (S͟harīf K͟hān) greatly pleased me by an incidental remark. It was this: “Honesty and dishonesty are not confined to matters of cash and goods; to represent qualities as existing in acquaintances which [26]do not exist, and to conceal the meritorious qualities of strangers, is dishonesty. In truth, honesty of speech consists in making no distinction between intimates and strangers and in describing each man as he really is.”

When I sent off Parwīz I had said to him, “If the Rānā himself, and his eldest son who is called Karan, should come to wait upon you and proffer service and obedience, you should not do any injury to his territory.” My intention in this recommendation was of two kinds; one, that inasmuch as the conquest of Transoxiana was always in the pure mind of my revered father, though every time he determined on it things occurred to prevent it, if this business could be settled, and this danger dismissed from my mind, I would leave Parwīz in Hindustan, and in reliance on Allah, myself start for my hereditary territories, especially as at this time there was no permanent ruler in that region. Bāqī K͟hān, who, after ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān and ʿAbdu-l-Muʾmīn K͟hān, his son, had acquired complete independence, had died, and the affairs of Walī Muḥammad K͟hān, his brother, who is now the ruler of that region, had not as yet been brought into proper order. Secondly, to bring about the termination of the war in the Deccan, of which a part in the time of my revered father had been acquired, so that it might come into possession, and be incorporated with the Imperial dominions. My hope is that through the favour of Allah both these undertakings will be accomplished.

“Though a king should seize the seven climes,60

He still would labour to take others.”

I promoted Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h,61 grandson of Mīrzā Sulaimān, (once) the ruler of Badakhshan, who was nearly related to [27]my family, and held the rank of 5,000 in my father’s service, to the rank of 7,000. The Mīrzā is a true Turk in disposition and simple-minded. My father conferred great honour on him, and whenever he bade his own sons sit he gratified him also with this distinction. Notwithstanding the mischievous propensities of the people of Badakhshan, the Mīrzā in this familiarity never left the right road, or undertook anything that might lead to unpleasantness. I confirmed him in the Subah of Malwa just as my father had kindly conferred it on him.

I conferred on K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-llah, who is of the Naqs͟hbandī family, and in the commencement of his service was an ahadi, and who had risen by degrees to the command of 1,000, but without reason had gone into my father’s service, the rank and jagir my father had conferred on him. Although I considered it best for my own prosperity that my attendants and people should go into his (Akbar’s) service, yet this had occurred without my leave, and I was rather annoyed at it. But the fact is that he is a manly and zealous man; if he had not committed this fault he would have been a faultless hero (jawān).

Abū-n-nabī,62 the Ūzbeg, who is one of the distinguished inhabitants of Māwarāʾa-n-nahr and in the time of ʿAbdu-l-Muʾmīn K͟hān was governor of Mashhad, obtained the rank of 1,500.

S͟haik͟h Ḥasan is the son of S͟haik͟h Bahā.63 From the days of his childhood to this day he has always been in my service and in attendance on me, and when I was prince was distinguished by the title of Muqarrab K͟hān. He was very active and alert in his service, and in hunting would often traverse long distances by my side. He is [28]skilful with the arrow and the gun, and in surgery is the most skilful of his time. His ancestors also had been well practised in this profession. After my accession, in consequence of the perfect confidence I had in him, I sent him to Burhanpur to bring the children and dependants of my brother Dāniyāl to wait on me, and sent a message to the K͟hānk͟hānān in low and high words64 and profitable admonitions. Muqarrab K͟hān performed this service correctly and in a short time, and, clearing off the suspicions which had entered the minds of the K͟hānk͟hānān and the nobles of that place, brought those who had been left behind by my brother in safety and security, together with his establishment and property and effects, to Lahore, and there presented them before me.

I promoted Naqīb K͟hān,65 who is one of the genuine Sayyids of Qazwīn and is called G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn ʿAlī, to the rank of 1,500. My father had distinguished him with the title of Naqīb K͟hān, and in his service he had complete intimacy and consideration. Shortly after his accession he (Akbar) had discussed several matters with him, and from this familiarity he called him āk͟hūnd. He has no equal or rival in the science of history and in biographies. There is in this day no chronologist like him in the inhabited world. From the beginning of Creation till the present time, he has by heart the tale of the four quarters of the world. Has Allah granted to any other person such faculty of memory? [29]

S͟haik͟h Kabīr, who was of the family of the venerable S͟haik͟h Salīm, I had honoured with the title of S͟hajāʿat K͟hān when I was prince, on account of his manliness and bravery. I now selected him for the rank of 1,000.

On Shaʿbān 27th (28th December, 1605) a strange thing was done by the sons of Akhayrāj, son of Bhagwān Dās, the paternal uncle66 of Raja Mān Singh. These unlucky ones, who bore the names of Abhay Rām, Bijay Rām, and Shyām Rām, were exceedingly immoderate. Notwithstanding that the aforesaid Abhay Rām had done improper (disproportioned) acts, I had winked at his faults. When at this date it was represented to me that this wretch was desirous of despatching his wives and children without leave to his own country and afterwards of himself running away to the Rānā, who is not loyal to this family, I referred to Rām Dās and other Rajput nobles, and said to them that if any one of them would become security for them, I would confirm the rank and jagir of those wretches, and passing over their offences would forgive them. In consequence of their excessive turbulence and bad disposition no one became security. I told the Amīru-l-umarā that as no one would be bound for them, they must be handed over to the charge of one of the servants of the Court until security was forthcoming. The Amīru-l-umarā gave them over to Ibrāhīm K͟hān Kākar, who was afterwards dignified with the title of Dilāwar K͟hān, and Ḥātim,67 second son of Manglī, who held the title of S͟hāhnawāz K͟hān.68 When these wished to disarm these foolish people, they refused, and, not observing the dues of good manners, began, together with their servants, to quarrel and fight. The Amīru-l-umarā reported the circumstance to me, and I ordered them to be [30]punished according to their deeds. He betook himself to driving them off, and I sent S͟haik͟h Farīd also after him. One Rajput armed with a sword, and another with a dagger stood up to the Amīru-l-umarā. One of his attendants named Qut̤b engaged the man with the dagger and was killed. The Rajput also was cut to pieces. One of the Afghan attendants of the Amīru-l-umarā attacked the one who had the sword and killed him. Dilāwar K͟hān drew his dagger and turned towards Abhay Rām, who with two others was holding his ground, and after wounding one of these fell down after receiving wounds from the three. Some of the ahadis and the men of the Amīru-l-umarā opposed and slew these doomed men. A Rajput drew his sword and turned to S͟haik͟h Farīd; he was met by a Ḥabs͟hī slave, who brought him down. This disturbance took place in the courtyard of the public palace. That punishment served as a warning to many who had not looked to consequences. Abū-n-nabī69 represented that if such a deed had been done in the Ūzbeg country the whole family and connections of that band of men would have been destroyed. I replied that as these people had been treated kindly and educated by my revered father I carried on the same benevolence to them, and justice demands that many shall not be chastised for the fault of one.

S͟haik͟h Ḥusain Jāmī, who now sits on the cushion of darwīs͟hī and is one of the disciples of the dervish of Shiraz,70 had written to me from Lahore six months before my accession that he had seen in a dream that saints and pious men had delivered over the affairs of the kingdom to that [31]chosen one of the Court of Allah (Jahāngīr), and that, rejoicing in this good news, he should await the event, and that he hoped that when it had occurred, the faults of K͟hwāja Zakariyyā, who was one of the Aḥrāriyya,71 would be pardoned.72

I conferred on Tās͟h Beg Furjī,73 who was one of the old servants of the State, and whom my father had honoured with the title of Tāj K͟hān, and who had the rank of 2,000, that of 3,000, and I raised Tuk͟hta74 Beg Kābulī from the rank of 2,500 to that of 3,000. He is a brave and active man, and was greatly trusted in the service of my uncle, Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm. I promoted Abū-l-Qāsim Tamkīn,75 who was one of my father’s old servants, to the rank of 1,500. There are few men such as he for abundance of children; he has thirty sons, and if his daughters do not number so many they must be half that number. I dignified S͟haik͟h ʿAlāʾu-d-dīn, grandson of S͟haik͟h Salīm, who had strong connections with me, with the title of Islām K͟hān, and promoted him to the rank of [32]2,000. He had grown up with me from his childhood, and may be a year younger than I. He is a brave and well-dispositioned youth, and is distinguished in every way above his family. Till now he has never drunk intoxicating drinks, and his sincerity towards me is such that I have honoured him with the title of son.

I have bestowed on ʿAlī Aṣg͟har Bārha, who has not a rival in bravery and zeal, and is the son of Sayyid Maḥmūd K͟hān Bārha, one of my father’s old nobles, the title of Saif K͟hān, and thus distinguished him amongst his equals and connections. He is evidently a brave youth. He was always one of the confidential men who went with me to hunt and to other places. He has never in his life drunk anything intoxicating, and as he has abstained in his youth he probably will attain high dignities. I granted him the rank of 3,000.

I promoted Farīdūn, son of Muḥammad Qulī K͟hān Barlās, who held the rank of 1,000, to that of 2,000. Farīdūn is one of the tribe of Chag͟hatāy, and is not devoid of manliness and courage.

I promoted S͟haik͟h Bāyazīd, grandson of S͟haik͟h Salīm, who held the rank of 2,000, to that of 3,000. The first person who gave me milk, but for not more than a day, was the mother of S͟haik͟h Bāyazīd.

76One day I observed to the Pandits, that is, the wise men of the Hindus, “If the doctrines of your religion are based on the incarnation of the Holy Person of God Almighty in ten different forms by the process of metempsychosis, they are virtually rejected by the intelligent. This pernicious idea requires that the Sublime Cause, who is void of all limitations, should be possessed of length, breadth, and thickness. If the purpose is the manifestation of the Light of God in these bodies, that of itself is existent equally in [33]all created things, and is not peculiar to these ten forms. If the idea is to establish some one of God’s attributes, even then there is no right notion, for in every faith and code there are masters of wonders and miracles distinguished beyond the other men of their age for wisdom and eloquence.”77 After much argument and endless controversy, they acknowledged a God of Gods, devoid of a body or accidents,78 and said, “As our imagination fails to conceive a formless personality (ẕāt-i-mujarrad), we do not find any way to know Him without the aid of a form. We have therefore made these ten forms the means of conceiving of and knowing Him.” Then said I, “How can these forms be a means of your approaching the Deity?”

My father always associated with the learned of every creed and religion, especially with Pandits and the learned of India, and although he was illiterate, so much became clear to him through constant intercourse with the learned and wise, in his conversations with them, that no one knew him to be illiterate, and he was so acquainted with the niceties of verse and prose compositions that his deficiency was not thought of.

In his august personal appearance he was of middle height, but inclining to be tall; he was of the hue of wheat; his eyes and eyebrows were black, and his complexion rather dark than fair; he was lion-bodied,79 with a broad chest, and his hands and arms long. On the left side of his nose he had a fleshy mole, very agreeable in appearance, of the size [34]of half a pea. Those skilled in the science of physiognomy considered this mole a sign of great prosperity and exceeding good fortune. His august voice was very loud, and in speaking and explaining had a peculiar richness. In his actions and movements he was not like the people of the world, and the glory of God manifested itself in him.

“Greatness in his manner, kingship in his lineage,

As if Solomon would have put the ring on his finger.”80

Three months after my birth my sister, S͟hāhzāda K͟hānam, was born to one of the royal concubines; they gave her over to his (Akbar’s) mother, Maryam Makānī. After her a son was born to one of the concubines, and received the name of S͟hāh Murād. As his birth occurred in the hill country of Fatḥpūr, he was nicknamed Pahārī. When my revered father sent him to conquer the Deccan, he had taken to excessive drinking through associating with unworthy persons, so that he died in his 30th year, in the neighbourhood of Jālnāpūr, in the province of Berar. His personal appearance was fresh-coloured; he was thin in body and tall of stature. Dignity and authority were evident in his movements, and manliness and bravery manifested themselves in his ways. On the night of Jumādā-l-awwal 10th, A.H. 979 (September, 1572), another son was born to one of the concubines. As his birth took place at Ajmīr in the house of one of the attendants of the blessed shrine of the reverend K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn Chis͟htī, whose name was S͟haik͟h Dāniyāl, this child was called Dāniyāl.

After the death of my brother S͟hāh Murād, he (Akbar), towards the end of his reign, sent Dāniyāl to conquer the Deccan and followed him himself. When my revered father was besieging Āsīr (Āsīrgarh) he, with a large body of nobles such as the K͟hānk͟hānān and his sons and Mīrzā Yūsuf K͟hān, invested the fort of Ahmadnagar, and it came [35]into the possession of the victorious officers about the time that Āsīr was taken. After my father ʿArs͟h-ās͟hyānī had returned in prosperity and victory from Burhanpur towards his capital, he gave the province to Dāniyāl and left him in possession of that territory. Dāniyāl took to improper ways, like his brother S͟hāh Murād, and soon died from excessive drinking, in the 33rd year of his age. His death occurred in a peculiar way. He was very fond of guns and of hunting with the gun. He named one of his guns yaka u janāza, ‘the same as the bier,’ and himself composed this couplet and had it engraved on the gun:—

“From the joy of the chase with thee, life is fresh and new;

To everyone whom thy dart strikes, ‘tis the same as his bier.”81

When his drinking of wine was carried to excess, and the circumstance was reported to my father, farmans of reproach were sent to the K͟hānk͟hānān. Of course he forbade it, and placed cautious people to look after him properly. When the road to bring wine was completely closed, he began to weep and to importune some of his servants, and said: “Let them bring me wine in any possible way.” He said to Murs͟hid Qulī K͟hān, a musketeer who was in his immediate service: “Pour some wine into this yaka u janāza, and bring it to me.” That wretch, in hope of favour, undertook to do this, and poured double-distilled spirit into the gun, which had long been nourished on gunpowder and the scent thereof, and brought it. The rust of the iron was dissolved by the strength of the spirit and mingled with it, and the prince no sooner drank of it than he fell down.

“No one should draw a bad omen:82

If he does, he draws it for himself.”

[36]

Dāniyāl was of pleasing figure, of exceedingly agreeable manners and appearance; he was very fond of elephants and horses. It was impossible for him to hear of anyone as having a good horse or elephant and not take it from him. He was fond of Hindi songs, and would occasionally compose verses with correct idiom in the language of the people of India, which were not bad.

After the birth of Dāniyāl a daughter was born to Bībī Daulat-S͟hād whom they named S͟hakaru-n-nisā Begam.83 As she was brought up in the skirt of my revered father’s care, she turned out very well. She is of good disposition and naturally compassionate towards all people. From infancy and childhood she has been extremely fond of me, and there can be few such relationships between brother and sister. The first time when, according to the custom of pressing the breast of a child and a drop of milk is perceptible, they pressed my sister’s breast and milk appeared, my revered father said to me: “Bābā! drink this milk, that in truth this sister may be to thee as a mother.” God, the knower of secrets, knows that from that day forward, after I drank that drop of milk, I have felt love for my sister such as children have for their mothers.

After some time another girl was born to this same Bībī Daulat-S͟hād, and he (Akbar) called her Ārām Bānū Begam.84 Her disposition was on the whole inclined to excitement and heat. My father was very fond of her, so much so that he described her impolitenesses as politenesses, and in his august sight they, from his great love, did not appear bad. Repeatedly he honoured me by addressing me, and said: “Bābā! for my sake be as kind as I am, after me, to this sister, who in Hindi phrase is my darling [37](that is, dearly cherished). Be affectionate to her and pass over her little impolitenesses and impudences.”

The good qualities of my revered father are beyond the limit of approval and the bounds of praise. If books were composed with regard to his commendable dispositions, without suspicion of extravagance, and he be not looked at as a father would be by his son, even then but a little out of much could be said.

Notwithstanding his kingship and his treasures and his buried wealth, which were beyond the scope of counting and imagination, his fighting elephants and Arab horses, he never by a hair’s breadth placed his foot beyond the base of humility before the throne of God, but considered himself the lowest of created beings, and never for one moment forgot God.

“Always, everywhere, with everyone, and in every circumstance,

Keep the eye of thy heart secretly fixed on the Beloved.”

The professors of various faiths had room in the broad expanse of his incomparable sway. This was different from the practice in other realms, for in Persia85 there is room for Shias only, and in Turkey, India, and Tūrān there is room for Sunnis only.

As in the wide expanse of the Divine compassion there is room for all classes and the followers of all creeds, so, on the principle that the Shadow86 must have the same properties as the Light, in his dominions, which on all sides were limited only by the salt sea, there was room for the professors of opposite religions, and for beliefs good and bad, and the road to altercation was closed. Sunnis and Shias met in one mosque, and Franks and Jews in one church, and observed their own forms of worship. [38]

He associated with the good of every race and creed and persuasion, and was gracious to all in accordance with their condition and understanding. He passed his nights in wakefulness, and slept little in the day; the length of his sleep during a whole night and day (nycthemeron) was not more than a watch and a half. He counted his wakefulness at night as so much added to his life. His courage and boldness were such that he could mount raging, rutting elephants, and subdue to obedience murderous elephants which would not allow their own females near them—although even when an elephant is bad-tempered he does no harm to the female or his driver—and which were in a state in which they might have killed their drivers or the females, or not have allowed their approach. He would place himself on a wall or tree near which an elephant was passing that had killed its mahout and broken loose from restraint, and, putting his trust in God’s favour, would throw himself on its back and thus by merely mounting, would bring it under control and tame it. This was repeatedly seen.

He ascended the throne in his 14th year. Hemū, the infidel whom the Afghan ruler had raised to high station, collected a wonderful force after King Humāyūn’s death with a stud of elephants such as no ruler of Hindustan had at that time, and he went towards Delhi. Humāyūn had appointed Akbar to drive off some of the Afghans from the foot-hills of the Panjab, but just then he exemplified the hemistich which is a description of the accident and the chronogram of his death—

“The august monarch (Humāyūn) fell from the roof. The news (of the death) was conveyed to my father by Naz̤ar-jīvī.”87

Bairām K͟hān, who was then his tutor, having collected the nobles who were in the province, chose an auspicious [39]hour and seated him on the throne of rule in pargana Kalānūr, near Lahore.

When Hemū reached the neighbourhood of Delhi, Tardī Beg K͟hān and a large force that was in the city drew up to oppose him. When the preparations for the combat had been made the armies attacked one another, and, after considerable endeavours and strife, defeat fell on Tardī Beg K͟hān and the Moguls, and the army of darkness overcame the army of light.

“All things and battles and fights are of God,

He knows whose will be the victory.

From the blood of the brave and the dust of the troops,

The earth grew red and the heavens black.”

Tardī Beg K͟hān and the other defeated ones took the road to my revered father’s camp. As Bairām K͟hān disliked Tardī Beg, he made this defeat an excuse to put him to death.

A second time, through the pride engendered in the mind of this accursed infidel by his victory, he came out of Delhi with his force and elephants and advanced, while the glorious standards of His Majesty (Akbar) proceeded from Kalānūr for the purpose of driving him away. The armies of darkness and light met in the neighbourhood of Panipat, and on Thursday, Muḥarram 2nd, A.H. 964 (November 5th, 1556), a fight took place. In the army of Hemū were 30,000 brave fighting horsemen, while the g͟hāzīs of the victorious army were not more than 4,000 or 5,000. On that day Hemū was riding an elephant named Hawāʾī. Suddenly an arrow struck the eye of that infidel and came out at the back of his head. His army, on seeing this, took to flight. By chance S͟hāh Qulī K͟hān Maḥram with a few brave men came up to the elephant on which was the wounded Hemū, and would have shot an arrow at the driver, but he cried “Do not kill me; Hemū is on this elephant.” A number of men immediately conveyed Hemū as he was to the king (Akbar). Bairām K͟hān represented [40]that it would be proper if the king with his own hand should strike the infidel with a sword, so that obtaining the reward of a g͟hāzī (warrior of the Faith) he might use this title on the imperial farmans. The king answered, “I have cut him in pieces before this,” and explained: “One day, in Kabul, I was copying a picture in presence of K͟hwājaʿAbdu-ṣ-Ṣamad S͟hīrīn Qalam, when a form appeared from my brush, the parts of which were separate and divided from each other. One of those near asked, ‘Whose picture is this?’ It came to my tongue to say that it was the likeness of Hemū.” Not defiling his hand with his (Hemū’s) blood, he told one of his servants to cut off his head. Those killed in the defeated army numbered 5,000 in addition to those who fell in various places round about.

Another of the well-known deeds of Akbar was the victorious expedition against Gujarat, and his rapid march there, at the time when Mīrzā Ibrāhīm Ḥusain, Muḥammad Ḥusain Mīrzā, and S͟hāh Mīrzā revolted from this State and went towards Gujarat, and all the nobles of that province, combining with the turbulent of those parts, besieged the fort of Ahmadabad in which was Mīrzā ʿAzīz Koka with the royal army. His Majesty, in consequence of the distracted state of Jījī Angā, the mother of the last-named Mīrzā, started for Gujarat with a body of royal troops without delay from the capital of Fatḥpūr. Having covered in the space of nine days the long road which it should take two months to accomplish, sometimes on horseback, sometimes on a camel or in a bullock-cart, he arrived at Sarnāl.

When, on 5th Jumādā-l-awwal, 980 (September 15th, 1572), he reached the neighbourhood of the enemy’s camp, he consulted with those who were loyal to him. Some said he should make a night attack on the camp. His Majesty, however, said that a night attack was the resort of the faint-hearted and the way of the deceitful, and immediately gave orders to beat the drums and set the horsemen [41]at them. When the river Sābar Mahī (Sābarmatī) was reached, he ordered his men to cross it in order. Muḥammad Ḥusain Mīrzā was agitated by the noise of the army of victory, and himself came forward to reconnoitre. Subḥān Qulī Turk, also with a troop of brave men, went to the river’s bank to enquire into the enemy’s position. The Mīrzā asked what troops these were. Subḥān Qulī replied that they were of the army of King Jalālu-d-dīn Akbar. That ill-fated one would not believe this, and said his spies had seen the king fourteen days before in Fatḥpūr, and that it was clear Subḥān Qulī was lying. To this Subḥān Qulī rejoined, “Nine days ago the king with this expedition started from Fatḥpūr.” “How could elephants have come?”88 asked the Mīrzā. “What need was there of elephants?” answered Subḥān Qulī. “Young men and heroes who cleave rocks, and are better than famous and raging elephants, have come; the difference between loyalty and sedition will now become known.” The Mīrzā, after this conversation, turned aside and began to marshal his troops. The king waited until his advanced guard sent word that the enemy had put on their armour. He then moved forward, and although he sent several times to order the K͟hān Aʿz̤am to advance, the latter stood still. It was said to Akbar that, as the enemy was in force, it would be well to remain on his side of the river until the army of Gujarat arrived from within the fort. His Majesty answered: “Always, and especially in this affair, I have put my trust in God. If I had considered routine, I should not have come in this rapid manner. Now that our foe is ready for the fight, we ought not to delay.” With these words, and with his innate reliance on God as his shield, he put his horse into the river with a few chosen men whom he had appointed to ride with him. Though it was not supposed [42]that there was a ford, he crossed in safety. He had called for his helmet, but in the agitation of bringing it his armour-bearer dropped the face-guard (buffe). His comrades did not regard this as a good omen, but he said at once, “It is an excellent omen, for it has revealed my face.”89 Meantime the wretched Mīrzā arrayed his ranks to fight his benefactor.

“If thou come out (to fight) with thy benefactor,

If thou wert the sphere, thou wouldest be reversed.”

The K͟hān Aʿz̤am had had no idea that the king would cast the shadow of his compassion on these regions with such speed and eagerness, and he believed no one who gave him news of that arrival, until convinced by visible proof. Then, arraying the army of Gujarat, he prepared to march. Meanwhile Āṣaf K͟hān also sent news to him. Before his army issued from the fort the enemy had appeared from amongst the trees. The king, taking the Divine aid as the security of his courage, started off. Muḥammad Qulī K͟hān Turk and Tardī K͟hān Dīwāna came forward with a band of brave followers, and after a little fighting turned rein. On this His Majesty said to Bhagwān Dās, “The enemy are unnumbered and we are few; we must attack with one face and one heart; for a clenched fist is more useful than an open hand.” With these words he drew his sword, and with shout of Allahu-akbar and Yā Muʿīn90 charged with those devoted to him.

“The sense of the age evaporated with the clamour,

The ear of the heavens was split with the shouts.”

The royal right and left wings and a band of brave men in the centre fought with valour. Stars (kaukabāʾī), which are a kind of firework, were lighted by the enemy; they [43]twisted about among the thorn-bushes, and created such confusion that a noted elephant of the enemy began to move and threw their troops into disarray. With this the royal centre came up and dispersed Muḥammad Ḥusain and his force. Mān Singh Darbārī overcame his foe under the king’s eyes, and Rāgho Dās Kachhwāha sacrificed his life. Muḥammad Wafā, who was of the house-born of the State, behaving very bravely, fell wounded from his horse. By the favour of the Creator who cherishes His servants, and simply through the courage and good fortune of the exalted king, the enemy were scattered and defeated. In gratitude for this great victory the king turned his face in supplication to the throne of his merciful Maker, and poured forth his thanks.

One of the kalāwants (musicians) represented to His Majesty that Saif K͟hān Kokaltās͟h had offered the coin of his life in loyalty to the State, and on enquiry it appeared that when Muḥammad Ḥusain Mīrzā with some of his riffraff was attacking the centre Saif K͟hān met him and fighting valiantly became a martyr. The Mīrzā himself was wounded by the hands of the brave men of the main body. The Kokaltās͟h mentioned is the elder brother of Zain K͟hān Koka.

A strange circumstance was this: on the day before the battle, when the king was eating, he asked Hazāra, who was learned in the science of looking at the shoulder-blades (a kind of divination), to see on whose side the victory would be. Hazāra said: “The victory will be on your side, but one of the chiefs of your army will become a martyr.” Whereupon Saif K͟hān Koka said “Would that this blessing might fall to my lot!”

“Many an omen that we have treated as jest91

Became true when the star passed by.”

[44]

In short, Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥusain turned his reins, but his horse’s feet became entangled in the thorn-brake and he fell. An ahadi of the king, Gadā ʿAlī by name, found him, and having mounted him before him on his horse took him to the king. As two or three claimed a share in his capture, His Majesty asked who had made him prisoner. “The king’s salt,” he answered. The king ordered his hands, that had been fastened behind him, to be tied in front. Meanwhile he asked for water. Farḥat K͟hān, who was one of the confidential slaves, struck him on the head, but the king, disapproving of this, sent for his private drinking water and satisfied his thirst. Up to this time Mīrzā ʿAzīz Koka and the garrison of the fort had not come out. After the capture of the Mīrzā, His Majesty was proceeding slowly towards Ahmadabad. He had delivered the Mīrzā to Rāy Rāy Singh Rāṭhor, one of the Rajput chiefs, to be put on an elephant and brought with him. Meanwhile Ik͟htiyāru-l-mulk, who was one of the influential Gujarati leaders, made his appearance with an army of nearly 5,000 men. Complete confusion fell upon the royal troops. The king, as his natural valour and lofty disposition required, ordered the drums to be beaten, and Shajāʾat K͟hān, Rāja Bhagwān Dās, and some others charged on in front to fight this force. Fearing that the enemy might get possession of Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥusain, Rāy Rāy Singh’s men, by the advice and plan of the aforesaid Raja (Bhagwān Dās), cut off his head. My father did not want to kill him. The forces of Ik͟htiyāru-l-mulk also were dispersed, and he was thrown from his horse into the thorn thicket. Suhrāb Beg Turkmān cut off his head and brought it in. It was only by the grace and power of God that such a victory was won by a small number of men.

In the same way are beyond all reckoning the conquest of the province of Bengal, the capture of well-known and celebrated forts in Hindustan such as Chitor and Ranṭambhor, the subjection of the province of Khandesh, and the [45]taking of the fort of Āsīr and of other provinces which by the exertions of the royal armies came into the possession of the servants of the State. If these were related in detail it would be a long story.

In the fight at Chitor, the king with his own hand killed Jitmal, the leader of the men in the fort. He had no rival in shooting with a gun, and with the one with which he killed Jitmal, and which was called Sangrām, he killed some 3,000 or 4,000 birds and beasts.92 I may be reckoned a true pupil of his. Of all sports I am most disposed to that with the gun, and in one day have shot eighteen deer.

Of the austerities practised by my revered father, one was the not eating the flesh of animals. During three months of the year he ate meat, and for the remaining nine contented himself with Ṣūfī food, and was no way pleased with the slaughter of animals. On many days and in many months this was forbidden to the people. The days and months on which he did not eat flesh are detailed in the Akbarnāma.

On the day I made Iʿtimādu-l-mulk diwan, I put Muʿizzu-l-mulk in charge of the dīwānī-i-buyūtāt (care of buildings). The latter is a Sayyid of Bāk͟harz,93 and under my revered father was accountant of the kurkarāq department.94

On one of my accession days, a hundred of the Akbarī and Jahāngīrī servants were promoted to higher rank and jagirs. At the commencement of the Ramaẓān ʿĪd, as it was the first after my accession, I came down to the ʿĪdgāh from my auspicious throne. There was a great crowd, and having performed the dues of thanksgiving and praise [46]I returned to the palace, where according to the verse “From the table of kings favours come to beggars,” I commanded a sum of money to be spent in alms and charity. Some lakhs of dāms of this were entrusted to Dūst Muḥammad (afterwards K͟hwāja Jahān), who divided them amongst faqirs and those who were in want, and a lakh of dāms each was given to Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Anjū (the lexicographer), Mīrzā Ṣadr Jahān, and Mīr Muḥammad Riẓā Sabzawārī to dispose of in charity in different quarters of the city. I sent 5,000 rupees to the dervishes of S͟haik͟h Muḥammad Ḥusain Jāmī, and gave directions that each day one of the officers of the watch95 should give 50,000 dāms to faqirs. I sent a jewelled sword to the K͟hānk͟hānān, and promoted Jamālu-d-dīn Anjū to the rank of 3,000. The office of Ṣadr was entrusted to Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān, and I ordered Ḥājī Koka, who was one of my father’s foster-sisters,96 to bring before me in the palace such women as were worthy to be presented with land and money. I promoted Zāhid K͟hān, son of Muḥammad Ṣādiq K͟hān, from the rank of 1,500 to that of 2,000.

It had been the custom97 that when the gift of an elephant or horse was made to anyone, the naqibs and the Masters of the Horse (Mīr Āk͟hūrān) took from him a sum of money as jilawāna (bridle-money). I gave orders that this money should be paid by the government, so that people might be freed from the importunities and demands of that set of men.

At this time Sālbāhan arrived from Burhanpur and produced before me the horses and elephants of my deceased brother Dāniyāl. Of the elephants, one male named Mast [47]Alast appeared to me the best, and I gave him the name of Nūr Gaj. A wonderful thing showed itself in this elephant; on the sides of his ears small lumps had grown about the size of melons, and from them came fluid such as drops from an elephant in the rutting season; moreover, the top of his forehead was more prominent than in other elephants. It was a splendid and imposing animal.98

I gave to my son K͟hurram (S͟hāh-Jahān) a rosary of jewels, with the hope that he might obtain fulfilment of all his desires, both in visible and in spiritual things.

As I had remitted in my dominions customs duties amounting to krors, I abolished also all the transit dues (sāʾir-jihāt) in Kabul, which is one of the noted towns on the road to Hindustan. These brought in 1 kror and 23 lakhs of dams. From the provinces of Kabul and Qandahar large sums used to be derived every year from customs (zakāʾt), which were in fact the chief revenue of those places. I remitted these ancient dues, a proceeding that greatly benefited the people of Iran and Turan.

Āṣaf K͟hān’s jagir in the subah of Bihār had been given to Bāz Bahādur; I therefore ordered that a jagir in the Panjab should be given to him. As it was represented to me that a large sum was in arrears in his jagir, and now that the order for exchange had been given its collection would be difficult, I directed that a lakh of rupees should be given to him from the Treasury and the arrears recovered from Bāz Bahādur for the royal revenues.

I promoted S͟harīf Āmulī to the rank of 2,500, original and increase. He is a pure-hearted, lively-spirited man. Though he has no tincture of current sciences, lofty words and exalted knowledge often manifest themselves in him. In the dress of a faqir he made many journeys, and he [48]has friendship with many saints and recites the maxims of those who profess mysticism. This is his conversation, not his practice (qāli-ū ast na ḥālī). In the time of my revered father he relinquished the garments of poverty and asceticism, and attained to amirship and chiefship. His utterance is exceedingly powerful, and his conversation is remarkably eloquent and pure, although he is without Arabic. His compositions also are not devoid of verve.99

A garden in Agra had been left by S͟hāh Qulī K͟hān Maḥram, and as he had no heirs I handed it over to Ruqayya Sult̤ān Begam, the daughter of Hindāl Mīrzā, who had been the honoured wife of my father.100 My father had given my son K͟hurram into her charge, and she loved him a thousand times more than if he had been her own.

[Contents]

The Great Feast of Naurūz.

On the night of Tuesday, Ẕī-l-qaʿda 11th, A.H. 1014 (March 11th or 12th, 1606), in the morning, which is the time of the blessing of light, his Eminence the Great Luminary passed from the constellation of the Fish to the House of Honour in the constellation of the Ram. As this was the first New Year’s Day after my auspicious accession I ordered them to decorate the porticoes of the private and public halls of the palace, as in the time of my revered father, with delicate stuffs, and to adorn them handsomely. From the first day of the Naurūz to the 19th degree of the Ram (Aries), which is the day of culmination, the people gave themselves over to enjoyment and happiness. Players and singers of all bands and castes were gathered together. Dancing lulis and charmers of India whose caresses would [49]captivate the hearts of angels kept up the excitement of the assemblies. I gave orders that whoever might wish for intoxicating drinks and exhilarating drugs should not be debarred from using them.

“Cupbearer! brighten my cup with the light of wine;

Sing, minstrel, for the world has ordered itself as I desire.”101

In my father’s time it had become established that one of the great nobles should prepare an entertainment on each of the 17 or 18 days of the festival, and should present His Majesty the king with choice gifts of all kinds of jewels and jewelled things, precious stuffs, and elephants and horses, and should invite him to take the trouble to come to his assembly. By way of exalting his servants, he would deign to be present, and having looked at the presents would take what he approved of and bestow the remainder on the giver of the entertainment. As my mind was inclined to the comfort and ease of the army and subjects, I this year let them off their gifts with the exception of a few from my immediate retainers, which I accepted in order to gratify them. In those same days many servants of the State obtained higher rank. Amongst them I raised Dilāwar K͟hān Afg͟hān to 1,500, and I raised Rāja Bāso, who was a landholder of the hill country of the Panjab, and who from the time I was prince till now has kept the way of service and sincerity towards me and held the rank of 1,500, to 3,500. S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, the governor of Qandahar, I promoted to 5,000, and Rāy Rāy Singh, a Rājpūt noble, obtained the same rank. I gave 12,000 rupees for expenses to Rānā S͟hankar.

At the beginning of my reign, a son of that Muz̤affar Gujarātī who claimed to be descended from the rulers of that country lifted up the head of disturbance and attacked and plundered the environs of the city of Ahmadabad. [50]Some sardars such as Pīm102 Bahādur Ūzbeg and Rāy ʿAlī Bhatī, who were amongst the distinguished and brave men there, became martyrs in that outbreak. At length Rāja Bikramājīt and many mansabdars were provided by me with 6,000 or 7,000 horse, and appointed to assist the army of Gujarat. It was decided that when things had quieted down, by the driving off of those seditious people, Rāja Bikramājīt should be Subahdar of Gujarat. Qilīj K͟hān, who had been previously nominated to this office, should come to Court. After the arrival of the royal troops the thread of the rebels’ union was severed; they took refuge in different jungles, and the country was reduced to order. The news of this victory reached the ear of my state and dignity in the most acceptable of hours (New Year time).

About this time there came a representation from my son Parwīz that the Rānā had left thāna Mandal, which is about 30103 or 40 kos from Ajmīr, and had run away, and that a force had been appointed to pursue him; and that it was to be hoped the good fortune of Jahāngīr would cause him to become non-existent.

On the last day of the feast of the New Year, many servants of the State were honoured with favours and increase of rank. Pīs͟hrau K͟hān was an old retainer and had come from Persia (wilāyat) with Humāyūn; indeed, he was one of the men whom S͟hāh Tahmāsp had sent with Humāyūn. His name was Mihtar Saʿādat. As under my father he was superintendent (dārog͟ha) and head (mihtar) of the farrās͟h-k͟hāna (store department), and had no equal in this service, he had given him the title of Pīs͟hrau K͟hān (the active K͟hān). Though he was a subordinate(?) servant and had an artificer’s disposition (qalaqchī mas͟hrab), [51]I looked to his claims of service and gave him the rank of 2,000.104

[Contents]

The Flight of K͟husrau in the Middle of the First Year of my Reign.

Futile105 ideas had entered the mind of K͟husrau in consequence of his youth and the pride youths have, and the lack of experience and the lack of foresight of worthless companions, especially at the time of my revered father’s illness. Some of these short-sighted ones, through the multitude of their crimes and offences, had become hopeless of pardon and indulgence, and imagined that by making K͟husrau a tool they might conduct the affairs of State through him. They overlooked the truth that acts of sovereignty and world rule are not things to be arranged by the worthless endeavours of defective intellects. The just Creator bestows them on him whom he considers fit for this glorious and exalted duty, and on such a person doth He fit the robe of honour.

“He who is seized of Fortune cannot be deprived of it;

Throne and diadem are not things of purchase;

It is not right to wrest crown and dominion

From the head which God, the Crown-cherisher, has indicated.”

As the futile imaginations of the seditious and short-sighted had no result but disgrace and regret, the affairs of the kingdom were confirmed in the hands of this suppliant [52]at the throne of Allah. I invariably found K͟husrau preoccupied and distracted. However much, in favour and affection for him, I wished to drive from his mind some of his fears and alarms, nothing was gained until, at last, by the advice of those whose fortune was reversed, on the night of Sunday, Ẕī-l-ḥijja 8th, of the year mentioned (April 6th, 1605), when two gharis had passed, he made a pretence106 of going to visit the tomb of His Majesty (Akbar), and went off with 350 horsemen, who were his adherents, from within the fort of Agra. Shortly after, one of the lamp attendants who was acquainted with the Wazīru-l-mulk gave him the news of K͟husrau’s flight. The Vizier took him to the Amīru-l-umarā, who, as the news seemed true, came in a distracted state of mind to the door of the private apartments and said to one of the eunuchs, “Take in my request and say that I have a necessary representation to make, and let the king honour me by coming out.” As such an affair had not entered my thoughts I supposed that news had come from the Deccan or Gujarat. When I came out and heard what the news was, I asked, “What must be done? Shall I mount myself, or shall I send K͟hurram?” The Amīru-l-umarā submitted that he would go if I ordered it. “Let it be so,” I said. Afterwards he said, “If he will not turn back on my advice, and takes up arms, what must be done?” Then I said, “If he will go in no way on the right road, do not consider a crime anything that results from your action. Kingship regards neither son nor son-in-law. No one is a relation to a king.”

When I had said these words and other things, and had dismissed him, it occurred to me that K͟husrau was very much annoyed with him, and that in consequence of the [53]dignity and nearness (to me) which he (the Amīr) enjoyed, he was an object of envy to his equals and contemporaries.107 Perhaps they might devise treachery and destroy him. I therefore ordered Muʿizzu-l-mulk to recall him, and selecting in his place S͟haik͟h Farīd Bak͟hs͟hī-begī commanded him to start off at once, and to take with him the mansabdars and ahadis who were on guard. Ihtimām K͟hān the kotwāl was made scout and intelligence officer. I determined, God willing, to start off myself when it was day. Muʿizzu-l-mulk brought back the Amīru-l-umarā.

About this time, Aḥmad Beg K͟hān and Dūst Muḥammad K͟hān had been sent off to Kabul,108 and had got as far as Sikandra, which was on K͟husrau’s route. On his arrival they came out of their tents with some of their people, and returned and waited on me with the news that K͟husrau had taken the Panjab road and was hastening on. It occurred to me that he might change his route and go somewhere else. As his maternal uncle, Mān Singh, was in Bengal, it occurred to many of the servants of the State that he might go in that direction. I sent out on every side, and ascertained that he was making for the Panjab. Meantime day dawned, and in reliance on the grace and favour of God Almighty, and with clear resolve, I mounted, withheld by nothing and no one.

“In truth, he who is pursued by sorrow.

Knows not how the road is or how he may travel it.

This he knows, that horror drives him on:

He knows not with whom he goes nor whom he leaves behind.”

[54]

When I reached the venerable mausoleum of my revered father, which is three kos from the city, I begged for aid to my courage from the spirit of that honoured one. About this time they captured and brought in109 Mīrzā Ḥasan, son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, who had proposed to accompany K͟husrau. He could not deny it when I questioned him, and I ordered them to tie his hands and mount him on an elephant.110 This was the first good omen manifested through the kindness and blessing of that venerable one. At midday, as it had become exceedingly hot, having rested awhile under the shade of a tree, I said to the K͟hān Aʿz̤am that we, with all our composure, were in such a state that we had not taken till now our regular allowance of opium, which it was the practice to take the first thing in the morning, and no one had reminded us of the omission. We might imagine from this what was now the condition of that graceless one (K͟husrau).111

My trouble was this, that my son without any cause or reason should become an opponent and an enemy. If I should make no endeavour to capture him, the fractious or rebellious would have an instrument, or else he would take his own way and go for an asylum to the Ūzbegs or the Persians, and contempt would fall upon my government. On this account, having made a special point of capturing him, I went on after a short rest two or three kos beyond pargana Mathura, which is 20 kos from Agra, and I alighted at one of the villages of that pargana where there is a tank.

When K͟husrau arrived at Mathura, he met Ḥusain Beg Badak͟hs͟hī, who was of those who had received favours from my revered father and was coming from [55]Kabul to wait on me. As it is the temperament of the Badak͟hs͟hīs to be seditious and turbulent, K͟husrau regarded112 this meeting as a godsend, and made Ḥusain Beg the captain and guide of 200 or 300 Badakhshan Aimāqs, who were with him.

Anyone whom they met, they plundered of horses and goods. Merchants and conveyers of goods were plundered by these rascals, and wheresoever they went men’s wives and children were not safe from the calamity of these wretches. With his own eyes K͟husrau was witnessing the oppression practised in the hereditary dominions of his ancestors, and after being a witness of the improper deeds of these rascals he a thousand times every moment wished death for himself. Finally, he had no remedy but to temporize with and support those dogs. If good luck and fortune had assisted him in his affairs, he would have made repentance and regret his voucher, and come without any deceit to wait on me. God, who knows the world of secrets, knows that I should have passed over his offences entirely and shown him such favour and affection that to the extent of a hair’s point no estrangement or fear would have remained upon his mind. Inasmuch as during the lifetime of the late king (Akbar) an intention of joining in the sedition of some of the rebels had manifested itself in his mind, and he knew that this had come to my knowledge, he placed no reliance on my kindness and affection. His mother, while I was prince, in grief at his ways and behaviour and the misconduct of her brother Mādho Singh,113 killed herself by swallowing opium (tiryāq).114 What shall I write of her excellences and goodness? She had perfect intelligence, and her devotion to me was such that she would have [56]sacrificed a thousand sons and brothers for one hair of mine. She constantly wrote to K͟husrau and urged him to be sincere and affectionate to me. When she saw that it was of no use and that it was unknown how far he would be led away, she from the indignation and high spirit which are inherent in the Rajput character determined upon death. Her mind was several times disturbed, for such feelings were hereditary, and her ancestors and her brothers had occasionally showed signs of madness, but after a time had recovered. At a time when I had gone hunting, on Ẕī-l-ḥijja 26th, 1013115 (May 6th, 1605), she in her agitation swallowed a quantity of opium, and quickly passed away. It was as if she had foreseen this behaviour of her unworthy son.

My first marriage and that at the commencement of my adolescence was with her. After K͟husrau’s birth I gave her the title of S͟hāh Begam. When she could not endure the bad conduct of her son and brother towards me she became disgusted with life and died, thereby escaping the present grief and sorrow. In consequence of her death, from the attachment I had for her, I passed some days without any kind of pleasure in life or existence, and for four days, which amount to 32 watches, I took nothing in the shape of food or drink. When this tale was told to my revered father, a letter of condolence of excessive kindness and affection reached this devoted disciple, and he sent me a robe of honour and the auspicious turban tied just as he had taken it off his head. This favour threw water on the flame of my grief and afforded complete quiet and repose to my unquietude and disturbance. My intention in relating these circumstances is to point out that no evil fortune is greater than when a son, through the impropriety [57]of his conduct and his unapproved methods of behaviour, causes the death of his mother and becomes contumacious and rebellious to his father, without cause or reason, but simply through his own imaginations and futile ideas, and chooses to avoid the blessing of waiting upon him. Inasmuch as the Almighty Avenger lays a proper punishment on each action, of necessity his condition finally came to this, that he was caught under the worst circumstances, and falling from a position of trust became captive to perpetual incarceration.

“When the man of sense behaves as if drunk,

He puts his foot in a snare, his head in a noose.”

To sum up, on Tuesday, Ẕī-l-ḥijja 10th, I alighted at the station of Hoḍal.116 S͟haik͟h Farīd Bak͟hs͟hī and a band of valiant men were chosen to pursue K͟husrau and became the vanguard of the victorious army. I sent back Dūst Muḥammad, who was in attendance on me, on account of his previous service and his white beard, to take charge of the fort of Agra and of the zanāna and the treasuries. When leaving Agra, I had placed the city in the charge of Iʿtimādu-d-daula and Wazīru-l-mulk. I now said to Dūst Muḥammad, “As we are going to the Panjab, and that province is in the diwani of Iʿtimādu-d-daula, you will despatch him to us, and will imprison and keep watch over the sons117 of Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm who are in Agra; as when such proceedings manifest themselves in the son of one’s loins what may one expect from nephews and cousins?” After the dispatch of Dūst Muḥammad, Muʿizzu-l-mulk became bakhshi.

On Wednesday I alighted at Palwal, and on Thursday at Farīdābād; on Friday, the 13th, I reached Delhi. [58]From the dust of the road (i.e. immediately) I hastened to the venerated tomb of Humāyūn, and there besought help in my purpose, and with my own hand distributed money to poor persons and dervishes. Thence turning to the shrine of the venerable saint S͟haik͟h Niz̤āmu-d-dīn Auliyā, I performed the dues of pilgrimage. After this I gave a portion118 of money to Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Anjū and another portion to Ḥakīm Muz̤affar that they might divide it amongst the poor and dervishes. On Saturday the 14th I stayed in Sarāy Narela.119 This rest-house (sarāy) K͟husrau had burned as he went.

The rank of Āqā Mullā, brother of Āṣaf K͟hān, who had been exalted by becoming my servant, was fixed in original and increase at 1,000 with 300 horse. He was in close attendance during this journey. Considering that some of the Aimāqs attached to the royal army were in league with K͟husrau, and fearing that consequently some fraud or sedition might enter their minds, 2,000 rupees were given to their leaders to distribute amongst their men and make them hopeful of the Jahāngīrī favour. I gave money to S͟haik͟h Faẓlu-llah and Rāja Dhīrdhar to distribute to faqirs and brahmans on the road. I gave orders that to Rānā S͟hankar in Ajmir should be given 30,000 rupees by way of assistance for his expenditure.

On Monday, the 16th, I reached the pargana of Pānīpat.120 This station and place used to be very propitious to my gracious father and honoured ancestors, and two great victories had been gained in it. One was the defeat of Ibrāhīm Lodī, which was won by the might of the victorious hosts of His Majesty Firdūs-makānī. The story of this has been written in the histories of the time. [59]The second victory was over the wicked Hemū, and was manifested from the world of fortune in the beginning of the reign of my revered father, as has been described by me in detail.

At the time that K͟husrau had left Delhi and was proceeding to Panipat, it happened that Dilāwar K͟hān had arrived there. When shortly before K͟husrau’s arrival he heard of this affair, he sent his children across the Jumna and bravely determined to hasten on and throw himself into the fort of Lahore before K͟husrau should arrive. About this time ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm also reached Panipat from Lahore, and Dilāwar K͟hān suggested to him that he too should send his children across the river, and should stand aside and await the victorious standards of Jahāngīr. As he was lethargic and timid, he could not make up his mind to do this, and delayed so much that K͟husrau arrived. He went out and waited on him, and either voluntarily or in a state of agitation agreed to accompany him. He obtained the title of Malik Anwar and the position of vizier. Dilāwar K͟hān, like a brave man, turned towards Lahore, and on his road informed everyone and everybody of the servants of the court and the karoriyān, and the merchants whom he came across, of the exodus of K͟husrau. Some he took with him, and others he told to stand aside out of the way. After that, the servants of God were relieved of the plundering by robbers and oppressors. Most probably, if Sayyid Kamāl in Delhi, and Dilāwar K͟hān at Panipat, had shown courage and determination, and had blocked K͟husrau’s path, his disorderly force would not have been able to resist and would have scattered, and he himself would have been captured. The fact is that their talents (himmat) were not equal to this, but afterwards each made amends for his fault, viz., Dilāwar K͟hān, by his rapid march, entered the fort of Lahore before K͟husrau reached it, and by this notable service made amends for his earlier shortcoming, [60]and Sayyid Kamāl manfully exerted himself in the engagement with K͟husrau, as will be described in its own place.

On Ẕī-l-ḥijja 17th the royal standards were set up in the pargana of Karnāl. Here I raised ʿĀbidīn K͟hwāja, son of K͟hwāja Kalān Jūybārī and pīrzāda (spiritual adviser), son of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Ūzbeg, who had come in the time of my revered father, to the rank of 1,000. S͟haik͟h Niz̤ām Thaneswarī, who was one of the notorious impostors (s͟hayyādān) of the age, waited on K͟husrau, and having gratified him with pleasant news, again121 led him out of the (right) path, and then came to wait on me. As I had heard of these transactions, I gave him his road expenses and told him to depart for the auspicious place of pilgrimage (Mecca). On the 19th the halt was in pargana S͟hāhābād. Here there was very little water, but it happened that heavy rain fell, so that all were rejoiced.

I promoted S͟haik͟h Aḥmad Lāhorī, who from my princehood had filled the relationship of service and discipleship and the position of a house-born one (k͟hānazāda) to the office of Mīr-i-ʿAdl (Chief Justice). Disciples122 and sincere followers were presented on his introduction, and to each it was necessary to give the token123 and the likeness (s͟hast [61]u s͟habah). They were given on his recommendation (?). At the time of initiation some words of advice were given to the disciple: he must not confuse or darken his years with sectarian quarrels, but must follow the rule of universal peace with regard to religions; he must not kill any living creature with his own hand, and must not flay anything. The only exceptions are in battle and the chase.

“Be not the practiser of making lifeless any living thing.

Save in the battlefield or in the time of hunting.”

Honour the luminaries (the Sun, Moon, etc.), which are manifesters of God’s light, according to the degree of each, and recognize the power and existence of Almighty God at all times and seasons. Be careful indeed that whether in private or in public you never for a moment forget Him.

“Lame or low124 or crooked or unrefined,

Be amorous of Him and seek after Him.”

My revered father became possessed of these principles, and was rarely void of such thoughts.

At the stage of Alūwa(?)125 I appointed Abū-n-nabī(?)126 Ūzbeg with fifty-seven other mansabdars to assist S͟haik͟h Farīd, and gave the force 40,000 rupees for its expenses. To Jamīl Beg were given 7,000 rupees to divide among the Aimāqs (cavalry). I also presented Mīr S͟harīf Āmulī127 with 2,000 rupees.

On Tuesday the 24th of the same month they captured five of the attendants and comrades of K͟husrau. Two of [62]these, who confessed to his service, I ordered to be thrown under the feet of elephants, and three who denied were placed in custody that enquiry might be made. On Farwardīn 12th of the first year of my reign, Mīrzā Ḥusain and Nūru-d-dīn Qulī the kotwāl entered Lahore, and on the 24th of the same month a messenger of Dilāwar K͟hān arrived (there) with news that K͟husrau was moving on Lahore and that they should be on their guard. On the same day the city gates were guarded and strengthened, and two days later Dilāwar K͟hān entered the fort with a few men and began to strengthen the towers and walls. Wherever these were broken and thrown down he repaired them, and, placing cannon and swivel guns on the citadel, he prepared for battle. Assembling the small number of the royal servants who were in the fort, they were assigned their several duties, and the people of the city also with loyalty gave their assistance. Two days later, and when all was ready, K͟husrau arrived, and, having fixed a place for his camp, gave orders to invest128 the city and to prepare for battle, and to burn one of the gates on any side where one could be got at. “After taking the fort,” he said to his wicked crew, “I will give orders to plunder the city for seven days and to make captive the women and children.”

This doomed lot set fire to a gate, and Dilāwar Beg K͟hān, Ḥusain Beg the dīwān, and Nūru-d-dīn Qulī the kotwal built a wall inside opposite the gateway.

Meantime Saʿīd K͟hān, who was one of those appointed to Kashmir and was now encamped on the Chenāb, having heard the news, started rapidly for Lahore. When he reached the Ravi he sent word to the garrison of the fort that he came with a loyal intention and that they should admit him. They sent someone at night and conducted him and some of his men inside. When the siege had [63]lasted nine days, news of the approach of the royal army came repeatedly to K͟husrau and his adherents. They became helpless (bī pā), and made up their minds that they must face the victorious army.

As Lahore is one of the greatest places in Hindustan, a great number of people gathered in six or seven days. It was reported on good authority that 10,000 or 12,000 horse were collected, and had left the city with the view of making a night attack on the royal vanguard. This news was brought to me at the sarāy of Qāẓī ʿAlī on the night of Thursday the 16th. Although it rained heavily in the night I beat the drum of march and mounted. Arriving in Sult̤ānpūr at dawn I remained there till noon. By chance, at this place and hour the victorious army encountered that ill-fated band. Muʿizzu-l-mulk had brought a dish of roast meat,129 and I was turning towards it with zest when the news of the battle was brought to me. Though I had a longing to eat the roast meat, I immediately took a mouthful by way of augury and mounted, and without waiting for the coming up of men and without regard to the smallness of my force I went off in all haste. However much I demanded my chiltah (wadded coat), they did not produce it. My only arms were a spear and sword, but I committed myself to the favour of God and started off without hesitation. At first my escort did not number more than fifty horsemen; no one had expected a fight that day. In fine, when I reached the head of the bridge of Gobindwāl,130 400 or 500 horse, good and bad, had come together. When I had crossed the bridge the news of a victory was brought to me. The bearer of the good news was S͟hamsī, tūs͟hakchī (wardrobe man), and for his good news he obtained the title of [64]K͟hūs͟h-k͟habar K͟hān. Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, whom I had sent previously to advise K͟husrau, came up at the same time and said such things about the number and bravery of K͟husrau’s men as frightened his hearers. Though news of the victory came continuously, this simple-minded Sayyid would not believe it, and expressed incredulity that such an army as he had seen could be defeated by S͟haik͟h Farīd’s force, which was small and not properly equipped. When they brought K͟husrau’s litter131 with two of his eunuchs, the Mīr admitted what had happened. Then, alighting from his horse, he placed his head at my feet and professed every kind of humility and submission, and said that there could be no higher or more lofty fortune than this.

In this command S͟haik͟h Farīd behaved with sincerity and devotion. The Sayyids of Bārha, who are of the brave ones of the age, and who have held this place in every fight in which they have been, formed the van. Saif K͟hān, son of Sayyid Maḥmūd K͟hān Bārha, the head of the tribe, had shown great bravery and had received seventeen wounds. Sayyid Jalāl, also of the brethren of this band, received an arrow in his temple and died a few days later. At the time when the Sayyids of Bārha, who were not more than fifty or sixty in number, having received wounds from 1,500 Badak͟hs͟hī horsemen, had been cut to pieces, Sayyid Kamāl, who, with his brothers, had been appointed to support the van, came up on the flank and fought with wondrous bravery and manliness. After that the men of the right wing raised the cry of Pāds͟hāh salāmat (“Long live the King”) and charged, and the rebels hearing the words, gave up and scattered abroad to various hiding-places. About 400 Aimāqs became crushed on the plain of anger and overcome by the [65]victorious army. K͟husrau’s box of jewels and precious things which he had always with him, fell into our hands.

“Who thought that this boy of few years

Would behave so badly to his sire?

At the first taste of the cup he brings up the lees.

He melts away my glory and his own modesty.

He sets on fire132 the throne of K͟hūrs͟hīd,

He longs for the place of Jams͟hīd.”

Short-sighted men in Allahabad had urged me also to rebel against my father. Their words were extremely unacceptable and disapproved by me. I know what sort of endurance a kingdom would have, the foundations of which were laid on hostility to a father, and was not moved by the evil counsels of such worthless men, but acting according to the dictates of reason and knowledge I waited on my father, my guide, my qibla,133 and my visible God, and as a result of this good purpose it went well with me.

In the evening of the day of K͟husrau’s flight I gave Rāja Bāso, who is a trusty zamindar of the hill-country of Lahore, leave to go to that frontier, and, wherever he heard news or trace of K͟husrau, to make every effort to capture him. I also appointed Mahābat K͟hān and Mīrzā ʿAlī Akbars͟hāhī to a large force, which was to pursue K͟husrau in whatever direction he might go. I resolved with myself that if K͟husrau went to Kabul, I would follow him and not turn back till he was captured. If not delaying in Kabul he should go on to Badakhshan and those regions, I would leave Mahābat K͟hān in Kabul and return myself (to India). My reason for not going to Badakhshan was that that wretch would (in that case) certainly ally himself with the Ūzbegs, and the disgrace would attach to this State. [66]

On the day on which the royal troops were ordered to pursue K͟husrau, 15,000 rupees were given to Mahābat K͟hān and 20,000 to the ahadis, and 10,000 more were sent with the army to be given to whom it might be necessary to give it on the way.

On Saturday, the 28th, the victorious camp was pitched at Jaipāl,134 which lies seven kos from Lahore. On the same day K͟husrau arrived with a few men on the bank of the Chenāb. The brief account of what had happened is that after his defeat those who had escaped with him from the battle became divided in opinion. The Afghans and Indians, who were mostly his old retainers, wished to double back like foxes into Hindustan, and to become a source of rebellion and trouble there. Ḥusain Beg, whose people and family and treasure were in the direction of Kabul, suggested going to Kabul. In the end, as action was taken according to the wish of Ḥusain Beg, the Hindustanis and the Afghans decided to separate themselves from him. On arriving at the Chenāb, he proposed to cross at the ferry of S͟hāhpūr, which is one of the recognized crossings, but as he could find no boats there he made for the ferry of Sodharah, where his people got one boat without boatmen and another full of firewood and grass.

The ferries over the rivers had been stopped because before K͟husrau’s defeat orders had been given to all the jagirdars and the superintendents of roads and crossings in the subah of the Panjab that as this kind of dispute had arisen they must all be on the alert. Ḥusain Beg wished to transfer the men from the boat with firewood and grass to the other, so that they might convey K͟husrau across. At this juncture arrived Kīlan,135 son-in-law of Kamāl [67]Chaudharī of Sodharah, and saw a body of men about to cross in the night. He cried out to the boatmen that there was an order from the king Jahāngīr forbidding unknown men from crossing in the night, and that they must be careful. Owing to the noise and uproar, the people of the neighbourhood gathered together, and Kamāl’s son-in-law took from the boatmen the pole with which they propel the boat, and which in Hindustani is called ballī, and thus made the boat unmanageable. Although money was offered to the boatmen, not one would ferry them over. News went to Abū-l-Qāsim Namakīn, who was at Gujarat, near the Chenāb, that a body of men were wanting to cross the river by night, and he at once came to the ferry in the night with his sons and some horsemen. Things went to such a length that Ḥusain Beg shot arrows at the boatmen,136 and Kamāl’s son-in-law also took to shooting arrows from the river-bank. For four kos the boat took its own way down the river, until at the end of the night it grounded, and try as they would they could not get it off. Meantime it became day. Abū-l-Qāsim and K͟hwāja K͟hiẓr K͟hān, who by the efforts of Hilāl K͟hān had assembled on this (? the west) side of the river, fortified its west bank, and the zamindars fortified it on the east.

Before this affair of K͟husrau’s, I had sent Hilāl K͟hān as sazāwal to the army appointed for Kashmīr under Saʿīd K͟hān, and by chance he arrived in the neighbourhood (of the ferry) that same night; he came in the nick of time, and his efforts had great effect in bringing together Abū-l-Qāsim K͟hān Namakīn, and K͟hwāja K͟hiẓr K͟hān in the capture of K͟husrau.

On the morning of Sunday, the 24th of the aforesaid month, people on elephants and in boats captured K͟husrau, and on Monday, the last day of the month, news of this [68]reached me in the garden of Mīrzā Kāmrān. I immediately ordered the Amīru-l-umarā to go to Gujarat and to bring K͟husrau to wait on me.

In counsels on State affairs and government it often happens that I act according to my own judgment and prefer my own counsel to that of others. In the first instance I had elected to wait on my revered father from Allahabad in opposition to the advice of my faithful servants, and I obtained the blessing of serving him, and this was for my spiritual and temporal good. By the same course of conduct I had become king. The second instance was the pursuit of K͟husrau, from which I was not held back by taking time to ascertain the (auspicious) hour, etc., and from which I took no rest until I captured him. It is a strange thing that after I had started I asked Ḥakīm ʿAlī, who is learned in mathematics, how the hour of my departure had been (i.e. whether propitious or not), and he replied that in order to obtain my object if I had wished to select an hour, there could not have been for years one selected better than that in which I mounted.

On Thursday, Muḥarram 3rd, 1015, in Mīrzā Kāmrān’s garden, they brought K͟husrau before me with his hands tied and chains on his legs from the left side137 after the manner and custom of Chingīz K͟hān. They made Ḥusain Beg stand on his right hand and ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm on his left. K͟husrau stood weeping and trembling between them. Ḥusain Beg, with the idea that it might profit him, began to speak wildly. When his purport became apparent to me I did not allow him to continue talking, but handed over K͟husrau in chains, and ordered these two villains to be put in the skins of an ox and an ass, and that they [69]should be mounted on asses with their faces to the tail138 and thus taken round the city. As the ox-hide dried more quickly than that of the ass, Ḥusain Beg remained alive for four watches and died from suffocation. ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, who was in the ass’s skin and to whom they gave some refreshment from outside, remained alive.

From Monday, the last day of Ẕī-l-ḥijja, until the 9th of Muḥarram of the aforesaid year, I remained in Mīrzā Kāmrān’s garden because the time was unpropitious.139 I bestowed Bhairawal,140 where the battle had taken place, on S͟haik͟h Farīd, and rewarded him with the high title of Murtaẓā K͟hān. For the sake of good government I ordered posts to be set up on both sides of the road from the garden to the city, and ordered them to hang up and impale the seditious Aimāqs and others who had taken part in the rebellion. Thus each one of them received an extraordinary punishment. I gave headship to those landholders who had shown loyalty, and to every one of the Chaudharīs between the Jhelam and the Chenāb I gave lands for their support.

Of Ḥusain Beg’s property there were obtained from the house of Mīr Muḥammad Bāqī nearly seven lakhs of rupees. This was exclusive of what he had made over to other places and of what he had with him. After this, whenever his name is mentioned, the words141 gāwān u k͟harān [70](bullocks and asses) will be used. When he came to this Court in company with Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h he had one horse. By degrees his affairs flourished so that he became possessed of treasure both visible and buried, and projects of this kind entered his mind.

While K͟husrau’s affair was still in the will of God, as there was no actual governor between Afghanistan and Agra, which is a source of sedition and mischief, and, fearing that K͟husrau’s affair might be prolonged, I ordered my son Parwīz to leave some of the sardars to look after the Rānā and to come to Agra with Āṣaf K͟hān and a body of those nearly connected with him in the service. He was to consider the protection and management of that region his special charge. But by the blessed favour of Allah, K͟husrau’s affair was settled before Parwīz arrived in Agra; I accordingly ordered my aforesaid son to come and wait on me.

On Wednesday, Muḥarram 8th, I auspiciously entered the fort of Lahore. A number of loyalists represented to me that my return to Agra would be for the good of the State at this time when much was going amiss in Gujarat, in the Deccan, and in Bengal. This counsel did not meet with my approval, for the reports of S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, the governor of Qandahar, showed that the officers of the Persian border were meditating an attack on that fortress. They had been moved thereto by the machinations of the residuum of the Mirzas of Qandahar’s army, which was always shaking the chain of contention. The Persian officers had written letters to these malcontents, and there was likelihood of a disturbance. It occurred to me that the death of His Majesty Akbar and the unreasonable outbreak of K͟husrau might put an edge on their design, and that they might attack Qandahar. What had occurred to my mind became a realized fact. The governor of Farāh, the Malik of Sīstan, and the jagirdars of that neighbourhood, with the assistance of Ḥusain K͟hān, the [71]governor of Herat, invaded Qandahar. Praise is due to the manliness and courage of S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, who planted his foot firmly like a man, and strengthened the fort, and seated himself on the top of the third(?) citadel of the aforesaid fort in such a manner that outsiders could see his entertainments. During the siege he girded not his loins, but with bare head and feet arranged parties of pleasure; yet no day passed that he did not send a force from the fort to meet the foe and did not make manly efforts. This went on as long as he was in the fort. The Qizilbās͟h army had invested on three sides. When news of this reached Lahore it was clearly advisable to remain in that neighbourhood. A large force was immediately appointed under the leadership of Mīrzā G͟hāzī, who was accompanied by a number of men of rank and servants of the Court, such as Qarā Beg and Tuk͟hta Beg, who had been promoted with the titles of Qarā K͟hān and Sardār K͟hān. I appointed Mīrzā G͟hāzī to a mansab of 5,000 personal, and horsemen, and bestowed drums on him. Mīrzā G͟hāzi was the son of Mīrzā Jānī Tark͟hān, king of Thathah (Sind), and by the efforts of ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm K͟hānk͟hānān that country had been conquered in the reign of the late king. The country of Thathah was included in his jagir, and he held the rank with personality and horsemen of 5,000. After his death his son Mīrzā G͟hāzi was raised to his rank and service. Their ancestors were among the amirs of Sult̤ān Ḥusain Mīrzā Bāy-qarā, the ruler of Khurasan, and they were originally descended from the amirs of Tīmūr (Ṣāḥib-qirānī). K͟hwāja ʿĀqil was appointed bakhshi of this army; 43,000 rupees were given to Qarā K͟hān for road expenses, and 15,000 to Naqdī Beg and Qilīj Beg, who were to accompany Mīrzā G͟hāzī. I determined to stay at Lahore in order to settle this matter and with the intention of a tour to Kabul. About this time the rank of Ḥakīm Fatḥu-llah was fixed, original and increased, at 1,000 personality and 300 horse. As S͟haik͟h Ḥusain Jāmī had [72]had dreams about me which had come true, I gave him twenty lakhs of dams, equivalent to 30,000 or 40,000 rupees, for the expenses of himself and his monastery and the dervishes who were with him. On the 22nd I promoted ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān to the rank of 2,500 personal and 500 horse, original and increased. I ordered to be given to the ahadis two lakhs of rupees to be paid in advance and deducted by degrees from their monthly pay. I bestowed 6,000 rupees on Qāsim Beg K͟hān, the son-in-law of S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, and 3,000 rupees on Sayyid Bahādur K͟hān.

In Gobindwāl, which is on the river Bīyāh (Beas), there was a Hindu named Arjun,142 in the garments of sainthood and sanctity, so much so that he had captured many of the simple-hearted of the Hindus, and even of the ignorant and foolish followers of Islam, by his ways and manners, and they had loudly sounded the drum of his holiness. They called him Gūrū, and from all sides stupid people crowded to worship and manifest complete faith in him. For three or four generations (of spiritual successors) they had kept this shop warm. Many times it occurred to me to put a stop to this vain affair or to bring him into the assembly of the people of Islam.

At last when K͟husrau passed along this road this insignificant fellow proposed to wait upon him. K͟husrau happened to halt at the place where he was, and he came out and did homage to him. He behaved to K͟husrau in certain special ways, and made on his forehead a finger-mark in saffron, which the Indians (Hinduwān) call qas͟hqa,143 and is considered propitious. When this came to my ears and I clearly understood his folly, I ordered them [73]to produce him and handed over his houses, dwelling-places, and children to Murtaẓā K͟hān, and having confiscated his property commanded that he should be put to death.

There were two men named Rājū and Ambā, who, under the shadow of the protection of the eunuch Daulat K͟hān, made their livelihood by oppression and tyranny, and had done many acts of oppression in the few days that K͟husrau was before Lahore. I ordered Rājū to the gallows and a fine to be taken from Ambā, who was reputed to be wealthy. In short, 15,000 rupees were collected from him, which sum I ordered them to expend on bulg͟hur-k͟hānas (refectories) and in charity.

Saʿdu-llah K͟hān, son of Saʿd K͟hān, was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse.

In his great desire to wait upon me, Parwīz traversed long distances in a short time, in the rainy season and incessant rain, and on Thursday, the 29th, when two watches and three ghaṛī of day had passed, obtained the blessing of seeing me. With exceeding kindness and affection, I took him into the embrace of favour and kissed his forehead.

When this disgraceful conduct showed itself in K͟husrau, I had resolved not to delay in any place till I had captured him. There was a probability that he might turn back towards Hindustan, so it appeared impolitic to leave Agra empty, as it was the centre of the State, the abode of the ladies of the holy harem, and the depository of the world’s treasures. On these accounts I had written when leaving Agra to Parwīz, saying that his loyalty had had this result, that K͟husrau had fled and that Fortune had turned her face toward himself; that I had started in pursuit of K͟husrau, and that he should consequently dispose of the affairs of the Rānā in some way according to the necessity of the time, and for the benefit of the kingdom should himself come quickly to [74]Agra. I had delivered into his charge the capital and treasury, which was equal to the wealth of Qārūn,144 and I had commended him to the God of power. Before this letter reached Parwīz, the Rānā had been so humbled that he had sent to Āṣaf K͟hān to say that as by his own acts he had come to shame and disgrace, he hoped that he would intercede for him in such a way that the prince would be content with his sending Bāgha,145 who was one of his sons. Parwīz had not agreed to this, and said that either the Rānā himself should come or that he should send Karan. Meantime the news of K͟husrau’s disturbance arrived, and on its account Āṣaf K͟hān and other loyalists agreed to the coming of Bāgha, who obtained the blessing of waiting on the prince near Manḍalgaṛh.

Parwīz, leaving Rāja Jagannāth and most of the chiefs of his army, started for Agra with Āṣaf K͟hān and some of those near to him and his own attendants, and with him brought Bāgha to the Court. When he came near Agra he heard the news of the victory over K͟husrau and his capture, and after resting two days an order reached him that as matters appeared settled in all quarters he should betake himself to me, in order that on the prescribed date he might obtain the good fortune of waiting on me. I bestowed on him the parasol (āftāb-gīr),146 which is one of the signs of royalty, and I gave him the rank of 10,000 and sent an order to the officials to grant him a tank͟hwāh jagir. At this time I sent Mīrzā ʿAlī Beg to Kashmir; 10,000 rupees were delivered to Qāẓī ʿIzzatu-llah to divide amongst faqirs and the poor of Kabul. Aḥmad Beg K͟hān was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,250 horse, original and extra. At the same time Muqarrab K͟hān, who had been sent to Burhanpur to bring the children of Dāniyāl, returned after an absence of 6 months [75]22 days and had the honour of an audience, and related in detail what had occurred in those regions.

Saif K͟hān was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. S͟haik͟h ʿAbdu-l-Wahhāb147 of the Buk͟hara sayyids, who was governor of Delhi under the late king, was dismissed from the post (by me) for certain ill-deeds done by his men, and was entered amongst the holders of subsistence lands and the arbāb-i-saʿādat.

In the whole of the hereditary dominions, both the crown lands and the jagirs, I ordered the preparation of bulg͟hur-k͟hānas (free eating-houses), where cooked food might be provided for the poor according to their condition, and so that residents and travellers both might reap the benefit.

Amba148 K͟hān Kashmīrī, who was of the stock of the rulers of Kashmir, was selected for the rank of 1,000 personal and 300 horse. On Monday, Rabīʿu-l-āk͟hir 9th, I gave Parwīz a special sword; and jewelled swords were presented also to Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka and the Amīru-l-umarā. I saw Dāniyāl’s children, whom Muqarrab K͟hān had brought; there were three sons and four daughters. The boys bore the names T̤ahmūras̤,149 Bāysung͟har, and Hūs͟hang. Such kindness and affection were shown by me to these children as no one thought possible. I resolved that T̤ahmūras̤, who was the eldest, should always be in waiting on me, and the others were handed over to the charge of my own sisters.

A special dress of honour was sent to Rāja Mān Singh in Bengal. I ordered a reward of 30 lakhs of dams to Mīrzā G͟hāzi. I bestowed on S͟haik͟h Ibrāhīm, son of [76]Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka, the rank of 1,000 personal and 300 horse, and dignified him with the title of Kis͟hwar K͟hān.

As when I started in pursuit of K͟husrau I had left my son K͟hurram in charge of the palaces and treasury, I now, when that affair had been settled, ordered the said son to attend upon Haẓrat Maryam-zamānī and the other ladies, and to escort them to me. When they reached the neighbourhood of Lahore, on Friday the 12th of the month mentioned, I embarked in a boat and went to a village named Dahr to meet my mother, and I had the good fortune to be received by her. After the performance of obeisance and prostration and greeting which is due from the young to the old according to the custom of Chingīz, the rules of Tīmūr and common usage, and after worship of the King of the World (God), and after finishing this business, I obtained leave to return, and re-entered the fort of Lahore.

On the 17th, having appointed Muʿizzu-l̄-mulk bakhshi of the army against the Rānā, I dismissed him to it. As news had come of the rebellion of Rāy Rāy Singh and his son, Dulīp, in the neighbourhood of Nāgor, I ordered Rāja Jagannāth to proceed against them with others of the servants of the State and Muʿizzu-l-mulk, and to put a stop to this disturbance. I gave 50,000 rupees to Sardār K͟hān, who had been appointed to the place of S͟hāh Beg K͟hān as Governor of Qandahar, and I promoted him to the rank of 3,000 personal and 2,500 horse. To K͟hiẓr K͟hān, the late ruler of K͟handesh, were given 3,000 rupees, and to his brother, Aḥmad K͟hān,150 who is one of the k͟hānazādas of the State. Hās͟him K͟hān, son of Qāsim K͟hān, who is one of the house-born of the State, and [77]worthy of advancement, I promoted to the rank of 2,500 personal and 1,500 horse. I gave him also one of my own horses. I sent robes of honour to eight individuals amongst the nobles of the army of the Deccan.151 Five thousand rupees were given to Niz̤ām of Shiraz, the story-teller. Three thousand rupees were given for the expenses of the bulg͟hūr-k͟hāna of Kashmir to the wakīl of Mīrzā ʿAlī Beg, the governor of that place, to send to Srinagar. I presented a jewelled dagger of the value of 6,000 rupees to Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān.

News reached me that S͟haik͟h Ibrāhīm Bābā, the Afghan, had opened a religious establishment (lit. one of being a shaikh and having disciples) in one of the parganas152 of Lahore, and as his doings were disreputable and foolish a considerable number of Afghans had collected round him. I ordered him to be brought and handed over to Parwīz to be kept in the fort of Chunar; so this vain disturbance was put an end to.

On Sunday, 7th Jumādā-l-awwal, many of the mansabdars and ahadis were promoted: Mahābat K͟hān obtained the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,300 horse, Dilāwar K͟hān 2,000 personal and 1,400 horse, Wazīru-l-mulk 1,300 personal and 550 horse, Qayyām K͟hān 1,000 personal and horse, S͟hyām Singh 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse; in the same way forty-two mansabdars were promoted. On most days the same observances occur. I presented Parwīz with a ruby of the value of 25,000 rupees. On Wednesday the 9th of the aforesaid month, the 21st of S͟hahrīwar,153 after three watches and four gharis, the feast for my solar weighing, which is the commencement of the 38th year of my age, took place. According to custom they got ready [78]the weighing apparatus and the scales in the house of Maryam-zamānī (his mother). At the moment appointed blessings were invoked and I sate in the scales. Each suspending rope was held by an elderly person who offered up prayers. The first time the weight in gold came to three Hindustani maunds and ten seers. After this I was weighed against several metals, perfumes, and essences, up to twelve weighings, the details of which will be given hereafter. Twice a year I weigh myself against gold and silver and other metals, and against all sorts of silks and cloths, and various grains, etc., once at the beginning of the solar year and once at that of the lunar. The weight of the money of the two weighings I hand over to the different treasurers for faqirs and those in want. On the same auspicious day I promoted Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka, who for many years had expected such a day,154 with various favours. First, I gave him the rank of 5,000 personal and horse, and with this a special robe of honour, a jewelled sword, and one of my own horses, with a jewelled saddle, and I gave him leave to go to the subahdarship of the province of Bengal and Orissa, which is a place for 50,000 horse. As a mark of honour he set off accompanied by a large force, and two lakhs of rupees were given him as a sumptuary allowance. My connection with his mother is such that as in my childhood I was under her guardianship and care, I have not so much affection for my own mother as for her. She is to me my gracious mother, and I do not hold him less dear than my own brothers and children. Qut̤bu-d-dīn is the foster-brother who is most fit for fosterage. I gave 300,000 rupees to his auxiliaries. On this day I sent 130,000 as a marriage present (sāchiq) for the daughter of Pahārī (his brother Murād), who had been betrothed to Parwīz. [79]

On the 22nd, Bāz Bahādur Qalmāq, who had long been guilty of evil practices in Bengal, by the guidance of fortune obtained the honour of kissing my threshold. I gave him a jewelled dagger, 8,000 rupees, and promoted him to the rank of 1,000 personal and horse. One lakh of rupees and cash and jewels were bestowed on Parwīz. Kesho Dās Mārū was promoted to the grade of 1,500 personal and horse. Abū-l-ḥasan, who had been the diwan and factotum of my brother Dāniyāl, together with his children,155 had the honour of an audience, and was raised to the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. On the 1st of the second Jumādā S͟haik͟h Bāyazīd,156 who was one of the s͟haik͟hzādas of Sīkrī, well known for brilliance of understanding and knowledge, and the connection of old service,157 was honoured with the title of Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān, and to him I gave the government of Delhi. On the 21st of the same month I presented Parwīz with a necklace composed of four rubies and one hundred pearls. The rank of Ḥakīm Muz̤affar was fixed at 3,000 personal and 1,000 horse, original and extra. I gave 5,000 rupees to Nathu Māl (?), Rāja of Manjholi.158

A remarkable occurrence was the discovery of a letter from Mīrzā ʿAzīz Koka to ʿAlī K͟hān, the ruler of K͟handesh. I had had an impression that he had a particular enmity to me on K͟husrau’s account, who was his son-in-law. From the discovery of this writing it became clear that he had never given up his innate treachery, and had adopted this unbecoming attitude towards my revered father also. In short, this letter which he had written at some time to Rāja ʿAlī K͟hān [80]was from beginning to end full of abuse and disapprobation, and said things which no enemy even could have written and such as could not be attributed to anyone, and far less to one like His Majesty, ʿArs͟h-ās͟hyānī, a king and an appreciative sovereign, who from childhood had educated him and brought him up because of what was due for services rendered by his mother, and raised the standard of reliance on him to such a high degree as no other person possessed. This letter fell into the hands of K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan in Burhanpur amongst the property of Rāja ʿAlī K͟hān. He brought and laid it before me. In reading and seeing it the hair on my limbs stood on end. But for the consideration and due recognition of the fact that his mother had given her milk to my father I could have killed him with my own hand. Having procured his attendance I gave the letter into his hand and told him to read it with a loud voice to those present. When he saw the letter I thought his body would have parted from his soul, but with shamelessness and impudence he read it as though he had not written it and was reading it by order. Those present in that paradise-like assembly of the servants of Akbar and Jahāngīr and heard the letter read, loosened the tongue of reproach and of curses and abuse. I put the question to him, “Leaving aside the treacheries which in reliance on your worthless self you contrived against my fortune, what was done to you by my father, who raised you and your family from the dust of the road to such wealth and dignity as to make you the envy of your contemporaries, that you should write these things to the enemies of his Empire? Why did you enrol yourself amongst the wicked and disloyal? Truly, what can one make of an original nature and innate disposition? Since your temperament has been nourished by the water of treachery, what else can spring up but such actions? Passing over what you did to myself, I gave you the rank you had held before, thinking that your treachery [81]was directed against me only. Since it has become known that you behaved in a similar way to your benefactor and visible Deity, I leave you to the thoughts and actions which you formerly had and still have.” After these remarks his lips closed, and he was unable to make any reply. What could he have said in the presence of such disgrace? I gave an order to deprive him of his jagir. Although what this ingrate had done was unpardonable, yet in the end, from certain considerations, I passed it over.

On Sunday the 26th of the above-mentioned month was held the marriage feast of Parwīz and the daughter of Prince Murād. The ceremony was performed in the house of Her Highness Maryam-zamānī. The entertainment was arranged in the house of Parwīz, and all who were present were exalted with all kinds of honour and civilities. Nine thousand rupees were handed over to S͟harif Āmulī and other nobles, to be given in alms to faqirs and other poor people.

On Sunday the 10th Rajab I left the city to hunt in Girjhak and Nandana,159 and took up my quarters in the garden of Rām Dās, where I remained four days.

On Wednesday the 13th the solar weighing of Parwīz took place. They weighed him twelve times against various metals and other things, and each weighing came to two maunds and eighteen seers. I ordered the whole to be distributed amongst faqirs. At this time the rank of S͟hajāʿat K͟hān was fixed at 1,500 personal and 700 horse, original and extra.

After the march of Mīrzā G͟hāzī and his force it occurred to me to send a second contingent after him. Having bestowed on Bahādur160 K͟hān Qūrbegī the rank of 1,500 personal and 800 horse, original and extra, I started off [82]a body of cavalry,161 which came to about 3,000, with him under the leadership of S͟hāh Beg and Muḥammad Amīn. For the expenses of this force 200,000 rupees were given and 1,000 musketeers were also appointed.

I left Āṣaf K͟hān to guard K͟husrau and defend Lahore. The Amīru-l-umarā was deprived of the honour of waiting on me, as he had a severe illness and remained in the city. ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq Maʿmūrī, who had been summoned from the Rānā’s country, was promoted to be bakhshi at headquarters, and it was ordered that in company with ʿAbū-l-ḥasan he should perform this service permanently. Following my father’s rule, I appoint two men in association in the discharge of the chief offices, not from want of confidence in them, but because, as they are mortal and no man is safe from accidents or illness, if any confusion or obstacle should present itself to one the other is there so that the affairs of the servants of God may not come to ruin.

At this time also news came that at the Dasahrā, which is one of the fixed feast days of the Hindus, ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān had made an incursion from Kālpī, which is his jagir, into the province of Bandīlah, and displaying great valour made prisoner Rām Chand, son of Madhūkar, who for a long time had made a centre of disturbance in that difficult country and taken him to Kālpī. For this service he was presented with a standard and raised to 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse.

Petitions from the subah of Bihar represented that Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān had had a battle with Sangrām, one of the chief zamindars of Bihar, who had about 4,000 horse and innumerable foot, on account of certain opposition and [83]disloyalty on rough land, and that on the field the aforesaid K͟hān had exerted himself manfully. In the end Sangrām died of a gunshot wound; many of his men fell in the battle, and those saved from the sword took to flight. Since this distinguished affair had been brought about by Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, I promoted him to the rank of 4,500 personal and 3,500 horse.

Three months and six days passed by in hunting; 581 animals were captured with the gun, hunting leopards and nets, and a qamargāh; of these 158 were killed by my own gun. The qamargah was held twice; on one occasion in Girjhāk, when the ladies were present, 155 animals were killed; and the second time, in Nandīna, 110.162 The details of the animals killed are as follows: mountain sheep, 180; mountain goats, 29; wild asses, 10; Nilgai, 9; antelope, etc., 348.

On Wednesday the 16th Shawwāl I returned safe from my hunting, and when one watch and six gharis of day had passed I entered Lahore on the day named. During this hunting a strange affair was witnessed. At Chandwālah, where a minaret had been erected, I had wounded in the belly a black antelope. When wounded, a sound proceeded from him such as I have never heard from any antelope, except in the rutting season. Old hunters and those with me were astonished, and said they never remembered nor had they heard from their fathers that such a voice issued from an antelope except at rutting time. This has been written down because it is not void of strangeness. I found the flesh of the mountain goat more delicious than that of all wild animals, although its skin is exceedingly ill-odoured, so much so that even when tanned the scent is not destroyed. I ordered one of the largest of the he-goats to be weighed; it was 2 maunds and 24 seers, equal to 21 foreign maunds [84](Persian). I ordered a large ram to be weighed, and it came to 2 maunds and 3 seers Akbarī, equal to 17 Persian (wilāyatī) maunds. The largest and strongest of the wild asses weighed 9 maunds and 16 seers, equal to 76 Persian (wilāyatī) maunds. I have frequently heard from hunters and those fond of the chase that at a certain regular time a worm develops in the horns of the mountain ram, and that this worm causes an irritation which induces the ram to fight with his hind, and that if he finds no rival he strikes his head against a tree or a rock to allay the irritation. After enquiry it seems that the same worm appears in the horn of the female sheep, and since the female does not fight the statement is clearly untrue. Though the flesh of the wild ass is lawful food and most men like to eat it, it was in no way suited to my taste.

Inasmuch as before this time the punishment of Dulīp and of his father, Rāy Rāy Singh, had been ordered, there now came news that Zāhid K͟hān, the son of Ṣādiq K͟hān, and ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, son of S͟haik͟h Abū-l-faẓl, and Rānā S͟hankar and Muʿizzu-l-mulk, with another force of mansabdars and followers of the Court, had heard news of Dulīp in the neighbourhood of Nāgor, which is in the subah of Ajmir, and having moved against him had found him. As he could find no way of escape, of necessity he planted a firm foot and came to blows with the royal army. After a short encounter he was badly beaten and gave over many to slaughter, and himself, taking with him his own effects, fled into the vale of ruin.

“With broken arms and loosened belt,

No power to fight and no care for head.”

In spite of his old age, I continued Qilīj K͟hān in his mansab because of his service under my father, and I ordered that he should get a jagir in the sarkar of Kālpī.

In the month Ẕī-l-qaʿda the mother of Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka, who had given me her milk and was as [85]a mother to me or even kinder than my own kind mother, and in whose lap I had been brought up from infancy, was committed to the mercy of God. I placed the feet of her corpse on my shoulders and carried her a part of the way (to her grave). Through extreme grief and sorrow I had no inclination for some days to eat, and I did not change my clothes.


1 That is, he was 37 years 3 months by the lunar calendar, and 36 years 1 month by solar reckoning (Pāds͟hāhnāma, i, 69). Elliot and all the MSS. have 8th Jumādā-s̤-s̤ānī as the date of the accession, but this is clearly wrong, as Akbar did not die till 13th Jumādā-s̤-s̤ānī. Evidently the copyists have, as is so often the case, misread bistam as has͟htam. See Blochmann’s remark, p. 454, note 3. That Jahāngīr was not at this time 38 is shown by his stating at p. 37 that he celebrated his 38th birthday at Lahore after the capture of K͟husrau. 

2 The Sanskrit Kalinda. 

3 The couplet appears in Masʿūd’s divan, B.M. MS. Egerton, 701, p. 142a, line 4. The preceding lines show that the dust (gard) referred to in the first line means the dust caused by the invading army. I take the words barū bārhāī to mean the battlements or pinnacles of the fortress, the ī at the end of bārhā being intensive. 

4 Erskine’s manuscript translation of the Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī, B.M. MS. Add. 26,611, and the B.M. MS. have chīnī, not ḥabs͟hī. But I.O. MS. No. 181 and the R.A.S. MS. have ḥusainī, and this seems right. See Memoirs, Leyden & Erskine, p. 326, and the Haidarabad Turkī text, p. 284. The kis͟hmis͟hī is a small grape like that of which currants are made. 

5 Cf. infra the account of the 11th year, p. 173. 

6 See Memoirs. L. & E., p. 330. 

7 The name rāe bel is not given in Clarke’s Roxburgh, but perhaps it is one of the jessamines, and may be the bela of Clarke (p. 30). The rāe bel is described by Abū-l-faẓl (Blochmann, pp. 76 and 82). The statement about its flowers being double and treble is obscure. Erskine renders the passage “The leaves are generally two and three fold.” The Persian word is t̤abaqa, which apparently is equivalent to the tūī or fold of the Āyīn-i-Akbarī, Persian text, i, 96. The reference may be to the flowers growing in umbels. 

8 This is the bokul of Indian gardens (Clarke, p. 313), and well deserves Jahāngīr’s praise. It is probably the bholsārī mentioned in the Āyīn (Blochmann, No. 10, p. 83). Blochmann gives bholsirī (p. 70) as the name of a fruit-tree, and the bholsārī of p. 83 maybe a mistake for mūlsarī

9 The text has sewtī, but the sewtī seems to be the Rosa glandulifera of Roxburgh (Clarke, p. 407) and has no resemblance to the Pandanus. See also the description of the sewtī, Blochmann, p. 82. (Perhaps there are two sewtīs, one famous for fragrance, the other for beauty. See l.c., pp. 76 and 82.) What is meant in the text is evidently a Pandanus and the ketkī of Blochmann, p. 83. I have followed, therefore, I.O. MS. 181, and have substituted ketkī for sewtī. The ketkī may be Pandanus inermis, which has no thorns (Clarke, p. 708). Erskine also has ketkī

10 L.c. p. 33 et seq. 

11 Du Jarric, who got his information from missionary reports, seems to imply that the chain was of silver, and says that Jahāngīr was following the idea of an old Persian king. It is mentioned in the Siyar al-mutaʾak͟hk͟hirīn (reprint, i, 230) that Muḥammad S͟hāh in 1721 revived this, and hung a long chain with a bell attached to it from the octagon tower which looked towards the river. 

12 In text this is wrongly made part of regulation 2. 

13 Gladwin and the MSS. have dilbahra (exhilarating drink), and this is probably correct. Jahāngīr would know little about rice-spirit. 

14 This regulation is more fully expounded in Price, p. 7. 

15 It is curious that Jahāngīr should give the 18th Rabīʿu-l-awwal as his birthday, while the authorities give it as the 17th. Probably the mistake has arisen from Jahāngīr’s writing Rabīʿu-l-awwal instead of S͟hahrīwar. His birthday was Ras͟hn the 18th day of S͟hahrīwar (see Akbarnāma, ii, 344), but it was the 17th Rabīʿu-l-awwal. See Muḥammad Hādī’s preface, p. 2, and Beale, and Jahāngīr’s own statement a few lines above. Possibly Jahāngīr wished to make out that he was born on the 18th Rabīʿu-l-awwal and a Thursday, because he regarded Thursday as a blessed day (mubārak s͟hamba), whilst he regarded Wednesday as peculiarly unlucky, and called it kam, or gam, s͟hamba

16 Cf. Elliot’s translation, vi, 513, and note 2. 

17 The MSS. have “the subsistence lands of people in general (ahālī) and the aimas.” 

18 In the text and in Elliot, vi, 515, this is made a separate order, but it is not so in the MSS. If it were, we should have thirteen instead of twelve regulations. This is avoided in text and in Elliot by putting the 8th and 7th regulations into one ordinance. With regard to the regulation about releasing the prisoners, Sir Henry Elliot is somewhat unjust to Jahāngīr in his commentary at p. 515. It was only those who had been long imprisoned whom Jahāngīr released, and his proceedings at Ranthambhor in the 13th year (Tūzuk, p. 256) show that he exercised discrimination in releasing prisoners. The account in Price, p. 10, may also be consulted. There Jahāngīr says he released 7,000 men from Gwalior alone. It may be remembered that most of these were political offenders. Private criminals were for the most part put to death, or mutilated, or fined. There were no regular jails. 

19 The above translation of the Institutes should be compared with Sir Henry Elliot’s translation and his commentary: History of India, E. & D., vol. vi, Appendix, p. 493. 

20 Erskine’s MS. has īs̤ārī for nis̤ārī, and ak͟htar-i-qabūl instead of k͟hair-i-qabūl

21 This is Blochmann’s Āṣaf K͟hān No. iii, viz. Mīrzā Jaʿfar Beg. See pp. 368 and 411. 

22 The words Āftāb-i-Mamlakat yield, according to the numeration by abjad, the date 1014 A.H. (1605). 

23 Page 4 of the text is followed by engravings of the coins of Jahāngīr and the inscriptions thereon, for which the editor, Saiyid Aḥmad, says he is indebted to Mr. Thornhill, the Judge of Meerut. They do not show the lines of poetry. There is an interesting article on the couplets on Jahāngīr’s coins by Mr. C. J. Rodgers, J.A.S.B. for 1888, p. 18. 

24 The chronogram is ingenious. The words Ṣāḥib-Qirān-i-S̤ānī yield only 1013 according to abjad, and this is a year too little. But the verse states that Prosperity (or Fortune), Iqbāl, laid his head at the second lord of conjunction’s feet, and the head of Iqbāl, according to the parlance of chronogram-composers, is the first letter of the word, that is, alif, which stands for one (ا) in abjad, and so the date 1014 is made up. Ṣāḥib-Qirān-i-S̤ānī means ‘the second lord of conjunction,’ and is a title generally applied to S͟hāh Jahān; the first lord of conjunction (i.e the conjunction of Jupiter and Venus) was Tīmūr. 

25 A great officer under Humāyūn and Akbar. See Āyīn, Blochmann, p. 317. 

26 Blochmann, p. 331. He had 1,200 eunuchs. He is generally styled Saʿīd Chag͟hatai. The exact nature of his relationship does not appear. It is not mentioned in his biography in the Maʾās̤ir, ii, 403. Perhaps the word (nisbat) does not here mean affinity by marriage. 

27 According to the account in Price, p. 16, and in the Maʾās̤ir, ii, 405, Saʿīd K͟hān gave a bond that if his people were oppressive he would forfeit his head. 

28 He does not seem to have had any real power, and he was soon superseded. See Maʾās̤ir, iii, 932. 

29 It appears from Erskine and from I.O. MS. that this is a mistake for Yātis͟h-begī, ‘Captain of the Watch,’ and that the name is Amīnu-d-dīn, and not Amīnu-d-daula. See Akbarnāma, iii, 474, etc. 

30 S͟harīf K͟hān had been sent by Akbar to recall Jahāngīr to his duty, but instead of coming back he stayed on. He did not accompany Jahāngīr when the latter went off the second time to wait upon his father. Probably he was afraid to do so. Jahāngīr appointed him to Bihar before he left Allahabad to visit his father for the second time. Jahāngīr says S͟harīf waited upon him fifteen days after his accession, and on 4th Rajab. This is another proof, if proof were needed, that the copyists have misread the opening sentence of the Tūzuk and have written has͟htam instead of bistam, for 4th Rajab is fifteen days after 20th Jumādā-l-āk͟hir. The Pāds͟hāhnāma and K͟hāfī K͟hān have 20th, and Price and Price’s original say that S͟harīf arrived sixteen days after the accession. 

31 I.O. MS. 181 and Muḥammad Hādī have Sult̤ān Nis̤ār Begam. K͟hāfī K͟hān, i, 245, has Sult̤ān Begam, and says she was born in 994. Price’s Jahāngīr, p. 20, says she was born a year before K͟husrau. She built a tomb for herself in the K͟husrau Bāg͟h, Allahabad, but she is not buried there (see J.R.A.S. for July, 1907, p. 607). She died on 4th S͟haʿbān, 1056 (5th September, 1646), and was at her own request buried in her grandfather’s tomb at Sikandra (Pāds͟hāhnāma, ii, 603–4). 

32 Should be S͟haik͟hāwaṭ. 

33 The R.A.S. and I.O. MSS. have here Umrā instead of Uzbegs. Umrā here stands, I think, for Umr Singh, the Rānā of Udaipūr, and the meaning is that S͟hīr K͟hān lost his arm in service against the Rānā. 

34 The point of the verse seems to be that light is regarded as something spread like a carpet on the ground, and that to place the foot upon it is to insult the sun. Compare Price, p. 33; but Manohar’s verse is wrongly translated there owing to a badly written MS. For Manohar see Akbarnāma, iii, 221, and Badayūnī, iii, 201, also Blochmann, p. 494, and his article in Calcutta Review for April, 1871, also the Dabistān, translation, ii, 53. 

35 Probably here āb means both water and the water of the sword. These lines are not in the R.A.S. or I.O. MSS. 

36 Text, iḥtiyāt̤ (caution); the MSS. have iʿtiqād (confidence), and I adopt this reading. 

37 Blochmann, p. 52. It was a small round seal. Ūzūk or ūzuk is a Tartar word meaning a ring, i.e. a signet-ring. 

38 Text, ṣabiyya (daughter), and this led Blochmann (p. 477, note 2) to say that if Sayyid Aḥmad’s text was correct Jahāngīr must have forgotten, in the number of his wives, which of them was the mother of Parwīz. As a fact, Sayyid Aḥmad’s text is not correct, though the R.A.S. MS. agrees with it. The two excellent I.O. MSS. have k͟hwīs͟h (relative), which is here equivalent to cousin. So also has the B.M. MS. used by Erskine. According to Muḥammad Hādī’s preface Parwīz’s mother was the daughter of K͟hwāja Ḥasan, the paternal uncle of Zain K͟hān Koka. His birth was in Muḥarram, 998, or 19th Ābān (November, 1589). See also Akbarnāma, iii, 568. 

39 I.e., both were Akbar’s foster-brothers. 

40 Price, p. 20, has Karmitty, and says the daughter only lived two months. Karamsī appears twice in the Akbarnāma as the name of a man; see Akbarnāma, ii, 261, and iii, 201. The name may mean ‘composed of kindness.’ The statement in Price is wrong. Bihār Bānū was married to T̤ahmuras̤ s. Prince Dāniyāl in his 20th year (see Tūzuk, M. Hādī’s continuation, p. 400). According to M. Hādī’s preface, Karamsī was the daughter of Rāja Kesho Dās Rāthor, and her daughter Bihār Bānū was born on 23rd S͟hahrīwar, 998 (September, 1590). Kesho Dās Rāṭhor is probably the Kesho Dās Mārū of the Tūzuk. 

41 Best known as Jodh Bāī (Blochmann, p. 619). 

42 It is extraordinary that Jahāngīr should have put S͟hāh-Jahān’s birth into A.H. 999. The I.O. MSS. support the text, but the R.A.S. MS. has A.H. 1000, which is without doubt right. Cf. Akbarnāma, Bib. Ind., iii, 603. Later on, a great point was made of his having been born in a millennium. The date is 5th January, 1592. 

43 Muḥammad Hādī says in his preface, p. 6, that S͟hāh-Jahān’s grandfather Akbar gave him the name of Sultan K͟hurram, ‘Prince Joy,’ because his birth made the world glad. It was noted that the child was born in the first millennium, and also that, like his father, he was born in the same month as the Prophet. 

44 Gladwin says they were twins, but this seems a mistake. They were both born about the time of Akbar’s death. 

45 In MS. No. 310 of Ethé’s Cat. of I.O. MSS. Saʿid K͟hān is described as giving as his reason for asking for M. G͟hāzī that he had adopted him as his son. Price’s Jahāngīr, p. 21, says the same thing. 

46 This should be Jān, and is so in I.O. MS. 181. 

47 See Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, iii, 932. The meaning of the half and half is that the two men were made coadjutors. 

48 In R.A.S. and I.O. MSS. the following passage is a verse. See also Mr. Lowe’s translation, p. 16. 

49 Wird means ‘daily practice,’ and may be the word intended here. 

50 Cf. this with the fuller details in Price, p. 22. Following Blochmann, I take S͟hab-i-jumʿa to mean Thursday and not Friday night. 

51 The text has ʿAbdu-l-G͟hanī, but this, as the MSS. show and Blochmann has pointed out, is a mistake for ʿAbdu-n-Nabī. ʿAbdu-n-Nabī was strangled, and the common report is that this was done by Abū-l-faẓl. If this be true it is rather surprising that Jahāngīr does not mention it as an excuse for killing Abū-l-faẓl. Cf. the account of Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān in Price, p. 24. The “Forty Sayings” is a book by Jāmī. See Rieu, Cat. i, 17, and also Dr. Herbelot s.v. Arbain

52 This should be G͟hiyās̤ Beg. He was father of Nūrjahān. According to the Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā (i, 129), he was commander of 1,000 under Akbar. 

53 Topk͟hāna-i-rikāb, lit. stirrup-arsenal. It means light artillery that could accompany royal progresses. See Bernier, and Irvine, A. of M., 134. 

54 Text, topchī, which seems properly to mean a gunner, but the number is preposterous. Cf. Blochmann, p. 470, and Price, p. 28. Price’s original has 6,000 topchī mounted on camels, and has pāytak͟ht, i.e. the capital. Erskine has “To have always in readiness in the arsenal arms, and accoutrements for 50,000 matchlock men.” This seems reasonable, for even if Jahāngīr ordered 50,000 musketeers, he would not have required them to be kept in the arsenal. It seems to me that though chī in Turkī is the sign of the agent (nomen agentis) it is occasionally used by Indian writers as a diminutive. Thus topchī here probably means a small gun or a musket, and in Hindustani we are familiar with the word chilamchī, which means a small basin. At p. 301 of the Tūzuk, four lines from foot, we have the word īlchī, which commonly means an ambassador—an agent of a people—used certainly not in this sense, and apparently to mean a number of horses. It is, however, doubtful if īlchī here be the true reading. 

55 Text, aknūn (now), which is a mistake for altūn (gold). See Elliot and Dowson, vi, 288. Āl is vermilion in Turkī and altūn gold. Jahāngīr means that he changed the name from āl tamg͟hā to altūn tamg͟hā

56 Mīrzā Sult̤ān was great-grandson of Sulaimān. 

57 Perhaps the reference is to the boy’s own father. He was alive at this time, and Akbar was not. 

58 This is the man who afterwards rebelled and made Jahāngīr his prisoner. 

59 Text, ulūs-i-Dihli. Blochmann (p. 482 n.) points out that this is a very doubtful term, as Mīrzā ʿAlī came from Badakhshan. On examining three MSS. of the Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī I find no word Dihli, but the words īn ulūs, ‘this tribe or family,’ and I think this must be the correct reading, and refers to the Timurides. The same phrase occurs at text, p. 173. Blochmann suggests to read Dūldāy for Dihli, but I think it more probable that the word Dihli should be ʿālī. Mīrzā ʿAlī was styled Akbars͟hāhī, and no doubt this is why Jahāngīr writes īn ulūs or ulūs-i-ʿālī. Mīrzā ʿAlī is often mentioned in the Akbarnāma in connection with the wars in the Deccan, and is generally called Akbars͟hāhī, e.g. at p. 702. For an account of his pathetic death see Blochmann, l.c., the Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, iii, 357, and the text, p. 163. 

60 The MSS. have a different reading, “If a king seize country and climes,” etc. 

61 S͟hāhruk͟h was married to Jahāngīr’s half-sister, S͟hakaru-n-nisā. He was a Timurid. 

62 The MSS. have Abū-l-walī, and this seems more likely. 

63 The MSS. have Bhīnā, and Price’s original seems also to have Bhīnā. Muqarrab did not return for about seven months, as this entry could not have been made till then. See p. 35 of Persian text of Tūzuk. 

64 Text, Suk͟hunān-i-past u buland. Cf. Steingass, s.v. past. Words gentle and severe seem meant. 

65 See Blochmann, p. 447. He is mentioned by Du Jarric as disputing with the Catholic priests before Jahāngīr (see J.A.S.B. for 1896, p. 77). According to Badayūnī, iii, 98, it was Naqīb’s father, ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, with whom Akbar read (see Akbarnāma, ii, 19). ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf and his family arrived in 963 (1556). Erskine understands Jahāngīr’s remark to mean that Naqīb was his (Jahāngīr’s) teacher, but probably Jahāngīr means that it was Naqīb’s father who taught Akbar, or he has confounded the father and son. As Naqīb lived till 1023 (1614), he would probably be too young in 1556 to have been Akbar’s teacher. 

66 Mān Singh was the adopted son of Bhagwān Dās, and it would appear from this passage that he was his nephew also. 

67 The MSS. have Ḥātim s. Bābūī Manglī, and this is right. See Blochmann, p. 370, n. i, and p. 473. 

68 The MSS. have S͟hāhwār. 

69 I.O. MSS. have Abū-l-walī. He was an Ūzbeg, and received the title of Bahādur K͟hān. See Ma ās̤iru-l-umarā, i, 400, and Akbarnāma, iii, 820 and 839, where he is called Abū-l-Baqā. The real name seems to be Abūl Be or Bey, and this is how Erskine writes the name. 

70 The text seems corrupt. The I.O. MSS. say nothing about Shiraz, but merely that Ḥusain Jāmī was a disciple who had a dervish character (sīrat); nor does the R.A.S. MS. mention Shiraz. 

71 That is, descended from the famous Central Asian saint K͟hwāja Aḥrār. 

72 Something seems to have fallen out of the text and MSS., for this passage is obscure and not connected with the context. It is clearer in Price’s version, where it is brought in as part of Jahāngīr’s statements about promotions, and where (p. 40) we read as follows:—“I shall now return to the more grateful subject of recording rewards and advancements.... On K͟hwāja Zakariyyā, the son of K͟hwāja Muḥammad Yaḥyā, although in disgrace, I conferred the rank of 500. This I was induced to do on the recommendation of the venerated S͟haik͟h Ḥusain Jāmī. Six months previous to my accession,” etc. Evidently the statement about Zakariyyā’s promotion has been omitted accidentally from the Tūzuk. There is a reference to the S͟haik͟h’s dream in Muḥammad Hādī’s preface to the Tūzuk (p. 15). He says there that it was the saint Bahāʾu-l-ḥaqq who appeared in a dream to Ḥusain Jāmī and told him that Sult̤ān Salīm would soon be king. 

73 I.e. of Furj or Furg in Persia. But Furjī is a mistake for Qūrchī (belonging to the body-guard). He was a Mogul. See Blochmann, p. 457. 

74 Text has wrongly Pak͟hta. See Blochmann, p. 469. He received the title of Sardār K͟hān. 

75 Should be Namakīn. See Blochmann, p. 199. 

76 This passage has been translated by Elliot (vi, 289). See also Price (p. 44), where the discussion is fuller. 

77 Jahāngīr’s idea is somewhat vaguely expressed, but his meaning seems to be that the ten incarnations do not illustrate any attribute of God, for there have been men who performed similar wonders. The corresponding passage in the text used by Major Price is differently rendered by him, but his version is avowedly a paraphrase, and it appears incorrect in this passage. 

78 Literally, “of the How and the Why.” 

79 Text, s͟hīr-andām, ‘tiger-shaped,’ which I think means thin in the flank (see Steingass, s.v.). I have taken the translation of the words malāḥat and ṣabāḥat from Elliot. See his note vi, 376, where the two words seem wrongly spelt. 

80 Erskine has “Let Sulaimān place his ring on his finger.” 

81 Price translates—

“In pleasure of the chase with thee, my soul breathes fresh and clear;

But who receives thy fatal dart, sinks lifeless on his bier.”

 

82 Perhaps referring to the name which Dāniyāl gave to his gun, and which recoiled on himself, but the MSS. and text have nagīrad, and not bagīrad

83 The MSS. have S͟hakar-nis̤ār, ‘sugar-sprinkling.’ She lived into S͟hāh-Jahān’s reign. 

84 She died unmarried in Jahāngīr’s reign. 

85 This must, I think, be the meaning, though according to the wording the statement would seem to be that there is no room for Shias except in Persia. Erskine has “None but Shias are tolerated in Persia, Sunnis in Rūm and Tūrān, and Hindus in Hindustan.” 

86 Kings are regarded as shadows of God. 

87 The chronogram is one year short, yielding 962 instead of 963. 

88 According to the T̤abaqāt, Elliot, v, 366, what the Mīrzā said was “Where are the elephants?” 

89 The word for ‘face-guard’ is pīsh-rūy (front-face), and Jahāngīr makes his father pun upon the word, saying, “It has loosed (opened) my front-face.” Cf. Price, p. 54. 

90 ‘The helper.’ This is an allusion to Akbar’s patron saint, Muʿīnu-d-dīn Chiṣhtī, whose name he adopted as his battle-cry. 

91 The reading in the lithograph seems wrong; the MSS. have az bāzīcha, ‘in jest.’ 

92 Abū-l-faẓl is more moderate; he says (Blochmann, p. 116) that Akbar killed 1,019 animals with Sangrām. 

93 Blochmann says, of Mashhad, p. 381. 

94 The furriery. See Blochmann, pp. 87 n. and 616. Kurk means ‘fur’ in Turki. 

95 The word yātish is omitted in text, but occurs in the MSS. 

96 Ḥājī Koka was sister of Saʿādat Yār Koka (Akbar-nāma, iii, 656). According to Price this passage refers to a widows’ fund. 

97 This was one of Akbar’s regulations (Blochmann p. 142). The amount was ten dams on each muhr of the horse’s value, calculated on an increase of 50 per cent. See also Price, p. 61. 

98 This passage is not clear, but the peculiarity to which attention is drawn seems rather the prominent forehead than the oozing fluid. Price (p. 62) has a fuller account of this elephant. 

99 See Blochmann, pp. 176, 452, and the very full account of him in the Maʾās̤ir, iii, 285. Amul is an old city south of the Caspian and west of Astrabad. 

100 She was Akbar’s first and principal wife, but bore him no children. She long survived him. 

101 These are the opening lines of an ode of Ḥāfiz̤. 

102 Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā. Yatīm instead of Pīm or Bīm. See Blochmann, p. 470. Erskine has Saīn Bahādur. 

103 MS. 181 has 34. 

104 I think Jahāngīr means that though the K͟hān was an excellent servant in his own line, he was hardly fit for the command of 2,000 or for the title of K͟hān. Cf. his praise of him at p. 71 (Blochmann, p. 498). He was called Pīs͟hrau probably from his going on ahead with the advance camp, as being in charge of the carpets, etc., as well as because of his personal activity. 

105 In Price’s Jahāngīr, p. 15, Jahāngīr states that he had imprisoned K͟husrau in the upper part of the royal tower in the castle of Agra. It from this confinement that K͟husrau escaped. 

106 Du Jarric says it was in this way that he was allowed to pass the sentinels. Du Jarric gives the date of K͟husrau’s flight as 15th April, 1606 (this would be New Style). By Sunday night is meant Saturday evening. Sunday was Akbar’s birthday. 

107 Elliot (vii, 292) makes the Amīru-l-umarā envious of his peers, and Jahāngīr apprehensive lest he should destroy K͟husrau, but he had just told him that nothing he did against K͟husrau would be wrong. Clearly Jahāngīr’s fear was that his favourite should be destroyed by K͟husrau, or perhaps by the Amīr’s treacherous associates. 

108 The text has a curious mistake here: instead of ba Kābul it has bakāwal (‘superintendent of the kitchen’) as part of Dūst Muḥammad’s name. Dūst was not bakāwal, but held higher office, and was later put in charge of the fort of Agra and given the title of K͟hwāja Jahān. 

109 Price, p. 6, note. 

110 According to K͟hāfī K͟hān (i, 250) he was put to death, unless the expression “claws of death” is merely rhetorical. The Maʾās̤ir (iii, 334) says he was imprisoned. 

111 The above obscure passage is explained in Price, p. 69. 

112 Elliot (vi, 293) observes that this is a very involved and obscure passage. 

113 Blochmann, p. 418. 

114 The word tiryāq means both opium and antidote. 

115 Blochmann, relying on K͟hāfi K͟hān, puts her death in 1011, and the Akbar-nāma (iii, 826) puts it in 1012. The chronogram in the K͟husrau Bāg͟h yields 1012. See J.R.A.S. for July, 1907, p. 604. 

116 Where Lord Bellomont died in 1656. See Manucci (Irvine), i, 71. 

117 Probably this means the grandsons. At p. 329 it is mentioned that the grandsons had been confined in Gwalior up to the 16th year. 

118 Pāra, qu. ‘a heap’? 

119 Narela is said to be 15½ miles north-west of Delhi. William Finch, in his itinerary, mentions the stage as Nalera, a name that corresponds with Jahāngīr’s. 

120 53 miles north of Delhi. 

121 Instead of tāza the MSS. have pāra, and the meaning seems to be that he accompanied K͟husrau for some distance. In Price’s Jahāngīr (p. 81) it is said that Niz̤ām received 6,000 rupees. 

122 This is an interesting passage, because it is Jahāngīr’s account of his father’s ‘Divine Faith.’ But it is obscure, and copyists seem to have made mistakes. It is explained somewhat by the MS. used by Price (trans., pp. 82, 83), where more details are given than in the text. It is there stated that Aḥmad was Mīr-i-ʿAdl of Jahāngīr before the latter’s accession. 

123 The text has dast u sīna (hand and bosom), but the correct words, as is shown in the I.O. MS., No. 181, are s͟hast u s͟habiha or s͟habah, and these refer to the ring or token and the portrait given by Akbar to the followers of the ‘Divine Faith.’ See Blochmann, pp. 166 n. and 203; and Badayūnī, ii, 338. Aḥmad appears to be the Aḥmad Sūfī of Blochmann, pp. 208, 209, and of Badayūnī, ii, 404, and Lowe, p. 418. He was a member of the ‘Divine Faith.’ 

124 Text, pūj or pūch, but the manuscript reading lūk is preferable. Erskine’s MS. has lūj, naked. 

125 Price (p. 83) has Anand or Anwand. Apparently Alūwa is right; it is a place 18 miles north-west of Umballa. Cf. “India under Aurangzib,” by J. N. Sarkar. 

126 Abū-l-Bey, the Abū-l-Baqā of Akbar-nāma, iii, 820. 

127 A member of the ‘Divine Faith’ (Blochmann, p. 452, etc.). 

128 The text has qatl by mistake for qabl

129 Biryānī. See Blochmann, p. 60. 

130 The Gundvāl of Tiefenthaler, i, 113. Cunningham, in his history of the Sikhs, spells it Goīndwāl. It is on the Beas. 

131 The text has singhāsan instead of sukhāsan. Kāmgāar Ḥusainī has sukhpāl

132 Instead of the basūzānād of the text, the MSS. have bas͟hūrānad, he defiles. In the last line they have jāy instead of tak͟ht

133 I.e. the place to which to turn in prayer. 

134 Elliot (vi, 299) has Jahān, and the word in the MSS. does not look like Jaipāl. 

135 This word appears to be a mistake; it is not in the MSS. 

136 When the boat stuck, the boatmen swam ashore, and it was probably then that Ḥusain shot at them. See Blochmann, p. 414, n. 2. 

137 “With a chain fastened from his left hand to his left foot, according to the law of Chingīz K͟hān” (Gladwin’s Jahāngīr, quoted by Elliot, vi, 507). But apparently what is meant is that K͟husrau was led up from the left side of the emperor. 

138 Du Jarric, in his history of the Jesuit Missions, gives some details about the punishment. The bullock and ass were slaughtered on the spot and their skins were sewed on the bodies of the unhappy men. Horns and ears were left on the skins. 

139 Perhaps the meaning is that the weather was bad. 

140 The proper form seems to be Bhaironwāl, the Bhyrowal of the maps. It is on the right bank of the Bīāh (Beas) on the road from Jalandhar to Amritsar. See Blochmann, p. 414, note. 

141 The words are omitted in the text. Erskine read in his MS. gāu jizwan, which I do not understand. The I.O. MSS. and B.M. MS. Or 3276 have gāwān u k͟harān. Ḥusain Beg, whose proper name was Ḥasan, was a brave soldier, and did good service under Akbar. See his biography in Blochmann, p. 454. 

142 The fifth Gūrū of the Sikhs and the compiler of the Granth. He was the father of Har Govind. See Sayyid Muhammad Lat̤īf’s history of the Punjāb, p. 253. Arjun’s tomb is in Lahore. 

143 But qas͟hqa is a Turkish word. The Hindi phrase seems to be ṭīkā

144 The cousin of Moses, famous for his wealth; the Korah of the Bible. 

145 Gladwin has Nāgh. 

146 Blochmann, p. 50. 

147 Akbar-nāma, iii, 748, and Blochmann, p. 546. He was a man of piety and learning, and Jahāngīr means that he restored him to his former quiet life. The arbāb-i-saʿādat, or auspicious persons, were those who offered up prayers for the king’s prosperity and other blessings. 

148 Amba was killed later by Nūr-Jahān’s husband, Shīr-Afgan (Tūzuk, pp. 54, 55). 

149 Blochmann, p. 310. 

150 These words are not in the MSS., and they seem to have crept into the text by mistake and to be a premature entry of words relating to Hās͟him, etc. The brother of the former ruler (or king) of K͟handesh could hardly be a k͟hānazād

151 This should be, according to the MSS., “army against the Rānā,” not army of the Deccan. 

152 The MSS. have “in the neighbourhood of Lahore.” Parwīz had then charge of Bihar. 

153 Text, wrongly, Bahman. Jahāngīr was born on the 21st of S͟hahrīwar. 

154 Apparently, had long looked forward to the happy day when Jahāngīr should be weighed as a king. 

155 Perhaps the meaning is that he was introduced along with Dāniyāl’s children. 

156 Blochmann, p. 492. 

157 This refers to his parentage. 

158 In the MSS. this name seems to be Bhīm Mal. Manjholi is written Manjholah in Blochmann, p. 175. 

159 ? Nandanpur. These places are in Sindsagār, near Multān. 

160 MS. 181 has Bahar, and it has 600 instead of 800 horse. 

161 Text, Ūymāq pūrī (?). MS. 181 has būrī, and 305 seems to have the same. Can it mean ‘red cavalry’? As Blochmann has pointed out, 371, n. 2, the word Ūymāq does not always mean the tribe, but was used to denote a superior kind of cavalry. 

162 The qamargāh or ring-hunt produced 265 head of game; the rest were shot at other times; the total of the list should be apparently 576. 

[Contents]

Feast of the Second New Year.

On Wednesday the 22nd Ẕī-l-qaʿda, 1015 (10th March, 1607), when 3½ gharis of the day had passed, the sun rose to his House of Honour. They decorated the palace after the usual fashion: a great entertainment was prepared, and having seated myself at an auspicious hour on the throne of accession I exalted the nobles and courtiers with kindness and favour. On this same auspicious day it was learned from the reports sent from Qandahar that the army sent under Mīrzā G͟hāzī, son of Mīrzā Jānī, to succour (which had been appointed to assist) S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, had entered the city of Qandahar on the 12th of Shawwāl. When the Persians heard of the arrival of the victorious army at the last stage before the aforesaid city,1 they became surprised and wretched and repentant, and did not draw rein until they had reached the Helmand, fifty or sixty kos distant.

In the second place it became known that the governor of Farāh and a number of the officers of that neighbourhood had taken it into their heads, after the death of the late king, that in this confusion Qandahar might easily fall into their hands, and without waiting for an order from S͟hāh ʿAbbās had collected together and won over the Chief of Sewistān (Sīstān). Sending someone to [86]Ḥusain K͟hān, the governor of Herat they asked for support from him. He also sent a force. After that they turned to attack Qandahar. S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, the governor of that place, seeing that battle has two heads, and that if (which God forbid!) he should be defeated he would lose possession of Qandahar, thought that to confine himself in a fort would be better than to fight. He therefore determined to hold the fort, and sent quick messengers to the Court. It happened that at this time the royal standards had started from Agra in pursuit of K͟husrau, and had arrived at Lahore. Immediately on hearing this news (from S͟hāh Beg K͟hān), a large force was sent off of amirs and mansabdars under Mīrzā G͟hāzī. Before the Mīrzā reached Qandahar the news had been carried to the S͟hāh (of Persia) that the governor of Farāh, with some of the jagirdars of that neighbourhood, had proceeded towards the province of Qandahar. Considering this an improper proceeding, he sent Ḥusain Beg, a well-known man and one of his own intimates to make enquiries. He also sent a farman in their names that they should move away from the vicinity of Qandahar and go to their own places and abodes, because the friendship and amity of his ancestors with the dignified family of Jahāngīr Pāds͟hāh were of old standing. That body, before the arrival of Ḥusain Beg and the King’s order, not being able to oppose the royal army, considered the opportunity of returning a favourable one. The said Ḥusain Beg censured the men and started off to wait on me, which he had the honour to do at Lahore. He explained that the ill-fated army which had attacked Qandahar had acted without the order of S͟hāh ʿAbbās. God forbid (he said) that in consequence of this any unpleasantness should remain in my mind. In short, after the victorious troops reached Qandahar, they, according to orders, delivered the fort over to Sardār K͟hān, and S͟hāh Beg K͟hān returned to Court with the relieving force. [87]

On the 27th Ẕī-l-qaʿda, ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, having brought Rām Chand Bandīlah into captivity and chains, brought him before me. I ordered them to take the fetters from his legs, and bestowed on him a robe of honour, and handed him over to Rāja Bāso that he might take security and release him and a number of his relations who had been captured with him. This through my clemency and kindness came to pass. He had never imagined such clemency and kindness as I showed to him.

On the 2nd Ẕī-l-ḥijja I gave my son K͟hurram a tūmān u tūg͟h, a flag and drums, and bestowed on him the rank of 8,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and gave an order for a jagir. On the same day, having exalted Pīr K͟hān,2 son of Daulat K͟hān Lodī, who had come from K͟handesh with the children of Dāniyāl, with the title of Ṣalābat K͟hān and honoured him with the rank of 3,000 personal and 1,500 horse, and presented him with a standard and drums, I promoted him to the distinction of sonship (farzandī) beyond his fellows and equals. The ancestors and uncles of Ṣalābat K͟hān’s grandfather had been great and honourable among the tribe of Lodī. An earlier Daulat K͟hān, uncle of Ṣalābat K͟hān’s grandfather, when Ibrāhīm after his father Sikandar’s death, began to behave ill to his father’s amirs and destroyed many, became apprehensive, and sent his younger son, Dilāwar K͟hān, to wait upon H.M. Bābar in Kabul, and suggested to him the acquisition of Hindustan. As Bābar also had this enterprise in mind, he at once proceeded in that direction, and did not turn his rein till he reached the neighbourhood of Lahore. Daulat K͟hān with his followers obtained the good fortune to wait upon him, and performed loyal service. As he was an old man, adorned with inward and outward excellencies, he did much good service. He (Bābar) generally called him “father,” and entrusting to him as [88]before3 the government of the Panjab placed its amirs and jagirdars under his jurisdiction. Taking Dilāwar K͟hān with him he (Bābar) returned to Kabul. When he (Bābar) came a second time into the Panjab with intent to invade Hindustan, Daulat K͟hān waited on him, and about the same time died. Dilāwar K͟hān was honoured with the title of K͟hānk͟hānān and was with Bābar in the battle he had with Ibrāhīm. In the same way he was permanently in waiting on the late king Humāyūn. In the thānā of Mungir, at the time of his (Humāyūn’s) return from Bengal, he fought bravely against S͟hīr K͟hān Afg͟hān, and was made prisoner on the field of battle. Although S͟hīr K͟hān urged him to take service with him, he refused and said, “Thy ancestors were always the servants of mine: how, then, could I do this?” S͟hīr K͟hān was enraged, and ordered him to be shut up in a wall.4

ʿUmar K͟hān, the grandfather of Salābat K͟hān Farzand, who was cousin of Dilāwar K͟hān, had been treated with respect in the time of Salīm K͟hān. After Salīm K͟hān’s death and the slaughter of Fīrūz, his son, at the hand of Muḥammad K͟hān, ʿUmar K͟hān and his brethren became suspicious of Muḥammad K͟hān and went to Gujarat, where ʿUmar K͟hān died. Daulat K͟hān, his son, who was a brave young man of pleasant appearance, and good at all things, chose the companionship of ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, son of Bairām K͟hān, who had been dignified with the title of K͟hānk͟hānān in the reign of Akbar, and performed excellent service. The K͟hānk͟hānān regarded him as his own brother, or even a thousand times better than his brother, and dearer. Most of the K͟hānk͟hānān’s victories were gained through Daulat K͟hān’s valour and manliness.5 When my [89]revered father, having taken the province of Khandesh and the fort of Āsīr, returned to Agra, he left Dāniyāl in charge of that province and of all the provinces acquired from the rulers of the Deccan. At this time Dāniyāl had separated Daulat K͟hān from the K͟hānk͟hānān, and was keeping him in attendance on himself and handing over to him for disposal all the business of the State. He showed him much favour and perfect affection until he died in his service. He left two sons, one Muḥammad K͟hān, and the other Pīr K͟hān; Muḥammad K͟hān, who was the elder, died a short time after his father. Dāniyāl, too, wore himself out with drinking. After my accession I summoned Pīr K͟hān to Court. As I discovered in him a good disposition and natural abilities, I raised the pedestal of regard for him to the point that has been described. To-day there is not in my government any person of greater influence than he, so much so that on his representation I pass over faults which are not pardoned at the intercession of any of the other servants of the Court. In short, he is a young man of good disposition, brave, and worthy of favour, and what I have done for him has been done rightly, and he will be exalted by further favours.6

As I had made up my exalted mind to the conquest of Māwarāʾa-n-nahr (Transoxiana), which was the hereditary kingdom of my ancestors, I desired to free the face of Hindustan from the rubbish of the factious and rebellious, and leaving one of my sons in that country, to go myself with a valiant army in due array, with elephants of mountainous dignity and of lightning speed, and taking ample treasure with me, to undertake the conquest of my ancestral dominions. In accordance with this idea, I despatched Parwīz to drive back the Rānā, and intended to go myself to the Deccan, when just at that moment the [90]improper action of K͟husrau took place, and it became necessary to pursue him and put an end to that disturbance. For the same reason, the undertaking of Parwīz did not assume a promising appearance, and regarding the exigency of the time he gave a respite to the Rānā. Bringing with him one of the Rānā’s sons, he came to wait on me, and had the bliss of attending me in Lahore. When I was at ease about K͟husrau’s disturbance, and the repulse of the Qizilbāshes, who had invested Qandahar, had been brought about in a facile way, it came into my mind to make a hunting tour to Kabul, which is like my native land. After that I would return to Hindustan, when the purposes of my mind would pass from design to action. In pursuance of these steps, on the 7th Ẕī-l-ḥijja, at an auspicious hour, I left the fort of Lahore and took up my quarters in the Dil-āmīz Garden, which is on the other side of the Ravi, and stayed there four days. Sunday, the 19th Farwardīn, which is the culmination of His Majesty the Sun, I passed in the garden, and some of the servants of the Court were favourably and kindly honoured with increased rank. Ten thousand rupees were bestowed on Hasan Beg, the envoy of the ruler of Persia (S͟hāh ʿAbbās). Leaving Qilīj K͟hān, Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān, and Mīr S͟harīf Āmulī in Lahore, I ordered them to settle in consultation any matters that might present themselves. On Monday I marched from the garden mentioned, and encamped at the village of Harhar, 3½ kos distant from the city. On Tuesday the royal standards alighted at Jahāngīrpūr, which is one of my fixed hunting-places. In this neighbourhood had been erected by my order a manār at the head of the grave of an antelope called Mansarāj,7 which was without equal in fights with tame [91]antelopes and in hunting wild ones. On a stone of that manar was carved this prose composition, written by Mullā Muḥammad Ḥusain of Kashmir, who was the chief of the elegant writers of the day: “In this enchanting place an antelope came into the world-holding (jahān-gīrī) net of the God-knowing ruler Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr Pāds͟hāh. In the space of one month, having overcome his desert fierceness, he became the head of the special antelopes.” On account of the rare quality of this antelope, I commanded that no person should hunt the deer of this plain, and that their flesh should be to Hindus and Muhammadans as is the flesh of cows and pigs. They made the gravestone in the shape of an antelope. I ordered Sikandar Muʿīn, the jagirdar of the aforesaid pargana, to build a strong fort in the village of Jahangirpur.

On Thursday, the 14th, I encamped in the pargana of Chandāla.8 Thence on Saturday, the 16th, making one stage in the middle, I came to Ḥāfiz̤ābād.9 I stayed in the station which had been erected by the exertions of the karorī of that place, Mīr Qiyāmu-d-dīn. Having reached the Chenāb in two marches on Thursday, the 21st Ẕī-l-ḥijja, I crossed the river by a bridge which had been built there and my camp was pitched in the neighbourhood of the pargana of Gujrat. At the time when His Majesty Akbar went to Kashmir, a fort had been built on that bank of the river. Having brought to this fort a body of Gujars who had passed their time in the neighbourhood in thieving and highway robbery, he established them here. As it had become the abode of Gujars, he made it a separate pargana, and gave it the name of Gujrat. They call Gujars a caste which does little manual work and subsists on milk and curds. On Friday I pitched at K͟hawāṣṣpūr, five kos from Gujrat, founded by K͟hawāss [92]K͟hān, a slave of S͟hīr K͟hān Afg͟hān. Thence, with two halts in the middle, I pitched on the bank of the Bihaṭ (Jhelam). On that night a great wind blew and a black cloud hid the face of the sky. The rain was of such violence that old men remembered none such. It turned to hail, and every hailstone was the size of a hen’s egg. From the flooding of the river and the force of the wind and rain, the bridge broke. I, with the inmates of the harem, crossed in a boat. As there were few boats, I ordered the men not10 to cross in these, but to rebuild the bridge. It was finished in a week, and the whole army crossed with ease. The source of the Bihaṭ is a spring in Kashmir called the Vīr-nāg; in the language of India a snake is vīr-nāg. Clearly there had been a large snake at that place. I went twice to the spring in my father’s lifetime; it is 20 kos from the city of Kashmir. It is an octagonal reservoir about 20 yards by 20. Near it are the remains of a place of worship for recluses; cells cut out of the rock and numerous caves. The water is exceedingly pure. Although I could not guess its depth, a grain of poppy-seed is visible until it touches the bottom. There were many fish to be seen in it. As I had heard that it was unfathomable, I ordered them to throw in a cord with a stone attached, and when this cord was measured in gaz it became evident that the depth was not more than once and a half the height of a man. After my accession I ordered them to build the sides of the spring round with stone, and they made a garden round it with a canal; and built halls and houses about it, and made a place such that travellers over the world can point out few like it. When the river reaches the village of Pāmpūr, at a distance of ten kos from the city, it increases, and all the saffron of Kashmir is obtained in this village. I do not know if there is so much saffron in any other place in the world. [93]The annual crop is 500 maunds by Hindustan weight, equal to 5,000 wilāyat (Persian) maunds. In attendance on my revered father, I went to this place at the season when the saffron was in flower. On other plants of the world, first the branches (stems) shoot out and then the leaves and flowers. On the contrary, when the saffron stem is four fingers breadth from the dry ground, its flowers shoot out, of the colour of the iris,11 with four petals, and in the middle are four threads (rīs͟ha) of an orange colour like that of the flower, and of the length of a finger-joint. This is the saffron. The land is not ploughed12 or irrigated, the plant springs up amongst the clods. In some places its cultivation extends for a kos, and in others for half a kos. It looks better from a distance. At the time of plucking, all my attendants got headache from its sharp scent. Though I drank wine and took a cup, I too got headache. I asked the animal-like Kashmiris, who were employed in picking the flowers how they felt. I ascertained that they had never experienced headache in their lives.

The waters from the spring Vīr-nāg and of other streams and nullahs that join from right and left form the river Bihat, which passes through the heart of the city. Its breadth in most places is not more than a bowshot.13 No one drinks its water, because of its heaviness and indigestibility. All the people of Kashmir drink the water of a lake that is near the city, and is called Dall. The river Bihat enters this lake and flows through to the Panjab by the Bārāmūla Pass, Paklī, and Dantūr. [94]

In Kashmir there is plenty of water from streams and springs. By far the best is that of the Lār valley, which joins the Bihat in the village of S͟hihābu-d-dīn-pūr. This village is one of the celebrated places of Kashmir, and is on the Bihat. About a hundred plane-trees (chanār) of graceful form clustered14 together on one plot of ground, pleasant and green, join each other so as to shade the whole plot, and the whole surface of the ground is grass and trefoil15; so much so that to lay a carpet on it would be superfluous and in bad taste. The village was founded by Sult̤ān Zainu-l-ʿābidīn, who for 52 years ruled Kashmir with absolute sway. They speak of him as the great Pādshāh. They tell many strange customs of his. There are many remains and traces of buildings of his in Kashmir. One of these is in the midst of a lake called Wulūr, and of which the length and breadth are more than three or four kos. It is called Zain-lankā, and in making it they have exerted themselves greatly. The springs of this lake are very deep. The first time they brought a large quantity of stone in boats and poured it on the place where now the building stands it had no result. At last they sank some thousands of boats with stones, and with great labour recovered a piece of ground 100 gaz by 100 gaz out of the water, and made a terrace, and on one side thereof the Sultan erected a temple for the worship of his supreme God. Than this there is no finer place.16 He often came to the spot by boat and engaged in worship of the King of Wisdom. They say he spent many “forty days” in that place. One day a wicked son of his came to that place to kill him, and finding him alone, drew a sword and went in. When his eye fell on the Sultan, [95]however, on account of his venerable dignity and the might of his virtues, he became confused and bewildered and turned away. The Sultan shortly after came out and seated himself in the boat with this same son, and started for the city. On the way he said to his son, “I have forgotten my rosary; get into a canoe and fetch it for me.” The son having gone into the temple sees his father in the same place, and the graceless man with complete shame of face falls at his father’s feet and asks pardon for his fault. They have told many tales of such miracles as this of him, and they say also that he had well practised the science of k͟halaʿ.17 When, from the ways and methods of his sons, he perceived in them signs of haste in seeking for rule and government, he would say to them, “To me it is very easy to abandon rule, and even to pass away from life, but when I am gone you will do nothing and the time of your prosperity will not endure long, but in a short time you will obtain the recompense of your evil deeds and your own dispositions.” Having spoken thus, he gave up eating and drinking, and passed forty days in this manner. He made not his eye acquainted with sleep, and employed himself after the manner of men of piety and austerity in the worship of God Almighty. On the fortieth day he gave up the deposit of his existence, and entered into the mercy of God. He left three sons—Ādam K͟hān, Ḥājī K͟hān, and Bahrām K͟hān. They quarrelled with each other, and all three were ruined. The government of Kashmir was transferred to the tribe of the Chaks, who belonged to the class of the common soldiers of the country. During their dynasty three of the rulers constructed buildings on three sides of the terrace formed by Zainu-l-ʿābidīn in the Wulur Lake, but none of these is as strong as his. [96]

Autumn and Spring in Kashmir are things worthy to be seen. I witnessed the Autumn season, and it appeared to me to be better than what I had heard of it. I have never seen Spring in that province, but hope to do so some day. On Saturday the 1st of Muḥarram (18th April, 1607) I left the bank of the Bihat, and with one day between reached the fort of Rohtās, which was built by S͟hīr K͟hān Afg͟hān. This fort was founded in a cleft of the ground, and the strength of it cannot be imagined. As the place is near the Ghakhar territory, and they are a proud and rebellious people, he had looked to this fort specially as a means of punishing and defeating them. When a little of the building had been done S͟hīr K͟hān died and his son, Salīm K͟hān, obtained the grace to complete it. On each of the gates18 they have carved on a stone the cost of erecting the fort; 16 krors, 10 lakhs of dams, and more were expended, equal in Hindustan reckoning to 4,025,000 rupees, and according to the currency of Iran to 120,000 tūman, and in the currency of Turan to 1 arb, 21 lakhs and 75,000 k͟hānī, that are now current.19

On Tuesday the 4th of the month, having travelled four kos and three-quarters, I encamped at Tīla.20 Thence I came down to the village of Bhakra. In the Ghakhar [97]tongue bhakra21 is a jungle. The jungle was composed of clusters of flowers, white and scentless. I came the whole way from Tīla to Bhakra in the middle of the river-bed,22 which had running water in it, with oleander flowers of the colour of peach-blossom. In Hindustan this plant is always in full bloom (purbār). There was much of it on the banks of this river. The horsemen and men on foot who were with me were told to put bunches of the flower on their heads, and whoever did not do so had his turban taken off; a wonderful flower-bed was produced.

On Thursday the 6th of the month the halting-place was at Hatyā. On this road many palās-trees (Butea frondosa) were in blossom. This flower, too, is peculiar to the jungles of Hindustan; it has no scent, but its colour is flaming orange. The base of the flower is black; the flower itself is as big as a red rose. It is so beautiful that one cannot take one’s eyes off it. As the air was very sweet and clouds had hidden the sun, and rain was gently sprinkled about, I felt an inclination to drink wine. In short this road was traversed with great enjoyment and pleasure. They call the place Hatyā because it was founded by a Ghakkar named Hāthi (elephant). From Mārgala to Hatyā the country is called Pothūwār.23 In these regions there are few crows. From Rohtās to Hatyā is the place and abode of the Bhūgyāls,24 who are related to and of the same ancestry as the Ghakkars.

Marching on Friday the 7th, I travelled 4½ kos and alighted at the station of Pakka.25 This place is called [98]Pakka because the sarāy is of burnt brick, and in the Hindi language what is ripe (that is, not raw material) is called pakka. The station was strangely full of dust and earth. The carts reached it with great difficulty owing to the badness of the road. They had brought from Kabul to this place rīwāj (rhubarb), which was mostly spoiled.

On Saturday the 8th we marched 4½ kos and encamped at the village of Khar.26 Khar in the Ghakkar language is a rent and breakage. There are few trees in this country. On Sunday the 9th I halted beyond Rāwalpindī. This place was founded by a Hindu named Rāwal, and pindī in the Ghakkar tongue means a village. In the valley near this station there was a stream flowing, the waters of which were collected in a pool. As this halting-place was not devoid of freshness I alighted there for a time, and I asked the Ghakkars the depth of the pool. They gave me no precise answer, but said they had heard from their fathers that there were alligators in the pool which wounded animals that came there, and on that account no one had the boldness to go in. I ordered them to throw in a sheep. It swam across the pool and came out. I then ordered a farrās͟h to go in, and he also came out safe. It thus became clear that there was no foundation for what the Ghakkars had said. The pool was an arrow’s flight in width.

On Monday the 10th the village of K͟harbūza27 was our stage. The Ghakkars in earlier times had built a dome here and taken tolls from travellers. As the dome was shaped like a melon it became known by that name. On Tuesday the 11th I halted at Kāla-pānī, which in Hindi means black water. There is a mountain pass (kotal) at this place called Mārgalla; in Hindi mār means [99]to beat and galla is a caravan, the name therefore means the place of the plundering of the caravan. The boundary of the Ghakkar country is here. This tribe are wonderfully like animals; they are always squabbling and fighting with one another. Although I wished to put an end to this fighting, I was unable to do so.

“The soul of the fool is doomed to trouble.”28

On Wednesday the 12th the camp was at Bābā Ḥasan Abdāl. One kos to the east of this station there is a waterfall over which the stream rushes with great force. There is no fall like it on the way to Kabul. On the road to Kashmir there are two or three like it.29

In the middle of the basin, in which is the source of the stream, Rāja Mān Singh has erected a small building. There are many fish in the basin of the length of half a gaz and a quarter gaz. I halted three days at this enchanting place, drinking wine with those who were intimate with me and employing myself in catching fish. Until now I had never thrown a sufra net, which is a famous kind of net, and which in Hindi they call bhanwar30 jāl. It is not easy to throw. I threw it with my own hand and caught twelve fish, and putting pearls into their noses,31 let them loose in the water. I enquired [100]into the story of Bābā Ḥasan from the story-tellers and from the inhabitants of the place, but no one could tell me any particulars. The celebrated place at that station is a spring which flows from the foot of a little hill, exceedingly clear, sweet, and nice, as witness this couplet of Amīr K͟husrau:—

“In the bottom of the water, from its clearness, a blind man

Can count the sand-grains in the heart of the night.”

K͟hwāja S͟hamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad K͟hwāfī, who was for long employed as Vizier by my revered father, had made a platform and a reservoir there, into which is led the water from the spring, and thence is used in cultivation and in gardens. On the edge of this terrace he had built a dome for his own burial. By chance his destiny was not there, and (the bodies of) Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ Gīlānī and his brother Ḥakīm Humām, who were close to the person and had the complete confidence of my revered father, were placed in that dome in accordance with his order.

On the 15th the halt was at Amrohī.32 It is a wonderfully green place, in which no ups and downs were visible. In this village and its neighbourhood there are 7,000 or 8,000 households of Khaturs and Dalāzāks. All kinds of mischief and oppression and highway robbery take place through this tribe. I ordered the government of this region and Attock to be given to Z̤afar K͟hān, son of Zain K͟hān Koka, and that by the time of the return of the royal standards from Kabul they should march all the Dalāzāks to Lahore and capture the head men of the Khaturs and keep them in prison. [101]

On Monday, the 17th, a march was made, and, with one stage in between, the royal standards alighted near the fort of Attock on the bank of the river Nīlāb (Indus). At this stage Mahābat K͟hān was promoted to the rank of 2,500. This fort was built by the late king Akbar, and was completed by the labours of K͟hwāja S͟hamsu-d-dīn K͟hwāfī. It is a strong fort. At this time the water of the Nīlāb was low,33 and accordingly a bridge had been made with eighteen boats, and the people crossed over easily. I left the Amīru-l-umarā at Attock on account of weakness of body and illness. An order was given to the bakhshis that, as the province of Kabul could not support a large army, they should only allow the immediate attendants of the Court to cross the river, and until the return of the royal standards the royal camp should remain at Attock. On Wednesday, the 19th, with the princes and some of the private servants, having mounted on to a raft (with inflated skins underneath), and having crossed the river Nīlāb safely, I alighted on the bank of the river Kāma. The Kāma is a river that flows by the qaṣba (fortified town) of Jalālābād. The jāla is a structure they make of bamboos and grass and place underneath it skins full of air. In this province they call them s͟hāl (or sāl). In rivers and streams in which there are rocks they are safer than boats. 12,000 rupees were given to Mīr S͟harīf Āmulī and to a number of men, who had been appointed to perform services at Lahore, to divide amongst the faqirs. An order was given to ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq Maʿmūrī34 and to Bihārī Dās, bakhshi of the Ahadis, to complete the force that had been appointed [102]to accompany Z̤afar K͟hān and send them away. With one stage in between, the camp halted at the saray of Bāra. On the other side of the river Kāma there is a fort which Zain K͟hān Koka built at the time when he was appointed to subjugate the Yūsufzaʾe Afghans, and called Naus͟hahr (Newcastle). About 50,000 rupees were spent upon it. They say that Humāyūn used to hunt rhinoceros in this region. I also heard from my father that he had twice or thrice witnessed such a hunt in the company of his father. On Thursday, the 25th, I alighted at the saray of Daulatābād. Aḥmad Beg of Kabul, jagirdar of Peshawar, with the Maliks of the Yūsufzaʾes and the G͟horiya-khel, came and waited on me. As the service of Aḥmad Beg was not approved, I transferred him from that territory (wilāyat) and conferred it on S͟hīr K͟hān, the Afghan. On Wednesday, the 26th, I encamped in the garden of Sardār K͟hān, which he had made in the neighbourhood of Peshawar. I walked round Ghorkhatrī, which is the worshipping-place of the jogīs in this neighbourhood, with the idea that I might see some faqirs from association with whom I might obtain grace. But that was like looking for the phœnix or the philosopher’s stone. A herd without any religious knowledge came to my view, from seeing whom I derived nothing but obscurity of mind. On Thursday, the 27th, I arrived at the halting-place of Jamrūd, and on Friday, 28th, at the K͟haibar Kotal (Khyber Pass) and encamped at ʿAlī Masjid, and on Saturday I traversed the tortuous (mārpīch, i.e. snake-twisting) Pass, and alighted at G͟harīb-k͟hāna. At this stage Abū-l-qāsim Namakīn, Jagirdar of Jalālābād, brought an apricot, which was not inferior in beauty to good Kashmir apricots. At the stage of Daka they brought from Kabul gīlās (cherries), which my revered father had entitled S͟hāh-ālū. As I was much inclined to eat them, inasmuch as I had not (hitherto?) obtained them, I ate them with great zest as a relish to wine. On Tuesday, [103]2nd Ṣafar, I encamped at Basāwal, which is on the bank of the river. On the other side of the river there is a mountain which has no trees or grass on it, and on that account they call this mountain the hill of Bīdaulat (unfortunate). I heard from my father that in mountains like this there are mines of gold. On the mountain of Āla Būghān, at the time when my revered father went to Kabul, I had had a qamargāh hunt, and killed several35 red deer. As I had handed over the administration of all civil affairs to the Amīru-l-umarā, and his illness increased greatly, and forgetfulness came over his faculties to such an extent that what was settled in one hour he forgot in the next, and his forgetfulness was increasing day by day, on Wednesday, the 3rd Ṣafar, I entrusted the duties of the viziership to Āṣaf K͟hān, presenting him with a special robe of honour, and inkstand and a jewelled pen. It was a remarkable coincidence that twenty-eight years previously to this, at the same halting-place, my revered father had promoted him36 to the rank of Mīr Bak͟hs͟hī (chief paymaster). A ruby which his brother37 Abū-l-qāsim had bought for 40,000 rupees and sent him, he presented as an offering on obtaining the viziership. He petitioned that K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, who held the offices of bakhshi and the Qūr, etc., might go with him. Jalālābād was transferred from Abū-l-qāsim Namakīn to Arab K͟hān. A white rock was present in the river-bed; I ordered them to carve it in the form of an elephant [104]and cut upon its breast this hemistich, which agrees with the date of the Hijra year: “The white stone elephant of Jahāngīr Pāds͟hāh,” that is, 1016.

On the same day Kalyān, son of Rāja Bikramājīt, came from Gujarat. Certain extraordinary proceedings on the part of this rebellious rascal had been reported to me. Amongst these was this. He had kept a Musulman lūlī woman in his house, and for fear this affair should become known had killed her father and mother and buried them in his house. I ordered that he should be imprisoned until I could enquire into his proceedings, and after ascertaining the truth I ordered first that they should cut out his tongue and place him in perpetual confinement, and that he should eat his food with dog-keepers and outcasts. On Wednesday I encamped at Surk͟hāb. Thence I alighted at Jagdalak. At this stage I saw many ballūt̤38-trees (oak or chestnut), which are the best wood for burning. Although this stage had neither passes nor declivities there were plenty of rocks. On Friday, the 12th, I encamped at Āb-i-bārīk, and Saturday, the 13th, at Yūrt-i-pāds͟hāh. On Sunday, the 14th, I alighted at K͟hūrd Kābul (little Kabul). At this stage I entrusted the Chief Justiceship and Qaziship of the city of Kabul to Qāẓī ʿĀrif, son of Mullā Sādiq Halwāʾī. They brought some ripe s͟hāh-ālū (cherries) from the village of Gulbahār to this place; of these I ate with much enjoyment nearly a hundred. Daulat, the head of the village of Jigrī39(?), brought some uncommon flowers, such as I had never seen in my life. Thence I alighted at Bikrāmī. At this place they brought to show me a piebald40 animal, like the flying (i.e. jumping) mouse, which in the Hindi tongue they call galahrī (squirrel), and said that mice would not [105]frequent any house in which this animal was. On this account they call this animal the master of mice. As I had never seen one before, I ordered my painters to draw a likeness of it. It is larger than a mongoose. On the whole it is very like a civet cat. Having appointed Aḥmad Beg K͟hān to punish the Afghans of Bangas͟h, I ordered ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq Maʿmūrī, who was in Attock, to take 2,000,000 rupees under the charge of Mohan Dās, son of Rāja Bikramājīt, with him, and divide it among the auxiliaries of the aforesaid army. One thousand musketeers were also ordered to accompany this army.

S͟haik͟h ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān, son of S͟haik͟h Abū-l-faẓl, was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, and obtained the title of Afẓal K͟hān. 15,000 rupees were presented to ʿArab K͟hān, and 20,000 rupees more for the repair of the fort of Pes͟h Bulāg͟h.41 I bestowed Sarkār K͟hānpūr42 in fief on Dilāwar K͟hān Afg͟hān. On Thursday, the 17th, from the Mastān bridge as far as the S͟hahr-ārā garden, which was the encamping place for the royal standards, scattering rupees, half-rupees, and quarter-rupees to faqirs and indigent persons on both sides of the road, I entered the aforesaid garden. It appeared to be very green and fresh. As it was a Thursday I gave a wine entertainment to my intimates, and on account of hilarity and excitement ordered those who were of equal age to myself and had been my playfellows to jump over the stream that flowed through the middle of the garden and was about four gaz in width. Most of them could not jump it, and fell on the bank or into the stream. Although I jumped it, yet now that I was 40 years of age I could not jump it with the [106]activity that I had shown in the presence of my revered father when I was 30. On this day I perambulated seven of the famous gardens of Kabul. I do not think that I ever walked so far before.

First of all I walked round the S͟hahr-ārā (city-adorning), then the Mahtāb (moonlight) garden, then the garden that Bīka Begam, grandmother of my father, had made, then passed through the Ūrta-bāg͟h (middle garden), then a garden that Maryam-makānī, my own grandmother, had prepared, then the Ṣūrat-k͟hāna garden, which has a large chanār-tree, the like of which there is not in the other gardens of Kabul. Then, having seen the Chārbāg͟h, which is the largest of the city gardens, I returned to my own abode. There were abundance of cherries on the trees, each of which looked as it were a round ruby, hanging like globes on the branches. The S͟hahr-ārā garden was made by S͟hahr-bānū43 Begam, daughter of Mīrzā Abū Saʿīd, who was own aunt to the late king Bābar. From time to time it has been added to, and there is not a garden like it for sweetness in Kabul. It has all sorts of fruits and grapes, and its softness is such that to put one’s sandalled44 feet on it would be far from propriety or good manners. In the neighbourhood of this garden an excellent plot of land came to view, which I ordered to be bought from the owners. I ordered a stream that flows from the guẕargāh (ferry, also bleaching green) to be diverted into the middle of the ground so that a garden might be made such that in beauty and sweetness there should not be in the inhabited world another like it. I gave it the name of Jahān-ārā (world-adorning). Whilst I was at Kabul I had several entertainments in the S͟hahr-ārā garden, [107]sometimes with my intimates and courtiers and sometimes with the ladies of the harem. At nights I ordered the learned and the students of Kabul to hold the cooking entertainment,45 bug͟hra, and the throwing of bug͟hra, together with arg͟hus͟htak dances.

To each of the band of Bug͟hrāʾiyān I gave a dress of honour, and also gave 1,000 rupees to divide amongst themselves. To twelve of the trustworthy courtiers I ordered 12,000 rupees to be given, to be bestowed every Thursday, as long as I was in Kabul, on the poor and needy. I gave an order that between two plane-trees that were on the canal bank in the middle of the garden—to one of which I had given the name of Farāḥ-bak͟hs͟h (joy-giver) and the other Sāya-bak͟hs͟h (shade-giver)—they should set up a piece of white stone (marble?) one gaz in length and three-quarters of a gaz in breadth, and engrave my name thereon (and those of my ancestors) up to Tīmūr. It was set forth on the other side that I had done away with the whole of the customs dues and charges of Kabul, and whichever of my [108]descendants and successors should do anything contrary to this would be involved in the wrath and displeasure of God. Up to the time of my accession these were fixed and settled, and every year they took large sums on this account from the servants of God (the Muhammadan people in general). The abolition of this oppression was brought about during my reign. On this journey to Kabul complete relief and contentment were brought about in the circumstances of my subjects and the people of that place. The good and leading men of G͟haznīn and that neighbourhood were presented with robes of honour and dealt kindly with, and had their desires excellently gratified.

It is a strange coincidence that (the words) rūz-i-panjs͟hanba hīz͟hdaham-i-Ṣafar,46 Thursday, 18th Ṣafar, which is the date of my entry into Kabul, give the Hijra date thereof.

I ordered them to inscribe this date on the stone. Near a seat (tak͟ht) on the slope of a hill to the south of the city of Kabul, and which is known as Tak͟ht-i-s͟hāh, they have made a stone terrace where Firdūs-makānī (Bābar) used to sit and drink wine. In one corner of this rock they have excavated a round basin which could contain about two Hindustani maunds of wine. He caused his own blessed name with the date to be carved on the wall of the terrace which is next to the hill. The wording is, “The seat of the king, the asylum of the world, Z̤ahīru-d-dīn Muḥammad Bābar, son of ʿUmar S͟haik͟h Gūrgān, may God perpetuate his kingdom, 914 (1508–9).” I also ordered them to cut out of stone another throne parallel [109]to this, and dig another basin of the same fashion on its side, and engrave my name there, together with that of Ṣāḥib-qirānī (Tīmūr). Every day that I sat on that throne I ordered them to fill both of the basins with wine and give it to the servants who were present there. One of the poets of Ghaznin found the date of my coming to Kabul in this chronogram—“The king of the cities of the seven climes” (1016). I gave him a dress of honour and a present, and ordered them to engrave this date on the wall near the aforesaid seat. Fifty thousand rupees were given to Parwīz; Wazīr-al-mulk was made Mir Bakhshi. A firman was sent to Qilīj K͟hān to despatch 170,000 rupees from the Lahore treasury for expenses of the army at Qandahar. After visiting the K͟hiyābān (avenue) of Kabul and the Bībī Māh-rū, I ordered the governor of that city to plant other trees in the place of those cut down by Ḥusain Beg Rū-siyāh (the black-faced). I also visited the Ūlang-yūrt of Chālāk and found it a very pleasant place. The Ra’is of Chikrī (Jigrī?) shot with an arrow a rang47 and brought it to me. Up to this time I had never seen a rang. It is like a mountain goat, and there is a difference only in its horns. The horns of the rang are bent, and those of the goat are straight and convoluted.

In connection with the account of Kabul the commentaries of Bābar48 passed in view before me. These were in his own handwriting, except four sections (juzʾ49) that I wrote myself. At the end of the said sections a sentence was written by me also in the Turkī character, so that it might be known that these four sections were written by me in my own hand. Notwithstanding that I grew up in Hindustan, I am not ignorant of Turkī [110]speech and writing.50 On the 25th Ṣafar I with the people of the harem visited the julgāh (plain) of Safīd-sang, a very bright and enjoyable place. On Friday, the 26th, I enjoyed the blessing of a pilgrimage to (the tomb of) H.M. Firdūs-makānī (Bābar). I ordered much money and food, bread, and sweetmeats for the souls of the departed to be distributed to faqirs. Ruqayya Sult̤ān Begam, daughter of Mīrzā Hindāl, had not performed a pilgrimage to her father’s tomb, and on that day had the honour to do so. On Thursday, 3rd Rabīʿu-l-awwal, I ordered them to bring my racehorses (āspān-i-dawanda) to the K͟hiyābān (avenue). The princes and the Amirs raced them. A bay Arab horse, which ʿĀdil K͟hān, the ruler of the Deccan, had sent to me, ran better than all the other horses. At this time the son of Mīrzā Sanjar Hazāra and the son of Mīrzā Mās͟hī, who were the chief leaders of the Hazāras, came to wait on me. The Hazāras of the village of [111]Mīrdād produced before me two rangs51 that they had killed with arrows. I had never seen a rang of this size; it was larger by 20 per cent. than a large mārk͟hūr (?).

News came that S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, the governor of Qandahar, had reached the parganah of S͟hor,52 which is his jagir. I determined to give Kabul to him and return to Hindustan. A petition came from Rāja Bīrsing-deo that he had made a prisoner of his nephew, who had been creating a disturbance and had killed many of his men. I ordered him to send him to the fort of Gwalior to be imprisoned there. The parganah of Gujrāt53 in the Panjab Sarkār I bestowed on S͟hīr K͟hān, the Afghan. I promoted Chīn Qilīj, son of Qilīj K͟hān, to the rank of 800 personal and 500 horse. On the 12th I sent for K͟husrau and ordered them to take the chains off his legs that he might walk in the S͟hahr-ārā garden. My fatherly affection would not permit me to exclude him from walking in the aforesaid garden. I transferred the fort of Attock and that neighbourhood from Aḥmad Beg to Z̤afar K͟hān. To Taj K͟hān, who was nominated to beat back the Afghans of Bangas͟h, I gave 50,000 rupees. On the 14th I gave ʿAlī K͟hān Kaṛorī,54 who was one of my revered father’s old servants and was the dārog͟ha of the Naqārak͟hāna (drum-house), the title of Naubat K͟hān, and promoted him to the rank of 500 personal and 200 horse. I made Rām Dās ātālīq to Mahā Singh, grandson of Rāja Mān Singh, who had also been nominated to drive back the rebels of Bangas͟h. On Friday, the 18th, the wazn-i-qamarī (the weighing according to the lunar year) for my 40th year took place. On that day the [112]assembly was held when two watches of the day had passed. I gave 10,000 rupees of the money of the weighing to ten of my confidential servants to divide amongst those who deserved it and the needy. On this day a petition came from Sardār K͟hān, governor of Qandahar, by way of Hazāra and G͟haznīn, in twelve days; its purport was that the ambassador of S͟hāh ʿAbbās, who had started for the Court, had entered the Hazāra55 (country). The Shah had written to his own people: “What seeker of occasion and raiser of strife has come against Qandahar without my order? Perhaps he does not know what is our connection with H.M. Sult̤ān Tīmūr, and especially with Humāyūn and his glorious descendants. If they by chance should have taken the country into their possession they should hand it to the friends and servants of my brother Jahāngīr Pāds͟hāh and return to their own abodes.” I determined to tell S͟hāh Beg K͟hān to secure the Ghaznin road in such a way that travellers from Qandahar might reach Kabul with ease. At the same time I appointed Qāẓī Nūru-d-dīn to the Ṣadārat of the province of Malwah and Ujjain. The son of Mīrzā S͟hādmān Hazāra and grandson of Qarācha K͟hān, who was one of the influential Amirs of Humāyūn, waited on me. Qarācha K͟hān had married a woman from the Hazāra tribe, and this son56 had been born by her. On Saturday, the 19th, Rānā S͟hankar, son of Rānā Ūday Singh, was promoted to the rank of 2,500 personal and 1,000 horse. An order was given for the rank of 1,000 personal and 600 horse for Rāy Manohar. The S͟hinwārī Afghans brought a mountain ram the two horns of which had become one and had become like a rang’s horns. The same Afghans killed and brought [113]a mārk͟hūr (Erskine translates this ‘a serpent-eating goat’), the like of which I had never seen or imagined. I ordered my artists to paint him. He weighed four Hindustani maunds; the length of his horns was 1½ gaz.57 On Sunday, the 27th, I gave the rank of 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse to S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, and the ḥawīlī (district surrounding) of Gwalior was placed in the jagir of Iʿtibār K͟hān. I appointed Qāẓī ʿIzzatu-llah with his brothers to the Bangas͟h duty. At the end of the same day a petition came to me from Islām K͟hān from Agra, together with a letter which Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān had written to him from Bihar. Its purport was that on the 3rd Ṣafar (30th May, 1607), after the first watch, ʿAlī Qulī Istājlū had wounded Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān at Bardwan, in the province of Bengal, and that he had died when two watches of the same night had passed. The details of this matter are that the aforesaid ʿAlī Qulī was sufrachī (table servant) to S͟hāh Ismāʿīl (the 2nd), ruler of Iran; after his death he took to flight through his natural wickedness and habit of making mischief, and came to Qandahar, and having met at Multan the K͟hānk͟hānān, who had been appointed to the charge of the province of Tulamba,58 started with him for that province. The K͟hānk͟hānān in the field59 placed him among the servants of the late king (Akbar), and he having performed services in that campaign was promoted to a rank in accordance with his condition, and was a long time in the service of my revered father. At the time when he (Akbar) went in prosperity to the provinces of the Deccan, and I was ordered against the Rānā, he came and became servant to me. I gave him the title of S͟hīr-afgan [114](tiger-throwing). When I came from Allahabad to wait on my revered father, on account of the unfriendliness that was shown me, most of my attendants and people were scattered abroad, and he also at that time chose to leave my service. After my accession, out of generosity I overlooked his offences, and gave an order for a jagir for him in the Subah of Bengal. Thence came news that it was not right to leave such mischievous persons there, and an order went to Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān to send him to Court, and if he showed any futile, seditious ideas, to punish him. The aforesaid K͟hān had reason to know him (his character), and with the men he had present, immediately the order arrived, went hastily to Bardwan, which was his jagir. When he (S͟hīr-afgan) became aware of the arrival of Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān, he went out to receive him alone with two grooms. After he arrived and entered into the midst of his army (his camp) the aforesaid K͟hān surrounded him. When from this proceeding on the part of Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān a doubt arose in his mind, he by way of deceiving him said: “What proceeding is this of thine?”60 The aforesaid K͟hān, keeping back his own men, joined him alone in order to explain the purport of the order to him. Seeing his opportunity he immediately drew his sword and inflicted two or three severe wounds upon him. Amba K͟hān Kas͟hmīrī, who was descended from the rulers of Kashmir and was connected (by marriage?) with the aforesaid K͟hān, and had a great regard for him by way of loyalty and manliness, rushed forward and struck a heavy blow on ʿAlī Qulī’s head, and that vicious fellow inflicted a severe wound on Amba K͟hān with the point of his sword.61 When they saw Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān in this [115]state, his men attacked him (S͟hīr-afgan), and cut him in pieces and sent him to hell. It is to be hoped that the place of this black-faced scoundrel will always be there. Amba K͟hān obtained martyrdom on the spot, and Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka after four watches attained the mercy of God in his quarters. What can I write of this unpleasantness? How grieved and troubled I became! Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka was to me in the place of a dear son, a kind brother, and a congenial friend. What can one do with the decrees of God? Bowing to destiny I adopted an attitude of resignation. After the departure of the late King and the death of that honoured one, no two misfortunes had happened to me like the death of the mother of Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka and his own martyrdom.

On Friday, the 6th Rabīʿu-l-āk͟hir, I came to the quarters of K͟hurram (S͟hāh-Jahān), which had been made in the Ūrta Garden. In truth, the building is a delightful and well-proportioned one. Whereas it was the rule of my father to have himself weighed twice every year, (once) according to the solar and (once according to the) lunar year, and to have the princes weighed according to the solar year, and moreover in this year, which was the commencement of my son K͟hurram’s 16th lunar year, the astrologers and astronomers62 represented that a most important epoch according to his horoscope would occur, as the prince’s health63 had not been good, I gave an order that they should weigh him according to the prescribed rule, against gold, silver, and other metals, which should be divided among faqirs and the needy. The whole of that day was passed in enjoyment and pleasure in the house of Bābā K͟hurram, and many of his presents were approved. [116]

As I had experienced the excellencies of Kabul, and had eaten most of its fruits, in consequence of important considerations and the distance from the capital, on Sunday, the 4th Jumādā-l-awwal, I gave an order that they should send out the advance camp in the direction of Hindustan. After some days I left the city, and the royal standards proceeded to the meadow of Safīd-sang. Although the grapes were not yet fully ripe, I had often before this eaten Kabul grapes. There are many good sorts of grapes, especially the Ṣāḥibī and Kis͟hmis͟hī. The cherry also is a fruit of pleasant flavour, and one can eat more of it than of other fruits; I have in a day eaten up to 150 of them. The term s͟hāh-ālū means gīlās64 (cherry), which are obtainable in most places of the country, but since gīlās is like gīlās, which is one of the names of the chalpāsa (lizard), my revered father called it s͟hāh-ālū. The zard-ālū paywandī65 is good, and is abundant. There is especially a tree in the S͟hahr-ārā garden, that Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm, my uncle, planted, and is known as the Mīrzāʾī. The apricots of this tree are quite unlike the apricots of other trees. The peaches also are very delicious and plentiful. They had brought some peaches from Istālif. I had them weighed in my presence, and they came exactly in weight to 25 rupees, which is 68 current mis̤qāl. Notwithstanding the sweetness of the Kabul fruits, not one of them has, to my taste, the flavour of the mango. The parganah of Mahāban was given as jagir to Mahābat K͟hān. ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, paymaster of the Ahadis, was promoted to the rank of 700 personal [117]and 200 horse. Mubārak K͟hān Sarwānī was appointed to the faujdārship of the sarkar of Ḥiṣār. I ordered that Mīrzā Farīdūn Barlās should have a jagir in the Subah of Allahabad. On the 14th of the aforesaid month I gave Irādat K͟hān, brother of Āṣaf K͟hān, the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and presenting him with a special robe of honour and a horse, bestowed on him the paymastership of the Subah of Patna and Ḥājīpūr. As he was my qūrbegī, I sent by his hand a jewelled sword for my son (farzand) Islām K͟hān, the governor of the aforesaid Subah. As we were going along I saw near ʿAlī Masjid and G͟harīb-k͟hāna a large spider of the size of a crab that had seized by the throat a snake of one and a half gaz in length and half strangled it. I delayed a minute to look on at this, and after a moment it died (the snake).

I heard at Kabul that in the time of Maḥmūd of Ghazni a person of the name of K͟hwāja Tābūt66 had died in the neighbourhood of Ẓuḥāk and Bāmiyān, and was buried in a cave, whose limbs had not yet rotted asunder. This appeared very strange, and I sent one of my confidential record writers with a surgeon to go to the cave and, having seen the state of affairs as they were, to make a special report. He represented that half of the body which was next the ground had most [118]of it come asunder, and the other half which had not touched the ground remained in its own condition. The nails of the hands and feet and the hair of the head had not been shed, but the hair of the beard and moustache as far as one side of the nose had been shed. From the date that had been engraved on the door of the cave it appeared that his death had occurred before the time of Sult̤ān Maḥmūd. No one knows the exact state of the case.

On Thursday, the 15th Arslān Bī, governor of the fort of Kāhmard, who was one of the servants of middle rank (?) of Walī Muḥammad K͟hān, ruler of Tūrān, came and waited on me.67 I had always heard that Mīrzā Ḥusain, son of S͟hāhruk͟h Mīrzā, had been killed by the Ūzbegs. At this time a certain person came and presented a petition in his name, and brought a ruby of the colour of an onion, which was worth 100 rupees, as an offering. He prayed that an army might be appointed to assist him, so that he might take Badakhshan out of the Ūzbegs’ hands. A jewelled dagger-belt was sent him, and an order given that, as the royal standards had alighted in those regions, if he really was Mīrzā Ḥusain, son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, he should first hasten into my presence, so that having examined his petitions and claims I might send him to Badakhshan. Two hundred thousand rupees were sent for the army that had been sent with Mahā Singh and Rām Dās against the rebels of Bangash.

On Thursday, the 22nd, having gone to the Bālā Ḥiṣār, I inspected the buildings in that place. As the place was not fit for me I ordered them to destroy these buildings and to prepare a palace and a royal hall of audience. On the same day they brought a peach from Istālif, barābar sar-i-buh bakalānī, “as big as an owl’s [119]head” (?).68 I had not seen a peach of such a size, and ordered it to be weighed, and it came to 63 Akbarī rupees, or 60 tolas. When I cut it in half its stone also came into two pieces, and its substance was sweet. I had in Kabul never eaten better fruit from any tree. On the 25th news came from Malwa that Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h had bid farewell to this transitory world, and God Almighty had submerged him in His mercy. From the day on which he entered the service of my revered father till the time of his departure, from no act of his could dust be brought into the royal mind. He always did his duty with sincerity. The aforesaid Mīrzā apparently had four sons: Ḥasan and Ḥusain were born of the same womb (i.e. they were twins). Ḥusain fled from Burhanpur and went by sea to Iraq, and thence to Badakhshan, where they say he now is, as has been written about his message and his sending some one to me. No one knows for certain whether it is the same Mīrzā Ḥusain, or the people of Badakhshan have raised up this one like other false Mīrzās and given him the name of Mīrzā Ḥusain. From the time when Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h came from Badakhshan and had the good fortune to wait on my father until now, nearly 25 years have passed. For some time the people of Badakhshan, on account of the oppression and injury they have to undergo from the Ūzbegs, have given notoriety to a Badakhshan boy, who had on his face the marks of nobility, as really the son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h and of the race of Mīrzā Sulaimān. A large number of the scattered Ūymāqs, and the hill-people of Badakhshan, [120]whom they call G͟harchal (Georgians?), collected round him, and showing enmity and disputing with the Ūzbegs, took some of the districts of Badakhshan out of their possession. The Ūzbegs attacked that false Mīrzā and captured him, and placing his head on a spear sent it round to the whole country of Badakhshan. Again the seditious people of Badakhshan quickly produced another Mīrzā. Up to now several Mīrzās have been killed. It appears to me that as long as there is any trace of the people of Badakhshan they will keep up this disturbance. The third son of the Mīrzā is Mīrzā Sult̤ān, who excels in appearance and disposition all the other sons of the Mīrzā. I begged him from his revered father, and have kept him in my own service, and having taken great pains with him reckon him as my own child. In disposition and manners he has no likeness to his brothers. After my accession I gave him the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and sent him to the Subah of Malwa, which was his father’s place. The fourth son is Badīʿu-z-zamān, whom he always had in attendance on himself; he obtained the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse.

While I was at Kabul, no qamargāh hunt had taken place. As the time for returning to Hindustan had come near, and I was very desirous of hunting red deer, I ordered them to go forward as soon as possible and surround the hill Faraq,69 which is seven kos from Kabul. On Tuesday, the 4th Jumādā-l-awwal, I went to hunt. Nearly 100 deer had come into the enclosure (qamargah). About a half of these were taken, and a very hot hunt took place. I gave 5,000 rupees in rewards to the ryots who were present at the hunt. On the same day an increase of 500 horse was ordered to the rank of S͟haik͟h [121]ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān, son of S͟haik͟h Abū-l-faẓl, so as to bring it to 2,000 personal and (2,000) horse. On Thursday, the 6th, I went to the throne-place of the late king Bābar. As I was to leave Kabul on the next day I looked on that day as a feast day, and ordered them to arrange a wine-party on the spot, and fill with wine the little reservoir they had cut in the rock. Cups were given to all the courtiers and servants who were present, and few days have passed in such enjoyment and pleasure. On Friday, the 7th, when a watch of day had passed, leaving the city auspiciously and with pleasure, a halt was made at the julgāh (meadow) of the Safīd-sang. From the S͟hahr-ārā as far as the julgah I scattered to faqirs and poor people darb and charan, that is, half and quarter rupees.70 On that day, when I mounted my elephant for the purpose of leaving Kabul, the news arrived of the recovery of the Amīru-l-umarā and S͟hāh Beg K͟hān. The news of the good health of these two chief servants of mine I took as an auspicious omen for myself. From the julgah of the Safīd-sang, marching one kos on Tuesday, the 11th, I halted at Bikrām. I left Tās͟h Beg K͟hān at Kabul to take proper care of Kabul and neighbourhood until the coming of S͟hāh Beg K͟hān. On Tuesday, the 18th, I marched two and a half kos from the halting-place of Būtk͟hāk by the road Dūʾāba,71 and encamped at a spring on the bank of which there are four plane-trees. No one till now had looked to the preparation of this halting-place, and they were ignorant of its condition and suitability. It is in truth a most excellent spot, and one fit to have a building erected in it. At this halting-place another qamargah hunt took place, when about 112 deer, etc., were taken. Twenty-four rang antelope and 50 red antelope and 16 mountain goats were [122]taken. I had never till now seen a rang antelope alive.72 It is in truth a wonderful animal of a beautiful shape. Although the black buck of Hindustan looks very finely made, the shape and fashion and appearance of this antelope is quite a different thing. They weighed a ram and a rang; the ram came to a maund and 33 seers and the rang to two maunds and 10 seers. The rang, although of this size, ran so that ten or twelve swift dogs were worn out and seized it with a hundred thousand difficulties. The flesh of the sheep of the Barbary goat in flavour does not surpass that of the rang. In the same village kulangs (demoiselle crane) were also caught.

Although K͟husrau had repeatedly done evil actions and deserved a thousand kinds of punishment, my fatherly affection did not permit me to take his life. Although in the laws of government and the ways of empire one should take notice of such disapproved deeds, I averted my eyes from his faults, and kept him in excessive comfort and ease. It became known that he was in the habit of sending men to scoundrels who did not consider consequences, and of inciting them to give trouble and attempt my life, and making them hopeful with promises. A band of these ill-fated ones of little foresight having joined together, desired to attack me in the hunts that took place in Kabul and those parts. As the grace and protection of God Almighty are the guardians and keepers of this sublime dynasty, they did not attain to their end. On the day when the halt was at the Surk͟hāb, one of that band went at the risk of his life to K͟hwāja Waisī, the Dīwān of my son K͟hurram, and revealed that nearly 500 men at K͟husrau’s instigation had conspired with Fatḥu-llah, son of Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ, Nūru-d-dīn, son of G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn ʿAlī Āṣaf-k͟hān, and S͟harīf, son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah (Nūr-Jahān’s father), and were awaiting an opportunity [123]to carry out the designs of the enemies and evil-wishers of the king. K͟hwāja Waisī told this to K͟hurram, and he in great perturbation immediately told me. I gave K͟hurram the blessing of felicity, and prepared to get hold of the whole set of those short-sighted ones and punish them with various kinds of punishment. Again, it came to my mind, as I was on the march, and the seizure of these people would create a disturbance and confusion in the camp,73 to order the leaders of the disturbance and mischief to be apprehended. I handed over Fatḥu-llah in confinement to certain trusty men, and ordered capital punishment for the other two wretches, with three or four of the chief among the black-faced (conspirators). I had dignified Qāsim ʿAlī, who was one of the servants of the late king Akbar, after my accession with the title of Dayānat K͟hān. He always accused Fatḥu-llah of a want of loyalty, and said things about him. One day he said to Fatḥu-llah: “At the time when K͟husrau fled and the king pursued him, you said to me: ‘The Panjab should be given to K͟husrau and this quarrel cut short.’” Fatḥu-llah denied this, and both resorted to oaths and curses (on themselves). Ten or fifteen days had not passed after this altercation when that hypocritical wretch was arrested, and his false oath did its business.

On Saturday, the 22nd Jumādā-l-awwal, the news came of the death of the Ḥakīm Jalālu-d-dīn Muz̤affar Ardistānī, who was of a family of skill and medicine and claimed to be a descendant of Galen. At all events he was an unequalled healer. His experience added to his knowledge.74 As he was very handsome and well-made [124]in the days of his youth (sāda-rūʾīha)75 he frequented the assemblies of S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp, and the king recited this hemistich about him:—

“We have a pleasant physician: come, let as all be ill.”

Ḥakīm ʿAlī, who was his contemporary, exceeded him in skill. In short, in medical skill and auspiciousness and rectitude and purity of method and disposition he was perfect. Other physicians of the age could not compare with him. In addition to his medical skill he had many excellencies. He had perfect loyalty towards me. He built at Lahore a house of great pleasantness and purity, and repeatedly asked me to honour it (with my presence). As I was very fond of pleasing him I consented. In short, the aforesaid Ḥakīm, from his connection with me and being my physician, had great skill in the management of affairs and business of the world, so that for some time at Allahabad I made him Diwan of my establishment. On account of his great honesty he was very exacting in important business, and people were vexed at this method of proceeding. For about twenty years he had ulcerated lungs, and by his wisdom preserved in some measure his health. When he was talking he mostly coughed so much that his cheek and eyes became red, and by degrees his colour became blue. I often said to him: “Thou art a learned physician; why dost thou not cure thy own wounds?” He represented that wounds in the lungs were not of such a nature that they could be cured. During his illness one of his confidential servants put poison into some medicine he was in the habit of taking every day and gave it to him. When he perceived this he took remedies for it. He objected very much to be bled, although this was necessary. It happened that he was going to the privy when his cough overcame him and [125]opened the wounds in his lungs. So much blood poured out of his mouth and brain that he became insensible and fell, and made a fearful cry. An āftābachī (ewer-bearer) becoming aware of this, came into the assembly-room, and seeing him smeared with blood cried out: “They have killed the ḥakīm.” After examining him it was seen that there was no sign of wounds on his body, and that it was the same wound in the lungs that had begun to flow. They informed Qilīj K͟hān, who was the Governor of Lahore, and he, having ascertained the true state of the affair, buried him. He left no capable son.

On the 24th, between the garden of Wafā and Nīmlah, a hunt took place, and nearly forty red antelope were killed. A female panther (yūz) fell into our hands in this hunt. The zamindars of that place, Lag͟hmānīs, S͟hālī, and Afghans, came and said that they did not remember nor had they heard from their fathers that a panther had been seen in that region for 120 years. A halt was made on the 2nd Jumādā-l-āk͟hir, at the Wafā Garden, and the assembly for the solar weighing was held. On the same day Arslān Bī, an Ūzbeg who was one of the Sardars and nobles of ʿAbdu-l-Mūmin K͟hān, and was at that time governor of the fort of Kāhmard, having left his fort, had the blessing of waiting on me. As he had come from friendship and sincerity, I exalted him with a special robe of honour. He is a simple Ūzbeg, and is fit to be educated and honoured. On the 4th of the month an order was given that ʿIzzat K͟hān, the governor76 of Jalālābād, should make the hunting-ground of the Arzina plain into a qamargah (ring-hunting ground). Nearly 300 animals were captured, [126]namely, 35 qūch (rams?), 25 qūs͟hqī (?), 90 arg͟halī (wild sheep), 55 tūg͟hlī (yaks?), 95 antelope (safīda).

As it was the middle of the day when I arrived at the hunting-place and the air was very hot, the (tāzī) Arabian dogs had been exhausted.77 The time for running dogs is in the morning or at the end of the day. On Saturday, the 12th, the halt was at Akūra Saray (?). At this stage S͟hāh Beg K͟hān,78 with a good force, came and waited on me. He was one who had been brought up by my father, the late king Akbar. In himself he is a very brave man and energetic, so much so that constantly in the time of my father he fought several single combats, and in my own reign defended the fort of Qandahar from the hosts of the ruler of Iran. It was besieged for a year before the royal army arrived to his assistance. His manners towards his soldiers are those of an Amīr (nobleman, umarāyāna), and not according to discipline (qudrat), especially towards those who have helped him in battles or are with him in campaigns. He jokes much with his servants, and this gives him an undignified appearance.79 I have repeatedly warned him about this, but as it is in his nature my remonstrances have had no effect.

On Monday, the 14th, I promoted Hās͟him K͟hān, who is one of the household, born ones of our dynasty, to [127]the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse, and I made him governor of the province of Orissa. On the same day news came that Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, who was in the province of Malwa, through folly and youth had started with a body of rebels to go to the province of the Rānā and join him. ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, the governor of that place, being informed of this event went after him, and having made him prisoner on the way, slew several of the wretches who had joined with him. An order was given that Ihtimām K͟hān should start from Agra and bring the Mīrzā to the court. On the 25th of the aforesaid month news came that Imām Qulī K͟hān, nephew of Walī K͟hān, ruler of Māwarāʾa-n-nahr, had killed him who was called Mīrzā Ḥusain, who had been reported to be the son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h. In truth, the killing of the sons of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h is like the killing of the demons, as they say that from every drop of their blood demons are produced. In the station of Dhaka, S͟hīr K͟hān, the Afghan, whom when I left I had placed at Peshawar to guard the Khaibar Pass, came and waited on me. He had made no default in preserving and guarding the road. Z̤afar K͟hān, son of Zain K͟hān Koka, had been appointed to move on the Dalāzāk Afghans and the tribe of Khatur, who had perpetrated all kinds of misdeeds in the neighbourhood of Attock and the Beas and that vicinity. After performing that service and the conquest of those rebels, who numbered about 100,000 houses, and sending them off towards Lahore, he came and waited upon me at the same halting-place, and it was evident that he had performed that service as it ought to have been done. As the month of Rajab, corresponding with the Ilāhī month of Ābān, had arrived,80 and it was known that this [128]was one of the months fixed for the lunar weighing (wazn-i-qamarī) of my father, I determined that the value of all the articles which he used to order for his own weighing in the solar and lunar years should be estimated, and that what this came to should be sent to the large cities for the repose of the soul of that enlightened one, and be divided amongst the necessitous and the faqirs. The total came to 100,000 rupees, equal to 300 Irāq tumāns, and 300,000 of the currency of the people of Māwarāʾa-n-nahr.

Trustworthy men divided that sum among the twelve chief cities, such as Agra, Delhi, Lahore, Gujarat (Ahmadabad), etc. On Thursday, the 3rd Rajab, I favoured with the title of K͟hān-jahān my son (farzand) Ṣalābat K͟hān, who is not less to me than my own sons, and ordered that they should in all firmans and orders write of him as K͟hān-jahān. A special robe of honour and a jewelled sword were also given him. Also, having entitled S͟hāh Beg K͟hān K͟hān-daurān, I presented him with a jewelled waist-dagger, a male elephant, and a special horse. The whole of the sarkars of Tīrah, Kabul, Bangash, and the province of Sawād (Swat) Bajaur, with the (task of) beating back the Afghans of those regions, and a jagir and the faujdārship were confirmed to him. He took leave from Bābā Ḥasan Abdāl. I also ordered Rām Dās Kachhwāha to receive a jagir in this province and to be enrolled among the auxiliaries of this Subah. I conferred on Kis͟han Chand, son of the Mota (fat) Rāja, the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. A firman was written to Murtaẓā K͟hān (Sayyid Farīd), governor of Gujarat, that as the good conduct and excellence and abstemiousness of the son of Miyān Wajīhu-d-dīn81 had been reported to me, he should hand over to him from me a sum of money, and that he should write and send me some of [129]the names of God which had been tested. If the grace of God should be with me I would continually repeat82 them. Before this I had given leave to Zafar K͟hān to go to Bābā Ḥasan Abdāl to collect together game for sport. He had made a s͟hāk͟hband (literally a tying together of horns or branches). Twenty-seven red deer and 68 white ones came into the s͟hāk͟hband. I myself struck with arrows 29 antelope, and Parwīz and K͟hurram also killed some others with arrows. Afterwards orders were given to the servants and courtiers to shoot. K͟hān Jahān was the best shot, and in every case of his striking an antelope the arrow penetrated through and through.83 Again, on the 14th of the month of Rajab, Zafar K͟hān had arranged a qamargah at Rāwalpindī. I struck with an arrow a red deer at a long distance, and was highly delighted at the arrow striking him and his falling down. Thirty-four red deer and 35 qarā-qūyrūg͟h (black-tailed) antelope, which in the Hindi language they call chikāra, and two pigs were also killed. On the 21st another qamargah had been arranged within three kos of the fort of Rohtas by the efforts and exertions of Hilāl K͟hān. I had taken with me to this hunt those who were screened by the curtains of honour (the members of the zanānah). The hunt was a good one and came off with great éclat. Two hundred red and white antelope were killed. Passing on from Rohtas, the hills of which contain these antelope, there are in no place in the whole of Hindustan, with the exception of Girjhāk and Nandanah, red deer of this description. I ordered them [130]to catch and keep some of them alive, in order that possibly some of them might reach Hindustan for breeding purposes. On the 25th another hunt took place in the neighbourhood of Rohtas. In this hunt also my sisters and the other ladies were with me, and nearly 100 red deer were killed. It was told me that S͟hams K͟hān, uncle of Jalāl K͟hān84 Gakkhar who was in that neighbourhood, notwithstanding his great age took much delight in hunting, such that young men had not so much enjoyment in it. When I heard that he was well-disposed towards faqirs and dervishes I went to his house, and his disposition and manners pleased me. I bestowed on him 2,000 rupees, and the same sum on his wives and children, with five other villages with large receipts by way of livelihood for them, that they might pass their days in comfort and contentment. On the 6th S͟haʿban, at the halting-place of Chandālah, the Amīru-l-umarā came and waited on me. I was greatly pleased at obtaining his society again, for all the physicians, Hindu and Musulman, had made up their minds that he would die. Almighty God in His grace and mercy granted him the honour of recovery, in order that it might be known to such as do not recognize His will that for every difficult ill, which those who look on the outside of causes only may have given up as hopeless, there is One who is powerful to provide a cure and remedy out of His own kindness and compassion. On the same day Rāy Rāy Singh,85 one of the most considerable of the Rajput Amirs, ashamed on account of the fault he had committed in the matter of K͟husrau, and who was living at his home, came, and under the patronage of the Amīru-l-umarā obtained the good [131]fortune of waiting on me; his offences were pardoned. At the time that I left Agra in pursuit of K͟husrau I had in full confidence left him in charge of Agra, so that when the ladies (maḥalhā)86 should be sent for he might come with them. After the ladies were sent for he went for two or three stages with them, and in the village of Mathura, on merely hearing foolish tales, separated from them, and went to his native place (Bikanir). He thought that as a commotion had arisen he would see where the right road was. The merciful God, who cherishes His servants, in a short time having arranged that affair broke the rope of the alliance of those rebels, and this betrayal of his salt remained a burden on his neck. In order to please the Amīru-l-umarā I ordered the rank which he formerly held to be confirmed to him, and his jagir to remain as it was. I promoted Sulaimān Beg, who was one of my attendants from the time when I was prince, to the title of Fidāʾī K͟hān. On Monday, the 12th, a halt was made at the garden of Dil-āmīz, which is on the bank of the river Ravi. I waited on my mother in this garden. Mīrzā G͟hāzī, who had done approved service in command of the army at Qandahar, waited on me, and I bestowed great favour on him.

On Tuesday, the 13th, I auspiciously entered Lahore. The next day Mīr K͟halīlu-llah, son of G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn Muḥammad, Mīrmīrān, who was of the descendants of S͟hāh Niʿmatu-llah Walī, paid his respects.87 In the reign of S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp there was no family of such greatness in the whole country, for the sister of the Shah, by name Jānish Begam, was in the house of (married to) Mīr Niʿmatu-llah, the father of the Mīrmīrān. [132]A daughter who was born to them, the Shah gave in marriage to his own son Ismaʿīl Mīrzā, and making the sons of that Mīrmīrān sons-in-law, gave his younger daughter to his eldest son, who had the same name as his grandfather, and connected (in marriage) the daughter of Ismaʿīl Mīrzā, who was born of the niece of the Shah, to another son, Mīr K͟halīlu-llah. After the death of the Shah, by degrees the family went to decay, until in the reign of S͟hāh ʿAbbās they became all at once extirpated, and they lost the property and effects that they had and could no longer remain in their own place. Mīr K͟halīlu-llah came to wait upon me. As he had undergone trouble on the road, and the signs of sincerity were apparent from his circumstances, having made him a sharer of my unstinted favours I gave him 12,000 rupees in cash, and promoted him to the rank of 1,000 personal and 200 horse, and gave an order for a jagir.

An order was given to the civil department (dīwāniyān) to confer the rank of 8,000 personal and 5,000 horse on my son K͟hurram, and to provide a jagir for him in the neighbourhood of Ujjain, and to assign the Sarkar of Ḥiṣār Fīrūza to him. On Thursday, the 22nd, on the invitation of Āṣaf K͟hān, I went with my ladies to his house and passed the night there. The next day he presented before me his own offerings, of the value of ten lacs of rupees, in jewels and jewelled things, robes, elephants, and horses. Some single rubies and jacinths and some pearls, also silk cloths with some pieces of porcelain from China and Tartary, were accepted, and I made a present of the rest to him. Murtaẓā K͟hān from Gujarat sent by way of offering a ring made of a single ruby of good colour, substance, and water, the stone, the socket, and the ring being all of one piece. They weighed 1½ tanks and one surkh, which is equal to one misqal and 15 surkh. This was sent to me and much approved. Till that day no one had ever heard of [133]such a ring having come to the hands of any sovereign. A single ruby weighing six surkhs or two tanks and 15 surkhs,88 and of which the value was stated to be £25,000, was also sent. The ring was valued at the same figure.

On the same day the envoy of the Sharif of Mecca came to wait on me with a letter and the curtain of the door of the Kaʿbah. He showed great friendship towards me. The said envoy had bestowed on him 500,000 dām, equal to 7,000 or 8,000 rupees, and I resolved to send the Sharif the equivalent of 100,000 rupees of the precious things of Hindustan. On Thursday, the 10th of the month, a piece of the Subah of Multan was added to the jagir of Mīrzā G͟hāzī, though the whole of the province of Thattah had been given to him in jagir. He was also promoted to the rank of 5,000 personalty and 5,000 horse. The government of Qandahar and the protection of that region, which is the frontier of Hindustan, were assigned to his excellent administration. Conferring on him a robe of honour and a jewelled sword I gave him his leave. In fine, Mīrzā G͟hāzī possessed perfection,89 and he made also good verses. He used Waqārī as his tak͟halluṣ, or poetic name (Rūz-i-rūshan, Bhopal 1297, p. 455; also Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, vol. iii, p. 347). This is one of his couplets:—

“If my weeping should cause her to smile, what wonder?

Though the cloud weep, the cheek of the rose-bush smiles.”

[134]

On the 15th the offering of the Khankhanan was presented to me: 40 elephants, some jewelled and decorated vessels, some Persian robes, and cloth that they make in the Deccan and those parts, had been sent by him, altogether of the value of 150,000 rupees. Mīrzā Rustam and most of the office-holders of that Subah had also sent good offerings. Some of the elephants were approved. News of the death of Rāy Durgā,90 who was one of those who had been brought up by my revered father, arrived on the 18th of the month. He had been in attendance for forty years and more in the position of an Amīr on my revered father, until, by degrees, he had risen in rank to 4,000. Before he obtained the good fortune of waiting on my father he was one of the trusted servants of Rānā Ūday Singh. He died on the 29th. He was a good military man. Sult̤ān S͟hāh, the Afghan, whose disposition was turbulent and mischievous, passed his time in the service of K͟husrau, and had his complete intimacy, so much so that this rebel was the cause of the running away of that unfortunate one. After the defeat and capture of K͟husrau he went off alone(?)91 into the skirts of the hills of K͟hiẓrābād and that region. At last he was made prisoner by Mīr Mug͟hal, the karorī of that place. As he had been the cause of the destruction and ruin of such a son, I ordered them to shoot him with arrows on the plain of Lahore. The aforesaid karorī was promoted to higher rank, and was dignified with a grand dress of honour. On the 29th S͟hīr K͟hān, the Afghan, who was one of my old servants, died. One might say that he took his own life, because he was continually drinking wine, to the extent that in every watch he used to drink four brimming cups of arrack of double strength. He had broken the fast of the Ramaẓān of the past year, [135]and took it into his head this year that he would fast in the month of Shaʿbān on account of his having broken the fast of Ramaẓān, and would fast for two months together. In abandoning his usual custom, which is a second nature, he became weak and his appetite left him, and becoming very weak he passed away in his 57th year. Patronising his children and brothers according to their circumstances, I bestowed on them a portion of his rank and jagir.

On the 1st of the month of S͟hawwāl I went to visit Maulānā Muḥammad Amīn, who was one of the disciples of S͟haik͟h Maḥmūd Kamāngar (the bow-maker). The S͟haik͟h Maḥmūd92 mentioned was one of the great men of his age, and H.M. Humāyūn had entire reliance on him, so much so that he once poured water on his hands. The aforesaid Maulānā is a man of good disposition, and is free, notwithstanding the attachments and accidents (of the world), a faqir in manner and ways, and acquainted with brokenness of spirit. His company pleased me exceedingly. I explained to him some of the griefs that had entangled themselves in my mind and heard from him good advice and agreeable words, and found myself greatly consoled at heart. Having presented him with 1,000 bīghā and 1,000 rupees in cash by way of maintenance, I took leave. One watch of day had passed on Sunday when I left Lahore on my way to the capital of Agra. Having made Qilīj K͟hān governor, Mīr Qawāmu-d-dīn diwan, S͟haik͟h Yūsuf bakhshi, and Jamālu-d-dīn kotwal, and presented each according to his circumstances with dresses of honour, I turned towards my desired way. On the 25th, having passed over the river at Sult̤anpūr, I proceeded two kos and halted at Nakodar. My revered father had given [136]S͟haik͟h Abū-l-faẓl93 gold of the weight of 20,000 rupees to build an embankment between these two parganahs and prepare a waterfall, and in truth I found a halting-place exceedingly pleasant and fresh. I ordered Muʿizzu-l-mulk, the jagirdar of Nakodar, to erect a building and prepare a garden on one side of this embankment, so that wayfarers seeing it might be pleased. On Saturday, 10th Ẕī-l-qaʿda, Wazīru-l-mulk, who before my ascension had the good fortune to serve me, and was Diwan of my establishment, died of diarrhœa. At the end of his life a son of evil fortune (lit footsteps) had been born in his house, who in the space of forty days ruined94 (Erskine has ‘ate’) both his father and mother, and who himself died when he was two or three years old. It occurred to me that the house of Wazīru-l-mulk must not all at once be ruined, and patronising Manṣūr, his brother’s son, I gave him rank. Indeed,95 he showed no love to me (the scent of love did not come from him). On Monday, the 14th, I heard on the road that between Panipat and Karnal there were two tigers that were giving much trouble to wayfarers. I collected the elephants and sent them off. When I arrived at their (the tigers’) place I mounted a female elephant, and ordered them to place the elephants round them after the manner of a qamargah (enclosure), and by the favour of Allah killed both with a gun, and thus got rid of the raging tigers that had closed the road to the servants of God. On Thursday, [137]the 18th,96 I halted at Delhi and alighted at the residence which Salīm K͟hān, the Afghan, had made in the days of his rule in the middle of the river Jumna and called Salīmgaḍh. My revered father had given the place to Murtaẓā K͟hān, who was originally an inhabitant of Delhi. The aforesaid K͟hān had built on the margin of the river a terrace of stone excessively pleasant and bright. Below that building97 near the water there was made a square chaukandī with glazed tiles by the order of H.M. Humāyūn, and there are few places with such air. In the days when the late king Humāyūn honoured Delhi with his presence, he often sat there with his intimates, and associated with the members of his assemblies. I passed four days in that place, and with my courtiers and intimates enjoyed myself with wine parties. Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān, who was governor of Delhi, presented offerings. The jagirdars and citizens also made offerings and presents, each according to his circumstances. I was desirous to employ some days in a qamargah hunt in the parganah of Pālam, which is one of the places near the aforesaid city and one of the fixed hunting-grounds. As it was represented to me that the (fortunate) hour for approaching Agra had come very near, and another proper hour was not to be obtained at all near that time, I gave up the intention, and embarking on board a boat went on by water. On the 20th of the month of Ẕī-l-qaʿda four boys and three girls, children of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, whom he had not mentioned to my father, were brought. I placed the boys among my confidential servants, and made over the girls to the attendants of the ladies of the harem in order that they might look after them. On the 21st of the same month Rājā Mān Singh came and waited on me [138]from the fort of Rohtas, which is in the province of Patna and Behar, after orders had been sent to him six or seven times. He also, like K͟hān Aʿz̤am, is one of the hypocrites and old wolves of this State. What they have done to me, and what has happened to them from me, God the knower of secrets knows; possibly no one could mention such another case(?). The aforesaid Raja produced as offerings 100 elephants, male and female, not one of which was fit to be included among my private elephants. As he was one of those who had been favoured by my father, I did not parade his offences before his face, but with royal condescension promoted him.

On this day they brought a talking jal (lark) which distinctly said “Miyān T̤ūt̤ī.” It was very strange and wonderful. In Turki they call this bird turghai.98


1 The MSS. have the 6th stage instead of “last. 

2 This is the famous K͟hān Jahān Lodī of S͟hāh Jahān’s reign. 

3 Text, ba dastūr

4 I.e. built him up in it. 

5 Jahāngīr did not like the K͟hānk͟hānān, and so here belittles his services. 

6 During S͟hāh Jahān’s reign, K͟hān Jahān Lodī fled from Court, was pursued, and killed. 

7 Perhaps the antelope’s name was Rāj, and the syllable man the pronoun ‘my,’ when the translation would be ‘my antelope Raj.’ See Elliot, vi, 302, and R.A.S. MS., No. 124. 

8 Perhaps the Jandiāla of the Indian Gazetteer, vii, 137. 

9 Indian Gazetteer, v, 239. 

10 Text omits the negative. 

11 Text, sūsanī; apparently a blue iris. 

12 The text has s͟humār wrongly for s͟hiyār, and it seems that the negative of the text is wrong, since it does not occur in the MSS. Abū-l-faẓl gives the number of petals and stamens more correctly than Jahāngīr. 

13 Az tikka andāzī; perhaps ‘the cast of a javelin.’ 

14 Lit. ‘have joined hands.’ 

15 Sih-barga; but this reading seems doubtful; perhaps it is sīr-i-barga, full of leaves. Jahāngīr says that to lay a carpet on the grass would be bī-dardī, unfeeling, unsympathetic, and kam salīqagī

16 The text has naqs͟h bar jāy, but the true reading seems to be nafīẓtar

17 ʿIlm-i-k͟halaʿ-i-badan, ‘withdrawal of the soul from the body’ (Erskine). 

18 So in text, but the MSS. and Elliot, vi, 307, have “on one of the gates.” 

19 The figures seem wrong, and the MSS. differ. See Elliot, vi, 307. Apparently the correct sum in rupees is 34 lakhs 25,000. At p. 61 the khani of Turan is reckoned at one-third of a rupee. If the dam be taken at its ordinary value of one-fortieth of a rupee, the number of rupees should be 40 lakhs 25,000, and if the khani of Turan be one-third of a rupee we should read one kror instead of one arb. Probably Jahāngīr has used arb as meaning kror, and not 100 krors. There is a valuable note on his expedition through the Ghakkar country in Blochmann, p. 486. Blochmann takes the figures for the rupees to be four krors, but probably this is due to wrong pointing. 

20 The MSS. and text have Pila or Pīla. I adopt Tīla from Blochmann, p. 487, note. Elliot has Tillah, vi, 307, and note. 

21 In Tolbort’s account of Lūdhiyāna, J.A.S.B. for 1869, p. 86, bhakhra is given as the name of a creeping plant (Pedalium murex). 

22 Rūd-k͟hāna; this, according to Blochmann, should be the river Kahan, k͟hāna being a mistake for Kahan. See p. 487 note. But all the MSS. have k͟hāna

23 See Elliot, vi, 309 note. 

24 Būgyāls; Elliot, vi, 309. They are descendants of Sultān Būgā. 

25 Paka is mentioned in Tiefenthaler, i, 114. 

26 Khor; Elliot, vi, 309 note. Near the Mānikyāla tope. 

27 K͟harbūza Sarāy is marked on Elphinstone’s map. 

28 Mr. Rogers has “The soul of the fool thou canst purchase for little.” Perhaps the sense is “God grants life to the fool on hard terms.” Erskine has “To serve a fool is hard indeed.” Possibly the literal meaning is “You buy the soul of the fool at a high price,” that is, it costs a great deal to win him over. Elliot had what is probably the best rendering, “Barbarous characters should be treated with severity”; though in Elliot, vi, 310, the translation is, “The life of fools is held very cheap in troublous times.” 

29 Apparently this remark must have been written after Jahāngīr’s visit to Kashmir by the Bāramūla route in the fourteenth year. 

30 Bhanwar, as Mr. Lowe has pointed out, means in Hindi an eddy or whirlpool. 

31 William Finch says that at Ḥasan Abdāl there were many fish with gold rings in their noses hung by Akbar, and that the water is so clear that you may see a penny in the bottom. Jahāngīr’s informants were apparently not versed in hagiography. Bābā Ḥasan Abdāl is apparently the saint who was an ancestor of Maʿṣūm Bhakarī, and is buried at Qandahar. See Beale, and Jarrett’s translation of the Āyīn, ii, 324 note. The Sikhs identify the place with their Bābā Nānak. It is not a wife of Akbar who is buried at Ḥasan Abdāl, but Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ and his brother. 

32 Elliot has Amardī, but the MSS. have Amrohī. The Maʾās̤ir, ii, 755, has Āhrūʾī. See Blochmann, p. 522. 

33 Az t̤ag͟hyān farūd āmada. Perhaps the meaning is exactly the opposite, viz. ‘had come down in violence.’ But if so, could a bridge have been made, and with eighteen boats? The time was the 4th or 5th May. Elliot has “the Nīlāb was very full.” 

34 According to the Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, iii, 376, Maʿmūr is a village in Arabia. 

35 The MSS. have ṣad instead of chand, i.e. 100. 

36 This Āṣaf K͟hān is Qawāmu-d-dīn Jaʿfar Beg and the No. iii of Blochmann, p. 411. Apparently his appointment as Mir Bakhshi was made in 989 (1581), in which year Akbar went to Kabul. Blochmann says Āṣaf K͟hān was made Mir Bakhshi in the room of Qāẓī ʿAlī, and we find at p. 372 of A. N., iii, that Qāẓī ʿAlī Bak͟hs͟hī was appointed in that year to the Panjab. Twenty-eight years before 1016 (to the beginning of which Jahāngīr is referring) yields 988. Basāwal is on right bank of Kabul River below Jalālābād. 

37 Text baulī, but the MSS. have lūlī, i.e. dancing-girl. 

38 Generally spelt ballūt̤, either the oak or the chestnut. Cf. Erskine’s Baber, p. 145. Sir Alexander Burnes calls the ballūt̤ the holly. 

39 See below, p. 52, where the Raʾīs or headman of Chikrī is mentioned. 

40 Cf. Erskine’s Baber, p. 145. 

41 The fort of Pes͟h Bulāq is mentioned in the third volume of the Akbar-nāma, p. 512. It is marked on the map of Afghanistan between Daka and Jalālābād. 

42 Sic in text, but should be Jaunpūr as in the MSS. 

43 There was also a S͟hahr-bānū who was Bābar’s sister. Bīka Begam was Bābar’s widow and the lady who carried his bones to Kabul. 

44 Bakafs͟h-pāy, which Erskine renders ‘with slippers on’ and Elliot ‘with his shoes on.’ 

45 Bāyazīd Biyāt describes Humāyūn as holding a cooking festival in Badak͟hs͟hān. See A.N., i, translation, p. 496, n. 2. They cooked bug͟hra, which appears to be macaroni. The text wrongly has raqẓ az ʿis͟hq (love-dances). The real word, as the MSS. show, is arg͟hus͟htaq, which is a kind of dance (not a child’s game as in Johnson). It is described in Vullers, s.v., in accordance with the account in the Burhān-i-qāt̤iʿ. It is a dance by girls or young men, and is accompanied with singing and with clapping of hands, etc. Probably it is the dance described by Elphinstone in his account of Kabul, i, 311, where he says: “The great delight of all the western Afghans is to dance the Attun or Ghoomboor. From ten to twenty men or women stand up in a circle (in summer before their houses and tents, and in winter round a fire); a person stands within the circle to sing and play on some instrument. The dancers go through a number of attitudes and figures; shouting, clapping their hands, and snapping their fingers. Every now and then they join hands, and move slow or fast according to the music, all joining in chorus. When I was showed this, a love-song was sung to an extremely pretty tune, very simple, and not unlike a Scottish air.” Erskine’s translation is: “Custards and confections were presented, and the amusements of dancing girls and arghustak were introduced.” 

46 The words seem to me to yield 1066, but if we read pajs͟hanba instead of panjs͟hanba we get 1016, which is the Hijra date of Jahāngīr’s entry into Kabul and corresponds to 4th June, 1607. A marginal note on I.O.M. 305 makes the chronogram clear by writing rūz-i-panchanba hiz͟hdah-i-Ṣafar, thereby getting rid of the mīm and the of hīz͟hdaham and bringing out the figures 1016. 

47 Evidently a kind of sheep. 

48 This is a reference to Bābar’s Memoirs. 

49 A juzʾ is said to consist of eight leaves or sixteen pages. Does Jahāngīr mean that he wrote sixty-four pages? 

50 Probably the sections which Jahāngīr wrote were those printed in the Ilminsky edition and which bring the narrative down to Bābar’s death. They seem to have been in great measure copied from the Akbar-nāma. Jahāngīr does not say if he wrote them when he was in Kabul or previously. According to Blochmann, J.A.S.B. for 1869, p. 134, one juzʾ = two sheets of paper. The passage is translated in Elliot, vi, 315. Though Jahāngīr does not say when he wrote the four sections, I think that his language implies that these additions were in the manuscript when he was looking at it in Kabul. Perhaps he made them when he was a student in India, and for the sake of practice in Turkī. He may have translated the sections from the Akbar-nāma. All, I think, he did in Kabul was to put the Turkī note, stating that the sections were his. But possibly even this was done before. Elliot, vi, 315, has the words “to complete the work,” but these words do not occur in the MSS. that I have seen. The translation in Elliot, seems to represent Jahāngīr’s words as meaning that the work was complete, but that the four sections were not, like the rest, in Bābar’s handwriting, and so Jahāngīr re-copied them. But it does not appear that there could be any object in his doing this. There is a valuable article in the Zeitschrift d. Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch. for 1883, p. 141, by Dr. Teufel, entitled “Bâbur und Abû’l-faẓl,” in which the fragments in Ilminsky are discussed. But the passage in the Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī is not referred to. 

51 The text mentions a horse, but the MSS. have not this, and it seems to be a mistake. 

52 Apparently the Shorkot of I.G., xii, 424. In the Rechnau Dūāb (Jarrett, ii, 321). It is north of Multan and in the Jhang district. 

53 I.G., v, 188. 

54 Perhaps the ʿAlī Dūst K͟hān of Blochmann, p. 533. 

55 The MSS. have Herat, and this is probably correct. 

56 That is, apparently, Mīrzā S͟hādmān, but perhaps the meaning is that Qarācha had sought a wife for his son among the Hazāras, and not that he had himself married an Hazāra woman. 

57 The MSS. have “less than 1½ gaz by ⅛ (nīm-pāo).” 

58 Should, I think, be Tattah, i.e. Sind. 

59 G͟haibāna, ‘secretly.’ But the phrase merely means that the appointment was not made in the Emperor’s presence. 

60 Text bargas͟ht, ‘he turned round.’ But the MSS. have chi rawis͟h-i-tūzukast, “What kind of arrangement is this?” 

61 S͟hams͟hīr-i-sīk͟hakī, ‘pointed sword, poniard’? 

62 The meaning of two words being used probably is that both Hindu and Persian astrologers are referred to. Blochmann, p. 311, says that S͟hāh-Jahān’s birthday was 30th Rabīʿu-l-awwal. 

63 Lit., “His disposition had changed from equability.” 

64 Gīlās is a cherry in Kashmiri. See Blochmann’s Āyīn, p. 616. Abū-l-faẓl mentions in the Āyīn (Blochmann, p. 66) that Akbar called gīlās s͟hāh-ālū

65 Paywandī means ‘to graft,’ and possibly this is the meaning here, but Steingass gives paywandī as part of the name of a plum. The text seems to be corrupt, and perhaps what Jahāngīr wrote was “the zard-ālū resembles the k͟hūbānī.” 

66 Text has Yāqūt, but it is clear from the Iqbāl-nāma, p. 25, and from I.O. MS. 181 that the name is K͟hwāja Tābūt, ‘the coffin K͟hwāja.’ The author of the Iqbāl-nāma was the person sent to make the inquiry, and he gives a long account of what he saw. A surgeon was sent with him, as the K͟hwāja was said to have been martyred, and it was necessary to report on the wounds. The coffin story is mentioned in the Āyīn, i, 194. See Jarrett, ii, 409–10, but the translation is not quite accurate, I think. The punctuation of the text seems to me to be correct. It is characteristic of Jahāngīr and the author of the Iqbāl-nāma that they take no notice of the colossal figures at Bāmiyān, though Abū-l-faẓl does. See Jarrett’s note. It is stated in the Iqbāl-nāma that K͟hwāja Tābūt was said to have been killed in the time of Chingīz K͟hān. If so, the Sult̤ān Maḥmūd mentioned by Jahāngīr must be Sult̤ān Maḥmūd G͟horī. 

67 He was appointed governor of Sehwān (Iqbāl-nāma, p. 27). 

68 The MSS merely have “of a size that I had never seen before.” Probably the text is corrupt, and the meaning may be “as big as a head.” Bih is a quince, and perhaps this is what is meant here. Or the meaning may be “equal to the biggest for size.” Or sar may be a mistake for sih and the meaning be “equal in size to three (ordinary peaches).” 

69 I.O. MS. 181 has Qarqara mountains. There is also the reading K͟haraq. 

70 Blochmann, p. 31. 

71 Dūʾāba is mentioned as a stage by W. Finch. 

72 The text omits the word zinda, ‘alive.’ 

73 The urdū or camp was probably not with Jahāngīr then, and he thought that if he sent to it for the capture of 500 there would be confusion. He therefore contented himself at the time with arresting the ringleaders. There is a full account of the conspiracy in the Iqbāl-nāma, p. 27, etc. 

74 Possibly the meaning is “his experience was greater than his skill.” 

75 Lit., when he was smooth-faced, i.e. beardless. 

76 The I.O. MSS. do not call him governor, and the names of the animals captured differ in the MSS. from those given in the text. The latter are obviously wrong, and I have discarded them. The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 30, has Arzana as the name of the hunting-ground. Erskine has Arzina. 

77 Erskine has “many of the hounds were destroyed.” Sagān-i-tāzī probably means greyhounds, whether bred in Arabia or elsewhere. 

78 Blochmann, p. 377, and Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 642. He was an Arg͟hūn. 

79 The passage is obscure and the text is corrupt. Erskine’s translation is: “His manners towards the soldiers is frank and gallant, but not according to the rules of discipline, especially towards those who have been or are in the wars with him. He is much flattered by his servants, which gives him a light appearance.” Evidently Erskine read udzī or nāz instead of bāz as in the text, and the MSS. support his reading. I think, however, that nāz kas͟hīdan means ‘to jest.’ Instead of the tā bamāndand of text the MSS. have yā namāyand, the meaning being those soldiers who have served him well, or are doing so. We learn from Blochmann, p. 378, that S͟hāh Beg was “a frank Turk.” 

80 The peculiarity of this year was that the lunar month and the solar month of Akbar’s birth, viz. Rajab and Ābān, coincided, so that there was a double celebration. 

81 Wajīhu-d-dīn was a famous Gujarat saint. He died in 998. 

82 The word used by Jahāngīr, and which has been translated ‘repeat continually,’ is mudāwamat, and Erskine understood it to mean that Jahāngīr hoped to prolong his life by this exercise. 

83 Har ahūʾī kih zad bar sar-i-tīr raft. The literal rendering apparently is: “whenever an antelope was struck by him the arrow entered up to its (the arrow’s) head.” Perhaps the meaning simply is every arrow (or bullet) that he shot went home. 

84 Jalāl K͟hān was a grandson of Sultān Ādam (Blochmann, pp. 455 and 486). 

85 See infra for another notice of him in the chapter on Gujrat. 

86 One of Jahāngīr’s wives was a daughter of Rāy Rāy Singh (of Bikanir). See Blochmann, p. 310. 

87 See Rieu, Cat. ii, p. 634. 

88 There is evidently something wrong in the text, for a ruby weighing 6 surkhs could not weigh 2 tanks and 15 surkhs. I.O. MS. 181 has barja instead of surk͟h, but I do not know what this means. Perhaps s͟has͟h-gūs͟ha, ‘hexagonal,’ was intended. This view is confirmed by the Iqbāl-nāma, p. 31, which has s͟has͟h pahlū, ‘six-sided.’ Erskine’s MS. also had ‘six-sided,’ and he translates “a six-sided ruby which weighed two tangs fifteen surkhs.” I.O. MS. 305 has s͟has͟h pārcha, and it is evident that this word, as also the barja of No. 181, is the pārche of Steingass, which means a segment or facet. 

89 This remark about Mīrzā G͟hāzī, and also the quotation, do not occur in the two I.O. MSS. 

90 Blochmann, p. 417. 

91 Bayaktā, but the I.O. MSS have batagpāy, ‘rapidly.’ 

92 Properly Zainu-d-dīn Maḥmūd. See the story in Badayūnī, Ranking, p. 589; also Akbar-nāma translation, i, 611, and Blochmann, p. 539 and note. 

93 I do not know if this is the author. There appears to be no mention of the construction in the Akbar-nāma. Nakodar is in the Jalandhar district (I.G., x, 180, and Jarrett, ii. 317). Perhaps the two tombs at Nakodar mentioned in I.G. as of Jahāngīr’s time are those of Muqīm the Wazīru-l-mulk and his wife. See Tūzuk, pp. 6 and 64. 

94 K͟hwurd, lit. ‘devoured.’ Apparently he refers to the fact of the birth as a misfortune. I.O. MS. 181 has sar-i-mādar u pidar rā k͟hwurd, and the A.S. 124 has s͟hīr-i-mādar u pidar-i-k͟hūd, ‘the milk of his own mother and father’! 

95 This is given as a quotation in No. 181. 

96 This should be the 17th if Monday was the 14th. 

97 The MSS. seem to have mutaṣṣil-i-mab-i-chaukandī, ‘in shape like a chaukandī(?).’ It was from the roof of this building that Humāyūn fell. 

98 Turg͟hai or turg͟hei is a thrush according to Vambéry, and was the name of Timur’s father. Perhaps the bird was the large mainā, the Bhīmrāj or Bhringraj(?) of the Āyīn, Jarrett, ii, p. 125 and note. In Scully’s Glossary, turghai is said to be the lark. The text arranges the words differently from the MSS. They have mus͟hak͟hk͟haṣ Miyān T̤ūt̤ī gufta, and Erskine translates ‘which said clearly Miyān T̤ut̤ī.’ But possibly Jahāngīr meant that it spoke clearly like a parrot. 

[Contents]

The Third New Year’s Feast from my Accession.

On Thursday, the 2nd Ẕī-l-ḥijja, corresponding with the 1st Farwardīn (19th March, 1608), the Sun, which enlightens and heats the world with its splendour, changed from the constellation of Pisces to the joyful mansion of Aries, the abode of pleasure and rejoicing. It gave the world fresh brightness, and being aided by the Spring clothed those who had been plundered by the cold season, and tyrannised over by the Autumn, with the robes of honour of the New Year and the garments of emerald green, and gave them compensation and recuperation.

“Again to Not-Being came the world’s lord’s order,

‘Restore what thou hast devoured.’”

[139]

The feast of the New Year was held in the village of Rankatta,1 which is five kos off (from Agra), and at the time of transit (of the sun) I seated myself on the throne with glory and gladness. The nobles and courtiers and all the servants came forward with their congratulations. In the same assembly I bestowed on K͟hānjahān the rank of 5,000 personal and horse. I selected K͟hwāja Jahān for the post of bakhshi. Dismissing Wazīr K͟hān from the Viziership of the province of Bengal, I sent in his place Abū-l-ḥasan S͟hihābk͟hānī; and Nūru-d-dīn Qulī became kotwal of Agra. As the glorious mausoleum of the late king Akbar was on the road, it entered my mind that if in passing by I should have the good fortune of a pilgrimage to it, it might occur to those who were short-sighted that I visited it because it was the place where my road crossed. I accordingly had determined that this time I would enter Agra, and after that would go on foot on this pilgrimage to the shrine, which is two and a half kos off, in the same way that the Ḥaẓrat (my father), on account of my birth, had gone from Agra to Ajmir. Would that I might also traverse the same on my head! When two watches of day had passed of Saturday, the 5th2 of the month, at an auspicious hour, I returned towards Agra, and scattering with two hands 5000 rupees in small coins on the way, entered the august palace which was inside the fort. On this day Rāja Bīr Singh Deo brought a white cheeta to show me. Although other sorts [140]of creatures, both birds and beasts, have white varieties, which they call t̤ūyg͟hān,3 I had never seen a white cheeta. Its spots, which are (usually) black, were of a blue colour, and the whiteness of the body was also inclined to bluishness. Of the albino animals that I have seen there are falcons, sparrow-hawks, hawks (s͟hikara) that they call bīgū4 in the Persian language, sparrows, crows, partridges, florican, podna5 (Sylvia olivacea), and peacocks. Many hawks in aviaries are albinos. I have also seen white flying mice (flying squirrels) and some albinos among the black antelope, which is a species found only in Hindustan. Among the chikāra (gazelle), which they call safīda in Persia, I have frequently seen albinos. At this time Ratan, son of Bhoj-hāra, who is one of the chief Rajput nobles, came to the camp and waited on me, bringing three elephants as an offering. One of these was much approved, and they valued it in the office at 15,000 rupees. It was entered among my private elephants, and I gave it the name of Ratangaj. The value of elephants of the former great Rajas of India was not more than 25,000 rupees, but they have now become very dear. I dignified Ratan with the title of Sarbuland Rāy. I promoted Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān to the rank of 5,000 personal and 1,500 horse and Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān to 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse. ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān was promoted to 3,000 and 500 horse. Muz̤affar K͟hān and Bhāo Singh each obtained the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. Abū-l-ḥasan diwan had 1,000 and 500 horse. Iʿtimādu-d-daulah that of 1,000 personal and 250 horse. On the 25th Rāja Sūraj Singh, the maternal uncle of my son K͟hurram, came and paid his respects to me. He brought with him Shyām, the cousin of the turbulent [141]Umrā. In truth he possesses some skill and understands well how to ride elephants. Rāja Sūraj Singh had brought with him a poet who wrote verse in the Hindi tongue. He laid before me a poem in my praise to the purport that if the Sun had a son it would be always day and never would be night, because after his setting that son would sit in his place and keep the world in light. Praise and thanksgiving to God that God gave your father such a son that after his death men should not wear mourning which is like the night. The Sun had envy on this account, saying, “Would I might also have a son who, taking my place, should not allow night to approach the world, for from the light of your rising and the illumination of your justice, notwithstanding such a misfortune, the spheres are so bright that one might say ‘night had neither name nor sign.’” Few Hindi verses of such freshness of purport have ever reached my ear. As a reward for this eulogy I gave him an elephant. The Rajputs call a poet Chāran (name of a caste who are many of them poets). One of the poets of the age has turned6 these sentiments into (Persian) verse—

“If the world-illuminator had a son,

There would be no night; it would be always day;

For when his gold-crowned head was hidden

His son would display his tiara peak.

Thanks that after such a father

Such a son sits in his place.

For from the demise of that king

No one made black robes for mourning.”

On Thursday, the 8th Muḥarram, 10177 (24th April, 1608), Jalālu-d-dīn Masʿūd, who held the rank of 400 personal and was not wanting in bravery, and who in several battles had done great deeds, died at about the age of 50 or 60 years of diarrhœa. He was an opium-eater, and used to eat opium after breaking it in pieces, like [142]cheese, and it is notorious that he frequently ate opium from the hand of his own mother. When his disease became violent and there was a prospect of his death, his mother from excessive love for him ate more opium than was right out of that which she used to give her son, and two or three hours after his death she also died. I have never heard of such affection on the part of a mother for her son. It is the custom among the Hindus that after the death of their husbands women burn themselves, whether from love, or to save the honour of their fathers, or from being ashamed before their sons-in-law, but nothing like this was ever manifested on the part of mothers, Musulman or Hindu. On the 15th of the same month I presented my best horse by way of favour to Rāja Mān Singh. S͟hāh ʿAbbās had sent this horse with some other horses and fitting gifts by Minūchihr, one of his confidential slaves, to the late king Akbar. From being presented with this horse the Raja was so delighted that if I had given him a kingdom I do not think he would have shown such joy. At the time they brought the horse it was three or four years old. It grew up in Hindustan. The whole of the servants of the Court, Moghul and Rajput together, represented that no horse like this had ever come from Iraq to Hindustan. When my revered father gave the province of Khandesh and the Subah of the Deccan to my brother Dāniyāl, and was returning to Agra, he by way of kindness told Dāniyāl to ask of him whatever he desired. Seizing the opportunity, he asked for this horse, and he accordingly gave it to him. On Tuesday, the 20th, a report came from Islām K͟hān with the news of the death of Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, the governor of the Subah of Bengal, who was my special slave. On account of his natural excellence and innate merit he had been enrolled in the list of the great Amirs. I was much grieved at his death. I bestowed the rule of Bengal and the tutorship [143]to Prince Jahāndār on my farzand8 Islām K͟hān, and in his place gave the government of the Subah of Behar to Afẓal K͟hān (son of Abū-l-faẓl). The son of Ḥakīm ʿAlī, whom I had sent on some duties to Burhanpur, came and brought with him some Karnatic jugglers who had no rivals or equals; for instance, one of them played with ten balls, each of which was equal to an orange and one to a citron, and one to a surk͟h,9 in such a way that notwithstanding some were small and some large he never missed one, and did so many kinds of tricks that one’s wits became bewildered. At the same time a dervish from Ceylon came and brought a strange animal called a deonak10 (or devang). Its face was exactly like a large bat, and the whole shape was like that of a monkey, but it had no tail. Its movements were like those of the black tailless monkey which they call ban mānus͟h (jungle man) in the Hindi language. Its body was like that of a young monkey two or three months old. It had been with the dervish for five years.11 It appeared that the animal would never grow larger. Its food is milk and it also eats plantains. As the creature appeared very strange, I ordered the artists to take a likeness of it in various kinds of movement. It looked very ugly.

On the same day Mīrzā Farīdūn Barlās was promoted to the rank of 1,500 personal and 1,300 horse. An order was given that Pāyanda12 K͟hān Moghul, as he had reached old age after exerting himself as a soldier, should receive a jagir equal to 2,000 personal. Ilf K͟hān was promoted to the rank of 700 personal and 500 horse. The rank of Islām K͟hān, my son (farzand), [144]the governor of the Subah of Bengal, was fixed at 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse. The guardianship of the fort of Rohtas was bestowed on Kis͟hwar K͟hān, son of Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka. Ihtimām K͟hān was raised to the rank of 1,000 personal and 300 horse, and made mīr baḥr (admiral) and was appointed to the charge of the nawāra (fleet) of Bengal. On the 1st Ṣafar S͟hamsu-d-dīn K͟hān, son of K͟hān Aʿz̤am, made an offering of ten elephants, and, receiving the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, was selected for the title of Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, and Z̤afar K͟hān received the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. As I had demanded in marriage the daughter of Jagat Singh, eldest son of Rāja Mān Singh, I on the 16th sent 80,000 rupees for the sāchaq (a marriage present) to the house of the aforesaid Raja in order to dignify him. Muqarrab K͟hān sent from the port of Cambay a European curtain (tapestry), the like of which in beauty no other work of the Frank painters had ever been seen. On the same day my aunt, Najību-n-nisā Begam,13 died in the 61st year of her age of the disease of consumption and hectic fever. I promoted her son, Mīrzā Wālī, to the rank of 1,000 personal and 200 horse. A man of Māwarāʾa-n-nahr, of the name of Aqam Ḥājī, who for a long time had been in Turkey and was not without reasonableness and religious knowledge, and who called himself the ambassador of the Turkish Emperor, waited upon me at Agra. He had an unknown writing (? illegible letter). Looking to his circumstances and his proceedings none of the servants of the Court believed in his being an ambassador. When Tīmūr conquered Turkey, and Yildirīm Bāyazīd, the ruler [145]of that place, fell alive into his hands, he, after levying tribute and taking one year’s revenue, determined to hand back into his possession the whole of the country of Turkey. Just at that time Yildirīm Bāyazīd died, and (Tīmūr), having handed over the kingdom to his son Mūsā Chelebī, returned. From that time until now, notwithstanding such favours, no one had come on the part of the emperors, nor has any ambassador been sent: how, then, can it now be believed that this person from Māwarāʾa-n-nahr should have been sent by the emperor? I could in no way understand the affair, and no one could bear witness to the accuracy of his claim: I therefore told him to go wherever he might wish. On the 4th Rabīʿu-1-awwal the daughter of Jagat Singh entered the harem, and the marriage ceremony was performed in the house of Her Highness Maryam-zamānī. Amongst the things sent with her by Rāja Mān Singh were 60 elephants.

As I had determined to conquer the Rānā, it occurred to me that I should send Mahābat K͟hān. I appointed 12,000 fully armed cavalry under able officers to go with him, and in addition 500 ahadis, 2,000 musketeers on foot, with artillery made up of 70 to 80 guns mounted on elephants and camels; 60 elephants were appointed to this duty. Two million rupees of treasure were ordered to be sent with this army. On the 16th of the said month Mīr K͟halīlu-llah, grandson of Mīr Niʿmatu-llah Yazdī, the whole of whose circumstances and family history has already been written, died of diarrhœa. In his appearance the traces of sincerity and dervishhood were manifest. If he had lived and passed a long time in my service he would have risen to high rank. The bakhshi of Burhanpur had sent some mangoes, one of which I ordered to be weighed; it came to 52½ tolas. On Wednesday, the 18th, in the house of Maryam-zamānī, the feast of the lunar weighing of my 40th year [146]was held. I ordered the money used in weighing to be divided amongst women and needy persons. On Thursday, the 4th Rabīʿu-l-āk͟hir, T̤āhir Beg, the bakhshi of the Ahadis, was given the title of Muk͟hliṣ K͟hān, and Mullā-i-Taqiyyā S͟hūstarī,14 who was adorned with excellencies and perfections, and was well acquainted with the science of history and genealogy, that of Muʾarrik͟h K͟hān. On the 10th of the same month, having given Bark͟hūrdār, the brother of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, the title of Bahādur K͟hān, I dignified him among his fellows. Mūnis K͟hān, son of Mihtar K͟hān, presented me with a jug of jasper (jade), which had been made in the reign of Mīrzā Ulug͟h Beg Gūrgān, in the honoured name of that prince. It was a very delicate rarity and of a beautiful shape. Its stone was exceedingly white and pure. Around the neck of the jar they had carved the auspicious name of the Mīrzā and the Hijra year in riqāʿ15 characters. I ordered them to inscribe my name and the auspicious name of Akbar on the edge of the lip of the jar. Mihtar16 K͟hān was one of the ancient slaves of this State. He had the honour of serving the late king Humāyūn, and during the reign of my revered father had attained the rank of nobility. He regarded him as one of his confidential servants. On the 16th a firman was issued that the country of Sangrām,17 which had been given for a year by way of reward to my son (farzand) Islām K͟hān, should be handed over for the same purpose for a year to Afẓal K͟hān, the governor of the Subah of Behar. On this day I promoted Mahābat K͟hān to the rank of 3,000 personal and 2,500 horse, and Yūsuf K͟hān, son of Ḥusain K͟hān Tukriyah, obtained that of 2,000 [147]personal and 800 horse. On the 24th I gave leave to Mahābat K͟hān and the Amirs and men who had been appointed to subdue the Rānā. The aforesaid K͟hān was honoured with a robe of honour, a horse, a special elephant, and a jewelled sword. Zafar K͟hān, having been honoured with a standard, was presented with a private robe of honour and a jewelled dagger. S͟hajāʿat K͟hān also was presented with a standard, and I gave him a robe of honour and a special elephant. Rāja Bīr Singh Deo received a robe of honour and a special horse, and Manglī K͟hān a horse and jewelled dagger. Narāyan Dās Kachhwāhah, ʿAlī Qulī Darman, and Hizabr K͟hān Tahamtan obtained leave. On Bahādur K͟hān and Muʿizzu-l-mulk the bakhshi jewelled daggers were conferred, and in the same manner all the Amirs and leaders, each one according to his degree, were honoured with royal gifts. A watch of the day had passed when the Khankhanan, who had been selected for the high honour of my Ātālīq (guardian), came from Burhanpur and waited on me. Delight and happiness had so overpowered him that he did not know whether he came on his head or his feet. He threw himself bewildered at my feet. By way of favour and kindness I lifted up his head and held it in an embrace of kindliness and affection, and kissed his face. He brought me as offerings two strings of pearls and some rubies and emeralds. The value of the jewels was 300,000 rupees. Besides these he laid before me many valuable things. On the 17th Jumādā-l-awwal Wazīr K͟hān, the Diwan of Bengal, came and waited on me, and offered 60 elephants, male and female, and one Egyptian18 ruby. As he was one of the old servants and he performed every duty, I ordered him to remain in attendance on me. As Qāsim K͟hān and his elder brother, Islām K͟hān, could in no way [148]keep the peace together, I had sent for the former to my own presence, and he yesterday came and waited on me. On the 22nd, Āṣaf K͟hān, made me an offering of a ruby of the weight of seven ṭānk, which Abū-l-qāsim, his brother, had bought in the port of Cambay for 75,000 rupees. It is of a beautiful colour and well-shaped, but to my belief is not worth more than 60,000 rupees. Great faults had been committed by Dulīp Rāy, son of Rāy Rāy Singh, but as he took refuge with my farzand K͟hān Jahān his offences were pardoned, and I knowingly and purposely passed over his delinquencies. On the 24th the sons of K͟hānk͟hānān, who had followed after him, arrived and waited on me and produced as an offering the sum of 25,000 rupees. On the same day the said K͟hān offered 90 elephants. On Thursday, the 1st Jumādā-s̤-s̤ānī, the feast of my solar year was celebrated in the house of Maryam-zamānī. Some of the money I divided among the women, and an order was given that the balance should be distributed to the poor of the hereditary kingdoms. On the 4th of the month I ordered the Diwans to give a jagir, according to his rank, of 7,000 rupees to K͟hān Aʿz̤am.

On this day a female antelope in milk was brought that allowed itself to be milked with ease, and gave every day four seers of milk. I had never seen or heard of anything of the kind before. The milk of the antelope, of the cow, and the buffalo in no way differs. They say it is of great use in asthma. On the 11th of the month Rāja Mān Singh asked for leave to complete the army of the Deccan to which he had been appointed, as well as to visit Amber, his native place. I gave him a male elephant of my own called Hus͟hyār-mast, and gave him leave. On Monday, the 12th, as it was the anniversary of the death of the late king Akbar, in addition to the expenses of that entertainment, which are fixed separately, I sent 4,000 rupees more to be divided among the faqirs and [149]dervishes who are present in the enlightened mausoleum of the venerated one. On that day I exalted ʿAbdu-llah, the son of K͟hān Aʿz̤am, with the title of Sarfarāz K͟hān, and ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, son of Qāsim K͟hān, with that of Tarbiyat K͟hān. On Tuesday, the 13th, I sent for K͟husrau’s daughter, and saw a child so like her father as no one can remember to have seen. The astrologers used to say that her advent would not be auspicious to her father, but would be auspicious to me. At last it became known that they had augured rightly. They said that I should see her after three years. I saw her when she had passed this age. On the 21st of the month K͟hānk͟hānān determined to clear out the province of the Nizāmu-l-mulk, into which, after the death of the late king Akbar, some disturbances had found their way, and stated in writing that “If I do not complete this service in the course of two years, I shall be guilty (of a fault), on the condition that in addition to the force that had been allotted to that Subah 12,000 more horse with 1,000,000 rupees should be sent with me.” I ordered that materials for the army and the treasure should be quickly prepared, and he should be despatched. On the 26th Muk͟hliṣ K͟hān, bakhshi of the ahadis, was appointed bakhshi of the Subah of the Deccan, and I bestowed his place on Ibrāhīm Ḥusain K͟hān, the Mīr Baḥr. On the 1st Rajab, Pīs͟hrau K͟hān and Kamāl K͟hān, who belonged to the servants who were in constant attendance on me (rū-s͟hinās), died. S͟hāh Tahmāsp had given Pīs͟hrau K͟hān as a slave to my grandfather, and he was called Saʿādat. When he was promoted in the service of the late king Akbar to the daroghahship and superintendence of the farrās͟hk͟hāna (carpet department), he obtained the title of Pīs͟hrau. He was so well acquainted with this service that one might say it was a garment they had sewn on the stature of his capacity. When he was 90 years old he was quicker than lads of 14. He had the good fortune [150]to serve my grandfather, my father, and me. Until he breathed his last he was never for a moment without the intoxication of wine.

“Besmeared with wine Fig͟hānī19 went to the dust.

Alas! if the angels20 smelt his fresh shroud!”

He left 1,500,000 rupees. He has one very stupid son, called Riʿāyat. On account of his father’s claims for services performed, I gave the superintendence of half the farrashkhana to him and the other half to Tuk͟hmāq K͟hān. Kamāl K͟hān was one of the slaves sincerely devoted to my service; he is of the caste of the Kalāls of Delhi. On account of the great honesty and trustworthiness that he had shown I made him bakāwal-begī (chief of the kitchen). Few such servants are ever met with. He had two sons, to both of whom I showed great kindness, but where are there others like him? On the 2nd of the said month Laʿl21 Kalāwant, who from his childhood had grown up in my father’s service, who had taught him every breathing and sound that appertains to the Hindi language, died in the 65th or 70th year of his age. One of his girls (concubines) ate opium on this event and killed herself. Few women among the Musulmans have ever shown such fidelity.

In Hindustan, especially in the province of Sylhet,22 which is a dependency of Bengal, it was the custom for the people of those parts to make eunuchs of some of their sons and give them to the governor in place of revenue (māl-wājibī). This custom by degrees has been adopted in other provinces, and every year some children are thus [151]ruined and cut off from procreation. This practice has become common. At this time I issued an order that hereafter no one should follow this abominable custom, and that the traffic in young eunuchs should be completely done away with. Islām K͟hān and the other governors of the Subah of Bengal received firmans that whoever should commit such acts should be capitally punished, and that they should seize eunuchs of tender years who might be in anyone’s possession. No one of the former kings had obtained this success. Please Almighty God, in a short time this objectionable practice will be completely done away with, and the traffic in eunuchs being forbidden, no one shall venture on this unpleasant and unprofitable proceeding. I presented the K͟hānk͟hānān with a bay horse out of those sent me by S͟hāh ʿAbbās; it was the head of the stable of my private horses. He was so rejoiced over it that it would be difficult to describe. In truth a horse of this great size and beauty has hardly come to Hindustan. I also gave him the elephant Futūḥ, that is unrivalled in fighting, with twenty other elephants. As Kis͟han Singh, who was accompanying Mahābat K͟hān, performed laudable service, and was wounded in the leg by a spear in the fight with the Rānā’s men, so that about twenty noblemen of his were killed and about 3,000 made captive, he was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. On the 14th of the same month I gave an order for Mīrzā G͟hāzī to betake himself to Qandahar. A strange occurrence was that as soon as the aforesaid Mīrzā started from Bakhar for that province the news of the death of Sardār K͟hān, the governor of that place, came. Sardār K͟hān was one of the permanent and intimate attendants of my uncle Muhammad Ḥakīm, and was known as Tuk͟hta23 Beg. I gave half his rank (the pay of it) to his sons. On Monday, the 17th, I went on [152]foot on my pilgrimage to the enlightened mausoleum of the late king. If it had been possible, I would have traversed this road with my eyelashes and head. My revered father, on account of my birth, had gone on foot on a pilgrimage to the shrine of K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn Sanjari Chis͟htī, from Fatḥpūr to Ajmir, a distance of 120 kos: if I should traverse this road with my head and eyes, what should I have done? When I was dignified with the good fortune of making this pilgrimage, I saw the building that had been erected in the cemetery. It did not come up to my idea of what it ought to be, for that would be approved which the wayfarers of the world should point to as one the like of which was not in the inhabited world. Inasmuch as at the time of erecting the aforesaid building the affair of the ill-starred K͟husrau took place, I started for Lahore, and the architects had built it after a design of their own. At last a certain expenditure was made until a large sum was expended, and work went on for three or four years. I ordered that experienced architects should again lay the foundations, in agreement with men of experience, in several places, on a settled plan. By degrees a lofty building was erected, and a very bright garden was arranged round the building of the shrine, and a large and lofty gateway with minarets of white stone was built. On the whole they told me the cost of this lofty edifice was 1,500,000 rupees, equivalent to 50,000 current tumans of Persia and 4,500,000 khanis, according to the currency of Tūrān.

On Sunday, the 23rd, I went with a band of courtiers who had not seen it to look at the reservoir in the house of Ḥakīm ʿAlī like one that had been made at Lahore in the time of my father. The reservoir is 6 gaz by 6 gaz. At its side has been erected a well-lighted room, the entrance to which is through the water, but the water does not get into it. Ten or twelve people could meet in it. He made an offering of some [153]of the cash and jewels that had accumulated24 in his time. After looking at the room, and the entering of a number of courtiers therein, I raised him to the rank of 2,000, and returned to the palace. On Sunday, the 14th S͟haʿbān, the K͟hānk͟hānān was honoured with a jewelled sword for the waist, a robe of honour, and a special elephant, and was given leave to go to his duty in the Deccan. Rāja Sūraj Singh, who was attached to him in that service, was raised to the rank of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. As it was again represented to me that oppression was being committed by the brethren and attendants of Murtazā K͟hān on the ryots and people of Ahmadabad in Gujarat, and that he was unable properly to restrain his relations and people about him, I transferred the Subah from him and gave it to Aʿz̤am K͟hān, and it was settled that the latter should attend at court, and that his eldest son Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān should go to Gujarat as his deputy. The rank of Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān was fixed at 3,000 personal and 2,500 horse. An order was given that in company with Mohan Dās dīwān and Masʿūd Beg Hamaẕānī bak͟hs͟hī he should carry on the business of the province. Mohan Dās was promoted to the rank of 800 with 500 horse, and Masʿūd Beg to 300 with 150 horse. Tarbiyat K͟hān, one of the personal servants, was given the rank of 700 with 400 horse, and Naṣru-llah the same. Mihtar K͟hān, whose circumstances have been related, died at this time, and I promoted his son Mūnis K͟hān to the rank of 500 personal and 130 horse. On Wednesday, the 4th Ẕī-l-ḥijja, K͟husrau had a son born to him by the daughter of the K͟hān Aʿz̤am, and I gave him the name of Buland-ak͟htar. On the 6th of the same month Muqarrab K͟hān sent a picture (with a report) that the [154]belief of the Franks was this, that the picture was that of Tīmūr. At the time when Yildirīm Bāyazīd was taken prisoner by his victorious army, a Nazarene, who at that time was ruler25 of Constantinople, had sent an ambassador with gifts and presents in token of submission and service, and an artist who had been sent with the ambassador took his likeness and brought it away. If this story were true, no better gift could be presented to me. But as the picture had no resemblance to any of his descendants I was not satisfied of the truth of the statement.


1 Blochmann, p. 332. Sikandra, Akbar’s tomb, lies half-way between Rankattah and Agra. Tiefenthaler, i, 206, gives the name as Runcta, and says it is a famous place, as Rām there took the figure of Paras Rām. Jarrett, ii, 180, has Rangtah, and it is there described as a village on the Jumna, near the city, and a much frequented place of worship. The Agra volume of the N.W.P. Gazetteer, p. 764, spells it Runkutta, and says it is 9 miles north-west of Agra. See also Maʾās̤ir, ii, 407, art. Ṣaʿid K͟hān, where mention is made of Rankatta and Hilālābād, and Blochmann, p. 332. 

2 If Thursday was the 2nd, Saturday would be the 4th. He went first to Agra from Rangta, apparently. 

3 T̤ūyg͟hun or t̤ūyg͟hun is given in Zenker as Turkī for the white falcon. See Elliot, vi, 317. 

4 Bīg͟hū, which is given in Zenker, is Turkī. The text has līfū. The I.O. MSS. have bīgū

5 Should be būdana, ‘quail.’ 

6 Apparently this is a translation from the Hindi. 

7 Text wrongly has 1014. 

8 Jahāngīr calls Islām farzand because he was the son of his foster-brother. Jahāngīr Qulī means ‘slave of Jahāngīr.’ 

9 The seed of Abrus precatorius

10 Or devtaq. Qu. devanāyak? The MSS. have yūnk and wabūnk. The text is corrupt and has converted the word for ‘bat’ into a ‘lamb.’ 

11 The text is corrupt. 

12 Blochmann, p. 387. 

13 Sister of Mīrzā Ḥakīm, also known as Fak͟hru-n-nisā (Blochmann, p. 322). The MSS. have Bak͟htu-n-nisā, and it would seem that the Najību-n-nisā of the text is a wrong reading. See Gulbadan Begam’s Memoirs, p. 214. 

14 Text wrongly has S͟hams͟hīrī. The MSS. have S͟hūstarī, and this is right. See Blochmann, pp. 208, 209, and 518. 

15 Riqāʿ is a kind of writing (Blochmann, pp. 99, 100). 

16 Blochmann, p. 417. His name was Anīsu-d-dīn. 

17 This must be Rāja Sangrām of K͟harakpur, who had been a rebel. See Blochmann, p. 446 and note. 

18 Text Qutbī, but I think the word is Qibt̤ī, ‘Egyptian.’ 

19 Fig͟hānī was a famous poet and also a drunkard. See Rieu, ii, p. 651, and Sprenger, Oude Cat., p. 403. Fig͟hānī also means lamentation, and there is a play in the couplet on the double meaning. 

20 In the Elliot MSS., B.M., the second line is translated “Alas! if the angels made his shroud of another kind of odour!” The angels meant are Nakīr and Munkar. 

21 Blochmann, p. 612. 

22 Cf. Jarrett, ii, p. 122. 

23 Blochmann, p. 469. 

24 “What money and articles he could produce at the time” (Elliot, vi, 320). 

25 Apparently the person spoken of as a Nazarene (Christian) was the Emperor of Constantinople. Can this picture be the original of that prefixed to White & Davey’s translation of Tīmūr’s Institutes? 

[Contents]

The Fourth New Year’s Feast after the Auspicious Accession.

The passing of the great star that illumines the world into the constellation of Aries took place on the night of Saturday, the 14th Ẕī-l-ḥijja, in Hijra 1017 (21st March, 1609), and New Year’s Day that made brilliant the world began with good auspices and rejoicing. On Friday, the 5th Muḥarram, in the year 1018, Ḥakīm ʿAlī died. He was an unrivalled physician; he had derived much profit from Arabic sciences. He had written a commentary on the Canon (of Avicenna) in the time of my revered father. He had greater diligence than understanding, just as his appearance was better than his disposition, and his acquirements better than his talents; on the whole he was bad-hearted, and of an evil spirit. On the 20th Ṣafar I dignified Mīrzā Bark͟hūrdār with the title of K͟hān ʿĀlam. They brought from the neighbourhood of Fatḥpūr a water-melon, greater than any I had ever seen. I ordered them to weigh it, and it came to 33 seers. On Monday, the 19th Rabīʿu-l-awwal, the feast of my annual lunar weighing [155]was arranged in the palace of my revered mother; a part of the money was divided among the women who had assembled there on that day.

As it had been evident that in order to carry on the affairs of the State in the Subah of the Deccan it was necessary to send one of the princes there, it came into my mind to send my son Parwīz there. I ordered them to send his equipments and fix the hour for his departure. I summoned to Court Mahābat K͟hān, who had been nominated to the command of the army against the rebel Rānā to arrange certain matters at headquarters, and appointed in his place ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, whom I exalted with the title of Fīrūz-jang. I sent ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq bak͟hs͟hī to carry an order to all the mansabdars of that army not to depart from the orders of the aforesaid K͟hān, and to pay every heed to his thanks and blame. On the 4th Jumādā-l-awwal one of the goatherds, who are a particular tribe, brought before me a gelded goat that had teats like a female, and gave every day sufficient milk to take with a cup of coffee.1 As milk is one of the favours of Allah, and the source which nourishes many animals, I looked on this strange affair as an omen for good. On the 6th of the same month, having given him the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, I sent K͟hurram, son of K͟hān Aʿz̤am, to the government of the province of Sorath, which is known as Jūnagaḍh (in Kathiyawād). I honoured2 Ḥakīm Ṣadrā with the title of Masihu-z-zamān, and gave him the rank of 500 personal and 30 horse. On the 16th a jewelled waist-sword was sent to Rāja Mān Singh. On the 22nd, having handed over 2,000,000 rupees for the expenses of the army of the Deccan, which had been ordered for Parwīz, to a separate treasurer, 500,000 rupees more were given for [156]the private expenses of Parwīz. On the 25th, Wednesday, Jahāndār (his son), who previously to this had been appointed, together with Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka, to Bengal, came and waited on me. In reality it became known to me that he was a born devotee.3 As my mind was taken up with the preparations for the Deccan, on the 1st Jumādā-l-āk͟hir I nominated the Amīru-l-umarā as well to that duty. He was honoured with the favour of a robe of honour and a horse. Having promoted Karam Chand, son of Jagannāth, to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, I sent him in company with Parwīz. On the 4th of the month 370 ahadi horse were appointed with ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān to the assistance of the army employed against the Rānā. One hundred horses were also despatched from the government stables to be given as he thought proper to the mansabdars and ahadis. On the 17th I gave a ruby of the value of 60,000 rupees to Parwīz, and another ruby with two single pearls, worth about 40,000 rupees, to K͟hurram. On Monday, the 28th, Jagannāth was promoted to the rank of 5,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and on the 8th of Rajab, Rāy Jāy Singh was promoted to that of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and was dismissed for service in the Deccan. On Thursday, the 9th, Prince S͟hahriyār from Gujarat came and waited on me. On Tuesday, the 4th, I despatched my son Parwīz on the service of conquering the country of the Deccan. He was presented with a robe of honour, a special horse, a special elephant, a sword, and a jewelled dagger. The Sardars and Amirs who were appointed with him each according to his condition received and were made happy with the favour of a horse, a robe of honour, an elephant, a sword, and a jewelled dagger. I appointed 1,000 ahadis to be in [157]attendance on Parwīz for the service of the Deccan. On the same day a representation came from ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān that having pursued the rebel Rānā into the hill country into rough places, he had captured several of his elephants and horses. When night came on he had escaped with difficulty with his life. As he had made things go hard with him, he would soon be taken prisoner or killed. I promoted the said K͟hān to the rank of 5,000 personal, and a rosary of pearls, worth 10,000 rupees, was given to Parwīz. As I had given the province of K͟handesh and Berar to the said son, I also conferred on him the fort of Āsīr, and 300 horse were sent with him to be given to ahadis, mansabdars, and whomever else he might consider worthy of favour. On the 26th, Saif K͟hān Bārha was given the rank of 2,500 personal and 1,350 horse, and appointed to the faujdārship of the Sarkar of Hisar. On Monday, the 4th Shaʿbān, an elephant was given to Wazīr K͟hān. On Friday, the 22nd, I gave an order that as bang and būza (rice spirit) were injurious, they should not be sold in the bazars and that gambling should be abolished, and on this subject I issued stringent orders. On the 25th they brought a tiger from my private menagerie to fight with a bull. Many people gathered together to see the show, and a band of Jogis (religious mendicants) with them. One of the Jogis was naked, and the tiger, by way of sport, and not with the idea of rage, turned towards him. It threw him on the ground and began to behave to him as it would to its own female. The next day and on several occasions the same thing took place. As no such thing had ever been seen before and was exceedingly strange, this has been recorded.4 On the 2nd of the month of Ramaẓān, at the request of Islām [158]K͟hān, G͟hiyās5 K͟hān was promoted to the rank of 1,500 personal and 800 horse. Farīdūn K͟hān Barlās was promoted to the rank of 2,500 with 2,000 horse. One thousand tolcha of gold and silver and 1,000 rupees were given in alms on the day of the procession of the sun into the constellation of the Scorpion, which, according to the general acceptation of the Hindoos, is called the Sankrānt. On the 10th of that month an elephant was presented to S͟hāh Beg Yūzī6 (? the panther-keeper), and Salāmu-llah, the Arab, who is a distinguished young man and a relative (son-in-law?) of Mubārak, the ruler of Darful.7 On account of some suspicion that S͟hāh ʿAbbās had entertained against him, he came to wait upon me. I patronised him, and gave him the rank of 400 personal and 200 horse. Again, another force, containing 193 mansabdars and 46 ahadis, I sent after Parwīz for service in the Deccan. Fifty horses were also entrusted to one of the servants of the Court to convoy to Parwīz.

On Friday, the 13th, a certain idea came into my mind, and this rhymed g͟hazal was produced:—

“What shall I do, for the arrow of loss of thee has pierced my liver!

So that the (evil) eye not reaching me again may reach another?

Thou movest as if frenzied, and the world is frenzied for thee.

I burn rue lest thy eye should reach me. [159]

I am frenzied at union with my friend, and in despair at her absence.

Alas for the grief that has o’erwhelmed me!

I’ve grown mad that I may rush on the pathway of meeting:

Woe for the time that brought me the news!

Jahāngīr, the time for humility and prayer is every morning,8

I hope that some spark of light may take effect.”

On Sunday, the 15th, I sent 50,000 rupees as sāchaq to the house of the daughter of Muz̤affar Ḥusain Mīrzā, son of Sult̤ān Ḥusain Mīrzā, son of Bahrām Mīrzā, son of S͟hāh Ismaʿīl Ṣafawī, who had been demanded in marriage for my son K͟hurram. On the 17th of the month Mubārak K͟hān Sarwānī was honoured with the rank of 1,000 personal and 300 horse. Five thousand rupees were also given to him, and 4,000 rupees to Ḥājī Bī Ūzbeg. On the 22nd a ruby and a pearl were given to S͟hahriyār. One hundred thousand rupees were given for the subsistence of the Ūymāqs (special cavalry) who had been appointed for service in the Deccan. Two thousand rupees were given to Farruk͟h Beg, the painter, who is unrivalled in the age. Four thousand rupees were sent for expenditure on Bābā Hasan Abdāl. One thousand rupees were handed to Mullā ʿAlī Aḥmad Muhrkan (engraver) and Mullā Rūzbihān S͟hīrāzī to expend on the anniversary festival of Hazrat S͟haik͟h Salīm at his mausoleum. An elephant was given to Muhammad Ḥusain, the writer, and 1,000 rupees to K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-l-Haqq Anṣārī. I gave orders to the Diwans that having raised the rank of Murtazā K͟hān to 5,000 personal and horse they should give him a jagir. I ordered Bihārī Chand Qānūngū, of the Sarkar of Agra, to take 1,000 footmen and equipment from the Zamindars of Agra, and, fixing their monthly pay, to send them to Parwīz in the Deccan, and 500,000 rupees more were fixed for the expenses of Parwīz. On Thursday, the 4th S͟hawwāl, [160]Islām K͟hān was promoted to the rank of 5,000 personal and 5,000 horse, Abū-l-walī Beg Ūzbeg to that of 1,500 and Z̤afar K͟hān to that of 2,500. Two thousand rupees were given to Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, and 1,000 rupees to Pathān Miṣr. I ordered that drums should be given to all of them as their rank had been raised to 3,000 and higher. Five thousand rupees more of the money from my weighing were entrusted for the construction of a bridge at Bābā Ḥasan Abdāl and the building that is there to Abū-l-wafā, son of Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ, in order that he might exert himself and put the bridge and the aforesaid building in perfect order. On Saturday, the 13th, when four gharis of day were left, the moon began to be eclipsed. By degrees the whole of its body was obscured, and it continued till five gharis of night had passed. In order to avert the bad omen of this I had myself weighed against gold, silver, cloth, and grain, and gave away in alms all kinds of animals, such as elephants, horses, etc., the cost of all of which was 15,000 rupees. I ordered them to be distributed among the deserving and the poor. On the 25th, at the request of her father, I took the daughter of Rām Chand Bandīlab into my service (i.e. married her). I gave an elephant to Mīr Fāẓil, nephew of Mīr S͟harīf, who had been appointed to the faujdārship of Qabūlah and those regions ʿInāyat-ullah was dignified with the title of ʿInāyat K͟hān. On Wednesday, the 1st Ẕī-l-qaʿda, Bihārī Chand was granted the rank of 500 personal and 300 horse. A khapwa (dagger), adorned with jewels was given to my son Bābā K͟hurram. Mullā Hayatī, by whom I had sent a message to the K͟hānk͟hānān, with a verbal message containing (expressions of) all kinds of condescension and affection, came and brought before me a ruby and two pearls of the value of about 20,000 rupees, which the K͟hānk͟hānān had sent by him. Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, who was in Burhanpur and whom [161]I had sent for, came and waited on me. I presented S͟hajāʿat K͟hān Dakhanī with 2,000 rupees. On the 6th of the aforesaid month, before Parwīz arrived at Burhanpur, a petition came from the Khankhanan and the Amirs that the Dakhanis had assembled together and were making disturbances. When I discovered that, notwithstanding the nomination of Parwīz and the army that had proceeded with him and been appointed to his service, they were still in need of support and assistance, it occurred to me that I should go myself, and by Allah’s favour satisfy myself with regard to that affair. In the meanwhile a petition came also from Āṣaf K͟hān that my coming there would be for the advantage of the daily-increasing State. A petition from ʿĀdil K͟hān, from Bijapur, also came, that if one of the trusted ones of the Court could be appointed there to whom he could tell his desires and claims, so that the envoy might convey them to me, he hoped that it might become the means of affording profit to these slaves (i.e. himself). On this account I consulted with the Amirs and loyal men, and told them to represent whatever entered into anyone’s mind. My son K͟hān Jahān represented that inasmuch as so many Amirs had been despatched for the conquest of the Deccan, it was not necessary for me to go in person. If he were ordered, he himself would go and attend on the prince and would, please God, perform this duty while serving him. Those words were approved of by all those who were loyal. I had never contemplated separation from him, but as the affair was an important one I necessarily gave him permission, and ordered that as soon as matters had been arranged he should return without delay, and should not remain more than a year in those regions. On Tuesday, the 17th Ẕī-l-qaʿda, he was free to go. I presented him with a special gold-embroidered robe of honour, a special horse with a jewelled saddle, a jewelled sword, and a special elephant [162]I also gave him a yak-tail standard (tūmān ṭūg͟h). I appointed Fidā; K͟hān, who was one of my faithful servants, and to whom I gave a robe of honour and a horse and his expenses, promoting him to the rank of 1,000 personal and 400 horse, original and extra, to go with K͟hān Jahān, in order that if it were necessary to send anyone to ʿĀdil K͟hān according to his request, he might despatch him. Lankū Pandit, who in the time of the late king Akbar had come with offerings from ʿĀdil K͟hān, I also gave leave to go with K͟hān Jahān, bestowing on him a horse, a robe of honour, and money. Of the Amirs and soldiers who had been appointed with ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān to the duty of beating back the Rānā, men such as Rāja Bīr Singh Deo, S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, Rāja Bikramājīt, and others, with 4,000 or 5,000 horse, were nominated to support K͟hān Jahān. I sent Muʿtamad K͟hān with the announcement that I had made him a sazāwal (i.e. one who urges on others), and that he was to act along with K͟hān Jahān in Ujjain. Out of the men of the palace, I sent 6,000 or 7,000 horse with him, such as Saif K͟hān Bārha, Ḥājī Bī Ūzbeg, Salamu-llah ʿArab, brother’s son of Mubārak ʿArab, who had in his possession the province of Jūtra(?)9 and Darfūl(?) and that neighbourhood, and other mansabdars and courtiers. At the time of giving them leave I gave each one an increase of rank and robe of honour and money for their expenses. Making Muḥammad Beg paymaster of the army, I provided him with 1,000,000 rupees to take with him. I sent to Parwīz a special horse, and to the Khankhanan and other Amirs and officers who were appointed to that Subah dresses of honour.

After carrying out these matters I left the city for the purpose of hunting. One thousand rupees were given to [163]Mīr ʿAlī Akbar. As the Rabīʿ Faṣl (Spring season) had arrived, for fear any damage should happen to the cultivation of the ryots from the passage of the army, and notwithstanding that I had appointed a qūrīsāwul10 (Erskine has Kor, the Yasawal) (probably a kind of provost marshal) with the band of ahadis for the purpose of guarding the fields, I ordered certain men to see what damage had been done to the crops from stage to stage and pay compensation to the ryots. I gave 10,000 rupees to the daughter of the Khankhanan, the wife of Dāniyāl, 1,000 rupees to ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm K͟har (i.e. ass) for expenses, and 1,000 to Qāchā the Dakhani. On the 12th, K͟hānjar K͟hān, brother of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, received the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse original and extra, and Bahādur K͟hān, another brother, that of 600 personal and 300 horse. On this day two antelopes with horns and one doe were taken. On the 13th I bestowed on and sent to K͟hān Jahān a special horse. Having promoted Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, to the rank of 1,000 and 500 horse, I gave him 5,000 rupees for expenses, and he was sent off with K͟hān Jahān for service in the Deccan. On this day two male and three female antelope were killed. On Wednesday, the 10th, I killed a female nīlgāw and a black antelope with a gun, and on the 15th a female nilgaw and a chikāra (gazelle). On the 17th of the month two rubies and a pearl were brought to me by Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān from Gujarat, as well as a jewelled opium box, which Muqarrab K͟hān had sent from the port of Cambay. On the 20th I killed with a gun a tigress and a nilgaw. There were two cubs with the tigress, but they disappeared from view in consequence of the thickness of the jungle and the number of trees. An order was given that they should search for and bring them. When I reached the [164]halting-place my son K͟hurram brought me one of the cubs, and the next day Mahābat K͟hān caught the other and brought it. On the 22nd, when I had got within shot of a nilgaw, suddenly a groom (jilaudār) and two kahār (bearers) appeared, and the nilgaw escaped. In a great rage I ordered them to kill the groom on the spot, and to hamstring11 the kahars and mount them on asses and parade them through the camp, so that no one should again have the boldness to do such a thing. After this I mounted a horse and continued hunting with hawks and falcons, and came to the halting-place.

Next day, under the guidance of Iskandar Muʿīn, I shot a large nilgaw, and promoted him to the rank of 600 personal and 500 horse. On Friday, the 24th, Ṣafdar K͟hān, who had come from the Subah of Behar, had the good fortune to perform his obeisance to me. He presented as offerings a hundred muhrs, a sword, and five female and one male elephant. The male elephant was accepted. On the same day Yādgār K͟hwāja of Samarkand came from Balkh and paid his respects. He made offerings of an album, some horses, and other presents, and was dignified with a robe of honour. On Wednesday, 6th Ẕī-l-ḥijja, Muʿizzu-l-mulk, who had been removed from the paymastership of the army against the rebel Rānā, ill and miserable, waited on me. On the 14th of the said month, having pardoned all the faults of ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm K͟har,12 I promoted him to the rank of yūzbās͟hī (centurion) and 20 horse, and ordered him to go to Kashmir and in [165]company with the bakhshi of that place hold a muster of the troops of Qilīj K͟hān and all the jagirdars and Uymaks in the service or not, and to bring the list. Kis͟hwar K͟hān, son of Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān, came from the fort of Rohtas and had the good fortune to pay his respects to me.


1 Perhaps the meaning is enough milk to fill a coffee-cup. 

2 According to the contemporary, but anonymous, author quoted in Elliot, vi, 448, this was in reward for restoring the sight of K͟husrau. 

3 Majẕūb-i-mādar-zād. Probably the meaning is that he was a born idiot. 

4 The story is also told in the Iqbāl-nāma, p. 37, where it is said that the tiger was one brought by a calendar as a present. It had the name of Laʿl K͟hān and was very tame. It is added that the tiger did no injury to the jogi with his claws or teeth. 

5 The MSS. have ʿInāyat. 

6 I.O. MS. No. 181, S͟hāh Beg K͟hān. 

7 Salāmu-llah is mentioned later on (p. 78), and is described as brother’s son of Mubārak, who held the country of Jotra (?) and Darful. He is also mentioned in the Iqbāl-nāma, p. 38, where Mubārak is described as ruler (ḥākim) of Jūyza and Safūl (?). But a MS. of the Iqbāl-nāma in my possession only mentions Jūyza or Jūyna. I think Jūyza must be Juina or Juanny, which, according to Sir William Jones, is one of the names of the island of Johanna or Hinzuan (one of the Comorro Islands), and that Safūl must be Sofala, a town on the east coast of Africa. Sir W. Jones was landed on Johanna, and has a long account of the island (see his works). The Iqbāl-nāma says that Salāmu-llah killed himself with drink. There is a short notice of him in the Maʾās̤ir, ii, 641, where he is called by his title of S͟hajāʿat K͟hān. 

8 The I.O. MSS. have a different reading here. Instead of ‘every morning’ they have ‘renew (humility).’ The word nūr, ‘light,’ in the last line probably refers to Jahāngīr’s name of Nūru-d-dīn. 

9 See note above. Jūtra or Jotra is probably a mistake for the island of Johanna, i.e. Hinzuan. Darfūl is Dazfūl in I.O. MS. No. 181. 

10 Possibly Qūr Yasāwul is right, but most probably it was a yasāwul attached to the Qūr, for which see Blochmann, p. 50. 

11 Jahāngīr’s conduct was sufficiently brutal, but the text has made it worse than it was by omitting the word pay before pāy. The back tendons of the bearers’ feet were cut. Their feet were not cut off. Erskine translates the passage rightly, and the I.O. MSS. agree with him. 

12 This was the same ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm who was a companion of K͟husrau, and after his capture was sweated in a skin. As he had life left in him he escaped from that destruction, and, on being released, became one of the personal servants, and served His Majesty till by degrees the latter became gracious to him. (Note of Sayyid Aḥmad.) 

[Contents]

The Fifth New Year’s Feast from the Auspicious Accession.

On Sunday, the 24th Ẕī-l-ḥijja (20th March, 1610), after two watches and three gharis the sun entered into the constellation of Aries, which is the house of honour and good fortune, and at this auspicious hour the New Year’s feast was arranged at Bāk Bhal, one of the villages of the parganah of Bārī, and according to the rules of my revered father I mounted the throne. On that morning, which was the New Year’s Day that lighted up the world, and coincided with the 1st of Farwardīn of the 5th year from my accession, I held a public reception, and all the nobles and servants of the Court had the good fortune to pay their respects. Some of the nobles’ offerings were laid before me. K͟hān Aʿz̤am gave a pearl worth 4,000 rupees; Mirān Ṣadr Jahān, twenty-eight hawks and falcons, and other gifts; Mahābat K͟hān, two European boxes, the sides of which were made with slabs of glass, so that whatever was placed inside could be seen from outside in a way that you might say there was nothing between them; Kis͟hwar K͟hān, twenty-two male and female elephants. In the same way each of the servants of the Court laid before me the presents and offerings that they had. Naṣru-llah, son of Fatḥu-llah s͟harbatchī (in charge of the s͟harbat), was placed in charge of the offerings. By Sārang Deo, who had been appointed to carry orders to the victorious army of the Deccan, I sent souvenirs (tabarruk) to [166]Parwīz and to each of the officers. I presented Ḥusāmu-d-dīn, son of G͟hāzī K͟hān1 Badak͟hs͟hī, who had taken to the ways of a dervish and seclusion, with 1,000 rupees and a farjī shawl. The day after the New Year’s Day I mounted and started for a tiger-hunt. Two males and a female were killed. I gave rewards to the ahadis who had shown bravery and gone in to the tigers, and increased their monthly pay. On the 26th of the same month I went and busied myself mostly with hunting nilgaw. As the air was hot and the (propitious) hour for re-entering Agra had nearly arrived, I went to Rūpbās, and hunted antelope in that neighbourhood for some days. On Saturday, the 1st Muḥarram, 1019, Rūp K͟hawāṣṣ, who was the founder of Rūpbās, presented the offering that he had prepared. That which pleased was accepted and what remained was given him back as a reward. At the same time Bāyazīd Mankalī and his brothers, who had come from the Subah of Bengal, were honoured with paying their respects. Sayyid Ādam, son of Sayyid Qāsim Bārha, who had come from Ahmadabad, also had the same good fortune. He presented an elephant as an offering. The faujdārship of the Subah of Multan was given to Walī Bī Ūzbeg in place of Tāj K͟hān.

On Monday, the 3rd Muḥarram of the 5th year, I halted at the Mandākar Garden, which is in the neighbourhood of the city. On the morning on which was the auspicious hour of entry into the city, after a watch and two gharis had passed I mounted and rode on a horse to the beginning of the inhabited part, and when I came to the immediate neighbourhood mounted on an elephant, so that the people from far and near might see, and scattering money on both sides of the road, at the hour [167]that the astrologers had chosen, after midday had passed, entered with congratulation and happiness the royal palace. In accordance with the usual custom of the New Year I had ordered them to decorate the palace, which is like the courts of heaven. After seeing the decorations, K͟hwāja Jahān laid before me the offering that he had prepared. Having accepted out of the ornaments and jewels, dresses and goods, whatever I approved of, I gave the rest as a reward to him. I had ordered the clerks of the hunting department to write out (a list of) all the animals that had been killed from the time of my leaving until I re-entered the city. At this time they represented that in 56 days 1,362 animals, quadrupeds, and birds had been killed; the tigers were 7 in number; nilgaw, male and female, 70; black buck, 51; does and mountain goats and antelope (rojh), etc., 82; kulang (cranes); peacocks, surk͟hāb,2 and other birds, 129; fish, 1,023. On Friday, the 7th, Muqarrab K͟hān came from the ports of Cambay and Surat, and had the honour of waiting on me. He had brought jewels and jewelled things, and vessels of gold and silver made in Europe, and other beautiful and uncommon presents, male and female Abyssinian slaves, Arab horses, and things of all kinds that came into his mind. Thus his presents were laid before me for two and a half months, and most of them were pleasing to me. On this day Ṣafdar K͟hān, who held the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, had an increase of 500 personal and 200 horse, and was presented with a standard, and given leave to return to his former jagir. Standards were also given to Kis͟hwar K͟hān and Farīdūn3 K͟hān Barlās. A fighting elephant for Afẓal K͟hān (Abū-l-faẓl’s son) was handed over to his son Bis͟hūtan, to take to his father. I bestowed [168]1,000 rupees on K͟hwāja Ḥusain, a descendant of K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn Chis͟htī, as was usual for the half-year. The Khankhanan had sent as an offering a “Yūsuf and Zulaik͟hā” in the handwriting of Mullā Mīr ʿAlī,4 with illustrations and in a beautiful gilt binding, worth 1,000 muhrs. This Maʿṣūm, his Wakil, brought and submitted. Up to the day of culmination, which is the conclusion of the New Year’s feast, every day many offerings were laid before me by the Amirs and servants of the Court. Whichever of the rarities was approved of by me I accepted, and gave back what was left. On Thursday, the 13th, corresponding to the 19th Farwardīn, which is the day of culmination of the sun and of gladness and pleasure, I ordered them to prepare an entertainment of different kinds of intoxicating drinks, and an order was given to the Amirs and servants of the Court that everyone might choose the kind of drink he affected. Many took wine and some mufarriḥ (exhilarating drinks), whilst some ate what they wished of the preparations of opium. The assembly was successfully held. Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān from Gujarat had sent as an offering a throne of silver, inlaid and painted, of a new fashion and shape, which was presented to me. A standard was also conferred on Mahā Singh. In the commencement of my reign I had repeatedly given orders that no one should make eunuchs or buy or sell them, and whoever did so would be answerable as a criminal. At this time Afẓal K͟hān sent some of these evildoers to Court from the Subah of Behar, who were continually perpetrating this vile offence. I ordered these unthinking ones (bī-ʿāqibatān) to be imprisoned for life. [169]

On the night of the 12th an uncommon and strange event took place. Some Delhi singers (Qawwālān, see Jarrett, ii, 236) were singing songs in my presence, and Sayyidī5 S͟hāh was, by way of buffoonery, mimicking a religious dance. This verse of Amīr K͟husrau was the refrain (miyān-k͟hāna) of the song—

“Each nation has its right road of faith and its shrine (qibla-gāhī).

I’ve set up my shrine (qibla) on the path of him with the cocked cap.”

I asked what was the real meaning of the (last) hemistich. Mullā ʿAlī Aḥmad,6 the seal engraver, who in his own craft was one of the first of the age, and had the title of K͟halīfa, and was an old servant, and with whose father I had learned when I was little, came forward and said, “I have heard from my father that one day S͟haik͟h Niz̤āmu-d-dīn Auliyā had put his cap on the side of his head, and was sitting on a terraced roof by the bank of the Jumna and watching the devotions7 of the Hindus. Just then Amīr K͟husrau appeared, and the S͟haik͟h turned to him and said, ‘Do you see this crowd,’ and then he recited this line:—

‘Each race has its right road of faith and its shrine’ (qibla-gāhī).

The Amīr, without hesitating, respectfully did homage to the S͟haik͟h, and addressing him said—

‘I’ve set up my shrine in the direction of him with the cocked cap.’”8

The aforesaid Mullā, when these words were uttered, and the last words of the second hemistich passed over his tongue, became senseless and fell down. Conceiving [170]a great fear from his falling down, I went to his head. Most of those who were present doubted whether he had not had an epileptic fit. The physicians who were present distractedly made inquiry and felt his pulse and brought medicine. However much they beat their hands and feet and exerted themselves, he did not come to. Immediately he fell he had delivered his soul to the Creator. As his body was quite warm, they thought that possibly some life might be left in him. After a short time it became evident that the thing was all over and he was dead. They carried him away dead to his own house. I had never seen this kind of death, and sent money to his sons for his shroud and burial, and the next morning they sent him to Delhi and buried him in the burial-place of his ancestors.

On Friday, the 21st, Kis͟hwar K͟hān, who held the rank of 1,500, was promoted to 2,000 personal and horse, and, having been presented with an Iraq horse out of my private stable, a robe of honour and a private elephant, named Bak͟ht-jīt,9 and the Faujdārship of the country of Uch, was dismissed with a view to the punishment of the rebels of that region. Bāyazīd Mankalī, having been honoured with a robe and a horse, was sent off together with his brothers in the company of Kis͟hwar K͟hān. An elephant from my private stud, by name ʿĀlam-gumān, was entrusted to Habību-llah for Rāja Mān Singh and sent. A special horse was sent to Bengal for Kes͟ho Dās Mārū,10 and a female elephant was now given to ʿArab K͟hān, the jagirdar of Jalalabad. At this time Iftik͟har K͟hān had sent an offering of a rare elephant from Bengal. As I approved of it, it was entered among my private elephants. I raised the rank of Aḥmad11 Beg K͟hān, who [171]had been nominated to the command of the army of Bangash on account of his good service and that of his sons, from his original rank of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse by 500 more personal. I sent a gold throne12 of jewelled work for Parwīz, and a sarpīch, which was of rubies and pearls, and made at a cost of 2,000 rupees, was sent for K͟hān Jahān by the hand of Ḥabīb, son of Sarbarāh K͟hān, to Burhanpur. At this time it became known that Kaukab, son of Qamar K͟hān, had become intimate with a Sanyasi, and by degrees his words, which were all blasphemous and impious, made an impression on that foolish fellow. He had made ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, son of Naqīb K͟hān, and S͟harīf, his cousins, partners in that error. When this affair was discovered, with only a slight frightening they revealed certain circumstances with regard to themselves, the relation of which would be extremely disgusting. Considering their punishment advisable, I imprisoned Kaukab13 and S͟harīf after giving them a whipping, and ordered ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf a hundred lashes in my presence. This special chastisement (was given) for the purpose of carrying out the Divine law in order that other ignorant persons might not be disposed towards the same actions. On Monday, the 24th, Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān was despatched to Delhi to punish the rebels and disaffected of that neighbourhood. Two thousand rupees were given to S͟hajāʿat K͟hān Dakhanī. I had ordered S͟haik͟h Ḥusain Dars͟hanī to proceed with certain firmans to Bengal and presents to each of the Amirs of that Subah. I now gave him his orders and despatched him. With an eye on his actions and his approved services, I promoted Islām K͟hān to the rank of 5,000 personal and horse, and bestowed on him a special dress of honour. [172]I gave a special dress of honour also to Kis͟hwar K͟hān, and presented Rāja Kalyān with an Iraq horse, and similarly to the other Amirs there were given robes of honour or horses. Farīdūn Barlās, who held the rank of 1,500 personal and 1,300 horse, I promoted to 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse.

On the night of Monday, the 1st Ṣafar, through the carelessness of the servants, a great fire occurred in the house of K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, and before they became aware of it and the fire could be put out many of his properties were burnt. In order to afford consolation to the mind of the K͟hwāja and to make up for the loss he had sustained, I gave him 40,000 rupees. On Saif K͟hān Bārha, who had been cherished and brought up by me, I bestowed a standard. I increased the rank of Muʿizzu-l-mulk, who had been appointed to the Diwanship of Kabul, from his original of 1,000 personal and 225 horse by 200 personal and 275 horse, and dismissed him. The next day I sent a phūl-kaṭāra (dagger) studded with valuable jewels to Burhanpur to K͟hān Jahān.

A widow woman complained that Muqarrab K͟hān had taken her daughter by force in the port of Cambay, and after some while, during which he had kept her in his own house, when she enquired for the girl had said that she had died by an unavoidable death. I ordered an enquiry to be made into the affair. After much search I discovered that one of his attendants had been guilty of this outrage, and had him put to death, and reduced Muqarrab K͟hān’s mansab by one half, and made an allowance to the woman who had been thus injured.

As on Sunday, the 7th of the month, a qirān-i-naḥsīn (an unlucky conjunction) had occurred, I gave alms of gold and silver and other metals, and different kinds of cereals, to faqirs and indigent people to be divided in most parts of the dominion. On the night of Monday, the 8th, having sent for S͟haik͟h Ḥusain Sirhindī and [173]S͟haik͟h Muṣt̤afā, who were celebrated for the adoption of the ways of dervishdom and the state of poverty, a party was held, and by degrees the assembly engaged warmly in samāʿ and wajd (dervish dancing and ecstasy). Hilarity and frenzy were not wanting. After the meeting was over I gave money to each and gave him leave. As Mīrzā G͟hāzī Beg Tark͟hān repeatedly made representations with regard to provisions for Qandahar and the monthly pay of the musketeers of the said fort, I ordered 200,000 rupees to be sent there from the treasury of Lahore.14

On the 19th Urdibihis͟ht, in the fifth year of my reign, corresponding with the 4th Ṣafar, there occurred a strange affair at Patna, which is the seat of government of the province of Behar. Afẓal K͟hān, the governor of the Subah, went off to the jagir to which he had just been appointed, and which was at a distance of 60 kos from Patna, and handed over the fort and the city to the charge of S͟haik͟h Banārasī and G͟hiyās̤ Zain-k͟hānī, the Diwan of the Subah, and to a number of other mansabdars. With the idea that there were no enemies in that region he did not satisfy himself as he should have with regard to the protection of the fort and city. By chance, at that time an unknown man of the name of Qut̤b belonging to the people of Uch, who was a mischievous and seditious fellow, came to the province of Ujjainiyya,15 which is in the neighbourhood of Patna, with the look of a dervish and the clothes of a beggar, and having made acquaintance with men of that part, who were always seditious, represented to them that he was K͟husrau, who had escaped from prison and conveyed himself there; saying that if they would accompany and assist him, after the affair had been completed they would be the ministers of his State. In [174]short, deceiving those simpletons with foolish words he brought them over to him and persuaded them that he was K͟husrau. He showed those deceived ones the parts about his eyes, where at some time he had produced scars, of which the marks were still apparent, and told them that in the prison they had fastened cups (kaṭorī) on them and those were the marks.16 Through these falsehoods and deceit a number of foot- and horsemen had collected round him, and had obtained information that Afẓal K͟hān was not at Patna. Considering this a great opportunity, they made a raid, and when two or three hours of the day had passed on Sunday came to the city, and being hindered by nothing went for the fort. S͟haik͟h Banārasī, who was in the fort, obtaining news of this, went in a disturbed state to the gate of the fort. The enemy, who came on with speed, did not give him time to close the gate of the fort. Together with G͟hiyās̤, he betook himself to the side of the river by a wicket gate, and procuring a boat proposed to go to Afẓal K͟hān. Those rebels came with ease into the fort and took possession of Afẓal K͟hān’s property and the royal treasury; and some of those wretched creatures who wait on events, who were in the city and its neighbourhood, [175]joined them. This news reached Afẓal K͟hān at Gorakhpur (K͟harakpūr),17 and S͟haik͟h Banārasī and G͟hiyās̤ also came to him there by way of the river. Letters came from the city that this wretch, who called himself K͟husrau, was in reality not K͟husrau. Afẓal K͟hān, placing his trust on the grace and mercy of Allah, and through my good fortune, started without delay against those rebels. In five days he reached the neighbourhood of Patna. When the news of Afẓal K͟hān’s coming reached those scoundrels, they entrusted the fort to one of those whom they had confidence in, and the horse and foot arraying themselves went out for four kos to meet Afẓal K͟hān. A fight took place on the bank of the river Pūn Pūn, and after a slight skirmish the array of those ill-fated ones was broken and they became scattered. In great bewilderment a second time that wretch was coming into the fort with a few men. Afẓal K͟hān followed him, and did not allow them to close the gate of the fort. Going to Afẓal K͟hān’s house in a state of confusion, they fortified the house and remained there for three watches, and fought. They wounded about thirty people with arrows. After his companions had gone to jahannam (hell) he himself became helpless, and asked for quarter, and waited upon Afẓal K͟hān. In order to put a stop to this affair, Afẓal K͟hān executed him on the same day, and imprisoned some of his companions who had fallen alive into his hand. These items of news one after another reached the royal ear. I summoned to Agra S͟haik͟h Banārasī and G͟hiyās̤ Zain-k͟hānī and the other mansabdars who had made default in holding the fort and protecting the city, and ordered their hair and beards [176]to be cut off, and that they should be clothed in women’s clothes, seated on asses, and paraded round the city of Agra and in the bazars, as a warning and example to others.

At this time representations succeeded each other from Parwīz and the Amirs appointed to the Deccan and those who were well-wishers of the State, that ʿĀdil K͟hān Bījāpūrī prayed that they would send to him Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Injū, on whose words and acts all the rulers of the Deccan had great reliance, that he might associate himself with them and dispel the fear in their minds, and the affairs of that place might be arranged as it might seem proper to ʿĀdil K͟hān, who had chosen the way of loyalty and service. In any case, he might drive out of their minds the fear that was in them, and soothing them might give him hopes of the royal favour. In order to obtain this end, on the 16th of the same month I despatched the above-mentioned Mīr, giving him a present of 10,000 rupees. I increased the former rank of Qāsim K͟hān, which was 1,000 personal and 500 horse, by 500 personal and horse, in order that he might go to the support of his brother Islām K͟hān in Bengal. At the same time, in order to punish Bikramājīt, Zamindar of the province Bāndhū,18 who had withdrawn his foot from the circle of obedience and service, I appointed Mahā Singh, grandson of Rāja Mān Singh, to proceed to put down the disaffection in that region and at the same time administer the estate of the jagir of the Raja, which was in that neighbourhood.

On the 20th of the month I gave an elephant to S͟hajāʿat K͟hān Dakhanī. As the governor of Jalalabad had written and represented the ruinous state of the fort of that place, I ordered what might be required for the repair of the said fort to be taken from the treasury of [177]Lahore. Iftik͟hār K͟hān had done approved service in Bengal. On the request of the governor of that Subah I increased his original rank, which was 1,500, by 500. On the 28th a representation came from ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Fīrūz-jang, containing recommendations in favour of some of the zealous servants who had been sent with him to subdue the rebel Rānā. As G͟haznīn K͟hān Jālwarī had shown the greatest zeal of all in this service, I increased by 500 personal and 400 horse his former rank, which was 1,500 personal and 300 horse. In the same manner each one of those persons was promoted according to his services.

Daulat K͟hān, who had been sent to Allahabad to bring the throne of black stone, came on Wednesday, the 4th of the month of Mihr (15th September, 1610), and had an audience and brought the stone safe and sound. In truth it was a wonderful slab, very black and shining. Many say it is of a species of touchstone; in length it was one-eighth less than four cubits, and in breadth 2½ cubits and one tasū,19 whilst its thickness may be three tasū. I ordered stone-cutters to carve suitable couplets on the sides of it. They had attached feet to it of the same kind of stone. I often sat on that throne.

As the brothers of K͟hān ʿĀlam became security for him, I brought out of prison ʿAbdu-s-Subḥān K͟hān, who was in confinement for certain offences, and promoted him to the rank of 1,000 personal and 400 horse, and appointed him to the faujdārship of the Subah of Allahabad, and gave him the jagir of Qāsim K͟hān, the brother of Islām [178]K͟hān. I sent Tarbiyat K͟hān to the faujdārship of the Sarkar of Alwar. On the 12th of the same month a representation arrived from K͟hān Jahān that the Khankhanan, according to my order, had started for the Court in company with Mahābat K͟hān, and that Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, who had been nominated by the Court to go to Bijapur, had also gone from Burhanpur, together with the wakils of ʿĀdil K͟hān, to Bijapur. On the 21st of the same month I promoted Murtaẓā K͟hān to the subadarship of the Panjab, which is one of the largest charges in my dominions, and gave him a special shawl. Having appointed Tāj K͟hān, who was in the Subah of Multan to the governorship of Kabul, I added 500 horse to the rank of 3,000 personal and 1,500 horse already held by him. At the request of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Fīrūz-jang, the son of Rānā Shankar was also promoted in rank. When Mahābat K͟hān, who had been sent to Burhanpur to ascertain the numbers of the forces of the Amirs appointed to the Deccan, and to bring the Khankhanan, arrived in the neighbourhood of Agra, he left the Khankhanan some stages off the city and came on in front himself, and was honoured with the good fortune of paying his respects and kissing the threshold. After a few days, on the 12th Ābān, the Khankhanan came and waited on me. As many of those who were loyal had represented the state of his affairs whether true or false, according to their ideas, and I was displeased with him, because the degree of favour and regard that I previously had observed in his case and that I had seen in my revered father had not produced its effect, I did justice in the matter, for previously to this a letter of appointment to the service of the Deccan for a certain time had been given to him, and he had proceeded there in attendance on Sult̤ān Parwīz with other nobles for that important matter. After he arrived at Burhanpur he had not looked to the opportuneness of the time, and at an [179]improper season for moving, and when forage and other necessaries had not been laid in, he had taken Sult̤ān Parwīz and his forces above the Ghats, and by degrees, in consequence of want of concert among the Sardars and his treachery, and of conflicting opinions, things had come to such a pass that grain was obtained with difficulty, and not a mān was to be got for large sums of money. The affairs of the army became so confused that nothing went on properly, and horses, camels, and other four-footed beasts died. In consequence of the exigency of the time he had patched up a kind of peace with the enemy and withdrawn Sult̤ān Parwīz and the army to Burhanpur. As this business did not turn out well, all the well-wishers of the State knew that this division (of counsels) and confusion had arisen from treachery and want of arrangement of the Khankhanan, and represented this to the Court. Although this appeared altogether incredible, at last this impression was left upon my mind, and a representation came from K͟hān Jahān to the effect that all this mischief and confusion had arisen through the treachery of the Khankhanan; either this service should be left entirely in his control, or, summoning him to Court, I should appoint to this duty this man whom I had myself cherished and brought up, and appoint 30,000 horse to support this slave (K͟hān Jahān himself), in order that in the space of two years, having freed the whole of the royal province, now in the possession of the enemy, and having brought the fort of Qandahar20 and other forts on the border into the occupation of the servants of the Court, he should include in the royal dominions the province of Bijapur. If he did not complete this service in that time, he might be debarred from the good fortune of paying his respects (to me) and would not show his face to the servants of [180]the Court. When the relations between the Sardars and the Khankhanan reached this point, I did not consider it advisable for him to be there any longer, and handed over the command to K͟hān Jahān and sent for him to Court. In reality the cause of my disinclination and want of favour to him was this. The degree of inclination and disinclination towards him in future will be in accordance with whatever may become clear.

I favoured and promoted Sayyid ʿAlī Bārha, who is one of our distinguished young men, with an increase of 500 personal and 200 horse beyond his previous rank, which was 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and gave Dārāb K͟hān, son of the Khankhanan, the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, with the Sarkar of Ghazipur as his jagir. Previously to this I had had the daughter of Mīrzā Muz̤affar Ḥusain, son of Sult̤ān Ḥusain Mīrzā Ṣafawī, ruler of Qandahar, betrothed to my son Sult̤ān K͟hurram, and on this date, the 17th Ābān, as the marriage meeting had been arranged, I went to the house of Bābā K͟hurram and passed the night there. I presented most of the Amirs with robes of honour. Some of those confined in the fort of Gwalior I released, and especially Ḥājī Mīrak. Islām K͟hān had collected 100,000 rupees from the k͟hāliṣa (directly managed) parganahs. As he was at the head of the army and the service, I handed this over to him as a present. Giving a little gold and silver and some of every kind of jewellery and grain to trustworthy men, I determined that they should distribute them to the poor of Agra. On the same day a report came from K͟hān Jahān that Īraj, the son of the Khankhanan, had obtained leave from the prince, and according to orders he had despatched him to Court. With regard to what had been ordered in the case of Abū-l-fatḥ, of Bijapur, as the above-mentioned was an experienced man, and his being sent would cause despair to the other Sardars of the Deccan to whom promises had been made, he [181]had (therefore) kept him under surveillance.21 An order had been sent that as Kes͟ho Dās, the son of Rāy Kalah(?), was in the service of Parwīz, if any impediment should occur in sending him, he (K͟hān Jahān) should despatch him whether he wished it or not. Immediately on this becoming known to Parwīz, he gave him leave and said to K͟hān Jahān: “These few words from my mouth thou wilt represent, that as I would give my existence and life for the service of my visible God (Jahāngīr), what is there in the being or annihilation of Kes͟ho Dās22 that I should show any resistance in sending him? When they (i.e. the king) send for my confidential servants for any reason it produces a feeling of hopelessness and disquietude of mind in the rest, and becoming known in these regions gives an idea of disfavour on the part of our lord and Qibla (place looked towards in worship). As for the rest, it is His Majesty’s order.” From the date on which the fort of Ahmadnagar, by the efforts of my deceased brother Dāniyāl, came into the possession of the heads of the victorious State, up till now, the guardianship and preservation of that place had been entrusted to K͟hwāja Beg Mīrzā Ṣafawī, who was a relative of the asylum of pardon S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp. After the disturbance of the rebel Deccanis went to a great length, and they besieged the said fort, he had committed no fault in the duties of devotedness and holding of the fort. When the Khankhanan and the Amirs and other leaders who had assembled at Burhanpur in waiting on Parwīz devoted themselves to the driving back and defeat of the rebels, and from the differences of opinion and quarrels of the Amirs, and the absence of provision of forage and grain, [182]those who looked after matters of importance brought this large army into improper roads and among hills and difficult passes, they in a short space of time rendered it wretched and impotent, and matters had come to such a pass and the difficulty with regard to grain was such that they were giving a life for a loaf. They then turned back helplessly with their objects unfulfilled. The garrison of the fort, who were expecting aid from this army, on hearing this news, lost heart and stability, and tumultuously wished to vacate the fort at once. When K͟hwāja Beg Mīrzā became aware of this he endeavoured to soothe and quiet the men, but though he did his best it had no good result. At last, under an agreement, he vacated the fort, and proceeded to Burhanpur, and on the day mentioned waited on the prince. Representations with regard to his coming reached me, and, as it was clear that he had not been wanting in bravery and loyalty, I ordered his rank of 5,000 personal and horse to be confirmed and a jagir to be given him. On the 9th a petition came from some of the Amirs in the Deccan that on the 22nd S͟haʿbān Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain had gone to Bijapur. ʿĀdil K͟hān sent his wakil forward for 20 kos, and himself received him at a distance of 3 kos, and took the Mīr by the same road to his own residence.

As the desire to hunt overcame me, at a propitious hour determined by the astrologers, when a watch and six gharis had passed on the night of Friday, the 15th Ramaẓān, corresponding with the 10th Āẕar in the 5th year (of my reign), I started to hunt, and made my first halt in the Dahrah Garden, which is near the city. At this stage I gave Mīr ʿAlī Akbar leave to go into the city after bestowing on him 2,000 rupees and a special warm wrapper (fargul). In order that the grain and cultivation should not be trodden down by my men I ordered that all should remain in the city but the men who were actually wanted and my personal servants. [183]Having entrusted the charge of the city to K͟hwāja Jahān I gave him his leave. On the 14th Saʿdu-llah K͟hān, son of Saʿīd K͟hān, was given an elephant. On the 28th, corresponding with the 21st Ramaẓān, forty-four elephants, which Hās͟him K͟hān, son of Qāsim K͟hān, had sent as an offering from Orissa, were produced before me. Of these one was very good and tame; this one I put in my private stud. On the 28th an eclipse (of the sun, kusūf) took place, in order to do away with the unluckiness of which I weighed myself against gold and silver; it came to 1,800 tolas of gold and 4,900 rupees. This, along with several kinds of vegetables and sorts of animals such as elephants and horses and cattle, I ordered to be divided among deserving people who were unprovided for and helpless poor of the city of Agra and other cities in the neighbourhood.

As the affairs of the army which had been nominated for the subjugation of the Deccan under the command of Parwīz, and leadership of the Khankhanan and other high Amirs such as Rāja Mān Singh, K͟hān Jahān, Āṣaf K͟hān, the Amīru-l-umarā, and other mansabdars, and other leaders of every tribe and condition, had ended in this, that they had turned back from half-way and returned to Burhanpur, and all the confidential servants and news-writers who spoke the truth had sent in reports to the Court, that although there were many causes for the ruin of this army, yet the chief reason was the disagreement of the Amirs, especially the treachery of the Khankhanan, it came into my mind that I must send K͟hān Aʿz̤am with another fresh and powerful army to make amends for and set to rights some of the improper proceedings that had arisen from the disagreement of the Amirs that has been described. On the 11th of Day he (K͟hān Aʿz̤am) was honoured with the charge of this duty, and an order was given to the Diwans to make preparations and send him off quickly. I appointed K͟hān ʿĀlam, Farīdūn K͟hān [184]Barlās, Yūsuf K͟hān, son of Ḥusain K͟hān Tukriyah, ʿAlī K͟hān Niyāzī, Bāz Bahādur Qalmāq, and other mansabdars, near to the number of 10,000 horse, to accompany him. It was settled that in addition to the ahadis who were appointed to this duty 2,000 others should accompany him, making altogether 12,000 horse. Having sent with him thirty lakhs of rupees and several elephants, I gave him his leave and presented him with a magnificent dress of honour, a jewelled sword-belt, a horse with a jewelled saddle, a private elephant, and 500,000 rupees for expenses. An order was given that the chiefs of the civil department should recover this from his jagir. The Amirs who were under his orders were honoured with robes of honour, horses, and presents. I increased by 500 more horse the rank held by Mahābat K͟hān, of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and ordered him to conduct K͟hān Aʿz̤am and this army to Burhanpur, and having enquired into (the circumstances of) the destruction of the army, should give the order of the appointment of the K͟hān Aʿz̤am to the Amirs of those regions and make them of one purpose and counsel with him. He was to see the state of preparation of the army of those parts, and after arranging all matters should bring the Khankhanan with him to Court. On Sunday, the 4th S͟hawwal, when near the end of the day, I engaged in a cheetah hunt. I had determined that on this day and Thursdays no animals should be killed and I would eat no meat, on Sunday especially because of the respect my revered father had for that day in not being inclined to eat flesh on it, and in forbidding the killing of any animals for the reason that on the night of Sunday his own honoured birth had taken place. He used to say it was better on that day that all animals should be free from the calamity of those of a butcherly disposition. Thursday is the day of my accession. On that day also I ordered that animals should not be killed, so that whilst sporting [185]I should not shoot an arrow or a gun at wild animals. In hunting with cheetahs Anūp Rāy, who is one of my close attendants, was heading the men who were with him in the hunt at a little distance23 from me and came to a tree on which some kites were sitting. When his sight fell on those kites he took a bow and some pointless arrows (tukkā) and went towards them. By chance in the neighbourhood of that tree he saw a half-eaten bullock. Near it a huge, powerful tiger got up out of a clump that was near and went off. Though not more than two gharis of day remained, as he knew my liking for tiger-hunting, he and some of those who were with him surrounded the tiger and sent some one to me to give me the news. When it reached me I rode there at once in a state of excitement and at full speed, and Bābā K͟hurram, Rām Dās, Iʿtimād Rāy, Ḥayāt K͟hān, and one or two others went with me. On arriving I saw the tiger standing in the shade of a tree, and wished to fire at him from horseback but found that my horse was unsteady, and dismounted and aimed and fired my gun. As I was standing on a height and the tiger below, I did not know whether it had struck him or not. In a moment of excitement I fired the gun again, and I think that this time I hit him. The tiger rose and charged, and wounding the chief huntsman, who had a falcon on his wrist and happened to be in front of him, sat down again in his own place. In this state of affairs, placing another gun on a tripod,24 I took aim (majrā [186]giriftam25). Anūp Rāy stood holding the rest, and had a sword in his belt and a baton (kutaka) in his hand. Bābā K͟hurram was a short distance off to my left, and Rām Dās and other servants behind him. Kamāl the huntsman (qarāwul) loaded the gun and placed it in my hand. When I was about to fire, the tiger came roaring towards us and charged. I immediately fired. The ball passed through the tiger’s mouth and teeth. The noise of the gun made him very savage, and the servants who had crowded together could not stand his charge and fell over one another, so that I, through their pushing and shock, was moved a couple of paces from my place and fell down. In fact, I am sure that two or three of them placed their feet on my chest and passed over me. Iʿtimād Rāy and the huntsman Kamāl assisting me, I stood up. At this moment the tiger made for those who were on the left-hand side. Anūp Rāy let the rest slip out of his hand and turned towards the tiger. The tiger, with the same activity with which he had charged, turned on him, and he manfully faced him, and struck him twice with both hands on the head with the stick he had in his hand. The tiger, opening his mouth, seized both of Anūp Rāy’s arms with it, and bit them so that his teeth passed through both, but the stick and the bracelets on his arms were helpful, and did not allow his arms to be destroyed. From the attack and pushing of the tiger Anūp Rāy fell down between the tiger’s fore-feet, so that his head and face were opposite the tiger’s chest. At this moment Bābā K͟hurram and Rām Dās came up to the assistance of Anūp Rāy. The prince struck the tiger on the loins with his sword, and Rām Dās also struck him twice with his sword, once on the shoulder-blade. On the whole it was very warm work, and Ḥayāt K͟hān struck the tiger several blows over the head with a stick he had in his hand. Anūp Rāy with force dragged his arms out of the tiger’s mouth [187]and struck him two or three times on the cheek with his fist, and rolling over on his side stood up by the force of his knees. At the time of withdrawing his arms from the tiger’s mouth, as his teeth had passed through them, they were partly torn, and both his paws passed over his shoulders. When he stood up, the tiger also stood up and wounded him on the chest with his claws, so that those wounds troubled him for some days. As the ground was uneven, they rolled over each other, holding on like two wrestlers. In the place where I was standing the ground was quite level. Anūp Rāy says that God Almighty gave him so much intelligence that he bore the tiger over deliberately to26 one side (in the original, that side), and that he knew no more. At this time the tiger left him and was making off. He in that state of bewilderment raised up his sword and followed him and struck him on the head. When the tiger turned his face round, he struck him another blow on the face, so that both his eyes were cut, and the skin of the eyebrows, which had been severed by the sword, fell over his eyes. In this state of affairs, a lamp-man of the name of Ṣāliḥ, as it was time to light the lamps, came in a hurry and by a blind chance27 came across the tiger. The tiger struck him one blow with his paw and knocked him down. To fall and give up his life were the same thing. Other people came in and finished the tiger’s business. As Anūp Rāy had done this service to me and I had witnessed the way in which he offered his life, after he had recovered from the pain of his wounds and had the honour of waiting on me, I bestowed on him the title of Anīrāʾī [188]Singh-dalan. Anīrāʾī28 they call in the Hindi language the leader of an army, and the meaning of Singh-dalan is a tiger-slayer. Giving him a special sword of my own, I increased his mansab. I gave K͟hurram, son of K͟hān Aʿz̤am, who had been appointed to the governorship of the province of Junagadh, the title of Kāmil K͟hān. On Sunday, the 3rd Ẕī-l-qaʿda, I employed myself in fishing, and 766 fish were caught; these were divided in my presence among the Amirs, Ibachkiān (?),29 and most of the servants. I eat no fish but those that have scales, but not because the professors of the Shiah faith look on those without scales as unlawful, but the cause of my aversion is this, that I have heard from old men, and it has become known to me by experience as well, that fish without scales eat the flesh of dead animals and fish with scales do not eat it. From this cause, to eat them is contrary to my disposition. The Shiahs know30 why they do not eat them and for what reason they consider them unlawful. One of my home-bred camels that was with me in the hunt carried five nilgaws that weighed 42 Hindustani maunds. I had before this sent for Naz̤īrī of Nīshāpūr, who excelled other men in the art of poetry, and passed his time in Gujarat as a merchant. At this time he came and waited on me, and imitating a poem of Anwarī,

“Again, what youth and beauty this is for the world!”

laid before me a poem that he had composed on me. I presented him with 1,000 rupees, a horse, and a robe of honour as a gift for this poem. I had also sent for Ḥakīm Hamīd Gujarātī, whom Murtaẓā K͟hān greatly [189]praised, and he came and waited on me. His good qualities and purity were better than his doctoring. He waited on me for some time. When it became known that there was no physician but himself in Gujarat, and I found he himself desired leave to go, I gave him and his sons 1,000 rupees and some shawls, and set aside a whole village for his maintenance; he went off to his native place quite happy. Yūsuf K͟hān, son of Ḥusain K͟hān Tukriyah, came from his jagir and waited on me. On Thursday, the 10th Ẕī-l-ḥijja, was the festival of the Qurbān (the sacrifice of Ishmael). As it is forbidden to take life on that day (Thursday), I ordered that on the Friday they should kill the sacrificial animals. Having sacrificed three sheep with my own hand, I mounted to go hunting, and returned when six gharis of night had passed. On this day was killed a nilgaw (commonly called blue bull) of the weight of 9 maunds and 35 seers. The story of this nilgaw is written because it is not devoid of strangeness. In the two past years, during which I had come to this same place to wander about and hunt I had shot at him each time with a gun. As the wounds were not in a fatal place, he had not fallen, but gone off. This time again I saw that nilgaw in the hunting-ground (s͟hikārgāh), and the watchman recognized that in the two previous years he had gone away wounded. In short, I fired at him again three times on that day. It was in vain. I pursued him rapidly on foot for three kos, but however much I exerted myself I could not catch him. At last I made a vow that if this nilgaw fell I would have his flesh cooked, and for the soul of K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn would give it to eat to poor people. I also vowed a muhr and one rupee to my revered father. Soon after this the nilgaw became worn out with moving, and I ran to his head and ordered them to make it lawful (cut its throat in the name of Allah) on the spot, and having brought it to the camp I fulfilled my vow as I had proposed. They cooked [190]the nilgaw, and expending the muhr and rupee on sweets. I assembled poor and hungry people and divided them among them in my own presence. Two or three days afterwards I saw another nilgaw. However much I exerted myself and wished he would stand still in one place, so that I might fire at him, I could get no chance. With my gun on my shoulder I followed him till near evening until it was sunset, and despaired of killing him. Suddenly it came across my tongue, “K͟hwāja, this nilgaw also is vowed to you.” My speaking and his sitting down were at one and the same moment. I fired at and hit him, and ordered him, like the first nilgaw, to be cooked and given to the poor to eat. On Saturday, the 19th Ẕī-l-ḥijja, I fished again. This time about 330 fish were caught. On the night of Wednesday, the 28th31 of the same month, I encamped at Rūpbās. As this was one of my fixed hunting-places and there was an order that no one should hunt in the neighbourhood, a great number of antelope had come together in the desert there, so much so that they came into the inhabited parts and were not subject to any kind of molestation. I hunted for two or three days in those desert plains, and shot, and hunted with cheetahs many antelopes. As the hour for entering the city was near, making two halts on the way, I alighted on the night of Thursday, the 2nd Muharram, in the year 1020 (17th March, 1611), at the garden of ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq Maʿmūrī, which is near, in fact close to, the city. On this night many of the servants of the Court, such as K͟hwāja Jahān, Daulat K͟hān, and a number who had remained in the city, came and waited on me. Īraj also, whom I had sent for from the Subah of the Deccan, had the honour of kissing the threshold. I stayed in that garden also on the Friday. On that day ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq presented his own offerings. As this was the last day for hunting, an order was given [191]that the duration of the hunt and the number of animals killed should be counted up to me. The time of the hunt was from the 9th of the month of Āẕar to the 29th Isfandārmuẕ of the 5th year, or three months and twenty days. In this time tigers 12, deer (gāwzan) 1, chikārah (gazelle) 44, kūtāh-pācha (hog-deer) 1 head, fawns 2 head, black buck 68 head, does 31 head, foxes 4, kūrāra deer 8, pātal (?) 1, bears 5, hyænas 3, hares 6, nilgaw 108, fish 1,096, eagle 1, bustard 1, peafowl 5, herons 5, partridges 5, brahminī ducks (surk͟hāb) 1, sāras 5, dhīk (?) 1; total, 1,414.

On Saturday, the 29th Isfandārmuẕ, corresponding to the 4th Muḥarram, I mounted an elephant and went to the city. From the garden of ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq to the palace the distance is a kos and 20 tanāb. I scattered 1,500 rupees to the crowd. At the fixed hour I entered the palace. The bazars had been decorated with cloths after the manner of the New Year’s feast. As at the hunting-time an order had been given to K͟hwāja Jahān to prepare in the Maḥall (Zenanah) a building fit for me to sit in, the said K͟hwāja had in the space of three months prepared and brought to perfection this kind of lofty building, and with folded hands (in humility) had done exceedingly active work. Coming off the dust of the road I entered that Paradise-like building and went to look round that abode, and it was very much to my taste. K͟hwāja Jahān was dignified with much praise and commendation. The offerings he had prepared were displayed to me in the same building. Some of these were approved and accepted and the remainder presented to him.


1 G͟hāzī K͟hān was one of the famous officers of Akbar. Ḥusām his son was married to Abū-l-faẓl’s sister. See Blochmann, p. 440. 

2 Brahmini ducks. 

3 A son of Akbar’s officer, Muḥammad Qulī Barlās (Blochmann, pp. 342 and 478). 

4 Mīr ʿAlī was a famous calligrapher. See Rieu, Cat., ii, 531. Can the copy mentioned by Jahāngīr be that in the Bodleian Library, which Sir W. Jones praised so highly? A writer in the Journal of the Moslem Institute for January-March, 1907, p. 186, suggests that the copy is in the Bankipur Library. 

5 The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 41, has S͟hayyādī, ‘a dervish, a hypocrite,’ and the R.A.S. MS. has Sayyidī S͟hayyād. S͟hayyād is used at p. 60 to mean an impostor. Here, perhaps, it would mean a buffoon. 

6 ʿAlī Aḥmad’s father was S͟haik͟h Ḥusain. See Blochmann, p. 53. 

7 It was the bathing of the Hindus that the saint was watching. 

8 The point of Amīr K͟husrau’s hemistich is that kaj-kulāh literally means ‘the awry cap,’ and so refers to the saint, who had his cap on his ear or on the side of his head. But it also means one who is presumptuous, and has left the true path of religion. It also means, according to Steingass, a beloved person. 

9 I.O. MS. 181 has Tak͟ht-i-bak͟ht (Throne of fortune). 

10 Kes͟ho Dās was perhaps the father of Karamsī, one of Akbar’s wives. See Blochmann, p. 310. 

11 Blochmann, p. 465. 

12 Tak͟htī, qu. a signet? 

13 Kaukab is mentioned again at the end of the twelfth year. For notice of his father see Blochmann, p. 485. 

14 Elliot, vi, 321. 

15 Ujjainiyya here means Bhojpūr. 

16 Apparently we may infer from this that Jahāngīr did blind or attempt to blind his son K͟husrau, though he says nothing about it. Else why should this impostor pretend that he had marks of the blinding? Tavernier says K͟husrau was blinded. Du Jarric also tells us that Jahāngīr blinded K͟husrau on his way back from Kabul, when he came to the place where K͟husrau had fought the battle. He was blinded by some juice of a plant being poured into his eyes. The juice resembled milk (qu. Euphorbia). One of his captains, who was also a judge, was likewise blinded there along with his son. W. Finch, too, speaks of this outbreak. He also says that K͟husrau was reported to have been blinded on the battlefield with a glass. Another story was that Jahāngīr merely caused a handkerchief to be tied over his eyes and had it sealed with his own seal. It is mentioned in Whiteway’s “Rise of the Portuguese Power in India,” p. 165, note, that fifteen relatives of the King of Ormuz had been blinded by red-hot bowls having been passed close to their eyes. 

17 K͟harakpūr. The word is written Gorak͟hpur in some MSS., but I think it is clear that K͟harakpūr is the place meant, for ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān had lately got Sangrām’s estate of K͟harakpūr in jagir. The fact, too, that he fought with the impostor at the Pūn Pūn to the east of Patna shows that he was coming back from down the Ganges. 

18 Text wrongly has Māndhu. 

19 A tasū, or t̤asū, is said in Wilson’s Glossary to be the 24th part of a gaz or about a third of an inch. I.O. MS. makes the breadth 3½ cubits 1 tasu. The slab is described in Keene’s Guide and in the N.W.P. Gazetteer, Agra volume. One inscription has the date 1011, or 1602. Archæological Report, lv, pp. 132–5, says it is 10 ft. 7½ ins. long, 9 ft. 10 ins. broad, and 6 inches thick. It is supported on octagonal pedestals. See also Beale’s Miftāḥu-t-tawārīk͟h, pp. 300, 301, where a representation of the stone and copies of the inscriptions are given. 

20 A fort in the Deccan “sixty miles north of Bidar” (Elliot, vi, 70). 

21 So in MSS. Apparently K͟hān Jahān’s meaning was that if this Deccani man were sent to Agra (as if to be punished) the other Deccani leaders would be discouraged. 

22 The text seems corrupt. Apparently I.O. MS. has Sargala, and this may have been Kes͟ho Dās’s title. 

23 Pāra dūrtar, but it would seem from the Maʾās̤ir, ii, 231, five lines from foot, that pāra, or bāra, is a word meaning a body of men. Perhaps it is bārah, ‘twelve.’ 

24 At p. 256 we have the phrase majrā gīrand applied to the directing of cannon against the buildings of Fort Ranthambhor. I confess that I do not know whether Jahāngīr fired the gun that was on the stand or the one that Kamāl loaded. 

25 Majrā giriftam seems rather to mean here ‘adjusted the tripod,’ for from what follows it appears that the gun was not then loaded. The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 47, has māsha rā zīr kard, ‘applied the match’(?). 

26 Apparently the meaning is that he rolled the tiger over to the side furthest from Jahāngīr. 

27 Kūragī. The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 48, says the night was dark, and so the lamplighter blindly (az kūragī) fell upon the tiger and was killed. This tiger hunt and Jahāngīr’s danger, etc., are described by William Finch (Purchas, i, 430). 

28 Anīkini means an army in Sanskrit and Rai is a title meaning leadership. 

29 Text, Zangchiyān (?). I.O. 181 has Ibachkiyān, i.e. people of the Ibachkī-k͟hāna or closet. See Āyīn, Persian text, i, 42, and Blochmann, i, 46. 

30 This is said ironically. 

31 The text has 14th night, but I follow the I.O. MS. 181. 

[Contents]

The Sixth New Year’s Feast after my auspicious Accession.

Two gharis and forty seconds of day had passed on the Monday when the sun (lit. his honour the greatest star) entered his tower of honour, which is in the constellation of [192]Aries. That day was the 1st Farwardīn, corresponding with the 6th Muḥarram1 (21st March, 1611). The feast of the New Year having been prepared, I seated myself on the throne of good fortune. The Amirs and all the servants of the Court enjoyed the good fortune of waiting on me and gave their congratulations. The offerings of the servants of the Court Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān, ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Fīrūz-jang, and Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, were laid before me. On Wednesday, the 8th Muḥarram, the offering of Rāja Kalyān, who had sent it from Bengal, was laid before me. On Thursday, the 9th of the same month, S͟hajāʿat K͟hān and some of the mansabdars, who had come on summons from the Deccan, waited on me. I gave a jewelled waist-dagger to Razzāq-wirdī Ūzbeg. On the same day the New Year’s offering of Murtazā K͟hān was laid before me. He had prepared all kinds of things. Having inspected all these, I took what I approved in the shape of valuable jewels, fine cloths, elephants, and horses and gave back the rest. I presented a jewelled dagger to Abū-l-fatḥ Dakhanī, 3,000 rupees to Mīr ʿAbdu-llah, and an Iraq horse to Muqīm K͟hān. I increased the rank of S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, which was 1,500 personal and 100 horse, by 500 personal and horse. I had summoned him from the Deccan for the purpose of sending him to Bengal to Islām K͟hān, in reality to take his place permanently, and I entrusted him with the charge of that Subah. K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan laid before me (as offerings) two rubies, one royal pearl, and ten rings. I gave Īraj, the son of K͟hānk͟hānān, a jewelled dagger. The rank of K͟hurram was 8,000 personal and 5,000 horse; I increased his personal allowance by 2,000, and [193]increased that of K͟hwāja Jahān, which was 1,500 personal, 1,000 horse by 500 personal, 200 horse. On 24th Muḥarram, 18th Farwardīn, the day of the ascendant, Yādgār ʿAlī Sult̤ān, ambassador of S͟hāh ʿAbbās, ruler of Persia, who had come on a visit of condolence on the death of the late king and with congratulations on my accession, had the honour of waiting on me, and laid before me the gifts S͟hāh ʿAbbās, my brother, had sent. He had brought good horses, cloth stuffs, and every kind of fitting present. After he had presented the gifts, on the same day I gave him a superb robe of honour and 30,000 rupees, which were equivalent to 1,000 Persian tumans. He handed me a letter in which were mingled congratulations and condolences for the death of my revered father. As in the letter of congratulation he expressed the greatest friendship, and omitted no point of regard and concord, it has pleased me to enter here an exact copy of it.

Copy of the letter of S͟hāh ʿAbbās.

“May the sprinklings of the cloud of the grace of God and the dropping of the favour of the Almighty impart freshness to the gardens of wonderful men and inventors (of new things)! May the flower-bed of sovereignty and rule and the mead of magnificence and exalted happiness of his Honour of heavenly dignity, of sun-like grandeur, the king whose fortune is young, of Saturn-like majesty, the renowned prince, possessing the authority of the spheres, the Khedive, the world-gripper (Jahāngīr) and country-conquering sovereign, the prince of the exaltedness of Sikandar, with the banner of Darius, he who sits on the throne of the pavilion of greatness and glory, the possessor of the (seven) climes, the increaser of the joys of good fortune and prosperity, adorner of the gardens of happiness, decorator of the rose-parterre, lord of the happy conjunction (of the planets), the opener of the countenance, [194]the perfection of kinghood, expounder of the mysteries of the sky, the adornment of the face of learning and insight, index of the book of creation, compendium of human perfections, mirror of the glory of God, elevator of the lofty soul, increaser of good fortune and of the beneficent ascension, sun of the grandeur of the skies, the shadow of the benignity of the Creator, he who has the dignity of Jamshīd among the stars of the host of heaven, lord of conjunction, refuge of the world, river of the favours of Allah, and fountain of unending mercy, verdure of the plain of purity, may his land (lit. surface) be guarded from the calamity of the evil eye; may his fountain of perfection be preserved in truth, his desire and love; the tale of his good qualities and benevolence cannot be written.

“‘The pen has not the tongue to express the secret of love.’

Although outwardly the distance (between us) prevents my attaining to the kaʿbah of desire, yet he is the qiblah of my keen longing for spiritual intercourse. Thank God that by virtue of essential oneness this humble supplicant and that pure nursling of glory have in reality been united to one another. The distance of space and outward separation of the body not having prevented nearness of soul and spiritual union, my face is still towards friendship, and accordingly the dust of sorrow has not settled on the sun-like mirror of my mind, but it has received the reflection of the beauty of that exhibitor of perfection, and the olfactory of my soul has been ever scented with the sweet savour of friendship and love and the ambergris-perfumed breezes of affection and concord, and spiritual fellowship and perpetual union have rubbed off the rust from friendship.

“‘I sit beside thee in thought, and my heart is at ease,

For this is an union not followed by separation’s pain.’

“Praise be given to the most mighty and pure God that the plant of the desire of true friends hath borne the fruit [195]of fruition. Success (maqṣūd), that beauty who for years was hidden behind the veil, has by dint of humility and supplication at the throne of the Almighty, come forth and manifested herself from the hidden bridal chamber, and a ray of perfection has been thrown on the plain of the hopes of the expectants; she has ascended the auspicious throne and seated herself beside the king who adorns the assembly and enhances the glory of the tribune of the king of kings. The world-opening standard of the Caliphate and rule, and the sky-scraping umbrella of justice and world-sway of that creator of the diadem and throne, and that opener of the knots of knowledge and wisdom have cast the shade of equity and sovereignty and mercy over the heads of the inhabitants of the world. My hope is that the chief of desire-granters may make the auspicious ascension of that blessed rising of fortune brighten the crown and illuminate the throne, making it of good omen and prosperous to all, and may the things that appertain to kingship and rule of the world and the causes of dignity and prosperity be ever on the increase! For long past the customs of amity and the ways of intimacy, which have been in existence between our ancestors, and now freshly have been re-established between this one who is bent on friendship and him who is intent on equity, demanded that when the good news of the accession of him who sits on the Gūrgānī throne and is the heir of the crown of Tīmūr reached this country, one of the confidants of the royal palace should be quickly nominated to convey congratulations, but inasmuch as the business of Āẕarbījān and the conquest of the province of S͟hirwān just then occurred, and until my loving mind was satisfied as to the affairs of that province, I could not return to my capital, some delay took place in the accomplishment of this important duty. Although outward ceremonial observances and politenesses have not much weight with people of knowledge and discernment, yet the observance of them is the observance [196]of the dues of friendship. Of necessity, therefore, at this auspicious time when the attention of the servants of holy angels (?) has been withdrawn from the affairs of that province, which have been arranged in accordance with the desires of my well-wishers, and I am at ease in that quarter, I have returned and settled down in my capital of Isfahan, which is the permanent seat of rule. Therefore I have despatched Kamālu-d-dīn Yadgār ʿAlī, who possesses the attributes of nobility, is perfect in sincerity and fully reliable, who is moreover of the number of devoted servants and Sūfīs of pure design of our family, to the most exalted Court, that after he has obtained the good fortune to salute you, to condole with you, and kissed the carpet of honour, and performed the dues of inquiry (after health, etc.) and congratulations, he may obtain leave to return, and may convey to the sincere mind of your well-wisher the good tidings of the safety of your angelic person and the health of your temperament that is of the brightness of the sun and increases joy. It is hoped that the tree of hereditary friendship and assiduousness, and the garden of intimacy and regard, both apparent and spiritual, which by the irrigation of the rivers of affection and the brooks of sincere regard acquire great splendour and greenness, not casting their leaves, may set in motion the cord of intimacy and drive away the misfortune of estrangement by the arrival of correspondence, which is the communication of the soul, and may connect by spiritual chains our visible friendship, and may favour the course and accomplishment of business.

“May God Almighty give the assistance of the secret powers to that living family of dignity and glory and that household of grandeur and good fortune.”

Up to this is the copy of the letter of my brother S͟hāh ʿAbbās.

My brothers Sult̤ān Murād and Dāniyāl, who had died in the lifetime of my revered father, people had called [197]by several names. I ordered that one of them should be called S͟hāhzāda mag͟hfūr (the pardoned prince), and the other S͟hāhzāda marḥūm (the prince admitted to mercy). I promoted Iʿtimādu-d-daulah and ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq Maʿmūrī, who each held the rank of 1,500, to that of 1,800, and increased the horse-rank of Qāsim K͟hān, brother of Islām Khankhanan, by 250. I dignified Īraj, eldest son of the Khankhanan, with the title of S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān, and Saʿdu-llah, son of Saʿīd K͟hān, with the appellation of Nawāzis͟h K͟hān.

At the time of my accession I had increased weights and measures (lit. gaz), viz. to the extent of three ratis (small weight equal to eight barleycorns), in the weight of muhrs and rupees. At this time it was represented to me that in mercantile transactions it would be for the convenience of the people that muhrs and rupees should be of the same weight as previously. As in all affairs the contentment and ease of the people are to be looked to, I gave an order that from the present day, that is, the 11th Urdībihis͟ht in the 6th year of my reign, they should strike muhrs and rupees of the former weight in all the mints of my dominions. As before this, on Saturday, the 2nd of the month of Ṣafar, in the year 1020, the evil-dispositioned Aḥdād had heard that Kabul was deprived of an eminent leader, that K͟hān Daurān2 was in the interior, and only Muʿizzu-l-mulk with a few servants of the aforesaid was in Kabul, thinking it a good opportunity he (Aḥdād) betook himself unexpectedly to Kabul with a large number of horsemen and foot-soldiers. Muʿizzu-l-mulk, according to the measure of his ability, displayed activity, and the Kabulis and other inhabitants, especially the Farmulī3 tribe, barricaded up the streets and fortified their houses. The Afghans with some guns came in to the streets and bazars [198]from different directions. The people from the shelter of their terraces and houses killed many of these wretches with arrows and guns, and Bargī,4 one of the confidential leaders of Aḥdād, was killed. From the occurrence of this affair, for fear that the people from all sides and quarters should assemble and block the road for them to get out, giving up their hearts and feet (in a state of distraction), in fear and confusion they turned back. About 800 of those dogs went to jahannam (hell), and 200, having caught horses, hastily escaped with their lives from that deadly place. Nād ʿAlī Maidānī, who was in Lahūgar, at last on the same day arrived there, and pursued them for a short distance. As the distance (between them) was too great and his band small, he turned back. For the energy he had shown in coming quickly, and for the activity displayed by Muʿizzu-l-mulk, they were both promoted in rank; Nād ʿAlī, who held that of 1,000 personal to that of 1,500, and Muʿizzu-l-mulk, who held the rank of 1,500, to 1,800. As it transpired that K͟hān Daurān and the Kabulis were in the habit of passing their days in carelessness, and the repelling of the evil disposition of Aḥdād had taken a long time it occurred to me that as the Khankhanan was without employment I might appoint him and his sons to this duty. Soon after this idea occurred, Qilīj K͟hān, to summon whom a firman had already been issued, came from the Panjab and obtained the honour of an audience. It became evident from the forehead of his circumstances (his manner) that he was annoyed at the duty of driving back the ill-dispositioned Aḥdād being assigned to K͟hānk͟hānān. As he faithfully promised to take up this duty, it was settled that the governorship of the Subah of the Panjab should belong to Murtaẓā K͟hān, and that the Khankhanan should remain at home, and that Qilīj K͟hān should be promoted to the rank of 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and be appointed [199]to Kabul to drive back Aḥdād and the up-country robbers. I ordered the Khankhanan to have a jagir in the Subah of Agra in the Sarkars of Qanauj and Kalpi, that he might inflict condign punishment on the rebels of that region and exterminate them (pull them out by the roots). When I dismissed them I gave each of them special robes of honour and horses and elephants, and having received the robes of exaltation they started off. At the same time, on account of the sincerity of his friendship and his old services, I bestowed on Iʿtimādu-d-daulah the rank of 2,000 personal and 500 horse, and presented him with a sum of 5,000 rupees by way of gift. Mahābat K͟hān, whom I had sent to make the necessary preparations for war for the victorious army of the Deccan and point out to the Amirs the desirability of concord and unanimity, paid his respects to me at the capital of Agra on the 12th of the month of Tīr, the 21st of Rabīʿu-s̤-s̤ānī. It was brought to notice in a letter from Islām K͟hān that ʿInāyat K͟hān had performed approved service in the Subah of Bengal; on this account I increased by 500 personal the rank he already held of 2,000. I also increased by 500 personal and 300 horse, so as to make it up altogether to 1,500 personal and 800 horse, the rank of Rāja Kalyān, who was one of the officials of that Subah. I appointed Hās͟him K͟hān,5 who was in Orissa, to the government of Kashmir, and sent his uncle, K͟hwāja Muḥammad Ḥusain, there to look after the affairs of that country until his arrival. In the time of my revered father his father, Muḥammad Qāsim, had conquered Kashmir. Chīn Qilīj, who was the eldest son of Qilīj K͟hān, came from the Subah of Kabul and waited on me. As in addition to his natural excellence he was a k͟hānazād (houseborn one), he was honoured with the title of K͟hān, and according [200]to the prayer of his father, and on condition of his undertaking service in Tīrah, I increased his rank by 500 personal and 300 horse. On the 14th Amardād on account of the previous service and great sincerity and ability of Iʿtimādu-daulah, I bestowed on him the high rank of the viziership of the kingdom, and on the same day presented a belt with a jewelled dagger to Yādgār ʿAlī, ambassador of the ruler of Iran. As ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, who had been appointed to command the army against the rebel Rānā, promised to enter the province of the Deccan from the direction of Gujarat, I promoted him to be Subahdar of that province, and at his request appointed Rāja Bāso to the command of the army against the Rānā, increasing his rank by 500 horse. In place of Gujarat I conferred the Subah of Malwa on K͟hān Aʿz̤am and sent 400,000 rupees to provide for the army and warlike materials for the force that had been appointed to accompany ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān by way of Nāsik, which is near the province of the Deccan. Ṣafdar K͟hān, with his brothers, came from the Subah of Behar, and had the honour of kissing the threshold.

One of the royal slaves who was serving in the seal-cutting departments prepared and laid before me a design such as I had never seen or heard of before. As it is exceedingly strange, a detailed6 description of it is given. In the shell of a filbert four compartments had been carved out of ivory. The first compartment was one of wrestlers, in which two men were engaged in wrestling, a third was standing with a spear in his hand, a fourth with a hard stone.7 Another was sitting with his hands placed on the ground, while in front of him were laid a piece of wood, a bow and a pot. In the second a throne had been made [201]above which a s͟hamiyāna (a tent-fly or canopy) was depicted, and a man of wealth (a prince) was seated on the throne with one leg placed over the other and a pillow at his back. Five servants were standing around and before him, and tree-boughs threw a shade over the throne. In the third compartment is a company of rope-dancers, who have raised upright a pole with three ropes fastened to it. A rope-dancer upon it (qu. on the ropes?8) has taken hold of his own right foot with his left hand behind his head, and standing on one foot has placed a goat on the top of the pole. Another person has thrown a drum on his neck and is beating it, whilst another man is standing with his hands lifted up and looking at the rope-dancer. Five other men are also standing, of whom one has a stick in his hand. In the fourth compartment there is a tree, below which the figure of the revered (ḥaẓrat) Jesus is shown. One person has placed his head at Jesus’ feet, and an old man is conversing with Jesus and four others are standing by.9 As he had made such a masterpiece, I honoured him with a present and with increased salary.

On the 30th S͟hahrīwar, Mīrzā Sult̤ān, who had been sent for from the Deccan, came and waited on me. Ṣafdar K͟hān had an increase of rank conferred on him, and was appointed to go to the assistance of the army against the rebel Rānā. As ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Bahādur Fīrūz-jang had proposed to enter the neighbouring province of the Deccan by way of Nāsik, it occurred to me to appoint Rām Dās Kachhwāha, who was one of the sincere servants of my [202]revered father, to accompany him in order that he might in every place look after him, and not allow him to be too rash and hasty. For this purpose I bestowed on him great favours, as well as the title of Raja, which he had not thought of for himself. I also gave him drums and the fort of Ranthanbūr, which is one of the noted castles in Hindustan, and honouring him with a superb robe of honour and an elephant and horse I dismissed him. I appointed K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, who had been transferred from the chief Diwanship, to the duty of the Subahdarship of the Deccan, as he had been for a long time in those regions in the service of my deceased brother (Dāniyāl). I honoured Abū-l-ḥasan, son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, with the title of Iʿtiqād K͟hān, and having promoted the sons of Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān to fitting ranks sent them to Bengal to Islām K͟hān. At the request of Islām K͟hān, Rāja Kalyān was appointed to the government of the Sarkar of Orissa and had an increase in rank of 200 personal and horse. I presented S͟hajāʿat K͟hān Dakhanī with 4,000 rupees. On the 7th Ābān Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, came from the Deccan and waited on me.

About this time, in consequence of the disturbances that had occurred in the country of Māwarāʾa-n-nahr, many of the Amirs and Ūzbeg soldiers, such as Ḥusain Bī, Pahluwān Bābā, and Nauras Bī Darman, and Baram Bī and others came to Court and waited on me. They were all honoured with robes of honour, horses, cash, mansabs, and jagirs. On the 2nd Āẕar Hās͟him K͟hān came from Bengal and had the honour of kissing my threshold. I sent 500,000 rupees for the expenses of the victorious army of the Deccan, of which the leader was ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, to Ahmadabad in Gujarat by the hands of Rūp K͟hawāṣṣ and S͟haik͟h Anbiyā. On the 1st day I went to the village of Samonagar, which is one of my fixed hunting-places, to hunt. Twenty-two antelope were killed, of which I myself killed sixteen and K͟hurram the other six. Remaining [203]there two days and two nights, on the night of Sunday I returned to the city in health and safety, and one night this couplet threw its brilliance on my mind:—

“As long as there’s in heaven light for the sun,

Be not the reflection far from the Shah’s umbrella.”

I ordered the lamplighters and the relators of stories that at the time of their salutations and telling stories they should commence with this couplet, and it is still in use. On Saturday, the 3rd day, a letter came from K͟hān Aʿz̤am that ʿĀdil K͟hān Bījāpūrī had given up his evil ways and become penitent, and in the rank of servants was now more loyal than ever. On the 14th day, corresponding with the last day of S͟hawwāl, leave was given to Hās͟him K͟hān to go to Kashmir. I gave a special wrapper10 (fargal) to Yādgār ʿAlī, ambassador of Persia. I presented Iʿtiqād K͟hān with one of my special swords called Sar-andāz (thrower of heads). Having honoured S͟hādmān, son of K͟hān Aʿz̤am, with the title of S͟hādmān K͟hān, I increased his rank to 1,700 personal and 500 horse. He was also honoured with a standard. Sardār K͟hān, brother of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Fīrūz-jang, and Arslān Bī Ūzbeg, who had been appointed to the charge of Sīvistān,11 were also presented with standards. I ordered that jāʾi-namāz (prayer carpets) should be made of the skins of the antelopes I had myself killed, and be kept in the public audience hall for people to use in saying their prayers. By way of special respect to the Law I ordered that the Mīr-i-ʿAdl and Qāẓī, who are the pivot of affairs of the divine law, should not kiss the ground (before me), which is a kind of sijda. On Thursday, the 22nd day, I went again to Samonagar to hunt. As many antelope had collected together in that neighbourhood I had this time sent off K͟hwāja Jahān to prepare a qamargah and drive in the antelope into a broad place from all sides, to place canvas-walls [204](sarā-parda) and a gulāl-bāṛ12 round it. They enclosed a kos and half of ground with sarapardas. When news came that the hunting-place had been prepared and a great deal of game had been confined, I went there and began to hunt on the Friday. Until the next Thursday I went every day to the qamargah with the ladies and hunted as much as I liked. Some of the deer were taken alive and some killed with arrows and guns. On the Sunday and Thursday, on which I do not fire guns at animals, they took them alive in nets. In these seven days 917 head, male and female, were caught, and of these 641 deer were caught alive. Four hundred and four head were sent to Fatḥpūr to be let loose on the plain there, and with regard to 84 I ordered them to put silver rings in their noses and set them free in the same place. The 276 other antelope that had been killed with guns and arrows and by cheetahs were divided from day to day among the Begams and the slaves of the palace, and Amirs and servants of the palace. As I became very tired (dilgīr) of hunting, I gave orders to the Amirs to go to the s͟hikārgāh (hunting-place) and hunt all that were left over, and myself returned in safety to the city. On the 1st Bahman, corresponding with the 17th Ẕī-l-qaʿda, I ordered that in the large cities of my dominions, like Ahmadabad, Allahabad, Lahore, Delhi, Agra, etc., they should arrange bulg͟hur-k͟hānas (places for the distribution of cooked food) for the poor; thirty mahalls (districts) had been ordered. Six had already been established, and twenty-four other districts were now ordered. On the 4th Bahman I increased the rank of Rāja Bīr Singh Deo by 1,000 personal; it was previously 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse: I gave him a jewelled sword. Another sword out of my special ones, that was called S͟hāh-bacha, (king’s child), was presented to S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān. On the 16th Isfandārmuẕ, Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, [205]was appointed to the army against the rebel Rānā and a sword sent by his hand for Rāja Bāso. Having again heard that the Amirs on the borders interfere with authority in matters that do not concern them, and do not observe laws and regulations, I ordered13 that the Bakhshis should circulate orders, to be obeyed amongst the Amirs of the borders, that hereafter they should not interfere in such things, which are the private affair of kings. The first thing is this, that they should not sit in the jharokha (private window), and should not trouble their officers and captains of the auxiliaries with keeping guard or saluting them, and should not have elephant fights, and should not inflict the punishment of blinding, and should not cut off ears and noses, and should not force Islam on anyone, and should not confer titles on their servants, and should not order the royal servants to do kūrnis͟h or prostration, and should not force singers to remain on duty in the manner customary in (royal) darbars, and should not beat drums when they go out, and when they give a horse or elephant to anyone, whether to the king’s attendants or to their own servants, they should not place reins or elephant’s goads on their backs and make them perform obeisance. In going in procession they should not take with them on foot in their retinue the royal attendants. If they write anything to them they should not put a seal on it.14 The regulations which have been styled the rules of Jahāngīr (Āyīn-i-Jahāngīrī) are now in force.15 [206]


1 Jahāngīr does not mention that it was in this year that he married Nūr-Jahān. He saw her on New Year’s Day (Iqbāl-nāma, p. 56), and it appears from a note of Jahāngīr on p. 132 of B.M. MS. Or. 3276 that he married her on 14th K͟hurdād (end of May, 1611). It was in the 11th year that she got the title of Nūr-Jahān. Before that she was known as Nūr-Maḥall. It would seem that Jahāngīr married Nūr-Jahān four years and a few days after her first husband’s death. 

2 K͟hān Daurān was away in the district of Ningnahar (Iqbāl-nāma, p. 53). 

3 Text wrongly has Qizilbāshes. 

4 Or Bārkī. 

5 The text has here the word g͟hāyatan, which does not seem to have much meaning. Erskine has ‘without his knowledge,’ so he probably had g͟hāʾībāna in his MS. 

6 Compare Elliot, vi, 324. 

7 Sang-i-durus͟htī. Elliot had the name reading and translates ‘a heavy stone.’ But both MSS. have sang u rasanī, ‘a stone and a cord,’ query a sling, and this is certainly the right reading. See Iqbāl-nāma, p. 57. 

8 Text bar pāy, but the I.O. MS. and Iqbāl-nāma, p. 58, have bar bāzi (‘on the rope’? or perhaps ‘is doing gymnastics’) 

9 Note of Sayyid Aḥmad (to the fourth compartment).—“Evidently this masterpiece was not the work of a slave in the seal department, for no reason appears why the portrait of Jesus should be introduced into the fourth compartment. Probably this masterpiece was the work of Frank artists and had fallen into the hands of the slave, and he had ascribed it to his own workmanship. (Perhaps the scene depicted was the Transfiguration.)” 

10 See Blochmann, p. 89, note. It came from Europe. 

11 In Scinde; it is the same as Sahwan, and is on the Indus. 

12 Blochmann, p. 45. 

13 Elliot, vi, 325. 

14 Both MSS. have bar rū instead of bar ū, ‘in front’ or ‘in the face’ of the letter, and this is no doubt the correct reading. See Iqbāl-nāma, p. 59. See Blochmann, p. 263, for the different places where seals are to be put. Jahāngīr’s order apparently was that the provincial governors were not to impress their seals on the face of their letters or other documents. 

15 The reference seems to be, not to these subsidiary regulations, but to the code of twelve rules promulgated by him at the commencement of his reign. 

[Contents]

The Seventh New Year’s Festival after the auspicious Accession.

On Tuesday, the 1st Farwardīn of the seventh year from my accession on the 16th Muḥarram u-l-ḥarām (19th March, 1612) in the year 1021, the New Year’s assembly that illuminates the world, and the festival that brings joy, were held in the capital of Agra. After four gharis of the night had passed on Thursday, the 3rd of the aforesaid month, the hour that the astrologers had chosen, I sat on the throne. I had ordered that, according to annual custom, the bazars should be decorated and the assembly should be kept up until the day of culmination (rūz-i-s͟haraf). K͟husrau Bī Ūzbeg, who was known among the Uzbegs as K͟husrau Qimchī,1 came on these days and had the honour of waiting on me. As he was one of the influential men of Māwarāʾa-n-nahr, I bestowed many favours on him, and gave him a fine robe of honour. I gave 15,000 rupees to Yādgār ʿAlī, ambassador of the ruler of Iran, for his expenses. On the same day the offering of Afẓal K͟hān, which he had sent from the Subah of Behar, was laid before me. There were 30 elephants and 18 ponies (gūnṭh), and pieces of Bengal cloth, sandalwood, some pods of musk, aloes-wood (Agallochum), and all kinds of things. The offering of K͟hān Daurān was also produced before me. He had sent 45 head of horse and two strings of camels, porcelain from China, dressing-gowns (pūstīnhā2) of sable (sammūr), and other valuable presents procurable in Kabul and its neighbourhood. The officers of the palace had taken trouble about their offerings, and according to the yearly custom from day to day of the festival the offerings of the servants were laid before me. Having looked at them [207]in detail, I took what I approved and gave them the remainder. On the 13th Farwardīn, corresponding with the 29th Muḥarram, a representation from Islām K͟hān arrived to the effect that through the blessing of Allah’s favour and through the benign influence of the royal grace, Bengal had been freed from the disturbance of ʿUs̤mān, the Afghan. Before the circumstances of this war are written down, some particulars with regard to Bengal will be recorded.3 Bengal is a country of great extent, and in the second clime its length, from the port of Chittagong to Garī, is 450 kos; and its breadth, from the Northern hills to the boundary of Sarkar Madāran, 220 kos. Its revenue is about 60 krores of dams.4 The former rulers of this place always had 20,000 horse, a lakh of foot-soldiers, 1,000 elephants, and 4,000 or 5,000 war-boats. From the time of S͟hīr K͟hān and his son Salīm K͟hān, this country was in the possession of the Afghans. When the throne of sovereignty of Hindustan in the hands of my revered father acquired beauty and splendour, he ordered the victorious forces (of the empire) into it, and for a long time made the conquest of it his object, until the aforesaid province, through the great efforts of the chiefs of the victorious State, passed from the possession of Dāʾūd Karānī, who was the last of its rulers. That wretch was killed in the fight with K͟hān Jahān, and his army became scattered and in desperate condition. From that date until now the province is in the possession of the servants of the State. In the end a few of the remaining Afghans had remained in the corners and sides of the country, and kept a few distant places in their possession, until, by degrees, most of that body became despised and helpless, [208]and were captured by the chiefs of the State in the places of which they had still possession. When the arrangement of the affairs of rule and empire, simply through the grace of God, became entrusted to this humble servant of the throne of Allah, in the first year after my accession I sent for Rāja Mān Singh, who had been appointed to the rule and government of that place, to Court, and sent Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān, who, out of all the officials, was distinguished as my foster-brother, in his place. As he entered the province he attained to martyrdom at the hand of one of those mischievous ones who had been appointed to that country, and that man, who had not thought of the consequences, also obtained the reward of his deeds, and was slain. I promoted Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, who was governor and a Jagirdar in the province of Behar, on account of his nearness to that neighbourhood, to the rank of 5,000 personal and horse, and ordered him to go to Bengal and take possession of the province. I sent an order to Islām K͟hān, who was at the capital of Agra, to go to Behar and consider that province his jagir. When a short time had passed under the rule of Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, he contracted a severe illness, in consequence of the bad water and air of that place, and by degrees the power of the disease and his weakness became so great as to end in his destruction. When the news of his death came to my hearing at Lahore, an order was issued in the name of Islām K͟hān to proceed as soon as possible to Bengal. When I appointed him to this important duty, most of the servants of the State made remarks on his youth and want of experience. As the excellence of his disposition and his natural capacity had been noticed by my judicious eye, I myself chose him for this duty. As it happened, the affairs of this province were carried on by him in such a manner as from the time when it first entered into the possession of the Chiefs of the everlasting State until this day has never been attained to by any of the servants of [209]the Court. One of his noteworthy deeds was the driving away of the rebel ʿUs̤mān, the Afghan. He frequently in the time of the late king encountered the royal forces, but his expulsion was not accomplished. When Islām K͟hān made Dhaka (Dacca) his place of abode and made the subjection of the Zamindars of that neighbourhood his chief object, it occurred to him that he should send an army against the rebel ʿUs̤mān and his province. If he agreed to serve loyally, well and good, but if not, they should punish and annihilate him like other seditious people. At that time S͟hajāʿat K͟hān5 joined Islām K͟hān, and the lot of leading in this service6 fell on his name. Several others of the State servants were also appointed to go with him, such as Kis͟hwar K͟hān, Iftik͟hār K͟hān, Sayyid Ādam Bārha, S͟haik͟h Achhay,7 nephew of Muqarrab K͟hān, Muʿtamad K͟hān, the sons of Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān Ihtimām K͟hān, and others. He took with him also some of his own men. At the hour when Mus͟htarī (Jupiter) was propitious, he started off this band, and appointed Mīr Qāsim, son of Mīrzā Murād, its chief paymaster and news-writer. He took also some of the Zamindars with him to show the road. The victorious armies started. When they reached the neighbourhood of ʿUs̤mān’s fort and land, they sent some eloquent men to admonish him and point out to him the way of loyalty, and bring him back from the road of rebellion to the right path. As much pride had seated itself in his brain-cup, and he had in his head a desire to seize the country, beside other fancies, he turned a deaf ear to their words and [210]prepared himself for conflict and fight. The battlefield happened to be on the bank of a nullah in a place which was a complete bog. On Sunday (12th March, 1612), the 9th Muḥarram, S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, choosing the hour for the fight, arrayed the victorious forces, so that everyone should go to his place and be prepared for the battle. ʿUs̤mān had not settled the battle for that day with himself. When he heard that the royal army had come prepared for battle, having no remedy he himself mounted and came to the bank of the nullah, and arrayed his own horse and foot opposite the victorious army. When the affair grew hot, and the two forces opposed each other, that foolish, obstinate man at the first onset threw his own fighting raging elephant against the advanced guard. After much fighting many of the leaders of the advanced guard, as Sayyid Ādam8 Bārha and S͟haik͟h Achhay, attained the dignity of martyrdom. Iftik͟hār K͟hān, the leader of the right wing, was in no way remiss in attacking, and sacrificed his own life. The band that was with him fought to such a degree that they were all cut to pieces. In the same way Kis͟hwar9 K͟hān and his band of the left wing bravely sacrificed themselves in the affair of their master, but many of the enemy (lit. those of dark fortune) were also wounded and killed. That evil one (ʿUs̤mān) took account of the combatants and ascertained that the leaders of the advanced guard and right and left wings were killed. The centre alone remained. He took no account of the killed and wounded on his own side, but attacked the centre (of the royal army) with the same energy. On this side the son and brothers and sons-in-law of S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, as well as other officers, stopped the advance of those lost ones, and attacked them like tigers and leopards armed with claws and teeth. Some of them attained the dignity of [211]martyrdom, and those that remained alive bore away fatal wounds. At this time (ʿUs̤mān) drove a raging elephant of the name of Gajpat,10 which was his premier elephant, at S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, who laid hold of his spear and struck the elephant. What does a raging elephant care for a javelin. He then seized his sword and struck him two blows one after another. How did he regard these either! He then drew his dagger and struck him twice with it, but for this, too, he did not turn back, but overthrew S͟hajāʿat K͟hān with his horse. Immediately he was separated from his horse; calling out “Jahāngīr S͟hāh,” he leapt up, and his equerry struck the elephant on both front legs a blow with a two-handed sword. As the elephant fell on his knees, the equerry pulled the elephant driver down off the elephant, and S͟hajāʿat with the dagger he had in his hand, and while on foot, struck such blows on the trunk and forehead of the elephant that the elephant roared out at the pain and turned round. As he was severely wounded, he went to his own army and fell down. S͟hajāʿat K͟hān’s horse got up safely. As he was mounting his horse those vile ones drove another elephant at his standard-bearer, and overthrew his horse and standard. S͟hajāʿat K͟hān gave a manly shout and roused the standard-bearer, saying: “Be bold: I’m alive and the standard is at my feet (?).”11 At this critical moment all the servants of the State who were present seized their arrows and daggers and swords, and smote the elephant. S͟hajāʿat himself came up and shouted to the standard-bearer to rise, and got another horse for the standard-bearer and mounted him on it. The standard-bearer unfurled the standard and maintained his ground. At the time of this struggle [212]a (ball from a) gun struck that rebel on his forehead. However much they enquired for the man who fired it he could not be found. When this struck him, he recognized that he was a dead man. Yet for two watches, notwithstanding this fatal wound, he urged on his men to the fight, and the battlefield was still deadly and the struggle warm. Afterwards the enemy turned their faces, and the victorious army pursued them, and continually striking them drove back those vile ones into the place where they had encamped. With arrows and guns those wretches would not allow the royal troops to enter the place where they were. When Walī, the brother of ʿUs̤mān, and Mamrez, his (ʿUs̤mān’s) son and other relations and followers became aware of ʿUs̤mān’s wound, they made up their minds that he would not recover from it, and that if they, defeated and put to flight, should go towards their fort none would reach it alive. They thought it best to remain for the night in the place where they had encamped, and towards the end of the night seek an opportunity and get to their fort. Two watches of night had passed when ʿUs̤mān went to hell. In the third watch they raised his lifeless body, and leaving his tent and the things they had with them in the camp, proceeded to their fortress. The scouts of the victorious army, having obtained news of this, informed S͟hajāʿat K͟hān. On the morning of Monday the loyalists assembled and decided to follow them, and not allow breathing-time to those of dark fortune. In the end, in consequence of the tired state of the soldiers, and in order to bury the martyrs and out of sympathy for the wounded, they were perplexed in their minds as to going or settling down (where they were). Just at this time ʿAbdu-s-Salām, son of Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān, arrived with a body of servants of the State, altogether 300 horse and 400 musketeers (tūpchī). When this fresh body of men arrived it was determined to pursue, and they accordingly went on. [213]When Walī, who after ʿUs̤mān was the stock of the disturbance, learned that S͟hajāʿat K͟hān with the victorious army had come together with another fresh force, he saw no resource for himself but to go to S͟hajāʿat K͟hān on the straight line of faith and loyalty. In the end he sent a message that he who had been the cause of the disturbance had gone, and that the body of those who were left were servants and Musulmans. If he would give his word they would wait upon him and would agree to serve the State, giving their elephants as an offering. S͟hajāʿat K͟hān and Muʿtaqid K͟hān, who had arrived on the day of the battle and had done approved service, and all those who were loyal, in accordance with the necessity of the time and with what was best for the State, gave their word and encouraged them. On the next day, Walī and the sons, brothers, and sons-in-law of ʿUs̤mān all came and waited upon S͟hajāʿat K͟hān and the other servants of the State. They brought forty-nine elephants as an offering. After the completion of this work S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, leaving some of the royal servants in Adhār12 and the neighbourhood which was in the [214]possession of that one of evil fortune, took with him Walī and the other Afghans, and on Monday, the 6th of the month of Ṣafar, came to Jahāngīrnagar (Dacca) and joined Islām K͟hān. When the joyful news reached in Agra this supplicant at the throne of Allah, he performed the prostrations of gratitude, and recognized that the driving away of this description of enemy was brought about simply through the unstinted mercy of the Almighty Giver. As a reward for this good service I promoted Islām K͟hān to the rank of 6,000 personal, and honoured S͟hajāʿat K͟hān with the title of “Rustam of the age” (Rustam-zamān), as well as increased his rank by 1,000 personal and horse. I also increased the rank of other servants according to the measure of their services, and they were selected for other honours.

When this news first came of the killing of ʿUs̤mān it appeared to be a joke, but by way of ascertaining the truth or falsehood of the words I took an omen from the divān of the tongue of the unseen world, K͟hwāja Ḥāfiz̤ of Shiraz, and this g͟hazal13 turned up:—

“I make my eyes red and throw patience to the wilds,

And in such a case throw my heart into the sea.

I’m wounded by the shaft of heaven:

Give wine, so that intoxicated I may cast a knot in the girdle of the Twins.”

[215]

As this couplet was very appropriate to the occasion, I drew an omen from it. After some days news came again that the arrow of Fate, or rather of God, had struck ʿUs̤mān, for however much they enquired for him, he who fired the shot was not made manifest. This has been recorded on account of its strange nature.

On the 16th Farwardīn, Muqarrab K͟hān, who is one of my chief retainers and the old confidants of the Jahangiri service, who had attained the rank of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, came from the fort of Cambay and had the honour of waiting on me. I had ordered him, on account of certain business, to go to the port of Goa14 and buy for the private use of the government certain rareties procurable there. According to orders he went with diligence to Goa, and remaining there for some time, took at the price the Franks asked for them the rareties he met with at that port, without looking at the face of the money at all (i.e. regardless of cost). When he returned from the aforesaid port to the Court, he produced before me one by one the things and rareties he had brought. Among these were some animals that were very strange and wonderful, such as I had never seen, and up to this time no one had known their names. Although King Bābar has described in his Memoirs the appearance and shapes of several animals, he had never ordered the painters to make pictures of them. As these animals appeared to me to be very strange, I both described them and ordered that painters should draw them in the Jahāngīr-nāma, so that the amazement that arose from hearing of them might be increased. One of these animals in body is larger than a peahen and smaller than a peacock.15 When [216]it is in heat and displays itself, it spreads out its feathers like the peacock and dances about. Its beak and legs are like those of a cock. Its head and neck and the part under the throat are every minute of a different colour. When it is in heat it is quite red—one might say it had adorned itself with red coral—and after a while it becomes white in the same places, and looks like cotton. It sometimes looks of a turquoise colour. Like a chameleon it constantly changes colour. Two pieces of flesh it has on its head look like the comb of a cock. A strange thing is this, that when it is in heat the aforesaid piece of flesh hangs down to the length of a span from the top of its head like an elephant’s trunk, and again when he raises it up it appears on its head like the horn of a rhinoceros, to the extent of two finger-breadths. Round its eyes it is always of a turquoise colour, and does not change. Its feathers appear to be of various colours, differing from the colours of the peacock’s feathers. He also brought a monkey of a strange and wonderful form. Its hands, feet, ears, and head are like those of a monkey, and its face like that of a fox. The colour of its eyes is like that of a hawk’s eye, but the eyes are larger than those of a hawk. From its head to the end of its tail it is an ordinary cubit in length. It is lower than a monkey and taller than a fox. Its hair is like the wool of a sheep and its colour like that of ashes. From the lobe of its ear to its chin it is red and of the colour of wine. Its tail is two or three finger-breadths longer than half a cubit, quite different from that of other monkeys. The tail of this animal hangs down like the tail of a cat. Sometimes it makes a sound like a young antelope. On the whole it is a very strange beast. Of the wild birds which they call tadrū (pheasant) till now it has never been heard that they breed in captivity. In the time of my revered father they made great efforts to obtain eggs and young ones but it was [217]not managed. I ordered them to keep some of them, male and female, in one place, and by degrees they bred. I ordered them to place the eggs under hens, and in a space of two years sixty or seventy young were produced and fifty or sixty grew up. Whoever heard of this matter was astonished. It was said that in the Wilāyat (Persia?) the people there had made great efforts, but no eggs were produced and no young were obtained.

In these days I increased the mansab of Mahābat K͟hān by 1,000 personal and 500 horse, which thus became 4,000 personal and 3,500 horse. The mansab of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, original and increased, was fixed at 4,000 personal and 1,000 horse. To the mansab of Mahā Singh also an increase of 500 personal and horse was given: it was originally and with increase 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. The mansab of Iʿtiqād K͟hān was increased by 500 personal and 200 horse, and made up to 1,000 personal and 300 horse. K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan in these days came from the Deccan and waited on me. Daulat K͟hān, who had been appointed to the faujdārship of Allahabad and of the Sarkar of Jaunpur, came and paid his respects: an increase of 500 was made to his mansab, which was 1,000. On the day of culmination (rūz-i-s͟haraf), which was the 19th Farwardīn, I raised the mansab of Sult̤ān K͟hurram, which was 10,000, to 12,000, and made that of Iʿtibār K͟hān, which was 3,000 personal and 1,000 horse, up to 4,000. I raised the mansab of Muqarrab K͟hān from 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse by 500 personal and horse; and increased that of K͟hwāja Jahān, which was 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse, by 500. As these were the days of the New Year, many of the servants (of the State) obtained an increase of their mansabs. On the same day Dulīp came from the Deccan and waited on me. As his father Rāy Rāy Singh had died, I honoured him with the title of Rāy and clothed him in a dress of honour. Rāy Rāy Singh had another son, by [218]name Sūraj Singh. Although Dulīp was his ṭīkā (marked with the ṭīkā) son, he wished Sūraj Singh to succeed him, in consequence of the love that he bore to his mother. When the circumstances of his death were reported to me, Sūraj Singh, in consequence of his want of intelligence and tender years, represented to me: “My father has made me his successor and given me the ṭīkā.” This remark was not to my liking, and I said: “If thy father has given the ṭīkā to thee, we shall give it to Dulīp.” Then marking the ṭīkā with my own hand, I presented the latter with his father’s jagir and hereditary possessions. I bestowed on Iʿtimādu-d-daulah an inkstand and jewelled pen. Rūdar, the father of Lakhmī Chand, Raja of Kumaon, who is one of the considerable Rajas of the hill country, had come in the time of the late King Akbar,16 and when he came had petitioned17 that the son of Rāja Ṭoḍar Mal might take him by the hand and bring him to wait on him. In consequence, the Raja’s (Ṭoḍar Mal’s) son had been appointed to bring him. Lakhmī Chand now similarly asked that the son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah might bring him to pay his respects. I sent S͟hāpūr18 to bring him to wait on me. He laid before me rare things from his own hill country, such as gūnṭh ponies, and birds of prey, such as hawks, jurra (falcons), royal falcons, qat̤ās (yaks), navels of musk, and skins of the musk antelope with the musk-bags on them, swords which in their language they call khānḍā, and daggers which they call kaṭār, and all kinds of things. Amongst the Rajas of this hill country this Raja is well known for the large quantities of gold he has. They say there is a gold-mine in his territory.19 [219]

In order to lay the foundation of a palace at Lahore, I sent there K͟hwāja Jahān K͟hwāja Dūst Muḥammad, who is well skilled in this kind of business.

As the affairs of the Deccan, in consequence of the disagreements among the Sardars and the carelessness of K͟hān Aʿz̤am, did not look well, and the defeat of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān had taken place, I had sent for K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan to make enquiries into the real state of these quarrels. After much enquiry and investigation it became clear that the defeat of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān had been caused by his pride and his sharp temper, and not listening to words (of advice) and partly by the quarrels and want of agreement between the Amirs. Briefly, it had been determined that ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān should start from the direction of Nāsik and Trimbak with the Gujarat army and the Amirs who had been appointed to accompany him. This army had been brought into proper order by trustworthy leaders and zealous Amirs, such as Rāja Rām Dās, K͟hān Aʿlam, Saif K͟hān, ʿAlī Mardān Bahādur, Z̤afar K͟hān, and other servants of the State. The number of the army had passed 10,000 and come up to near 14,000. On the side of Berar it was settled that Rāja Mān Singh, K͟hān Jahān, the Amīru-l-umarā, and many other leaders should proceed. These two armies should be aware of each other’s marches and halts, so that on an appointed day they might catch the enemy between the two. If this rule had been observed and their hearts had been in unison, and self-interest had not come between, it is most probable that Almighty God would have given them the victory of the day. When ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān passed the Ghats and entered the enemy’s country, he did not take care to send runners (qāṣidān) to bring intelligence from the other army, nor did he, in accordance with the arrangements, make his movements harmonise with theirs, so that on an appointed day they might take the enemy between two armies. Rather he relied on his own strength, [220]and considered that if he could gain the victory alone it would be better. This idea fixed itself in his mind, and however much Rām Dās desired him to promise to go forward with due deliberation, it was of no use. The enemy, who were observing him closely, had sent a large number of leaders and Bargīs (Mahrattas) against him, and encounters took place with them every day. They did not fail to throw rockets and different fireworks at night. At last the enemy drew near, and yet he obtained no intelligence about the other army, though he had approached Daulatabad, which was the place of assembly of the Dakhanis. ʿAmbar, the black-faced, had raised to sovereignty a child who, in his opinion, bore relationship to the family of Niz̤āmu-l-mulk. In order that men might fully accept his (the child’s) sovereignty, he raised him up and took him by the hand, and made himself the Peshwa and leader. He sent men again and again (against ʿAbdu-llah), and the number of the enemy was continually increasing till at last they made an attack, and by throwing rockets and other fireworks made matters hot for him.20 At length the loyalists thought it best, as no assistance had come to them from the other army and all the Dakhanis had turned against them, to retreat at once and try some other arrangement. All agreed, and with one consent started off before dawn. The Dakhanis followed them to the boundaries of their own country, and the two armies, meeting every day, did not fail in fighting. In these days several of the ambitious and zealous young men were killed. ʿAlī Mardān K͟hān Bahādur, behaving like a brave man, carried away terrible wounds and fell into the hands of the enemy, and showed his companions an example of fidelity to his salt and of life-sacrifice. Ẕū-l-faqār Beg also displayed manly actions, and a rocket struck him on [221]the leg, and two days afterwards he died. When they entered the country of Rāja Bharjū,21 who was one of those loyal to the throne, that body (the enemy) turned back, and ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān proceeded towards Gujarat. The real truth is this, that if in going he had drawn his rein (gone slowly) and allowed the other army to have come up to him, the matter would have turned out according to the wish of the chief men of the victorious State.22 As soon as the news of the retreat of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān reached the leaders of the army that was advancing from Berar, not seeing any advantage from further stay, they also retired, and joined the camp of Parwiz at ʿĀdilābād in the neighbourhood of Burhanpur. When this intelligence reached me at Agra I was greatly agitated, and proposed to go there myself and destroy root and branch those servants who had become masters. The Amirs and other devoted ones would in no way consent to this. K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan represented that as no one understood the business of that region as the Khankhanan did I ought to send him, and that he should again arrange matters that had fallen into disorder, and according to the exigencies of the time should compose differences so that affairs might return to their original condition. Other well-wishers being consulted, all their opinions were at one in this, that the Khankhanan must be sent and that K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan should accompany him. Agreeing with this determination, those who had charge of the affairs of the Khankhanan and his companions obtained leave to go on Sunday, the 17th Urdībihis͟ht, in the 7th year. S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān, K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, Razzāq-birdī Ūzbeg, and several others of his associates paid their parting salutations on the same day. The Khankhanan was promoted to the rank of 6,000 personal, S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān [222]to that of 3,000 and horse, that of Dārāb K͟hān increased by 500 personal and 300 horse (altogether 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse), and to Raḥman-dād, his (the Khankhanan’s) younger son, I also gave a fitting mansab. I presented the Khankhanan with a grand dress of honour, a jewelled dagger, a special elephant with talāyir (accoutrements), and an Iraq horse. In the same way I bestowed on his sons and companions dresses of honour and horses. In the same month Muʿizzu-l-mulk came from Kabul with his sons, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. S͟hyām Singh and Rāy Mangat Bhadauriya, who belonged to the army of Bangash, according to the request of Qilīj K͟hān, were promoted to higher mansabs. S͟hyām Singh had 1,500 personal and was increased by 500, and Rāy Mangat was also raised to a higher rank.

For a long time past news had come of the illness of Āṣaf K͟hān; sometimes the disease was got under and sometimes recurred, until he died at Burhanpur in the 63rd year of his age. His understanding and capacity were very good. He was very quick-witted. He also wrote poetry. He composed “K͟husrau and S͟hīrīn,” dedicating it to me, and called it the “Nūr-nāma” (the writing of light).23 He had been ennobled in the time of my revered father and made Vizier. In the days when I was a prince he had several times done foolish things, and most men, and indeed K͟husrau himself, were of opinion that after my accession I would do unpleasant things (with regard to him). In a manner contrary to what had entered the minds of himself and others, I favoured him and promoted him to the rank of 5,000 personal and horse, and after he had for some time been Vizier with full authority, neglected no point in increasing favour towards him. After his death I gave mansabs to his sons and bestowed kindnesses on them. At last [223]it was clear that his disposition and sincerity were not as they should be, and, considering his own evil deeds, he had always been suspicious with regard to me. They say he was aware of the conspiracy and disturbance that took place on the Kabul expedition, and had given support to the wretches. Indeed, I had no confidence that notwithstanding my favour and kindness to him he was not disloyal and of perverse fortune.

After a short space of time, on the 25th of the same month of Urdībihis͟ht, the news of Mīrzā G͟hāzī’s death arrived. The said Mīrzā was of the ruling family of Thatta (Tatta), of the tribe of Tark͟hānī. His father, Mīrzā Jānī, in the time of my revered father became loyal, and with the Khankhanan, who had been appointed to his province, he had the good fortune to have the honour of waiting on Akbar near Lahore. By the royal favour he was given his own province, and, choosing himself to serve at Court, he sent his men to the charge and administration of Thatta, and remained in the service while he lived. At last he died at Burhanpur. Mīrzā G͟hāzī K͟hān, his son, who was at Thatta, in accordance with the firman of the late king obtained the government of that country. Saʿīd K͟hān, who was at Bhakar (Bukkur), received an order to console him and bring him to Court. The aforesaid K͟hān sent men to him to recommend loyalty to him. At last, having brought him to Agra, he procured him the honour of kissing the feet of my revered father. He was at Agra when my father died and I ascended the throne. After I arrived at Lahore for the pursuit of K͟husrau news came that the Amirs on the borders of Khurasan had assembled together and proceeded against Qandahar, and that S͟hāh Beg, the governor of that place, was shut up in the fort and looking out for assistance. Of necessity an army was appointed for the relief of Qandahar under the leadership of Mīrzā G͟hāzī and other Amirs and generals. When this army reached the [224]neighbourhood of Qandahar, the army of Khurasan, not seeing in themselves the power to await it, returned. Mīrzā G͟hāzī, having entered Qandahar, handed over the country and the fort to Sardār K͟hān, who had been appointed to the government of the place, and S͟hāh Beg went to his own jagir. Mīrzā G͟hāzī started for Lahore by way of Bhakar. Sardār K͟hān was only a short time at Qandahar before he died, and that province was again in need of a leader and master. This time I added Qandahar to Thatta and handed it over to Mīrzā G͟hāzī. From that time till his death he remained there continuously in performance of the duties of its protection and government. His conduct towards the disaffected was excellent. As it was necessary to send a leader to Qandahar in the place of Mīrzā G͟hāzī, I appointed Abū-l-bī Ūzbeg,24 who was at Multan and in that neighbourhood, to that post. I promoted him in rank from 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse to 3,000 personal and horse, and honoured him with the title of Bahād K͟hān and a standard. The governorship of Delhi and the protection and administration of that province was conferred on Muqarrab K͟hān. I dignified Rūp K͟hawāṣṣ, who was one of the personal servants of my revered father, with the title of K͟hawāṣṣ K͟hān, and, giving him the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, bestowed on him the faujdārship of the Sarkar of Qanuj. As I had sought the daughter25 of Iʿtiqād K͟hān, son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, in marriage for K͟hurram, and the marriage [225]festival had been arranged for, I went on Thursday, 18th K͟hūrdād, to his house, and stayed there one day and one night. He (K͟hurram) presented offerings (to me) and he gave jewels26 to the Begams, and to his mothers (including stepmothers) and to the female servants of the harem, and dresses of honour to the Amirs.

I sent ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq, the bakhshi of the palace (dark͟hāna), to settle the country of Thatta (Sind) until a Sardar should be appointed who could conciliate the soldiery and the cultivators, and so bring the province into order. I increased his rank and presented him with an elephant and a shawl (parmnarm), and sent him off. I made Muʿizzu-l-mulk bakhshi in his room. K͟hwāja Jahān, who had been sent to inspect the buildings in Lahore and to arrange about them, came in the end of this month and waited on me. Mīrzā ʿĪsā Tark͟hān, one of the relations of Mīrzā G͟hāzī, had been appointed to the army of the Deccan. I sent for him to arrange about the business of Thatta, and on the same day he had the good fortune to pay his respects. As he was deserving of favour, he was given the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. The disease [226]of k͟hūn-pāra27 had affected my health. By the advice of the physicians on Wednesday, the (date not given) of the said month, I drew about a sir (ās̤ār)28 of blood from my left arm. As great lightness resulted, it occurred to me that if they were to call blood-letting ‘lightening’ it would be well. Nowadays this expression is made use of. To Muqarrab K͟hān, who had bled me, I gave a jewelled khapwa (dagger). Kis͟han Dās, accountant of the elephant department and stable, who from the time of the late king until now has been the clerk in charge of two departments, and for ages had been hopeful of the title of Raja and the rank of 1,000 personal, and before this had been gratified with a title, now had the rank of 1,000 conferred on him. Mīrzā Rustam, son of Sultān Ḥusain Mīrzā Ṣafawī, who had been appointed to the army of the Deccan, I sent for at his request. On Saturday, the 9th of the month of Tīr, he came with his sons and waited on me. He made an offering of a ruby and forty-six royal pearls. I increased the rank of Tāj K͟hān, the governor of Bhakar, who was one of the old Amirs of this State, by 500 personal and horse.

The tale of the death of S͟hajāʿat K͟hān is a very strange affair. After he had performed such services and Islām K͟hān had given him leave to go to the Sarkar of Orissa, one night on the road he was riding on a female elephant chaukandī-dār29 (? in a square howdah or four-pillared canopy), and had given a young eunuch a place behind him. When he left his camp they had [227]fastened up an elephant that was in heat on the road. From the noise of the horses’ hoofs and the movement of the horsemen he attempted to break his chain. On this account a great noise and confusion took place. When this noise reached the ear of the eunuch, he in a state of bewilderment awoke S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, who was asleep or in the insensibility of wine, and said: “An elephant in heat has got loose and is coming in this direction.” As soon as he heard this he became confused and threw himself down from the front of the chaukandi. When he threw himself off his toe struck against a stone and was torn open, and he died in two or three days of that same wound. In short, from hearing this affair I was completely bewildered. That a brave man on the mere hearing of a cry or a word coming from a child should become so confused and throw himself down without control from the top of an elephant is in truth a matter of amazement. The news of this event reached me on the 19th of the month of Tīr. I consoled his sons with kindnesses and the conferring of offices. If this accident had not happened to him, as he had done notable service, he would have obtained exaltation with greater favours and kindnesses.

“One cannot strive against destiny.”

Islām K͟hān had sent 160 male and female elephants from Bengal; they were brought before me and placed in my private elephant stables. Rāja Tekchand, the Raja of Kumaon, asked for leave to depart. As in the time of my father there had been given to his father 100 horses, I gave him the same number as well as an elephant, and while he was at Court bestowed on him dresses of honour and a jewelled dagger. Also to his brothers I gave dresses of honour and horses. I presented him with his territory according to previous arrangements, and he went back to his home happy and successful. [228]

It happened incidentally that this verse of the Amīru-l-umarā was quoted:—

“Pass, O Messiah, o’er the heads of us slain by love;

Thy restoring one life is worth a hundred murders.”30

As I have a poetical disposition I sometimes intentionally and sometimes involuntarily compose couplets and quatrains. So the following couplet came into my head:—

“Turn not thy cheek, without thee I cannot live a moment;

For thee to break one heart is equal a hundred murders.”

When I had recited this, everyone who had a poetical vein composed a couplet in the same mode. Mullā ʿAlī Aḥmad,31 the seal-engraver, of whom an account has been given previously, had not said badly—

“O Censor, fear the weeping of the old vintner;

Thy breaking one jar is equal to a hundred murders.”

Abū-l-fatḥ Dakhanī,32 who was one of the most considerable of ʿĀdil K͟hān’s Amirs, and had two years previously taken to being loyal and had entered himself among the leaders of the victorious army, on the 10th [229]of Amurdād waited on me, and being accepted by my grace and favour had bestowed on him a special sword and a robe of honour, and after some days I also gave him a special horse. K͟hwājagī Muḥammad Ḥusain,33 who had gone to Kashmir as the deputy for his brother’s son, when he was satisfied in his mind with the state of affairs of that place, came on the same day and waited on me. As a Sardar was needed to be sent for the governorship of Patna and the rule of that place, it occurred to me to send Mīrzā Rustam. Having raised his rank from 5,000 personal and 1,500 horse to 5,000 personal and horse, on the 26th Jumādā-s̤-s̤ānī, corresponding to the 2nd S͟hahrīwar, I gave him the government of Patna, and bestowing on him a special elephant, a horse with a jewelled saddle, a jewelled sword, and a superb dress of honour, I dismissed him. His sons and the sons of his brother Muzaffar Ḥusain K͟hān Mīrzāʾī were exalted with increased rank, elephants, horses, and dresses of honour, and sent off with him. I appointed Rāy Dulīp to support Mīrzā Rustam. As his residence was near that place, he collected a good body of men for that service. I increased his rank by 500 personal and horse, so that it became 2,000 with 1,000 horse, and also gave him an elephant. Abū-l-fatḥ Dakhanī had obtained a jagir in the Sarkar of Nagpur and that neighbourhood. He was dismissed in order that he might administer his jagir and look to the guarding and government of that country as well. K͟husrau Bī Ūzbeg was appointed to the faujdārship of the Sarkar of Mewar. His rank of 800 personal and 300 horse was now increased to 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and I also presented him with a horse. As I had my eye on the old service of Muqarrab K͟hān, it occurred to me that I must not pass by the desire of his heart. I had [230]increased his rank and he had obtained good jagirs, but he longed for a standard and drums, and he was now honoured with these as well. Ṣāliḥ, the adopted son of K͟hwāja Beg-Mīrzā Ṣafawī, was a youth of great bravery and zeal. I gave him the title of K͟hanjar K͟hān, and made him eager in the service.

On Thursday, the 22nd S͟hahrīwar, corresponding with 17th Rajab, 1021, the feast of my solar weighing took place in the house of Maryam-zamānī. It is an approved custom with me to weigh myself in this manner. The late king Akbar, who was the place of manifestation of kindness and grace, also approved of the custom, and twice in every year weighed himself against several sorts of metals, gold, silver, and many precious articles, once according to the solar and once according to the lunar year, and divided their total value, which was worth about a lakh of rupees, among faqirs and needy people. I also observe this annual custom and weigh myself in the same manner, and give those valuables to faqirs. Muʿtaqid K͟hān, Diwan of Bengal, who had been relieved from that service, produced before me the sons and brothers and some of the servants of ʿUs̤mān, whom Islām K͟hān had sent with him to the Court. The charge of each one of the Afghans was entrusted to a responsible servant. Then he (Muʿtaqid) produced his own offering, which consisted of twenty-five elephants, two rubies, a jewelled phūl kaṭāra34 (a kind of dagger), trustworthy eunuchs, Bengal stuffs, etc. Mīr Mīrān, son of Sult̤ān K͟hwāja, who was in the Deccan army, obtained the honour of kissing the threshold and gave a ruby as an offering. As between Qilīj K͟hān, leader of the army of Bangas͟h [231]on the borders of Kabul, and the Amirs of that Subah who had been sent as companions to him under his leadership, there were quarrels, especially with K͟hān Daurān, I sent K͟hwāja Jahān to make enquiry as to which side was in fault. On the 11th of the month of Mihr, Muʿtaqid K͟hān was appointed to the high dignity of bakhshi, and his mansab was raised to 1,000 personal and 300 horse. Raising for the second time the mansabs of Muqarrab K͟hān a little, I made it 2,500 personal and 1,500 horse by an increase of 500. On the representation of the Khankhanan, Farīdūn K͟hān Barlās was raised to the mansab, original and increase, of 2,500 personal and 2,000 horse. Rāy Manohar received that of 1,000 personal and 800 horse, and Rāja Bīr Singh Deo that of 4,000 personal and 2,200 horse. Bhārat, grandson of Rāmchand Bandīlah, I, after the latter’s death, honoured with the title of Raja. On the 28th Ābān, Zafar K͟hān, having come according to summons from the Subah of Gujarat, waited on me. He brought as offerings a ruby and three pearls. On the 6th Āẕar, corresponding with the 3rd S͟hawwāl, news came from Burhanpur that the Amīru-l-umarā had died on Sunday, the 27th Ābān, in the parganah of Nihālpūr. After the illness he had at Lahore his intelligence appeared to be less, and a great loss of memory happened to him. He was very sincere. It is sad that he left no son capable of patronage and favour. Chīn Qilīj K͟hān came from his father, who was at Peshawar, on the 20th Āẕar, and offered (on his father’s behalf) 100 muhrs and 100 rupees, and also presented the offerings he had of his own in the shape of a horse and cloth stuffs and other things. To the government of Behar I promoted Zafar K͟hān, who is one of the trustworthy house-born ones and foster-children, and increasing his mansab by 500 personal and horse, I made it up to 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, and also honouring his brothers with robes of honour and horses, [232]allowed them to go off to that province. He had always hoped that he might obtain some separate service in order that he might show his natural ability. I also desired to prove him and make this service the touchstone by which to try him. As it was the season for travelling and hunting, on Tuesday, the 2nd Ẕī-l-qaʿda (25th December, 1612), corresponding with the 4th Day, I left Agra with the intention of hunting and encamped in the Dahrah garden, remaining there four days.35 On the 10th of the same month the news came of the death of Salīma Sult̤ān Begam, who had been ill in the city. Her mother was Gul-ruk͟h Begam, daughter of King Bābar, and her father Mīrzā Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad, of the Naqs͟hbandī K͟hwājas. She was adorned with all good qualities. In women this degree of skill and capacity is seldom found. H.M. Humāyūn, by way of kindness (to Bairām), had betrothed her who was his sister’s daughter to Bairām K͟hān. After his death, in the beginning of the reign of the late king Akbar, the marriage took place. After the said K͟hān had been killed, my revered father married her himself. She received mercy (died) in the 60th year of her age.36 On the same day I marched from the Dahrah garden and sent Iʿtimādu-d-daulah to bury her (lit. lift her up), and ordered him to place her in the building in the Mandākar [233]garden which she herself had made. On the 17th of the month of Day, Mīrzā ʿAlī Beg Akbars͟hāhī came from the army of the Deccan and waited on me. K͟hwāja Jahān, whom I had despatched to the Subah of Kabul, returned on the 21st of the same month and waited on me. The time for his going and coming had extended to three months and eleven days. He brought twelve muhrs and twelve rupees as an offering. On the same day Rāja Rām Dās also came from the victorious army of the Deccan and paid his respects, and made an offering of 101 muhrs. As robes of honour for the winter season had not been sent to the Amirs of the Deccan, they were forwarded by the hand of Ḥayāt K͟hān. As the port of Surat had been assigned in jagir to Qilīj K͟hān, he prayed that Chīn Qilīj (his son) might be despatched for its guardianship and administration. On the 27th Day he had a dress of honour, and being honoured with a dress of honour and the title of K͟hān, and a standard, obtained leave to go. For the purpose of advising the Amirs of Kabul, and on account of the disagreements that had sprung up between them and Qilīj K͟hān, I sent Rāja Rām Dās, and bestowed on him a horse and robe of honour and 30,000 rupees for expenses. On the 6th Bahman, when my camp was in the parganah of Bārī, there came the news of the death of K͟hwājagī Muḥammad Ḥusain, who was of the ancient servants of this State. His elder brother, Muḥammad Qāsim K͟hān, in the time of my revered father, found great favour, and K͟hwāja Muḥammad Ḥusain as well was one of his confidential servants, and held employments such as that of superintendent of the kitchen (bakāwul) and such like. He left no son and was beardless, and not a single hair of moustache or whiskers appeared on him. At the time of speaking he spoke very shrilly, and was looked upon as an eunuch. S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān, whom the Khankhanan had sent from Burhanpur to make certain representations, [234]came on the 15th of the same month and waited on me. He presented 100 muhrs and 100 rupees. As the affairs of the Deccan, in consequence of the hasty proceedings of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān and the treachery of the Amirs, did not present a good prospect, the Dakhanis obtained an opportunity for speaking and began to talk of peace to the Amirs and well-wishers there. ʿĀdil K͟hān embraced the robe of loyalty, and prayed that if the affairs of the Deccan were entrusted to him he would so arrange that some of the districts which had been taken out of the possession of the officers of the State should be restored. The loyal ones, looking to the necessities of the time, represented this, and a settlement of some kind was arrived at, and the Khankhanan undertook to settle matters. The K͟hān Aʿz̤am was also desirous of putting down the rebel Rānā, and begged for this service by way of obtaining merit (as a g͟hāzī). He was ordered to go to Malwa, which was his jagir, and after arranging matters there to take up this duty. The mansab of Abū-l-bī Uzbeg37 was increased by 1,000 personal and 500 horse to 4,000 personal and 3,500 horse. My hunting went on for 2 months and 20 days, and during that time I went out every day to hunt. As not more than 50 or 60 days remained before the world-illumining New Year, I returned, and on the 24th Isfandiyār encamped in the Dahrah garden. The courtiers and some of the mansabdars, who by order had remained in the city, came on that day and waited on me. Muqarrab K͟hān presented a decorated jar, Frank hats, and a jewelled sparrow (?). I remained three days in the garden, and on the 27th Isfandiyār entered the city. During this time38 223 head of deer, etc., 95 nilgaw, 2 boars, 36 cranes (or herons), etc., and 1,457 fish were killed. [235]


1 Qūruqchī in I.O. MS. and in Iqbāl-nāma, p. 60. Steingass gives it as meaning one who looks after the king’s game, and as a sentinel. 

2 Text has pūsthā, skins, but I.O. MS. has pūstīnhā

3 Copied from Āyīn. See Jarrett, ii, 115. See also Elliot, vi, 326. 

4 This is equal to one krore, fifty lakhs of rupees. The Sarkar of Orissa was included in Bengal, and its revenue is included in this. (Note of Sayyid Aḥmad.) 

5 Also called S͟haik͟h Kabīr Chis͟htī (Blochmann, p. 519; Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 630). 

6 Perhaps this is only rhetoric, but Abū-l-faẓl describes how lots were cast between him and Rāja Bīrbal as to who should go on the Yūsufzai expedition. 

7 Ichī means a hawk, but the meaning may be a S͟haik͟h of Uch. Acha is given in Zenker as meaning a father in Turki. The Iqbāl-nāma has Ajha. 

8 Text wrongly has Aʿz̤am. See Blochmann, p. 521, note. 

9 Kis͟hwar was the son of Jahāngīr’s foster-brother Qut̤bu-d-dīn, who was killed by Shīr-afgan. 

10 The Iqbāl-nāma and the B.M. MSS. call it Bak͟hla. 

11 These last words seem to be part of S͟hajāʿat’s speech, but see Iqbāl-nāma, p. 63. See also Elliot, vi, 329, and the translation of the Iqbāl-nāma account in Appendix L, Stewart’s Cat. of Tippo Sultan’s MSS., p. 275. The Iqbāl-nāma says that ʿUs̤mān’s corpulence compelled him to ride on an elephant. 

12 The text has dar adhār u t̤arf kih dar taṣarruf-i-ān tīra-rūzgār būd. I do not know if adhār is the name of a place or what its meaning is. The I.O. MSS., Nos. 181 and 305, have arhād. Blochmann, p. 520, on the authority of the Mak͟hzan-i-Afg͟hānī, says the fight took place 100 kos from Dacca and in a place called Nek Ujyāl, and he points out in a note that there are several Ujyāls in Eastern Bengal. Possibly Adhār is Udhār or Uzār, and a corruption of Ujyāl. The ‘hills of Dacca,’ referred to by Blochmann, might be Ran Bhawal or the Madhūpūr jungle. The Riyāẓu-s-salāt̤īn does not mention the site of the battle, and the translator, Maulawī ʿAbdu-s-Salām, has in his note at p. 175 confounded two ʿĪsā K͟hāns, and so drawn groundless inferences. Blochmann points out, p. 520, that the Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā says the prisoners were afterwards put to death. The passage is at vol. ii, p. 632. It says they were put to death by Jahāngīr’s orders by ʿAbdu-llah (who certainly was brute enough for anything). Jahāngīr, Tūzuk, p. 112, mentions the arrival of ʿUs̤mān’s sons and brothers at Court, so that Blochmann’s statement at p. 520 about their being executed on the road is not correct. It appears, too, they came to Court after S͟hajāʿat’s death. Jahāngīr says (Tūzuk, p. 112) he made over the prisoners to responsible servants of government. ʿAbdu-llah may have been one of these, and have got rid of his prisoners by killing them. It would appear that the battle with ʿUs̤mān took place to the east or south-east of Dacca, and not near Orissa, as Stewart supposed. 

13 The lines occur in Ḥāfiz̤ʾ divān, under the letter M, Brockhaus’ ed., No. 396, but Jahāngīr has missed out two lines in his quotation. An Indian lithograph has rak͟ht in the first line instead of ṣabr, but the latter reading occurs in Brockhaus. In the fourth line nargis is a mistake for tīrkas͟h. Tīr-i-falak, ‘the arrow of the spheres,’ is also a name for the planet Mercury. Tīrkas͟h-i-Jauzā means both a particular constellation in the sign Gemini, which is supposed to resemble a quiver in appearance, and also the strings of a musical instrument. The meaning of the lines seems to be, “I have been wounded by the shaft of heaven: give me wine that I may become intoxicated and be able to tie a knot in the quiver-girdle of the Gemini.” The appositeness of the fāl is not very apparent, but the mention of an arrow was taken to be an allusion to the death of ʿUs̤mān by a shot from an unknown hand. 

14 Elliot, vi, 331. 

15 They call this in the English language a turkey, and the people of India call it pīrū; Persian-knowing Indians call it in Persian fīlmurg͟h. They are now plentiful in India. (Note of Sayyid Aḥmad.) 

16 Akbar-nāma, iii, 533. It was in the 33rd year. 

17 He asked Ṭoḍar Mal’s protection, but the son was sent (Akbar-nāma, iii, 533). 

18 This name is not in all the MSS. It is another name for Iʿtiqād, son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah. 

19 Blochmann, p. 508. 

20 Elliot, vi, 333. 

21 Raja of Baglāna. 

22 A periphrasis for Jahāngīr himself. 

23 The history of Nūr, i.e. the history of Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr. 

24 Should be Abū-n-nabī. See infra

25 This was Arjumand Bānū or Mumtāz-maḥall, the favourite wife of S͟hāh Jahān and the mother of fourteen of his children. She was the niece of Nūr-Jahān, her father being Nūr-Jahān’s brother, the Āṣaf K͟hān IV and Abū-l-ḥasan of Beale, who also had the names of Iʿtiqād K͟hān and Yamīnu-d-daulah. There is an account of the betrothal and wedding in the Pāds͟hāh-nāma, i, 388. It seems that the betrothal took place five years and three months before the marriage, and when S͟hāh Jahān was 15 years old. At the time of the marriage S͟hāh Jahān was 20 years and 3 months old and Arjumand Bānū was 19 years and 1 month. 18th K͟hūrdād, 1021, would correspond to about the end of May, 1612, but the Pāds͟hāh-nāma gives the eve of Friday, 9th Rabīʿu-l-awwal of 1021, corresponding to 22nd Urdībihis͟ht, as the day of the marriage. This would correspond to 30th April, 1612, so that apparently Jahāngīr’s visit to the house (apparently Iʿtimādu-d-daulah’s, but possibly S͟hāh Jahān’s) took place about a month after the marriage. Arjumand Bānū died in childbed at Burhanpur in 1040, or July, 1631, the chronogram being one word, viz. g͟ham, ‘grief.’ She must have been born in 1591, and was in her 40th year when she died. She was not S͟hāh Jahān’s first wife, for he was married to the daughter of Muz̤affar Ḥusain Ṣafawī, a descendant of S͟hāh Ismaʿīl of Persia, in September, 1610 (Rajab, 1019), but the betrothal to Arjumand was earlier than this. It was in Arjumand’s honour that the Tāj was built. 

26 Tūrhā. The corresponding passage in the Iqbāl-nāma, p. 67, last line, shows that jewels are meant. The text omits the preposition ba before Begamān

27 K͟hūn-pāra, ‘congestion of blood’; pāra or bāra is used to mean a collection or gathering. See Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 221, where we have bāra yaʿnī jamʿī. Erskine, in spite of his MS., reads chūn pāra and translates ‘as quicksilver.’ 

28 Ās̤ār, which, according to Forbes, is a sir weight. 

29 Perhaps it was only what is called a chār-jāma and not an enclosed howdah. 

30 The reference is to the Messiah as the restorer to life by His breath. For baguẕar, ‘pass by,’ Erskine had in his MS. maguẕar, ‘pass not.’ Apparently the verse means that it is more meritorious for the Messiah to restore one man to life than it is for another to slay a hundred infidels. 

31 ʿAlī Aḥmad died suddenly two years before this, unless indeed the passage at p. 169 refers to the mimic and not to ʿAlī Aḥmad. Probably the meaning is that ʿAlī Aḥmad had made this couplet on some previous occasion, and that one of the courtiers now quoted it. His verse about the hundred murders may contain a play on the word k͟hūn, ‘blood,’ and refer to the spilling of the blood-like wine. It is difficult to understand how Jahāngīr came to introduce the verse into his Memoirs here. It does not seem to have any connection with the account of the Raja of Kumaon. Jahāngīr says it was quoted ‘incidentally,’ bā taqarrubī. Perhaps the word here means ‘by way of parody,’ or ‘by way of paraphrase.’ In the MS. used by Erskine the words of the first line seem to be Maguẕar Masīḥ bar sar-i-mā, and so Erskine translates “Pass not, O Messiah, over the heads of us victims of love.” Perhaps maguẕar means ‘do not pass by.’ 

32 This is the Dakhanī chief mentioned previously at p. 192. 

33 Blochmann, p. 485. He acted in Kashmir for his brother Hās͟him. 

34 The kaṭāra was a long, narrow dagger. See Blochmann’s Āyīn, pl. xli, fig. 9. But the word phūl (flower) is obscure. Perhaps it means the knot or crochet of jewels called by Chardin, iv, 164, ed. Rouen, “une enseigne ronde de pierreries,” and which, he says, the Persians called ‘rose de Poignard.’ 

35 He must have remained more than four days, for he got the news of Salīma’s death while in the garden. See infra. Perhaps the date 10th refers to Day and not to Ẕī-l-qaʿda. The Dahrah garden was in the environs of Agra. 

36 This statement is wrong. Salīma was 76 when she died, she having been born on 4th S͟hawwāl, 945, or 23rd February, 1539. She died on or about 10th Ẕī-l-qaʿda, 1021 (2nd January, 1613), so that she was 73 solar years old. See note in B.M. MS. Or. 171, Rieu, 257a, and an article in J.A.S.B. for 1906. The note is by the author of the Tārīk͟h-i-Muḥammadī and is at 72a of the B.M. MS. Or. 171, and the corresponding passage appears in MS. Or. 182, on p. 140. The chronogram of Salīma’s birth was K͟hūs͟h-ḥāl, which yields 945. She was about 3½ years older than Akbar. 

37 The real name appears to be Abū-n-nabī. He had the title of Bahādur K͟hān. See Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, i, 400. In the Akbar-nāma, iii, 820 and 839, he is called Abū-l-Baqā

38 This must refer to the 2 months and 20 days of hunting. 

[Contents]

The Eighth New Year after the auspicious Accession.

The eighth year after my accession, corresponding with Muḥarram, 1022. On the night of Thursday, the 27th Muḥarram, corresponding with the 1st Farwardīn in the eighth year after my accession, after 3½ gharis of day had elapsed, his honour the sun passed from the constellation of Pisces to that of Aries, which is his abode of rejoicing and victory. Early in the morning of the New Year’s Day the feast was prepared and adorned after the custom of every year. At the end of that day I sat on the throne of State, and the Amirs and ministers of the State and the courtiers of the palace came to salute and congratulate me. On these days of happy augury I sat the whole day in the public audience hall. Those who had anything to ask or claim presented their petitions, and the offerings of the servants of the palace were laid before me. Abū-l-bī, governor of Qandahar, had sent for an offering Iraq horses and hunting dogs, and they were brought before me. On the 9th of the same month Afẓal K͟hān came from the Subah of Behar, and in waiting on me presented 100 muhrs and 100 rupees, as well as an elephant. On the 12th the offering of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah was laid before me, consisting of jewels, cloths, and other things. That which pleased me attained to the dignity of acceptance. Of the elephants of Afẓal K͟hān’s offering ten others were inspected on this day. On the 13th the offerings of Tarbiyat K͟hān were laid before me. Muʿtaqid K͟hān bought a house at Agra, and passed some days in that place. Misfortunes happened to him one after another. We have heard that prosperity and bad luck depend on four things: first, upon your wife; second, upon your slave; third upon your house; fourth, upon your horse. In order to know the prosperity or ill-luck of a house a rule has been established, indeed they [236]say it is infallible. One must clear a small piece of the site from earth, and again strew the earth upon the same ground. If it cover it, one may call it middling good fortune for that house, neither prosperity nor misfortune; if it become less (i.e. does not cover it exactly) it points to ill-luck, and if it does more (than cover it) it is fortunate and auspicious. On the 14th the mansab of Iʿtibār K͟hān was raised from 1,000 and 300 horse to 2,000 personal and 500 horse. I increased the mansab of Tarbiyat K͟hān by 500 personal and 50 horse, so that it became 2,000 personal and 850 horse. Hūs͟hang, son of Islām K͟hān, who was in Bengal with his father, came at this time and paid his respects. He brought with him some Maghs, whose country is near Pegu and Arracan, and the country is still in their possession. I made some enquiries as to their customs and religion. Briefly they are animals in the form of men. They eat everything there is either on land or in the sea, and nothing is forbidden by their religion. They eat with anyone. They take into their possession (marry) their sisters by another mother. In face they are like the Qarā Qalmāqs, but their language is that of Tibet and quite unlike Turkī. There is a range of mountains, one end of which touches the province of Kās͟hg͟har and the other the country of Pegu. They have no proper religion or any customs that can be interpreted as religion. They are far from the Musulman faith and separated from that of the Hindus.

Two or three days before the S͟haraf (the sun’s highest point) my son K͟hurram desired me to go to his house that he might present his New Year’s offerings from that place. I agreed to his request, and remained for one day and one night at his house. He presented his offerings. I took what I approved of and gave him back the rest. The next day Murtaẓā K͟hān presented his offerings. Every day until the day of culmination (rūz-i-s͟haraf) the offerings of one or of two or three of the Amirs were laid before me. [237]On Monday, the 19th Farwardīn, the assembly of the S͟haraf was held. On that auspicious day I sat on the throne of State, and an order was given that they should produce all sorts of intoxicating things, such as wine, etc., so that every one according to his desire might take what he liked. Many took wine. The offerings of Mahābat K͟hān were on this day brought to me. I gave one gold muhr of 1,000 tolas, which is called the star of destiny (kaukab-i-t̤āliʿ), to Yādgār ʿAlī K͟hān, the ambassador of the ruler of Iran. The feast went off well. After the assembly broke up I ordered that they might carry off the furniture and decorations. The offering of the Muqarrab K͟hān had not been arranged on New Year’s Day. All sorts of rareties and excellent presents were now produced which he had collected together. Amongst others, twelve Iraq and Arab horses that had been brought in a ship, and jewelled saddles of Frank workmanship1 were produced before me. To the mansab of Nawāzis͟h K͟hān 500 horse were added so as to make it one of 2,000 personal and horse. An elephant called Bansībadan, which Islām K͟hān had sent from Bengal, was brought to me and put among my special elephants. On the 3rd Urdībihis͟ht, K͟hwāja Yādgār, brother of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, came from Gujarat and waited on me; he offered 100 Jahāngīrī muhrs. After he had been in attendance a few days he was honoured with the title of Sardār K͟hān. As a competent bakhshi had to be sent to the army of Bangas͟h and those regions, I chose Muʿtaqid K͟hān for this duty, and increased his mansab by 300 personal and 50 horse so that it became 1,500 with 350 horse, and dismissed him. It was settled that he must go quickly. I sent off Muḥammad Ḥusain Chelebī, who understood the purchase of jewels and collecting curiosities, with money to go by [238]way of Iraq to Constantinople and buy and bring for the Sarkar curiosities and rareties. For this purpose it was necessary that he should pay his respects to the ruler of Iran. I had given him a letter and a memorandum (of what he was to procure). Briefly, he saw my brother, S͟hāh ʿAbbās, in Mashhad, and the king enquired from him what kind of things should be brought for his master’s Sarkar. As he was urgent, Chelebī showed the list he had brought with him. In that list there were entered good turquoise and mūmīyā (bitumen) from the mine of Ispahan. He told him that these two articles were not to be bought, but he would send them for me. He authorized Uwaisī Tūpchī (gunner), who was one of his private servants, to hand over to him six bags (ambāncha) of turquoise earth holding about 30 seers, with 14 tolas of mumiya and four Iraq horses, one of which was a piebald, and he wrote a letter containing many, many expressions of friendship. With regard to the inferior quality of the turquoise dust (k͟hāka) and the small quantity of mumiya he made many apologies. The khaka appeared very inferior. Although the jewellers and makers of rings made every endeavour, no stone that was fit to be made into a finger ring could be produced. Probably in these days turquoise dust is not procurable from the mines such as it was in the time of the late king T̤ahmāsp. He mentioned all this in the letter. With regard to the effect of mumiya I had heard much from scientists, but when I tried it no result was apparent. I do not know whether physicians have exaggerated its effect, or whether its efficacy had been lessened by its being stale. At any rate, I gave it to a fowl with a broken leg to drink in larger quantity than they said and in the manner laid down by the physicians, and rubbed some on the place where it was broken, and kept it there for three days, though it was said to be sufficient to keep it from morning till evening. But after I had examined it, no effect was produced, and [239]the broken place remained as it was.2 In a separate letter the Shah had written a recommendation of Salāmu-llah, the Arab. I immediately increased his mansab and his jagir.

I sent one of my private elephants with trappings to ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān and gave another to Qilīj K͟hān. I ordered that assignments (tank͟hwāh) should be made to 12,000 horse on the establishment3 of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān at the rate of three horses and two horses for each trooper. As previously with a view to service in Junagarh I had increased the mansab of his brother Sardār K͟hān by 500 personal and 300 horse, and had afterwards assigned the duty to Kāmil K͟hān, I ordered that he should retain his increase and that it should be counted (permanently) in his mansab. I increased the rank of Sarfarāz K͟hān, which was that of 1,500 personal and 500 horse, by 200 horse more. On the 27th Urdībihis͟ht, corresponding with the 26th Rabīʿu-l-awwal, in the eighth year of my reign, in the year 1022 of the Hijra era, on Thursday, the meeting for my lunar weighing took place in the house of Maryam-zamānī (his mother). Some of the money that was weighed I ordered to be given to the women and the deserving ones who had assembled in my mother’s house. On the same day I increased by 1,000 the mansab of Murtaẓā K͟hān, so that it came to 6,000 personal and 5,000 [240]horse. K͟husrau Beg, a slave of Mīrzā K͟hān, came from Patna in the company of ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq Maʿmūrī and waited on me, and Sardār K͟hān, brother of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, obtained leave to go to Ahmadabad. An Afghan had brought from the Carnatic two goats that had pāzahar (bezoar stones, an antidote against poison). I had always heard that an animal that has pazahar is very thin and miserable, but these goats were very fat and fresh. I ordered them to kill one of them, which was a female. Four pazahar stones became apparent, and this caused great astonishment.

It is an established fact that cheetahs in unaccustomed places do not pair off with a female, for my revered father once collected together 1,000 cheetahs. He was very desirous that they should pair, but this in no way came off. He had many times coupled male and female cheetahs together in gardens, but there, too, it did not come off. At this time a male cheetah, having slipped its collar, went to a female and paired with it, and after two and a half months three young ones were born and grew up. This has been recorded because it appeared strange. As cheetahs did not pair with cheetahs, (still less) had it ever been heard in former times(?) that tigers mated in captivity. As in the time of my reign wild beasts have abandoned their savagery, tigers have become so tame that troops of them without chains or restraint go about amongst the people, and they neither harm men nor have any wildness or alarm. It happened that a tigress became pregnant and after three months bore three cubs; it had never happened that a wild tiger after its capture had paired. It had been heard from philosophers that the milk of a tigress was of great use for brightening eyes. Although we made every effort that the moisture of milk should appear in her breasts, we could not accomplish it. It occurs to me that as it is a raging creature, and milk appears in the breasts of mothers by reason of the affection they have for their [241]young, as milk4 comes into their breasts in connection with their young ones drinking and sucking at the time of their taking (the milk), their (the mothers’) rage increases and the milk in their breasts is dried up.

At the end of Urdībihis͟ht, K͟hwāja Qāsim, brother of K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz, who is of the Naqs͟hbandī K͟hwājas, came from Māwarāʾa-n-nahr and waited on me. After a few days 12,000 rupees were given to him as a present. As K͟hwāja Jahān had made a melon-bed in the neighbourhood of the city, when two watches of day had passed on Thursday, the 10th K͟hūrdād, I got into a boat and went to inspect the melon-bed, and took the ladies with me. We reached there when two or three gharis of day were left, and passed the evening in walking among the beds. A wonderfully sharp wind and whirlwind sprang up, so that the tents and screens fell down. I got into the boat and passed the night in it. I also passed part of the Friday in walking about the melon-bed, and returned to the city. Afẓal K͟hān, who for a long time had been afflicted with boils and other sores, died on the 10th K͟hūrdād. I transferred the jagir and hereditary land of Rāja Jagman, who had failed in his service in the Deccan, to Mahābat K͟hān. S͟haik͟h Pīr, who is one of the emancipated ones who hold aloof from the attachments of the age, and who on account of the pure friendship that he bears towards me has chosen to be my companion and servant, had before this founded a mosque in the parganah of Mairtha, which is his native place. At this time he took occasion to mention the circumstance. As I found his mind bent on the completion of this building I gave him 4,000 rupees, so that he himself might go and expend it, and also gave him a valuable [242]shawl and dismissed him. In the public audience hall there were two railings (maḥjar) of wood. Inside the first, Amirs, ambassadors, and people of honour sat, and no one entered this circle without an order. Within the second railing, which is broader than the first, the mansabdars of inferior rank,5 ahadis, and those who had work to do are admitted. Outside this railing stand the servants of the Amirs and all the people who may enter the Diwankhana. As there was no difference between the first and second railings, it occurred to me that I should decorate the first with silver. I ordered this railing and the staircase that led from this railing to the balcony of the Jharokha, as well as the two elephants placed on the two sides of the seat of the Jharokha, which skilful people had made of wood, to be decorated with silver. After this was completed it was reported to me that 125 maunds of silver in Hindustani weight, equal to 880 maunds of Persia, had been used up; indeed, it now assumed a worthy appearance.

On the 3rd of the month of Tīr, Muz̤affar K͟hān came from Thatta6 and waited on me. He made an offering of twelve muhrs and a Koran with a jewelled cover, and two jewelled roses(?) (dū gul). On the 14th of the same month Ṣafdar K͟hān came from the Subah of Behar and waited on me, offering 101 muhrs. After Muz̤affar K͟hān had been some days in attendance, I increased his former mansab by 500 personal, and giving him a standard and a private shawl dismissed him to Thatta.7

I knew that every animal or living thing bitten by a mad dog died, but this had not been ascertained in [243]the case of an elephant. In my time it so happened that one night a mad dog came into the place where was tied one of my private elephants, Gajpatī8 by name, and bit the foot of a female elephant that was with mine. She at once cried out. The elephant-keepers at once ran in, and the dog fled away into a thorn-brake that is there. After a little while it came in again and bit my private elephant’s fore-foot as well. The elephant killed it. When a month and five days had passed after this event, one day when it was cloudy the growling of thunder came to the ear of the female elephant, that was in the act of eating, and it of a sudden raised a cry and its limbs began to tremble. It threw itself on the ground, but rose again. For seven days water ran out of its mouth, then suddenly it uttered a cry and showed distress. The remedies the drivers gave it had no effect, and on the eighth day it fell and died. A month after the death of the female elephant they took the large elephant to the edge of the river in the plain. It was cloudy and thundery in the same way. The said elephant in the height of excitement all at once began to tremble and sat down on the ground. With a thousand difficulties the drivers took it to its own place. After the same interval and in the same way that had happened to the female elephant this elephant also died. Great amazement was caused by this affair, and in truth it is a matter to be wondered at that an animal of such size and bulk should be so much affected by a little wound inflicted on it by such a weak creature.

As K͟hānk͟hānan had repeatedly begged for leave to be given to his son S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān, on the 4th Amurdād I gave him a horse and a robe of honour and dismissed him to the Deccan. I promoted Yaʿqūb Badak͟hs͟hī, whose [244]mansab was 150, to 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse, on account of the bravery he had displayed, and gave him the title of K͟hān as well as a standard.

The Hindus are in four divisions, and each of these acts according to its own rules and ways. In every year they keep a fixed day. The first is the caste of the Brahmans,9 that is those who know the Incomparable God. Their duties are of six kinds—(1) to acquire religious knowledge, (2) to give instructions to others, (3) to worship fire, (4) to lead men to the worship of fire, (5) giving something to the needy, (6) taking gifts. There is for this caste an appointed day, and that is the last day of the month of Sāwan, the second month of the rainy season.10 They consider this an auspicious day, and the worshippers go on that day to the banks of rivers and tanks, and recite enchantments, breathe upon cords and coloured threads; on another day, which is the first of the New Year, they fasten them on the hands of the Rajas and great men of the time, and look on them as (good) omens. They call this thread rākhī,11 that is, preservation (nigāh-dās͟ht). This day occurs in the month of Tīr, when the world-heating sun is in the constellation of Cancer. The second caste is that of the Chhatrī, which is known as Khatrī. Their duty is to protect the oppressed from the evil of the oppressors. The customs of this caste are three [245]things—(1) that they study religious science themselves but do not teach others; (2) that they worship fire, but do not teach others to do so; (3) that they give to the needy, but although they are needy take nothing themselves. The day of this caste is the Bijay dasamīn, ‘the victorious tenth.’12 On this day with them it is lucky to mount and go against one’s enemy with an army. Rām Chand, whom they worship as their god, leading his army on that day against his enemy won a victory, and they consider this a great day, and, decorating their elephants and horses, perform worship. This day falls in the month of S͟hahrīwar,13 when the Sun is in the mansion of Virgo, and on it they give presents to those who look after their horses and elephants. The third caste is that of Bais͟h (Vais͟hya). Its custom is this, that they serve the other two castes of which mention has been made. They practise agriculture and buying and selling, and are employed in the business of profit and interest. This caste has also a fixed day which they call the Dewālī; this day occurs in the month of Mihr when the sun is in the constellation of Libra, the 28th day of the lunar month. On the night of that day they light lamps, and friends and those who are dear assemble in each other’s houses and pass their time busily in gambling. As the eyes of this caste are on profit and interest, they consider carrying over and opening new accounts on that day auspicious. The fourth caste is the Sudras, who are the lowest caste of the Hindus. They are the servants of all, and derive no profit from those things which are the specialities of every (other) caste. Thursday is the Holī, which in their belief is the last day of the year. This day occurs in the month of Isfandārmuẕ, when the sun is in the constellation of Pisces. On the night of [246]this day they light fires at the head of the streets and ways, and when it becomes day they for one watch scatter the ashes on each other’s heads and faces, and make a wonderful noise and disturbance, and after this wash themselves, put on their apparel, and walk about in the gardens and on the plains. As it is an established custom of the Hindus to burn the dead, to light fires on this night, which is the last night of the year that has passed, signifies that they burn the last year, which has gone to the abode of the dead. In the time of my revered father the Hindu Amirs and others in imitation of them performed the ceremony of rakhi in adorning him, making strings of rubies and royal pearls and flowers jewelled with gems of great value and binding them on his auspicious arms. This custom was carried on for some years. As they carried this extravagance to excess, and he disliked it, he forbade it. The brahmans by way of auguries used to tie these strings and (pieces of) silk according to their custom. I also in this year carried out this laudable religious practice, and ordered that the Hindu Amirs and the heads of the caste14 should fasten rakhis on my arms. On the day of the rakhi, which was the 9th Amurdād, they performed the same rites, and other castes by way of imitation did not give up this bigotry; this year I agreed to it, and ordered that the brahmans should bind strings (of cotton) and silk after the ancient manner. On this day by chance fell the anniversary of the death of the late king.15 The commemoration of such an anniversary is one of the standing rules and customs in Hindustan. Every year on the day of the death of their fathers and those who [247]are dear to them, each according to his circumstances and ability prepares food and all kinds of perfumes, and the learned men, the respectable and other men assemble, and these assemblies sometimes last a week. On this day I sent Bābā K͟hurram to the venerated tomb to arrange the assemblage, and 10,000 rupees were given to ten trustworthy servants to divide among fakirs and those who were in want.

On the 15th of the month of Amurdād the offering of Islām K͟hān was laid before me. He had sent 28 elephants, 40 horses of that part of the country which are known as ṭānghan, 50 eunuchs, 500 pargāla nafīs sitārkāṅī.16

It had been made a rule that the events of the Subahs should be reported according to the boundaries of each, and news-writers from the Court had been appointed for this duty. This being the rule that my revered father had laid down, I also observe it, and much gain and great advantage are to be brought about by it and information is acquired about the world and its inhabitants. If the advantages of this were to be written down it would become a long affair. At this time the news-writer of Lahore reported that at the end of the month of Tīr ten men had gone from the city to Amānābād, which lies at a distance of 12 kos. As the air was very hot, they took shelter under a tree. Soon afterwards wind and a dust-storm (chakrī) sprang up, and when it blew on that band of men they trembled, and nine of them died under the tree, and only one remained alive; he was ill for a long time, and recovered with great difficulty. In that neighbourhood such bad [248]air was created that numerous birds who had their nests in that tree all fell down and died, and that the wild beasts (beasts of the plain, perhaps cattle) came and threw themselves on to the cultivated fields, and, rolling about on the grass, gave up their lives. In short, many animals perished. On Thursday, the 13th Amurdād, having said my prayers (lit. counted my rosary), I embarked on board a boat for the purpose of hunting in the village of Samonagar, which is one of my fixed hunting-places. On the 3rd S͟hahrīwar, K͟hān ʿĀlam, whom I had sent for from the Deccan in order to despatch him to Iraq in company with the ambassador of the ruler of Iran, came and waited on me at this place. He offered 100 muhrs. As Samonagar was in Mahābat K͟hān’s jagir, he had prepared a delightful halting-place there on the bank of the river, and it pleased me greatly. He presented offerings of an elephant and an emerald ring. The former was put into my private stud. Up to the 6th S͟hahrīwar I was employed in hunting. In these few days 47 head of antelope, male and female, and other animals were killed. At this time Dilāwar K͟hān sent as an offering a ruby, which was accepted. I sent a special sword for Islām K͟hān. I increased the mansab of Hasan ʿAlī Turkumān, which was 1,000 personal and 700 horse, by 500 personal and 100 horse. At the end of Thursday, the 20th of the same month, in the house of Maryam-zamānī, my solar weighing took place. I weighed myself according to the usual custom against metals and other things. I had this year attained to the age of 44 solar years. On the same day Yādgār ʿAlī, ambassador of the ruler of Iran, and K͟hān ʿĀlam, who had been nominated to accompany him from this side, received their leave to go. On Yādgār ʿAlī there were bestowed a horse with a jewelled saddle, a jewelled sword, a vest without sleeves with gold embroidery, an aigrette with feathers and a jīg͟ha (turban ornament), and 30,000 [249]rupees in cash, altogether 40,000 rupees, and on K͟hān ʿĀlam a jewelled khapwa or phūl kaṭāra (a sort of dagger) with a pendant of royal pearls. On the 22nd of the same month I visited the venerated mausoleum of my revered father at Bihis͟htābād, riding on an elephant. On the way 5,000 rupees in small coin were scattered round, and I gave other 5,000 rupees to K͟hwāja Jahān to divide among the dervishes. Having said my evening prayers, I went back to the city in a boat. As the house of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah was on the bank of the river Jumna, I alighted there until the end of the next day. Having accepted what pleased me of his offerings, I went towards the palace; Iʿtiqād K͟hān’s house was also on the bank of the river Jumna; at his request I disembarked there with the ladies, and walked round the houses he had lately built there. This delightful place pleased me greatly. He had produced suitable offerings of cloth stuffs and jewels and other things; these were all laid before me and most of them were approved. When it was near evening I entered the auspicious palace. As the astrologers had fixed an hour in this night for starting for Ajmir, when seven gharis of the night of Monday, the 2nd S͟haʿbān, corresponding with the 24th S͟hahrīwar, had passed, I started in happiness and prosperity with intent to go there from the capital of Agra. In this undertaking two things were agreeable to me, one a pilgrimage to the splendid mausoleum of K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn Chis͟htī, from the blessing of whose illustrious soul great advantages had been derived by this dignified family, and whose venerable shrine I had not visited after my accession to the throne. The second was the defeat and beating back of the rebel Rānā Amar Singh, who is one of the most considerable of the Zamindars and Rajas of Hindustan, and whose headship and leadership and those of his ancestors all the Rajas and Rays of this province agree to. The administration has for long been in the [250]hands of this family, and they have long borne rule towards the East, that is the Pūrab. They became in that time well known under the title of Rajas. After this they fell on the Deccan17 and took possession of many of the countries of that region. In the place of Raja they have taken the title of Rāwal. After this they came into the hill country of Mewāt, and by degrees got into their possession the fort of Chitor. From that date until this day, which is in the eighth year after my accession, 1,471 years have passed.18

There are twenty-six others of this caste who have ruled for 1,010 years. They have the title of Rāwal, and from the Rāwal who was first known as Rāwal down to Rānā Amar Singh, the present Rānā, there are twenty-six individuals who have ruled for the space of 461 years. During this long time they have never bent their necks in obedience to any of the kings of the country of Hindustan, and have for most of the time been rebellious and troublesome, so much so that in the reign of the late king Bābar, Rānā Sāngā collected together all the Rajas, Rays, and Zamindars of this province, and fought a battle in the neighbourhood of Biyāna with 180,000 horse and several lakhs of foot-soldiers. By the aid of Almighty God and the assistance of fortune the victorious army of Islām prevailed against the infidel forces, and a great defeat happened to them. The details of this battle have been given in the Memoirs of King Bābar. My revered father (may his bright tomb be the abode of unending Grace) exerted himself greatly [251]to put down these rebels, and several times sent armies against them. In the twelfth year after his accession he set himself to capture the fort of Chitor, which is one of the strongest forts of the inhabited world, and to overthrow the kingdom of the Rānā, and after four months and ten days of siege took it by force from the men of Amar Singh’s father, after much fighting, and returned after destroying the fort. Every time the victorious forces pressed him hard in order to capture him or make him a fugitive, but it so happened that this was not effected. In the end of his reign, on the same day and hour that he proceeded to the conquest of the Deccan, he sent me with a large army and reliable Sardars against the Rānā. By chance these two affairs, for reasons which it would take too long to recount, did not succeed. At last I came to the throne, and as this matter was only half done, the first army I sent to the borders was this one. Making my son Parwīz its leader, the leading nobles who were at the capital were appointed to this duty. I sent abundant treasure and artillery with him. As every matter depends on its own season, at this juncture the unhappy affair of K͟husrau occurred, and I had to pursue him to the Panjab. The province and the capital of Agra remained void. I had necessarily to write that Parwīz should return with some of the Amirs and take charge of Agra and the neighbourhood. In short, this time again the matter of the Rānā did not go off as it should. When by the favour of Allah my mind was at rest from K͟husrau’s disturbance, and Agra became again the alighting place of the royal standards, a victorious army was appointed under the leadership of Mahābat K͟hān, ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, and other leaders, and from that date up to the time when the royal standards started for Ajmir his country was trodden under foot by the victorious forces. As finally the affair did not assume [252]an approved form, it occurred to me that, as I had nothing to do at Agra, and I was convinced that until I myself went there the affair would not be set to rights, I left the fort of Agra and alighted at the Dahrah garden. On the next day the festival of the Dasahrā took place. According to the usual custom they decorated the elephants and horses, and I had them before me. As the mothers and sisters of K͟husrau repeatedly represented to me that he was very repentant of his deeds, the feelings (lit. sweat) of fatherly affection having come into movement, I sent for him and determined that he should come every day to pay his respects to me. I remained for eight days in that garden. On the 28th news arrived that Rāja Rām Dās, who was doing service in Bangash and the neighbourhood of Kabul with Qilīj K͟hān, had died. On the 1st of the month of Mihr I marched from the garden, and dismissed K͟hwāja Jahān to look after the capital of Agra and guard the treasure and the palace, and gave him an elephant and a special robe (fargul). On the 2nd Mihr news arrived that Rāja Bāso had died in the thanah of Shahabad,19 which is on the border of the territory of Amar. On the 10th of the same month I halted at Rūp Bās, which has now been named Amānābād. Formerly this district had been given as jagir to Rūp K͟hawāṣṣ. Afterwards, bestowing it on Amānu-llah, son of Mahābat K͟hān, I ordered it to be called by his name. Eleven days were passed at this halting-place. As it is a fixed hunting-place, I every day mounted to go hunting, and in these few days 158 antelopes, male and female, and other animals were killed. On the 25th of the month I marched from Amānābād. On the 31st, corresponding with the 8th Ramaẓān, K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, whom I had sent for from Burhanpur, came and waited on me, [253]and presented as offerings 50 muhrs, 15 jewelled vessels, and an elephant, which I placed in my private stud. On the 2nd Ābān, corresponding with the 10th Ramaẓān, news came of the death of Qilīj K͟hān. He was one of the ancient servants of the State, and obtained the mercy of God in the 80th year of his age. He was employed at Peshawar in the duty of keeping in order the Afghans full of darkness.20 His rank was 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse. Murtaẓā K͟hān Dakhanī was unrivalled in the art of pūlta-bāzī, which in the language of the Dakhanis they call yagānagī, and the Moguls s͟hams͟hīr-bāzī, ‘sword-play’ (fencing). For some time I studied it with him. At this time I exalted him with the title of Warzis͟h K͟hān (Exercise-K͟hān). I had established a custom that deserving people and dervishes should be brought before me every night, so that I might bestow on them, after personal enquiry into their condition, land, or gold, or clothes. Amongst these was a man who represented to me that the name Jahāngīr, according to the science of abjad (numerals reckoned by letters), corresponded to the great name “Allah Akbar.”21 Considering this a good omen, I gave him who discovered (this coincidence) land, a horse, cash, and clothing. On Monday, the 5th S͟hawwāl, corresponding to the 26th Ābān, the hour for entering Ajmir was fixed. On the morning of the said day I went towards it. When the fort and the buildings of the shrine of the revered K͟hwāja appeared in sight, I traversed on foot the remainder of the road, about a kos. I placed trustworthy men on both sides of the road, who went along giving money to fakirs and the necessitous. When four gharis of day had passed, I entered the city and its inhabited portion, and in the fifth ghari had the honour of visiting the venerated mausoleum. After visiting it I proceeded to [254]the auspicious palace, and the next day ordered all those present in this honoured resting-place, both small and great, belonging to the city, and travellers, to be brought before me, that they might be made happy with numerous gifts according to their real circumstances. On the 7th Āẕar I went to see and shoot on the tank of Pushkar, which is one of the established praying-places of the Hindus, with regard to the perfection of which they give (excellent) accounts that are incredible to any intelligence, and which is situated at a distance of three kos from Ajmir. For two or three days I shot water-fowl on that tank, and returned to Ajmir. Old and new temples which, in the language of the infidels, they call Deohara22 are to be seen around this tank. Among them Rānā S͟hankar, who is the uncle of the rebel Amar, and in my kingdom is among the high nobles, had built a Deohara of great magnificence, on which 100,000 rupees had been spent. I went to see that temple. I found a form cut out of black stone, which from the neck above was in the shape of a pig’s head, and the rest of the body was like that of a man. The worthless religion of the Hindus is this, that once on a time for some particular object the Supreme Ruler thought it necessary to show himself in this shape; on this account they hold it dear and worship it.23 I ordered them to break that hideous form and throw it into the tank. After looking at this building there appeared a white dome on the top of a hill, to which men were coming from all quarters. When I asked about this they said that a Jogī lived there, and when the simpletons come to see him he places in their hands a handful24 of flour, which they put into their mouths and imitate the cry [255]of an animal which these fools have at some time injured, in order that by this act their sins may be blotted out. I ordered them to break down that place and turn the Jogī out of it, as well as to destroy the form of an idol there was in the dome. Another belief they have is that there is no bottom to this tank. After enquiry it appeared that it is nowhere deeper than 12 cubits. I also measured it round and it was about 1½ kos.

On the 16th Āẕar news came that the watchmen had marked down a tigress. I immediately went there and killed it with a gun and returned. After a few days a nilgaw (blue bull) was killed, of which I ordered them to take off the skin in my presence and cook it as food for the poor. Over 200 people assembled and ate it, and I gave money with my own hand to each of them. In the same month news came that the Franks of Goa had, contrary to treaty, plundered four cargo vessels25 that frequented the port of Surat in the neighbourhood of that port: and, making prisoners a large number of Musulmans, had taken possession of the goods and chattels that were in those ships. This being very disagreeable to my mind, I despatched Muqarrab K͟hān, who is in charge of the port, on the 18th Āẕar, giving him a horse and elephant and a dress of honour, to obtain compensation for this affair. On account of the great activity and good services of Yūsuf K͟hān and Bahāduru-l-mulk in the Subah of the Deccan, I sent standards for them.

It has been written that my chief object, after my visit to the K͟hwāja, was to put a stop to the affair of the rebel Rānā. On this account I determined to remain myself at [256]Ajmir and send on Bābā K͟hurram, my fortunate son. This idea was a very good one, and on this account, on the 6th of Day, at the hour fixed upon, I despatched him in happiness and triumph. I presented him with a qabā (outer coat) of gold brocade with jewelled flowers and pearls round the flowers, a brocaded turban with strings of pearls, a gold woven sash with chains of pearls, one of my private elephants called Fatḥ Gaj, with trappings, a special horse, a jewelled sword, and a jewelled khapwa, with a phūl kaṭāra. In addition to the men first appointed to this duty under the leadership of K͟hān Aʿz̤am, I sent 12,000 more horse with my son, and honoured their leaders, each according to his condition, with special horses and elephants and robes of honour, and dismissed them. Fidāʾī K͟hān was nominated to the paymastership of this army. At the same time Ṣafdar K͟hān was despatched to the government of Kashmir in place of Hāshim K͟hān. He received a horse and robe of honour. On Wednesday, the 11th, K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan was made general paymaster (bak͟hs͟hī-kul), and received a dress of honour. I had ordered them to make a large caldron26 at Agra for the revered mausoleum of the K͟hwāja. On this day it was brought, and I ordered them to cook food for the poor in that pot, and collect together the poor of Ajmir to feed them whilst I was there. Five thousand people assembled, and all ate of this food to their fill. After the food I gave money to each of the dervishes with my own hand. At this time Islām K͟hān, governor of Bengal, was promoted to the mansab of 6,000 personal and horse, and a flag was given to Mukarram K͟hān, son of Muʿāz̤z̤am K͟hān.

On the 1st of Isfandārmuẕ, corresponding with the 10th Muḥarram, 1023 (20th February, 1614), I left [257]Ajmir to hunt nilgaw, and returned on the 9th. I halted at the fountain of Ḥāfiz̤ Jamāl,27 two kos from the city, and passed the night of Friday28 there. At the end of the day I entered the city. In these twenty days ten nilgaw had been killed. As the good service of K͟hwāja Jahān and the smallness of his force for the defence and government of Agra and that neighbourhood were brought to my notice, I increased his mansab by 500 personal and 100 horse. On the same day Abū-l-fatḥ Dakhanī came from his jagir and waited on me. On the 3rd of the same month news came of the death of Islām K͟hān; he had died on Thursday, the 5th Rajab, in the year 1022 (21st August, 1613). In one day, without any previous illness, this inevitable event occurred. He was one of those born and brought up in the house (house-born). The naturally good disposition and knowledge of affairs that showed themselves in him were seen in no one else. He ruled Bengal with entire authority, and brought within the civil jurisdiction of the province countries that had never previously come under the sway of any of the jagirdars or into the possession of any of the Chiefs of the State. If death had not overtaken him he would have done perfect service.

The K͟hān Aʿz̤am had himself prayed that the illustrious prince should be appointed to the campaign against the Rānā, yet, notwithstanding all kinds of encouragement and gratification on the part of my son (S͟hāh Jahān), he would not apply himself to the task, but proceeded to act in his own unworthy manner. When this was heard by me, I sent Ibrāhīm Ḥusain, who was one of my most trusty attendants, to him, and sent affectionate [258]messages to him to say that when he was at Burhanpur he had daily begged this duty of me, as he considered it equivalent to the happiness of both worlds, and had said in meetings and assemblies that if he should be killed in this enterprise he would be a martyr, and if he prevailed, a g͟hāzī. I had given him whatever support and assistance of artillery he had asked for. After this he had written that without the movement of the royal standards to those regions the completion of the affair was not free of difficulty. By his counsel I had come to Ajmir, and this neighbourhood had been thus honoured and dignified. Now that he had himself prayed for the prince, and everything had been carried out according to his counsel, why did he withdraw his foot from the field of battle and enter the place of disagreement? To Bābā K͟hurram, from whom up till now I had never parted, and whom I sent in pure reliance on his (K͟hān Aʿz̤am’s) knowledge of affairs, he should show loyalty and approved good-will, and never be neglectful day or night of his duty to my son. If, contrariwise, he should draw back his foot from what he had agreed to, he must know that there would be mischief. Ibrāhīm Ḥusain went, and impressed these words on his mind in the same detailed way. It was of no avail, as he would not go back from his folly and determination. When Bābā K͟hurram saw that his being in the affair was a cause of disturbance, he kept him under observation and represented that his being there was in no way fitting, and he was acting thus and spoiling matters simply on account of the connection he had with K͟husrau.29 I then ordered Mahābat K͟hān to go and bring him from Udaipur, and told Muḥammad Taqī, the diwan of buildings, to go to Mandesūr and bring his children and dependants to Ajmir.

On the 11th of the month news came that Dulīp, son [259]of Rāy Singh, who was of a seditious and rebellious disposition, had been heavily defeated by his younger brother, Rāo Sūraj Singh, who had been sent against him, and that he was making disturbance in one of the districts of the Sarkar of Ḥiṣṣar. About this time Hāshim of K͟host, the faujdār, and the jagirdars of that neighbourhood seized him, and sent him as a prisoner to Court. As he had misbehaved repeatedly, he was capitally punished, and this was a warning to many of the seditious. In reward for this service an increase of 500 personal and 200 horse was made to the mansab of Rāo Sūraj Singh. On the 14th of the month a representation came from my son Bābā K͟hurram that the elephant ʿĀlam-gumān, of which the Rānā was very fond, together with seventeen other elephants, had fallen into the hands of the warriors of the victorious army, and that his master would also soon be captured.


1 Zīn-i-muraṣṣaʿ kārī-i-Farangī. The MSS. in the B.M. seem to have zaram instead of zīn

2 Jahāngīr’s words seem to imply that he caused the fowl’s leg to be broken in order to try the experiment. Manucci, i, 55, has a good deal to say about mūmīyā, though he admits that he had not himself witnessed its effects. I do not find that Ḥājī Bābā descants on its virtues, though at the end of the first chapter he says that his mother gave him an unguent which she said would cure all fractures. The Persian translator, no doubt rightly, has rendered the word ‘unguent’ by mūmīyā. With regard to the derivation of the word, may it not be connected with mom, ‘wax’? Vullers has a long article on the word. 

3 The text has birādārī, ‘brotherhood,’ but the true reading, as shown by the B.M. MSS., is bar āwardī, بر آوردى, and this means either the establishment of ʿAbdu-llah or a list submitted by him. Perhaps ‘list’ is a better translation, the word āwardī being connected with the āwarda-nawīs of Wilson’s Glossary. 

4 The sentence is very obscure. MS. No. 181 I.O. has k͟hūn, ‘blood,’ instead of chūn, ‘as,’ and perhaps the meaning is blood in the breasts turns to milk on account of love for their cubs, and then the sucking by the latter increases the mother’s natural ferocity and the milk dries up. 

5 In the B.M. MSS. the words are manṣabdārān-i-rīzā-manṣab. These last two words are wanting in the text. 

6 Text Patna, but B.M. MSS. have Thatta. 

7 Text has Patna. 

8 Text Kachhī, but it is Gajpatī in B.M. MSS. 

9 This seems taken from Abū-l-faẓl. See Jarrett, iii, 115. The third duty, which Jahāngīr calls “worshipping fire,” is by Abū-l-faẓl termed Yāg, i.e. sacrifice. 

10 It is the day of the full moon in Sāwan that is holy. 

11 Blochmann, p. 184, and Wilson’s Glossary. Badayūnī (Lowe, p. 269) speaks of Akbar’s wearing the rākhī on the 8th day of Virgo. I do not know why Jahāngīr calls the day after the last day of Sāwan the first day of the New Year. Perhaps rūz-i-duyam here means ‘another day,’ and not ‘the next day’; but then, if so, why is it the rakhi day, for that is in Sāwan? The Hindu New Year begins in Baisākh (April). It will be observed from Jarrett, ii, 17, that Sāwan is also the name of a month of a particular length. Perhaps Jahāngīr has confused the two things. 

12 It is the 10th of Aswīn (September). 

13 The text wrongly has dar har māh instead of only dar mah

14 The negative in text is wrong apparently. It does not occur in MS. No. 181 I.O. nor in the B.M. MSS., which have ba instead of na

15 That is, 9th Amurdād corresponded with the Ḥijra date of Akbar’s death, viz. 13th Jumādā-s̤-s̤ānī, which this year, 1022, occurred in July. According to the solar calendar Akbar’s death was in October. 

16 Pargālas seem to be clothes of some sort. Perhaps the word is another form of the fargūl of Blochmann, p. 89. The text has sitārkāni. Sitār means a veil, but probably we should read Sonargāoni, ‘of Sonargaon.’ Both the MSS. give the number of elephants as 68 instead of 28 as in text. 

17 See Jarrett, ii, 268, where it is said that an ancestor of Bāppa came to Berar. 

18 According to Tod, Bāppa, the ancestor of the Rānā, acquired Chitor in A.D. 728. Jahāngīr makes twenty-six princes rule for 1,010 years and twenty-six others only reign for 461 years! Tod says the legendary ancestor Kenek Sen, the sixty-third from Loh, the son of Rām, emigrated from the Panjab to Gujarat in 145 A.D. Perhaps the Mewāt of the Tūzuk is a mistake for Mewār. 

19 Probably the town of that name in the Rajputana State of Jhalāwar. See “Rajputana Gazetteer,” ii, 211. 

20 The Raus͟hanīs, called by their enemies the Tārīkīs. 

21 Both Jahāngīr and Allah Akbar yield 288. 

22 Sanskrit Devaharā, ‘an idol temple.’ 

23 “Rajputana Gazetteer,” ii, 69. 

24 Instead of kaff ārdi, ‘a handful of flour,’ the R.A.S. MS. has kaf az way, ‘his spittle,’ and this seems more likely. 

25 Text ajnabī, ‘foreign’ or ‘strange,’ and Dowson had the same reading, for at vi, 337, we have the translation ‘ships engaged in the foreign trade of Surat.’ But I adopt the reading of I.O. MS. 181, which is ajnāsī, as it does not seem likely that Jahāngīr would interest himself about ‘foreign’ ships. 

26 “Rajputana Gazetteer,” ii, 63. There are now two large caldrons (dīg) inside the dargūh enclosure. 

27 Ḥāfiz̤ Jamāl was the name of the saint Muʿīnu-d-dīn’s daughter (“Rajputana Gazetteer,” ii, 62). It lies at the back of the Taragarh hill, and is now commonly called Nūr-chas͟hma. The fountains, etc., are in a ruined state. Sir Thomas Roe visited this place (id., p. 123). 

28 S͟hab-i-jumʿa, which is Friday eve according to Blochmann. 

29 K͟husrau was married to his daughter. 

[Contents]

The Ninth New Year’s Feast after my auspicious Accession.

The commencement of the ninth year after my auspicious accession, corresponding with the Hijra year 1023 (1614).

Two watches and one ghari had passed on the night of Friday, the 9th Ṣafar (21st March, 1614), when the world-warming sun shed his rays on the constellation of Aries, which is his house of dignity and honour; it was the first morning of the month of Farwardīn. The assembly for the New Year’s festival took place in the pleasant regions of Ajmir, and at the time of entry (of the sun into Aries), which was the propitious hour, I seated myself on the throne of good fortune. They had in the usual manner decorated the palace with rare cloth-stuffs and jewels and gem-decked things. At this [260]auspicious moment the elephant ʿĀlam-gumān,1 which was fit to be entered in the private stud, with the seventeen other male and female elephants which my son Bābā K͟hurram had sent of the Rānā’s elephants, were presented before me, and the hearts of the loyal rejoiced. On the 2nd day of the New Year, knowing it to be propitious for a ride, I mounted it and scattered about much money. On the 3rd I conferred on Iʿtiqād K͟hān a mansab of 3,000 personal and 1,000 horse, increasing thus that which he had already, which was of 2,000 personal and 500 horse, and I distinguished him with the title of Āṣaf K͟hān, with which title two of his family had been previously honoured. I also increased the mansab of Dayānat K͟hān by 500 personal and 200 horse. At the same time I promoted Iʿtimādu-d-daulah to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 2,000 horse. At the request of Bābā K͟hurram I increased the mansab of Saif K͟hān Bārha by 500 personal and 200 horse, that of Dilāwar K͟hān by the same number, that of Kis͟han Singh by 500 horse, and that of Sarfarāz K͟hān by 500 personal and 300 horse. On Sunday, the 10th, the offering of Āṣaf K͟hān was produced before me, and on the 14th Iʿtimādu-d-daulah produced his own offering. From these two offerings I took what pleased me and gave back the rest. Chīn Qilīj K͟hān, with his brothers, relations, and the army and retinue of his father, came from Kabul2 and waited on me. Ibrāhīm K͟hān, who had a mansab of 700 personal and 300 horse, having been promoted to that of 1,500 personal and 600 horse, was appointed jointly with K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan to the exalted dignity of paymaster of the household. On the 15th of this month Mahābat K͟hān, who had been appointed to bring K͟hān Aʿz̤am and his son ʿAbdu-llah, came and waited [261]on me. On the 19th the assembly of honour was held. On that day the offering of Mahābat K͟hān was laid before me, and I sent a private elephant called Rūp Sundar for my son Parwīz. When that day had passed I ordered them to deliver K͟hān Aʿz̤am into the charge of Āṣaf K͟hān, that he might keep him in the fort of Gwalior. As my object in sending him to the fort was in case some disagreement and disturbance should occur in the matter of the Rānā in consequence of the attachment that he had to K͟husrau, I ordered him not to be kept in the fort like a prisoner, but that they should provide everything necessary for his comfort and convenience in the way of eating and clothing. On the same day I promoted Chīn Qilīj K͟hān to a mansab of 2,500 personal and 700 horse. To the rank of Tāj K͟hān, who had been appointed to the charge of the province of Bhakar, I added 500 personal and horse. On the 18th Urdībihis͟ht I forbade K͟husrau to pay his respects. The reason was this, that through the affection and fatherly love (I bore him) and the prayers of his mother and sisters, I had ordered again that he should come every day to pay his respects (kūrnis͟h). As his appearance showed no signs of openness and happiness, and he was always mournful and dejected in mind, I accordingly ordered that he should not come to pay his respects. In the time of my revered father, Muz̤affar Ḥusain Mīrzā and Rustam Mīrzā, sons of Sult̤ān Ḥusain Mīrzā, nephews of S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp Ṣafawī, who had in their possession Qandahar and Zamīndāwar and that neighbourhood, sent petitions to the effect that in consequence of the nearness to Khurasan and the coming of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Ūzbeg to that country, they could not leave the charge of looking after the country and come (to pay their respects), but that if he (Akbar) would send one of the servants of the palace they would hand over the country to him, and themselves come to pay their respects. [262]As they repeatedly made this request, he sent S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, who is now honoured with the title of K͟hān Daurān, to the governorship of Qandahar and Zamīndāwar and that neighbourhood, and wrote firmans full of favour to the Mīrzās summoning them to the Court. After their arrival favours appropriate to the case of each were bestowed on them, and he gave them a territory equal to two or three times the collections of Qandahar. In the end, the management expected from them was not achieved, and by degrees the territory deteriorated. Muz̤affar Ḥusain Mīrzā died during the lifetime of my revered father, and he sent Mīrzā Rustam with the Khankhanan to the Subah of the Deccan, where he had a small jagir. When the throne was honoured by my succession, I sent for him from the Deccan with the intention of showing him favour and sending him to one of the border territories. About the time he came Mīrzā G͟hāzī Tark͟hān, who held the governorship of Thatta and Qandahar and that neighbourhood, died. It occurred to me to send him to Thatta, so that he might show there his natural good qualities and administer that country in an approved manner. I promoted him to a mansab of 5,000 personal and horse, 200,000 rupees were given to him for expenses, and I despatched him to the Subah of Thatta. My belief was that he would do good service3 on those borders. In opposition to my expectation he did no service, and committed so much oppression that many people complained of his wickedness. Such news of him was heard that it was considered necessary to recall him. [263]One of the servants of the Court was appointed to summon him, and I sent for him to Court. On the 26th Urdībihis͟ht they brought him. As he had committed great oppression on the people of God, and inquiry into this was due according to the requirements of justice, I handed him over to Anīrāʾī Singh-dalan that he might enquire into the facts, and that if guilty he might receive prompt punishment and be a warning to others. In those days the news also came of the defeat of Aḥdād, the Afghan. The facts are that Muʿtaqid K͟hān came to Pūlam4 Guzar (ferry?), in the district of Peshawar, with an army, and K͟hān Daurān with another force in Afghanistan and blocked the path of that rascal (lit. black-faced one). Meanwhile a letter came to Muʿtaqid K͟hān from Pish Bulagh that Aḥdād had gone to Koṭ Tīrāh, which is 8 kos from Jalalabad, with a large number of horse and foot, and had killed a few of those who had chosen to be loyal and obey, and made prisoners of others, and was about to send them to Tīrāh, and intended to make a raid on Jalalabad and Pish Bulagh. Immediately on hearing this news Muʿtaqid K͟hān started in great haste with the troops he had with him. When he arrived at Pish Bulagh he sent out spies to ascertain about the enemy. On the morning of Wednesday, the 6th, news reached him that Aḥdād was in the same place. Placing his trust on the favour of God, which is on the side of this suppliant at the throne of Allah, he divided the royal army into two, and went towards the enemy, who, with 4,000 or 5,000 experienced men, had seated themselves haughtily in complete carelessness, [264]and did not suspect that besides K͟hān Daurān’s there was an army in the neighbourhood that could oppose itself to them. When news came that the royal forces were coming against that ill-fortuned man, and the signs of an army were becoming manifest, in a state of bewilderment he distributed his men into four bodies, and seating himself on an eminence a gunshot away, to get to which was a difficult matter, he sent his men to fight. The musketeers of the victorious army assailed the rebel with bullets, and sent a large number to hell. Muʿtaqid K͟hān took the centre of his army to his advanced guard, and, not giving the enemy more than time to shoot off their arrows two or three times, swept them clean away, and pursuing them for 3 or 4 kos, killed nearly 1,500 of them, horse and foot. Those left of the sword took to flight, most of them wounded and with their arms thrown away. The victorious army remained for the night in the same place on the battlefield, and in the morning proceeded with 600 decapitated heads5 towards Peshawar and made pillars of the heads there. Five hundred horses and innumerable cattle and property and many weapons fell into their hands. The prisoners of Tīrāh were released, and on this side no well-known men were killed. On the night of Thursday, the 1st of K͟hūrdād, I proceeded towards Pushkar to shoot tigers, and on Friday killed two of them with a gun. On the same day it was represented to me that Naqīb K͟hān had died. The aforesaid K͟hān was one of the Saifī Sayyids, and was originally from Qazwin. The tomb of his father, Mīr ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, is at Ajmir. Two months before his death his wife,6 between whom and her husband there was [265]a great affection, and who for twelve days was ill with fever, drank the unpleasant draught of death. I ordered them to bury him by the side of his wife, whom they had placed in the K͟hwāja’s venerated mausoleum. As Muʿtaqid K͟hān had done approved service in the fight with Aḥdād, in reward he was exalted with the title of Las͟hkar K͟hān. Dayānat K͟hān, who had been sent to Udaipur in the service of Bābā K͟hurram and to convey certain orders, came on the 7th K͟hūrdād and gave good account of the rules and regulations made by Bābā K͟hurram. Fidāʾī K͟hān, who in the days of my princehood was my servant, and whom after my accession I had made bakhshi in this army, and who had obtained favour, gave up the deposit of his life on the 12th of the same month. Mīrzā Rustam, as he showed signs of repentance and regret for his misdeeds, and generosity demanded that his faults should be pardoned, was, in the end of the month, summoned to my presence, and I satisfied his mind, and having given him a dress of honour, ordered him to pay his respects to me. On the night of Sunday, the 11th of the month of Tīr, a female elephant in the private elephant stud gave birth to a young one in my presence. I had repeatedly ordered them to ascertain the period of their gestation; at last it became evident that for a female young one it was 18 months and for a male 19 months. In opposition to the birth of a human being, which is in most cases by a head delivery, young elephants are born with their feet first. When the young one was born, the mother scattered dust upon it with her foot, and began to be kind and to pet it. The young one for an instant remained fallen, and then rising, made towards its mother’s breasts. On the 14th the assembly of Gulāb-pās͟hī (sprinkling of rose-water) took place; from former times this has been known as āb-pās͟hī (water-sprinkling), and has become established from amongst customs of former [266]days. On the 5th Amurdād (middle July, 1614) came news of the death of Rāja Mān Singh.7 The aforesaid Raja was one of the chief officers of my revered father. As I had sent many servants of the State to serve in the Deccan, I also appointed him. After his death in that service, I sent for Mīrzā Bhāo Singh, who was his legitimate heir. As from the time when I was prince he had done much service with me, although the chiefship and headship of their family, according to the Hindu custom, should go to Mahā Singh, son8 of Jagat Singh, the Raja’s eldest son, who had died in the latter’s lifetime, I did not accept him, but I dignified Bhāo Singh with the title of Mīrzā Rāja, and raised him to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse. I also gave him Amber, the native place of his ancestors, and, soothing and consoling the mind of Mahā Singh, increased his former mansab by 500, and gave him as an inʿām the territory of Garha.9 I also sent him a jewelled dagger belt, a horse, and dress of honour. On the 8th of this month of Amurdād I found a change in my health, and by degrees was seized with fever and headache. For fear that some injury might occur to the country and the servants of God, I kept this secret from most of those familiar with and near to me, and did not inform the physicians and hakims. A few days passed in this manner, and I only imparted this to Nūr-Jahān Begam than whom I did not think anyone was fonder of me; I abstained from eating heavy foods, and, contenting myself with a little light food, went every day, according to my rule, to the public Dīwān-k͟hāna (hall of audience), and entered the Jharokha and ghusal-k͟hāna (parlour) [267]in my usual manner, until signs of weakness showed themselves in my skin.10 Some of the nobles11 became aware of this, and informed one or two of my physicians who were trustworthy, such as Ḥakīm Masīḥu-z-zamān, Ḥakīm Abū-l-qāsim, and Ḥakīm ʿAbdu-s͟h-S͟hakūr. As the fever did not change, and for three nights I took my usual wine, it brought on greater weakness. In the time of disquietude, and when weakness prevailed over me, I went to the mausoleum of the revered K͟hwāja, and in that blessed abode prayed to God Almighty for recovery, and agreed to give alms and charity. God Almighty, in His pure grace and mercy, bestowed on me the robe of honour of health, and by degrees I recovered. The headache, which had been very severe, subsided under the remedies of Ḥakīm ʿAbdu-s͟h-S͟hakūr, and in the space of twenty-two days my state returned to what it was before. The servants of the palace, and indeed the whole of the people, made offerings for this great bounty. I accepted the alms of no one, and ordered that everyone in his own house should distribute what he wished among the poor. On the 10th S͟hahrīwar news came that Tāj K͟hān, the Afghan, governor of Thatta,12 had died; he was one of the old nobles of the State.

During my illness it had occurred to me that when I completely recovered, inasmuch as I was inwardly an ear-bored slave of the K͟hwāja (Muʿīnu-d-dīn) and was indebted to him for my existence, I should openly make holes in my ears and be enrolled among his ear-marked slaves. On Thursday, 12th S͟hahrīwar,13 corresponding to the month of Rajab, I made holes in my ears and drew into each a shining pearl. When the servants of the palace and my loyal friends saw this, both those who [268]were in the presence and some who were in the distant borders diligently and eagerly made holes in their ears, and adorned the beauty of sincerity with pearls and rubies which were in the private treasury, and were bestowed on them, until by degrees the infection caught the Ahadis and others. At the end of the day of Thursday, the 22nd of the said month, corresponding with the 10th S͟haʿbān, the meeting for my solar weighing was arranged in my private audience hall, and the usual observances were carried out. On the same day Mīrzā Rāja Bhāo Singh, gratified and prosperous, returned to his native country with the promise that he would not delay (there) more than two or three months. On the 27th of the month of Mihr news came that Farīdūn K͟hān Barlās had died at Udaipur. In the clan of Barlās no leader remained but he. As his tribe had many claims on this State and endless connection with it, I patronised his son Mihr ʿAlī, and raised him to the mansab of 1,000 personal and horse. On account of the approved services of K͟hān Daurān, I increased by 1,000 his mansab, which became 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse, original and increase. On the 6th Ābān the qarāwuls (s͟hikārīs) reported that three tigers had been met at a distance of 6 kos. Starting after midday, I killed all three of them with a gun. On the 8th of the month the festival of the Dewālī came on. I ordered the attendants of the palace to have games with each other for two or three nights in my presence; winnings and losings took place. On the 8th of this month they brought to Ajmir the body of Sikandar Muʿīn Qarāwul (S͟hikārī), who was one of my old attendants and had done much service for me when I was prince, from Udaipur, which was the place where my son Sult̤ān K͟hurram was staying. I ordered the qarawuls and his fellow-tribesmen to take his body and bury it on the bank of Rānā S͟hankar’s tank. He was a good servant to me. On the 12th Āẕar two daughters whom [269]Islām K͟hān in his lifetime had taken from the Zamindar of Kūch (Behar), whose country is on the boundary of the eastern provinces, together with his son and 94 elephants, were brought before me. Some of the elephants were placed in my private stud. On the same day, Hūs͟hang, Islām K͟hān’s son, came from Bengal, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and presented as offerings two elephants, 100 muhrs, and 100 rupees. On one particular night in Day I dreamt that the late king (Akbar) said to me: “Bābā, forgive for my sake the fault of ʿAzīz K͟hān, who is the K͟hān Aʿz̤am.” After this dream, I decided to summon him from the fort (of Gwalior).

There is a ravine in the neighbourhood of Ajmir that is very beautiful. At the end of this ravine a spring appears which is collected in a long and broad tank, and is the best water in Ajmir. This valley and spring are well known as Ḥāfiz̤ Jamāl. When I crossed over to this place I ordered a suitable building to be made there, as the place was good and fit for developing. In the course of a year a house and grounds were made there, the like of which those14 who travel round the world cannot point out. They made a basin 40 gaz by 40, and made the water of the spring rise up in the basin by a fountain. The fountain leaps up 10 or 12 gaz. Buildings are laid on the edge of this basin, and in the same way above, where the tank and fountain are, they have made agreeable places and enchanting halls and resting-rooms pleasant to the senses. These have been constructed and finished off in a masterly style by skilled painters and clever artists. As I desired that it should be called by a name [270]connected with my august name, I gave it the name of Chas͟hma-i-Nūr, or ‘the fountain of light.’ In short, the one fault it has is this, that it ought to have been in a large city, or at a place by which men frequently pass. From the day on which it was completed I have often passed Thursdays and Fridays there. I ordered that they should think out a chronogram for its completion. Saʿīdā Gīlānī, the head of the goldsmiths, discovered it in this clever hemistich:—

“The palace15 of S͟hāh Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr” (1024).

I ordered them to put a stone with this carved upon it on the top of the portico of the building.

In the beginning of the month of Day, merchants came from Persia and brought pomegranates of Yazd and melons from Kārīz, which are the best of Khurasan melons, so many that all the servants of the Court and the Amirs of the frontiers obtained a portion of them and were very grateful to the True Giver (God) for them. I had never had such melons and pomegranates. It seemed as if I had never had a pomegranate or a melon before. Every year I had had melons from Badakhshan and pomegranates from Kabul, but they bore no comparison with the Yazd pomegranates and the Kārīz melons. As my revered father (may God’s light be his witness!) had a great liking for fruit, I was very grieved that such fruits had not come to Hindustan from Persia in his victorious time, that he might have enjoyed and profited by them. I have the same regret for the Jahāngīrī ʿit̤r (so-called otto of roses), that his nostrils were not gratified with such essences. This ʿit̤r is a discovery which was made during my reign through the efforts of the mother of Nūr-Jahān Begam. When she was making rose-water [271]a scum formed on the surface of the dishes into which the hot rose-water was poured from the jugs. She collected this scum little by little; when much rose-water was obtained a sensible portion of the scum was collected. It is of such strength in perfume that if one drop be rubbed on the palm of the hand it scents a whole assembly, and it appears as if many red rosebuds had bloomed at once. There is no other scent of equal excellence to it. It restores hearts that have gone and brings back withered souls. In reward for that invention I presented a string of pearls to the inventress. Salīma16 Sult̤ān Begam (may the lights of God be on her tomb) was present, and she gave this oil the name of ‘ʿit̤r-i-Jahāngīrī.’

Great difference appeared in the climates of India. In this month of Day, in Lahore, which is between Persia and Hindustan, the mulberry-tree bore fruit of as much sweetness and fine flavour as in its ordinary season. For some days people were delighted by eating it. The news-writers of that place wrote this. In the same days Bak͟htar K͟hān Kalāwant, who was closely connected with ʿĀdil K͟hān, inasmuch as he (ʿĀdil) married his own brother’s daughter to him, and made him his preceptor in singing and durpat17 guftan, appeared in the habit of a dervish. Summoning him and enquiring into his circumstances, I endeavoured to honour him. In the first assembly I gave him 10,000 rupees in cash and 50 pieces of cloth of all sorts and a string of pearls, and having made him a guest of Āṣaf K͟hān, ordered him to enquire into his circumstances. It did not appear whether he had come without ʿĀdil K͟hān’s permission, or the latter [272]had sent him in this guise in order that he might find out the designs of this Court and bring him news about them. Considering his relationship to ʿĀdil K͟hān, it is most probable that he has not come without ʿĀdil K͟hān’s knowledge. A report by Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, who at this time was (our) ambassador at Bijapur, corroborates this idea, for he writes that ʿĀdil K͟hān has, on account of the kindness which has been shown by H.M. (Jahāngīr) to Bak͟htar K͟hān, been very gracious to him (Jamālu-d-dīn). Every day he has shown him more and more favour, keeps him beside him at nights, and recites to him durpats, which he (ʿĀdil K͟hān) has composed, and which he calls nauras18 (Juvenilia). “The remainder of the facts will be written on the day when I get my dismissal.”

In these days they brought a bird from the country of Zīrbād (Sumatra, etc., Blochmann, p. 616) which was coloured like a parrot, but had a smaller body. One of its peculiarities is that it lays hold with its feet of the branch or perch on which they may have placed it and then makes a somersault, and remains in this position all night and whispers to itself. When day comes it seats itself on the top of the branch. Though they say that animals also have worship, yet it is most likely that this practice is instinctive. It never drinks water, and water acts like poison upon it, though other birds subsist on water.

In the month19 of Bahman there came pieces of good [273]news one after the other. The first was that the Rānā Amar Singh had elected for obedience and service to the Court. The circumstances of this affair are these. My son of lofty fortune, Sult̤ān K͟hurram, by dint of placing a great many posts, especially in some places where most people said it was impossible to place them on account of the badness of the air and water and the wild nature of the localities, and by dint of moving the royal forces one after another in pursuit, without regard to the heat or excessive rain, and making prisoners of the families of the inhabitants of that region, brought matters with the Rānā to such a pass that it became clear to him that if this should happen to him again he must either fly the country or be made prisoner. Being without remedy, he chose obedience and loyalty, and sent to my fortunate son his maternal uncle, Subh Karan, with Haridās Jhālā, who was one of the men in his confidence, and petitioned that if that fortunate son would ask forgiveness for his offences and tranquillise his mind, and obtain for him the auspicious sign-manual,20 he would himself come and wait on my son, and would send his son and successor Karan to Court, or he, after the manner of other Rajas, would be enrolled amongst the servants of the Court and do service. He also begged that he himself might be excused from coming to Court on account of his old age. Accordingly my son sent them in company with his own Diwan Mullā S͟hukru-llah, whom after the conclusion of this business I dignified with the title of Afẓal K͟hān, and Sundar Dās, his major-domo, who, after this matter was settled, was honoured with the title of Rāy Rāyān, to the exalted Court, and represented the circumstances. My lofty [274]mind was always desirous, as far as possible, not to destroy the old families. The real point was that as Rānā Amar Singh and his fathers, proud in the strength of their hilly country and their abodes, had never seen or obeyed any of the kings of Hindustan, this should be brought about in my reign. At the request of my son I forgave the Rānā’s offences, and gave a gracious farman that should satisfy him, and impressed on it the mark of my auspicious palm.21 I also wrote a farman of kindness to my son that if he could arrange to settle the matter I should be much pleased. My son also sent them22 with Mullā S͟hukru-llah and Sundar Dās to the Rānā to console him and make him hopeful of the royal favour. They gave him the gracious farman with the sign-manual of the auspicious hand, and it was settled that on Sunday, the 26th of the month of Bahman, he and his sons should come and pay their respects to my son. The second piece of good news was the death of Bahādur, who was descended from the rulers of Gujarat, and was the leaven of disturbance and mischief (there). Almighty God had annihilated him in His mercy: he died of a natural illness. The third piece of news was the defeat of the Warzā (Portuguese Viceroy), who had done his best to take the castle and port of Surat. In the roadstead23 of the port of Surat a fight took place between the English, who had taken shelter there, and the Viceroy. Most of his ships were burnt by the English fire. Being helpless he had not [275]the power to fight any more, and took to flight. He sent some one to Muqarrab K͟hān, who was the governor of the ports of Gujarat, and knocked at the door of peace, and said that he had come to make peace and not to make war. It was the English who had stirred up the war. Another piece of news was that some of the Rajputs, who had determined to attack and kill ʿAmbar (misprinted G͟hīr), had made an ambush, and finding a good opportunity had gained access to him, when a slight wound had been inflicted on him by one of them. The men who were round ʿAmbar (again misprinted G͟hīr) had killed the Rajputs and taken ʿAmbar to his quarters. A very little24 more would have made an end of him. In the end of this month, when I was employed in hunting in the environs of Ajmir, Muḥammad Beg,25 an attendant on my fortunate son Sult̤ān K͟hurram, came and brought a report from that son, and stated that the Rānā had come with his sons and paid his respects to the prince; “the details would be made known by the report.” I immediately turned the face of supplication to the Divine Court, and prostrated myself in thanksgiving. I presented a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled dagger to the aforesaid Muḥammad Beg, and honoured him with the title of Ẕū-l-faqār K͟hān.25 From the report it appeared that on Sunday, the 26th Bahman, the Rānā paid his respects to my fortunate son with the politeness and ritual that servants pay their respects, and produced as offerings a famous large ruby that was in his house, with some decorated articles and seven elephants, some of them fit for the private stud, and which had not fallen into [276]our hands and were the only ones left him, and nine horses.

My son also behaved to him with perfect kindness. When the Rānā clasped his feet and asked forgiveness for his faults, he took his head and placed it on his breast, and consoled him in such a manner as to comfort him. He presented him with a superb dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a horse with a jewelled saddle, and a private elephant with silver housings, and, as there were not more than 100 men with him who were worthy of complete robes of honour (sar u pā), he gave 100 sarupa and 50 horses and 12 jewelled khapwa (daggers). As it is the custom of the Zamindars that the son who is the heir-apparent should not go with his father to pay his respects to a king or prince, the Rānā observed this custom, and did not bring with him Karan, the son who had received the ṭīkā. As the hour (fixed by astrology) of the departure of that son of lofty fortune from that place was the end of that same day, he gave him leave, so that, having himself gone, he might send Karan to pay his respects. After he had gone, Karan also came and did so. To him also he gave a superb dress of honour, a jewelled sword and dagger, a horse with a gold saddle, and a special elephant, and on the same day, taking Karan in attendance, he proceeded towards the illustrious Court. On the 3rd Isfandārmuẕ my return to Ajmir from hunting took place. From the 17th Bahman up to that date, during which I was hunting, one tigress with three cubs and thirteen nilgaw had been killed. The fortunate prince encamped on Saturday, the 10th of the same month, at the village of Devrānī, which is near the city of Ajmir, and an order was given that all the Amirs should go to meet him, and that each should present an offering according to his standing and condition, and on the next day, Sunday, the 11th he should have the good fortune to wait upon me. The next [277]day the prince, with great magnificence, with all the victorious forces that had been appointed to accompany him on that service, entered the public palace. The hour for him to wait on me was when two watches and two gharis of the day had passed, and he had the good fortune to pay his respects, and performed his prostrations and salutations. He presented 1,000 ashrafis and 1,000 rupees by way of offering, 1,000 muhrs and 1,000 rupees by way of charity. I called that son forward and embraced him, and having kissed his head and face, favoured him with special kindnesses and greetings. When he had finished the dues of service and had presented his offerings and charities, he petitioned that Karan might be exalted with the good fortune of prostrating himself and paying his respects. I ordered them to bring him, and the Bakhshis with the usual ceremonies of respect produced him. After prostration and salutation were completed, at the request of my son K͟hurram, I ordered them to place him in front on the right hand of the circle. After this I ordered K͟hurram to go and wait on his mothers, and gave him a special dress of honour, consisting of a jewelled chārqab (sleeveless vest), a coat of gold brocade, and a rosary of pearls. After he had made his salutation, there were presented to him a special dress of honour, a special horse with a jewelled saddle, and a special elephant. I also honoured Karan with a superb robe of honour and a jewelled sword, and the Amirs and mansabdars had the honour of prostrating themselves and paying their respects, and presented their offerings. Each of these, according to his service and rank, was honoured with favours. As it was necessary to win the heart of Karan, who was of a wild nature and had never seen assemblies and had lived among the hills, I every day showed him some fresh favour, so that on the second day of his attendance a jewelled dagger, and on the next day a special Iraqi horse with jewelled saddle, were given [278]to him. On the day when he went to the darbar in the female apartments, there were given to him on the part of Nūr-Jahān Begam a rich dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a horse and saddle, and an elephant. After this I presented him with a rosary of pearls of great value. On the next day a special elephant with trappings (talāyir) were given. As it was in my mind to give him something of every kind, I presented him with three hawks and three falcons, a special sword, a coat of mail, a special cuirass, and two rings, one with a ruby and one with an emerald. At the end of the month I ordered that all sorts of cloth stuffs, with carpets and cushions (named takiya) and all kinds of perfumes, with vessels of gold, two Gujrati carts, and cloths, should be placed in a hundred trays. The Ahadis carried them in their arms and on their shoulders to the public audience hall, where they were bestowed on him.

S̤ābit K͟hān26 at the paradise-resembling assemblies was always addressing unbecoming speeches and making palpable allusions to Iʿtimādu-d-daulah and his son Āṣaf K͟hān. Once or twice, showing my dislike of this, I had forbidden him to do so, but this was not enough for him. As I held very dear Iʿtimādu-d-daulah’s good-will towards me, and was very closely connected with his family, this matter became very irksome to me. As one night without reason and without motive he began to speak unpleasant words to him, and said them to such an extent that signs of vexation and annoyance became evident in Iʿtimādu-d-daulah’s face, I sent him next morning, in the custody of a servant of the Court, to Āṣaf K͟hān to say that as on the previous evening he had spoken unpleasant words to his father I handed him over to him, and he might shut him up either there or in the fort of Gwalior, as he pleased; until he [279]made amends to his father I would never forgive his fault. According to the order Āṣaf K͟hān sent him to Gwalior fort. In the same month Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān was promoted to an increased mansab, and was given that of 2,500 personal and 2,000 horse. Aḥmad Beg K͟hān, who is one of the old retainers of the State, committed some faults on the journey to the Subah of Kabul, and Qilīj K͟hān, who was the commander of the army, had repeatedly complained of his making himself disagreeable. Necessarily I summoned him to Court, and in order to punish him handed him over to Mahābat K͟hān to confine him in the fort of Ranṭambhor. Qāsim K͟hān, governor of Bengal, had sent two rubies as an offering, and they were laid before me. As I had made a rule that they should bring before me after two watches of the night had passed the dervishes and necessitous people who had collected in the illustrious palace, this year also after the same manner I bestowed on the dervishes with my own hand and in my own presence 55,000 rupees and 190,000 bighas of land, with fourteen entire villages, and twenty-six ploughs,27 and 11,000 k͟harwār28 (ass-loads) of rice; I presented as well 732 pearls, of the value of 36,000 rupees, to the servants who by way of loyalty had bored their ears.

At the end of the aforesaid month news came that when four and a half gharis of night had passed on Sunday the 11th of the month, in the city of Burhanpur, God Almighty had bestowed on Sultān Parwīz a son by the daughter of Prince Murād. I gave him the name of Sultān Dūr-andīsh29 (long-thoughted). [280]


1 The “Arrogant of the Earth” (Tod). 

2 Perhaps this means Peshawar, for apparently Qilīj was there when he died. 

3 According to the Maʾās̤ir, iii, 486, in the biography of ʿĪsā K͟hān, Rustam was sent to put down the Tark͟hāns, and succeeded in doing so. See also ibid., p. 438, in the biography of Rustam, where it is said that Jahāngīr told him to send away the Arghuns. Perhaps the passage in Maʾās̤ir, p. 438, which according to Blochmann, p. 314, means that Rustam ill-treated the Arghuns, rather means that he intrigued with them but oppressed the peasantry. 

4 Though the text has Pūlam, the real word seems to be Īlam or Ailam. Ailam Guẕar appears to be a pass in a range of hills. It may, however, be a ferry on the Kabul River. That river seems to be also known as the S͟hāh ʿĀlam, and there is a ferry on it of that name. The text speaks of Kot Tīrāh as 8 kos from Jalalabad, but Tīrāh is much further away. The B.M. MSS. have Kotal-i-Tīrāh, ‘the Tīrāh defile.’ 

5 Compare Price’s Jahāngīr, p. 94. It appears from that account that Muʿtaqid alias Las͟hkar K͟hān was originally called Abū-l-ḥusain. According to the account there, the prisoners were brought to Jahāngīr with the decapitated heads of 17,000 (!) suspended from their necks! 

6 She was a daughter of Mīr Maḥmūd, Akbar’s secretary (Blochmann, p. 449). 

7 Mān Singh died in the Deccan in 1614, and apparently in the month of June. 

8 Text pidar by mistake for pisar

9 Garha, described as Bāndhū in Maʾās̤ir, ii, 175. It is Garha-Katanga, i.e. Jabalpur. 

10 Perhaps the meaning is that there was an eruption. 

11 Buzurgān, which perhaps here means elder ladies of the harem. 

12 This is Tās͟h Beg (Blochmann, p. 457). The text wrongly has Patna. 

13 Jahāngīr was born in this month, which then corresponded to Rajab. 

14 Is this an allusion to some complimentary remark of Sir Thomas Roe? Sir Thomas did not come to Ajmir till December, 1615, but Jahāngīr is here apparently writing of what happened a year after his visit to Ḥāfiz̤ Jamāl. The chronogram was 1024 (1615). 

15 Maḥall-i-S͟hāh Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr, 1024 (1615). See Proceedings A.S.B. for August, 1873, pp. 159–60. 

16 Salīma died in the 7th year, so that the discovery must have occurred some time before this mention of it. 

17 Hindustani, dhurpad, “petit poëme ordinairement composé de cinq hémistiches sur une même rime.” “It was invented by Rāja Mān of Gwalior” (Garçin de Tassy, Hist. Litt. Hindouie, i, 12). 

18 See Rieu, 741b, who calls the nauras a treatise on music composed by Ibrāhīm ʿĀdil S͟hāh II. This ʿĀdil S͟hāh was Firis͟hta’s patron, and reigned till 1626. Jamālu-d-dīn is the dictionary-maker and friend of Sir T. Roe. The sentence about reporting the remainder of the facts seems to be an extract from his report. Muḥammad Wāris̤, in his continuation of the Pāds͟hāh-nāma, B.M. MS. Add. 6556, p. 438, mentions, with reprobation, that ʿĀdil S͟hāh had given his niece in marriage to a singer. 

19 Translated Elliot, vi, 339. 

20 Lit. procure for him the sign of the blessed panja (five fingers). The sign-manual was that of Jahāngīr. See below. See also Tod’s Rajasthan, reprint, i, 411, for a representation of the panja; also p. 383, note id. 

21 Panja mubārak (Tod’s Rajasthan, i, 383 and 411). 

22 Perhaps the uncle and Haridās, or the īnhā, ‘them’ may mean the farman. See Elliot, vi, 340, which has ‘my letters.’ Tod has translated this part of the Tūzuk, i, 382. 

23 The text has k͟haurmiyān, and I. O. 181 has k͟haur-i-bandar. K͟haur means a bay or gulf in Arabic. The battle is that between Captain Downton and the Portuguese, which took place in January, 1615, and is described in Orme’s Hist., Fragments, p. 351, etc. See also Danvers’ “Portuguese in India,” ii. 170. The engagement was in the Swally channel. 

24 Elliot, vi, 340. As Mr. Rogers remarks, the sentence is not easily intelligible. Probably the translation should be, “No one remained (all the Rajputs having been killed) who could finish off Malik ʿAmbar.” 

25 Probably the father or grandfather of the Muḥammad Beg Ẕū-l-faqār who was a servant of Aurangzīb (Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 89). 

26 R.A.S. MS. has Dayānat K͟hān, and so has I.O. MS. 181. 

27 Qulba. It does not appear that this is a land-measure. 

28 K͟harwār. It is a weight. See Jarrett, ii, 394, where a kharwar is said to be equal to ten Hindustani maunds. 

29 Probably this was the son who died in the 14th year (Tūzuk, p. 282). 

[Contents]

The Tenth New Year’s Festival after my auspicious Accession.

When 55 seconds had passed on Saturday, 1st Farwardīn, in my 10th year, corresponding with the 8th1 of the month of Ṣafar (March, 1615), 1024 Hijra, the sun from the constellation of Pisces entered the house of honour of Aries. When three gharis had passed on the night of Sunday I seated myself on the throne of State. The New Year’s feast and ceremonials were prepared in the usual manner. The illustrious princes, the great K͟hāns, the chief officers and Ministers of State made their salutations of congratulation. On the 1st of the month the mansab of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah was increased from 5,000 personal and 2,000 horse by 1,000 personal and horse. Special horses were given to the Kunwar Karan, Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, and Rāja Bīr Singh Deo. On the 2nd the offering of Āṣaf K͟hān was laid before me; it was an approved offering of jewels and jewelled ornaments and things of gold, of cloth stuffs of all kinds and descriptions and was looked over in detail. That which I approved was worth 85,000 rupees. On this day a jewelled sword with a belt and band(?) (band u bār) was given to Karan, and an elephant to Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān. As I had made up my mind to proceed to the Deccan, I gave an order to ʿAbdu-l-Karīm Maʿmūrī, to go to Mandu and prepare a new building for my private residence and repair the buildings of the old kings. On the 3rd day the offerings of Rāja Bīr Singh Deo were laid before me and one ruby, some pearls, and one elephant had the honour of being accepted. On the 4th day the mansab of Mustafā K͟hān was increased by 500 personal and 200 horse to 2,000 personal [281]and 250 horse. On the 5th I gave a standard and drums to Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, and an order was given him to beat his drums. The mansab of Āṣaf K͟hān was increased by 1,000 personal and horse to 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse, and having increased the mansab of Rāja Bīr Singh Deo by 700 horse, I dismissed him to his own country, directing that he should present himself at Court at stated periods. On the same day the offering of Ibrāhīm K͟hān was laid before me. Some of all the kinds of things pleased me. Kishan Chand, of the sons of the Rajas of Nagarkot, was honoured with the title of Raja. On Thursday, the 6th, the offerings of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah were laid before me at Chas͟hma-i-Nūr; a large meeting had been arranged, and by way of favour the whole of his offerings were inspected. Of the jewels and jewelled things and choice cloth stuffs the value of 100,000 rupees was accepted, and the remainder given back. On the 7th day I increased by 1,000 personal the mansab of Kishan Singh, which had been 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse. On this day a tiger was killed in the neighbourhood of Chas͟hma-i-Nūr. On the 8th I gave Karan the mansab of 5,000 personal and horse, and gave him a small rosary of pearls and emeralds with a ruby in the centre which in the language of the Hindus is called smaran (Sanskrit for ‘remembrance’). I increased the mansab of Ibrāhīm K͟hān by 1,000 personal and 400 horse, so as to make it 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, original and increase. The mansab of Ḥājī Bī Ūzbeg was increased by 300 horse, and that of Rāja S͟hyām Singh by 500 personal so as to make it 2,500 personal and 1,400 horse. On Sunday, the 9th, there was an eclipse of the sun when twelve gharis of the day had passed. It began from the west, and four out of five parts of the sun were eclipsed in the knot of the dragon. From the commencement of the seizure until it became light eight gharis elapsed. [282]Alms of all kinds, and things in the shape of metals, animals, and vegetables, were given to fakirs and the poor and people in need. On this day the offering of Rāja Sūraj Singh was laid before me; what was taken was of the value of 43,000 rupees. The offering of Bahādur K͟hān, the governor of Qandahar, was also laid before me on this day; its total value came to 14,000 rupees. Two watches of the night had passed on the night of Monday, the 29th Ṣafar (30th March, 1615), in the ascension of Sagittarius, when a boy was born to Bābā K͟hurram by the daughter of Āṣaf K͟hān; I gave him the name of Dārā S͟hukūh. I hope that his coming will be propitious to this State conjoined with eternity, and to his fortunate father. The mansab of Sayyid ʿAlī Bārha was increased by 500 personal and 300 horse, so as to bring it to 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse. On the 10th the offering of Iʿtibār K͟hān was laid before me, and what was of the value of 40,000 rupees was accepted. On this day the mansab of K͟husrau Bī Ūzbeg was raised by 300 horse, and that of Manglī K͟hān by 500 personal and 200 horse. On the 11th the offering of Murtaẓā K͟hān was laid before me. Of it seven rubies, one rosary of pearls, and 270 other pearls were accepted, and their value was 145,000 rupees. On the 12th the offerings of Mīrzā Rāja Bhāo Singh and Rāwat S͟hankar were laid before me. On the 13th, out of the offering of K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, one qutbī (Egyptian?) ruby, one diamond, one string of pearls, five rings, four pearls, and some cloths, altogether the value of 32,000 rupees, were accepted. On the 14th the mansab of K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, which was 3,000 personal and 700 horse, was increased by 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and that of Wafādār K͟hān, of 750 personal and 200 horse, by 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse. On the same day Mustafā Beg, the ambassador of the ruler of Iran, had the good fortune to wait upon me. After [283]completing the matter of Gurjistan (Georgia), my exalted brother sent him with a letter consisting of expressions of friendship and assurances of sincerity, with several horses, camels, and some stuffs from Aleppo, which had come for that fortunate brother from the direction of Rūm. Nine large European hunting dogs, for which a request had gone, were also sent by him.

Murtaẓā K͟hān, on this day, obtained leave to go for the capture of the fort of Kāngra, the equal of which for strength they cannot point to in the hill country of the Panjab or even all the habitable world. From the time when the sound of Islam reached the country of Hindustan up to this auspicious time when the throne of rule has been adorned by this suppliant at the throne of Allah, none of the rulers or kings has obtained possession of it. Once in the time of my revered father, the army of the Panjab was sent against this fort, and besieged it for a long time. At length they came to the conclusion that the fort was not to be taken, and the army was sent off to some more necessary business. When he was dismissed, I gave Murtaẓā K͟hān a private elephant with trappings. Rāja Sūraj Mal, son of Rāja Bāso, as his country was near that fort, was also appointed, and his previous mansab was increased by 500 personal and horse. Rāja Sūraj Singh also came from his place and jagir and waited on me, and presented an offering of 100 ashrafis. On the 17th the offering of Mīrzā Rustam was laid before me. Two jewelled daggers, one rosary of pearls, some pieces of cloth, an elephant, and four Iraq horses were accepted, and the rest returned; their value was 15,000 rupees. On the same date the offering of Iʿtiqād K͟hān, of the value of 18,000 rupees, was laid before me. On the 18th the offering of Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān was inspected. Of jewels and cloth stuffs the value of 15,000 rupees was accepted. The mansab of Iʿtiqād K͟hān, which was 700 personal and 200 horse, I increased [284]by 800 personal and 300 horse, so that with original and increase it came to 1,500 personal and 500 horse. K͟husrau Bī Ūzbeg, who was one of the distinguished soldiers, died of the disease of dysentery. On the 8th day, which was Thursday, after two watches and four and a half gharis had passed, the s͟haraf (highest point of the sun’s ascension) began. On this auspicious day I ascended the throne in happiness and prosperity, and the people saluted and congratulated me. When one watch of the day remained I went to the Chas͟hma-i-Nūr. According to agreement the offering of Mahābat K͟hān was laid before me at that place. He had arranged beautiful jewels and jewellery, with cloth stuff and articles of all kinds that were pleasing to me. Among these, a jewelled khapwa (dagger), which at his request the royal artificers had made, and the like of which in value there did not exist in my private treasury, was worth 100,000 rupees. In addition to this, jewels and other things of the value of 138,000 rupees were taken. Indeed, it was a splendid offering. To Muṣt̤afā Beg, the ambassador of the ruler of Iran, I gave 20,000 darab, or 10,000 rupees. On the 21st I sent robes of honour by the hand of ʿAbdu-l-G͟hafūr to fifteen of the Amirs of the Deccan. Rāja Bikramājīt obtained leave to go to his jagir, and a special shawl (parm narm2) was given to him. On the same day I gave a jewelled waist-dagger to Muṣt̤afā Beg, the ambassador. I increased the mansab of Hūshang, the son of Islām K͟hān, which was 1,000 personal and 500 horse, by 500 personal and 200 horse. On the 23rd, Ibrāhīm K͟hān was promoted to the Subah of Behar. Zafar K͟hān was ordered to present himself at Court. To the mansab of Ibrāhīm K͟hān, which was 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, I added 500 personal and 1,000 horse. Saif K͟hān on the same day was dismissed to his jagir, as well as [285]Ḥājī Bī Ūzbeg, who was honoured with the title of Ūzbeg K͟hān. Bahāduru-l-mulk, who belonged to the army of the Deccan and held the mansab of 2,500 personal and 2,100 horse received an increase of 500 personal and 200 horse. An increase of 200 was made in the mansab of K͟hwāja Taqī, which was 800 personal and 180 horse. On the 25th an increase of 200 horse was made in the rank of Salāmu-llah, the Arab, so that it became 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse. I presented Mahābat K͟hān with the black piebald horse out of my special horses which the ruler of Iran had sent me. At the end of the day of Thursday I went to the house of Bābā K͟hurram and remained there till a watch of the night had passed. His second offering was laid before me on that day. On the first day he paid his respects he laid before me a celebrated ruby of the Rānā, which, on the day of his paying his respects, he had made an offering of to my son, and which the jewellers valued at 60,000 rupees. It was not worthy of the praise they had given it. The weight of this ruby was eight tānk,3 and it was formerly in the possession of Rāy Maldeo, who was the chief of the tribe of the Rāṭhors and one of the chief rulers (or Rays) of Hindustan. From him it was transferred to his son Chandar Sen, who, in the days of his wretchedness and hopelessness, sold it to Rānā Ūday Singh. From him it went to Rānā Partāp, and afterwards to this Rānā Amar Singh. As they had no more valuable gift in their family, he presented it on the day that he paid his respects to my fortunate son Bābā K͟hurram, together with the whole of his stud of elephants, which, according to the Indian idiom, they call gheta chār.4 [286]I ordered them to engrave on the ruby that at the time of paying his respects Rānā Amar Singh had presented it as an offering to Sultān K͟hurram. On that day certain other things from among the offerings of Bābā K͟hurram were accepted. Among them was a little crystal box of Frank work, made with great taste, with some emeralds, three rings, four Iraq horses, and various other things, the value of which was 80,000 rupees. On the day on which I went to his house he had prepared a great offering, in fact there were laid before me things and rarities worth about four or five lakhs of rupees. Of these the equivalent of 100,000 rupees was taken away and the balance given to him.

On the 28th the mansab of K͟hwāja Jahān, which was 3,000 personal and 1,800 horse, was increased by 500 personal and 400 horse. In the end of the month I presented Ibrāhīm K͟hān with a horse, a robe of honour, a jewelled dagger, a standard and drums, and dismissed him to the province of Behar. The office of ʿarẓ-mukarrir (reviser of petitions), that belonged to K͟hwājagī Ḥājī Muhammad, as he had died, I gave to Muk͟hliṣ K͟hān, who was in my confidence. Three hundred horse were increased in the mansab of Dilāwar K͟hān, who now had 1,000 personal and horse. As the hour of the leave-taking of Kunwar Karan was at hand, I was desirous of showing him my skill in shooting with a gun. Just at this time the qarāwulān (shikaris) brought in news of a tigress. Though it is an established custom of mine only to hunt male tigers, yet, in consideration that no other tiger might be obtained before his departure, I went for the tigress. I took with me Karan, and said to him that I would hit it wherever he wished me to do so. After this arrangement I went to the place where they had [287]marked down the tiger. By chance there was a wind and disturbance in the air, and the female elephant on which I was mounted was terrified of the tigress and would not stand still. Notwithstanding these two great obstacles to shooting, I shot straight towards her eye. God Almighty did not allow me to be ashamed before that prince, and, as I had agreed, I shot her in the eye. On the same day Karan petitioned me for a special gun, and I gave him a special Turkish one.

As on the day for his departure I had not given Ibrāhīm K͟hān an elephant, I now gave him a special elephant, and I also sent an elephant to Bahāduru-l-mulk and one to Wafādār K͟hān. On the 8th Urdībihis͟ht the assemblage for my lunar weighing was held, and I weighed myself against silver and other things, distributing them amongst the deserving and needy. Nawāzis͟h K͟hān took leave to go to his jagir, which was in Malwa. On the same day I gave an elephant to K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan. On the 9th they brought K͟hān Aʿz̤am, who had come to Agra from the fort of Gwalior, and who had been sent for. Though he had been guilty of many offences, and in all that I had done to him I was right, yet when they brought him into my presence and my eye fell on him, I perceived more shame in myself than in him. Having pardoned all his offences, I gave him the shawl I had round my waist. I gave Kunwar Karan 100,000 darab. On the same day Rāja Sūraj Singh brought a large elephant of the name of Ran-rāwat, which was a celebrated elephant of his, as an offering. In fact, it was such a rare elephant that I put it into my private stud. On the 10th the offering of K͟hwāja Jahān, which he sent me from Agra by the hand of his son, was laid before me. It was of all kinds of things, of the value of 40,000 rupees. On the 12th the offering of K͟hān Daurān, which consisted of forty-five5 horse [288]two strings of camels, Arabian dogs (greyhounds), and hunting animals (hawks?), was brought before me. On the same day seven other elephants from Rāja Sūraj Singh were also brought to me as an offering, and were placed in my private stud. Taḥayyur K͟hān, after he had been in attendance on me for four months, to-day got leave to go. A message was sent to ʿĀdil K͟hān. I impressed on him the profit and loss of friendship and enmity, and made an agreement (with Taḥayyur K͟hān) that all these words should be repeated to ʿĀdil K͟hān, and he should bring him back to the path of loyalty and obedience. At the time of his taking leave I also bestowed on him certain things. On the whole, in this short time, what with the gifts bestowed on him by me privately, by the princes, and those given him by the Amirs according to order, the account mounted up to about 100,000 rupees that he had received. On the 14th the rank and reward of my son K͟hurram were fixed. His mansab had been one of 12,000 personal and 6,000 horse, and that of his brother (Parwīz) 15,000 personal and 8,000 horse. I ordered his mansab to be made equal with that of Parwīz, besides other rewards. I gave him a private elephant of the name of Panchī Gaj,6 with accoutrements of the value of 12,000 rupees. On the 16th an elephant was given to Mahābat K͟hān. On the 17th the mansab of Rāja Sūraj Singh, which was 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, was increased by 1,000, and it was raised to 5,000. At the request of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān the mansab of K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, which was 500 personal and 200 horse, was raised by 200, and it was ordered to be 1,000 personal and 400 horse. ʿAbdu-llah, the son of K͟hān Aʿz̤am, who was imprisoned in the fort of Ranṭambhor, was sent for at the request of his father. He came to the Court, and [289]I took the chains off his legs and sent him to his father’s house. On the 24th, Rāja Sūraj Singh presented me with another elephant, called Fauj-sangār (‘ornament of the army’), by way of offering. Although this is also a good elephant, and has been placed in my private stud, it is not to be compared with the first elephant (he sent), which is one of the wonders of the age, and is worth 20,000 rupees. On the 26th, 200 personal were added to the mansab of Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h; it was 700 personal and 500 horse. On the same day K͟hwāja Zainu-d-dīn, who is of the Naqs͟hbandī K͟hwājas, came from Māwarāʾa-n-nahr and waited on me, bringing as an offering eighteen horses. Qizilbās͟h K͟hān, who was one of the auxiliaries of the province of Gujarat, had come to Court without the leave of the governor. I ordered that an ahadi should put him into confinement, and that he be sent back to the governor of Gujarat, so that others might not desire to do the same. The mansab of Mubārak K͟hān Sazāwal I raised 500 personal, so that it should be 1,500 personal and 700 horse. On the 29th I gave K͟hān Aʿz̤am 100,000 rupees, and ordered that the parganahs of Dāsna7 and Kāsna,7 which are equivalent to 5,000 personal, should be made his jagir. At the end of the same month I gave leave to Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, with his brothers and other relatives, to go to Allahabad, which had been appropriated to them as jagir. At this meeting twenty horse, a qabā (parm narm) of Cashmere cloth, twelve deer, and ten Arabian dogs were given to Karan. The next day, which was the 1st K͟hūrdād, forty horse, the next day forty-one horse, and the third day twenty, amounting in the space of three days to 101 head, were given as a present to Kunwar Karan. In return for the elephant Fauj-sangār, an elephant worth 10,000 rupees out of [290]my private stud was presented to Rāja Sūraj Singh. On the 5th of the month ten turbans (chīra), ten coats (qaba), and ten waist-bands were given to Karan. On the 20th I gave him another elephant.

In these days the news-writer of Kashmir had written that a Mullā of the name of Gadāʾī, a disciplined dervish, who for forty years had lived in one of the monasteries of the city, had prayed the inheritors of that monastery two years8 before he was to deliver over the pledge of his life that he might select a corner in that monastery as a place for his burial. They said, “Let it be so.” In short, he selected a place. When the time for his delivery came he informed his friends and relations and those who were dear to him that an order had reached him that, delivering over the pledge (of life) he had, he should turn towards the last world. Those who were present wondered at his words, and said that the prophets had no such information, and how could they believe such words? He said, “Such an order has been given to me.” He then turned to one of his confidants, who was of the sons of the Qāẓīs of the country, and said: “You will expend the price9 of my Koran, which is worth 700 tankas, in carrying me (to the grave). When you hear the call to Friday’s prayer you will enquire for me.” This conversation took place on the Thursday, and he divided all the goods in his room among his acquaintance and disciples, and went, and at end of the day bathed at the baths. The Qāẓī-zāda aforesaid came before the call for prayer, and enquired as to the health of the Mullā. When he came to the door of the cell [291]he found the door closed and a servant sitting there. He asked the slave what had happened, and the servant said, “The Mullā has enjoined me that until the door of the cell open of its own accord I must not go in.” Shortly after these words were said the door of the cell opened. The Qāẓī-zāda entered the cell with that servant and saw that the Mullā was on his knees with his face turned toward the qibla, and had given up his soul to God. Happy the state of the freed who can fly away from this place of the snares of dependence with such ease!

By the increase of 200 personal and 50 horse in the mansab of Karam Sen Rāṭhor, I raised it to 1,000 personal and 300 horse. On the 11th of this month the offering of Las͟hkar K͟hān, which consisted of three strings of Persian camels and twenty cups and plates from K͟hit̤ā (China) and twenty Arabian dogs, was brought before me. On the 12th a jewelled dagger was bestowed on Iʿtibār K͟hān, and to Karan I gave a plume (kalgī) worth 2,000 rupees. On the 14th I gave a dress of honour to Sar-10buland Rāy, and gave him leave to go to the Deccan.

On the night of Friday, the 15th, a strange affair occurred. By chance on that night I was at Pushkar. To be brief, Kis͟han, own brother to Rāja Sūraj Singh, was in great perturbation through Gobind Dās, the Vakil of the said Raja having some time ago killed his nephew, a youth of the name of Gopāl Dās. The cause of the quarrel it would take too long to tell. Kis͟han Singh expected that, as Gopāl Dās was also the nephew of the Raja (Sūraj Singh), the latter would kill Gobind Dās. But the Raja, on account of the experience and ability of Gobind Dās, relinquished the idea of seeking revenge for his nephew’s death. When Kis͟han saw this neglect on the part of the Raja, he resolved himself to take [292]revenge for his nephew, and not allow his blood to pass away unnoticed. For a long time he kept this matter in his mind, until on that night he assembled his brothers, friends, and servants, and told them that he would go that night to take Gobind Dās’s life, whatever might happen, and that he did not care what injury might happen to the Raja. The Raja was in ignorance of what was happening, and when it was near dawn Kis͟han came with Karan, his brother’s son, and other companions. When he arrived at the gate of the Raja’s dwelling he sent some of the experienced men on foot to the house of Gobind Dās, which was near the Raja’s. He himself (Kis͟han) was on horseback, and stationed himself near the gate. The men on foot entered Gobind Dās’s house, and killed some of those who were there on guard. Whilst this fight was going on Gobind Dās awoke, and seizing his sword in a state of bewilderment was coming out from one side of the house to join the outside watchmen. When the men on foot had finished killing some of the people, they came out of the tent to endeavour to find out Gobind Dās, and, meeting him, they finished his affair (killed him). Before the news of the killing of Gobind Dās reached Kis͟han, he, unable to bear it any more, dismounted and came inside the dwelling. Although his men protested in a disturbed state that it was not right to be on foot, he would in no way listen to them. If he had remained a little longer and the news of his enemy having been killed had reached him, it is possible that he would have escaped safe and sound, mounted as he was. As the pen of destiny had gone forth after another fashion, as soon as he alighted and went in, the Raja, who was in his maḥall (female apartment), awoke at the uproar among the people, and stood at the gate of his house with his sword drawn. People from all sides were aroused and came in against the men who were on foot. They saw what the number [293]of men on foot was, and came out in great numbers and faced Kis͟han Singh’s men, who were about ten in number. In short, Kis͟han Singh and his nephew Karan, when they reached the Raja’s house, were attacked by these men and both of them killed. Kis͟han Singh had seven and Karan nine wounds. Altogether in this fight 66 men on the two sides were killed, on the Raja’s side 30 and on Kis͟han Singh’s 36. When the sun rose and illumined the world with its light, this business was revealed, and the Raja saw that his brother, his nephew, and some of his servants, whom he considered dearer than himself, were killed, and the whole of the rest had dispersed to their own places. The news reached me in Pushkar, and I ordered them to burn those who were killed, according to their rites, and inform me of the true circumstances of the affair. In the end it became clear that the affair had happened in the manner in which it has been written here, and that no further enquiry was necessary.

On the 8th Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān came from his native place and waited on me with an offering of 100 muhrs. Rāy Sūraj Singh was dismissed to his duty in the Deccan. I presented him with a couple of pearls for his ears and a special Kashmir shawl (parm narm). A pair of pearls were also sent to K͟hān Jahān. On the 25th I increased the mansab of Iʿtibār K͟hān by 600 horse, so as to bring it to 5,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the same day Karan obtained leave to go to his jagir. He received a present of a horse, a special elephant, a dress of honour, a string of pearls of the value of 50,000 rupees, and a jewelled dagger which had been completed for 2,000 rupees. From the time of his waiting on me till he obtained leave, what he had had in the shape of cash, jewellery, jewels, and jewelled things was of the value of 200,000 rupees, with 110 horses, five elephants, in addition to what my son K͟hurram bestowed on him [294]at various times. I gave Mubārak K͟hān Sazāwal a horse and an elephant, and appointed him to accompany him. I sent several verbal messages to the Rānā. Rāja Sūraj Singh also obtained leave to go to his native country, with a promise to return in two months. On the 27th, Pāyanda K͟hān Mog͟hul,11 who was one of the old Amirs of the State, gave up the deposit of his life.

At the end of this month news came that the ruler of Iran had executed his eldest son Ṣafī Mīrzā. This was a cause of great bewilderment. When I enquired into it they said that at Daras͟h,12 which is one of the noted cities of Gīlān, he ordered a slave of the name of Bihbūd to kill Ṣafī Mīrzā. The slave found an opportunity, early in the morning on the 5th of Muḥarram, in the year 1024 (25th January, 1615), when the Mīrzā was returning from the baths towards his house, and finished his affair for him with two wounds from a sword (sīk͟hakī).13 After a great part of the day had passed, while his body lay between the water and the mud, S͟haik͟h Bahāʾu-d-dīn Muḥammad, who was the best known man in the country for learning and holiness, and on whom the Shah had full reliance, reported the affair, and, obtaining leave to lift him up, took his corpse and sent it to Ardabīl, where was the burial-ground of his ancestors. Although much enquiry was made of travellers from Iran, no one would say a word of this affair that satisfied my mind with regard to it. The killing of a son must have some powerful motive in order to do away with the disgrace of it. [295]

On the 1st of the month of Tīr I gave an elephant of the name of Ranjīt with its trappings to Mīrzā Rustam and another to Sayyid Alī Bārha. Mīrak Ḥusain, a relation of K͟hwāja S͟hamsu-d-dīn, was appointed bakhshi and news-writer of the Subah of Behar, and took leave to go. I gave K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf Qūs͟h-begī (the falconer) an elephant and a dress of honour, and dismissed him to his jagir. On the 9th of the same month I gave a jewelled sword to K͟hān Dauran, and a jewelled dagger was sent for Allahdād, the son of Jalālā the Afghan, who had become loyal. On the 13th took place the meeting for the festival of the Āb-pās͟hān14 (rose-water scattering), and the servants of the Court amused themselves with sprinkling rose-water over each other. On the 17th, Amānat K͟hān was appointed to the port of Cambay. As Muqarrab K͟hān proposed to come to Court, the (charge of the) aforesaid port was changed. On the same day I sent a jewelled waist-dagger to my son Parwīz. On the 18th the offering of K͟hānk͟hānān was laid before me. He had prepared all kinds of jewellery and other things, jewels with jewelled things, such as three rubies and 103 pearls, 100 rubies (yāqūt), two jewelled daggers and an aigrette adorned with rubies and pearls, a jewelled water-jar, a jewelled sword, a quiver bound with velvet, and a diamond ring, altogether of the value of about 100,000 rupees, in addition to jewels and jewelled things, cloth from the Deccan and Carnatic, and all kinds of gilt and plain things, with fifteen elephants and a horse whose mane reached the ground. The offering of S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān (his son) also, consisting of five elephants, 300 pieces of all kinds of cloth, was brought before me. On the 8th I honoured Hūs͟hang with the title of Ikrām K͟hān. Rūz-afzūn, who was one of the princes of the Subah of Behar and who had [296]been from his youth one of the permanent servants of the Court, having been honoured by admission into Islam, was made Raja of the province of his father, Rāja Sangrām.15 Though the latter had been killed in opposing the leaders of the State, I gave him an elephant and leave to go to his native place. An elephant was presented to Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān. On the 24th, Jagat Singh, son of Kunwar Karan, who was in his 12th year, came and waited on me, and presented petitions from his grandfather, the Rānā Amar Singh, and from his father. The signs of nobility and high birth were evident on his face. I pleased him with a dress of honour and kindness. To the mansab of Mīrzā ʿĪsā Tark͟hān an addition of 200 personal was made, so that it attained to 1,200 personal and 300 horse. In the end of the month, having honoured S͟haik͟h Ḥusain Rohīla with the title of Mubāriz K͟hān, I dismissed him to his jagir. Ten thousand darabs (5,000 rupees) were given to the relations of Mīrzā S͟harafu-d-dīn Ḥusain Kās͟hg͟harī, who at this time had come and had the honour of kissing the threshold. On the 5th Amurdād, to the mansab of Rāja Nathmal, which was 1,500 personal and 1,100 horse, an addition of 500 personal and 100 horse was made. On the 7th, Kes͟ho (Dās) Mārū, who had a jagir in the Sarkar of Orissa, and who had been sent for to Court on account of a complaint16 against the governor of the Subah of that place, came and paid his respects. He produced as an offering four elephants. As I had a great desire to see my farzand (son) K͟hān Jahān (Lodī), and for the purpose of enquiring into important matters connected with the Deccan, it was necessary for him to come at once, I sent for him. On Tuesday, the 8th of the same [297]month, he waited on me, and presented as an offering 1,000 muhrs, 1,000 rupees, 4 rubies, 20 pearls, 1 emerald, and a jewelled phūl kaṭāra, the total value being 50,000 rupees. On the night of Sunday, as it was the anniversary of the great K͟hwāja (Muʿīnu-d-dīn), I went to his revered mausoleum, and remained there till midnight. The attendants and Sufis exhibited ecstatic states, and I gave the fakirs and attendants money with my own hand; altogether there were expended 6,000 rupees in cash, 100 s̤aub-kurta (a robe down to the ankles), 70 rosaries of pearls,17 coral and amber, etc. Mahā Singh, grandson of Rāja Mān Singh, was honoured with the title of Raja, and a standard and drums given him. On the 16th an Iraq horse out of my private stable and another horse were presented to Mahābat K͟hān. On the 19th an elephant was given to K͟hān Aʿz̤am. On the 20th, 200 horse were added to the mansab of Kes͟ho (Dās) Mārū, which was 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and he was dignified with a dress of honour. An increase of 200 personal and horse was made to the mansab of K͟hwāja ʿĀqil, which was 1,200 personal and 600 horse. On the 22nd, Mirzā Rāja Bhāo Singh took leave to go to Amber, which was his ancient native place, and had given him a special Kashmir phūp (?) robe.18 On the 25th, Aḥmad Beg K͟hān, who was imprisoned at Ranṭambhor, paid his respects to me, and his offences were pardoned on account of his former services. On the 28th, Muqarrab K͟hān came from the Subah of Gujarat and waited on me, and offered an aigrette and a jewelled throne.19 An increase of 500 personal and horse was made to the mansab of Salāamu-llah, the Arab, and it was brought to 2,000 personal and 1,100 horse. On the 1st of the month of S͟hahrīwar the following increases were made [298]in the rank of a number of men who were going on service to the Deccan:—To Mubāriz K͟hān 300 horse, making 1,000 personal and horse. Nāhir K͟hān was also raised to 1,000 personal and horse. Dilāwar K͟hān was raised by 300 horse to 2,500 personal and horse. Manglī K͟hān’s rank was increased by 200 horse to 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse. Girdhar, the son of Ray Sāl, had the rank of 800 personal and horse bestowed on him, and Ilf K͟hān Qiyām K͟hān the same mansab, original and increase. Yādgār Ḥusain was raised to 700 personal and 500 horse, and Kamālu-d-dīn, son of S͟hīr K͟hān, to the same mansab. One hundred and fifty horse were added to the rank of Sayyid ʿAbdu-llah Bārha, which then came to 700 personal and 300 horse, original and increase. On the 8th of the said month I bestowed one Nūr-jahānī muhr, which is equal to 6,400 rupees, on Muṣt̤afā Beg, the ambassador of the ruler of Iran, and presented five cheetahs to Qāsim K͟hān, governor of Bengal. Mīrzā Murād, eldest son of Mīrzā Rustam, on the 12th of the same month was honoured with the title of Iltifāt K͟hān. On the night of the 16th, corresponding with the S͟hab-i-barāt (consecrated to the memory of forefathers), I ordered them to light lamps on the hills round the Ānā Sāgar tank and on its banks, and went myself to look at them. The reflection of the lamps fell on the water and had a wonderful appearance. I passed the most of that night with the ladies of the mahall on the bank of that tank.

On the 17th, Mīrzā Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain,20 who had gone as an ambassador to Bijapur, came and waited on me, and presented three rings, the stone of one of which was a cornelian from Yemen, of great beauty and pureness of water, the like of which is seldom seen among the cornelians of Yemen. ʿĀdil K͟hān sent a person of the name of Sayyid Kabīr K͟hān on his own part with the said [299]Mir, and forwarded as offerings elephants with gold and silver fittings, Arab horses, jewels and jewelled things, and all kinds of cloth made in that country. On the 24th of this month they were brought before me with a letter he had brought. On the same day the assembly for my solar weighing was held. On the 26th, Muṣt̤afā Beg, the ambassador, took his leave. In addition to what had been bestowed on him during the time of his attendance, I gave him 20,000 rupees more in cash and a dress of honour, and in answer to the letter he had brought sent a friendly letter written in the perfection of friendship. On the 4th of the month of Mihr the mansab of Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, which was 2,000 personal and 500 horse, was fixed at 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the 5th, Mahābat K͟hān, in company with K͟hān Jahān, who had been appointed to serve in the Deccan, at the hour that had been appointed for him, took his leave; he was honoured with a dress of honour, a jewelled dagger, a phūl kaṭāra, a special sword, and an elephant. On the 8th, K͟hān Jahān took his leave, and I presented him with a dress of honour, and a special nādirī (a dress), and an ambling horse with a saddle, a special elephant, and a special sword. On the same date 1,700 horse of those under the command of Mahābat K͟hān were ordered to have assignments (tank͟hwāh) for two or three horses given them. The whole of the men who were at this time appointed for service in the Deccan were 330 mansabdars, 3,000 ahadis, 700 horse from the Ūymaqs, and 3,000 Dalazāk Afghans. Altogether there were 30,00021 cavalry, and 3,000,000 rupees of treasure, and an efficient artillery, and war elephants. They proceeded on this duty. The mansab of Sarbuland Rāy was increased by 500 personal and 260 horse, and came to 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse. Bāljū, nephew of Qilīj K͟hān, was [300]promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 700 horse, original and increase. I also increased Rāja Kis͟han Dās’s mansab by 500. At the request of K͟hān Jahān, the mansab of S͟hāhbāz K͟hān Lodī, who belonged to the Deccan force, was fixed, original and increase, at 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse; and 200 horse were added to the mansab of Wazīr K͟hān. The mansab of Suhrāb K͟hān, son of Mīrzā Rustam, was fixed at 1,000 personal and 400 horse, original and increase. On the 14th of the same month 1,000 was added to the mansab of Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, and by increasing it also by 500 horse he was raised to the exalted rank of 5,000 personal and 2,500 horse. On the 19th, Rāja Sūraj Singh, with his son Gaj Singh, who had gone home, came and paid their respects, and presented as offerings 100 muhrs and 1,000 rupees. I gave Sayyid Kabīr, who had been sent by ʿĀdil K͟hān, one Nūrjahānī muhr, which weighed 500 tūlcha. On the 23rd, ninety elephants of those which Qāsim K͟hān had acquired from the conquest of the country of Kūch (Behar), and the conquest of the Maghs and the zamindars of Orissa, were brought before me and placed in the special elephant houses. On the 26th, Irādat K͟hān was raised to the rank of Mīr-sāmānī (head butler), Muʿtamad K͟hān to that of Bakhshi of the Ahadis, Muḥammad Riẓā Jābirī to that of Bakhshi of the Subah of the Panjab and news writer of that place. Sayyid Kabīr, who had come on the part of ʿĀdil K͟hān to beg pardon for the offences of the rulers (dunyā-dārān) of the Deccan, and to promise the restoration of the fort of Ahmadnagar and the royal territory which had been taken out of the possession of the chiefs of the victorious State through the rebellion of certain rebels, came and waited on me, and obtained leave to go on this date; and, having received a dress of honour, an elephant, and a horse, started off. As Rāja Rāj Singh Kachhwāha had died in the Deccan, I promoted his son Rām Dās [301]to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 400 horse. On the 4th of Ābān, drums were given to Saif K͟hān Bārha and his mansab increased by 300 horse, so as to bring it up to 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the same date I released Rāja Mān, who was in confinement in the fort of Gwalior, on the security of Murtaẓā K͟hān, and, confirming his mansab, sent him to the said K͟hān for duty at the fort of Kāngra. At the request of K͟hān Daurān, an increase of 300 horse was ordered to the mansab of Ṣādiq K͟hān, raising it to 1,000 personal and horse. Mīrzā ʿĪsā Tark͟hān came from the province of Sambhal, which was his jagir, and waited on me, and offered 100 muhrs. On the 16th, Rāja Sūraj Singh obtained leave to go to his duty in the Deccan, and I increased his mansab by 300 horse, so as to make it 5,000 personal and 3,300 horse; he received a dress of honour and a horse, and started. On the 18th I confirmed the mansab of Mīrzā ʿĪsā, original and increase, at 1,500 personal and 800 horse, and gave him an elephant and a dress of honour, and he took leave to go to the Deccan.

On the same day the news of the death of the wretch Chīn Qilīj was received by a letter from Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān. After the death of Qilīj K͟hān, who was one of the old servants of this State, I had made this inauspicious man an Amīr, and shown him great favour, and given him in jagir such a place as Jaunpur. I also sent his other brothers and relations with him and made them his deputies. He had one brother of the name of Lahorī,22 of a very wicked disposition. It was reported to me that the servants of God (people) were greatly oppressed by his conduct. I sent an ahadi to bring him (Lahorī) from Jaunpur. At the coming of the ahadi, suspicion without any cause prevailed over Chīn Qilīj, and it came into his mind to run away, taking [302]his misguided brother with him. Leaving his mansab, his government, place, and jagir, money, property, children, and people, he took a little money and gold and a few jewels and went with a small body among the zamindars. This news arrived a few days ago and caused great astonishment. In short, to whatever zamindar he went he took money23 from him(?) and then let him go(?), until news came that he had entered the country of Johat.24 When this news reached Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, he sent some of his men to take and bring that thoughtless one. They took him as soon as they arrived, and were intending to take him to Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, when he at that very moment went to hell. Some of those who had accompanied him said that for some days previously he had contracted an illness and it had killed him. But this was heard of him as well, that he committed suicide, in order that they might not take him to Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān in this state. In any case, they brought his body with his children and servants who were with him to Allahabad. They made away with most of the money that he had, and the zamindars took it from him. Alas, that salt (i.e. loyalty) should not have brought such black-faced wretches to condign punishment!

“Behind the duty that lies on all people is the duty to the sovereign and benefactor”(?).25

[303]

On the 22nd, at the request of K͟hān Daurān, 200 horse were added to the mansab of Nād ʿAlī Maidānī, one of the officers appointed to Bangas͟h, which brought it to 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse; 100 horse were also added to the mansab of Las͟hkar K͟hān, which was 2,000 personal and 900 horse. On the 24th I confirmed the mansab of Muqarrab K͟hān, which was 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, and increased it to 5,000 personal and 2,500 horse. On the same day I bestowed the title of K͟hān on Qiyām, son of S͟hāh Muḥammad Qandahārī, who was an Amīr-zāda, and was in service as a huntsman. On the 5th of the month of Āẕar a jewelled dagger was given to Dārāb K͟hān, and by the hand of Rāja Sārang Deo dresses of honour were bestowed on the Amirs of the Deccan. As some (evil) things had been heard about Ṣafdar K͟hān, governor of Kashmir, I dismissed him from the government, and favouring Aḥmad Beg K͟hān on account of his previous services, I promoted him to be Subadar of Kashmir, and confirmed his mansab of 2,500 personal and 1,500 horse, honoured him with a jewelled waist-dagger and a dress of honour, and gave him leave. By the hand of Ihtimām K͟hān I sent winter dresses of honour to Qāsim K͟hān, governor of Bengal, and the Amirs that were attached to that province. On the 15th of the month there was laid before me the offering of Makaʾī, son of Iftik͟hār K͟hān, consisting of an elephant, goṭ26 horses, and pieces of cloth. He was honoured with the title of Muruwwat K͟hān. At the request of Iʿtimādu-d-daula, I had sent for Dayānat K͟hān, who was in the fort of Gwalior, and he had the good fortune to pay his respects; his property, which had been confiscated, was restored to him.

At this time K͟hwāja Hās͟him, of Dahbīd, who at this day vigorously maintains in Transoxiana the profession [304]of a dervish, and in whom the people of that country have great belief, sent a letter by the hand of one of his disciples pointing out his old devotion (to the royal family) and connection and friendship of his ancestors with this illustrious family, together with a farjī27 and a bow and a couplet which the late king Bābar had made for a saint of the name of K͟hwājagī, who also belonged to that sect of dervishes. The last hemistich is as follows:—

“We are bound to the K͟hwājagī and are servants to the K͟hwājagī.”

I also with my own pen wrote some lines in the style of that writing, and sent impromptu quatrains with 1,000 Jahāngīrī muhrs to the said K͟hwāja—

“O thou whose kindness to me is ever more and more,

The State has remembrance of thee, O Dervish,

As from good tidings our heart is rejoiced,

We are glad that thy kindness passes all bounds.”

As I ordered that whoever had the poetic temperament should recite (compose?) this quatrain,28 Ḥakīm Masīḥu-z-zamān said, and said very well—

“Although we have the business of kingship before us,

Every moment more and more we think on the dervishes.

If the heart of our Dervish be gladdened by us

We count that to be the profit of our kingship.”

I gave the Ḥakīm 1,000 muhrs for the composition of this quatrain. On the 7th of the month of Day, when I was coming back from Pushkar and returning to Ajmir, on the way forty-two wild pigs were taken.

On the 20th, Mīr Mīrān came and waited on me. A summary of his circumstances and of his family is [305]now written. On the side of his father29 he is the grandson of Mīr G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn Muḥammad Mīr Mīrān, son of S͟hāh Niʿmatu-llah Walī. During the reigns of the Ṣafawī kings the family had attained to great respect, so that S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp gave his own sister Jānish30 K͟hānim to S͟hāh Niʿmatu-llah, and so on account of his being a great Shaikh and of his being an instructor he was made a relative and a son-in-law (of kings). On the side of his mother he was the daughter’s son of S͟hāh Ismaʿīl K͟hūnī (Ismaʿīl II, the Bloody). After the death of S͟hāh Niʿmatu-llah, his son G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn Muḥammad Mīr Mīrān received great consideration, and the late S͟hāh (T̤ahmāsp) gave to his eldest son in marriage a daughter from the royal family. He gave the daughter of the above-mentioned S͟hāh Ismaʿīl to another son of his, K͟halīlu-llah, to whom Mīr Mīrān was born. The aforesaid Mīr K͟halīlu-llah, seven or eight years before this, had come from Persia and waited on me at Lahore. As he belonged to a high and saintly family, I was much interested in his affairs, and gave him a mansab and a jagir, and honoured and cherished him. After the seat of government was at Agra, in a short time he was attacked by bilious31 diarrhœa from eating too many mangoes, and in ten or twelve days gave up his soul to the Creator. I was grieved at his going, and ordered what he had left in cash and jewels to be sent to his children in Persia. Meanwhile Mīr Mīrān, who was 22 years old, became a qalandar and dervish, and came to me at Ajmir in a way that nobody on the road could recognize him. I soothed all the troubles of his mind and the miseries of his inward and outward condition, [306]and gave him a mansab of 1,000 personal and 400 horse, and presented him with 30,000 darabs in cash. He is now in waiting and attendance on me.

On the 12th, Z̤afar K͟hān, who had been removed from the Subah of Behar, came and waited on me, and made an offering of 100 muhrs, as well as three elephants. On the 15th of Day I increased the mansab of Qāsim K͟hān, the Subahdar of Bengal, by 1,000 personal and horse, so as to make it 4,000 personal and horse. As the diwan and bakhshi of Bengal, Ḥusain Beg and T̤āhir, had not done approved service, Muk͟hliṣ K͟hān, who was one of the confidential servants of the Court, was nominated to these duties. I conferred on him a mansab of 2,000 personal and 700 horse, and also gave him a standard. The duty of ʿarẓ-mukarrir (reviser of petitions) I ordered to be given to Dayānat K͟hān. On the 25th, Friday, the weighing of my son K͟hurram took place. Up to the present year, when he is 24 years old, and is married and has children, he has never defiled himself with drinking wine. On this day, when the assembly for his weighing was held, I said to him: “Bābā, thou hast become the father of children, and kings and kings’ sons have drunk wine. To-day, which is the day of thy being weighed, I will give thee wine to drink, and give thee leave to drink it on feast days and at the time of the New Year, and at all great festivals. But thou must observe the path of moderation, for wise men do not consider it right to drink to such an extent as to destroy the understanding, and it is necessary that from drinking only profit should be derived.” Bū ʿAlī (Avicenna), who is one of the most learned of hakims and physicians, has written this quatrain—

“Wine is a raging enemy, a prudent friend;

A little is an antidote, but much a snake’s poison.

In much there is no little injury,

In a little there is much profit.”

[307]

With much trouble wine was given to him. I had not drunk it till I was 1532 years old, except when in the time of my infancy two or three times my mother and wet-nurses gave it by way of infantile remedy. They asked for a little spirit from my revered father, and gave it me to the extent of a tola mixed with water and rosewater to take away a cough, designating it as medicine. At the time when the camp of my revered father had been pitched in order to put down the disturbance of Yūsufzaʾe Afghans at the fort of Attock, which is on the bank of the Nīlāb (Indus) River, one day I had mounted to go out to hunt. When I had moved about a good deal and the signs of weariness had set in, a gunner of the name of Ustād S͟hāh-qulī, a wonderful gunner out of those under my revered uncle Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm, said to me that if I would take a cup of wine it would drive away the feeling of being tired and heavy. It was in the time of my youth, and as I felt disposed towards it I ordered Mahmūd, the Āb-dār (person in charge of drinking water, etc.), to go to the house of Ḥakīm ʿAlī and bring me an intoxicating draught. He sent me33 the amount of one and a half cups of yellow wine of a sweet taste in a little bottle. I drank [308]it, and found its quality agreeable. After that I took to drinking wine, and increased it from day to day until wine made from grapes ceased to intoxicate me, and I took to drinking arrack (ʿaraq, spirits), and by degrees during nine years my potions rose to twenty cups of doubly distilled spirits, fourteen during the daytime and the remainder at night. The weight of this was six Hindustani sirs or one and a half maunds of Iran. The extent of my eating in those days was a fowl34 with bread and vegetables (lit. radish).35 In that state of matters no one had the power to forbid me, and matters went to such a length that in the crapulous state from the excessive trembling of my hand I could not drink from my own cup, but others had to give it me to drink, until I sent for Ḥakīm Humām, brother of Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ, who was of the most intimate with my revered father, and informed him of my state. He, with excessive sincerity and unfeigned burning of heart, said to me without hesitation, “Lord of the world, by the way in which you drink spirits, God forbid it, but in six months matters will come to such a pass that there will be no remedy for it.” As his words were said out of pure good-will, and sweet life was dear to me, they made an impression on me, and from that day I began to lessen my allowance and set myself to take filūnīyā.36 In [309]proportion as I diminished my liquor, I increased the amount of filuniya.

I also ordered that the arrack should be diluted with wine of the grape so that there should be two parts wine and one part arrack. Every day I diminished the quantity I took, and in the course of seven years I brought it down to six cups. The weight of each cupful was 18¼ misqals. It is now fifteen years that I have drunk at this rate, neither more nor less. And my drinking time is the night except on the day of Thursdays, as it is the day of the blessed accession. Also on the eve37 of Friday, which is the most blessed eve of the week, and is the prelude to a blessed day (I do not drink). I drink at the end of each day with these two38 exceptions, for it does not appear right that this eve (Thursday night) should be spent in neglect, and that there should be an omission (on Friday) of returning thanks to the True Benefactor. On the day of Thursday and on the day of Sunday I do not eat [310]meat. Not on Thursday, because it is the day of my auspicious accession, and not on Sunday, because it is the birthday of my revered father, and he greatly honoured and held dear the day. After some time I substituted opium for filuniya. Now that my age has arrived at 46 solar years and 4 months, I eat eight surkhs (a red berry used as a weight) of opium when five gharis of day have passed, and six surkhs after one watch of night.

I gave a jewelled dagger to ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān by the hand of Maqṣūd ʿAlī. S͟haik͟h Mūsā, a relation of Qāsim K͟hān, was dignified with the title of K͟hān, and promoted to the mansab of 800 personal and 400 horse, and was allowed to go to Bengal. The mansab of Z̤afar K͟hān was increased to 500 personal and horse, and he was appointed to duty in Bangash. On the same day Muḥammad Ḥusain, brother of K͟hwāja Jahān, was given the faujdārship of the Sarkar of Ḥiṣṣār and dismissed, his mansab being increased by 200 horse to raise it to 500 personal and 400 horse, with the gift of an elephant. On the 5th Bahman an elephant was conferred on Mīr Mīrān. When the merchant ʿAbdu-l-Karīm left Iran for Hindustan, my exalted brother S͟hāh ʿAbbās sent me by his hand a rosary of cornelian from Yemen and a cup of Venetian workmanship, which was very fine and rare. On the 9th of the same month they were laid before me. On the 18th some offerings of many kinds of jewelled ornaments, etc., which Sult̤ān Parwīz had sent to me, were laid before me. On the 7th Isfandārmuẕ, Ṣādiq, nephew of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, who was permanently employed as Bakhshi, was honoured with the title of K͟hān. I had also conferred this title on K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz. According to what was right, I called him by the title of ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K͟hān and Ṣādiq by that of Ṣādiq K͟hān. On the 10th, Jagat Singh, son of Kunwar Karan, who had obtained leave [311]to go to his native country, when he took leave was presented with 20,000 rupees, a horse, an elephant, a dress of honour, and a special shawl. Five thousand rupees, a horse, and a dress of honour were also given to Haridās Jhālā, who was one of the confidants of the Rānā and tutor to Karan’s son. By his hand I also sent a mace of gold (s͟has͟hparī) for the Rānā.

On the 20th of the same month, Rāja Sūraj Singh, son of Rāja Bāso, who on account of the nearness of his dwelling-place to it had been sent with Murtaẓā K͟hān to capture the fort of Kāngra, came on my summons and waited on me. The aforesaid K͟hān had entertained certain suspicions with regard to him, and on this account, considering him an undesirable companion, had repeatedly sent petitions to the Court, and wrote things about him until an order was received to summon him.

On the 26th, Niz̤āmu-d-dīn K͟hān came from Multan and waited on me. In the end of this year news of victory and prosperity came in from all sides of my dominions. In the first place, this was with regard to the disturbance of Aḥdād, the Afghan, who for a long time past had been in rebellion in the hill country of Kabul, and round whom many of the Afghans of that neighbourhood had assembled, and against whom from the time of my revered father until now, which is the 10th year after my accession, armies have always been employed. He by degrees was defeated, and, falling into a wretched state, a part of his band was dispersed and a part killed. He took refuge for some time in Chark͟h, which was a place on which he relied, but K͟hān Daurān surrounded it and closed the road for entry and exit. When there remained no grass for his beasts or means of living for men in the fortress, he at night brought down his animals from the hills and grazed them on the skirts, and accompanied them himself, in order that he might set an example to his men. At last this [312]intelligence reached K͟hān Daurān. He then appointed a body of his leaders and experienced men to go into ambush on an appointed night in the neighbourhood of Chark͟h. That band went and hid itself at night in places of refuge, and K͟hān Daurān rode on the same day in that direction. When those ill-fated ones brought out their cattle and let them loose to graze, and the ill-conditioned Aḥdād himself passed by the places of ambush with his own band, suddenly a dust rose in front of him. When they enquired it became known that it was K͟hān Daurān. In a state of bewilderment he endeavoured to turn back, and the scouts announced to the aforesaid K͟hān that it was Aḥdād. The K͟hān gave his horse the reins and went at Aḥdād; the men who were in ambush also blocked the road and attacked him. The fight lasted till midday in consequence of the broken nature of the ground and the thickness of the jungle; at last defeat fell on the Afghans and they betook themselves to the hill: about 300 fighting men went to hell and 100 were taken prisoners. Aḥdād could not regain the stronghold and hold on there. Necessarily he turned his face towards Qandahar. The victorious troops entering Chark͟h, burnt all the places and houses of those ill-fortuned ones, and destroyed and rooted them up from their foundations.

Another39 piece of news was the defeat of the ill-starred ʿAmbar and the destruction of his unfortunate army. Briefly, a band of the influential leaders and a body of Bargīs (Mahrattas), who are a hardy lot and who are the centre of resistance in that country, becoming angry with ʿAmbar, showed an intention to be loyal, and begging for quarter from S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān, who was in Bālāpūr with an army of royal troops, agreed to interview the said K͟hān, and being satisfied, Ādam K͟hān, Yāqūt K͟hān, [313]and other leaders, and the Bargīs Jādo40 Rāy and Bāpū Kāṭiyā, came and interviewed him. S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān gave each of them a horse, an elephant, money, and dress of honour, according to their quality and condition, made them hot in duty and loyalty, and marching from Balapur started against the rebel ʿAmbar in their company. On the road they fell in with an army of the Dakhanis, whose leaders were Maḥalldār,41 Dānis͟h (Ātas͟h?), Dilāwar, Bijlī, Fīrūz, and others, and routed it.

“With broken arms and loosened loins,

No strength in their feet, no sense in their heads.”42

They reached the camp of that ill-starred one, and he from excessive pride determined to fight with the victorious troops. Having collected those rebels who were with him and ʿĀdil K͟hān’s army and that of Qut̤bu-l-mulk together, and preparing their artillery, he started to meet the royal troops until a space of not more than 5 or 6 kos remained between. On Sunday, the 25th Bahman, the armies of light and darkness approached each other and the scouts became visible. Three watches of day had passed when cannon and rocket firing began. In the end Dārāb K͟hān, who was in command of the vanguard, with other leaders and zealous men such as Rāja Bīr Singh Deo, Rāy Chand, ʿAlī K͟hān the Tatar, Jahāngīr Qulī Beg Turkmān, and other lions of the forest of bravery, drew their swords and charged the vanguard of the enemy. Performing the dues of manliness and bravery, they scattered this army like the Banātu-n-naʿs͟h (‘Daughters of the Bier,’ i.e. the Great Bear); and not stopping there they attacked [314]the enemy’s centre. Turning on the army opposed to them, such a hand-to-hand struggle took place that the onlookers remained bewildered. For nearly two gharis this combat went on. Heaps of the dead lay there, and the ill-starred ʿAmbar, unable to offer further opposition, turned his face to flight. If darkness43 and gloom had not come on at the cry of those black-fortuned ones, not one of them would have found the road to the valley of safety. The crocodiles of the river of conflict followed the fugitives for 2 or 3 kos. When horses and men could move no more and the defeated were scattered, they drew rein and returned to their places. The whole of the enemy’s artillery, with 300 laden camels that carried rockets, war elephants, Arab and Persian horses, weapons and armour beyond reckoning, fell into the hands of the servants of the State, and there was no counting the slain and the fallen. A great many of the leaders fell alive into their hands. The next day the victorious troops, marching from the place of victory, proceeded to Karkī, which was the nest of those owlish ones, and seeing no trace of them they encamped there, and obtained news that they during that night and day had fallen miserably in different places. For some days the victorious army, delayed at Karkī, levelled with the dark earth the buildings and houses of the enemy, and burnt that populous place. In consequence of the occurrence of certain events, to describe which in detail would take too long here, they returned from that place and descended by the Rohan Khanḍa Pass. In reward for this service I ordered increases to be made in the mansabs of a number who had shown zeal and bravery.

The third piece of news was the conquest of the province of Khokharā44 and the acquisition of the diamond [315]mines, which were taken by the excellent exertions of Ibrāhīm K͟hān. This province is one of the dependencies of the Subah of Behar and Patna. There is a river there from which they procure diamonds. At the season when there is little water, there are pools and water-holes, and it has become known by experience to those who are employed in this work that above every water-hole in which there are diamonds, there are crowds of flying animals of the nature of gnats, and which in the language of India they call jhīngā(?).45 Keeping the bed of the stream in sight as far as it is accessible, they make a collection of stones (sangchīn) round the water-holes. After this they empty the water-holes with spades and shovels to the extent of a yard or 1½ yards and dig up the area. They find among the stones and sand large and small diamonds46 and bring them out. It occasionally happens that they find a piece of diamond worth 100,000 rupees. Briefly, this province and this river were in possession of a Hindu Zamindar of the name of Durjan Sāl, and although the governors of the Subah frequently sent armies against him and went there themselves, in consequence of the difficult roads and thickness of the jungles they contented themselves with taking two or three diamonds and left him in his former condition. When the aforesaid Subah was transferred from Z̤afar K͟hān, and Ibrāhīm K͟hān was [316]appointed in his place, at the time of his taking leave I ordered him to go and take the province out of the possession of that unknown and insignificant individual. As soon as he arrived in the province of Behar he assembled a force and went against that Zamindar. According to former custom he sent some of his men with a promise to give some diamonds and some elephants, but the K͟hān did not agree to this and entered impetuously into the province. Before the fellow could collect his men he found guides and invaded it. Just when the zamindar received this news, the hills and vales that are his abode were beleaguered. Ibrāhīm sent men about to find him and they got hold of him in a cave with several women, one of whom was his mother, while others were also his father’s wives. They arrested him, and also one of his brothers. They searched and took from them the diamonds they had with them. Twenty-three male and female elephants also fell into Ibrāhīm’s hands. In reward for this service the mansab of Ibrāhīm K͟hān original and increase, was made up to 4,000 personal and horse, and he was exalted with the title of Fatḥ-jang. Orders were also given for an increase in the mansabs of those who accompanied him on this service and had shown bravery. That province is now in possession of the imperial servants of the State. They carry on work in the bed of the stream, and bring to Court whatever diamonds are found. A large diamond, the value of which has been estimated at 50,000 rupees, has lately been brought from there. If a little pains are taken, it is probable that good diamonds will be found and be placed in the jewel-room. [317]


1 Should be 18th. See Elliot, vi, 341. I.O. 181 has 20th, and this is probably correct, bīstam and has͟htam being often mistaken for one another by the copyists. B.M. MS. Add. 26215 has dūs͟hamba, Monday, instead of s͟hamba, Saturday. 

2 Akbar used the word parm narm, ‘very soft,’ as a substitute for ‘shawl’ (Blochmann, p. 90). 

3 According to Gladwin, 96 tanks = one sir. Four mashas make a tank, and a masha is about 18 grains troy. 

4 Text كهيته چار, kheta chār. But the two B.M. MSS. which I have consulted have no , and have khatta or ghatta chār. I think that the word must be घटा, ghaṭā, which in Sanskrit means a troop of elephants assembled for war. I am not sure what the word chār means, but perhaps it is only an affix. According to Abū-l-faẓl a herd of (wild) elephants is called sahn (Blochmann, p. 122). 

5 Panj tuqūz, i.e. 9 by 5. The text has تاقور, tāqūr

6 The B.M. MSS. seem to have panch kunjar, ‘five elephants,’ i.e. equal to five elephants(?). 

7 In Sarkār Delhi (Jarrett, ii, 287). 

8 The text does not expressly say that the dervish foretold two years before his death the period of his death, but apparently Jahāngīr means this, for he goes on to speak of the time mentioned for his delivery. See also Iqbāl-nāma, p. 81, where the dervish is called Ḥāfiz̤, and where it is added that the whole population of Srinagar followed the bier. 

9 Lit. give it, for the Koran cannot be directly sold. 

10 Text pisar, ‘son of Buland Rāy.’ but from the B.M. MSS. it appears that pisar is a mistake for Sar. 

11 Blochmann, p. 387. Possibly he was the part author of a translation of Bābar’s Commentaries. 

12 The name is wrong. The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 84, has Ras͟ht (Ras͟hd), which is a well-known town on the Caspian. 

13 According to the Iqbāl-nāma the true reading is sanjakī (see p. 84). But Olearius, who gives a full account of the murder (p. 352 of English translation, ed. 1662), says Bihbūd gave him two stabs with a chentze, which is a kind of poniard. 

14 A Persian festival in memory of a rain which fell on the 13th Tīr and put an end to a famine (Bahār-i-ʿajam). 

15 Sangrām was Raja of Khurkpur in Behar, and was killed in battle with Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān (Blochmann, p. 446, note). 

16 S͟hakwāʾi-ṣāḥib-i-Sūba. I presume it means a complaint against the governor, and perhaps one made by Kes͟ho. 

17 The pearls are omitted in the MSS. 

18 It is phūl in MS. No. 181. 

19 Tak͟htī, qu. a signet? No. 181 has a lāl tak͟htī

20 Sir Thomas Roe’s friend. 

21 Text wrongly has 3 instead of 30. 

22 Apparently because born in Lahore (see Blochmann, p. 500). 

23 According to I.O. MS. 181 every zamindar took some money from Chīn Qilīj and sent him out of his estate, and this seems to be the probable meaning, for we are told later on that the zamindars plundered Chīn Qilīj. 

24 Tirhut. R.A.S. MS. has “It chanced that the zamindar of this place was with Jahāngīr Qulī, and the latter sent him with some people to seize Chīn Qilīj.” I.O. MS. has the same, and this seems correct. The text has “It chanced that the zamindar of that place was spending some days in that neighbourhood(?).” Perhaps a negative has been omitted before ‘spending.’ I.O. MS. seems to have Johirhat as the name of the zamindar’s estate. 

25 Apparently the verse is quoted with reference to Jahāngīr Qulī’s failure to exact retribution from the zamindars, There is an account of Chīn Qilīj in the Maʾās̤ir, iii, 351. 

26 Gūnṭh, a breed of small horses or ponies. 

27 A farjī is a coat (see Blochmann, p. 89). 

28 Text īn rubāʿī, ‘this quatrain,’ which does not seem to make sense. Perhaps īn here should be āyīn-i-rubāʿī, ‘the rules or the custom of a quatrain.’ Similarly, īn kitābat five lines down may be āyīn-i-kitābat, ‘the rules of writing.’ 

29 His father was K͟halīlu-llah, previously mentioned in the Tūzuk, and who had lately died (Iqbāl-nāma, p, 84, and Tūzuk, pp. 62 and 69). T̤ahmāsp gave Niʿmatu-llah’s daughter in marriage to his own son Ismaʿīl. 

30 K͟hānis͟h K͟hānim in Maʾās̤ir, iii, 339. 

31 Ishāl-i-kabd. 

32 Two I.O. MSS. and the R.A.S. MS. have 18 instead of 15. Elliot has “up to my fourteenth” year. Jahāngīr was born in Rabīʿ, 977, or 31st August, 1569, and the beginning of wine-drinking to which he refers must have taken place at earliest in January, 1586. He tells us that it was after the death of Muḥammad Ḥakīm, and at the time when his father was at Attock. Now Akbar arrived there on 15th Muḥarram, 994, according to Niz̤āmu-d-dīn, and on 12th Day, 994, according to Abū-l-faẓl, iii, 976, i.e. about the end of December, 1585, and at that time Jahāngīr was 17 years and 4 months of age, or in his 18th year. He continued to drink heavily for nine years, i.e. till he was 26 (17 + 9), then he moderated for seven years, i.e. till he was 33, and he kept to that for fifteen years more, i.e. till he was 48. These years were lunar years, and he tells that at the time of writing he was 47 years and 9 months old, according to the lunar calendar. It seems to follow that the MSS. are right, and that we should read 18. 

33 Elliot, vi, 341. 

34 The two good I.O. MSS. have, not murg͟h or murg͟hī, but tughdarī or tūg͟hdarī, a ‘bustard,’ unless indeed the word be tag͟haddī, ‘breakfast.’ But probably the word is tughdarī, a bustard, and the reference is to the particular memorable day when he first drank wine. His food that day, he says, was a bustard with bread and a radish (turb). 

35 Blochmann. Calcutta Review, 1869, has ‘turnips.’ 

36 Filūnīyā. The word is not given in ordinary dictionaries, but it is explained in Dozy’s Supplement. It is stated there that it is a sedative electuary, and that the word is derived from the Greek, being φιλωνια, which is the name of an antidote or drug invented by Philon of Tarsus. There is an account of Philon and a reference to his drug in Smith’s Classical Dictionary. Philon lived in or before the first century after Christ, and is referred to by Galen and others. The word as given there is φιλωνειον. We are not told what it was made of. In Price’s Jahāngīr, filuniya, misread there as Kelourica, is described by Jahāngīr as brother’s son to tiryāq, i.e. theriaca (see Price, p. 6). Tiryāk or t̤iryāq is supposed to be a Greek word (see Lane), and means an antidote against poison, etc. It is so used in the verse from Avicenna quoted by Jahāngīr to his son S͟hāh Jahān. See D’Herbelot, s.v. Teriak. But it is also often used apparently as a synonym for opium. The mixing of wine with spirits was intended to dilute the potation, for hitherto Jahāngīr had been taking raw spirit. A mis̤qāl is said to be 63½ grains troy, and so 18 misqals would be about 3 ounces, and the six cups would be about 1½ lb. troy. In Elliot, Jahāngīr is made to say that he does not drink on Thursdays and Fridays. But the s͟hab-i-jumʿa, as Blochmann has pointed out elsewhere, Āyīn translation, p. 171, n. 3, means Thursday night or Friday eve, and this is clearly the case here, for Jahāngīr speaks of the eve’s being followed by a blessed day. It should be noted that there is no connection in Jahāngīr’s mind between abstaining from wine and abstaining from meat. He did not eat meat on Thursdays or Sundays because he did not approve of taking life on these days, but he drank on both of them. 

37 Cf. Blochmann’s translation and Calcutta Review for 1869. 

38 I understand the two exceptions (dū chīz) to be that on Thursdays he drank in the daytime, contrary to the general rule of only drinking at night, and that on Thursday evenings he did not drink. 

39 Elliot, vi, 343. 

40 The MSS. have Jādūn Rāy and Bābā Chokanth (Jīū Kanth?). The Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 646, has Mālūjī Kāntiya. The text has Bābū Kāntiya. 

41 The text is corrupt. The Maʾās̤ir, id., has Ātas͟h instead of Dānis͟h. 

42 The text is corrupt. In the second line of the verse the text has guft, which seems meaningless, and two I.O. MSS. and B.M. MS. Add. 26,215 have jang, ‘battle.’ The R.A.S. MS. has pāy, ‘feet,’ which seems to me the best reading. Possibly guft should be read kift, ‘shoulder.’ 

43 It will be remembered that Jahāngīr has called ʿAmbar’s army the army of darkness, alluding perhaps to ʿAmbar’s being an Abyssinian. 

44 Elliot, vi, and Blochmann, p. 479, n. 3. 

45 Perhaps it should be phangā or feringha, a grasshopper, or it may be jhīngur, a cockroach. Presumably the country was covered with thick jungle, and the cloud of insects indicated where water was. Erskine’s MS. has chika. B.M. Or. 3276 has chika or jika. Possibly the word is jhīngur, a cockroach (see Blochmann in J.A.S.B. for 1871, vol. xl). He quotes a Hindustani Dict., which says that the jhīngā is what in Arabic is called the jarādu-l-baḥr or water-locust. The river referred to by Jahāngīr is the Sankh of I.G., xii, 222. V. Ball, Proc. A.S.B. for 1881, p. 42, suggests that the jhīngā may be thunder-stones! 

46 Compare Tavernier’s account of the searching for diamonds in Sambhalpur (vol. ii, p. 311, of ed. of 1676). 

[Contents]

The Eleventh New Year’s Feast after the auspicious Accession.

Fifteen gharis of day had passed on Sunday, the last day of Isfandārmuẕ, corresponding with the 1st Rabīʿu-l-awwal (19th March, 1616), when from the mansion of Pisces the sun cast the ray of prosperity on the palace of Aries. At this auspicious hour, having performed the dues of service and supplication at the throne of Almighty God, I ascended the throne of State in the public audience hall, the area of which was laid out with tents and canopies (s͟hāmiyānahā), and its sides adorned with European screens, painted gold brocades, and rare cloths. The princes, Amirs, the chief courtiers, the ministers of State, and all the servants of the Court performed their congratulatory salutations. As Ḥāfiz̤ Nād ʿAlī, gūyanda (singer), was one of the ancient servants, I ordered that whatever offerings were made on the Monday by anyone in the shape of cash or goods should be given to him by way of reward. On the 2nd day (of Farwardīn) the offerings of some of the employés were laid before me. On the 4th day the offering of K͟hwāja Jahān, who had sent them from Agra, and which consisted of several diamonds and pearls, of jewelled things, cloth stuffs of all kinds, and an elephant, worth altogether 50,000 rupees, was brought before me. On the 5th day, Kunwar Karan, who had been given leave to go to his home, returned and waited on me. He presented as offering 100 muhrs, 1,000 rupees, an elephant with fittings, and four horses. To the mansab of Āṣaf K͟hān, which was 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse, I on the 7th made an addition of 1,000 personal and 2,000 horse, and honoured him with drums and a standard. On this day the offering of Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain was laid before me; what he offered was approved and accepted. Among the things was a jewelled dagger which had [318]been made under his superintendence.1 On its hilt was a yellow ruby2 (yāqūt-i-zard), exceeding clear and bright, in size equal to half a hen’s egg. I had never before seen so large and beautiful a yellow ruby. Along with it were other rubies of approved colour and old emeralds. Brokers (muqīmān) valued it (the dagger) at 50,000 rupees. I increased the mansab of the said Mīr by 1,000 horse, which brought it to 5,000 personal and 3,500 horse. On the 8th I increased the mansab of Sādiq Ḥāẕiq by 300 personal and horse, and that of Irādat K͟hān by 300 personal and 200 horse, so as to raise each to 1,000 personal and 500 horse. On the 9th the offering of K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan was laid before me; of jewelled ornaments and cloth stuffs, what was of the value of 40,000 rupees was accepted, and the remainder I made a present to him. The offering of Tātār K͟hān Bakāwul-begī, consisting of one ruby (laʿl), one yāqūt, a jewelled tak͟htī (signet?), two rings, and some cloths, was accepted. On the 10th three elephants which Rāja Mahā Singh sent from the Deccan, and 100 and odd pieces of gold brocade, etc., which Murtaẓā K͟hān sent from Lahore, were laid before me. On this date Dayānat K͟hān presented his offering of two pearl rosaries, two rubies, six large pearls, and one gold tray, to the value of 28,000 rupees. At the end of Thursday, the 11th, I went to the house of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah in order to add to his dignity. He then presented me with his offering, and I examined it in detail. Much of it was exceedingly rare. Of jewels there were two pearls worth 30,000 rupees, one qut̤bī ruby which had been purchased for 22,000 rupees, with other pearls and rubies. [319]Altogether the value was 110,000 rupees. These had the honour of acceptance, and of cloth, etc., the value of 15,000 rupees was taken. When I had finished inspecting the offering I passed nearly one watch of the night in conviviality and enjoyment. I ordered that cups (of wine) should be given to the Amirs and servants. The ladies of the maḥall (harem) were also with me, and a pleasant assembly was held. After the festive assembly was over I begged Iʿtimādu-d-daulah to excuse me, and went to the hall of audience. On the same day I ordered Nūr-maḥall Begam to be called Nūr-Jahān Begam. On the 12th the offering of Iʿtibār K͟hān was laid before me. They had made a vessel (z̤arf) in the form of a fish, jewelled with beautiful gems, exceedingly well shaped and calculated to hold my allowance.3 This, with other jewels and jewelled things and cloth stuffs, the value of which was worth 56,000 rupees, I accepted and gave back the rest. Bahādur K͟hān, governor of Qandahar, had sent seven Iraq horses and nine tuqūz (81?) of cloth stuffs. The offerings of Irādat K͟hān and Rāja Sūraj Mal, son of Rāja Bāso, were laid before me on the 13th. ʿAbdu-s-Subḥān, who held a mansab of 1,200 personal and 600 horse, was promoted to 1,500 personal and 700 horse. On the 15th the Subahdarship of the province of Thatha was transferred from S͟hams͟hīr K͟hān Ūzbeg to Muz̤affar K͟hān. On the 16th the offering of Iʿtiqād K͟hān, son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, was laid before me. Of this the equivalent of 32,000 rupees was taken, and I gave back the rest to him. On the 17th the offering of Tarbiyat K͟hān was inspected. Of jewels and cloth what was valued at 17,000 rupees was approved. On the 18th I went to the house of Āṣaf K͟hān, and his offering was presented to me there. From the palace [320]to his house was a distance of about a kos. For half the distance he had laid down under foot velvet woven with gold and gold brocade and plain velvet, such that its value was represented to me as 10,000 rupees. I passed that day until midnight at his house with the ladies. The offerings he had prepared were laid before me in detail. Jewels, jewelled ornaments, and things of gold and beautiful cloth stuffs, things of the value of 114,000 rupees, four horses, and one camel were approved of. On the 19th (Farwardīn), which was the day of honour (rūz-i-s͟haraf) of the sun, a grand assembly was held in the palace. In order to observe the auspicious hour, when 2½ gharis of day were left of the aforesaid day, I seated myself on the throne. My son Bābā K͟hurram at this blessed hour laid before me a ruby of the purest water and brilliancy, which they pronounced to be of the value of 80,000 rupees. I fixed his mansab, which was 15,000 personal and 8,000 horse, at 20,000 personal and 10,000 horse. On the same day my lunar weighing took place. I increased the mansab of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, which was 6,000 personal and 3,000 horse, to 7,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and bestowed on him a tūmān tūg͟h (horse-tail standard), and ordered his drums to be beaten after those of my son K͟hurram. I increased the mansab of Tarbiyat K͟hān by 500 personal and horse, so as to bring it to 3,500 personal and 1,500 horse. The mansab of Iʿtiqād K͟hān was increased by 1,000 personal and 400 horse. Niz̤āmu-d-dīn K͟hān was promoted to 700 personal and 300 horse, and appointed to the Subah of Behar. Salāmu-llah, the Arab, was honoured with the title of S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, and, being dignified with a necklace of pearls, became one of the royal4 servants. I promoted Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Injū to the title of ʿAẓudu-d-daulah (Arm of the State). On the [321]21st Almighty God gave K͟husrau a son by the daughter of Muqīm, son of Mihtar Fāẓil Rikāb-dār (stirrup-holder). To Allah-dād, the Afghan, who, accepting my service, had separated himself from the evil-minded Aḥdād and come to Court, I gave 20,000 darabs (10,000 rupees). On the 25th came the news of the death of Rāy Manohar, who had been attached to the army of the Deccan. Giving his son a mansab of 500 personal and 300 horse, I bestowed upon him his father’s place and property. On the 26th the offering of Nād ʿAlī Maidānī, consisting of nine horses, several bits (? dahāna kīs͟h5), and four Persian camels (wilāyatī), was brought before me. On the 28th I presented Bahādur K͟hān, governor of Qandahar, Mīr Mīrān, son of K͟halīlu-llah, and Sayyid Bāyazīd, governor of Bhakar, each with an elephant. On the 1st Urdībihis͟ht, at the request of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, I presented drums to his brother Sardār K͟hān. On the 3rd I gave Allah-dād K͟hān, the Afghan, a jewelled khapwa (dagger). On the same day news came that Qadam,6 one of the Afrīdī Afghans who had been loyal and obedient, and to whom the rāh-dārī (transit dues) of the Khaibar Pass belonged, from some slight suspicion had withdrawn his feet from the circle of obedience and raised his head in sedition. He had sent a force against each of the posts (thāna), and wherever he and his men went, through the carelessness of those men (in the posts), had plundered and killed many of the people. Briefly, in consequence of the shameful action of this senseless Afghan, a new disturbance broke out in the hill country of Kabul. When this news arrived I ordered Hārūn, brother of Qadam, and Jalāl, his son, who were at Court, to be apprehended and handed over to Āṣaf K͟hān to be imprisoned in the fort of Gwalior. By the [322]manifestation of the Divine mercy and kindness and the signs of God’s favour, an affair took place at this time which is not devoid of strangeness. After the victory over the Rānā my son presented me in Ajmir with an exceedingly beautiful and clear ruby, valued at 60,000 rupees. It occurred to me that I ought to bind this ruby on my own arm. I much wanted two rare pearls of good water of one form to be a fit match for this kind of ruby. Muqarrab K͟hān had procured one grand pearl of the value of 20,000 rupees, and given it to me as a New Year’s offering. It occurred to me that if I could procure a pair to it they would make a perfect bracelet. K͟hurram, who from his childhood had had the honour of waiting on my revered father, and remained in attendance on him day and night, represented to me that he had seen a pearl in an old turban (sar-band) of a weight and shape equal to this pearl. They produced an old sar-pīch (worn on the turban), containing a royal pearl of the same quality, weight, and shape, not differing in weight even by a trifle, so much so that the jewellers were astonished at the matter. It agreed in value, shape, lustre, and brilliance; one might say they had been shed from the same mould. Placing the two pearls alongside of the ruby, I bound them on my arm, and placing my head on the ground of supplication and humility, I returned thanks to the Lord that cherished His slave, and made my tongue utter His praise—

“Who succeeds with hand and tongue?

He who performs the dues of thanks.”

On the 5th (Urdībihis͟ht) 30 Iraq and Turki horses that Murtazā K͟hān had sent from Lahore were brought before me, as also 63 horses, 15 camels, male and female, a bundle of crane’s (kulang) plumes, 9 ʿāqirī(?),7 [323]9 veined8 fish-teeth, 9 pieces of china from Tartary, 3 guns, etc., from K͟hān Daurān, which he had sent from Kabul, were accepted. Muqarrab K͟hān presented an offering of a small elephant from Abyssinia which they had brought by sea in a ship. In comparison with the elephants of Hindustan it presents some peculiarities. Its ears are larger than the ears of the elephants of this place, and its trunk and tail are longer. In the time of my revered father Iʿtimād K͟hān of Cujarat sent a young elephant9 as an offering; by degrees it grew up and was very fiery and bad-tempered. On the 7th a jewelled dagger was given to Muz̤affar K͟hān, governor of Thatha. On the same day news came that a band of Afghans10 had attacked ʿAbdu-s-Subḥān, brother of K͟hān ʿĀlam, who was stationed at one of the posts, and had laid siege to his post. ʿAbdu-s-Subḥān, with certain other mansabdars and servants who had been appointed to go with him had behaved valiantly. But at last, in accordance with the saying—

“When gnats get wings they smite the elephant,”

those dogs overcame them, and elevated ʿAbdu-s-Subḥān with several of the men of the post to the dignity of martyrdom.11 As a condolence for this affair a gracious farman and a special dress of honour were sent to K͟hān ʿĀlam, who had been appointed ambassador to Iran (and was still in that country). On the 14th the offering of Mukarram K͟hān, son of Muʿazzam K͟hān, came from Bengal. It consisted of jewels and articles procurable in that province, and was brought before me. I increased the mansab of some of the jagirdars of Gujarat. Of these, [324]Sardār K͟hān, whose mansab was that of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, was raised to 1,500 personal and 30012 horse, and had a standard given to him as well. Sayyid Qāsim, son of Sayyid Dilāwar Bārha, was raised to an original and increased mansab of 800 personal and 450 horse, and Yār Beg, nephew of Aḥmad Qāsim Koka, to one of 600 personal with 250 horse. On the 17th there came the news of the death of Razzāq of Merv, the Ūzbeg who belonged to the army of the Deccan. He was well skilled in war, and one of the distinguished Amirs of Māwarāʾa-n-nahr. On the 21st, Allah-dād, the Afghan, was honoured with the title of K͟hān, and his mansab, which was 1,000 personal and 600 horse, was raised to 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. Three hundred thousand rupees out of the treasury of Lahore were ordered as a reward and for expenses to K͟hān Daurān, who had greatly exerted himself in the Afghan disturbance. On the 28th, Kunwar Karan obtained leave to go home for his marriage. I conferred on him a dress of honour, a special Iraq horse with a saddle, an elephant, and a jewelled waist-dagger. On the 3rd of this month (K͟hūrdād) the news of the death of Murtaẓā K͟hān came. He was one of the ancients of this State. My revered father had brought him up and raised him to a position of consequence and trust. In my reign also he obtained the grace of noteworthy service, namely the overthrow of K͟husrau. His mansab had been raised to 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse. As he was at this time Subahdar of the Panjab, he had undertaken the capture of Kāngra, to which in strength no other fort in the hill country of that province or even in the whole inhabited world can be compared. He had obtained leave to go on this duty. I was much grieved in mind at this news; in truth, grief at the death of such [325]a loyal follower is only reasonable. As he had died after spending his days in loyalty, I prayed to God for pardon for him. On the 4th K͟hūrdād the mansab of Sayyid Niz̤ām was fixed, original and increase, at 900 personal and 650 horse. I gave Nūru-d-dīn Qulī the post of entertainer to the ambassadors from all parts. On the 7th news came of the death of Saif K͟hān Bārha; he was a brave and ambitious young man. He had exerted himself in an exemplary way in the battle with K͟husrau. He bade farewell to this perishable world in the Deccan through cholera (haiẓa). I conferred favours on his sons. ʿAlī Muḥammad, who was the eldest and most upright of his children, was given the mansab of 30013 personal and 400 horse, and his (ʿAlī Muḥammad’s) brother, by name Bahādur, that of 400 personal and 200 horse. Sayyid ʿAlī, who was his nephew, received an increase in rank of 500 personal and horse. On the same day K͟hūb-Allah, son of S͟hāh-bāz K͟hān Kambū, received the title of Ran-bāz K͟hān. On the 8th14 the mansab of Hāshim K͟hān, original and increase, was fixed at 2,500 personal and 1,800 horse. On this date I bestowed 20,000 darabs (10,000 rupees) on Allah-dād K͟hān, the Afghan. Bikramājīt, Raja of the province of Bāndhū, whose ancestors were considerable zamindars in Hindustan, through the patronage of my fortunate son Bābā K͟hurram, obtained the blessing of paying his respects to me, and his offences were pardoned. On the 9th,15 Kalyān of Jesalmīr, to summon whom Rāja Kishan Dās had gone, came and waited on me. He presented 100 muhrs and 1,000 rupees. His elder brother Rāwal Bhīm was a person of distinction. When he died he left a son 2 months old, and he too did not live [326]long. In the time when I was prince I had taken his daughter in marriage, and called her by the title of Malika-Jahān16 (queen of the world). As the ancestors of this tribe had come of ancient loyal people, this alliance took place. Having summoned the aforesaid Kalyān, who was the brother of Rāwal Bhīm, I exalted17 him with the tīka of Rāja and the title of Rāwal. News came that after the death of Murtaẓā K͟hān loyalty was shown by Rāja Mān, and that, after giving encouragement to the men of the fort of Kāngra an arrangement had been made that he should bring to Court the son of the Raja of that country, who was 29 years old. In consequence of his great zeal in this service, I fixed his mansab, which was 1,000 personal and 800 horse, at 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse. K͟hwāja Jahān was promoted from his original and increased mansab to that of 4,000 personal and 2,500 horse. On this date18 an event occurred such that, although I was greatly desirous of writing it down, my hand and heart have failed me. Whenever I took my pen my state became bewildered, and I helplessly ordered Iʿtimādu-d-daulah to write it.

“An ancient sincere slave, Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, by order writes in this auspicious volume19 that on the 11th20 K͟hūrdād the traces of fever were seen in the pure daughter21 of S͟hāh K͟hurram of lofty fortune, for whom His Majesty showed much affection as the early fruit of [327]the garden of auspiciousness. After three days pustules (ābila) appeared, and on the 26th of the same month, corresponding with Wednesday, the 29th Jumādā-l-awwal (15th June, 1616), in the year 1025, the bird of her soul flew from her elemental cage and passed into the gardens of Paradise. From this date an order was given that Chār-s͟hamba (Wednesday) should be called Kam-s͟hamba (or Gum-s͟hamba). What shall I write as to what happened to the pure personality of the shadow of God in consequence of this heartburning event and grief-increasing calamity? Inasmuch as it happened after this manner to that soul of the world, what must be the condition of those other22 servants whose life was bound up with that pure personality? For two days the servants were not received in audience, and an order was given that a wall should be built in front of the house which had been the abode of that bird of paradise, so that it might not be seen. In addition to this he did not adorn the gate of the hall of audience (did not come there). On the third day he went in an agitated state to the house of the illustrious prince, and the servants had the good fortune to pay their salutations and found fresh life. On the road, however much the Ḥaẓrat (the Emperor) desired to control himself, the tears flowed from the auspicious eyes, and for a long time it was so that at the mere hearing of a word from which came a whiff of pain, the state of the Ḥaẓrat became bewildered. He remained for some days in the house of the prince of the inhabitants of the world, and on Monday23 of Tīr, Divine month, he went to the house of Āṣaf K͟hān, and turned back thence to the Chas͟hma-i-Nūr, and for two or [328]three days employed himself there. But as long as he was in Ajmir he could not control himself. Whenever the word ‘friendship’ reached his ear, the tears would drop from his eyes unrestrained, and the hearts of his faithful followers were torn in pieces. When the departure of the cortège of fortune to the Subah of the Deccan took place, he gained a little composure.”

On this date Prithī Chand, son of Rāy Manohar, obtained the title of Ray and the mansab of 500 personal and 400 horse, and a jagir in his native place. On Saturday, the 11th, I went from the Chas͟hma-i-Nūr to the palace at Ajmir. On the eve of Sunday, the 12th, after 37 seconds had passed, at the time of the ascension of Sagittarius to the 27th degree, by the calculations of the Hindu astronomers, and the 15th degree of Capricorn, by the calculations of the Greeks, there came from the womb of the daughter of Āṣaf K͟hān (wife of K͟hurram) a precious pearl into the world of being. With joy and gladness at this great boon the drums beat loudly, and the door of pleasure and enjoyment was opened in the face of the people. Without delay or reflection the name of S͟hāh S͟hajāʿat came to my tongue. I hope that his coming will be auspicious and blessed to me and to his father. On the 12th a jewelled dagger24 and an elephant were bestowed on Rāwal Kalyān of Jesalmīr. On the same day arrived the news of the death of K͟hawāṣṣ K͟hān, whose jagir was in the Sarkar of Qanauj. I gave an elephant to Rāy Kunwar, Diwan of Gujarat. On the 22nd of the same month (Tīr) I added 500 personal and horse to the mansab of Rāja Mahā Singh, so as to make it one of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse. The mansab of ʿAlī K͟hān Tatārī, who before this had been exalted with the title of Nuṣrat K͟hān, was fixed at 2,000 personal and 500 horse, and [329]a standard was also conferred on him. With a view to the accomplishment of certain purposes, I had made a vow that they should place a gold railing with lattice-work at25 the enlightened tomb of the revered K͟hwāja. On the 27th of this month it was completed, and I ordered them to take and affix it. It had been made at a cost of 110,000 rupees. As the command and leading of the victorious army of the Deccan had not been carried out to my satisfaction by my son Sult̤ān Parwīz, it occurred to me to recall him, and send Bābā K͟hurram as the advanced guard of the victorious army, inasmuch as the signs of rectitude and knowledge of affairs were evident in him, and that I myself would follow him, so that this important matter would be carried through in one and the same campaign. With this object a farman had already been sent in the name of Parwīz ordering him to start for the Subah of Allahabad, which is in the centre of my dominions. Whilst I was engaged in the campaign, he would be entrusted with the guarding and administration of that region. On the 29th of the same month a letter came from Bihārī Dās, the news-writer of Burhānpūr, that the prince on the 20th had left the city safely and well and gone towards the aforesaid Subah. On the 1st Amurdād I bestowed a jewelled turban on Mīrzā Rāja Bhāo Singh. An elephant was conferred on the shrine of Kus͟htīgīr. On the 18th, Las͟hkar K͟hān had sent four ambling (rāhwār) horses, and they were brought before me. Mīr Mughal was appointed to the faujdārship of the Sarkar of Sambal in the place of Sayyid ʿAbdu-l-Wāris̤, who had obtained the governorship of the Subah of Qanauj in the place of K͟hawāṣṣ K͟hān. His mansab, in view of that duty, was fixed at 500 personal and horse. On the 21st the offering of Rāwal Kalyān of Jesalmīr was laid before [330]me; it was 3,000 muhrs, 9 horses, 25 camels, and 1 elephant. The mansab of Qizil-bās͟h K͟hān was fixed original and increase, at 1,200 personal and 1,000 horse. On the 23rd, S͟hajāʿat K͟hān obtained leave to go to his jagir that he might arrange the affairs of his servants and his territory, and present himself at the time agreed upon. In this year,26 or rather in the 10th year after my accession, a great pestilence appeared in some places in Hindustan. The commencement of this calamity was in the parganahs of the Panjab, and by degrees the contagion spread to the city of Lahore. Many of the people, Musulmans and Hindus, died through this. After this it spread to Sirhind and the Dūʾāb, until it reached Delhi and the surrounding parganahs and villages, and desolated them. At this day it had greatly diminished. It became known from men of great age and from old histories that this disease had never shown itself in this country27 (before). Physicians and learned men were questioned as to its cause. Some said that it came because there had been drought for two years in succession and little rain fell: others said it was on account of the corruption of the air which occurred through the drought and scarcity. Some attributed it to other causes. Wisdom is of Allah, and we must submit to Allah’s decrees!

“What does a slave who bows not his neck to the order?”

On 5th S͟hahrīwar 5,000 rupees towards her expenses were sent to the mother of Mīr Mīrān, the daughter of S͟hāh Ismaʿīl II, by merchants who were proceeding to the province of Iraq. On the 6th a letter came from ʿĀbid K͟hān,28 bakhshi and news-writer of Ahmadabad, [331]to the purport that ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Bahādur Fīrūz-jang had quarrelled with him because he had recorded among (current) events certain affairs that had been unpleasing to him, and had sent a body of men against him, and had insulted him by carrying him away to his house, and had done this and that to him. This matter appeared serious to me, and I was desirous at once to cast him out of favour and ruin him. At last it occurred to me to send Dayānat K͟hān to Ahmadabad to enquire into this matter on the spot from disinterested people to see if it had actually occurred and if so, to bring ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān with him to the Court, leaving the charge and administration of Ahmadabad to Sardār K͟hān, his brother. Before Dayānat K͟hān started, the news reached Fīrūz-jang, and he in a state of great perturbation confessed himself an offender and started for the Court on foot. Dayānat K͟hān met him on the road, and seeing him in a strange condition, as he had wounded his feet with walking, he put him on horseback, and taking him with him came to wait on me. Muqarrab K͟hān, who is one of the old servants of the Court, from the time when I was a prince had continually wanted the Subah of Gujarat. It thus occurred to me that, as this kind of action on the part of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān had come about, I might fulfil the hope of an ancient servant and send him to Ahmadabad in the place of the aforesaid K͟hān. A fortunate hour was chosen in these days, and I appointed him to be ruler of the Subah. On the 10th the mansab of Bahādur K͟hān, governor of Qandahar, which was 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, was increased by 500 personal.

S͟hauqī, the mandolin player, is the wonder of the age. He also sings Hindi and Persian songs in a manner that clears the rust from all hearts. I delighted him with the title of Ānand K͟hān: Ānand in the Hindi language means pleasure and ease. [332]

Mangoes29 used not to be in season in the country of Hindustan after the month of Tīr (June–July), (but) Muqarrab K͟hān had established gardens in the parganah of Kairāna,30 which is the native place of his ancestors, and looked after the mangoes there in such a manner as to prolong the season for more than two months, and sent them every day fresh into the special fruit store-house. As this was altogether an unusual thing to be accomplished, it has been recorded here. On the 8th a beautiful Iraq horse of the name of Laʿl Bī-bahā (priceless ruby) was sent for Parwīz by the hand of S͟harīf, one of his attendants.

I had ordered quick-handed stone-cutters to carve full-sized figures of the Rānā and his son Karan out of marble. On this day they were completed and submitted to me. I ordered them to be taken to Agra and placed in the garden31 below the jharoka (exhibition-window). On the 26th the meeting for my solar weighing was held in the usual manner. The first weight came to 6,514 tūlcha of gold. I was weighed twelve times against different things; the second weighing was against quicksilver, the third against silk, the fourth against various perfumes, such as ambergris and musk, down to sandalwood, ʿūd, bān, and so on, until twelve weighings were completed. Of animals, according to the number of [333]years that I had passed, a sheep, a goat,32 and a fowl (for each year) were given to fakirs and dervishes. This rule has been observed from the time of my revered father up to the present day in this enduring State. They divide after the weighing all these things among the fakirs and those in need to the value of about 100,000 rupees.

This day a ruby which Mahābat K͟hān had purchased at Burhanpur for 65,000 rupees from ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Fīrūz-jang was laid before me, and was approved of. It is a ruby of beautiful form. The special mansab of K͟hān Aʿz̤am was fixed at 7,000 personal, and an order was passed that the diwani establishment should pay an equivalent to that in a tank͟hwāh jāgīr. At the request of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, what had been deducted from the mansab of Dayānat on account of former proceedings was allowed to remain as before. ʿAẓudu-d-daulah, who had obtained the Subah of Malwa in jagir, took his leave, and was dignified with the gift of a horse and a dress of honour. The mansab of Rāwal Kalyān of Jesalmir was fixed at 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, [334]and it was ordered that that province (Jesalmir) should be given him as tankhwah. As the (auspicious) hour of his departure was on that same day, he took leave to depart for his province well pleased and exalted with the gift of a horse, an elephant, a jewelled sword, a jewelled khapwa (dagger), a robe of honour, and a special Kashmir shawl. On the 31st Muqarrab K͟hān took leave to go to Ahmadabad, and his mansab, which was 5,000 personal and 2,500 horse, was fixed at 5,000 personal and horse, and he was honoured with a dress of honour, a nādirī (a kind of dress), a takma33 of pearls, whilst two horses from my private stable, a special elephant, and a jewelled sword were also bestowed on him. He went off to the aforesaid Subah with delight and in a state of happiness. On the 11th of Mihr, Jagat Singh, son of Kunwar Karan, came from his native place and waited on me. On the 16th, Mīrzā ʿAlī Beg Akbars͟hāhī came from the province of Oudh, which had been given him in jagir, and waited on me. He presented as offerings 1,000 rupees, and he produced before me an elephant which one of the zamindars of that province possessed, and which he had been ordered to take from him. On the 21st the offering of Qutbu-l-mulk, the ruler of Golcondah, consisting of some jewelled ornaments, was inspected by me. The mansab of Sayyid Qāsim Bārha was fixed, original and increase, at 1,000 personal and 600 horse. On the eve of Friday, the 22nd, Mīrzā ʿAlī Beg, whose age had passed 75 years, gave up the deposit of his life. Great34 services had been performed by him for this State. His mansab rose by degrees to 4,000. He was one of the distinguished heroes of this [335]family (jawānān-i īn ulūs)35 and of a noble disposition. He left neither son nor other descendants. He had the poetic temperament. As his inevitable destiny had been fulfilled36 on the day on which he went to pay his devotions at the venerated mausoleum of K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn, I ordered them to bury him in the same blessed place.

At the time when I gave leave to the ambassadors of ʿĀdil K͟hān of Bijapur, I had requested that if in that province there were a wrestler, or a celebrated swordsman, they should tell ʿĀdil K͟hān to send him to me. After some time, when the ambassadors returned, they brought a Mughal, by name S͟hīr ʿAlī, who was born at Bijapur, and was a wrestler by profession and had great experience in the art, together with certain sword-players. The performances of the latter were indifferent, but I put S͟hīr ʿAlī to wrestle with the wrestlers and athletes who were in attendance on me, and they could none of them compete with him. One thousand rupees, a dress of honour, and an elephant were conferred on him; he was exceedingly well made, well shaped, and powerful. I retained him in my own service, and entitled him “the athlete of the capital.” A jagir and mansab were given him and great favours bestowed on him. On the 24th, Dayānat K͟hān, who had been appointed to bring ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Bahādur Fīrūz-jang, brought him and waited on me, and presented as an offering 100 muhrs. On the same date Rām Dās, the son of Rāja Rāj Singh, one of the Rajput Amirs who had died on duty in the Deccan, was promoted to a mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. As ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān had been guilty of faults, he made Bābā K͟hurram his intercessor, and on the 26th, in order to please him, I ordered the former [336]to pay his respects to me. He waited upon me with a face of complete shame, and presented as offerings 100 muhrs and 1,000 rupees. Before the coming of ʿĀdil K͟hān’s ambassadors I had made up my mind that, having sent Bābā K͟hurram with the vanguard, I should myself proceed to the Deccan and carry out this important affair, which for some reasons had been put off. For this reason I had given an order that except the prince no one should represent to me the affairs of the rulers of the Deccan. On this day the prince brought the ambassadors and laid their representation before me. After the death of Murtaẓā K͟hān, Rāja Mān and many of the auxiliary Sardars had come to Court. On this day, at the request of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, I appointed Rāja Mān as the leader in the attack on the fort of Kāngṛa. I appointed all the men to accompany him, and according to the condition and rank of each made him happy with a present—a horse, an elephant, a robe of honour, or money—and gave them leave. After some days I conferred on ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, at the request of Bābā K͟hurram, a jewelled dagger, as he was exceedingly broken-hearted and grieved in mind, and an order was passed that his mansab should continue as it was before, and that he should remain in attendance on my son among those appointed for duty in the Deccan. On the 3rd Ābān I ordered the mansab of Wazīr K͟hān, who was in attendance on Bābā Parwiz, to be, original and increase, 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. On the 4th, K͟husrau, who was in the charge, for safe keeping, of Anīrāʾī Singh-dalan, for certain considerations was handed over to Āṣaf K͟hān. I presented him with a special shawl. On the 7th (Ābān), corresponding with the 17th S͟hawwāl (28th October, 1616), a person of the name of Muḥammad Riẓā Beg, whom the ruler of Persia had sent as his representative, paid his respects. After performing the dues of prostration and salutation (kūrnis͟h, [337]sijda, taslīm), he laid before me the letter he had brought. It was decided that he should produce before me the horses and other presents he had brought with him. The written and verbal messages sent were full of friendship, brotherhood, and sincerity. I gave the ambassador on that same day a jewelled tiara (tāj) and a dress of honour. As in the letter much friendliness and affection were displayed, an exact copy is recorded in the Jahāngīr-nāma.37

On Sunday, the 18th S͟hawwāl, corresponding to the 8th Ābān,38 the camp equipage of my son Bābā K͟hurram left Ajmir for the purpose of the conquest of the provinces of the Deccan, and it was decided that my son aforesaid should start by way of advanced guard, followed by the glorious standards (of Jahāngīr). On Monday, the 19th, corresponding with the 9th Ābān, when three gharis of day had passed, the auspicious palace moved in the same direction in the like manner. On the 10th the mansab of Rāja Sūraj Mal, who had been appointed to accompany the prince, was made up, original and increase, to 2,000 personal and horse. On the night of the 19th Ābān, after my usual custom, I was in the g͟husul-k͟hāna. Some of the Amirs and attendants, and by chance Muḥammad Riẓā Beg, the ambassador of the ruler of Persia, were present. When six gharis had passed, an owl came and sat on top of a high terrace roof belonging to the palace, and was hardly visible, so that many men failed [338]to distinguish it. I sent for a gun and took aim and fired in the direction that they pointed out to me. The gun, like the decree of heaven, fell on that ill-omened bird and blew it to pieces. A shout arose from those who were present, and involuntarily they opened their lips in applause and praise. On the same night I talked with the ambassador of my brother S͟hāh ʿAbbās, and at last the conversation turned on the slaying of Ṣafī Mīrzā, his (the Shah’s) eldest son. I asked him because this was a difficulty in my mind. He represented that if his slaughter had not been carried out at that time he would certainly have attempted the Shah’s life. As this intention became manifest from his behaviour, the Shah was beforehand with him and ordered him to be killed. On the same day the mansab of Mīrzā Ḥasan, son of Mīrzā Rustam, was fixed, original and increase, at 1,000 personal and 300 horse. The mansab of Muʿtamad K͟hān,39 who had been appointed to the post of paymaster of the army with Bābā K͟hurram, was settled at 1,000 personal and 250 horse. The time for the leave-taking of Bābā K͟hurram had been fixed as Friday, the 20th (Ābān). At the end of this day he paraded before me the pick of his men armed and ready in the public hall of audience. Of the distinguished favours bestowed on the aforesaid son one was the title of S͟hāh, which was made a part of his name. I ordered that thereafter he should be styled S͟hāh Sult̤ān K͟hurram. I presented him with a robe of honour, a jewelled chārqab, the fringe and collar of which were decorated with pearls, an Iraq horse with a jewelled saddle, a Turki horse, a special elephant called Bansī-badan,40 a carriage, according to the English fashion,41 for him to sit and travel about [339]in, a jewelled sword with a special pardala (sword-belt) that had been taken at the conquest of the fort of Ahmadnagar and was very celebrated, and a jewelled dagger. He started with great keenness. My trust in Almighty God is that in this service he may gain renown (lit. become red-faced). On each of the Amirs and mansabdars, according to his quality and degree, a horse and an elephant were conferred. Loosening a private sword from my own waist, I gave it to ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Fīrūz-jang. As Dayānat K͟hān had been appointed to accompany the prince, I gave the duty of ʿarẓ-mukarrir (reviser of petitions) to K͟hwāja Qāsim Qilīj K͟hān. Previously42 to this a band of thieves had carried off a certain sum of money from the royal treasury in the kotwālī chabūtara (Police Office). After some days seven men of that band, with their leader, of the name of Nawal, were caught, and a portion of that money was recovered. It occurred to me that as they had been guilty of such boldness I ought to punish them severely. Each was punished in exemplary fashion, and I ordered Nawal, the leader of them all, to be thrown under the feet of an elephant. He petitioned that if I would give the order he would fight the elephant. I ordered it to be so. They produced a very furious elephant. I bade them put a dagger into his hand and bring him in front of the elephant. The elephant several times threw him down, and each time that violent and fearless man, although he witnessed the punishments of his comrades, got up again and bravely and with a stout heart struck the elephant’s trunk with the dagger, so that the animal refrained from attacking him. When I had witnessed this pluck and manliness, I ordered them to inquire into his history. After a short time, according to his evil nature and low disposition, he ran away in his longing [340]for his own place and abode. This annoyed me greatly, and I ordered the jagirdars of that neighbourhood to hunt him up and apprehend him. By chance he was caught a second time, and this time I ordered that ungrateful and unappreciative one to be hanged. The saying of S͟haik͟h Muṣliḥu-d-dīn Saʿdī accords with his case—

“In the end a wolf’s cub becomes a wolf,

Although he be brought up with man.”

On Tuesday,43 the 1st Ẕī-l-qaʿda (10th November, 1616), corresponding with the 21st Ābān, after two watches and five gharis of the day had passed, in good condition and with a right purpose I mounted the Frank carriage, which had four horses attached to it, and left the city of Ajmir. I ordered many of the Amirs to accompany me in carriages, and at about sunset alighted at a halting-place about 1¾ kos distant, in the village of Deo Rāy (Dorāī?).44 It is the custom of the people of India that if the movement of kings or great men for the conquest of a country is towards the east they should ride a tusked elephant, and if the movement is towards the west on a horse of one colour; if towards the north in a palanquin or a litter (singhāsan), and if towards the south, that is, in the direction of the Deccan (as on this occasion), on a rath, which is a kind of cart (arāba) or bahal (two-wheeled car). I had stayed at Ajmir for five days less than three years.45 They consider the city of Ajmir, which is the place of the blessed tomb of the revered K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn, to be in the second clime. Its air is nearly equable. The capital of Agra is to the east of it; on the north are the townships (district) of [341]Delhi, and on the south the Subah of Gujarat. On the west lie Multan and Deālpūr. The soil of this province is all sandy; water is found with difficulty in the land, and the reliance for cultivation is on moist46 soil and on the rainfall. The cold season is very equable, and the hot season is milder than in Agra. From this subah in time of war 86,00047 horse and 304,000 Rajput foot are provided. There are two large lakes in this city; they call one of these the Bīsal48 and the other the Ānāsāgar. The Bīsal tank is in ruins and its embankment is broken. At this time I ordered it to be repaired. The Ānāsāgar at the time that the royal standards were there was always full of water and waves. This tāl is 1½ kos and 5 t̤anāb (lit. tent-ropes) (in circumference?). Whilst at Ajmir I visited nine times the mausoleum of the revered K͟hwāja, and fifteen times went to look at the Pushkar lake; to the Chashma-i-Nūr I went thirty-eight times. I went out to hunt tigers, etc., fifty times. I killed 15 tigers, 1 cheetah, 1 black-ear (lynx), 53 nilgaw, 33 gazelle (gawazn), 90 antelope, 80 boars, and 340 water-fowl. I encamped seven times at Deo Rāy (Deo Rānī) (Dorāī?). At this halt 5 nilgaw and 12 water-fowl were killed. Marching on the 29th from Deo Rāy, my camp was pitched at the village of Dāsāwalī, 2 kos and 1½ quarters distant from Deo Rāy. On this day I gave an elephant to Muʿtamad K͟hān. I stayed the next day at this village. On this day a nilgaw was killed, and I sent two of my falcons to my son K͟hurram. I marched from this village on the [342]3rd Āẕar, and pitched at the village of Bādhal (Māwal?), 2¼ kos distant. On the road six water-fowl, etc., were killed. On the 4th, having gone 1½ kos, Rāmsar,49 which belongs to Nūr-Jahān Begam, became the place for the alighting of honour and glory. A halt was made at this place for eight days. In the place of K͟hidmat-gār K͟hān I here appointed Hidāyatu-llah mīr-tūzak (master of ceremonies). On the 5th day 7 antelope, 1 kulang (crane), and 15 fish were killed. The next day Jagat Singh, son of Kunwar Karan, received a horse and a robe of honour and took leave for his native place. A horse was also given to Kes͟ho Dās Lālā and an elephant to Allah-dād K͟hān Afg͟han. On the same day I killed a gazelle, 3 antelope, 7 fish, and 2 water-fowl. On that day was heard the news of the death of Rāja Syām Singh, who belonged to the army of Bangash. On the 7th day 3 antelope, 5 water-fowl, and a qas͟hqaldāg͟h50 (coot) were killed. On Thursday and the eve of Friday, as Rāmsar belongs to the jagir of Nūr-Jahān, a feast and entertainment were prepared. Jewels, jewelled ornaments, fine cloths, sewn tapestry, and every kind of jewellery were presented as offerings. At night on all sides and in the middle of the lake, which is very broad, lamps were displayed. An excellent entertainment was arranged. In the end of the said Thursday, having also sent for the Amirs, I ordered cups for most51 of the servants. On my journeys by land some boats are always taken along with the victorious camp; the boatmen convey them on carts. On the day after this entertainment I went to fish in these boats, and in a short time 208 large fish came into one net. [343]Half of these were of the species of rakū. At night I divided them among the servants in my own presence. On the 13th Āẕar I marched from Rāmsar, and hunting for 4 kos along the road, the camp was pitched at the village of Balodā.52 Here I stayed for two days. On the 16th, moving 3¼ kos, I alighted at the village of Nihāl.53 On the 18th the march was one of 2¼ kos. On this day I gave an elephant to Muḥammad Riẓā Beg, ambassador of the ruler of Persia. The village of Jonsā became the halting-place of the tents of greatness and prosperity. On the 20th I marched to the halting-place of Deogāon; I hunted along the road for a distance of 3 kos. I stayed at this place for two days, and at the end of the day went out to hunt. At this stage a strange affair was witnessed. Before the royal standards arrived at this halting-place, an eunuch went to the bank of a large tank there is in the village, and caught two young sāras, which are a kind of crane; at night, when we stopped at this halting-place, two large saras appeared making loud cries near the ghusul-khana (parlour), which they had placed on the edge of the tank, as if somebody were exercising oppression on them. They fearlessly began their cries and came forward. It occurred to me that certainly some kind of wrong had been done to them, and probably their young had been taken. After enquiry was made the eunuch who had taken the young saras brought them before me. When the saras heard the cries of these young ones, they without control threw themselves upon them, and suspecting that they had had no food, each of the two saras placed food in the mouths of the young ones, and made much lamentation. Taking the two young ones between them, and stretching out their wings and fondling them, they went off to their nest. Marching on the 23rd 3¾ kos, I alighted at the [344]village of Bahāsū (Bhālū?). Here there was a halt of two days, and each day I rode to hunt. On the 26th the royal standards moved and the halt was outside of the village of Kākal. A halt was made after traversing 2 kos. On the 27th the mansab of Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, original and increased, was fixed at 1,500 personal and 750 horse. Marching on the 29th 2¾ kos, a halt was made at the village of Lāsā, near parganah Boda.54 This day corresponded with the festival of Qurbān (19th December, 1616). I ordered them to observe the ordinances of that day. From the date on which I left Ajmir up to the end of the aforesaid month, viz. the 30th Āẕar, 67 nilgaw, antelope, etc., and 37 water-fowl etc., had been killed. A march was made from Lāsā on the 2nd Day, and I marched and hunted for 3 kos 10 jarīb, and halted in the neighbourhood of the village of Kānṛā. On the 4th a march of 3¼ kos was made to the village of Sūraṭh. Marching 4½ kos on the 6th, a halt was made near the village of Barora (Bardaṛā?). On the 7th, when there was a halt, 50 water-fowl and 14 qashqaldagh (coot) were killed. The next day was a halt as well. On this day 27 water-fowl became a prey. On the 9th a march of 4⅛ kos was made. Hunting and overthrowing prey, I alighted at the halting-place of K͟hūs͟h Tāl. At this stage a report came from Muʿtamad K͟hān that when the territory of the Rānā became the halting-place of S͟hāh K͟hurram, though there had been no agreement to this effect (i.e. to the Rānā’s meeting him), the fame and dignity of the victorious army had introduced a commotion into the pillars of his patience and firmness, and he had come and paid his respects to him when he halted at Dūdpūr,55 which was on the border of his jagir, [345]and observing all the dues and ceremonies of service he had neglected not the smallest portion of them. S͟hāh K͟hurram had paid him every attention, and pleased him with the gift of a dress of honour, a chārqab, a jewelled sword, a jewelled khapwa, Persian and Turki horses, and an elephant, and dismissed him with every honour. He had also favoured his sons and relations with dresses of honour, and out of his offering, which consisted of five elephants, twenty-seven horses, and a tray full of jewels and jewelled ornaments, had taken three horses and given back the remainder. It was settled that his son Karan should attend on the stirrup of Bābā K͟hurram in this expedition with 1,500 horse. On the 10th the sons of Rāja Mahā Singh came from their jagir and native place (Amber) and waited on me in the neighbourhood of Ranṭambhor, making an offering of three elephants and nine horses. Each one of them, according to his condition, received an increase of mansab. As the neighbourhood of the said fort became a halting-place for the royal standards, I released some of the prisoners who were confined in that fort. At this place I halted for two days and each day went to hunt. Thirty-eight water-fowl and qashqaldagh (coot) were taken. On the 12th I marched, and after going 4 kos halted at the village of Koyalā. On the road I killed fourteen water-fowl and an antelope. On the 14th, having traversed 3¾ kos, I halted in the neighbourhood of the village of Ekṭorā,56 killing on the road a blue bull, twelve herons (karwānak), etc. On the same day Āg͟hā Fāẓil, who had been appointed deputy for Iʿtimādu-d-daulah at Lahore, was dignified with the title of Fāẓil K͟hān. At this stage they had erected the royal lodging (daulat-k͟hāna) on the bank of a tank, which was exceedingly bright and pleasant. On account of the pleasantness of the place [346]I halted two days there, and at the end of each went to hunt water-fowl. To this place the younger son of Mahābat K͟hān, by name Bahra-war, came from the fort of Ranṭambhor, which is his father’s jagir, to pay his respects to me. He had brought two elephants, both of which were included in my private stud. I promoted Ṣafī, son of Amānat K͟hān, to the title of K͟hān, and, increasing his mansab, made him bakhshi and news-writer of the Subah of Gujarat. Having travelled 4½ kos on the 17th, I halted at the village of Lasāyā.57 During the halt I killed one water-fowl and twenty-three sand-grouse (durrāj). As I had sent for Las͟hkar K͟hān to Court on account of the disagreement that had occurred between him and K͟hān Daurān, I at this place appointed ʿĀbid K͟hān,58 bakhshi and news-writer, in his stead. On the 19th, having made a march of 2¼ kos, an encampment was made in the neighbourhood of the village of Kūrāka (Korāṉ?),59 which is situated on the bank of the Chambal. On account of the excellence of the place and the pleasantness of its air and water, a halt took place here for three days. Every day I sat in a boat and went to hunt water-fowl and to wander over the river. On the 22nd60 there was a march, and having traversed 4½ kos, shooting on the road, the victorious camp was pitched at the villages of Sult̤ānpūr and Chīla Mala (Chīlāmīlā?). On this day of halt I bestowed on Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān 5,000 rupees, and gave him leave to proceed to the place assigned to him as his jagir. Another 1,000 rupees were given to S͟haik͟h Pīr. On the 25th I marched and hunted for 3½ kos and encamped at the village of Bāsūr.61 According to fixed rules one halt and one march took place, and on the 27th I marched and hunted 4⅛ kos and encamped at the village of Chārdūha (Varadhā?). [347]Two days halt took place here. In this month of Day 416 animals were killed, namely, 97 sand-grouse (durraj), 192 qashqaldagh, 1 saras, 7 herons, 118 water-fowl, and 1 hare. On the 1st Bahman, corresponding with the 12th Muharram, 1026 (20th January, 1617), seating myself in boats with the ladies, I went forward one stage. When one ghari of day remained I arrived at the village of Rūpāheṛā, the halting-place, the distance being 4 kos and 15 jarib. I shot five sand-grouse. On the same day I sent by the hands of Kaikana winter dresses of honour to twenty-one Amirs on duty in the Deccan, and ordered him to take 10,00062 rupees from those Amirs as a thanksgiving for the dresses of honour. This halting-place had much verdure and pleasantness. On the 3rd a march took place. As on the previous day, I embarked in a boat, and after traversing 2⅛ kos the village of Kākhā-dās (Kākhāvās?)63 became the encamping place of the victorious camp. As I came hunting on the way, a sand-grouse fell flying into a thicket. After much search it was marked, and I ordered one of the beaters to surround the thicket and catch it, and went towards it myself. Meanwhile another sand-grouse rose, and this I made a falcon seize. Soon afterwards the beater came and laid the sand-grouse before me. I ordered them to satisfy the falcon with this sand-grouse, and to keep the one we had caught, as it was a young bird. (But) before the order reached him the head huntsman fed the falcon with the sand-grouse (the second one, viz. that which the falcon had caught). After a while the beater represented to me that if he did not kill the sand-grouse it would die (and then could not be eaten as not properly killed). I ordered him to kill it if that was the case. As he laid his sword on its throat, it with a slight movement freed itself from the sword and flew away. After I had [348]left the boat and mounted my horse, suddenly a sparrow (kunjis͟hk) by the force of the wind struck the head of an arrow that one of the beaters who was in my retinue had in his hand, and immediately fell down and died. I was amazed and bewildered at the tricks of destiny; on one side it preserved the sand-grouse, whose time had not arrived, in a short time from three such dangers, and on the other hand made captive in the hand of destruction on the arrow of fate the sparrow whose hour of death had come—

“The world-sword may move from its place,

But it will cut no vein till God wills.”

Dresses of honour for the winter had also been sent by the hand of Qarā, the yasāwul (usher), to the Amirs at Kabul. I halted at this place on account of the pleasantness of the spot and the excellence of the air. On this day there came the news of the death of Nād ʿAlī K͟hān Maidāni at Kabul. I honoured his sons with mansabs, and at the request of Ibrāhīm K͟hān Fīrūz-jang64 increased the mansab of Rāwat S͟hankar by 500 personal and 1,000 horse. On the 6th there was a march, and going for 4⅛ kos by the pass known as Ghāṭe Chāndā, the royal camp was pitched at the village of Amḥār (Amjār?). This valley is very green and pleasant and good trees are seen in it. Up to this stage, which is the limit of the country of the Subah of Ajmir, 84 kos had been traversed. It was also a pleasant stage. Nūr-Jahān Begam here shot with a gun a qarīs͟ha(?), the like of which for size and beauty of colour had never been seen. I ordered them to weigh it, and it came to 19 tolas and 5 mashas. The aforesaid village is the commencement of the Subah of Malwa, which is in the second clime. The length65 of this Subah from the extremity of the province of Gaṛha to the province of Bānswāla (Bānswaṛā?) is 245 kos, and its [349]breadth from the parganah of Chanderī to the parganah of Nandarbār is 230 kos. On the east is the province of Bāndho, and on the north the fort of Narwar, on the south the province of Baglānā, and on the west the Subahs of Gujarat and Ajmir. Malwa is a large province abounding in water and of a pleasant climate. There are five rivers in it in addition to streams, canals, and springs, namely, the Godavarī,66 Bhīmā, Kālīsindh, Nīrā, and Narbada. Its climate is nearly equable. The land of this province is low, but part of it is high. In the district of Dhār, which is one of the noted places of Malwa, the vine gives grapes twice in the year, in the beginning of Pisces and the beginning of Leo, but the grapes of Pisces are the sweeter. Its husbandmen and artificers are not without arms. The revenue of the province is 24,700,000 dams. When needful there are obtained from it about 9,30067 horse and four lakhs, 70,300 foot-soldiers, with 100 elephants. On the 8th, moving on 3½ kos, an encampment was made near K͟hairābād. On the road 14 sand-grouse and 3 herons were killed, and having traversed and shot over 3 kos the camp was pitched at the village of Sidhārā. On the 11th, while there was a halt, I mounted at the end of the day to hunt, and killed a blue bull. On the 12th, after traversing 4¼ kos, a halt was made at the village of Bachhayārī. On that day Rānā Amar Singh had sent some baskets of figs. In truth it is a fine fruit, and I had never seen such delicious figs in India. But one must eat only a few of them; it does harm to eat many. On the 14th there was a march; having traversed 4⅛ kos, I encamped at the village of Balbalī. Rāja Jānbā who is an influential zamindar in these [350]regions, had sent two elephants as an offering, and they were brought before me. At the same stage they brought many melons grown in Kārīz near Herat. K͟hān ʿĀlam had also sent 50 camels. In former years they had never brought melons in such abundance. On one tray they brought many kinds of fruit—Kārīz melons, melons from Badakhshan and Kabul, grapes from Samarkand68 and Badakhshan, apples from Samarkand, Kashmir, Kabul, and from Jalalabad, which is a dependency of Kabul, and pineapples, a fruit that comes from the European ports, plants of which have been set in Agra. Every year some thousands are gathered in the gardens there which appertain to the private domains (k͟hāliṣa-i-s͟harīfa)69; kaula,70 which are similar in form to an orange, but smaller and better in flavour. They grow very well in the Subah of Bengal. In what language can one give thanks for such favours? My revered father had a great liking for fruit, especially for melons, pomegranates, and grapes. During his time the Kārīz melons, which are the finest kind, and pomegranates from Yezd, which are celebrated throughout the world and Samarkand grapes had not been brought to Hindustan. Whenever I see these fruits they cause me great regret. Would that such fruit had come in those days, so that he might have enjoyed them!

On the 15th, which was a halting day, news came of the death of Mīr ʿAlī, son of Farīdūn K͟hān Barlās, who was one of the trusted amīr-zādas (descended from amirs) of this family (the Timurides). On the 16th a march took place. Having traversed 4⅛ kos, the camp of heavenly dignity was pitched near the village of Girī. On the road the scouts brought news that there was [351]a lion in this neighbourhood. I went to hunt him and finished him with one shot. As the braveness of the lion (shīr babar) has been established, I wished to look at his intestines. After they were extracted, it appeared that in a manner contrary to other animals, whose gall-bladder is outside their livers, the gall-bladder of the lion is within his liver(?). It occurred to me that the courage of the lion may be from this cause. On the 18th, after traversing 2¾ kos, the village of Amriyā was our halting-place. On the 19th, which was a halt, I went out to hunt. After going 2 kos, a village came to view exceedingly sweet and pleasant. Nearly 100 mango-trees were seen in one garden; I had seldom seen mango-trees so large and green and pleasant. In the same garden I saw a bar-tree (a banyan), exceedingly large. I ordered them to measure its length, breadth, and height in yards (gaz). Its height from the surface to the highest branch (sar-s͟hāk͟h) was 74 cubits (z̤iraʿ). The circumference of its trunk was 44½ cubits and its breadth71 175½ measured by the gaz. This has been recorded as it is very unusual. On the 20th was a march, and on the road a blue bull was shot with a gun. On the 21st, which was a halt, I went out to hunt at the end of the day. After returning, I came to the house of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah for the festival of K͟hwāja K͟hiẓr, whom they call K͟hiẓrī; I remained there till a watch of the night had passed, and then feeling inclined for food I went back to the royal quarters. On this day I honoured Iʿtimādu-d-daulah as an intimate friend by directing the ladies of the harem not to veil their faces from him. By this favour I bestowed everlasting honour on him. On the 22nd an order was given to march, and after 3⅛ kos were traversed the camp was pitched at the village of Būlgharī (Nawalkheṛī?). On the road two blue [352]bulls were killed. On the 23rd day of Tīr, which was a halt, I killed a blue bull with a gun. On the 24th, traversing 5 kos, the village of Qāsim-kheṛā was the halting-place. On the road a white animal72 was killed, which resembled the kūtāh pāya (hog-deer); it had four horns, two of which were opposite the extremities of its eyes, and two finger-breadths in height, and the two other horns four finger-breadths towards the nape of the neck. These were four finger-breadths in height. The people of India call this animal dūdhādhārīt (dudhāriyā?). The male has four horns and the female none. It was said that this kind of antelope has no gall-bladder, but when they looked at its intestines the gall-bladder was apparent, and it became clear that this report has no foundation. On the 25th, which was a halt, at the end of the day I rode out to hunt and killed a female nilgaw with my gun. Bāljū, nephew of Qilīj K͟hān, who held the mansab of 1,000 personal and 850 horse, and had a jagir in Oudh, I promoted to 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse, dignified him with the title of Qilīj K͟hān, and appointed him to the Subah of Bengal. On the 26th a march took place, and after traversing 4¾ kos a halt was made at the village of Dih Qāẓiyān, which is in the neighbourhood of Ujjain. A number of mango-trees in this place had blossomed. They had pitched the [353]tents on the bank of a lake, and had prepared an enchanting place. Pahāṛ, son of G͟haznīn73 K͟hān, was capitally punished at this stage. Cherishing this unlucky one after the death of his father, I had given him the fort and province of Jālaur, which was the place of his ancestors. As he was of tender years, his mother used to forbid him certain evil practices. That eternally black-faced one with some of his companions one night came into the house and killed his own full mother with his own hand. This news reached me and I ordered them to bring him. After his crime was proved against him, I ordered them to put him to death (kih ba biyāsā rasānīdand). At this halting-place a tamarind74-tree came to view, the form and habit of which were somewhat strange. The original tree had one trunk; when it had grown to 6 gaz, it turned into two branches, one of which was 10 and the other 9½ gaz. The distance between the two branches was 4½ gaz. From the ground to the place where the branches and leaves came to an end(?), there were on the side of the large branch 16 gaz, and on the other branch 15½ gaz. From the place whence the branches and green leaves began(?) to the top (trunk?) of the tree was 2½ gaz, and the circumference was 2¾ gaz. I ordered them to make a chabūtara (platform) round it of the height of 3 gaz. As the trunk was very straight and well-shaped, I told my artists to depict it in the illustrations to the Jahāngīr-nāma. A march was made on the 27th. After traversing 2⅛ kos, a halt was made [354]at the village of Hinduwāl75; on the road a blue bull was killed. On the 28th, after traversing 2 kos, the village of Kāliyādaha became the halting-place. Kāliyādaha is a building which was made by Nāsiru-d-dīn, son of G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn, son of Sult̤ān Maḥmūd K͟haljī, who was ruler of Malwa. In the time of his rule he had made it in the neighbourhood of Ujjain, which is one of the most celebrated cities in the Subah of Malwa. They say that the heat overcame him so much that he passed his time in the water. He made this building in the middle of the river, and divided its waters into canals, and brought the water on all sides, as well as inside and outside, of the house, and made large and small reservoirs suited to the place. It is a very pleasant and enjoyable place, and one of the noted habitations of Hindustan. Before it was decided to halt at this place I sent architects and ordered them to clean up the place again. On account of its pleasantness I remained in this place for three days. At the same place S͟hajāʿat K͟hān came from his jagir and waited on me. Ujjain is one of the old cities, and is one of the seven established places of worship of the Hindus. Rāja Bikramājīt, who introduced the observation of the heavens and stars into Hindustan, lived in this city and province. From the time of his observations until now, which is the 1026th Hijra year (1617 A.D.) and the 11th year from my accession, 1,67576 years have passed. The deductions of the astronomers of India are all based on his observations. This city is on the bank of the River Sipra. The belief77 of the [355]Hindus is that once in some year at an uncertain time the water of this river turns into milk. In the reign of my revered father, at the time when he had sent Abū-l-faẓl to set in order the affairs of my brother S͟hāh Murād, he sent a report from that city that a large body of Hindus and Musulmans had borne testimony that some days previously at night this river had become milk, so that people who took water from it that night found in the morning their pots full of milk.78 As this obtained currency it has been recorded, but my intelligence will in no way agree to it. The real truth of this affair is known to Allah. On the 2nd Isfandārmuẕ I embarked in a boat from Kāliyādaha, and went to the next stage. I had frequently heard that an austere Sanyāsī79 of the name of Jadrūp many years ago retired from the city of Ujjain to a corner of the desert and employed himself in the worship of the true God. I had a great desire for his acquaintance, and when I was at the capital of Agra I was desirous of sending for and seeing him. In the end, thinking of the trouble it would give him, I did not send for him. When I arrived in the neighbourhood of the city I alighted from the boat and went ⅛ kos on foot to see him. The place he had chosen to live in was a hole on the side of a hill which had been dug out and a door made. At the entrance there is an opening in the shape of a miḥrāb,80 which [356]is in length (? height) 1 gaz and in breadth 10 gira, (knots, each 1/16 of a gaz), and the distance from this door to a hole which is his real abode is 2 gaz and 5 knots in length and in breadth 11¼ knots. The height from the ground to the roof is 1 gaz and 3 knots. The hole whence is the entrance to the abode is in length 5½ knots and its breadth 3½ knots. A person of weak body (thin?) can only enter it with a hundred difficulties. The length and breadth of the hole are such. It has no mat and no straw. In this narrow and dark hole he passes his time in solitude. In the cold days of winter, though he is quite naked, with the exception of a piece of rag that he has in front and behind, he never lights a fire. The Mulla of Rūm (Jalālu-d-dīn) has put into rhyme the language of a dervish—

“By day our clothes are the sun,

By night our mattress and blanket the moon’s rays.”

He bathes twice a day in a piece of water near his abode, and once a day goes into the city of Ujjain, and nowhere but to the houses of three brahmins whom he has selected out of seven, who have wives and children and whom he believes to have religious feelings and contentment. He takes by way of alms five mouthfuls of food out of what they have prepared for their own eating, which he swallows without chewing, in order that he may not enjoy their flavour; always provided that no misfortune has happened to their three houses, that there has been no birth, and there be no menstruous woman in the house. This is his method of living, just as it is now written. He does not desire to associate with men, but as he has obtained great notoriety people go to see him. He is not devoid of knowledge, for he has thoroughly mastered the science of the Vedānta, which is the science of Sufism. I conversed with him for six gharis; he spoke well, so much so as to make a great impression on me. My society also suited him. [357]At the time when my revered father conquered the fort of Āsīr, in the province of Khandesh, and was returning to Agra, he saw him in the very same place, and always remembered him well.

The learned of India have established four modes of life for the caste of brahmins, which is the most honoured of the castes of Hindus, and have divided their lives into four periods. These four periods they call the four āsram.81 The boy who is born in a brahmin’s house they do not call brahmin till he is 7 years old, and take no trouble on the subject. After he has arrived at the age of 8 years, they have a meeting and collect the brahmins together. They make a cord of mūnj grass, which they call mūnjī, in length 2¼ gaz, and having caused prayers and incantations to be repeated over it, and having had it made into three strands, which they call sih tan, by one in whom they have confidence, they fasten it on his waist. Having woven a zunnār (girdle or thread) out of the loose threads, they hang it over his right82 shoulder. Having given into his hand a stick of the length of a little over 1 gaz to defend himself with from hurtful things and a copper vessel for drinking-water, they hand him over to a learned brahmin that he may remain in his house for twelve years, and employ himself in reading the Vedas, which they believe in as God’s book. From this day forward they call him a brahmin. During this time it is necessary that he should altogether abstain from bodily pleasures. When midday is passed he goes as a beggar to the houses of other brahmins, and bringing what is given him to his preceptor, eats it with his permission. For clothing, with the exception of a loin cloth (lungī) of cotton to cover his private parts, and 2 or 3 more gaz of cotton [358]which he throws over his back, he has nothing else. This state is called brahmacharya, that is, being busied with the Divine books. After this period has passed, with the leave of his preceptor and his father, he marries, and is allowed to enjoy all the pleasures of his five senses until the time when he has a son who shall have attained the age of 16 years. If he does not have a son, he passes his days till he is 48 in the social life. During this time they call him a grihast, that is, householder. After that time, separating himself from relatives, connections, strangers, and friends, and giving up all things of enjoyment and pleasure, he retires to a place of solitude from the place of attachment to sociality (taʿalluq-i-ābād-i-kas̤rat), and passes his days in the jungle. They call this condition bānprasta,83 that is, abode in the jungle. As it is a maxim of the Hindus that no good deed can be thoroughly performed by men in the social state without the partnership of the presence of a wife, whom they have styled the half of a man, and as a portion of the ceremonies and worshippings is yet before him (has to be accomplished), he takes his wife with him into the jungle. If she should be pregnant, he puts off his going until she bear a child and it arrive at the age of 5 years. Then he entrusts the child to his eldest son or other relation, and carries out his intention. In the same way, if his wife be menstruous, he puts off going until she is purified. After this he has no connection with her, and does not defile himself with communication with her, and at night he sleeps apart.84 He passes twelve years in this place, and lives on vegetables which may have sprung up of themselves in the desert and jungle. He keeps his zunnar by him and worships fire. He does not waste his time in looking [359]after his nails or the hair of his head, or in trimming his beard and moustaches. When he completes this period in the manner related, he returns to his own house, and having commended his wife to his children and brothers and sons-in-law, goes to pay his respects to his spiritual guide, and burns by throwing into the fire in his presence whatever he has in the way of a zunnar, the hair of his head, etc., and says to him: “Whatever attachment (taʿalluq) I may have had, even to abstinence and worshipping and will, I have rooted up out of my heart.” Then he closes the road to his heart and to his desires and is always employed in contemplation of God, and knows no one except the True Cause of Being (God). If he speak of science it is the science of Vedānta, the purport of which Bābā Fig͟hānī has versified in this couplet—

“There’s one lamp in this house, by whose rays

Wherever I look there is an assembly.”

They call this state sarvabiyās,85 that is, giving up all. They call him who possesses it sarvabiyāsī.

After interviewing Jadrūp I mounted an elephant and passed through the town of Ujjain, and as I went scattered to the right and left small coins to the value of 3,500 rupees, and proceeding 1¾ kos alighted at Dāʾūd-k͟heṛā, the place where the royal camp was pitched. On the 3rd day, which was a halting day, I went, from desire for association with him, after midday, to see Jadrūp, and for six gharis enjoyed myself in his company. On this day also he uttered good words, and it was near evening when I entered my palace. On the 4th day I journeyed 3¼ kos and halted at the village of Jarāo86 [360]in the Pārāniyā garden. This is also a very pleasant halting-place, full of trees. On the 6th there was a march; after proceeding for 4¾ kos I halted on the bank of the lake of Debālpūr Bheriyā. On account of the pleasantness of the place and the delights of the lake, I halted at this stage for four days, and at the end of each day, embarking in a boat, employed myself in shooting ducks (murg͟hābī) and other aquatic animals. At this halting-place they brought fak͟hrī grapes from Ahmadnagar. Although they are not as large as the Kabul fakhri grapes, they do not yield to them in sweetness.

At the request of my son Bābā K͟hurram the mansab of Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, was fixed at 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse. On the 11th I marched, and after proceeding for 3¼ kos halted in the parganah Daulatabad. On the 12th, which was a halt, I rode out to hunt. In the village of S͟haik͟hūpūr, which belonged to the said parganah, I saw a very large and bulky banyan-tree, measuring round its trunk 18½ gaz, and in height from the root to the top of the branches 128¼ cubits. The branches spread a shade for 203½ cubits. The length of a branch, on which they have represented the tusks of an elephant, was 40 gaz. At the time when my revered father passed by this, he had made an impression of his hand by way of a mark at the height of 3¾ gaz from the ground. I ordered them also to make the mark of my hand 8 gaz above another root. In order that these two hand-marks might not be effaced in the course of time, they were carved on a piece of marble and fastened on to the trunk of the tree. I ordered them to place a chabūtara and platform round the tree.

As at the time when I was prince I had promised Mīr Ẓiyāʾu-dīn Qazwīnī, who was one of the Saifī Sayyids, and whom during my reign I have honoured with the [361]title of Muṣt̤afā K͟hān, to give the parganah of Maldah, which is a famous parganah in Bengal, to him and his descendants87 in āl tamg͟hā (perpetual royal grant), this great gift was bestowed in his honour at this halting-place. On the 13th a march took place. Going separately from this camp to look round the country and hunt with some of the ladies and intimates and servants, I proceeded to the village of Ḥāṣilpūr, and whilst the camp was pitched in the neighbourhood of Nālcha (Bālchha?) I halted at the village of Sāngor. What shall be written of the beauty and sweetness of this village? There were many mango-trees, and its lands were altogether green and delightful. On account of its greenness and pleasantness I halted here for three days. I gave this village to Kamāl K͟hān, the huntsman, in place of Kes͟ho Dās Mārū. An order was passed that they should hereafter call it Kamālpūr. At this same halting-place occurred the night of S͟hīvrāt (Shivrātri). Many Jogis collected. The ceremonies of this night were duly observed, and I met the learned of this body in social intercourse. In these days I shot three blue bulls. The news of the killing of Rāja Mān reached me at this place. I had appointed him to head the army that had been sent against the fort of Kāngṛā. When he arrived at Lahore he heard that Sangrām, one of the zamindars of the hill-country of the Panjab, had attacked his place and taken possession of part of his province. Considering it of the first importance to drive him out, he went against him. As Sangrām had not the power to oppose him, he left the country of which he had taken possession and took refuge in difficult hills and places. Rāja Mān pursued him there, and in his great pride, not looking to the means by which he himself could advance and retreat, came up to him with [362]a small force. When Sangrām saw that he had no way to flee by, in accordance with this couplet—

“In time of need when no (way of) flight is left,

The hand seizes the edge of the sharp sword.”88

A fight took place, and according to what was decreed, a bullet struck Rāja Mān and he delivered his soul to the Creator thereof. His men were defeated and a great number of them killed. The remainder, wounded, abandoned their horses and arms, and with a hundred alarms escaped half-dead.

On the 17th I marched from Sāngor, and after proceeding 3 kos came again to the village of Ḥāṣilpūr. On the road a blue bull was killed. This village is one of the noted places in the Subah of Malwa. It has many vines and mango-trees without number. It has streams flowing on all sides of it. At the time I arrived there were grapes contrary to the season in which they are in the Wilāyat (Persia or Afghanistan). They were so cheap and plentiful that the lowest and meanest could get as much as they desired. The poppy had flowered and showed varied colours. In brief, there are few villages so pleasant. For three days more I halted in this village. Three blue bulls were killed with my gun. From Ḥāṣilpūr on the 21st in two marches I rejoined the big camp. On the road a blue bull was killed. On Sunday, the 22nd, marching from the neighbourhood of Nālcha (Bālchha?), I pitched at a lake that is at the foot of the fort of Māndū. On that day the huntsmen brought news that they had marked down a tiger within 3 kos. Although it was Sunday, and on these two days, viz. Sunday and Thursday, I do not shoot, it occurred to me that as it is a noxious animal it ought to be done away with. I proceeded towards him, and when I arrived at the place it was sitting [363]under the shade of a tree. Seeing its mouth, which was half open, from the back of the elephant, I fired my gun. By chance it entered its mouth and found a place in its throat and brain, and its affair was finished with that one shot. After this the people who were with me, although they looked for the place where the tiger was wounded, could not find it, for on none of its limbs was there any sign of a gunshot wound. At last I ordered them to look in its mouth. From this it was evident that the bullet had entered its mouth and that it had been killed thereby. Mīrzā Rustam had killed a male wolf and brought it. I wished to see whether its gall-bladder was in its liver like that of the tiger, or like other animals outside its liver. After examination it was clear that the gall-bladder was also inside the liver. On Monday, the 23rd, when one watch had passed in a fortunate ascension and a benign hour, I mounted an elephant and approached the fort of Māndū. When a watch and three gharis of day had passed, I entered the houses which they had prepared for the royal accommodation. I scattered 1,500 rupees on the way. From Ajmir to Māndū, 159 kos, in the space of four months and two days, in forty-six marches and seventy-eight halts, had been traversed. In these forty-six marches our halts were made on the banks of tanks or streams or large rivers in pleasant places which were full of trees and poppy-fields in flower, and no day passed that I did not hunt while halting or travelling. Riding on horseback or on an elephant I came along the whole way looking about and hunting, and none of the difficulties of travelling were experienced; one might say that there was a change from one garden to another. In these huntings there were always present with me Āṣaf K͟hān, Mīrzā Rustam, Mīr Mīrān, Anīrāʾī, Hidāyatu-llah, Rāja Sārang Deo, Sayyid Kāsū, and K͟hawāṣṣ K͟hān. As before the arrival of the royal standards in these [364]regions I had sent ʿAbdu-l-Karīm, the architect, to look to the repair of the buildings of the old rulers in Māndū, he during the time the camp halted at Ajmir had repaired some of the old buildings that were capable of repair, and had altogether rebuilt some places. In short, he had made ready a house the like of which for pleasantness and sweetness has probably not been made anywhere else. Nearly 300,000 rupees, or 2,000 Persian tumans, were expended on this. There should be such grand buildings in all great cities as might be fit for royal accommodation. This fort is on the top of a hill 10 kos in circumference; in the rainy season there is no place with the fine air and pleasantness of this fort. At nights, in the season of the qalbu-l-asad (Cor leonis of Regulus, the star α of Leo), it is so cold that one cannot do without a coverlet, and by day there is no need for a fan (bād-zan). They say89 that before the time of Rāja Bikramājīt there was a Raja of the name of Jai Singh Deo. In his time a man had gone into the fields to bring grass. While he was cutting it, the sickle he had in his hand appeared to be of the colour of gold. When he saw that his sickle had been transmuted, he took it to a blacksmith of the name of Mādan90 to be repaired. The blacksmith knew the sickle had been turned into gold. It had before this been heard that there was in this country the alchemist’s stone (sang-i-pāras), by contact with which iron and copper became gold. He immediately took the grass-cutter with him to that place and procured the stone. After this he brought to the Raja of the time this priceless jewel. The Raja by means of this stone made gold, and spent part of it on the buildings of this fort [365]and completed them in the space of twelve years. At the desire of that blacksmith he caused them to cut into the shape of an anvil most of the stones that were to be built into the wall of the fort. At the end of his life, when his heart had given up the world, he held an assembly on the bank of the Narbada, which is an object of worship among the Hindus, and, assembling brahmins, made presents to each of cash and jewels. When the turn of a brahmin came who had long been associated with him, he gave this stone into his hand. He from ignorance became angry and threw the priceless jewel into the river. After he came to know the true state of the affair he was a captive to perpetual sorrow. However much he searched, no trace of it was found. These things are not written in a book; they have been heard, but my intelligence in no way accepts this story. It appears to me to be all delusion. Māndū91 is one of the famous Sarkars of the Subah of Malwa. Its revenue is 1,390,000 dams. It was for a long time the capital of the kings of this country. There are many buildings and traces of former kings in it, and up till now it has not fallen into ruin.

On the 24th I rode to go round and see the buildings of the old kings, and went first to the Jāmiʿ mosque, which is one built by Sult̤ān Hūs͟hang G͟hūrī. A very lofty building came to view, all of cut stone, and although 180 years have passed since the time of its building, it is as if the builder had just withdrawn his hand from it. After this I went to the building containing the tombs of the K͟haljī rulers. The grave of Naṣīru-d-dīn, son of Sult̤ān G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn, whose face is blackened for ever, was also there. It is well known that that wretch advanced himself by the murder of his own father, G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn, who was in his 80th year. Twice [366]he gave him poison, and he twice expelled it by means of a zahr-muhra (poison antidote, bezoar) he had on his arm. The third time he mixed poison in a cup of sherbet and gave it to his father with his own hand, saying he must drink it. As his father understood what efforts he was making in this matter, he loosened the zahr-muhra from his arm and threw it before him, and then turning his face in humility and supplication towards the throne of the Creator, who requires no supplication, said: “O Lord, my age has arrived at 80 years, and I have passed this time in prosperity and happiness such as has been attained to by no king. Now as this is my last time, I hope that Thou wilt not seize Naṣīr for my murder, and that reckoning my death as a thing decreed Thou wilt not avenge it.” After he had spoken these words, he drank off that poisoned cup of sherbet at a gulp and delivered his soul to the Creator. The meaning of his preamble was that he had passed the time of his reign in enjoyment such as has not been attained to by any of the kings. When in his 48th year he came to the throne, he said to his intimates and those near him, “In the service of my revered father I have passed thirty years in warfare and have committed no fault in my activity as a soldier; now that my turn to reign has arrived, I have no intention to conquer countries, but desire to pass the remainder of my life in ease and enjoyment.” They say that he had collected 15,000 women in his harem. He had a whole city of them, and had made it up of all castes, kinds, and descriptions—artificers, magistrates, qazis, kotwals, and whatever else is necessary for the administration of a town. Wherever he heard of a virgin possessed of beauty, he would not desist (lit. did not sit down from his feet) until he possessed her. He taught the girls all kinds of arts and crafts, and was much inclined to hunt. He had made a deer park and collected all kinds of animals in it. [367]He often used to hunt in it with his women. In brief, in the period of thirty-two years of his reign, as he had determined, he went against no enemy, and passed this time in ease and enjoyment. In the same way no one invaded his country. It is reported that when S͟hīr K͟hān, the Afghan, in the time of his rule, came to the tomb of Naṣīru-d-dīn, he, in spite of his brutish nature, on account of Naṣīru-d-dīn’s shameful conduct, ordered the head of the tomb to be beaten with sticks. Also when I went to his tomb I gave it several kicks, and ordered the servants in attendance on me to kick the tomb. Not satisfied with this, I ordered the tomb to be broken open and his impure remains to be thrown into the fire. Then it occurred to me that since fire is Light, it was a pity for the Light of Allah to be polluted with burning his filthy body; also, lest there should be any diminution of torture for him in another state from being thus burnt, I ordered them to throw his crumbled bones, together with his decayed limbs, into the Narbada. During his lifetime he always passed his days in the water in consequence of the heat that had acquired a mastery over his temperament. It is well known that in a state of drunkenness he once threw himself into one of the basins at Kāliyādaha, which was very deep. Some of the attendants in the harem exerted themselves and caught his hair in their hands and drew him out of the water. After he had come to his senses they told him that this thing had happened. When he had heard that they had pulled him out by the hair of his head, he became exceedingly angry, and ordered the hands of the attendants to be cut off. Another time, when an affair of this kind took place, no one had the boldness to pull him out and he was drowned. By chance, after 110 years had passed since his death, it came to pass that his decayed limbs also became mingled with the water. [368]

On the 28th, as a reward for the buildings of Māndū having been completed through his excellent exertions, I promoted ʿAbdu-l-Karīm to the rank of 800 personal and 400 horse, and dignified him with the title of Maʿmūr K͟hān (the architect-K͟hān). On the same day that the royal standards entered the fort of Māndū, my son of lofty fortune, Sult̤ān K͟hurram, with the victorious army, entered the city of Burhanpur, which is the seat of the governor of the province of Khandesh.

After some days, representations came from Afẓal K͟hān and the Rāy Rāyān, to whom at the time of leaving Ajmir my son had given leave to accompany the ambassador to ʿĀdil K͟hān, reporting that when the news of our coming reached ʿĀdil K͟hān he came out for 7 kos to meet the order and the litter of the prince, and performed the duties of salutation and respect which are customary at Court. He did not omit a hair’s point of such ceremonies. At the same interview he professed the greatest loyalty, and promised that he would restore all those provinces that ʿAmbar of dark fate had taken from the victorious State, and agreed to send to the Court with all reverence a fitting offering with his ambassadors. After saying this he brought the ambassadors in all dignity to the place that had been prepared for them. On the same day he sent some one to ʿAmbar with a message of the matters it was necessary to acquaint him with. I heard this news from the reports of Afẓal K͟hān and the Rāy Rāyān.

From Ajmir up to Monday, the 23rd of the aforesaid92 month, during four months, 2 tigers, 27 blue bulls, 6 chītal (spotted deer), 60 deer, 23 hares and foxes, and 1,200 water-fowl and other animals had been killed. On these nights I told the story of my former hunting expeditions and the liking I had for this occupation to [369]those standing at the foot of the throne of the Caliphate. It occurred to me that I might make up the account of my game from the commencement of my years of discretion up to the present time. I accordingly gave orders to the news-writers, the hunt-accountants and huntsmen, and others employed in this service to make enquiries and tell me of all the animals that had been killed in hunting. It was shown that from the commencement of my 12th year, which was in 988 (1580), up to the end of this year, which is the 11th year after my accession and my 50th lunar year, 28,532 head of game had been taken in my presence. Of these, 17,167 animals I killed myself with my gun or otherwise, viz.: Quadrupeds, 3,203; viz., tigers, 86; bears, cheetahs, foxes, otters (ūdbilāo), and hyænas, 9; blue bulls, 889; mhāka, a species of antelope, in size equal to a blue bull, 35 head; of antelope, male and female, chikāra, chītal, mountain goats, etc., 1,67093; rams (qūj) and red deer, 215; wolves, 64; wild buffaloes, 36; pigs, 90; rang, 26; mountain sheep, 22; arg͟halī, 32; wild asses, 6; hares, 23. Birds, 13,964; viz., pigeons, 10,348; lagaṛjhagaṛ (a species of hawk), 3; eagles, 2; qalīwāj (g͟halīwāj, kite), 23; owls (chug͟hd), 39; qautān (goldfinch?), 12; kites (mūs͟h-khwur, mice-eaters), 5; sparrows, 41; doves, 25; owls (būm), 30; ducks, geese, cranes, etc., 150; crows, 3,276. Aquatic animals, 10 magar machha, that is, crocodiles94 (nahang). [370]


1 Text, k͟hūd-hunarkārī, ‘his own workmanship,’ but the MSS. have k͟hūd-sarkārī. See also Iqbāl-nāma, p. 87, which says that Jamālu-d-dīn had had it made in Bījāpūr. 

2 Really a topaz. Tavernier points out that the natives call various precious stones rubies, distinguishing them by their colour. 

3 Text, ba-andāza-i-muʿtād-i-man, ‘of capacity corresponding to my custom.’ Presumably it was a drinking-cup, and held Jahāngīr’s customary potation. 

4 Ḥalqa ba-gūshān. Apparently referring to his being one