The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Story of the American Merchant Marine, by
John Randolph Spears


This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions 
whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at 
www.gutenberg.org.  If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.




Title: The Story of the American Merchant Marine


Author: John Randolph Spears



Release Date: September 22, 2016  [eBook #53122]

Language: English

Character set encoding: UTF-8


***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE STORY OF THE AMERICAN MERCHANT
MARINE***


E-text prepared by Melissa McDaniel and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made
available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org)



Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this
      file which includes the original illustrations.
      See 53122-h.htm or 53122-h.zip:
      (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53122/53122-h/53122-h.htm)
      or
      (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53122/53122-h.zip)


      Images of the original pages are available through
      Internet Archive. See
      https://archive.org/details/cu31924030112977


Transcriber's note:

      Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

      Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=).





THE STORY OF THE AMERICAN MERCHANT MARINE


      *      *      *      *      *      *

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
NEW YORK · BOSTON · CHICAGO
ATLANTA · SAN FRANCISCO

MACMILLAN & CO., Limited
LONDON · BOMBAY · CALCUTTA
MELBOURNE

THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd.
TORONTO

      *      *      *      *      *      *


[Illustration: SOUTH STREET, NEW YORK; FROM MAIDEN LANE, 1834

From a print in the possession of the Lenox Library]


THE STORY OF THE AMERICAN MERCHANT MARINE

by

JOHN R. SPEARS

Author of "Story of the New England
Whalers," etc.

Illustrated







New York
The Macmillan Company
1910
All rights reserved

Copyright, 1910,
By The Macmillan Company.

Set up and electrotyped. Published March, 1910.

Norwood Press
J. S. Cushing Co.--Berwick & Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.




CONTENTS

  CHAPTER                                                          PAGE

     I. In the Beginning                                              1

    II. Early Growth                                                 22

   III. Evolution of the Smuggler and the Pirate                     40

    IV. Before the War of the Revolution                             59

     V. Merchantmen in Battle Array                                  85

    VI. Early Enterprise of the United States Merchant Marine       100

   VII. French and Other Spoliations                                119

  VIII. The British Aggressions                                     132

    IX. The Beginnings of Steam Navigation                          150

     X. Privateers, Pirates, and Slavers of the Nineteenth Century  177

    XI. The Harvest of the Sea before the Civil War                 197

   XII. The Packet Lines and the Clippers                           214

  XIII. Deep-water Steamships--Part I                               240

   XIV. Deep-water Steamships--Part II                              258

    XV. The Critical Period                                         277

   XVI. During a Half Century of Depression                         298




ILLUSTRATIONS

  South Street, New York; from Maiden Lane, 1834         _Frontispiece_

                                                                   PAGE
  An Early View of Charleston Harbor                                 38

  Captain Kidd's House at Pearl and Hanover Streets, New
    York, 1691                                                       70

  Custom House, Salem                                               100

  Elias Hasket Derby                                                108

  An Early Type of Clipper Ship: _Maria_, of New Bedford, built
    1782                                                            122

  A Virginia Pilot-boat, with a Distant View of Cape Henry, at
    the Entrance of the Chesapeake                                  148

  Engines of the _Clermont_                                         158

  Clipper Ship _Syren_                                              220

  Captain Samuel Samuels                                            222

  Clipper Ship _Witch of the Wave_                                  232

  Sailing of _Britannia_, February 3, 1844                          254

  Four-master _Dirigo_, First Steel Ship built in the United
    States                                                          298

  Seven-masted Schooner _Thomas Lawson_                             312

  A Modern Clipper Ship and a Modern Brig                           318

  Cunard S. S. _Lusitania_                                          334




    THE STORY OF THE MERCHANT MARINE




CHAPTER I

IN THE BEGINNING


The first vessel built within the limits of the United States for
commercial uses was a sea-going pinnace of thirty tons named the
_Virginia_. Her keel was laid at the mouth of the Kennebec River,
in Maine, on an unnamed day in the fall of 1607. The story of this
vessel, though brief, is of great interest because, in part, of certain
peculiarities of rig and hull which, in connection with a sea-going
vessel, now seem astounding, but chiefly because it portrays something of
the character of the men who, a little later, laid the foundations of the
American Republic.

The adventure which led to the building of the _Virginia_ grew out
of that wonderful harvest of the sea, the cod fishery on the banks of
Newfoundland. For more than a hundred years before she was built many
fishermen of Europe had been sailing to the Banks in early spring and
returning home each fall. Throughout the sixteenth century there were from
100 to 300 fishing vessels there every year, excepting only those years
when wars raged the hardest. In 1577, for instance, as the records show,
350 vessels sailed for the Banks, gathered their harvest, went ashore
in the bay where St. John, Newfoundland, now stands, cured the catch on
flakes built on the beach, and then sailed for home well satisfied.

Though dimly seen now, those fishermen, as they flocked across the sea in
the spring, form one of the most striking pictures in history. For no one
had ever charted the western limits of that waste of waters. The Banks lay
beyond a belt of the sea famous, or infamous, as the "roaring forties."
And yet in ships so rude that the hulls were sometimes bound with hawsers
to hold them together these men anchored where black fogs shut them in,
where sleet-laden gales were a part of their common life, where bergs
and fields of ice assaulted them, and where irresistible hurricanes from
the unknown wilds beyond came to overwhelm them. To these real dangers
they added others that, though born of the imagination, were still more
terrifying. They saw evil spirits in the storm clouds, and demons came
shrieking in the gales to carry their souls to eternal torment.

Even in pleasant weather life was hard. Masters ruled their crews by
torture. To punish an obstinate sailor they wrapped a stout cord around
his forehead and then set it taut until his eyes were popped from
the sockets. The food brought from home spoiled. In the best vessels
the crew slept in leaking, unwarmed forecastles, while in some of the
vessels--those that were but partly decked over--they slept unsheltered.
The brine of the sea covered them with sores called sea boils, and their
hands dripped blood as they hauled in their cod lines.

Consider further that these fishermen came from four nations that were
always at war with each other, either openly or in an underhanded way. And
yet the English, the French, the Spanish, and the Portuguese anchored side
by side on the Banks, built their flakes side by side on the Newfoundland
beach, and when a ship opened her seams as she wallowed in the gale, the
crews of the others within reach eagerly lowered their boats to rescue
the drowning.

In courage, fortitude, sea skill, and resourcefulness those Banks
fishermen had never been surpassed.

This is by no means to say that the fishermen never fought each other.
Good fair fighting was a part of the comfort of life as they saw it. But
the conditions that eliminated the weaklings naturally created in their
minds a standard of justice under which all who survived could work.

Let it be noted now that with all their hardships they were not without
compensating rewards. Good digestion waited on appetite. The life ashore
while curing the catch--a life where venison and wild fowl replaced their
salted meats, and the red people of the region came to visit them--was a
time for jollification. But more important than all else they had leisure
as well as hard work. For having a share in the catch instead of wages,
they obtained enough money, on reaching home, to enable them to pass the
winter beside the hearthstone, where they told tales of adventures that
stirred the blood. So the love of the sea was cultivated and the race was
perpetuated.

Into the midst of these fishermen, as they worked among their flakes upon
the Newfoundland beach, came Sir Humphrey Gilbert, on August 5, 1583,
who was the forerunner of the New England colonists. He told them he had
come to take possession of the country and establish an English colony
there. The fishermen saw that such a settlement would interfere with
their business, but no resistance was made while he erected a monument and
did such other things as the customs of the day required of those taking
possession of a new land. One may fancy they saw in Sir Humphrey a man
of their own sort. For he had crossed the sea in the ten-ton _Squirrel_,
and although she was, as they said, "too small a bark to pass through the
ocean sea at that season of the year," he sailed in her when bound for
home; he would not ask his men to take a risk which he would not share.
And when the storm that overwhelmed him came, he sat down at the stern of
the little bark with a book in his hand, and shouted in a cheerful voice
to the crew of the _Hind_, which was close alongside:--

"We are as near to heaven by sea as by land."

The sailors of Gilbert's expedition have been called "no better than
pirates" (Bancroft), but at worst they were able to cherish the abiding
faith of their master as expressed in those words. The seamen who sailed
(1530) with William Hawkins in that "tall and goodlie ship of his own,"
the _Paul_, to the coasts of Africa and Brazil, and with Drake in the
_Pelican_ in that famous voyage around the world, and with Raleigh's
expedition to the coast of North Carolina, were recruited from among these
fishermen, to whom adventure was as the breath of life. And the men who
did the actual work of building the _Virginia_ were of the same class.

As the reader remembers, the first charter of Virginia as a colony
provided for two colony-planting companies. One, the London Company,
settled its colonists in what is now the State of Virginia, while the
other, the West-of-England or Plymouth Company, was to people the northern
coast. In May, 1607, the Plymouth Company sent two vessels to establish a
fishing colony on what is now the coast of Maine. One of the vessels was
a "fly-boat" called the _Gift of God_. A fly-boat was a flat-bottomed,
shoal-draft vessel handy for exploring inland waters. The other was "a
good ship" named the _Mary and John_. These ships shaped their course to
an island off the coast then well known to the fishermen, and now called
Monhegan, "a round high Ile," where they arrived on August 9. On the 18th
they located their settlement on a peninsula, on the west side of the
mouth of the Kennebec, which was "almost an island." There they erected
dwellings, a storehouse, and a church, with a fort enclosing all. Then
"the carpenters framed a pretty pinnace of about 30 tons, which they
called the _Virginia_, the chief shipwright being one Digby of London."
A plan of the fort as "taken by John Hunt, the VIII day of October in the
yeere of our Lorde 1607," is reproduced in Brown's _Genesis of the United
States_. This chart is important because it shows under the guns of the
fort a small vessel which was, no doubt, the "pretty pinnace" _Virginia_.

While the dimensions of the _Virginia_ were not recorded, we can get a
fair idea of her size from Charnock's _History of Marine Architecture_
(II, 431), where a smack named the _Escape Royal_, in 1660, was of 34 tons
burden and 30 feet 6 inches long by 14 feet 3 inches wide, and 7 feet 9
inches deep. The 30-ton _Virginia_ was not far from these dimensions. She
carried a spritsail and a jib. As the sail spread was insufficient for
driving the vessel in light airs and confined waters, oars were provided.
The hull was partly decked, enough to protect the cargo.

The crew had to be content with an awning when the wind was light. When
the wind was heavy, they had to face the gale, as was the custom on the
Banks. And yet the _Virginia_ was built by men who intended to use her
not only in the fishery and the coasting trade with the Indians, but for
oversea trade as well. It is a matter of record, too, that she made at
least one voyage from England to the Chesapeake, and it is believed that
some of the Kennebec colonists sailed in her upon that voyage.

Curiously enough, however, the Kennebec colony failed somewhat
ingloriously. The winter was long and severe. A fire destroyed the
storehouse and the provisions that had been brought from England. The
unexplored wilderness oppressed them. In fact, while they would face a
hurricane at sea in an open boat, the terrors of the wilderness, though
chiefly of their own imagining, drove them away, and they were hard
pressed at home to find excuses for what they had done.

In the meantime a settlement was made at Jamestown, Virginia. Of the 105
colonists at Jamestown, 48 were described as gentlemen, 12 as laborers,
4 as carpenters, and the others as servants and soldiers. The servants
were white slaves, who were not, however, held for life. The ships with
this oddly assorted colony arrived in the Chesapeake on April 20, 1607.
Of the things done at Jamestown two only need be considered here. They
began creating a merchant marine in 1611 by building a shallop of twelve
or thirteen tons' burden. A Spaniard who visited the colony at that
time noted that the iron used in the boat had been taken from a wreck at
Bermuda--a fact that shows the colonists had not had enough interest in
ship-building to bring iron for that purpose from home.

The truth is the Virginia colonists never had much interest in shipping,
save only as they built many vessels of small size for use in local
transportation on their inland waters. The reason for this condition of
affairs is pointed out in Bruce's _Economic History of Virginia_. The
money crop was, as it is now, in many parts of the State, tobacco. Tobacco
had been introduced into England in 1586. The settlers found the Indians
cultivating it on the James River, but they gave little heed to it until
1612, when John Rolfe, the first American "squaw man," began producing
it partly for his own use and partly because he was trying to find some
product that could be exported to England with profit. Thus Rolfe's garden
was the first American agricultural experiment station. Under cultivation
the leaf produced was of better quality than that obtained from the
Indians, and when a trial shipment was sent to England the success of the
venture was great. Thereupon the colonists became so eager to produce it
that the authorities felt obliged to prohibit the crop unless at least
two acres of grain were grown at the same time by each planter.

The demand for Virginia tobacco increased until the merchants sent their
agents to the colony to buy and pay for the crop long before it was
harvested; they even sent ships to lie there for months before the harvest
in order to have first chance to secure it. Why should the Virginians
build or buy ships under such circumstances?

Now consider some of the conditions surrounding the first New England
settlers. Many fishermen had visited the New England coast before a
settlement was made there. These adventurers found full fares and they
looked upon the coast at a season when it was not "stern."

It was to this coast that the Pilgrims came.

Of the well-known story of the Pilgrims it seems necessary to recall
here, first of all, the fact that they were Englishmen who had lived for
several years among the Dutch, a people who described themselves upon
their coinage as a nation whose "way is on the sea." More than a thousand
ships were built every year in Holland where the Pilgrims were sojourning,
and everybody lived in a seafaring atmosphere. Though a distinct people,
the Pilgrims necessarily absorbed, as one may say, something of the Dutch
aptitude for trade and sea life. Thus, when ready to migrate to America,
they were able to secure the capital they needed for the venture from
merchants who were acquainted with the success that had attended the
fishing voyages to the coast.

It is worth noting, too, that Captain Thomas Jones, of the _Mayflower_,
had fished in Greenland waters, and that Mate Robert Coppin was carried
as the pilot of the ship because he had been on the parts of the coast to
which the expedition was bound. The Pilgrims intended to settle somewhere
near the Hudson River, but on November 11, 1620, the _Mayflower_ was
found at anchor under Cape Cod. While lying there a number of the company
came to think that a settlement there would serve their purpose well, and
the reasons given in support of this proposition are of interest because
they show what business ideas animated these Pilgrims. The location, they
said, "afforded a good harbor for boats." It was "a place of profitable
fishing." "The master and his mate and others experienced in fishing"
preferred it to the Greenland fishery where whaling made large profits.
Moreover, the situation was "healthy, secure and defensible." While the
desire for "freedom to worship God" was perhaps uppermost in their talk,
as it was in their writings, the Pilgrims were "intensely practical in
applying their theories of Providence and Divine control to the immediate
business in hand," as Weeden says, in his _Economic History of New
England_.

After settling at Plymouth, as the reader remembers, life was hard during
the first years. But the poetic rhapsodies about the "stern and rock-bound
coast" do not convey an accurate idea of the agricultural possibilities
of the region. Some of the farm lands of eastern Massachusetts are among
the most prolific and profitable in the nation. The average yield of
Indian corn per acre in Massachusetts in 1907 (see Year Book, Department
of Agriculture) was exceeded only by that of Maine (another part of the
"stern and rock-bound coast") and that of the irrigated lands of Arizona.
Arizona averaged 37.5 bushels per acre, Maine 37, and Massachusetts 36.
Consider, too, that it was in April, "while the birds sang in the woods
most pleasantly," that Squanto and Hobomoc, red neighbors, taught these
Englishmen how to fertilize the fields with fish, and to plant corn in
fields that the Indians had cleared. And corn, produced on these fields,
formed the first cargo of the first American sea-trader of which we have
a definite record.

Through various causes not necessary to enumerate the Pilgrims got on
so poorly that it was not until 1624 that they began ship-building. The
prosperity that came to them in that year was due to success in fishing.
They took enough cod to freight a ship for England. The profit on the cod
was so much beyond the immediate need of the people that they launched
"two very good and strong shallops (which after did them greate service)."

As it happened, in the year following the building of these shallops
the Pilgrims produced such an abundant crop of corn that they had some
to sell. Accordingly they loaded a shallop with it, and sent it, under
Winslow, to the Kennebec, where he traded it for 700 pounds of beaver
skins.

A year later a more important, or at any rate a more profitable, voyage
was made. Some English merchants who had maintained a trading-post on
Monhegan Island sent word down the beach that they were going to abandon
it and would sell the remainder of their goods at a bargain. Although
in the years that had passed the Pilgrims had, at times, come so near to
starvation that men had been seen to stagger in the street because they
were faint with hunger, they had persisted. They had caught and sold fish.
They had produced forest products and corn for sale. They had traded with
the Indians for furs. They had traded with the fishermen who came over
from England, and they had made a profit on every deal--they had not lived
in Holland for nothing. When a bargain in trade goods on Monhegan Island
was offered, they had capital to make a purchase, and going there with
a shallop they secured stuff worth £400. Then, on finding at the mouth
of the Kennebec some other goods that had been taken from a French ship
wrecked on that coast, they bought an additional £100 worth, which was all
their boat would hold, as one may suppose. For as soon as they reached
Plymouth Bay they cut their shallop in two and lengthened her, so that
when another opportunity was offered to buy goods at a bargain she would
have a larger capacity.

Recall, now, a number of events occurring in America before, and at about
the time of, the first voyages of the Pilgrim shallops. Henry Hudson had
sailed in the _Half Moon_ up the river that bears his name (September,
1609), and the Dutch, after building a few fur-buying posts in that
country, had begun a permanent settlement on the lower end of Manhattan
Island (1623). Adrien Block, a Dutch explorer, had built a "yacht" on
Manhattan Island (during the winter of 1614-1615), that was used later in
the coasting trade. At New Amsterdam the Dutch built many small boats for
gathering furs on the Hudson, and they repaired ships coming to the port
when there was need. But as late as October 10, 1658, J. Aldrichs wrote
a letter from that town saying, in connection with a "galliot" that was
needed for local use (N. Y. C. docs. II, 51):--

"We are not yet in condition to build such a craft here."

At a still earlier date the French had made a permanent settlement in
Canada. In the long story of the French in America it is of interest to
note first that the Bretons and Basques had been among the pioneers on
the Newfoundland fishing banks. It is not difficult to believe that the
Basques were there before Cabot's time.

Of the French explorers we need to recall but one, Samuel de Champlain,
"young, ardent, yet ripe in experience, a skilled seaman and a practiced
soldier," who had been leading a strenuous life in the West Indies. In
1603 he made a voyage to the St. Lawrence River. In 1604 he helped to make
a settlement on the St. Croix River, where he remained until the next
year. When a badly needed relief ship came in 1605, he explored the New
England coast down around Cape Cod.

In 1608 Champlain built a trading-post where Quebec now stands, and in
1616 there were two real home-builders there, a farmer named Louis Hebert
and Champlain himself. In 1626 the population numbered 105, all told. It
is not unlikely that the French ship, from which the Pilgrims obtained
enough cheap goods to fill their shallop, in their second voyage to the
Maine coast, had been wrecked while on a voyage to Quebec. The seafaring
merchants of New England inevitably took much interest in the development
of this colony from a rival nation.

Still more interesting, though in a different way, were the settlements
of the West Indies. The Spaniards had introduced the sugar-cane and
negro slavery, an economic combination of the greatest importance to
the commerce of the world; for while the Spaniards maintained, as far as
possible, a monopoly of their own trade, both slavery and sugar-planting
spread all over the islands. Moreover, Spanish exclusiveness was to lead
to adventures on the part of some New Englanders.

In 1605 the crew of an English ship took possession of Barbados. On
February 17, 1625, an English ship "landed forty English and seven or
eight negroes" on the island, and thus began building a colony that was of
the utmost importance to New England traders in later years. In 1676 the
export of sugar "was capable of employing 400 sail of vessels, averaging
150 tons."

In the meantime (1619), a Dutch privateer had come to Jamestown, Virginia,
where "twenty Africans were disembarked," and sold to planters who were
to use negro slaves, for many years thereafter, with profit, in the
production of tobacco. And slaves, sugar, and tobacco were among the first
articles of merchandise to bring profit to the New England ship-owners.

Most interesting of all, however, were the centres of population
established upon the New England coast. The English fishermen who came to
the coast after the arrival of the Pilgrims, occasionally landed men to
remain through the winter in order to trade for furs and procure a supply
of provisions--venison, wild fowl, etc.--for the use of the crews of the
ships that were to return in the spring.

Of this character was a settlement made at Cape Ann in 1623. The Rev. John
White, of Dorchester, England, having become interested in the fishermen,
persuaded some merchants to send out people to form a colony. The whole
business was badly managed; in 1626 the merchants abandoned the colony,
and most of the people returned to England. But one Roger Conant and "a
few of the most honest _and industrious_ resolved to stay." They removed,
however, to a point on the coast known as Naumkeag, where they made a
settlement which they named Salem.

In the meantime White had been working faithfully in England to promote
the interests of these men, and in 1628 sixty or seventy emigrants were
sent over to join them. In 1629 White and other English Puritans procured
a charter for "a colony under the title of The Governor and Company of
Massachusetts Bay." The settlers who came to America and lived under this
charter were the "Puritans" of American history, a fact that seems worth
especial mention because a modern mark of intelligence in New England is
found in the ability to distinguish between the "Pilgrims" who formed the
colony on Plymouth Bay, or the "Old Colony," and the "Puritans" who made
the settlements at the head of Massachusetts Bay.

The colonists who came over in 1628 explored the head of the bay, and some
of them located where Charlestown now stands. With its dancing waters,
its green islands, and its views of the distant blue hills from which the
Indians had already called it Massachusetts, the region was enchanting,
and the Puritan explorers described it in such glowing colors that 200
more settlers were brought over the next year. The Puritans were the
original "boomers" of America.

Among the 200 who arrived in 1629 there were wheelwrights, carpenters, and
ship-builders. The ship-builders went up the Mystic River to the place
where Medford now stands, and established a shipyard. A considerable
number of the emigrants of 1630 joined them. This was the first American
shipyard, properly so called.

It is also to be noted that some of these emigrants, under the lead of
John Winthrop, located on the peninsula opposite Charlestown, which was
distinguished by a three-pointed hill and a "Backbay," where they built
a town named Boston.

The French, having a water-road to the far-away regions of the Great
Lakes, became wholly absorbed in the fur trade. The Dutch on the Hudson,
though less favorably situated, had a western outlet through the Iroquois
Indian country, and did a large business in furs. The English on Barbados,
having a favorable climate, a fertile soil, and slaves, were preparing
to supply all Englishmen with sugar, while the English on the Chesapeake,
having facilities similar to those at Barbados, were already astonishing
the commercial world with their product of tobacco.

The New Englanders had no considerable back country from which they could
draw furs; they had no water route to the interior, and at that time they
were unable to produce any crop from the soil for which a good market
could be found in Europe. But what they lacked in these respects they made
up by hard work in the development of such resources as their country
afforded. The histories of New England are full of tales of privation
and suffering endured during the first years of their existence, and
the stories are all true. But as soon as those settlers had learned how
to supplement their prayers for daily bread by well-directed efforts to
secure it, hunger fled. They then saw that the waters laving their feet
were inviting them to go afloat to seek fortune in the uttermost parts of
the earth, and they accepted the invitation.

On July 4, 1631 (the fact that it was on July 4 has attracted the
attention of more than one New Englander as a "beautiful coincidence"),
the ship-builders on the Mystic launched their first sea-going vessel.
"The bark, being of thirty tons," was named the _Blessing of the Bay_.
Her owner, Governor John Winthrop, recorded his reason for building her:--

"The general fear of want of foreign commodities, now that our money was
gone, set us on work to provide shipping of our own."

That statement was characteristic of the people as well as of Winthrop.
A "want"--any want--"set them on work" to provide for themselves.

The _Blessing of the Bay_ was not a "bark" according to modern
nomenclature. She was a vessel of one mast, and much like the vessel built
by the less persistent people in the earlier settlement at the mouth of
the Kennebec. On August 31 she "went on a voyage to eastward," to trade
with the Indians, beyond a doubt, and to pick up such business as might
be offered by the few settlers and the fishermen to be found along shore.
The fishing and trading station which "fishmongers in London" had built
on the Piscataqua, at which no planting was done, was probably the most
important point visited.

Another incident of this year, 1631, is of almost as much interest as
the launch of the _Blessing of the Bay_. One John Winter established a
shipyard on Richmond Island, off Cape Elizabeth (near the site of the
modern Portland), Maine. Some time in December Winter began to build there
a ship for merchants in Plymouth, England. As already noted, other ships
had been built in America by Europeans for European use, but Winter's work
may be called the beginning of the American business of building ships
for export.

Three facts about Winter's shipyard may be correlated. In 1638 sixty men
were at work in it. During the year a 300-ton ship brought a cargo of
wines and liquors to the island. "It was a sporadic" settlement, and it
"dwindled away."

Winthrop's _Blessing of the Bay_ appears to have been the first New
England vessel to open trade with the Dutch on Manhattan Island. She went
there in 1633, perhaps sooner. In 1627 the Dutch had invited "friendly
commercial relations" with the Pilgrims by sending the governor of the
colony "a rundlet of sugar and two Holland Cheeses," with a letter in
which they offered to "accommodate"--to give credit. But the Pilgrims
were shy because the Dutch had been trading with the Connecticut Indians,
a region claimed by the English; the Dutch had come even to the head of
Buzzard's Bay, where the Pilgrims were maintaining a post for the fur
trade. However, in September, 1627, the Dutch sent Isaac de Rasieres with
a small trial cargo in the "barque Nassau" to see what he could do, and
he proved a worthy forerunner of the great race of American commercial
travellers. For he carried soldiers and trumpeters along, not to fight,
but to do honor to the occasion by means of salutes and blaring music; and
he chose these men from among the residents of New Amsterdam who had known
some of the Pilgrims in Holland. Indeed, some of them were related to
the Pilgrims. Naturally, after "the joyful meeting of kindred as well as
friends," and after much fine talk and the display of goods,--especially
of "wampum,"--De Rasieres made what he called "the beginning of a
profitable trade."

Wampum (bits of sea-shell) was the coin of the red men. The chief mint of
the continent was on Long Island. All red men, at that time, were much
more anxious to get wampum than the silver coin of the white man. The
Pilgrims were glad to buy the wampum because the Indians of New England
had but little, and were eager to get it.

It was no doubt to secure a supply of wampum and such West India products
as sugar and salt, in which the Dutch traded, that Winthrop sent his
_Blessing of the Bay_ to Manhattan Island.

Certain details of the earlier voyages should now prove interesting. For
instance, Winthrop's vessel was at first engaged in trading on her owner's
account. She was not a freighter, looking for cargo to carry at a price
per ton, but a floating store, so to say, carrying merchandise for sale
or exchange. The distinction between the freighter and the ship trading
on owners' account is to be kept in mind.

After the New Englanders had spread to Connecticut there is a record of
the employment of the _Blessing of the Bay_ as a freighter. She carried
goods from Massachusetts Bay to Connecticut at 30_s._ per ton.

In 1629 the freight rate between England and Massachusetts Bay was £3 per
ton. Passengers were carried at £5 each, and horses at £10 each. The goods
rate increased after a time.

That the oversea rates were remunerative is manifest from the increase in
the number of ships finding employment in the trade. In 1635 the Secretary
to the Admiralty learned that forty ships were regularly employed in the
trade, of which "six sail of ships, at least" belonged to the Americans.

The profits in the trade on owners' account were also recorded. In 1636
Thomas Mayhew and John Winthrop, Jr., as partners, sent a vessel to the
Bermudas, then called the Summer Islands, where she sold corn and pork
and bought oranges, lemons, and potatoes. Perhaps that was the first
importation of Bermuda potatoes. The profit on the venture was "twenty od
pounds."

The _Richmond_, a 30-ton vessel, built by Winter at Richmond Island,
Maine, carried 6000 pipe-staves from the island to England, where they
were sold at a profit of a little over £25 per thousand.

An idea of the profits on some of the voyages "eastward" to trade with
the Indians can be had from the records of the Pilgrims, who, with their
shallops, became experts in that line. Between 1631 and 1636, inclusive,
the Pilgrims bought and shipped 12,150 pounds of beaver skins and 1156
of otter. "Ye parcells of beaver came to little less than 10,000 li.
[pounds]. And ye otter skins would pay all ye charges," as Governor
Bradford wrote. As otter skins sold for from 14 to 15_s._ a pound, "ye
charges" in a business that gave a profit of "little less than £10,000"
did not exceed £867. And this profit was made, although the Pilgrims had
to buy some of their trade goods on credit and pay 40 per cent interest
per annum on the sum thus borrowed.

It was at this period of the history of the American merchant marine that
Captain Thomas Wiggin, an observing shipmaster from Bristol, England,
wrote a letter about the New Englanders, in which he said:--

"The English, numbering about two thousand, _and generally most
industrious_, have done more in three years than others in seven times
that space, and at a tenth of the expense."




CHAPTER II

EARLY GROWTH


Although geographical conditions were in most respects against them, it is
manifest from any study of the New Englanders that their chief mercantile
interests, during the earliest years, were concentrated in the fur trade.
The Pilgrims devoted their first surplus crop to that trade, and the first
voyage of Winthrop's _Blessing of the Bay_ was to "eastward." According
to the contracts, they had come to make fishing stations; yet the large
profits made on such furs as they were able to secure kept their minds
fixed on the Indian trade. But, happily, at an opportune moment a man came
to Salem who was able to see that enduring prosperity could be found by
the colonists only in the fisheries; and by example as well as precept he
speedily led them to accept his view. Curiously enough, as it must seem
in our modern view of the profession, this man was a clergyman, the Rev.
Hugh Peter (written also Peters).

Few more stirring stories are to be found in the history of New England
than the biography of Hugh Peter. He was born in England, of wealthy
parents, in 1599, graduated at Cambridge in 1622, and immediately took
holy orders. Very soon, however, he had (or made) such trouble with the
church authorities that he had to flee from the country. Then he served an
English congregation in Rotterdam until 1634, when he came to New England
and was made pastor of the Puritans at Salem.

In 1641 Peter was sent as ambassador to treat with the Dutch of New
Amsterdam for a settlement of the disputes over the territory of
Connecticut, and the records of his work, especially the proposals
which he submitted (N. Y. C. docs. I, 567), show that he was a master of
diplomacy. His work with the Dutch led the colonists to send him as their
ambassador to England, when the civil war began there. Being a Puritan,
he naturally joined the hosts of Cromwell and with such energy and zeal
as were characteristic of the man.

In June, 1645, he was made "Chaplain of the Train," and a little later
private secretary to Cromwell. He was with his chief at the storming of
the castle at Winchester and when the dour hosts swept over the works
at Basing. As a special honor, and because of his eloquence, Cromwell
sent him on each occasion to tell Parliament how the battles were won;
and the reader who would like to learn what a preacher had to say about
such fighting as was done in those battles can find one of the addresses
in Carlyle's _Cromwell_. Having been sent on a mission to Holland, he
delivered a sermon which stirred the audience until "crowds of women"
stripped the wedding rings from their fingers to aid in providing funds
for the work of the great Commoner.

For his zeal he was arrested soon after the Restoration. "His trial was a
scene of flagrant injustice," and he was condemned, hanged, and quartered.
But he faced his accusers and death as he had faced all else in life.
He was placed on the gallows while one of his friends was yet hanging
there, and was compelled to look on while the corpse was lowered and cut
to pieces. When this had been done, one of the executioners turned, and
rubbing his bloody hands together, said to Peter:--

"How like you this?"

But Peter, in a voice of unconcern, replied--

"I thank God I am not terrified at it; you may do your worst."

When Hugh Peter came to Salem, he found the people of the colony, with few
exceptions, living in log houses that had thatched roofs and dirt floors.
They were frontiersmen, a thin line of population stretched along the
beach. Although there were masters and servants, there was less division
of labor than that fact would now seem to imply. Owners and servants
worked together. They cut timber in the forest for lumber and fuel; they
built houses of all needed kinds; they cultivated the soil and they cared
for their cattle. The New World was almost without form and void, but the
divine power of labor was moving upon the wastes. A natural-born leader
was needed, however, and Hugh Peter was the man for the hour. He saw
that the fur trade was slipping away and that some other resource must be
provided. Better yet, he saw that the fisheries would provide a permanent
prosperity, and he began to preach the gospel of good fish markets in far
countries. No record of his arguments remains, but we may easily learn
what he said by reading the contemporary writings of John Smith, who used
the facts vigorously, as Peter did beyond a doubt.

In 1619 "there went" to America, said Smith, a ship "of 200 tuns ... which
with eight and thirty men and boys had her freight, which she sold for
£2100 ... so that every poor sailor that had but a single share had his
charges and sixteen pounds ten shillings for his seven months work." In
1620 three different ships "made so good a voyage that every sailor that
had a single share had twenty pounds for his seven months work, which is
more than in twenty months he should have gotten had he gone for wages
anywhere."

If a statement of the gains of a foremast hand would serve as an effective
argument in England, it would be much more effective in New England,
where many men low in the social scale were finding opportunities to
rise--where, indeed, men who had come over as indentured servants had
already become capitalists able to join in a venture afloat. The profits
of the merchants were also known and printed, however, even though
not considered a matter of first importance by Smith. Thus there was a
statement that "the charge of setting forth a ship of 100 tuns with 40
persons to make a fishing voyage" was £420 11_s._ The average take of
fish on the American coast would sell for £2100, of which £700 would be
the share of the merchant supplying the outfit costing £420 11_s._ His
profit on the voyage would therefore be near 100 per cent, even though
the prevailing rate of interest on borrowed money were 40 per cent. The
ship-owner took a third of the income from the voyage, and made a still
larger profit, for a hundred-ton ship could be built in New England, as
Randolph noted, for £4 per ton.

With these facts in hand Hugh Peter went among his people preaching the
gospel of enterprise with as much enthusiasm no doubt as he felt and
displayed later in preaching religious doctrines before Cromwell's men.
As a result of his work he "procured a good sum of money to be raised to
set on foot the fishing business, and wrote into England to raise as much
more." Further than that, the General Court, as the governing body of the
colony was called, appointed six men to fish "for general account."

The Salem people made money from the first. The business spread to near-by
Marblehead, and the people there became so much interested that when a
minister in the pulpit told them that they ought to seek the "kingdom
of heaven to the _exclusion_ of all earthly blessings," one of the
congregation interrupted him by saying, "You think you are preaching to
the people at the Bay. Our _main_ end is to catch fish."

By 1640 the Salem people had made such progress and profits in their
fishery that they were able to launch a ship of 300 tons, a monster of a
vessel for the day and place. Moreover, Boston people were so wrought up
by Peter's enterprise in this matter that they also built a ship at the
same time, the _Trial_, of 160 (or 200) tons.

Unhappily for Salem, her people had no leader after Peter sailed for
England, and Boston soon gained the ascendancy in commerce as in politics.
But for many years Salem was a port of vast importance in the story of
our merchant marine.

In the meantime (1636), the _Desire_, a ship of 120 tons, was built at
Marblehead for the fishing business. It is likely that Peter inspired
the people there to build her. She was engaged in fishing for two years
and then made a voyage in the slave trade, and thus acquired enduring
notoriety.

Of much more importance than these large vessels in promoting the shipping
interests of the colonists were the small vessels, smacks, and shallops,
which men of limited means built and used. A seven-ton shallop could
be built for £25, and in the hands of her owners she was well able to
go fishing. Friends and neighbors united their labor as well as their
accumulations of capital in sending the small boats to sea. Even the
dugout canoe which a man could make for himself was used in the bay
fisheries, and the whole world was within the reach and grasp of a man
who had the courage and enterprise to launch forth in a dugout canoe of
his own making. It was in and through such men that the American colonists
_were gaining the sea habit_.

The cod was the fish of chief importance, though other varieties were sent
abroad, and used at home in enormous quantities. Mackerel, though some
were eaten and some exported, were used chiefly for bait. Sturgeon eggs
were made into caviare then, as now, while the flesh of the sturgeon was
smoked and sold--perhaps as the flesh of some more delicate fish. Hake,
halibut, and haddock were of some importance, but the one fish that ranked
next after the cod was the alewife.

It is said that alewives were so called because their well-rounded
abdomens reminded the fishermen of such of their wives as were too fond
of malt drinks! Millions of alewives came to the coast and swarmed up the
streams until the channels seemed to be filled solid with the struggling
bodies. Seines, scoop-nets, and even the naked hands were used in taking
them, but the weir was in common use from the first. Indeed, the Indians
used weirs before the white men came.

The people naturally looked upon these swarming fish as common property,
and when weirs were built by private enterprise and the owners were thus
able to "control the market" to a certain extent, laws were promptly
enacted to regulate these primitive "trusts." One John Clark was
allowed to build a weir at Cambridge on condition that he sell to no
one not an inhabitant of the town "except for bait." The interests of
the commonwealth were placed ahead of those of the small community when
there was a need of "bait." The price of alewives was fixed at "IIIs 6d
per thousand." Another monopolist was to "fetch home the alewives from
the weir; and he is to have XVId a thousand and load them himself for
carriage; and _to have the power to take any man to help him_, he paying
of him for his work."

The importance of alewives to the people is thus shown clearly. The
notable uses of alewives were as food, as fertilizers, and as bait, but
a few were smoked for export.

The early laws governing the fisheries may well have still further
consideration here. After Hugh Peter began arousing an interest in the
fisheries, the General Court exempted fishing vessels from all charges for
a period of seven years, beginning in 1639. Fishermen and ship carpenters
were excused from serving the public on training days. When alewives were
taken at the weirs, the fishermen were to be served at statute-made prices
before any were to be offered to the public. This was provided for, of
course, after the farmers had learned their art well enough to prevent
the fear of starvation. Land was set aside for fish-curing stages, and
pasture was provided for the cattle which fishermen owned but could not
attend to while at sea.

Until 1648 the fishermen, on coming ashore to "make" their catch,
were allowed to land, cut timber, and erect their stages for the work
regardless of the ownership of the ground where they landed. After that
date they were still allowed to do the same things, but they were then
required to pay the owner of the land for the use of land and timber. In
1652, to preserve the reputation of the colony product of fish, the law
provided for "fish viewers" at "every fishing place," whose duty it was
to separate cured fish into grades according to quality.

Some details of the early methods of taking fish on the Banks were
recorded. Neither the dory nor the trawl had then been developed.
Hand-lines thrown from the deck of the fishing ship were used exclusively.
The hooks and lines were imported from England, and Smith records the
price: "12 dozen of fishing lines, £6; 24 dozen of fishing hooks, £2."
The Indians made fairly good hooks of bones and shells. They spun lines
from the fibres of Indian hemp, which they saturated with grease and the
wax of the bayberry bush, but the white men would not use any such gear.

Cod lines for use on the Grand Banks were from 50 to 75 fathoms long; the
lines now used on the Georges Bank are often as much as 150 fathoms long.
Sinkers (conical plummets of lead), were from 3 to 8 pounds in weight
according to the strength of the tidal current where the fishing vessel
anchored. The enthusiastic John Smith said: "Is it not pretty sport to
pull up two pence, six pence and twelve pence as fast as you can haul
and veer a line?" But the fishermen who stood at the rail, in freezing
weather, hauling a wet line that was 75 fathoms or more in length, and
weighted with 8 pounds of lead and a 100-pound codfish, did not find it
exactly "pretty sport." Moreover, hauling and veering did not end their
work, for when the school of fish was lost, the catch had to be cleaned
and salted, even though the men had been at the rail day and night for 48
hours. But the work afforded better opportunities for "getting on," and
so they found in it the "pleasing content" of which Smith also speaks.

As the reader knows, stoves were not invented until many years later, but
the fishermen made shift by carrying a half hogshead nearly filled with
sand. In the centre of the sand they scooped a hole in which the fire was
built. By means of such a fire, built on deck, they cooked their food,
warmed themselves, and dried their wet clothing. The scene where a fleet
of fishermen anchored together on the banks by night, and all together
cooked their suppers by the flaring fires, was memorable. One sees how
easy it was for the imaginative sailor to name such a tub of fire a
"galley," the name applied to the modern ship's kitchen.

In food supplies the New Englanders naturally fared better than their
old-country competitors. Being nearer home, they had fresh vegetables for
a greater proportion of the time afloat. Food was cheaper, too, and the
circumstances or conditions under which the food was produced made them
more lavish in using it. They raised their own peas and had barrels of
them at home; why should they stint themselves on the Banks? To this day
American ships are noted for superior food and hard work. Of course they
ate plenty of fish, as all fishermen did, and they caught many sea-birds,
of which they made savory dishes.

John Smith emphasizes the fact that in the English ships the catch
was divided into three parts, of which the crew received only a third,
the two-thirds going to the owner and the merchant who fitted out the
expedition. Where one man owned and outfitted the ship, he took the
two-thirds, of course. But as Weeden, in his _Economic History of New
England_ (quoting Bourne's _Wells and Kennebunk_), shows, in 1682-1685,
if not earlier, "the capitalist fitting out the expedition with boat,
provisions, seines, &c., took one-half the value of the catch, and the
other part went to the crew." In the eighteenth century the share of the
capitalist was reduced to one-fifth.

The whale fishery of the first half of the seventeenth century was of
small importance in comparison with that of later years, but it is still
worth mention. The chief source of oil and bone seems to have been found
in the whales that died from natural causes and drifted to the beach. But
men did go afloat in chase when the spouting spray and vapor were seen
from the shore, and laws were provided at an early day to regulate the
catch. The General Court, under these laws, took a share of all drift
whales--from two barrels to a third of the whole product. In the chase
the first harpoon that held its place claimed the whale. It was provided
"5ly, that no whael shall be needlessly or fouellishly lansed behind ye
vitall." The most important fact here is that at first the men who killed
a whale shared equally. Later, when the men of superior skill claimed
shares in proportion to the work they did, the "lay" system was evolved.
The captain of a ship received from 1 barrel in 17 to 1 in 25; in recent
years still more. Mates had from 1 in 30 to 1 in 50. The men who threw the
harpoon had 1 in 75, say, while foremast men had still less, even down to
1 in 200 for a green hand. No better system for encouraging men to do as
well as they could has ever been devised.

Of similar importance was the custom then prevailing of allowing the crews
of merchant ships to carry a "private venture." When Skipper Cornell's
Ewoutsen, in a Dutch cruiser, captured four New England ketches "in the
neighborhood of Blocx Island," Captain Richard Hollingworth, commanding of
one of the four, declared that he was "freighted on account of Wharton and
Company, merchants of Boston, with 47 tubs of tobacco; _Item_, 6 tubs of
tobacco for Mathew Cartwright and 13 tubs for himself and crew ... in all
66 tubs, with eight hides." The crew owned nearly a fifth of the cargo.
(N. Y. C. docs. II, 662.) Seamen before the mast as well as officers took
from port, in stated quantities, any commodities which they supposed they
could sell to advantage in any of the ports to which the ship was bound.
Here or there these goods were exchanged for others, which were again
traded at other ports, or carried home to be sold. Wages were not so very
low for common sailors, even by modern standards. They received on an
average £2 10_s._ per month. Mates had, say, £3 10_s._, and captains £4
10_s._, and, rarely, £6 a month. On top of this the private venture was
carried free, and the shrewd sailormen often made much more on the private
venture than from wages. It is a matter of much importance.

The sailor, having a direct interest in the voyage, made haste to shorten
sail when a squall threatened to carry away the masts; he worked with
all his might whenever any danger threatened, because she carried his
merchandise. More important still is the fact that the custom made
merchants of the men, and that is to say, it made them self-respecting and
ambitious. There were instances where the crew received no wages whatever;
the owner, master, and men were all adventurers together.

There is no more instructive comparison in the history of the nation than
that between these early-day merchants of the forecastle and the driven
brutes before the mast in the clippers of a later day.

Consider now the influence of the poverty of the builder upon the
character of the ship. Capital was so scarce that a man worth £4000 was
called wealthy. Ships were built where scarcely a shilling in currency
changed hands. The workmen were paid with goods. Where neighbors united
to build a vessel, they traded produce of fishery field, or forest to
the merchant for such iron, sails, and cordage as they needed, or they
gave him a share in the vessel. The merchant traded the produce of the
fisheries or forest in Europe for the outfit he gave to the builders. By
hard labor and severe economy only were these vessels sent afloat. It was
the European fashion of the day to build ships with enormous cabins piled
high at the stern end, and to ornament the superstructures with carvings
and paints. The New Englanders, having no capital to spare, had to forego
the pleasure of ornamenting their ships with decorated superstructures;
they were obliged to consider efficiency only. They did not know it at the
time, but the fact was that this enforced economy led to an advance in the
art of ship-building. On navigating the ships without superstructures, it
was seen that the tall cabins had made the ships top-heavy, and had served
to strain instead of strengthen the hulls. Moreover, the huge pile of
timber had held the ship back in any winds but the fairest. Ships without
superstructures were stronger, of greater capacity, swifter and handier.

Then there were the geographical influences which affected the model and
rigs of ships. Whether in fishing or coasting voyages, the American ship
must be prepared to meet winds from any point of the compass on every
day she was out of port. The prevailing winds were westerly, but there
was neither trade wind nor monsoon. The ship must therefore be rigged to
force her way ahead against adverse winds. For such winds the spritsails,
lugs, and others, where the cloth was stretched fore and aft, rather than
to yards hung square across the masts, were more convenient. The schooner
was a natural evolution of the coasting conditions.

The waters of the harbors were shallow. In England deep-water ports had
favored deep hulls, but the American designer who wished to increase the
capacity of a hull had to make it wider instead of deeper. Wide beam gave
greater stability; a wide ship could carry wide sails and yet "stand up
like a church" in a heavy wind. Of course stout masts were needed for
wide sails, but the forests were full of enormous pines that could be
had, at first, for the cutting. Wide hulls of shoal draft, with wide
sails spread upon stout spars, made speedy ships, a fact that even now
is not as well understood as it should be. The speedy ships invited their
masters to "carry on"--to keep their sails spread full breadth while the
gale increased to a weight that would "take the sticks out of" vessels of
inferior design. The swift ship, well driven, soon brought fame as well
as additional profit to crew and owners, and the pride in the ship which
was thus developed led all who were in any way connected with her to look
for still further improvements.

The short distances between harbors also had some influence upon the
forms of ships. For one thing, short passages favored small vessels with
small crews. The greater the number of vessels, the greater the number of
captains accustomed to responsibility, a matter of no small importance in
its effect upon the formation of the sea habit among a people. Then the
short passage naturally led the crew into taking chances; they would risk
a growing gale in a short run. Once out of port in "dirty weather," the
manifest dangers set all hands thinking of improved ways of shortening
sail in an emergency, and of improved shapes of hull and cut of canvas
to help a vessel to "claw off" a lee shore. The men who worked in the
shipyard building for themselves, and then went afloat, were particularly
observant at such times. One of the most common statements to be found in
the stories of perils at sea, as related by American shipmasters of other
days, is this: "Every dollar I owned in the world was in that ship, and"
for that reason every hardship was endured and every effort made to bring
her to port.

In 1624 the Pilgrims exported their first cargo of fish. Boston sent its
first cargo away in 1633. The owners of these fish had to pay three or
four pounds a ton freight; and an agent in England, who charged a good
commission for doing so, found a customer to buy them. The New Englanders
saw that the vessel carrying the cargo made a profit for her owner. They
saw, too, that an agent in a foreign country across the water would never
have quite the interest in selling to advantage that they themselves would
have if they were there to sell. In short, if the fish business were to be
handled in the most profitable way possible, they must carry the cargo in
their own ship direct to the consumer. Hugh Peter preached this doctrine
with emphasis, beyond doubt, for it was he who led in building the 300-ton
ship at Salem. From catching fish to carrying them to the oversea market
was a short passage quickly made. With this in mind, consider the brief
story of the voyage of the good ship _Trial_, Captain Thomas Coytemore,
made after the fishing business was well in hand.

The _Trial_, as noted, was the ship built in Boston when the people there
were stirred to emulation by the work of Hugh Peter in Salem. Loaded with
fish and pipe-staves, she sailed away to Fayal (1642). Fayal was chosen
because the people there had religious views leading them to eat fish
instead of flesh on many days of the year, and they were wine-makers
who used many casks every year. The _Trial_ found the market at Fayal
"extraordinary good," and Captain Coytemore exchanged the fish and staves
for wine, sugar, etc., which he carried to St. Christopher's, in the West
Indies. There he traded wine for cotton, tobacco, and some iron which the
people had taken from a ship that had been wrecked on the coast, and was
then visible, though so far under water that the wreckers had abandoned
all work upon it. As the New Englanders were exceedingly anxious to get
all kinds of iron things used about a ship, Captain Coytemore must needs
have a look at the wreck, and after due examination, he determined to try
to recover more of the wreckage. Slinging a "diving tub" (doubtless a good
stout cask, well weighted, and with the open end down), above the hulk,
he got into it, and having been lowered to the sunken deck, made shift to
hook good stout grapnels to the valuable things lying within reach.

    [Illustration: An Early View of Charleston Harbor

     From a print in the possession of the Lenox Library]

Comparisons, though sometimes odious, may be excused when instructive. The
conditions of life in Canada led the French to devote themselves to furs
only. The Dutch at Manhattan Island were absorbed in furs and the trade
of the West India Company. The Virginians and the English West Indians
devoted themselves almost exclusively to producing tobacco and sugar by
means of slave labor.

Under the conditions of life in New England, the people became perforce
farmers, growing their own food; loggers, cutting timber in the near-by
forest for use in building houses, fishing smacks, and ships; fishermen,
going afloat in the smacks and then curing the catch on the beach; seamen,
who, blow high or blow low, carried the catch in their own ships direct to
the consumer; traders, meeting the competition of the keenest merchants in
the world; inventors, who, when unable to do their work by methods already
in use, promptly improvised something new that would serve the purpose.




CHAPTER III

EVOLUTION OF THE SMUGGLER AND THE PIRATE


Among the first acts of the English Parliament for the regulation of the
commerce of the American colonies, notable here, was that passed in 1646,
by which it was provided that no colonial produce should be carried away
to foreign ports except in vessels under the British flag.

Since the days of Raleigh, who had done his utmost to create the sea habit
among his countrymen, the English people had been growing jealous of the
enterprising Dutch, who then were carrying the commerce of the world. This
act was a measure to restrain the freedom of the Dutch carrying trade
and to give it to English (including colonial) ships. In 1650, although
England was yet torn by civil war, Parliament prohibited all foreign ships
from trading with the colonies without first obtaining a license. A year
later came the culminating act of the Protector's Parliament, "the famous
Act of Navigation," as McCulloch calls it (London edition, 1839, p. 817).
It provided that no goods produced or manufactured in _Asia_, _Africa_, or
_America_ should be imported into any part of the English domain except
in ships belonging to English subjects whereof the master and more than
half the crew were Englishmen. The importation of _European_ goods was
prohibited except in English ships, or ships belonging to the country
where the goods were produced, or those of the country from which they
could only be or were most usually exported. As is well known, this act
was intended as a final blow at the Dutch carrying trade.

Consider, now, that "shipping" means one thing, "commerce" or "trade"
another. While modern American "commerce" is increasing in a way that
seems marvellous, American shipping has been almost entirely driven
from the foreign "carrying trade." The English enactments relating to
the colonies, from the settlement of Virginia down to and including
the "famous Act of Navigation," were all designed to favor all colonial
commerce as well as shipping.

After the Restoration, Parliament passed what is known as the Navigation
Act of 1660, which was followed by another in 1663, which was still more
stringent. The object of these laws, as expressly stated in the later
act itself, was in part "the maintaining the greater correspondence and
kindness between subjects at home and those in the plantations; keeping
the colonies in a firmer dependence upon the mother country; making them
yet more beneficial to it; ... it being the usage of other nations to keep
their plantation trade exclusively to themselves."

To this end it was first "enacted" (to quote McCulloch), "that certain
_specified_ articles, the produce of the colonies, and since well known
in commerce by the name of _enumerated_ articles, should not be exported
_directly_ from the colonies to any foreign countries, but that they
should first be sent to Britain, and there unladen (the words of the act
are, _laid upon the shore_), before they could be forwarded to their final
destination. Sugar, molasses, ginger, fustic, tobacco, cotton and indigo
were originally enumerated; and the list was subsequently enlarged by the
addition of coffee, hides and skins, iron, corn [_i.e._ grain], lumber,
&c."

That is to say, the colonists were compelled to take the _enumerated_
products to England and there lay them "upon the shore." The restriction
was laid upon the "commerce" of the colonists; there was no restriction
upon the use of colonial ships.

The writer begs the indulgence of intelligent readers while he treats this
matter as if for a kindergarten. From the days of McCulloch to the present
time no one has sufficiently emphasized the difference between commerce
and shipping, a distinction that must be made entirely plain before one
can see clearly just how these navigation acts affected the American
merchant marine.

Having compelled the colonies to send all their enumerated products
to England (it was not necessary to _sell_ them there; they could be
reëxported under certain regulations), Parliament went still further in
its effort to maintain a "greater correspondence and kindness" between the
colonists and the home subjects, by enacting, in 1663, that "no commodity
of the growth, production or manufacture of Europe, shall be imported
into the British plantations but such as are laden and put on board in
England, Wales, or Berwick-upon-Tweed," and in English-built shipping with
an English crew.

The export _trade_ of the colonies was to be restricted for the benefit
of the merchants of England; so also was this import trade. Whether so
intended or not, the restrictions resulted in a lowering of the prices of
the colonial enumerated products when sent to England, because the market
was glutted. At the same time the prices of the European products, which
the colonist wished to buy, were, with few exceptions, greatly enhanced.
The colonial producer was robbed by the artificial reduction of the
selling price of his products, and the artificial increase of the price
he paid for his European goods--robbed twice by arbitrary laws.

In 1672 Parliament passed another act still further to increase the
"correspondence and kindness" existing between the colonials and the
subjects living in the mother-country. A heavy tax was laid upon the
commerce between the colonies.

"By these successive regulations," says Robertson, "the plan of securing
to England a monopoly of its colonies ... was perfected."

It should now be interesting to note the actual influence of all this
legislation upon the colonial _merchant marine_. On July 4, 1631,
Massachusetts had launched her first ship, a vessel of 30 tons. In 1676
Randolph reported that her people owned 30 ships of from 100 to 250 tons'
burden, 200 of from 50 to 100 tons, 200 of from 30 to 50 tons, and 300 of
from 6 to 10 tons, the latter being chiefly fishing smacks, though some
were engaged in the coasting trade. The colony owned 430 vessels as large
or larger than the _Blessing of the Bay_. Many ships were also owned in
the other New England colonies. In 1678 New York owned "5 smale ships and
a Ketch" that were in the coasting trade.

Sir Josiah Child, a notable Englishman engaged in the trade with America,
said, in a book which he wrote on commercial matters:--

"Of all the American plantations his Majesty has none so apt for building
of shipping as New England, nor any comparably so qualified for the
breeding of seamen, not only by reason of the _natural industry_ of that
people, but principally by reason of their cod and mackerel fisheries."
And to this he adds a statement which for the first time gave expression
to what has since been known as the "American Peril." He said, "And, in
my poor opinion, there is nothing more prejudicial and in prospect more
dangerous to any mother kingdom than the increase of shipping in her
colonies."

All this is to say that while Parliament had passed three acts that were
confessedly intended to prohibit a part, and hamper all of the colonial
_trade_, except that with the mother-country; and while these acts had
proved injurious and vexatious to the colonial producers and merchants,
the colonial _shipping_, the merchant marine, had had such a vigorous
growth that it was alarming the ship-owners who lived in England.

This condition of affairs becomes all the more interesting when it is
remembered that a restriction of colonial trade was likely to affect
colonial shipping indirectly, at any rate; that is, through a reduction
in the amount of cargo to be carried. This injury was sure to appear in
any reduction of trade between the colonies, and it was certain to affect
the ships trading on owner's account first of all.

One easily finds a variety of reasons why colonial shipping had grown
so rapidly in spite of legislation adverse to trade. For one thing, good
ships were built in New England for £4 per ton burden--carrying capacity;
the cost in England was higher. Charnock says it was a little less than
£6 there, while Sir Josiah Child says it was from £7 to £8. Whatever
the difference, it is a memorable fact that the mechanics in New England
received higher wages than those in the old country.

Naturally many merchants of England bought colony-built ships, and this
proved beneficial indirectly to all colonial shipping. The New England
shipyards were full of orders the year round. The percentage of the
inhabitants engaged in building ships and in supplying the ships' builders
with forest and farm products was therefore very large. These forest and
farm owners, as well as the shipyard hands and the crews of colonial
vessels, helped to cultivate the sea habit among all the people. Then
the farms were all within driving distance of navigable water; all farm
surplus exported, either abroad or to other colonies, went in ships, and
the farmer from the most remote plantation was not unlikely to see his
produce loaded upon a ship of some kind. In fact, many a man behind the
plough could "hand, reef and steer."

Reference has already been made to the resourcefulness of the American
seaman of the period, but it may be said again that the manner of life
of the people--the fact that "even at the end of the colonial period the
average American led a life of struggling and privation"--made American
crews the most efficient in the world. Captain John Gallop, in a sloop
of twenty tons, manned by two men and two boys, was, in 1636, not only
able to take care of his vessel in a gale of wind but to retake another
sloop that had been captured by the Indians. Many vessels traded to the
West Indies with but five men and a boy on board. Raleigh had mourned
because Dutch ships, in his day, needed no more than half as many sailors
as English ships, but in 1676 the New England ships needed less than
the Dutch or any other ships. It was when contemplating a New England
ship manned by a New England crew that Sir Josiah Child discovered the
"American Peril." He saw that a colonial ship manned by a colonial crew
_was more efficient_ than the same ship manned by any other crew, and that
is a most important fact in this story.

A most interesting cause of the growth of the colonial merchant marine
is found in the bounties which the navigation laws offered to, and the
facilities they provided for, those who would engage in clandestine trade.
It was unlawful to carry tobacco from the colonies direct to a foreign
port, but the export of fish and staves was permitted. Importations of
salt were permitted, but Spanish iron must be purchased in England at a
time when Spanish iron was the best in the world for ship-builder's use.
The restriction on tobacco lowered the price in the colonies; that on the
iron raised the price there. If tobacco were clandestinely exported direct
to Spain and iron brought directly home, the ship made far greater profits
than in the days before the hated laws. Moreover, the smuggled cargo paid
no tariff-for-revenue dues or port charges. And it was easy to smuggle in
any kind of a cargo.

In connection with this provision of a bounty on smuggling, consider
the influence of the fact that the laws were intentionally unfair to the
colonists. The colonists resented the injustice, and all the more because
their trade previous to the enactment of the laws had been free. Then
the conditions under which the laws were enforced were inquisitorial and
otherwise vexatious. A time came when forts were built and revenue cutters
were provided for the enforcing of the laws, and the officials of forts
and cutters were insolent and overanxious to confiscate accused ships.

Recall, now, the mental attitude of the colonists toward all authority.
Some had emigrated from England to escape religious tyranny. Many had
come over as indentured servants, looking forward to a time when they
should be free, and become men of influence. Then all the conditions of
colonial life, and especially its dangers, cultivated a feeling of manly
independence of all authority. Finally, the colonists had from the first
made at least their local laws according to their own standards of right.

"It is not unknown to you that they look upon themselves as a free State
... there being many against owning the King, or having any dependence on
Engld." (Letter dated March 11, 1660.)

In short, the colonists had been rapidly developing the American habit of
doing what they happened to believe to be right, regardless of the law in
the case, and they called, or were to call, this habit an appeal to the
"higher law."

Inspired by honest indignation and an opportunity to increase their
profits, the colonial ship-owners and crews, with much unanimity, appealed
to the "higher law."

Smuggling began as soon as attempts were made to enforce the law. It
was estimated that the losses to the British revenue through the direct
sale of tobacco to the Dutch at Manhattan Island previous to the year
1664 amounted to £10,000 a year. When, in 1665, the king took notice of
colonial dereliction, by issuing instructions for a strict enforcement
of the laws, the General Court of Massachusetts replied that they were
not conscious of having "greatly violated" them. In 1776 Edward Randolph
was sent over especially "Impowered" to prevent "Irregular Trade," and
the letters he wrote to the "Lords Commissioners of the Council of Trade
and Plantations"[1] are full of references to the ways of the smugglers.
Other letters of the period, especially those of Governor Bellomont, are
similarly interesting.

At first the evasions were quite open. It is related that Skipper Clæs
Bret loaded the ship _De Sterre_ in the Chesapeake "in the name of an
English skipper," and sent her to the Island of Jersey. Virginia officials
must have aided this transaction. Weeden quotes from the Massachusetts
archives the story of another Dutch skipper whose ship was seized because
he "broake his word to the Governor in not clearing his ship to belong to
the English." Governor Andros, who tried to enforce the laws, complained
because there were "noe Custom houses," and because the "Governor
of Massachusetts gives clearings, certificates and passes for every
particular thing from thence to New York" without inquiring whether these
things had been lawfully imported into Massachusetts.

The king's instructions to Governor Dongan tell him how "to prevent the
acceptance of forged Cockets (which hath been practiced to our great
prejudice)." A cocket is a document given by a customs officer to a
merchant as a certificate that the goods have been entered according to
law. Randolph reported (April, 1698) that he had asked the Governor of
Pennsylvania "to appoint an Attorney Generall to prosecute" certain men
who had aided in an evasion of the laws, "but he did nothing in it." In
the same year Randolph was arrested in New York by aggrieved merchants
because he had, as he alleges, seized a smuggler in Virginia, and although
his case seems now to have been according to law, Governor Bellomont had
much difficulty in getting him out of jail. No one sympathized with a
revenue official.

Before Bellomont's time no official except Governor Andros had tried to
enforce the navigation acts. When Bellomont took office, he found all New
York opposing him in his efforts to enforce them. When the ship _Fortune_,
Captain Thomas Moston, came to port, bringing cargo worth £20,000 direct
from Madagascar (where it had been purchased of a gang of pirates), and
Bellomont asked Collector of Customs Chidley Brooks to seize her, he
replied that "it was none of his business, but belonged to a Man of Warr;
that he had no boat; and other excuses; and when I gave him positive
commands to do it, which he could not avoid, yet his delay of four days"
gave the smugglers time to unload and conceal all of the cargo except a
part estimated to be worth £1000. Thus runs one of Bellomont's letters.
He also acknowledged that several cargoes had already been smuggled in
without his learning the fact until it was too late to intercept them.

In Boston, as Bellomont learned, there were various ways of smuggling.
"When ships come in the masters swear to their manifests; that is, they
swear to the number of parcels they bring, but the contents unknown; then
the merchant comes and produces an invoice, and whether true or false is
left to his ingenuity."

"If the merchants of Boston be minded to run their goods," he continues,
"there's nothing to hinder them. Mr. Brenton, the Collector is absent and
has been these two years; his deputy is a merchant; the two waiters keep
public houses, and besides that, that coast is naturall shap'd and cut out
to favour unlawful trade." It was a "common thing to unload their ships
at Cape Ann and bring their goods to Boston in wood boats." If that were
thought too expensive the goods could be "run" within the city, where
there were "63 wharfs," or in Charlestown, where there were fourteen
more, all unguarded. French and Spanish ships were bringing many goods to
Newfoundland and the ports of Canada, where they met New England ships
ready to "swap" cargoes. There was lively trade carried directly to the
ports of Canada and to the French and Spanish ports of the West Indies.

After returning to New York from Boston, Bellomont wrote that "Nassaw
alias Long Island" was notorious for smugglers and pirates. "There are
four towns that make it their daily practice to receive ships and sloops
with all sorts of merchandise, tho' they be not allowed ports." They
were "so lawless and desperate a people" that the governor could "get
no honest man" to go among them to collect the revenue. From Long Island
the goods were brought to New York by wagons and small boats. "There is
a town called Stamford in Connecticut colony" where "one Major Selleck
lives who has a warehouse close to the Sound.... That man does us great
mischief with his warehouse for he receives abundance of goods, and the
merchants afterwards take their opportunity of running them into this
town." During Bellomont's time Selleck's warehouse was the favorite resort
of the merchants doing business with the Madagascar pirates. Selleck had
£10,000 worth of the goods which Captain Kidd brought from the East.

Turning now to the stories of the pirates, we read that when one Captain
Cromwell, a pirate with three ships, manned by eighty men, came to
Plymouth in 1646, and remained five or six weeks with the Pilgrims,
Governor Bradley referred to the visit in these words:--

"They spente and scattered a great deal of money among ye people, and yet
more, sine, than money."

The statement that the Pilgrims (of all others!) entertained the pirates
so well as to detain them for weeks in the harbor is somewhat shocking to
one not fully acquainted with the conditions of commerce in that period.
The facts regarding the pirates seem worth, therefore, some consideration.

While pirates were found upon the ocean as soon as other ships in the
early history of the world, some of the piracy affecting the early
commerce of the colonies grew out of a curious system of private reprisals
that was previously countenanced by European governments. Thus, when the
Inquisition in the Canary Islands seized the property of Andrew Barker,
an Englishman, in 1576, and he was unable to obtain redress from any
Spanish authority, he, with the permission of his government, "fitted
out two barks to revenge himself." He captured enough Spanish merchantmen
to recoup his loss with interest. His commission was called a letter of
marque and reprisal.

Then recall the system of forcing trade that was practised in the West
Indies. Sir John Hawkins sold slaves to the Spanish at the muzzles of
his guns. Eventually Sir John's fleet was "bottled up" in Vera Cruz by a
Spanish squadron and destroyed. Drake was one of the men ruined by this
act of Spanish "perfidy," and to recoup his losses he began the series of
raids by which he acquired fortune and a title.

Reprisals led to wanton aggressions, like those of the buccaneers, and
wanton aggressions produced reprisals again. All governments encouraged
their merchantmen to rob those of rival peoples as a means of promoting
commerce, just as the warring fur traders on the American frontier were
encouraged in their fights waged to the same end.

The encouragement of reprisals was at all times more or less covert. In
war times the armed merchantmen were openly commissioned and sent afloat
not only to prey upon the ships of the enemy but upon those of neutral
powers as well. It was the theory of all statesmen that the best way to
encourage the shipping of one nation was to injure as much as possible,
and by all means, the shipping of all rivals. As late as the end of the
eighteenth century the Barbary pirates were subsidized by some governments
to encourage them to prey upon the shipping of rivals.

At one time the privateer captain was the judge of the offending of the
neutral. Later, when privateers were obliged to carry captured ships
before a court of admiralty, the difference between the robbery as
committed by the privateer and the confiscation ordered by the court was
found only in the course of procedure.

A theorist here and there denounced the systems of reprisals and
privateering. Governor Bradford was worried somewhat by the doings of
Cromwell's men. Government officials denounced as pirates the privateers
who smuggled in goods instead of bringing them in openly and paying
the usual fees and duties. But the state of civilization warranted the
Pilgrims in the warmth of the reception they gave to the pirates.

How far the piratical cruisers influenced the American merchant marine is
not definitely told in the documents, but it is certain that damage was
inflicted. We get a glimpse of a vicious raid in the story of a French
pirate (perhaps he had a commission, however) named Picor, who landed on
Block Island in July, 1689. The pirates "remained in possession of the
island, plundering the houses, and despoiling it of every moveable thing,"
for a week. Two of the islanders were tortured to make them reveal the
hiding-place of valuables, and two negroes were killed.

From the island the pirates went to New London, but they were driven
away. On sailing toward the open sea once more, they were intercepted by
two armed sloops that had been sent out from Newport under one Captain
Paine. _A Naval History of Rhode Island_ says that Paine had "followed the
privateering design" in former years as a lieutenant under Picor, and that
the Frenchman, on recognizing him, fled, saying he "would as soon fight
the devil as Paine."

In the _Canadian Archives_ (1894) are two stories of raids upon French
possessions, made in one case by "Englishmen" (they took Quebec), and in
the other by "the people of Massachusetts."

Many letters charging various colonies with encouraging pirates are found
in the old documents. Rhode Island, New York, and the two Carolinas were
accused in this way more frequently than the others, and New York was the
chief offender in the days of Governor Benjamin Fletcher (1692-1697).
While the buccaneers were ravaging the Spanish mainland, another horde
found opportunity in the conditions prevailing on the coast of Asia. These
latter pirates formed a settlement upon Madagascar Island, wherein gold
and jewels were abundant, but such products of civilization as rum and
weapons were scarce and much wanted. New York merchants usually supplied
these wants, but New Englanders sent them at least one cargo of masts and
yards for their ships. The merchant captains engaged in this supply trade
also took a turn at piracy whenever opportunity offered. Governor Fletcher
did a thriving business in supplying captains with commissions when they
sailed, and "protections" when they returned. Captain Edward Coates, of
the ship _Jacob_, said that he paid £1300 for "his share" of the price
of the commission with which the ship sailed. At the end of the voyage
the crew "shared the value of 1800 pieces of eight, a man." Fletcher took
the ship, valued at £800, for his bribe when he allowed Coates to land
the cargo. The sailors had to pay the governor from seventy-five to one
hundred pieces of eight for "protections."

Captain Giles Shelly, of the ship _Nassau_, carried rum which cost two
shillings a gallon to Madagascar, and sold it for from fifty shillings to
three pounds a gallon. "A pipe of Madeira wine which cost him £19 he sold
for £300."

Captain William Kidd was the most notorious of the captains engaged in
the Madagascar trade, but the story of his career is interesting chiefly
because of the light it throws upon the state of civilization then
prevailing. His troubles began when Lord Bellomont and some other noble
lords of England fitted out a private armed ship to go to Madagascar and
rob the pirates. Bellomont describes this venture as "very honest." Kidd
was chosen to command the ship--_The Adventure Galley_. On arriving at
Madagascar, he found that the pirates had a stronger ship than his, and
he was afraid to attack them. The crew had been shipped on the usual
privateer plan of no prize, no pay, and on finding they were to get
no prize they became mutinous. Many of them deserted to the pirates of
the island. In a half-hearted effort to maintain discipline among those
remaining, Kidd hit a man with a bucket and happened to kill him. Then
he went cruising, pirate fashion, and captured a ship belonging to "the
Moors," which was valued at £30,000. In this ship Kidd sailed for home. He
learned, on the way, that he had been proclaimed as a pirate. Bellomont
had been accused by political enemies in Parliament of fitting out a
piratical cruiser, and being unwilling to face the charge by telling
the facts frankly, he shuffled, told falsehoods, and eventually made a
scapegoat of Kidd, who was hanged (May 12, 1701).

That this man, who at worst had killed one man in a sea brawl, and had
taken one ship, should have had ballads written about him in which he was
described as "bloody" is one of the most remarkable facts in the history
of the sea. But that he should have been referred to ever since in all
literature as a typical pirate is still more remarkable.

A book, Hughson's _Carolina Pirates and Colonial Commerce_, has been
written to tell about the deeds of such men as Bane, Stede Bonnet, Moody,
and Edward Thatch, or Blackbeard, but it has little to say about the
influence of the pirates upon commerce, because there is little to say.
The pirates mentioned captured a few ships, American as well as English,
and for brief periods interrupted the trade of various ports. On the other
hand, some of them supplied the colonists with low-priced goods, and at
times the only coin in circulation was that brought in by the freebooters.

On the whole, in a financial point of view, the pirates benefited the
young merchant marine more than they damaged it. In anticipation of
attacks by pirates, all ships in deep-water trade carried cannon, and
some coasters did so, especially in the longer voyages. In the trade
with Spain and Portugal and the Canary Islands the American vessels were
often chased, and sometimes captured, by Barbary pirates who had learned
their trade from European renegades. New England ships in the West Indies
were always obliged to keep a sharp lookout for piratical cruisers under
French and Spanish flags. But these aggressions were not an unmixed evil.
For such conditions increased freight rates and the profits on cargoes
carried on owners' account. Thus the freight rate from Boston to Barbados,
in 1762, was "14 per ton or four times former rates," and all because
of pirates. Sure fortune came to the ship captain who was equal to the
emergencies of the trade. Dangers cultivated the courage and enterprise of
the crews. In a still broader view the habits of a people soon to become
an independent nation were forming, and it was well worth while for some
of them to learn how to swim in rough water.




CHAPTER IV

BEFORE THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION


Two of the trades in which the ships of the American colonies were largely
engaged during the seventeenth century are of special interest here--the
whale fishery and the slave trade. It was in 1712 that Captain Christopher
Hussey, while off Nantucket, in an open boat, looking for whales, was
blown away to sea, where he killed a sperm whale, the profitable sale
of which led the people of his famous home island to go cruising in deep
water for more whales of the kind. The growth of the fishery that followed
was swift. In 1730 Nantucket alone had twenty-five deep-water whalers,
and they brought home oil and bone that sold for £3200. In the meantime
the islanders had begun sending their products directly to London, thus
establishing a new line of trade. With the increase of profits came an
extension of the territory where the search for whales was made. In 1751
they went to Disco Island in the mouth of Baffin's Bay. In 1763 they were
found on the coast of Guinea (looking for whales and ignoring the slave
trade), and that, too, in spite of the wars that had covered the seas with
pirates. In 1767 no less than fifty whalers crossed the equator "by way of
experiment." That statement is perhaps the most significant of any that
can be made of the fishery. Nantucket alone owned 125 whalers in 1770;
they were, on the average, 93 tons' burden in size, and in the course of
the year they brought home 14,331 barrels of oil worth $358,200 as soon
as landed.

These facts are of special interest to the story of the American merchant
marine for several reasons. The oil and bone formed an important part of
what a farmer might call the cash crops of the nation. Then the whalers
were producers whose work added to the comfort and prosperity of the
world. Travellers from Europe were astonished to learn that America was
a land where "no one begged." Nantucket was a community not only where
no one begged but where every man was a capitalist, or at worst had
capital within reach. For every man went whaling, or might do so, and a
"greasy" voyage made every member of the ship's crew rich enough to buy
shares in a whale ship. The "lay" of the whale ship was like the private
venture of the freighter. Further than that the whaler carried a number
of petty officers found on no other kind of a ship--the "boatsteerers."
The ambitious youth before the mast found promotion nearer at hand. Many
a youth who went afloat as a "greenhorn" returned proudly wearing the
badge of the boatsteerer. It was a matter of no small importance in a
country wherein were many bond-servants looking forward to freedom and an
opportunity to rise in the world.

More important still was the influence of the adventures enjoyed and
dangers risked by the whalers. Wherever whale-oil was burned, men
were found telling the tales of the sea. The people who listened were
peculiarly susceptible, for they had come across the sea, looking for new
lands and opportunities, or they were the immediate descendants of those
who had done so. When Captain Shields led the way around Cape Horn, he not
only aroused a spirit of emulation in all other whalers, but he inspired
a whole people. As they listened to the story the people of the interior
were reminded that the streams before their doors were dimpling highways
to the sea and the wonder world beyond its borders; and there were no
other highways worth mention in the country in those days.[2]

In every story of the slave trade one must remember that modern readers
are able only with great difficulty to obtain the right point of view.

We err greatly in judging the people of the seventeenth century by the
standards of the twentieth. There was work to do--the world's work--and
many of the workers, though they saw dimly, or not at all, the task in
hand, were so eager to do their share of it that they voluntarily sold
themselves into bondage in order to go about it. Were such men as these,
or their contemporaries, likely to see anything wrong in compelling the
less developed but strong-armed Africans to take hold and "keep the ball
rolling"? Manifestly, slavery was an unavoidable feature of the evolution
of the race, and the slave-owners of yesterday were as well justified in
their belief that slavery was just, as we are in our belief that the able
financier--the good business man--is entitled to a much greater share
of the good things of life than a man of different mental caliber--say a
college professor, for example.

The traffic in slaves followed immediately upon demand. Says Winthrop's
_Journal_:--

"One of our ships which went to the Canaries with pipe-staves in the
beginning of November last, [1644] returned now and brought wine, and
sugar and salt and some tobacco which she had at Barbadoes in exchange
for Africans which she carried from the Isle of Maio."

The _Desire_, with her slaves from Providence, was the first American
slaver, but long before the end of the seventeenth century the colonial
ships trading to the Madeiras and Canaries made a regular practice of
slaving. For the wine and salt which were obtained in the islands were
not of sufficient bulk to fill the holds of their ships. The enterprising
captains wanted to make use of the vacant space between cargo and deck,
and nothing they could find for that purpose would yield as much profit
as negro slaves bought on the coast of Africa, and carried to the one-crop
colonies like Barbados and Virginia.

It is true that when the captain of a Massachusetts ship helped to raid an
African village, and thus, by assault, captured two slaves, the General
Court ordered them returned to Africa. But in deciding the questions
arising in this case the Court distinctly, if indirectly, affirmed the
doctrine that slaves were property: "For the negroes, (they being none of
his _but stolen_), we think meete to alowe nothing." If he had obtained
them by purchase, the Court would have allowed him full value.

Between 1585 and 1672 inclusive, six monopolistic companies were organized
in England to control the African trade. Because of the monopolistic
work of the last one, the people of Barbados declared, at first, that
it was "killing the provision trade from New England." That is to say,
that for a time New England ships were driven from the island trade; but
the smugglers soon circumvented the monopoly. "Interlopers" attempting
to leave England for the slave trade were easily detained at the request
of the company, but American ships were not to be so detained. Then the
company appointed agents to intercept the cargoes brought to the Barbados
ports, but all in vain. "Armed multitudes on foot and on horseback"
attacked the unfortunate agents who tried to do their duty. Cargoes of
slaves were landed on the beach between ports while agents slept. The work
of the company simply increased the profits of the "interlopers."

When, in 1698, Parliament opened the trade to all merchantmen,
the increase of the trade was considered "so Highly Beneficial and
Advantageous to this Kingdom" that efforts were made to secure the slave
traffic of the Spanish islands also, and with success. The most valued
feature of the Peace of Utrecht (March 13, 1713) was the Assiento by which
Spain agreed to permit England to send not less than 4800 slaves every
year thereafter to the Spanish colonies.

With Spanish as well as all English West India islands open to the trade
of the New England slavers, it is interesting to note that one port soon
forged ahead of all others in the number of ships engaged in the traffic.
Rhode Island merchants secured a much greater share of it than those of
other parts of the coast. Their success appears to have been due in part
to geographical conditions. Thus the people of Massachusetts led those of
Rhode Island in the fisheries because they lived nearer the Banks, but
they had no advantage in carrying forest and farm products to the West
Indies. In fact, Newport was measurably nearer to Barbados than Boston
was; her ships did not have to risk the dangers of Cape Cod. This was
a small advantage, but all the more interesting on that account. Boston
gave her attention chiefly to fish; Newport perforce made a specialty of
something else, and of all the products of the soil used in trade, within
her reach, there was nothing that gave so large a profit as molasses,
when it was the raw material for the manufacture of rum. Newport thought
to fish, at one time; a bounty was paid on whale-oil taken by ships of
the colony. But the production of rum needed no artificial stimulation.
Molasses cost thirteen or fourteen pennies a gallon, and Rhode Island
distillers became so expert that some of them made a gallon of rum from
one of molasses, though the ordinary product was 96 gallons in 100. Rum
was not only cheap, it was satisfying. Even the French Canadians bought
rum, instead of brandy from their native land.

Gaining the lead in the manufacture of rum gave the Newport merchants
the lead in the slave trade, for of all goods carried by enlightened and
civilized white men to the degraded heathen of Africa nothing proved so
tempting as this deadly stupefier.

Many stories of the early slave trade remain, but none shows the
conditions as they were better than that of a voyage made by Captain
David Lindsay, in the 40-ton brigantine _Sanderson_, belonging to
William Johnson & Co., of Newport, in 1752. She sailed for the black
coast on August 22, at 11.32 o'clock, the exact minute being noted on an
astrologer's chart which the captain had obtained as a guide. The chief
part of her cargo consisted of "80 hhds. six bbs. and 3 tierces of rum,
containing 8220 gals." Lumber and staves for sale at Barbados, as well
as for use in making the slave deck, were also carried, but in small
quantities. A partial description of the vessel before sailing says she
was "tite as yet." In a letter dated "Anamaboe 28th Feb. 1753," Captain
Lindsay reports progress:--

"I have got 13 or 14 hhds of Rum yet left a board & God noes when I shall
get clear of it. Ye traid is so dull it is actually a noof to make a
man Creasy." Officers and men had been sick, one was likely to die, "and
wors than yt have wore out my small cable & have been obliged to buy one
heare.... I beg you not blaime me in so doeing. I should be glad I could
come rite home with my slaves for my vesiel will not last to proceed farr.
_We can see day Lite al round her bow under deck._"

In his next report (Barbadoes, June 17, 1759), the captain says:--

"These are to acqt you of my arivel heare ye day before yesterday from
anamaboe. I met on my passage 22 days of very squaly winds & continued
Rains so that it beat my sails alto piceses.... My slaves is not landed
as yet: they are 56 in number for owners all in helth & fatt.... I've got
40 ounces gould dust & eight or nine hundred weight maligabar pepper for
owners."

As we see it the trade was horrible, but consider the courage and
fortitude of the captain and crew who, after seeing "day Lite al round
her bow under deck," headed away across the ocean on a passage lasting
ten weeks, during which, for twenty-two days, they faced storms which beat
the sails to pieces and poured floods of water through the open seams.

A report of the consignee shows that forty-seven of the slaves sold for
£1432 12_s._ 6_d._ The usual price of a slave on the African coast was
110 gallons of rum. After deducting expenses, the consignees credited the
owners of the ship with £1324. After adding the gold dust, the pepper,
and the small sums received for the lumber and staves, one sees that the
dividend on the cost of the _Sanderson_ (£450) was large. Of the price
received for the remaining negroes, and the profit on the molasses which
was probably carried home, nothing is said in the record. (See _Am. Hist.
Record_, August and September, 1872).

The income of the slaver captain was large for that day. In addition to
the ordinary monthly wages, he received several commissions. "You are to
have four out of 104 for your coast commission," wrote the owner of the
schooner _Sierra Leone_, in which Captain Lindsay made a voyage in 1754,
"& five per cent for the sale of your cargo in the West Indies & five per
cent for the goods you purchase for return cargo. You are to have five
slaves Privilege, your cheafe mate Two, if he can purchase them, & your
second mate two."

The "Privilege" was the "private venture" of the trade. The foremast hands
had no "privilege." Their pay was about £3 per month.

As a matter of record, to show something of the way business was done by
the ship-owners of the day, here is a copy of a bill of lading, followed
by a letter of instructions to a captain about to sail in the slave
trade:--

"Shipped by the Grace of God in good order and well conditioned, by
William Johnson & Co., owners of the Sierra Leone, in & upon the said
Schooner Sierra Leone, where of is master under God for this present
voyage David Lindsay, & now riding at Anchor in Harbour of Newport, and by
God's Grace bound for the Coast of Africa: To say, Thirty-four hogsheads,
Tenn Tierces, Eight barrels & six half barrels Rum, one barrel Sugar,
sixty Musketts, six half barrels Powder, one box beads, Three boxes Snuff,
Two barrels Tallow, Twenty-one barrels Beef, Pork and Mutton, 14 cwt. 1
qr. 22 lbs. bread, one barrel mackerel, six shirts, five Jacketts, one
piece blue Calico, one piece Chex, one mill, shackles, handcuffs &c.

"Being marked and numbered as in the Margent; & are to be delivered in
like good Order & well conditioned, at the aforesaid port of the coast
of Affrica (the Dangers of the Seas only excepted) unto the said David
Lindsay or to his assigns, he or they paying Freight for the said Goods,
nothing, with Primage and Average accustomed. In Witness whereof, the
master or purser of the said Schooner hath affirmed unto three Bills of
Lading: all of this Tenor and date: one of which Three Bills of Lading
being accomplished the other two stand void. And so God send the good
Schooner to her desired Port in Safety: Amen."

The enormous profits of the slave trade were made in spite of active
competition. In 1750 there were 101 Liverpool merchants in it, while
London had 135, and Bristol 157. The English slavers were much larger
than the American, on the average, being able to carry 300. Nevertheless,
New Rhode Island held her own well. In 1740 she had, according to _The
American Slave Trade_, 120 vessels in the trade, and in 1770 the number
was 150.

An interesting view of the seafaring people of New England in the
seventeenth century is found in the autobiography of the Rev. John
Barnard, who served Marblehead well, beginning in 1714. He says that upon
his arrival in the place "there was not so much as one proper carpenter
nor mason nor tailor nor butcher in the town. The people contented
themselves to be the slaves that digged in the mines [figuratively
speaking] and left the merchants of Boston, Salem and Europe to carry
away the gains; by which means the town was always in dismally poor
circumstances, involved in debt to the merchants more than they were
worth; ... and they were generally as rude, swearing, drunken and fighting
a crew as they were poor.

"I soon saw that the town had a price in its hands, and it was a pity
they had not a heart to improve it. I therefore laid myself out to get
acquainted with the English masters of vessels that I might by them be
let into the mystery of the _fish trade_; and in a little time I gained
a pretty thorough understanding of it. When I saw the advantages of it
I thought it my duty to stir up my people ... that they might reap the
benefit of it.... But alas! I could inspire no man with courage and
resolution enough to engage in it, till I met with Mr. Joseph Swet, a
young man of strick justice, great industry, enterprising genius, quick
apprehension and firm resolution, but of small fortune. To him I opened
myself fully, laid the scheme clearly before him, and he hearkened unto
me.... He first sent a small cargo to Barbadoes.

"He soon found he increased his stock, built vessels and sent the fish to
Europe, and prospered in the trade.... The more promising young men of the
town soon followed his example," and "now, [1766] we have between thirty
and forty ships, brigs, snows and topsail schooners engaged in foreign
trade."

Moreover (and it is an important matter in that it shows one influence
of shipping in that day), foreign trade had improved the manners of the
people. "We have many gentlemanlike and polite families."

    [Illustration: Captain Kidd's House at Pearl and Hanover Streets,
     New York, 1691

     Copyright, 1900, by Title Guarantee and Trust Company]

One finds in the documents many glimpses and not a few detailed stories
of life in what may be called the ordinary trades of the American merchant
marine during the eighteenth century. Here, for example, are some extracts
from a diary kept by a Salem youth, who had recently graduated from
Harvard and was making a voyage to Gibraltar with Captain Richard Derby,
in 1759. The diary is to be found in the possession of the East India
Marine Society of Salem:--

"Nov. 12.--Saw a sail standing to the S. W. I am stationed at the
aftermost gun and its opposite with Captain Clifford. We fired a shot at
her and she hoisted Dutch colors.

"15.--Between 2 and 3 this morning we saw two sail which chased us, the
ship fired three shots at us which we returned. They came up with us by
reason of a breeze which she took before we did. She proved to be the ship
Cornwall from Bristol.

"23.--We now begin to approach to land. At eight o'clock two Teriffa
(Barbary) boats came out after us, they fired at us which we returned as
merrily. They were glad to get away as well as they could. We stood after
one, but it is almost impossible to come up with the piratical dogs.

"Dec.--10.... In the morning we heard a firing and looked out in the Gut
and there was a snow attacked by 3 of the piratical Teriffa boats. Two
cutters in the Government service soon got under sail, 3 men-of-war that
lay in the road manned their barges and sent them out, as did a privateer.
We could now perceive her (the snow) to have struck, but they soon retook
her. She had only four swivels and six or eight men.... They got some
prisoners (of the pirates) but how many I cannot learn, which it is to
be hoped will meet with their just reward which I think would be nothing
short of hanging."

Tales of the resourcefulness of the foremast hands on the colonial vessels
are of special interest here. As an example, consider that of the brig
_Sally_, which turned bottom up while on her way from Philadelphia to
Santo Domingo, on August 8, 1765. Six of the crew who were on deck saved
themselves at first by clinging to such wreckage as floated beside the
hull, and then, when the squall was over, climbed to the upturned keel.
Then, to procure food and drink, they cut the wreath (a flat bar of iron
encircling the mainmast head) from its place, using their jackknives, it
may be supposed, and with that as a tool made a hole through the bottom
of the hulk. It took six days of continuous labor, watch and watch,
of course, but they succeeded, and got out a barrel of bottled beer
and another of salt pork. During the six days of work they subsisted
without water, and with no other food than the barnacles on the planking.
Moreover, they built a platform of staves and shingles upon the sloping
bottom of the hull, upon which they could sleep without danger of rolling
into the sea. In this fashion they lived until September 1, twenty-three
days, when they were rescued.

Of the lost rudders that were replaced with pieces of spare spars bound
together with rope, and the small boats made by castaways who had nothing
but barrel hoops and staves with canvas for planking, no more than mention
need be made.

In the log of the sloop _Adventure_, Captain Francis Boardman, during a
West India voyage, in 1774, are found the following entries:--

"This Morning I Drempt that 2 of my upper teeth and one Lower Dropt out
and another Next the Lower one wore away as thin as a wafer and Sundry
other fritful Dreams. What will be the Event of it I can't tell."

"this Blot I found the 17th. I can't tell, but Something Very bad is going
to hapen me this Voyage. I am afeard but God onley Noes What may hapen on
board the Sloop Adventure--the first Voyage of being Master."

There were terrors of the sea of which the masters were more "afeard"
than they were of the "Teriffa" pirates, but, in spite of all, they held
fast tack and sheet, continued on the course, and finally told in the
log-book--at least Captain Boardman did--just what came after the dire
portents. On arriving off Boston, Boardman wrote:--

"The End of this Voyage for wich I am very thankful on Acct. of a Grate
Deal of Trouble by a bad mate. His name is William Robson of Salem. He
was drunk most part of the voyage."

The Captain Richard Derby mentioned above was one of several generations
of Salem Derbys that followed the sea with success. A letter written by
him while at Gibraltar, in 1758, gives a good idea of the state of trade
at that time:--

"I wrote you the 1st instant by way of Cadiz and Lisbon; since which I
have landed my white sugar and sold it for $17½ per cwt., and my tar I
have sold at $8½ per bbl. I have not as yet sold any of my fish, nor at
present does there appear to be any buyer for it; but as it is in very
good order, and no fear of its spoiling, I intend to keep it a little
longer. I am in hopes that this Levanter will bring down a buyer for it.
I hope to get $12 for my brown sugar. We have this day had the Sallie
delivered up to us, and intend to sell her for the most she will fetch;
as to sending her to the West Indies, I am sure if she was loaded for St.
Eustia, she would be seized by the privateers before she got out of the
road, and having no papers but a pass, would be sufficient to condemn her
in the West Indies, if she should be taken by an English cruiser. I have
bought 140 casks of claret, at $10 per cask, which I intend to bring home
with me. I have written Alicant for 500 dozen handkerchiefs, if they can
be delivered for $4 current per dozen. My cargo home I intend shall be
140 casks of claret, 20 butts of Mercil wine, 500 casks of raisins, some
soap, and all the small handkerchiefs I can get."

By way of illustrating the dangers of losses from assaults by armed
vessels under the English flag, it should be told that in 1759 a Salem
schooner named the _Three Brothers_ was overhauled by an English privateer
that took away such specie from her as was found on board, and then sent
her to one of the West India Islands "to be robbed again by a court of
admiralty," as the senior Derby, her owner, wrote. In 1672 another Derby
vessel was captured by a Frenchman who took a bond of, and released, her.
The old captain sent a cartel in due course to redeem the bond, but a
British warship seized her on the charge that she was bound to a port of
the enemy. The court in England acquitted the cartel, but in the meantime
the owner of the vessel had been put to a great expense unnecessarily,
and he had no redress.

Richard Derby mentioned above bought a French prize of 300 tons at
Gibraltar, loaded her with wine, and sent her under Captain George
Crowninshield to the West Indies, where her cargo was sold to good
advantage, and sugar purchased. With this she headed away for Leghorn, but
was taken by an English privateer on the plea that she had no register.
As a matter of fact the voyage was entirely lawful; she had no register,
but being a purchased prize, she did not need one until she should be able
to go to an English port. Nevertheless, when the vessel was taken before
the court in the Bahamas, she was at once condemned. It was sheer robbery.
The records of that court showed that, of 200 ships that had been brought
in, the only ones escaping condemnation were a few belonging to owners who
had been willing to pay the judge a higher price than the privateers were.
The governor of the colony as well as this judge had gone to their posts
poor, but in a few years they retired worth fortunes of £30,000 each.

The Derby vessels were seized in each case on the charge that they had
violated one or another section of the navigation laws. The navigation
laws had at last begun to injure the shipping of the colonial owners. A
remarkable change had taken place in the condition of affairs. What had
happened, and through what agencies had the change come?

A small space only is needed for a statement of the important facts,
but the reader is reminded that here, as in the case of slavery, it is
difficult to get the right point of view. The eighteenth-century state of
morality, not that of the twentieth, prevailed.

From the beginning of the eighteenth century until well past the middle,
England was constantly at war with France and Spain in spite of treaties
that were made from time to time to provide for peace. There was never a
day from 1700 to 1763 when the ships of either nation were free to sail
the seas unmolested. It was the period during which Lord Clive fought
the battles of his country in the East Indies, and when, in America, the
frontiersman never saw the sun set without a well-grounded fear that the
night would bring bloodthirsty and fiendishly cruel enemies prowling
around his cabin. According to the documents that remain, these long
wars were seemingly no more than disputes over boundaries (neighborhood
quarrels over line fences), or efforts to avenge some such personal injury
as that when Captain Jenkins had his ear cut off by the Spaniards while
sailing near the coast of Cuba. But as seen now, each seemingly petty
quarrel was but a feature of a prolonged struggle between races for the
commercial control of the New World.

"Shall half the World be England's for industrial purposes, ... or shall
it be Spain's for arrogant-torpid, sham-devotional purposes contrary
to every Law?" is the way Carlyle put the question in his history of
Frederick the Great, and he adds: "The incalculable Yankee Nation itself,
biggest Phenomenon (once thought beautifullest) of these Ages,--this too
... lay involved."

In the middle of the century, while the prolonged struggle was
culminating, privateering as a method of warfare reached its zenith. The
Thurots and De Cocks of France and the Wrights of England swarmed over
the seas, gathering fortune and a sort of fame not soon to be forgotten.
They captured thousands of ships--literally, and if the truth be told,
the French got more ships than the Wrights did. But during the period
preceding the declaration of open war in 1756 the English privateers were
alone especially active and successful. They brought in 300 ships manned
by 10,000 men, and the ships were confiscated and the men imprisoned.

Still more important to this story, however, is the fact that many Dutch
as well as French ships were looted by the English. While the assaults
upon the French were justified because they avenged similar assaults made
by French privateers, and because enough French sailors to man a fleet of
battleships were thereby sequestered, there was no such excuse for looting
the Dutch. Nevertheless, by the real standards of international law of
that century (not the avowed standards), these captures were justified
on the ground of necessity in connection with the end for which the
war was waged with such "fierce, deep-breathed doggedness"--commercial
supremacy. For when war was raging, the ships of neutral nations were
permitted by ordinary international usage to carry on their commercial
operations unmolested. The Dutch, being neutrals, gained rapidly in the
carrying trade of the world. They even had hope that they might attain
the proud position they had occupied in the early part of the seventeenth
century. The situation looked ominous to the English. If they were to
retain the supremacy which good fighting in Cromwell's time had given
them, it was absolutely necessary to destroy, or at least check, in
some way, the growing prosperity of the Dutch. It was to this end that
English privateers (even fishermen in open boats, armed with clubs) were
encouraged in looting Dutch merchantmen. To give color of law to this
form of piracy, the "Rule of 1756" was provided. Under this rule, which
was merely a dictum of the English crown, neutral ships were forbidden
to enter any trade in time of war from which they were commonly excluded
in time of peace. For example, the Dutch were excluded from the trade
between France and the French colonies in time of peace; when war was
declared, the French were glad to have Dutch ships in the trade, but
England declared she would confiscate every Dutch ship found in it.

With these facts in mind,--remembering especially that in the state of
civilization then prevailing, some forms of piracy were justified by
expediency,--recall the feeling with which an influential part of the
people of England were coming to regard the colonies.

"How much I despise them!" wrote Lord Bellomont, in 1700, when some New
England merchants objected to his seizure, confessedly contrary to law, of
a cargo of timber. In 1724 the master ship-builders of the Thames united
in a formal complaint to the king, in which they said, truthfully, that
their trade was depressed and their workmen were emigrating because of
the competition of the New England yards. Nor were the ship-builders the
only ones in England who were depressed by American competition. The books
of Sir Josiah Child were, perhaps, no longer read, but his warnings were
coming to be heeded more and more, and the contempt which Lord Bellomont
had expressed was well-nigh universal among the nobility.

As the reader remembers, the petition of the Thames ship-builders was not
granted. As late as 1739 Walpole said:--

"It has been a maxim with me to _encourage_ the trade of the American
colonies _in the utmost latitude_. Nay, it has been necessary to pass over
some irregularities."

That was a most important statement. In 1739 Walpole encouraged the trade
of the Americans in the utmost latitude. With inconsiderable exceptions
as to time and conditions, the Americans had been, in fact, encouraged in
the utmost latitude during nearly 100 years. Even a tax laid on foreign
molasses, at the request of the English West Indies, in 1733, had been as
dead as the navigation laws of Charles II.

But when the privateers of England were loosed to prey upon neutral
ships as well as on those of the enemy, the navigation laws were suddenly
revived. The privateers found, in the colonial evasions of these laws,
golden opportunities to secure plunder, for colonial ships were constantly
evading the laws, and the penalty for doing so was confiscation in favor
of the informer. Naturally the English privateers seized the colony ships
all the more eagerly because of England's growing jealousy of American
shipping. The rôle of these piratical privateers as guardians of the law
was supported by courts of admiralty which were composed of judges who
received fees that were increased by every condemnation.

For the sake of emphasis let the facts be repeated. After a period of
nearly 100 years, during which such leaders as Walpole had "encouraged"
American ship-owners "in the utmost latitude," a horde of pirates and
corrupt judges resurrected the law; and when a valuable prize was in
question, they even disregarded the law they pleaded, as well as justice,
to condemn her. And there was no redress.

Of the acts of the British government in connection with the Stamp Act,
the duty on tea, and the other efforts to tax the American colonists
contrary to their constitutional rights as British citizens, nothing need
be said here except to remind the reader that ships of the royal navy
were commissioned as revenue cutters and stationed on the American coast
(1764), from Casco Bay to Cape Henlopen.

To illustrate the conditions that prevailed thereafter until the War of
the Revolution, here is a brief account of the events in Rhode Island
waters that led to the destruction of the British naval revenue cutter
_Gaspé_.

The schooner _St. John_, Lieutenant Hill commanding, was the first of
the naval fleet stationed in Rhode Island waters. It was the duty of
Lieutenant Hill to examine every vessel trading in those waters to learn
whether she were violating the laws. A brig that had discharged cargo
at Howland's Ferry was suspected of being a smuggler, but she was not
molested until she had gone to sea. Then she was followed, brought back,
and found to be entirely innocent. If examined before sailing, no injury
to her owners would have resulted, but to bring her back when well under
way, and that, too, at the whim of a supercilious naval officer, not only
caused loss but roused indignation. A mob of Newport people gathered to
attack the schooner, but they were prevented doing so by the arrival of
another man-o'-war in the harbor.

While the people were yet fretted by the needless interference with the
brig, the man-o'-war _Maidstone_ came to port, and began impressing seamen
from the merchant ships in the bay, and finally took the entire crew
from a ship just home from the year-long voyage to the coast of Africa.
It seems impossible, now, that a naval officer should be guilty of such
needless cruelty as taking men under such circumstances, but the truth is
that the naval officers of that period found pleasure in cruelty. It was
because of inhumanity--the harshness with which men were treated in the
navy--that impressment was necessary. The friends and relatives of the
impressed seamen were unable to obtain redress, but they expressed their
feelings by burning one of the _Maidstone's_ small boats.

In 1769 Captain William Reid, commanding the war-sloop _Liberty_, seized
a merchant brig on Long Island Sound and brought her to Newport, where,
although it was found that she was not, and had not been, violating the
law in any way, she was held for several days. And when the captain of
the brig went to the _Liberty_ in an effort to secure release, and, on
failing, expressed his indignation in sailor language, a number of muskets
were fired at him. To avenge this indignity, a mob boarded the _Liberty_
that night, cut away her mast, threw her guns overboard, and when she
drifted ashore on Goat Island, burned her.

Finally the _Gaspé_, commanded by Lieutenant William Dudingston, came to
the bay. Dudingston thought that every innocent colonial vessel in those
waters ought to be subjected to every inconvenience rather than let one
smuggler escape. In fact, the naval officers on the coast had all come to
the opinion that all colonists were criminals, as well as of the lowest
class of people in the social scale, and that it was a duty to inflict
punishment upon them whenever possible.

In this frame of mind Dudingston stopped everything afloat, including the
open boats carrying farm produce across the bay; threw here and there
the cargoes, regardless of the losses thus created; looted some of the
produce, and finally seized a sloop (_Fortune_), carrying twelve hogsheads
of rum, and sent her to the Court of Admiralty at Boston, although the
law expressly provided that vessels seized in Rhode Island waters should
be tried by the Rhode Island court.

"I was not ignorant of the statute to the contrary," wrote Dudingston
to Admiral Montegue. He violated the law because he supposed the
Massachusetts court would be more likely to condemn the sloop. The zeal
of the lieutenant was highly commended by the admiral.

Having thus roused the indignation of every American living in the
region, Dudingston went in chase of the packet sloop _Hannah_, in her
passage from Newport to Providence, on the memorable 8th of June, 1772.
The _Hannah_ was called a packet because she plied regularly on one
route. She had fully complied with the laws before leaving Newport, but
Dudingston stopped everything, as said, and he now tried to bring-to the
_Hannah_, but Captain Lindsey, commanding her, held his course. She had
sailed at noon with a fair tide, but Lindsey knew that she would have the
tide against her for two hours, at best, and he was not going to spoil
the passage by stopping, and thus losing what tide was coming his way.
Indignant at this lack of respect for one of the king's naval officers,
Lieutenant Dudingston made all sail in chase, and followed the _Hannah_
until she tacked across what was called Namquit (now Gaspee) point, when,
in trying to follow her, the _Gaspé_ grounded.

When Captain Lindsey told his story in Providence, a drummer paraded the
streets, gathering recruits, and enough men assembled to fill eight "long
boats," the largest size of boat carried by merchant ships. Though these
men were going to attack a naval vessel armed with cannon, they were armed
with but few weapons better than clubs and paving-stones. Having disguised
themselves in the garb of Indians, they rowed with muffled oars to the
stranded schooner, shot down the lieutenant with one of the few muskets
carried, clubbed the rest of the crew into submission, and then burned
the schooner.

The owner of the _Hannah_, who instigated this attack upon the king's
vessel, was Captain John Brown, the wealthiest merchant in Providence. The
leader of the expedition was Captain Abraham Whipple, who, as a privateer,
had taken a million dollars' worth of prizes during the wars with France
and Spain. The whole mob, for a mob it was in the eyes of the law, were
representative citizens not only of Rhode Island but of all the seafaring
people of the colonies. The time had come when Americans would, in defence
of Justice, do more than evade an unjust law; in burning the _Gaspé_ they
were, as Lord Dartmouth declared, "_levying war_ against the king."




CHAPTER V

MERCHANTMEN IN BATTLE ARRAY


Some of the most stirring tales in the history of the American merchant
marine are those of the battles of men who, like Captain Jonathan Haraden,
of Salem, commanded armed merchantmen during the War of the Revolution.
These stories are of special interest here because they portray one side
of the character of the American sailors as developed by the peculiar
conditions where forest life and sea life met at the surf-line. But before
giving any of these tales, it seems necessary to describe briefly the
peculiarities of the ships in use in the colonies during the eighteenth
century.

While the dictionaries define, fairly well, all sorts of sea terms, it
seems worth noting here that a ship, in the earliest days of the colonies,
had three masts, two of which were fitted with yards to spread four-sided
sails across the hull, while the third carried a long, slender yard that
spread a lateen sail fore and aft. Moreover, a square sail was spread by
a yard that hung beneath the end of the bowsprit. Because the lateen sail
was difficult to handle, and the one on the spritsail-yard dipped into the
water, both were soon abolished on the American ships. American sailors
were high-priced, economy was necessary, and rigs that reduced the number
of men needed were adopted perforce.

The ketch was another rig that did not last long. A ketch had one mast
amidships, with yards crossed upon it, and another smaller mast well aft,
upon which yards were also crossed, though sometimes a fore-and-aft sail
was found there. It was, doubtless, the worst rig ever seen in American
waters.

The snow was a modified brig. She had two masts with yards crossed as
in a ship, and in addition had a slender mast close abaft the main--a
sort of spencer-mast upon which a fore-and-aft sail was set. This style
of rig lasted much longer than its name, though that persisted until the
nineteenth century.

The most popular rig, during the first hundred years of the colonies,
was the sloop, and it can still be seen on oyster boats, brick carriers,
and yachts. No other rig will give a hull as great speed, in proportion
to the canvas, as this one, and yet the rig can be managed by few men,
provided they know their work, and are vigilant. Long coasting voyages
were made with sloops carrying forty tons of cargo, and no more than four
men. Voyages to the West Indies were made in larger sloops with six men,
while oversea voyages were accomplished with one or two more.

In 1713 a contemplation of the advantages of the sloop rig led Captain
Andrew Robinson, of Gloucester, Mass., to build a hull, somewhat larger
than the ordinary sloop of the day, and place in it two masts, each of
which carried the sloop rig. If rigged as a sloop, the one sail would
need to be so large that it would be difficult to handle. By dividing the
canvas between two sails _of the same form_, a great enough spread for
speed would be obtained, and yet neither sail would be larger than the
single one on a smaller hull. The sails were probably stretched before
this vessel was launched, and one may believe that the novelty of the rig
drew a large crowd to the launching. Beyond doubt, too, everybody cheered
as the hull took the water, and one enthusiast shouted,--

"Oh, how she scoons!"

"Scoon" referred to the light and swift motion of the hull as it seemed to
glide over, rather than plough through, the water, but Captain Robinson,
who had been wondering what he would name the curious rig, seized upon
the word "scoon" and said, "A scooner let her be!"

Perhaps the most important event in the shipyards of America, previous to
the launching of Fulton's steamer, was the invention of the schooner. For
under this rig a hull of twice the capacity of an ordinary sloop could be
handled with no, or but a small, increase in the number of men. Moreover,
the cost of the rig was less than that of any other for a hull of similar
size. In short, a schooner gave her owner more ton-miles of work than any
other kind of vessel for each dollar of expense. Schooners were soon used
almost exclusively in the cod-fishery on the banks. They rapidly made
their way into the coasting trade, where they gathered cargoes for the
ships used in the export trade, and served to strengthen the slender cords
binding one part of the country to the other. They even went on foreign
voyages with great success--as they might do now, if only American owners
would take what lies before them.

With the growth of American shipping it was inevitable that American
sailors should go privateering. The love of adventure was born into the
people who lived where salt spray gave a tang to the odors of a pine
forest. Armed ships from Boston hunted Dutch merchantmen as long as the
Hudson region was called New Amsterdam. American sailors ate broiled
rawhide with Morgan on the banks of the Chagres River. Kidd came from
London to New York seeking sailors born in the Highlands of the Hudson,
because they were, of all men in the world, best fitted by experience
and natural inclination for the work he had in hand. Franklin at one time
expressed the hope that the American coast would never shelter such hosts
as were found in Algiers and Tripoli, and the thought was founded on his
knowledge of the eager determination to get on in life, at all hazards,
which the conditions of life in America had generated.

The most important era in the apprenticeship of the colonial merchantmen
was that passed in fighting the French and Spanish during England's long
struggle for commercial supremacy in the eighteenth century, a period
during which New York alone commissioned 48 vessels, carrying 675 guns
and 5530 men. As affording interesting views of the work done by the
American seamen at that time, consider some of the incidents of the siege
of Louisburg, for while the siege was a land contest, it was carried on by
men the majority of whom, perhaps, were sailors, and the incidents to be
recalled were, at any rate, peculiarly characteristic of the New England
foremast hand.

The armed ships numbered thirteen, and ninety merchantmen were chartered
to carry the men. The number of ships then owned in the colonies at that
time is nowhere stated, but it was not difficult to gather this fleet in
New England.

Although the heavy masonry forts at Louisburg mounted 42-pounders, the
heaviest guns the fleet carried were 22-pounders; but 42-pounder shot were
cast for the expedition, and taken along, because every man in the fleet
was entirely confident that 42-pounders would soon be captured from the
enemy.

Having landed about two miles from the main fortification (April 30,
1745), one William Vaughan, "a youth of restless and impetuous activity,"
led 400 men "to the hills near the town and saluted it with three cheers."
On May 2 this same impetuous youth, while wandering around with a squad of
twelve men and boys, reached a number of unguarded storehouses belonging
to the enemy. They were so far from the main scene of activity of the
colonists that the French, apparently, had not thought it worth while to
guard them. Vaughan set them on fire, and the conflagration frightened
the soldiers in a large detached fort so much that they fled. A little
later Vaughan and his gang took possession of the abandoned fort, and
while a boy of eighteen years climbed the flagstaff and spread a red coat
to the breeze in place of a flag, another one ran to the colonial general
(Pepperrell) with this message from Vaughan:--

"May it please your Honour to be informed that by the grace of God and the
courage of thirteen men, I entered the Royal Battery about 9 o'clock, and
am waiting for a reinforcement and a flag."

The 42-pounders for which shot had been cast in Boston were
secured--twenty-eight of them, besides two 18-pounders.

When the siege guns were landed from the transports, and an effort was
made to take them forward across a wide swamp, in order to mount them
where they would reach the town, they sank out of sight in the mud.
Thereupon the men made a broad-runner sled for each gun, harnessed
themselves to the sleds, and waded across the swamp, dragging the guns
after them. That feat has excited the admiration of all historians who
have written about it. But these men had built ships a mile from the
water--back in the woods--and, when each was ready for the sea had dragged
it to the beach with many yoke of oxen; dragging cannon across the swamp
was a small matter in their estimation.

A trained engineer wanted them to advance upon the big fort of the enemy
in the usual scientific manner--by digging parallels, one after another,
and covering every step of the advance with earthworks. The proposal
made them laugh. Taking advantage of a foggy night, they went forward,
rolling sugar hogsheads, brought for the purpose, before them, until they
arrived at the most advanced point desirable, and there they up-ended
the hogsheads, filled them with dirt, mounted their siege guns (including
42-pounders taken from the royal fort), and opened fire.

Meanwhile they were without tents; their clothing and shoes wore out under
the excessive abrading of their work; they were soaked by cold rains, but
shelters of evergreen boughs were erected, and "while the cannon bellowed
in front ... the men raced, wrestled, pitched quoits, fired at marks,"
and "ran after the French cannon balls that sometimes fell in the camp"
where "frolic and confusion reigned" perpetually.

The capture of Louisburg had small effect upon the country, but the work
of the besiegers, rightly seen, was of the most important ever done in the
colonies. Throughout the siege they were inspired by the idea that "the
All of Things is an infinite conjugation of the verb _To Do_"; they took
hold of each task with hearty good-will, and were irrepressible; their
rude disregard for convention gave opportunity to their resourcefulness,
and contributed to the evolution of military science. And lessons learned
before Louisburg were applied at Bunker Hill, and elsewhere, during the
Revolution.

Among the heroes of the privateer ships of the Revolution we may well
recall Captain Jonathan Haraden, as a type. In 1780 he sailed from Salem
in the 180-ton ship _Pickering_, armed with fourteen 6-pounders, manned by
about fifty men, all told, bound to Bilboa with a cargo of sugar. At this
period of the war the British, taught by experience, had sent out fleets
of frigates and sloops of war, besides many brigs, cutters, and privateers
of large size in order to suppress the armed ships of the "rebels." On the
way across, Haraden met a heavy cutter and beat her off. While reaching
across the Bay of Biscay, one night, he overhauled a ship the lookouts
of which appeared to be asleep; for there was no stir upon her deck
until Haraden hailed and ordered her to surrender, saying that his ship
was an American frigate and he intended firing a broadside immediately.
The sleepy captain obeyed the order. It was then learned that she was a
privateer much superior to the _Pickering_ in the number of guns and of
men. On arriving off Bilboa a big armed ship was seen coming out, and the
captured captain told Haraden she was the privateer _Achilles_, mounting
forty-two guns and manned by 140 men.

"I shan't run from her," said Haraden, quietly.

The _Achilles_ took possession of the privateer captured in the Bay of
Biscay, but because it was a calm night, and the _Pickering_ would be
unable to escape, the captain of the _Achilles_ determined to wait until
morning before attacking. On seeing this, Haraden arranged a proper
lookout and then went to sleep.

At dawn, when the _Achilles_ came down ready for battle, the _Pickering_
was lying so far inshore that a throng of people, supposed to number
100,000, gathered on the hills to watch the contest, and they found the
spectacle worth the trouble taken. Calling his men to the mast, Haraden
assured them that they would win in spite of the greater force of the
enemy, and then ordered them to "Take particular aim at the white boot
top."

Inspired by the air of confidence with which the captain had addressed
them, the men returned to quarters. Their ship was loaded down so far
in the water that she "appeared little larger than a long boat" when the
_Achilles_ ranged alongside, but, as _Captain Haraden had foreseen_, the
difference in height gave him a decisive advantage.

The _Achilles_, with her great battery and numerous crew, opened a fire
that seemed overwhelming. But at that time (and for years afterward)
English sailors relied upon speed of fire only to win their battles;
the guns of the _Achilles_ were discharged without aiming, and because
the gun deck was far above the water, nearly every shot passed over the
_Pickering_. But the American gunners were half sailor, half backwoodsmen;
they took particular aim at the white boot top of the _Achilles_, and
drove so many shot through her side near the water-line that, after about
three hours of fighting, the British captain found that he would have to
haul off or sink. He decided to fly. Then, on seeing the British sailors
running to the braces to swing the yards, Haraden ordered his gunners to
load with crowbars, hoping to cut the rigging of the _Achilles_ with these
curious projectiles, and thus keep her from running away; but "she had a
mainsail as large as a ship of the line," and when that sail began to draw
she escaped.

As the _Pickering_ and her recaptured prize came to anchor in the bay, the
enthusiastic spectators of the battle flocked off in such numbers that at
one time it would have been possible to build with the boats around her
a pontoon bridge reaching from ship to shore.

When Captain William Gray was a lieutenant on the privateer _Jack_, she
was attacked by one of the enemy of such superior force that she was
soon disabled. Thereupon the enemy came alongside and tried to board. In
heading his men in repelling the attack, Gray was struck by a bayoneted
musket which had been pitchpoled at him. The bayonet pinned him fast to a
gun carriage so that he was unable to get away, but after one of his men
had withdrawn the bayonet, he again attacked the boarders and they were
repelled.

When Captain John Manly commanded the privateer _Jason_, of Boston, he was
chased by a British frigate into a roadstead near the Isle of Shoals. He
would have been captured there but for a friendly squall which, while it
dismasted him, drove away the frigate. At this, however, Manly's troubles
began. He had previously lost the privateer _Cumberland_, and his crew
decided that the dismasting was clear proof that he was unlucky. A mutiny
followed, but Manly, snatching a cutlass from one of the crew, attacked
the mutineers single-handed, and after cutting down two of them, set the
remainder at work rerigging the ship; and he kept them at it until she
was ready for sea thirty-six hours later. Finally, he went to Sandy Hook
and captured two big privateers fresh from that port and very valuable.

As noted in the _Story of the New England Whalers_, there is abundant
reason for saying that "out of the 1700 men who had manned Nantucket
whalers before the war, some hundreds shipped on the privateers. They took
kindly to a calling in which there was such a strong element of chance.
The hope of good luck was strong within them." When an American privateer
was captured by the enemy, they separated the Nantucket men from the
remainder of the crew, and then by bribery on the one hand, and starvation
and other kinds of ill treatment, on the other, they forced as many as
possible into the English whaleships.

Many more tales might be related, but the facts here given show well
enough that the men who were at once woodsmen, ship-builders, fishermen,
and sailors could also fight. It is especially notable that they could
usually think calmly and decide swiftly, as Haraden did. The conditions
under which the American seamen of the period had been reared had
made them, as so frequently pointed out herein, at once resourceful,
enterprising, persistent, and unafraid.

The records of the privateers are so few in number that only imperfect
estimates can be made of the number and force of the fleet. The
Continental Congress bonded 1699 privateers during the war, but since many
ships were bonded more than once, some under different names, it is not
possible to say how many individual ships were thus represented. Further
than that the colonies commissioned many vessels that had no commission
from the Congress. Hale, in Winsor's _History of America_, says that
Massachusetts owned 600 privateers. Salem alone owned 158. More than 200
were owned in Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire. The fleets
of the Delaware, the Chesapeake, and of Charleston were considerable.
Certainly more than 1000 armed ships were sent to sea by American owners
to seize the merchantmen of the enemy. The fishing smack _Wasp_, carrying
9 men and no cannon, was, perhaps, the weakest;[3] the _Deane_, carrying
30 cannon and 210 men, was the most powerful. There were 40 American
privateers of the force of 20 guns and 100 men or larger.

American histories have, almost without exception, glorified these
privateers. They note that Dodsley's _Register_ for 1778 recorded the
capture of 733 British ships by American cruisers, of which 559 were
brought into port. What these prizes sold for is not recorded, but it
appears that the British loss was estimated at £2,600,000. Gomer Williams,
in his history of the Liverpool privateers, says that the War of the
Revolution put an entire stop to the commercial progress of that port. It
was the venturesome American privateer who haunted the Irish channel until
the Dublin linen fleet sailed under convoy to Chester, that thus injured
Liverpool. According to Troughton, another Liverpool historian, "the
manners of the common people" of the town "made a retrogression towards
barbarism." Mr. Hale estimates that 3000 British ships were captured, and
that the losses crippled the commercial prosperity of England severely.

On the other hand, however, while the American cruisers were capturing the
773 British ships, the British cruisers captured and sent into port 904
American ships, which brought the captors £2000 each on the average. The
losses of the American owners were, of course, much larger. Worse yet,
the American ships were all eventually driven from the seas, save only
as a few of the largest and most powerful were able to dodge and outsail
the frigates and sloops-of-war which the British sent in pursuit of them.
Haraden himself, though he captured more than a thousand guns from the
enemy, was at last caught at St. Eustatia by Admiral Rodney's fleet.

If the accounts of gains and losses could be posted ledger fashion,
the struck balance would show that while the captured goods[4] were at
times almost the only resource of the colonists needing goods of foreign
manufacture, and while, too, a few individuals were enriched, the losses
of the ship merchants as a class, and of the country, far outweighed the
gains. American independence was not won, as so often claimed, by the
privateers; it was not even forwarded.

There was a further loss, which, though it cannot be measured, was real.
There is abundant evidence to show that the successes of the few made
gamblers, and even thieves, of many merchants. While two frigates were
on the stocks in Rhode Island, the timber belonging to the government
was stolen for use in privateers. Still another evil influence is found
in the fact that the magnified stories of privateer work made the people
believe that the greed of the merchants would serve to defend the new-born
nation from foreign aggression better than a navy could do it. And not
until after the War of 1812 was brought upon us was the miserable delusion
dispelled.

In two respects only did the privateers serve the American merchant marine
well: they gave some thousands of individual seamen increased ability to
handle ships under difficult conditions, and they improved the speed of
the whole fleet.

Captain Elias Hasket Derby, of Salem, was perhaps the first American to
make a systematic study of ship models with a view of increasing speed.
He established a shipyard near his wharf at Salem; with untrammelled mind
he made experiments, and eventually he built 4 ships of from 300 to 360
tons' burden, each of which became noted for strength and speed. One of
them (the _Astræ_, a vessel less than 100 feet long), while on her way
to the Baltic, made the run from Salem to the Irish coast in eleven days.
In 1783 this vessel crossed from Salem to France in 18 days, and she made
the passage home in 19.

Only a few ships remained in commission to float the flag of the "new
constellation" at the end of the War of the Revolution, but it was a
matter of no small significance that these ships were, on the average, far
superior to those that had formed the American merchant marine in colonial
days. Indeed, they were literally the best merchantmen in the world. And
the conditions under which they were to sail, though harrowing to the
owners and to all patriotic Americans, were to maintain the standard of
the fleet for many years to come.




CHAPTER VI

EARLY ENTERPRISE OF THE UNITED STATES MERCHANT MARINE


WHEN the War of the Revolution came to an end, the territory of the
United States extended along the Atlantic coast from Maine to Georgia, and
westward over the Appalachian Mountains as far as the Mississippi River.
The population, including slaves, numbered no more than 3,500,000. The
settlements have usually been considered in groups--those of New England,
of the Middle states, of the Southern states, and, last of all, that most
interesting group west of the mountains. Virginia, Massachusetts, and
Pennsylvania were the most populous states. Philadelphia, the largest
city, boasted a population of 42,520 in the first census year (1790). New
York was second, Boston third, Charleston fourth, and Baltimore fifth.
Newport and Portsmouth, though small, were yet ports of importance, and
so, too, was Salem.

The interests of the different groups of population of the country
were then supposed to be in some ways antagonistic. The Southern states
produced tobacco, rice, and indigo for export, and had relatively few
ships; wanting low freight rates, they expressed, at times later, the fear
of combinations between owners of ships living elsewhere, by which rates
would be raised. The seeming antagonisms were magnified by the lack of
means of intercourse between them. While roads wide enough for vehicles
had been cut from town to town near the coast as far south as Virginia,
and a few had been opened into the interior along the routes of armies
during the war, the most comfortable way of travelling was by water, and
ships were the only means for transporting freight, save only as some
goods were carried on mules and wagons into the interior--on one route as
far as Pittsburg.

    [Illustration: Custom House, Salem

     From a print in the possession of the Lenox Library]

On the whole, a bird's-eye view of the United States showed a wilderness,
820,680 square miles in extent, that had a line of settlements along
the coast. The political condition of the country was not unlike its
physical--chaotic. The thirteen colonies, having thrown off allegiance to
the mother-country, had essayed the formation of a ship of state, but had
created only a raft of thirteen logs, if such a simile may be permitted,
which chafed each other with growing friction. Congress was nominally the
executive, the legislative, and the judicial head of a nation, but the
money it issued ceased to circulate, and the bonds, representing borrowed
coin and war material, were little better. As a body, the Congress
consisted of a score or so of respectable gentlemen who met in a hall
hired for the purpose, where they expressed their opinions on matters of
international as well as local concern, and then begged the sovereign
states to take action. They had no power _to do_ anything--not even to
raise the money with which to pay the rent of the hall in which they met.

An examination of the American merchant marine at this time shows that
it had fallen far below that of the colonies. In a communication to
Congress, 19 ship-builders of Philadelphia said (1789) that while they
had launched 4500 tons of shipping per year before the war, "it appears
from an average of three years past that we have built only to the amount
of 1500 tons annually." Similar complaints were made by the shipwrights
of Charleston, Baltimore, and Boston. The Charleston communication was
especial interesting. It said:--

"From the diminished state of ship building in America, and the _ruinous
restrictions_ to which our vessels are subject in _foreign ports_; from
the distressed condition of our commerce, languishing under the _most
disgraceful inequalities_, its benefits transferred to strangers ... who
_neither have treaties with us_ ... nor are friendly to our commerce," it
therefore seemed necessary to ask Congress to consider what ought to be
done in the matter (_Am. State Papers_, VII, 9; X, 5-6).

It will help to a comprehension of the condition of our merchant marine
if we recall once more the feeling of the English public towards the
colonists before the war. While statesmen like Robert Peel fostered the
growth of American shipping and commerce by encouraging them in evading
the navigation laws, the growth thus fostered roused a strong feeling
of ill-will on the part of many patriotic Englishmen. This feeling was
entirely natural and unavoidable. It was not alone that the Americans
were well able to compete with the mother-country for the carrying trade
of the world. Under the influence of environment the Americans were
developing into a distinct people. The successful colonial was often
and perhaps usually self-assertive and boastful; he was necessarily
aggressive. Then, too, he showed a lack of deference in the presence
of rank that seemed shocking to the nobility. Men who were doing the
world's work in the American wilderness made no efforts to conceal their
contempt for royal governors, and the influential part of the people of
England accepted the complaining letters of these baffled governors as
accurate characterizations of the American people. Because of a sort of
race prejudice thus produced, the measures of the king, when coercion was
attempted, were heartily approved by the majority of the English people.

Then, during the war, the expelled American loyalists had _ex parte_
stories to tell that added indignation to animosity. The successful
American cruisers added to the ill feeling. At the same time the British
authorities observed a tendency among the foremost hands in the British
navy that was not a little alarming. While their navy lost, in the years
from 1776 to 1780, 19,788 men through disease and battle, no less than
42,069 deserted. Some of these deserters were, of course, Americans
who had been impressed, but many a good British tar learned about the
opportunities in the new land and made haste to go to meet them.

In short, it was through natural and unavoidable causes that the
influential Britons came to regard their "American cousins" with a feeling
of, say, intense animosity not wholly unmingled with apprehension.

Keeping in mind this mental attitude, recall the fact that a command of
the sea was then absolutely essential to the well-being of the British
people, and further, that the supremacy which the British then boasted
had been obtained, and maintained for a century, by good hard fighting;
and further still, that many British thinkers had been alarmed at such
American progress as had been manifested even a hundred years before the
Declaration of Independence. Bluntly stated, while the British people
had learned to hate the American, they suddenly saw that he alone had
shown an ability to dispute that supremacy upon the sea which seemed
absolutely necessary for the preservation of their national existence. And
as an independent citizen of the world he was in a position to force the
issue. It follows, therefore, that the British were naturally led to do
all they could to oppose all progress in the United States. The "ruinous
restrictions" of which the Charleston ship-builders made mention were a
natural sequence of the success of the Revolution.

While the British were thus hostile upon the sea (they were also holding
American territory in the West, and inciting the Indians to war), the
French and the Spanish were united in an effort to cut off all that part
of the United States west of the Appalachians. For civilization was then
in the primitive state where men, though they talked about international
law, were guided only by unenlightened selfishness, and acknowledged no
other court of appeal than that afforded by the sword.

The story of foreign aggressions upon American shipping and commerce will
be told in the next chapter, but by way of illustrating conditions in the
years following the Revolution, consider one fact regarding the British
work of opposition. All American trade with the British West Indies was
forbidden, and so strictly was this regulation enforced that thousands of
slaves starved to death in those islands for want of the "refuse fish" and
other food which the planters had been accustomed to obtain from America;
and even some of the poorer white people died for the same reason.

Because of ruined industries, and of a chaotic government at home, and
of the ruthless opposition of the nations of Europe, the condition of
the people of the United States seemed almost hopeless. So great was the
depression of the seafaring part of the population, indeed, that even the
optimistic whalers of Nantucket thought about removing their industry to
France, and many of them did migrate.

And yet it was in this period of deepest gloom that the American merchant
marine first reached out for the trade of the Far East. In the _Journals
of Congress_ for 1784 (p. 333) is a paragraph referring to "a letter
of the 23d December, 1783, from Daniel Parker, stating, that a ship
called the '_Empress of China_' will shortly sail from New York for
Canton in China, under the command of Captain John Green, and requesting
sea-letters."[5]

No commercial ventures to the East Indies were made in colonial days
because, in part, of the monopoly of the East India Company, but chiefly
because abundant profitable employment for all available capital was found
in various trades nearer home. The fact that ships in the China trade very
often made cent per cent was, of course, very well known in the colonies,
and colonial merchants had a general knowledge of the cargoes suitable
for that trade. They knew, for instance, that ginseng, a root growing
wild in American forests, was highly valued in China for its supposed
medicinal qualities. Accordingly, when the war ended, and American ships
were excluded from such a large part of the trade which they had enjoyed
in former days, the ship-owners naturally thought of the trade to the Far
East. New York and Philadelphia merchants united in fitting out a vessel
which they renamed the _Empress of China_. She measured 360 tons, and the
chief part of her cargo was ginseng. Sailing from New York on February
22, 1784, with the sea letter noted above for a passport, she arrived at
Canton Roads (Macao) on August 23, and she reached home on May 11, 1785.
The profit on the venture was $30,000, which, being only a little more
than 25 per cent on the investment, was considered small. Other voyages
of the period are worth consideration, if only to illustrate the spirit
of the ship-owners of the day.

The most interesting of the China voyages, in this point of view, was
that of the sloop _Experiment_, a vessel with one mast and a capacity for
eighty tons of cargo, that was built at Albany for the trade of the Hudson
River. Captain Stewart Dean, her master, had served in two privateers
during the Revolution. She carried six cannon, with a liberal supply of
small arms, and her crew numbered fifteen (one account says twenty), men
and boys. "Martial music and the boatswain's whistle were heard on board
with all the pomp and circumstance of war." She carried out ginseng and
brought back tea and silks, with profit; and what is of more importance,
perhaps, in this story is the fact that she made the return voyage in four
months and twelve days. The record shows what a fore-and-aft rig can do
in a round-the-world voyage.

In the same year a Hingham sloop of only forty tons, commanded by a
Captain Hallett, sailed from Boston, bound for Canton, but got as far only
as the Cape of Good Hope. At that point English ship captains offered
Captain Hallett two pounds of good tea for each pound of ginseng he
carried, and he was willing to take the profit thus insured rather than
risk a longer voyage in the hope of a larger one.

The story of the entrance of Elias Hasket Derby, of Salem, into the China
trade is of interest because of the view it affords of a peculiarity
of most of the successful ship-owners of the day. Derby considered the
possibilities of the trade as early as any one, but while the _Empress of
China_ was on her way to Canton, Derby sent his _Grand Turk_ as far as the
Cape of Good Hope only. By trading ginseng and provisions to the English
captains who were found at the Cape, Captain Ingersoll, commanding the
_Grand Turk_, was able to make a fair profit on the voyage; but the main
object in view was to learn all about the demands of the Canton trade;
and in this he was entirely successful. It may be worth mentioning that
Captain Ingersoll also went up the coast of Africa to complete his cargo
with gold-dust, ivory, etc., and that he was under orders not to take on
slaves, even though he should thereby be able to make a paying voyage out
of a losing one. Elias Hasket Derby was one of the few individuals who
were far enough ahead of their age to see the iniquity of the trade, but
the important feature of the story of the voyage is this, that Derby would
take the risks of the voyage to the Cape to obtain information. In the
meantime, too, he sent one of his sons to Europe, where he spent several
months in a study of the India trade of England and France.

    [Illustration: Elias Hasket Derby

     From a print in the possession of the Lenox Library]

With the knowledge thus gained, Captain Derby despatched the _Grand Turk_
(December 5, 1785) on a voyage to the Far East, but instead of sailing
direct to Canton she called at the Isle of France (Mauritius); then she
went to the coast of India, and thence to Canton. The trade at Mauritius
and on the Indian coast added greatly to the profits of the voyage without
increasing the length of time required to a serious extent.

The trade to China thus initiated was so profitable that in 1789 no
less than fifteen American ships were in the Canton roads, of which four
belonged to Captain Derby. One of the four is worth especial notice. She
was the swift _Astræ_, Captain James Magee, Jr., commanding, and Thomas
Handyside Perkins, supercargo. More than twenty individual ventures were
made in this voyage of the _Astræ_, and a few notes from her outward
manifest (list of cargo) will serve well to show the course of trade in
those days. Thus Tenney and Brown, of Newbury, sent "9 kegs snuff," and
a note in the margin of the manifest tells Captain Magee that "⅓ the net
proceeds you are to credit E. H. D.'s account for freight--the other ⅔
to lay out on account of T. & B. in light goods." Opposite the item "1
phaeton and harness complete, with saddles and bridles &c., cased up" is
a note saying: "This belongs to Folger Pope ... the net proceeds is to be
credited to E. H. D.'s account, as friend Derby is to have the use of the
money for freight." David Seas sent "Boxes containing $15,000, 16 casks
ginseng, 5570 lbs. This at one-fifth for freight." William Cabot sent
a box "containing 21 pieces plate, weight 255 oz. 16 dwts. 12 gr." Rum,
wines, beer, fish, flour, "598 firkins butter 32,055 lbs," and spermaceti
candles were conspicuous items in the manifest.

Some quotations from Derby's letter of instructions to the captain and
supercargo are also interesting. "Make the best of your way for Batavia,
and on your arrival there you will dispose of such a part of the cargo
as you think may be most for my interest. I think you had best sell a few
casks of the most ordinary ginseng if you can get one dollar a pound for
it. If you find the price of sugar to be low you will then take into the
ship as much of the best white kind as will floor her, and fifty thousand
weight of coffee, if it is low as we have heard, ... and fifteen thousand
of salt petre, if it is very low, some nutmegs, and fifty thousand weight
of pepper; this you will store in the fore peak for fear of injuring
the teas. The sugars will save the expense of any stone ballast, and it
will make a floor for the teas &c. at Canton. At Batavia you must, if
possible, get as much freight for Canton as will pay half or more of your
charges.... You must endeavor to be the first ship with ginseng, for be
assured you will do better alone than you will if there are three or four
ships at Canton at the same time with you." As another of the Derby ships
was to be at Batavia on the arrival of the _Astræ_, directions were given
for the loading or the sale of that vessel, according as circumstances
seemed to require, but special stress is laid upon the necessity of making
careful calculations before selling the vessel, in order to be sure that
that course would pay better than bringing her home full of cargo. It
is manifest that Derby did not care to sell her. "Captain Magee and Mr.
Perkins are to have 5 per cent commission for the sales of the present
cargo, and 2½ per cent on the cargo home, and also 5 per cent on the
profit made on goods that may be purchased at Batavia and sold at Canton,
or in any other similar case that may arise on the voyage. They are to
have one-half the passage money--the other half belongs to the ship. The
privilege of Capt. Magee is 5 percent of what the ship carries on cargo
exclusive of adventures. The property of Mr. Perkins, it is understood,
is to be on freight, which is to be paid for like other freighters. It is
orders that the ship's books shall be open to the inspection of the mates
and doctor of the ship, so they may know the whole business" in case of
the death of captain or supercargo. "The Philadelphia beer is put up so
strong that it will not be approved until it is made weaker; you had best
try some of it.... The iron is English weight; ... there is four percent
you will gain if sold Dutch weight.... You are not to pay any moneys to
the crew while absent from home, unless in case of real necessity, and
then they must allow an advance for the money.... It is likewise my order
that in case of your sickness that you write a clause at the foot of
these orders putting the command of the ship into the person's hands that
you think the most equal to it, not having any regard to the station he
at present has in the ship.... Lay out for my account fifteen or twenty
pounds sterling in curiosities."

The sale of the _Astræ_ is forbidden for this voyage, but "if at Batavia
or Canton you can agree to deliver her the next season for $20,000 or
$25,000 you may do it." The final paragraph says that while the orders are
"a little particular" "you have leave to break them in any part where you
_by calculation_ think it for my interest."

As there were fifteen American ships at Canton when the _Astræ_ was
there, the market was flooded with American goods. Her ginseng sold for
$20,000 less than prime cost. Two of Derby's ships were sold; the other
two brought home 728,871 pounds of tea. Although the consumption of the
country at that time was only about a million pounds a year, the total
imports of the year amounted to 2,601,852 pounds. In the meantime the
government had been organized under the Constitution and a duty levied
on imports which, in the case of the _Astræ_, amounted to about $27,000.
On the face of the documents the voyage of the Astræ was disastrous. But
Derby, by petition, obtained the privilege of putting his goods in the
warehouse and paying the duty as they were sold and removed. The system
of bonded warehouses became common later. And according to the biography
of Captain Derby, published in _Hunt's Merchants' Magazine_, his capital
was not impaired seriously, if at all, by the voyage.

Another merchant who reached out for trade in strange seas was Captain
Ebenezer Parsons, who sent ships to the Red Sea, took on cargoes of coffee
for Smyrna, and cleared, in some voyages, from 300 to 400 per cent. A
still larger profit was made by Captain Jonathan Carnes, of Salem, in
a number of ventures to Sumatra. While at Bencoolen, on that island, he
learned by accident that pepper grew wild on its uncivilized northwest
coast. Returning to Salem, Carnes imparted his information to Jonathan
Peele, who at once furnished the money with which a schooner named the
_Rajah_ was built. Carnes armed the _Rajah_ with four guns, shipped a
crew of ten men, loaded her with brandy, gin, tobacco, bar iron, and dried
fish, and then, in November, 1795, cleared out for the East Indies. These
proceedings aroused the greatest curiosity in Boston as well as Salem;
for neither owner nor captain would say a word about the destination of
the schooner; and this curiosity grew, as the months passed and nothing
was heard from the _Rajah_. Accordingly, when, after eighteen months,
the schooner came sailing into port loaded to the hatch coamings with
pepper, she created more excitement in Salem than any other vessel that
entered the port that year. The profit on this voyage amounted to 700 per
cent. When the _Rajah_ was fitted for a second voyage in the same secret
manner, a number of merchants sent other vessels in chase, hoping to find
where she obtained her pepper; but Captain Carnes eluded them all, and
once more brought home a cargo at an immense profit. In the third voyage,
however, his secret buying place was discovered, and thereafter he had to
be contented with the ordinary cent per cent.

One of the most celebrated voyages of the period was that of the ship
_Columbia_, Captain John Kendrick, with the sloop _Washington_, Captain
Robert Gray, as a tender, to the northwest coast of the continent to trade
for furs.

The _Columbia_ was a ship of 240 tons' burden. She could just carry the
cargo of an Erie canal boat of the size in use in 1909. The expedition
was fitted out by Joseph Barrell and four others. It sailed on October
1, 1787, and arrived at Nootka Sound in September, 1788. On July 3, 1789,
Captain Gray sailed for home in the Columbia; and, returning by the way of
China and the Cape of Good Hope, was the first to sail around the world
under the American flag. The work done by these two captains is chiefly
of interest here, however, because of the discoveries made on the coast
and of the use the nation made of the discoveries later. For the Strait of
Juan de Fuca and adjoining waters were thoroughly explored, the Columbia
River was discovered, and its navigable waters were explored. Land was
purchased of the Indians, forts were built, and a vessel called the
_Adventurer_ (of 40 tons' burden) was launched. The claim thus established
by American citizens was used with effect, when it had been made good by
subsequent occupation of the land, in settling the boundary between the
United States and the British possessions to the north thereof.

The trade on the northwest coast was continued by Boston people with
varying results until after the War of 1812, and many interesting stories
have been related by those engaged in it. John Ledyard, the American
traveller, was first to suggest engaging in it. He was with Captain Cook,
when that celebrated explorer was on the northwest coast, and learned that
the sea-otter skins, which the Indians had in abundance, could be sold
for $120 each in China. On returning home, he almost succeeded in getting
Robert Morris to enter the trade, but nothing was done in it until the
_Columbia_ sailed.

The voyage of the _Columbia_ did not pay her owners, but those who
followed her often made large profits. Perhaps the most interesting
venture was one made by William Sturgis. While trading with the Indians
(blankets, cutlery, firearms, molasses, and trinkets were then in demand),
he learned that the Indians used the skin of the ermine in its winter coat
as a currency, and that it was highly valued. Accordingly, Sturgis sent
home a fine specimen of the ermine skin, and ordered as many as could be
obtained. His correspondent secured 5000 at the Leipsic fair, and on the
next voyage Sturgis carried them to the coast, where he traded five, which
had been purchased for thirty cents each, for a sea-otter skin. He thus
obtained a thousand sea-otter skins, which he sold in China for $50 each,
or $50,000 for that part of the venture alone. Mr. Sturgis, in a lecture
delivered in Boston, on January 21, 1846, said that he had known of a
capital of $40,000 yielding a return of $150,000 in that trade, and in one
voyage "an outfit not exceeding $50,000 gave a gross return of $284,000."

In the meantime Captain Derby's young supercargo on the _Astræ_, Thomas
H. Perkins, had established a trading house in Canton. He entered the
northwest coast trade with success, and in the course of twenty-two years
his ships made thirty round-the-world voyages from Boston, by the way of
the Horn, the northwest coast, Canton, and the Cape of Good Hope. It is an
interesting fact that in the years immediately following the War of 1812
"all the supplies for the British [fur-buying] establishments, west of the
Rocky Mountains, were brought from London to Boston, and carried thence to
the mouth of the Columbia in American ships; and all their collections of
furs were sent to Canton consigned to an American house, and the proceeds
shipped to England or the United States in the same vessels." (_Hunt's
Magazine_, XIV, 538.)

In connection with the stories that have been told of these voyages to
the Far East, consider the following facts in the biography of Captain
Nathaniel Silsbee:--

"Among the officers who rose most rapidly to distinction in the service of
Mr. Derby, none is more prominent than the Hon. Nathaniel Silsbee, late
Senator from Massachusetts. His father had enjoyed the entire confidence
of Mr. Derby, and after his death Mr. Derby transferred that confidence
to his son.

"In 1790 he appears as the mate and captain's clerk of a small vessel
bound to Madeira. In 1792 [when but nineteen years old] he is master of
a sloop in the trade to the West Indies, which Mr. Derby impowers him
to sell for $350. In 1793, at the early age of twenty years, he is on
a voyage to the Isle of France in command of the new ship _Benjamin_,
of 142 tons. From the Isle of France he proceeds to the Cape of Good
Hope, returns to the Isle of France, and brings his ship home with large
profits.

"In 1796 Mr. Derby dispatches him in the ship _Benjamin_ to Amsterdam
and thence to the Isle of France, with a credit of $10,000 for his own
private adventure. After selling his ship and cargo at a great profit he
purchases a new ship of 450 tons for his owner and returns to Salem with a
full cargo of East India goods for his owner, and such favorable results
for himself as to enable him to commence business on his own account, in
which he soon achieved fortune."

When Silsbee, at the age of twenty, was master of the _Benjamin_, on the
way to the Isle of France, his first mate, Charles Derby, was nineteen
years old, and his second mate, Richard J. Cleveland, was only eighteen.
In 1799 this Cleveland made a voyage in a fifty-foot sloop from Canton to
the northwest coast of America, and, though hampered by a mutinous crew,
he secured there a cargo of furs which sold, on his return to Canton, for
$60,000. The outfit had cost him $9000.

Although all ships of the day were, by modern standards, dangerous in size
and rig; though scurvy was the plague of crews in long voyages; though
vast breadths of the sea had never been explored, and the wild coasts
visited had never been charted; although the first voyages were made
when the American people were financially prostrate and the symbol of the
American government was utterly powerless, not only in home affairs but in
the face of the open and covert enmity of the leading commercial nations
of the world,--in spite of all this, the American ship-owners reached
out for the commerce of all the earth, and _young men having ambition
and ability worked their way to the command of ships before they were old
enough to vote_.

The picture of one of those boyish sea-captains flinging the Stars and
Stripes to the breeze on the far side of the earth portrays, better than
anything ever said, written, or done, the spirit of America.




CHAPTER VII

FRENCH AND OTHER SPOLIATIONS


ON July 25, 1785, while the schooner _Maria_, Captain Isaac Stevens, of
Boston, was sailing past Cape St. Vincent, on the southwest corner of
Spain, she was captured by an armed ship from Algiers, and carried to
that port. Five days later the ship _Dauphin_, Captain Richard O'Brien,
of Philadelphia, when fifty leagues west of Lisbon, suffered a similar
fate. These vessels with their cargoes were confiscated, and the crews,
numbering twenty-one men all told, were sold into slavery.

In connection with these facts consider a quotation from Lord Sheffield's
_Observations on the Commerce of the United States_, published in 1784;--

"It is not probable that the American States will have a very free trade
in the Mediterranean; it will not be the interest of any of the great
maritime powers to protect them from the Barbary states. They cannot
protect themselves from the latter; they cannot pretend to a navy."

It will now be instructive to recall a letter written by Edward Church,
American consul at Lisbon, on October 12, 1793, in regard to the Algerine
pirates. Portugal had been protecting her trade from the Algerines by
means of war-ships, and had incidentally afforded convoy to such American
merchantmen as needed it in those waters. Having learned that a number
of Algerine corsairs had gone cruising in the Atlantic, Consul Church
went to the Portuguese Minister of Foreign Affairs to learn why the
Portuguese war-ships had allowed them to leave the Mediterranean. The
minister replied that Charles Logie, British consul at Algiers, acting
under orders from the British government, had _concluded_ a treaty of
peace between Algiers and Portugal. Portugal, he said, had not authorized
such a treaty, nor had she been consulted as to the terms. The British
government had guaranteed the execution of the treaty, and the payment
of the tribute that it called for, however, and with the British to aid
them the pirates had gone forth to prey on commerce. Church, with more
attention to accuracy than diplomatic language, termed the arrangement
thus made a "hellish conspiracy" against American shipping.

A brief account of the Algerine pirates will now prove interesting. For
time out of mind the people of the north coast of Africa lived by piracy,
but it was not until the seafaring outlaws of Europe taught them to build
and handle large ships that they became really menacing to commerce.
While the English were fighting the Dutch in the middle of the seventeenth
century, they were obliged to send Blake with twenty-five well-armed ships
to overawe these pirates. In 1672 another squadron was sent for the same
purpose. These two squadrons proved that it was easy and inexpensive to
crush the power of the pirates; but instead of continuing to use their
navy to protect their merchantmen, the British made no further attacks
upon the pirates until 1816. Indeed, instead of crushing their power,
the British government adopted the policy of adding to their means of
destroying commerce. And in this policy several European powers soon
joined.

Secretary of State Jefferson, in a report on "Mediterranean Trade,"
dated December 30, 1790, said that Spain paid "from three to five million
dollars to Algiers" in one lump to induce the Dey to make "peace." France
in 1788 had paid an unknown sum in hand, and had since paid an annual
subsidy of $100,000 for immunity from attack. Great Britain paid an annual
subsidy of 60,000 guineas to the four Barbary powers. Portugal alone
of the European maritime powers used her fleet to protect her trade. In
addition to the regular subsidies, the powers named made presents to the
Barbary chiefs, and these presents included usually, if not always, armed
ships and other war material.

The reason for paying subsidies instead of fighting is most interesting.
It was done to encourage the pirates to ravage the shipping belonging to
the rivals of the subsidy payers.

In 1793 England was at war with France. America was the leading neutral
maritime nation. The British statesmen saw that the American shipping
would secure much of the trade in the Mediterranean which English ships
had been doing, unless checked promptly by some extraordinary means, and
it was to administer this check that the pirates were loosed upon the
Atlantic.

The injury done to our shipping in the raid mentioned above was
insignificant, save only as the story gives emphasis to the other
facts given--facts which show the state of civilization among the most
enlightened nations of Europe. The state of American civilization, at the
time, is shown by the treaty made with the pirates, under which we agreed
to pay them tribute; for it was tribute and not subsidy as in our case.
We paid it in war material, too, as shown by the following extract from
the _Life of General William Eaton_, who, in 1798, was American consul at
Tunis:--

"On the 22d of December Mr. Eaton ... went on board the U. S. brig
_Sophia_, Capt. Henry Geddes, commander, bound to Algiers; in company with
the _Hero_, a ship of 350 tons burden, loaded with naval stores for the
Dey of Algiers; the _Hassan Bashaw_, an armed brig of 275 tons, mounting
eight 6-pounders, destined to Algiers; the _Skjoldabrand_, a schooner of
250 tons, 16 double fortified 4-pounders, destined to Algiers; and the _La
Eisha_, of 150 tons, 14 4-pounders, also destined to Algiers. All these
vessels excepting the _Sophia_ were to be delivered to the Dey of Algiers,
for arrearages of stipulation and present dues."

With these facts in mind we shall be able to comprehend why American
shipping was subjected to ruthless spoliations during the entire
period between the end of the War of the Revolution and our second war
for liberty, which we began in 1812. The sole criterion of right in
international affairs was might.

    [Illustration: An Early Type of Clipper Ship: _Maria_, of New
     Bedford, Built 1782]

As the reader remembers, the French spoliations grew out of the anarchy
prevailing during the French Revolution. To appreciate the facts, one
needs to put himself in the place of the French people and feel not only
their aspirations but their blinding indignation. A well-meaning, most
energetic, and (more or less) hysterical National Convention displaced
an impotent monarchy. "Of the 11,210 decrees passed by the Convention
one-third have a political aim, two-thirds have a humanitarian aim."
(Hugo, in _Ninety-Three_.) The surrounding nations, alarmed lest
republican principles gain headway among the "common people," formed
a coalition to avenge the death of the French king and destroy the
French Republic. England, without declaring war, held in her ports all
merchantmen (including neutrals) bound for France, and then began to
capture and send into port all neutral ships found at sea with cargoes
of food for French consignees. It was then that France began to strike
back in a way that affected American shipping. In March and April, 1793,
our Minister at Paris had to complain of several ships captured by French
privateers, and in one of his letters to the French Minister of Foreign
Affairs he said:--

"I avoid troubling you with the afflicting recital of the violences
committed on those different occasions, and which were so much the
less excusable inasmuch as they took place after the prizes were taken
possession of, and when no resistence was met with."

On May 9, 1793, the French government authorized the seizure of "all
neutral vessels which shall be laden wholly or in part" with food products
and "destined for an enemy's port."

The decree was contrary to the treaties made between France and the United
States in 1778, but it was confirmed on the 27th of July.

This decree was avowedly made because food was scarce in France and
because England was trying to starve the French into submission by
stopping all food-laden ships bound for France. In the French view it was
justified as a measure of necessity.

On July 2, 1796, however, it was decreed that "the flag of the French
Republic will treat neutral vessels either as to confiscation, as to
searches or capture in the same manner as they shall suffer the English
to treat them."

In the meantime the United States had made, under duress, a treaty with
England (Jay's, 1794), which gave the English advantages of which the
French, though by treaty our allies, were deprived; and this treaty was
ratified in spite of the fact that the British aggressions had exceeded
the French not only in extent, but in their aggravating character.
Moreover, this treaty was not promulgated until May 9, 1796, and France
justly complained of the concealment as disingenuous. It was partly
because of the resentment thus created that the decree of July 2, 1796
was made, and it was wholly because of resentment that, on March 2, 1797,
a decree was issued declaring that "every American vessel shall be a good
prize which has not on board a list of the crew in proper form, such as is
presented by the model annexed to the treaty of the 6th February, 1778."

No American vessel had carried this _rôle d'equipage_ since the end of the
War of the Revolution; the decree was passed with the intention of driving
all American ships from the sea. Then, as a final thrust at America, it
was decreed that, October 29, 1799, American sailors found serving on the
ships of enemies should be treated as pirates, and that they should not
be allowed to plead in extenuation that they had been impressed.

The following stories of French aggressions illustrate well the
usual course of life at sea in American ships during the period under
consideration:--

In 1796 the French privateer _Flying Fish_ came to Philadelphia, purchased
supplies, and made repairs. In the meantime her captain, aided by the
French consul, obtained information about all the ships then loading with
valuable cargoes for foreign ports. With these facts in hand the captain
then went to the Capes of the Delaware, waited until one of the most
valuable of the American ships passed out to sea, and then captured her
and turned her crew adrift in a small boat.

In the same year, while the American ship _Hare_ was lying in London, with
a valuable cargo on board, her captain went to Paris and arranged with
the French Minister of Marine to bring her into French waters and have her
condemned as a prize to him as captor. And this bargain was carried out.

Some Philadelphia merchants fitted out a vessel named _Les Jumeaux_ as a
French privateer. When going to sea she drove off a revenue cutter that
tried to stop her, and she finally made a prize of a vessel belonging to
neighbors of her owner.

The brigantine _Patty_, Captain Josiah Hempsted, belonging to Justus
Riley, of Wethersfield, Connecticut, was captured while on her way to St.
Bartholomew, on July 31, 1796. When Captain Hempsted appeared before the
"special agent" (a sort of governor and judge in admiralty) ruling at
Guadaloupe, that official shook his fist under the captain's nose, and
said:--

"I have confiscated your vessel and cargo, you damned rascal."

The French frigate _Thetis_, having captured the brigantine _Eliza_, of
New York, a seaman named Henry Doughty, a native-born citizen of Boston,
was placed with a number of English sailors who had been captured, and
was then delivered to the British in exchange for French sailors. Using
American sailors in effecting exchanges became a common practice with the
French naval commanders.

The crews of American vessels taken to the West Indies were commonly
turned ashore without clothing (except what they were wearing), or
food, or means of procuring either. On November 10, 1797, seven captured
American vessels were lying at Petit Guave, three-fourths of the crews
of which had died because of the hardships they had suffered when thus
turned ashore. In some cases the crews were imprisoned. Captain Breard,
of the schooner _Zephyr_, of Portsmouth, who ventured to go on board the
privateer that had captured him and there beg for a little of the food
of which he had been robbed, was thrown over the rail. Captain Codwise,
of the brig _Glasgow_, was thrown into prison at Leogane and kept for
thirty-six hours without food.

A more cheerful picture of the life at sea in American ships at that time
is found in a letter (written in 1799) from Captain Elias Hasket Derby,
Jr., to his father. The young man was in command of the Salem ship _Mount
Vernon_, and he had arrived at Gibraltar after a passage of seventeen and
a half days.

"The first of our passage was quite agreeable; the latter, light winds,
calm, and Frenchmen constantly in sight for the last four days. The
first Frenchmen we saw was off Tercira--a lugger to the southward. Being
uncertain of his force we stood by him to leeward on our course and soon
left him. July 28th, in the afternoon, we found ourselves approaching a
fleet of upwards of fifty sail, steering nearly N. E. We run directly
for their center; at 4 o'clock found ourselves in their half-moon;
concluding it impossible that it could be any other than the English
fleet, continued our course for their center to avoid any apprehension
of a want of confidence in them. They soon dispatched an 18-gun ship from
their center, and two frigates, one from their van and another from their
rear, to beat towards us--we being to windward. On approaching the center
ship under easy sail I fortunately bethought myself that it would be but
common prudence to steer so far to windward of him as to be a grapeshot's
distance from him, to observe his force and maneuvering. When we were
abreast of him he fired a gun to leeward and hoisted English colors. We
immediately bore away and meant to pass under his quarter, between him and
the fleet showing our American colors. This movement disconcerted him, and
it appeared to me he either conceived we were either an American sloop of
war, or an English one in disguise, attempting to cut him off from the
fleet; for while we were in the act of wearing on his beam he hoisted
French colors and gave us a broadside. We immediately brought our ship
to the wind, and stood on about a mile--wore towards the center of the
fleet--hove about and crossed him on the other tack, about half grapeshot
distance, and received his broadside; several shot fell on board of us
without much damage. All hands were active in clearing ship for action,
for our surprise had been complete. In about ten minutes we began firing
our stern chasers and in a quarter of an hour gave him our broadside in
such style as evidently sickened him, for he immediately luffed in the
wind, gave us his broadside, went in stays in great confusion, wore ship
afterwards in a large circle, and renewed the chase at a mile and a half
distance--a maneuver calculated to keep up appearances with the fleet and
escape our shot.

"At midnight we had distanced them; the chasing rocket signals being
almost out of sight. We have been in constant brushes ever since. The day
after we left the fleet we were chased till night by two frigates, whom
we lost sight of when it was dark. The next morning off Cape St. Vincent,
were chased by a French lateen-rigged vessel, apparently 10 or 12 guns,
one of them an 18-pounder. We brought to for him, [but] his metal was too
heavy for ours, and his position to windward.... [As] it was not in my
power to cut him off we of course bore away and saluted him with our long
nines. He continued his chase till dark, and when we were nearly by Cadiz,
at sunset, he made a signal to a consort whom we had just discovered
ahead. Having a strong breeze I was determined to pass my stern over him
if he did not make way for me. He thought prudent to do so. At midnight we
made the lights in Cadiz city, but found no English fleet. After lying to
till daylight concluded that the French must have gained the ascendancy in
Cadiz and thought prudent to proceed to this place, where we arrived at 12
o'clock, popping at Frenchmen all the forenoon. At 10 A.M., off Algesiras
Point, were seriously attacked by a large lateener who had on board more
than 100 men. He came so near our broadside as to allow our 6-pound grape
to do execution handsomely. We then bore away and gave him our stern guns
in a cool and deliberate manner, doing apparently great execution. Our
bars having cut his sails considerably, he was thrown into confusion,
struck both his ensign and his pennant. I was then puzzled to know what
to do with so many men. Our ship was running large, with all her steering
sails out, so that we could not immediately bring her to the wind; and we
were immediately off Algesiras Point, from which I had reason to fear she
might receive assistance, and my port, (Gibraltar) in full view. These
circumstances induced me to give up the gratification of bringing him
in. It was, however, a satisfaction to flog the rascal in full view of
the English fleet who were to leeward. The risk of sending here is great
indeed for any ship short of our force in men and guns--but particularly
[when short of] heavy guns. Two nines are better than six or eight sixes,
and two long twelves do better than twenty sixes.... I have now, while
writing to you, two of our countrymen in full view who are prizes to these
villains. Lord St. Vincent, in a 50-gun ship, is in the act of retaking
one of them. The other goes into Algesiras without molestation."

Spain took scores of American ships, and when the French privateers
carried an American ship into a Spanish port, the Spanish officials
invariably assisted in the robbery. The other nations robbed in proportion
to their power and opportunity. The third volume of our _Foreign
Relations_ contains a list of fifty-one American ships that were carried
into the ports of Denmark and Sweden. The French aggressors were inspired
primarily, as said, by indignation; the English were acting in defence of
their maritime supremacy, as shall appear further on, but these smaller
powers of Europe were animated by no other motive than that of the
Algerine pirates.

As to the total of the damages suffered from the French republicans, it
must be said that no complete calculation was ever made. But documents
written under oath show that more than 600 ships were despoiled before
the year 1800, and that losses amounting to more than $20,000,000 were
sustained. These losses included ships and cargoes only; incidental losses
due to the conditions at sea could not be measured.

Though really a part of our naval history, perhaps it may be worth adding
that when, at last, our naval ships, though few in numbers and small in
size, were ordered to sea to protect our trade, no more than three or four
well-fought actions were needed to bring the French Republic spoliations
to an end. It was, and, unhappily, it is yet, in human nature to despise
any appeal to altruistic notions of right in an effort to secure justice,
but all accord hearty respect to him who is able and willing to fight for
his rights. We were amused by the antics of the Japanese as a nation of
artists; we took off our hats and stood erect with our heels together in
the presence of the heroes of the Battle of the Yellow Sea.




CHAPTER VIII

THE BRITISH AGGRESSIONS


BEFORE considering the aggressions of the British government upon our
shipping during the period between the Revolution and the War of 1812, it
seems still more necessary than it was in the case of the French to try
to get the point of view of the aggressor. The men who governed England
were placed in power not only to guard but to promote English interests
against those of all other nations. Patriotism and natural ambition
inspired them to do this as fully as possible. The welfare of the nation
being in their charge, it was their duty to consider first of all entire
safety from invasion, as everybody believed then, and believes now, that
safety depended upon the supremacy of the nation upon the high seas. To
maintain that supremacy every Briton felt obliged to make every needed
sacrifice. Small wonder, then, that in maintaining that supremacy the
rulers of England should have felt obliged to hamper all possible rivals
for that supremacy. The state of public mind at the end of a century
wherein England had been at war four years for every three of peace
demanded that the British supremacy at sea be maintained at _any_ cost;
and the morality of the world has not even yet reached a condition where
an English patriot can feel sentiments differing greatly from those of
the end of the eighteenth century.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, civilized nations acknowledge
certain rules of national conduct called international law, but at the end
of the eighteenth nothing of the kind had any real weight in regulating
international affairs. Men quoted Vattel in their correspondence, but
the one recognized rule contained three words only, "Might makes right."
Practical, not altruistic, considerations controlled all negotiations,
_and no nation had, or could expect to maintain, any "right" which it was
unwilling to support by force_. It was the duty of neutral powers to build
ships of the line, or meekly suffer the consequences. The facts of history
support no statement more fully than this, that American shipping suffered
from spoliations, between 1783 and 1812, solely because they begged,
instead of fighting, for that freedom of the sea which they claimed as a
natural right.

As an introduction to the story of the British aggressions, here are
a few extracts from letters written by one Phineas Bond, a native-born
American who served England as consul at Philadelphia, beginning in 1787.
The letters were written either to the British Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, or to one of the under secretaries. (See _An. Rep. Am.
Hist. Asso._, 1894.)

On February 21, 1787, in referring to an act of Parliament relating to
the registry of English ships, Bond said that "if properly pointed it must
inevitably cramp the remnant of commerce now enjoyed by this country." He
is confident that the "alarm and perplexity" which the act occasioned in
America, prove that it will be beneficial to British shipping.

On May 17 Bond said that the American ships from China were bringing home
more goods than the country could use, and that the surplus was shipped
to Europe, where it would undersell the goods of the British East India
Company. By the use of bribes (he speaks plainly of bribing officials),
he obtained copies of the manifests of all American ships from China, and
forwarded them to England. Then on July 2 he wrote:--

"This country is so restricted by the regulations of trade of other
nations ... and so weak are the resources of the merchants _here_, that
if an early check or restraint can be thrown in their way, either by
thwarting their credit or by withholding the articles suitable to their
commerce, they would never rally; and then, my Lord, they would be
confined to their coasting trade and to illicit communication with the
Spaniards: These come in a secret manner into the ports of America and
bring specie to a large amount ... the amount of specie is enormous ... at
least 500,000 dollars were brought into this port last year." To take away
this trade with the Spaniards Bond advised the "establishing of a free
port in the Bahamas ... from which the Spaniards could draw the supplies
they want."

In a letter dated September 29 Bond took a look ahead: "The rumor of war
has inspired the Americans with new spirits: they anticipate the benefits
of a free trade, and already calculate upon the profits of being the
carriers to all the belligerent powers."

In a letter dated November 20 Bond tells "of two persons, natives of
England who with great resolution and no small personal risque purchased
here and reshipped to Liverpool three machines for spinning cotton and a
machine for carding cotton for spinning." The machines had been brought
from Liverpool "clandestinely ... packed in queensware crates." They were
bought by the "natives of England" and reshipped to Liverpool in order
to hinder the establishment of a cotton-spinning industry in the United
States.

Bond said he did not "apprehend" that any such factories would be
"speedily brought to a state of Rivalship with those of Gt. Britain,"
but it was "fit to guard against an evil which tho' at present in its
infancy," might grow in time.

In several letters Bond urged that restrictions be placed upon
passenger-carrying ships leaving England for the United States, "Under
color of a humane provision for the comfort of" emigrants, in order to
stop or at least "discourage" all emigrants, and especially mechanics,
likely to be of value in developing the industries of the United States.

Of especial interest is the warning which Bond sent when he learned that
the British government considered the propriety of admitting American
vessels of limited size, (seventy tons was offered later), into the trade
of the British West Indies. He said:--

"Any indulgence of this sort would certainly divert the trade out of its
present channel--the people of New England are an enterprising people,
the number of their ports and the locality of their situation favor
the increase of seamen. They navigate their vessels frugally and their
outfits are infinitely less expensive than the outfits of Brit. vessels.
When once admitted to trade with the W. India Islands, ship building
which has lain dormant, almost, and which was formerly a source of great
profit to this country, would instantly be revived--_America would soon
monopolize_ the advantages of carrying; limited as to size the numbers of
her vessels would be increased, and by increasing the numbers would supply
the means of conveying all the produce of America which is consumed in
our islands, and that, too, at a much cheaper rate than any other nation
could afford. But the enterprising spirit of the people of New England
would, as soon as they found the channels of profit open, be exerted to
the raising a maritime force which in case of future war might operate
very detrimentally to the interests of England."

That Bond was encouraged in this kind of work appears from the fact that
he was promoted later. There was no detail of American business too small
to escape the careful attention of the British government in its efforts
to throw what Bond called an "early check or restraint" upon all American
progress, and especially upon the prosperity of American shipping.

A comparison, briefly made, of the laws and regulations of England and
the United States follows:--

The British prohibited American vessels from entering the ports of their
West India Islands, Canada, and other American possessions, and their
East India spice market. We admitted British vessels into all our ports
on payment of a tonnage tax of fifty cents per ton (our ships paid six
cents per ton), and goods brought in British ships paid a revenue duty of
10 per cent more than goods in ours.

In the treaty made in 1794 the British offered to let our vessels of no
more than seventy tons enter their West Indies on condition that we would
admit British ships of any size on payment of the same tax and duty as
our own.

The British imposed double lighthouse taxes on American vessels bound to
any port in England except London. We imposed no extra lighthouse dues.

British merchants were prohibited from using American-built vessels in a
number of trades. We allowed our merchants to use British-built vessels
in any trade on payment of the extra dues mentioned above.

The British prohibited the importation of goods by American vessels from
every country except the United States. We permitted the British vessels
to bring us goods from all countries.

The British prohibited the importation of some of our agricultural
products during specified periods of time, and of some at all times.
We admitted the importation of all British agricultural products at all
times.

An American citizen was not allowed to import some goods into some ports
of the British domain, even in British ships. In other ports an extra tax
was laid on the American. We permitted the British citizen to import all
goods into all our ports, and we laid no extra tax upon him.

The British prohibited the consumption of certain American articles the
importation of which they permitted. We did not prohibit the consumption
of any British article.

The British prohibited the importation of American goods from all
countries except the United States. We permitted the importation of
British goods from all countries.

Consul Bond, in a letter (April 19, 1789), to Lord Carmarthen, berated Mr.
Madison because "he by no means adverts to that important consideration,
that so great indulgence has been granted by Gt. Britain to the United
States."

Omitting for want of space any account of many previous attacks upon
American shipping, it may be said that the first made in connection with
the war upon the French Republic was the order to British warships on
June 8, 1793, to "detain all vessels laden wholly or in part with corn,
flour or meal" bound to any French port. It was provided that each ship
so captured should be restored, but the cargo was to be confiscated for
the account of the British government, which was to pay for it the invoice
cost with 10 per cent added. This order was issued ostensibly to starve
the French republicans into submission to the old monarchy, but it was
well known that no such result could follow because France had never
depended upon the United States for any part of its bread worth mention.
Thus, in 1792, when we exported 546,913 bushels of wheat to Great Britain
and her possessions, France took only 54 bushels. The order, therefore,
had some other object in view, and the brief story of the ship _Neptune_,
Captain Jeffries, is instructive at this point. When the _Neptune_ was
captured under this order, she was restored as soon as convenient to
do so, and an order was issued for the payment of the invoice price
of her cargo with 10 per cent added. The addition of 10 per cent for
profit seemed at first glance to be an effort to act with some degree of
fairness, but as a matter of fact the owners were deliberately robbed; the
market price of wheat in England, at that time, was very much higher than
the invoice price with 10 per cent added, and Captain Jeffries pleaded
for permission, not to go on to the port for which he had been sailing
(where the price was still higher), but for permission to sell the grain
to merchants there in London, who were anxious to give the market price;
but the government insisted on taking it at the mere advance of 10 per
cent.

We may suppose that Captain Jeffries's failure to be satisfied with a
profit of 10 per cent was considered a plain illustration of American
avarice.

On November 6, 1793, British cruisers were ordered to capture all neutral
ships laden with the produce of the French West Indies. American ships
were carrying immense quantities of those goods, and all the larger
because they were excluded from the British West Indies. To make certain
of a clean sweep of these American ships, the order in council was kept
secret for several weeks in order to give the British cruisers time enough
to get on the ground and take everything unawares. (H. Adams, II, 322.)

On January 8, 1794, this order was changed so as to permit American
ships to carry the French colonial produce to American ports, but the
direct trade to Europe was still forbidden. In the meantime more than
200 American vessels had been captured and confiscated under the original
order.

While American ships were forbidden to carry French colonial goods from
the colonies direct to France, they were, as said, yet allowed to carry
the produce to the United States and then reëxport it to Europe, provided
it was entered in the American port, landed, and all duties, etc., paid
before the voyage was continued. In the case of the _Polly_, decided
April 29, 1800, Sir William Scott (Lord Stowell), confirmed this right
of American ships, and the American minister "succeeded in obtaining
from Pitt an express acceptance of this rule." One may note that this
concession was obtained immediately after our warships had been sent to
protect our merchantmen from the aggressions of the French; the guns of
the _Constellation_ had been heard in London, so to speak.

When, on April 29, 1803, England declared war upon Napoleon, however, a
new administration had been inaugurated in the United States, and all
Europe knew that no use would be made of such American war-ships as
remained in commission. Accordingly, as a first measure to hamper the
American ships in their effort to become carriers for the beleaguered
French, two British frigates were sent to Sandy Hook to detain and search
all ships for property belonging to the French. American waters were
occupied for the purpose of hampering American trade. In the course of
the blockade thus established, a British gunner, just for a joke, fired
a shot at a coaster, aiming so as to frighten the crew. The man at the
coaster's helm was killed.

This invasion of American waters was a fair notice of the British
determination to compel the United States to abide by all English laws and
orders in council made for the protection of British shipping. By refusing
to declare war, the American administration justified the aggressors.

Then the British government, still further to promote British trade and
shipping, adopted Phineas Bond's advice, and established free ports in
the West Indies, to which small unarmed traders from the colonies of the
enemy were invited to come and buy British goods. These free ports were
supplied by British ships under convoy.

In the meantime preparations were made to deprive the Americans of the
indirect trade from the French colonies by way of the United States to
Europe. On July 23, 1805, Sir William Scott, reversing his decision in
the case of the _Polly_, decided that a ship called the _Essex_ was a
good prize, although in a voyage from Bordeaux she had called at Salem,
discharged cargo, made repairs, and reloaded before heading away for a
West India port.

The all-influential British navy had joined in with the British ship-owner
to demand that the American ships should be excluded from all trade
between the colonies of the enemy and Europe. The ship-owners demanded it
because the American ship, in spite of the great expense of the indirect
voyage, was yet able to take the trade from the British, even though they
were supported by free ports and other aids. The demand made by or for
the British naval officers was unique. When voiced by one James Stephens
(_War in Disguise; or the Frauds of the Neutral Flags_), he pictured
a British admiral grown old and full of honors in the service, who, in
spite of his honors, had been unable "to wrest [from the enemy] the means
of comfortably sustaining those honors." As long as American ships were
allowed to engage in the indirect trade, the naval officer would have
to "look in vain for any subject of _safe_ and uncontested capture." If
American ships were excluded, they would still take chances, and they
would then be captured without danger and condemned without contest.

Mere mention need be made of the British practice of taking American
sailors from American ships and compelling them to serve in British
war-ships. Many American merchantmen were left short-handed upon the high
seas, and there is no doubt that some of them were, for this reason, lost
with all hands. The practice was maintained as one method of depressing
our navigation, but the subject seems to belong to our naval histories.

Brief space will serve for a consideration of the various orders in
council and paper blockades issued and laid in 1806 and 1807. In May,
1806, the British declared that the European coast "from the river Elbe
to the port of Brest inclusive ... must be considered as blockaded." No
blockading fleet was maintained. In reply to this Napoleon issued his
Berlin decree declaring the British islands "in a state of blockade,"
and that "all commerce and correspondence with the British Islands is
prohibited."

The French navy was unable to go to sea; Napoleon had only a few
privateers with which to enforce his decree, but the British used it as
an excuse for the order in council of January 7, 1807, by which no vessel
was "permitted to trade from one port to another both which ports shall"
be so far under the control of the enemy "_that British vessels may not
trade freely thereat_."

"If we may not no one else shall." The chief influence of this order upon
American vessels was to interdict their trade as coasters in Europe, and
to prevent their seeking a cargo in another port when they failed to find
one in the first port entered.

The order in council of November 11, 1807, was issued partly because, as
it stated, that the one of January 7 had failed to induce Napoleon to
withdraw his Berlin decree, and because no neutral power had declared
war upon him because of that failure. The chief reason for issuing it
however (and this was also plainly declared), was "for _supporting that
maritime power_ which the exertions and valor of his [the British king's]
people have, under the blessing of Providence enabled him to establish
and maintain." To this end all the ports from which "the British flag is
excluded" were declared in a state of blockade. "Maritime power" meant
"merchant marine."

The principal ports of the world to which American vessels had been
accustomed to trade, having thus been closed with a paper blockade, they
were all reopened again on condition that the trade to them be carried on
by way of England. On the 25th of the month it was further provided that
the ships thus trading by way of England were to land their cargoes in
the English port visited.

This placed the ships of the United States in the condition endured by
American vessels in colonial days when goods purchased in Europe had
to be carried to an English port and "laid on shore" before they were
taken to America. Some writers have supposed that this was done as a step
toward returning the United States once more to the position of colonies.
The fact is that the rulers of England had found that they could not
exclude American ships altogether from the sea, and they had determined,
therefore, to make them serve British interests as far as possible--first
by carrying _British goods_ to the ports from which British ships were
excluded, and second, by making them pay a tribute by landing their
cargoes in English ports. Practically the United States was thus made a
vassal of England.

In reply to this order Napoleon decreed that any ship that should in any
way submit to or take advantage of it should be good prize.

The dates of the several orders in council and decrees are of some
interest because these show that the British began the series by the paper
blockade from the Elbe to Brest. But the chief interest is in the fact
that the orders were all issued for the benefit of British _trade_. The
talk found in various histories about "retaliation" and England's "death
struggle with tyranny" was all sham. Said Spencer Percival, in a frank
speech in Parliament, (March 3, 1812):--

"The object of the orders in council was not to destroy the trade of the
continent but to force the continent to trade with us."

"I am of the opinion," said Lord Hawkesbury, "that _some decisive measure_
in support of our own commerce ... is become indispensable, not merely as
a measure of commercial policy, _but in order to put the contest in which
we are engaged upon its true grounds_." (Quoted by H. Adams, IV, 90.)

But while England strove by every means to preserve her trade and shipping
at the expense of her American rival, and Napoleon, with motives no higher
than those of a highwayman, confiscated American ships and cargoes to the
value of $10,000,000, the American merchant marine prospered.

On December 31, 1789, ships of an aggregate capacity of 123,893 tons were
registered under the American flag for foreign trade. In 1792 the tonnage
registered was 411,438. In 1793, the first year of extensive spoliations,
the tonnage was reduced to 367,734, but thereafter, in spite of the fact
that Americans were obliged to fight their way through swarming enemies,
our shipping grew until in 1800 we made boast of the possession of 667,107
tons in the foreign trade. Further than that, British shipping aggregating
115,000 tons entered and cleared out of American ports in 1790, but
in 1800, only 40,000 tons. From 1790 to 1792 the American tonnage that
entered and cleared averaged 54,000 tons a year; in 1800 the tonnage that
entered and cleared was 236,000.

Even when the stupidity of the administration added the embargo to all
other ills afflicting our shipping, its vigor was not destroyed. The
registered tonnage fell from 840,163 in 1807 to 765,252 in 1808 under
the embargo, but after the embargo was removed (March 1, 1809), the
figures grew within the year to 906,855, and in 1810 we had 981,019 tons
registered for foreign trade. Moreover, 127,000 tons of new ships were
built during that year, and in that year, too, our ships carried 91.5 per
cent of all American imports and exports.

The reasons for this prosperity are readily found. American enterprise
was, in those days, irrepressible. When Salem merchants heard that dried
sea slugs (_bêche de mer_) were highly prized as food in China, and that
the waters of the Fiji Islands swarmed with the worms, they despatched
the bark _Active_ (July 26, 1811), under Captain William P. Richardson,
to collect and dry enough of the slugs to freight the ship for the Canton
market. A more remarkable illustration of the enterprise of the day is
found, perhaps, in the fact that when a colony of New Englanders settled
at Marietta, Ohio (Captain Abraham Whipple was of the number), they began
to build ships there for the deep-water trade. The brig _St. Clair_, of
110 tons, was launched in 1800. In 1801 a ship of 230 tons and a brig of
126 were built. Three ships of 300 or more tons were completed in 1806
besides a number of smaller ones. A similar record was made the next year.
The largest ship built there was the _Francis_, of 350 tons, built by
Whitney for B. J. Gilman. She was of the largest size of her day. In all,
seven ships, eleven brigs, six schooners, and two gunboats (for the navy),
were built at Marietta before the War of 1812. Imagine a full-rigged ship,
with all sails set, plunging down over the Falls of the Ohio!

To enterprise was added unequalled opportunity. The wars of Europe drove
the ships of European nations from the sea, save only as voyages were made
under convoy. The Americans took the risks because the pay was adequate.
Captain George Coggeshall, in _American Privateers_ (p. 200), says he
received $45 per ton freight from Bordeaux to Boston. In the voyage of
Captain Elias Hasket Derby, described in the last chapter, his cargo
carried to Gibraltar cost him $43,275. The net profit made upon it was
more than $100,000.

How the perils of trade affected the quality of American ships, especially
their speed, must have mention. Hundreds of our vessels were captured by
the enemy, but many more were chased in vain. It was at this time that the
Baltimore clippers gained world-wide fame. The narrow and shoal waters of
the Chesapeake had compelled Baltimore designers to make shallow models
that could beat to windward swiftly in all winds. The peculiarity of these
vessels was the great breadth of beam and a consequent ability to carry
large areas of sail. No models equalled those of Baltimore, and when speed
was the price of safety at sea, the Baltimore model was copied everywhere
in America.

    [Illustration: A Virginia Pilot-boat, with a Distant View of Cape
     Henry, at the Entrance of the Chesapeake]

When our tonnage in the foreign trade almost reached the million mark in
1810, the most efficient ships in the world were those under the American
flag. And the character of our merchant seamen is shown by the fact that
when the British confiscated one of our ships, they were obliged to cut
down her spars before they could handle her. And yet some of our nautical
writers would have us believe that American ships increased in number
in those days because, they say, a discriminating duty laid on imports
brought to the country in foreign ships afforded "protection" to ships
under the American flag!




CHAPTER IX

THE BEGINNINGS OF STEAM NAVIGATION


It will help us to appreciate the work of the men who first experimented
with steam-driven ships if we recall the fact that James Watt, working at
Soho, near Birmingham, England, invented the engine which used steam on
both sides of the piston in 1782, and that it was for many years after
that date an enormously heavy and cumbersome machine. From this fact we
see the state of the mechanic arts in England at the end of the eighteenth
century, when practical experiments in steam navigation were first begun.
That the state of those arts was still lower in the United States would be
naturally inferred from the story of Bond's efforts to restrain progress
by reëxporting the machinery that had been imported at Philadelphia. As
a matter of fact, when one American inventor began to make experiments
in steam navigation, he was obliged first of all to train men in the work
of building engines; he was unable to find, anywhere in the country, men
with the necessary skill.

One of the most curious of the early experiments was that made by James
Rumsey, who was a bath tender at a pleasure resort in Virginia. He first
planned to mount an old-style, single-acting engine in a boat, connect
it with a pump, draw in water through a pipe at the bow, and then force
it out astern. When this plan was explained to Washington, he wrote a
testimonial, saying, "the discovery is of great importance." A boat built
on this plan was eventually driven at a speed of four miles an hour.
Rumsey also experimented with a screw propeller, but he was poor, and
could not carry the experiment to a conclusion. Finally he went to England
to get capital (a fact to be remembered), and there he died before he
could accomplish anything of real moment.

Another interesting experimenter was John Fitch, of Pennsylvania, a
man who was handy in the use of tools, and who was also a surveyor and
map-maker. On December 2, 1785, he presented to the American Philosophical
Society of Philadelphia a model, with drawings, of a steamboat. The New
Jersey legislature then gave him the exclusive right to navigate the
waters of the State with steamboats, and a company was organized to
develop the invention. The first engine built had a 3-inch cylinder.
It was mounted in a skiff and was connected at one time with a screw
propeller, at another with an endless chain dragging alongside, and
with a "screw and paddles," but neither device would drive the boat at a
practical speed. Then Fitch conceived the idea of driving with paddles
somewhat after the fashion of canoe men. This plan worked so well that
a boat forty feet long was built and furnished with an engine having a
12-inch cylinder. In spite of the fact that the cylinder of this engine
had wooden ends that leaked, and a piston that did not fit the bore, the
boat was driven at a speed of four knots an hour.

In 1788 Fitch built a boat sixty feet long with a larger engine, and
in October she carried thirty passengers to Burlington, New Jersey, a
distance of twenty miles, in three hours and ten minutes. The speed of
this boat being unsatisfactory, still another was built, and in May, 1790,
she covered a measured mile in seven and a half minutes, or at the rate
of eight miles an hour. She was then put on the river as a packet plying
between Philadelphia and Trenton, and made more than thirty trips of which
records remain. She was operated by paddles at the stern.

Though Fitch's plan was not the best conceivable, it is now admitted
that his boat was a mechanical success. He built a workable boat, but,
unhappily, he was far ahead of his day in his hopes and work. The people
were not yet ready for steam navigation, and the company failed to
pay dividends. Meantime another boat that he had built to run on the
Mississippi was wrecked, and that loss ended the enterprise. Fitch finally
went to the banks of the Ohio, where he continued his efforts without
success.

"The day will come," he wrote, "when some more powerful man will get fame
and fortune from _my_ invention, but nobody will believe that poor John
Fitch can do anything worthy of attention." Then he killed himself.

In 1786, Oliver Evans, a Philadelphia millwright, asked the legislature
of the State to give him the exclusive right to build steam gristmills
and road-wagons,--automobiles, in other words,--but his plans were not
treated seriously. In 1801, however, he built a steam plaster mill, and in
1804 he demonstrated, in a way that yet astonishes the reader, the entire
feasibility of steam navigation.

Having obtained a contract for dredging some of the slips along the
Philadelphia water front, he built a scow, 30 × 12 feet large, to carry
the dredge. The scow was put together at his shop, which was located a
mile from the Schuylkill. When done, he mounted a steam engine, (5 × 19
inches large), on its deck, placed temporary wooden axles with temporary
wooden wheels underneath, connected the axles and engine shaft, and then
steamed away to the river. There he removed the wheels and put a paddle
wheel at the stern for use afloat. Then he launched his scow, steamed
down the Schuylkill and up to the slips he was to dredge. The engine was
thereafter used in the work of dredging. Although that was in 1804, the
people were not yet ready for steam navigation. The only practical result
of the work of Evans was the adoption of the high-pressure engine, so
called. His engine had no condenser. It exhausted its steam into the open
air, and this style of engine was found to be best adapted for use on the
steamboats of the Western rivers, later on.

In the meantime Robert Fulton, who was to succeed, had been at work.
Fulton was a Pennsylvania artist who had shown so much talent that he
went to England to study under Benjamin West. In the meantime, however, he
had been greatly interested in mechanics, and had dreamed of steamboats.
In London his thoughts turned more and more to mechanics, and in 1793 he
abandoned art to take up his life-work.

In the popular view the most interesting chapter in Fulton's life is
that relating the story of the first voyage of his first steamship; but
for the encouragement of struggling inventors the most important facts
in his life are those showing how he went about his task. For Fulton
made a thorough study of his subject; while experimenting for himself
he took care to learn as much as possible about what others had already
done in the same line. In modern days, when every important invention is
known to be a development from crude ideas and appliances into a perfect
design, it seems not a little curious to read that in Fulton's time his
method of work--his determination to learn his subject thoroughly before
building--was considered not quite creditable. Invention, it was thought,
consisted in working out an inspiration in the dark!

Fulton's first effort to build a steamship was made in 1794, when he
went to Paris and tried to induce the National Convention to take up the
invention, and thus "deliver France and the whole world from British
oppression." Of course the chaotic conditions in Paris prevented the
realization of his hopes.

Returning to England, Fulton published a pamphlet on steam navigation
(1796), but failed to interest the people. Then he became interested
in marine torpedoes and submarine navigation. With these ideas he went
again to Paris (1802), where he made experiments in working a boat under
water, but failed to convince Napoleon, who was then the despotic ruler
of France. While thus engaged, however, he met Robert R. Livingston,
the American minister to France. In connection with John Stevens and
Nicholas J. Roosevelt, of New Jersey, Livingston had already made
experiments looking toward steam navigation on the Hudson, and in aid of
his enterprise had secured from the legislature of New York the exclusive
privilege of navigating New York waters with steamboats. This privilege
had expired by limitation, and the experiments had come to an end, so far
as he was concerned, but on meeting the enthusiastic Fulton he at once
became interested again, and furnished money for further experiments.
Thereupon Fulton built a steamboat that, when launched upon the Seine,
in 1803, instantly broke in two and sank. The frames were not strong
enough. Fishing up the engine, Fulton built a stronger hull, and this
time the engine worked, though the speed was so slow that only Fulton and
Livingston believed the experiment to be a success.

With the optimism that breeds success, Fulton, backed by Livingston, now
made drawings of an engine to be used in a boat which he purposed building
upon the Hudson, and these plans he carried to England, where he ordered
his engine of Watt, who was building the most efficient engines in use.

In the meantime, William Symington, a Scotch engine builder, had been
experimenting with steamboats. In 1789 he had installed an engine upon
a double-hulled yacht, with which one Patrick Millar navigated Lake
Dalwinston, in Scotland. Although Millar spent $150,000 in experiments
with steam, nothing came of them. In 1801 Symington induced Lord Dundas,
president of the Forth & Clyde Canal Company, to build a steam-tug for
towing barges.

This tug, named the _Charlotte Dundas_, had an engine with a 22-inch
cylinder (stroke four feet), and the piston was connected directly
with the shaft of a stern paddle-wheel by means of a piston rod and a
connecting rod--a plan of such simplicity that it came into universal use
later on. The rudder of the boat was handled by means of a wheel placed
near the bow, and this plan, too, received universal approval. In March,
1802, this tug towed two 70-ton barges nineteen miles and a half, against
a strong wind, in six hours. As a demonstration of the feasibility of
steam navigation on smooth water, that passage should have been entirely
convincing, but the fear that the wash from the wheel, or wheels (for
Symington thought to try side-wheels), would injure the banks of the
canal, prevented the adoption of the tug.

Fulton had learned about the experiments with this tug, and while in
England contracting for the engine mentioned, he went to Scotland and
visited Symington, who fired up the boat and showed Fulton how it worked.

In December, 1806, Fulton came to New York, where he contracted with
Charles Brown, who had a shipyard on East River, between Stanton and
Third streets, for the hull of a new boat. The model of this hull is
memorable. In planning ships in those days it was customary to make them
approximately three and a half times as long as they were broad, and at
least half as deep as they were broad. But Fulton's plans called for a
keelless hull 140 feet long over all, by 13 feet wide, and only 7 feet
deep. One feels a certain sympathy, even now, for the sailors of that day
who, on learning the facts about this ship, named it _Fulton's Folly_.

The boiler for supplying the engine with steam was 20 feet long, 8 wide,
and 7 feet deep. It was set in masonry. The fuel used was dry pine. The
engine had a cylinder 24 inches in diameter with a 4-foot stroke. It was
not a typical Watt engine, however, for Watt's piston rods were kept in
line by a combination of levers and rods known as a "parallel motion,"
while Fulton had called for a cross-head on the end of the piston rod,
and the cross-head worked in guides in an A-frame. From each end of
the cross-head hung a connecting rod. These connecting rods were joined
to a "bell-crank," which was not unlike a "walking beam" in the modern
river-boat, but it was located down in the hull. Connecting rods led from
the bell-crank to cog-wheels on the inner ends of the two main shafts.
The cog-wheels served as cranks which turned with the vibrations of the
bell-crank. The paddle-wheels were on the outboard ends of the main
shafts, of course. Then cog-wheels on the inner ends of these shafts
geared into pinions on a smaller shaft which carried two fly-wheels,
placed outside the hull, which were provided to carry the engine over
the "dead centre" at each end of the stroke. The paddle-wheels were 14
feet in diameter. The main shafts were each of cast iron, and 4½ inches
in diameter. The A-frame and guides, the cross-head, the bell-crank and
connecting rods to the cross-head, and crank cog-wheels, the crank-wheels,
paddle-wheels, and shafts, and the fly-wheels and their driving gear were
all of Fulton's design.

According to Fulton's diary, he paid Watt £548 for the engine. The boiler,
built by Cave & Son, of London, cost "at 2_s_ 2_d_ the pound, £476 11_s_
2_d_." This was the first engine of the kind that Watt was allowed to
build for export, and Fulton writes on March 22, 1805:--

"Fee at the treasury on receiving permission to ship the engine to
America, £2 14_s_ 6_d_."

Fulton had no little trouble in raising the money for his boat. Livingston
contributed the larger share, while Joel Barlow and David Dunham gave the
next larger shares. The remainder of the sum was collected among personal
friends by personal solicitation, and that was work that tried the soul
of the man. The fact that the engine lay on the pier where it was landed
for a period of six months because Fulton could not raise the money to
pay the freight is significant.

    [Illustration: Engines of the _CLERMONT_

     By courtesy of _American Industries_]

The new ship was named _Clermont_, the name of Livingston's home on the
Hudson. At noon on Monday, August 17, 1807, she was lying near the old
State prison which stood on land now bounded by Washington, West Tenth,
West and Charles streets, and thousands of people gathered to gaze at
the remarkable vessel because it had been announced that she was to make
a trial trip some time during the day. They observed that Brown, the
builder, was working at some sails stretched to a mast standing at each
end of the hull, although the sails were not set. A man named Maxwell (he
had been brought from the shop of the London makers) was tinkering around
the boiler--stopping leaks with melted lead, very likely, as he did, at
any rate, later. Another man, Van Lea, was adjusting what is called a
harpoon gun in the records. Harpoon guns, as the American whalers know
them, were not yet invented, but swivels had previously been used for
throwing harpoons, and this was, perhaps, such a gun. What it was to be
used for is not recorded. The spectators were naturally cynical, and the
humorists of the class that in modern days write the jokes for newspapers,
shouted to Fulton: "God help you, Bobby!" "Bring us back a chip of the
north pole!" "A fool and his money are soon parted!" The small boys
whistled, and also yowled like cats. Fulton's correspondence shows that
his sensitive soul was cut to the quick.

At 1 o'clock, as the start was described by the _Evening Post_, everything
seemed ready, and Fulton told Captain Moses Rogers[6] to cast off the
lines. The order was given to the engineer, Stevens Rogers, a relative
of the captain, to start the machinery. A long blast was blown on a big
tin horn as a warning to near-by boats, and then there was a "strange
creaking, whirring, churning sound, a hiss of the escaping steam; the
awkward-looking wheels, towering full seven feet above the deck on either
side, began to turn, and we were really started on the first steamboat
voyage on the Hudson." The next moment, however, the spectators saw the
machine come to a sudden stop, and, supposing it had failed, they gave a
derisive shout. The captain of a passing river-sailing packet sheered his
boat close in to the pier line, and "made a sarcastic offer" to "throw us
a line and tow us to Albany."

Perhaps the jeering at this time did not hurt Fulton so much as that
previously mentioned, for he had ordered the engine stopped in order to
readjust the boards or floats on the paddle-wheels. He had noted that they
dipped too far into the water. An hour or more passed while the crew did
this work. When it was done and the throttle was again opened, there was
less strain on the machinery, and the _Clermont_ moved smoothly away from
the landing.

"The jeers of the ignorant, who had neither sense nor feeling enough
to suppress their contemptuous ridicule and rude jokes, were silenced
for a moment by a vulgar astonishment which deprived them of the power
of utterance till the triumph of genius extorted from the incredulous
multitude which crowded the shores shouts and acclamations of
congratulation and applause." (Colden's _Life of Robert Fulton_.)

Heading across to the west side of the river to escape the main current
of the tide, the _Clermont_ passed the sloop whose captain had jeered her
(the passengers on the _Clermont_ yelled ecstatically at him when they
saw his look of wonder), and then steamed along under the shadows of the
Palisades. Night came on as she entered the Tappan Zee, and because it was
a dark night the crews of a number of river-sloops saw a vision that they
remembered vividly the remainder of their lives. For while they gazed down
the river, knowing nothing of an experiment in steam navigation, they saw
far away through the darkness the flame and sparks that poured from the
smokestack of the _Clermont_--a cloud of fire moving along between heaven
and earth like that which had guided the Children of Israel in the desert.
Then, as it drew near, a hoarse growling was heard and a frightful form
was seen coming up the river directly against the tide. In abject terror
many crews jumped into small boats and fled ashore. Others sought shelter
in the holds of their boats and drew the hatches tight, while others still
fell upon their knees "and besought Providence to protect them from the
horrible monster."

In the meantime the guests on the _Clermont_ (she carried invited guests
only on this trip), finding the river air somewhat chilly, gathered in the
cabin, where, by the flickering light of a "candle in its high protecting
glass," they discussed "the popular Salmagundi papers," speculated "on Mr.
Irving's forthcoming Knickerbocker's _History of New York_," and finally
"began to ply Mr. Fulton with questions about the steamboat and what
had led up to it." They also sang "Ye Banks and Braes o' Bonny Doon," a
favorite song with Fulton.

Twice on the way up the river the _Clermont_ stopped for fuel, one of the
deck hands awakening the echoes with the big tin horn on each occasion
to let the wood-yard men know that she was about to land. Then, just
twenty-four hours after leaving New York, she cast anchor before the home
of Livingston. The distance she had covered was 110 miles. She remained
here until the next day, and it is noted in the histories that during the
evening Livingston and a party of friends boarded the _Clermont_, where,
in a congratulatory speech, he announced the engagement of his niece, Miss
Harriet Livingston, to Robert Fulton.

Leaving the next morning at 9 o'clock, the _Clermont_ reached Albany at
five in the afternoon. In her run to that city the _Clermont_ had averaged
just under five miles an hour, regardless of wind and tide.

While neither freight nor paying passengers had been carried on the trip
up, the boat was now advertised as a packet. Thereupon a number of men
came on board for a passage to New York, and when one of these tendered
the money for the trip, tears came into Fulton's eyes. For more than
twenty years he had hoped against hope, and now he saw the fruition of
his work.

"Although the prospect of personal emolument has been some inducement to
me," he wrote to an intimate friend, "yet I feel infinitely more pleasure
in reflecting on the immense advantages my country will derive from the
invention."

On her return to New York the _Clermont_ began her career as an Albany
packet, with regular dates for leaving each end of the route. She was
advertised in the _Evening Post_, of New York, on September 2, 1807, as
follows:--

"The North River steamboat will leave Paulus Hook Ferry on Friday the
fourth of September, at six in the morning, and arrive at Albany on
Saturday at six in the afternoon.

"Provisions, good berths, and accommodations are provided.

"The charge to each passenger is as follows:--

                                  Time
    To Newburgh            $3       14 hours
    To Poughkeepsie         4       17   "
    To Esopus               4½      20   "
    To Hudson               5       30   "
    To Albany               7       36   "

"For places, apply to Wm. Vandervoort, No. 48 Cortlandt Street, on the
corner of Greenwich Street.

"Way passengers to Tarry Town, etc., will apply to the captain on board.

"The steamboat will leave Albany on Monday the seventh of September at six
in the morning, and arrive at New York on Tuesday at six in the evening."

Meals were served without extra charge, and baggage weighing sixty pounds
was carried free with each adult passenger. The freight rate to Albany
was three cents a pound. The _Clermont_ left New York on her first trip as
packet at 6 o'clock in the morning on September 4, 1807, carrying twelve
through and three way passengers. It was noted in the papers of the period
that people were very much incensed because the steamer left her pier
promptly at the hour advertised. They had been accustomed to having the
river-sloops wait for them.

Morrison points out, in his _American Steam Navigation_, that no single
detail of the _Clermont_ was invented by Fulton. As the _North American
Review_ of July, 1838, says, the "great and surpassing merit of Fulton
consisted not so much in absolute originality as in the skill with which
he availed himself of all the theoretic knowledge of the day, and applied
it to practical purposes." His choice of location for the inauguration
of steam navigation is to be noted, for New York and the Hudson afforded
an amount of traffic perhaps more valuable than could have been found
elsewhere for such a vessel. Moreover, he was fortunate in making
the trial at a time when the public were sufficiently enlightened to
appreciate the value of steam.

The number of passengers and the amount of freight carried by the
_Clermont_ in the fall of 1807 led Fulton to rebuild her during the
winter, in order to give her greater capacity. Having a monopoly of
the waters by act of the legislature (the monopoly was contrary to the
Constitution of the United States, but the courts did not decide the
matter until 1824), Fulton had no trouble in raising capital, and with
the growth of traffic a new steamer, the _Car of Neptune_, was placed on
the river in 1808. The _Paragon_ was built in 1811, and in 1812 the _Fire
Fly_ was built for way traffic. On the whole, however, the evolution of
steam navigation on the Hudson was slow, at least so far as improvement
in the vessels employed was concerned, until the monopoly was broken.
For Fulton died in 1815, and his associates were not progressive. In 1825
an opposition line put on two steamers that were much superior to those
of the old line, and in 1827 they added a third. In this year Robert L.
Stevens, a son of John Stevens, put a third line of steamers on the river,
and in 1828 some Albany capitalists sought a share of the traffic with
a steamer called the _De Witt Clinton_ that made a record of more than
fourteen miles an hour between Albany and New York.

In 1832 the companies on the river consolidated, and used the superfluous
boats in a night line that was successful from the first.

Two notable improvements were made in the engines in the meantime. Robert
L. Stevens designed a light wrought-iron "walking beam" to replace the
heavy cast-iron beam that was previously used. Then in 1824 James P.
Allaire, who had made a reputation as an engine builder, brought out
a "compound" engine. A compound engine has two or more cylinders of
different diameters coupled to the one shaft. In the Watt engines the
steam was conducted from the boiler to one end of the cylinder and allowed
to flow in until the piston was driven almost to the opposite end. Then it
was shut off and the way to the condenser was opened. Later it was found
that if the flow of steam was cut off at half the length of stroke and
the steam already in the cylinder was allowed to work by expansion, the
total power of the engine was reduced only a little, while the saving of
coal was very great. While thinking of this fact, it occurred to Allaire
that the principle involved might be used to better advantage if the steam
was taken at full pressure into a small cylinder and exhausted thence
into a second and larger one to work by its expansive power. The _Henry
Eckford_, the _Sun_, and a number of others were supplied with engines on
this principle. The _Eckford_ had a small cylinder 12 inches in diameter
and a large one of 24. Both had the same stroke, of course. But, curiously
enough, it was not until about 1870 that compound engines became the
fashion.

The racing era, as one may call it, began on the Hudson about 1835, the
year that Daniel Drew became interested in the Hudson River steamers.
Racing had been done before the consolidation of 1832, but it was mild
in comparison with that under Drew's initiation. An unreasoning mania for
speed took possession of the public as well as of the owners of steamers.
Though no practical end was to be served by the saving of an hour in
the time required in the trip from New York to Albany, every sacrifice
was made and every risk was taken to secure it. Instead of going to a
pier or dock to land way-passengers at the towns along the river, the
unfortunates were dumped into a small skiff that was towed at the end of
a long rope. Then, as the steamer ran in close, but not too close, to the
landing, the man in charge of the skiff, using a steering oar, sheered it
within a few feet of the landing, and the passengers were told to jump.
And jump they did. Of course a few fell into the water at every trip;
perhaps some were drowned thereby. But the steamer's reputation for making
quick passages was maintained, and for a long time the public protested
in vain. When legislation was invoked (1842) the act was opposed as an
unwarranted attempt to interfere with private business which could much
better regulate itself!

It is an interesting fact that while the racing on the Mississippi
resulted in the explosion of many boilers and the consequent loss of
hundreds of lives, no such disasters occurred on the Hudson. The Hudson
immunity was due to a difference in machinery. On the Mississippi
"high-pressure" engines were used--there was no condenser, and the steam,
which was sometimes carried at a pressure of 150 pounds to the square
inch, was exhausted, after use, into the open air. When the safety-valve
on such a boiler was tied down and the fire was urged until an explosion
followed, the whole boat was ripped to pieces. On the Hudson condensers
were used because the water was deeper and the extra weight was not
of quite so much importance. Moreover, fuel was more expensive, and
the low-pressure engine was more economical. Hudson River boats often
reached the end of the run with boiler-plates bulging and ruined, but the
heartrending disasters of the Mississippi were unknown in the East.

From the Hudson the use of steam spread first to the Delaware. John
Stevens, who had been associated with Livingston and Roosevelt at the
end of the eighteenth century, continued his experiments after Livingston
went to France as American minister. He could not find any mechanics fit
to help him carry out his ideas, but he built a machine shop and trained
young men for the work. In 1804 he made a number of trips on the Hudson
with a 25-foot boat that was propelled by screws. He also invented the
tubular boiler "which at least has been the means of working wonders, for
in a boiler six feet long, four feet wide and two feet deep he exposed
four hundred feet of surface, in the most advantageous manner, to the
action of fire." (Macfarlane, _History of Propellers_.)

In 1807, while Fulton was bringing out the _Clermont_, Stevens had a
smaller, but none the less practical, boat, almost ready. He missed the
honor of leading by no more than two weeks. Being unable to use her on
the Hudson, Stevens, in June, 1808, sent her to the Delaware, under the
command of Captain Moses Rogers, who had commanded the _Clermont_ on
her first voyages, and his son, Robert L., served as engineer. Thus this
vessel--she was named the _Phœnix_--was the first steamer that ever went
to sea. On the Delaware the _Phœnix_ proved a commercial success.

The next step in the expansion of steam navigation was taken when Nicholas
J. Roosevelt built the steamer _New Orleans_ at Pittsburg (1811), and
demonstrated to the incredulous frontiersmen of the region--especially to
the "half horse, half alligator" keel boatmen--that a steam-driven boat
could overcome the current of the swiftest part of the Mississippi.

In 1813 Fulton and his associates reached out for alongshore trade by
building the _Fulton_ for use between New York and New Haven, but because
of the activity of the British war-ships on the blockade, she did not make
her first trip until March 21, 1815, when she carried thirty passengers
to New Haven in eleven hours.

The _Massachusetts_ was the first steamer in use at Boston. She began
plying to Salem in 1817. In the same year the _Fire Fly_ was sent from New
York to Rhode Island, where she was used between Providence and Newport.
Rounding Point Judith in this vessel was considered a feat showing
extraordinary courage, and this, too, among sailors who thought nothing
of a voyage around the world in a ship less than a hundred feet long.

In 1818 the _Walk-in-the-water_ was built at Black Rock, (now a part of
Buffalo), on the Niagara River, for use on the Great Lakes. When ready
for her trial trip, she was unable to stem the river current until eight
yoke of oxen were brought to her assistance, but once on the lake she did
well. She made her first trip to Detroit, starting on August 20, 1818, and
covered the distance in about forty hours, using a cord of wood an hour.

By the annual report of the Commissioner of Navigation it appears that
four steamboats, aggregation 457 tons, were built in the United States
in 1812, the first year for which there is a record. In 1813 seven of
an aggregate tonnage of 1430 were built, and in 1819 the number was
twenty-eight, with a tonnage of 7291. More than a hundred had been built
in all. This expansion was almost but not quite all made upon inland or
sheltered waters. Fulton had looked toward the high seas. He had built a
steamship, which he named the _Emperor Alexander_, to sell to the Russian
government, but the War of 1812 prevented his trying to navigate her
across the ocean, and she was eventually worn out at home. During the war
he built the huge war steamer _Demologos_, a vessel fit to go along the
coast, and crude as she was, she would have changed the manner of war at
sea had she been set afloat a year sooner.

The year 1819 is especially memorable because a transatlantic steam
passage was then made. It appears that Captain Moses Rogers was the
originator of the venture. In 1818 Francis Fickett built a common sailing
ship at New York that was 100 feet long by 28 broad and 14 deep. Rogers
had had the honor of first navigating the sea with a steamer, and he had
been selected in 1816, because of his reputation for courage and skill, to
take the steamer _New Jersey_ from New York to the Chesapeake, a voyage
thought to be full of danger for such a vessel. He was now inspired with
the ambition to be the first to drive a steamship across the Atlantic,
and after a look at the ship that Fickett was building, he persuaded
Scarborough & Isaacs, ship merchants of Savannah, to buy and fit her with
a steam engine for use between Savannah and Liverpool.

The engine for this ship was built by Stephen Vail, of Speedwell, New
Jersey, and the boiler by David Dod, of Elizabethtown, New Jersey. It is
worth while to interrupt the narrative to consider these two facts. At the
beginning of the century mechanics had been so scarce in the nation that
Stevens had to train men for his work. But in 1819 mechanics and shops
fitted for engine building were found not only in the larger cities but
in some of the smaller towns close to navigable waters. That these shops
had been brought into existence through the mechanical progress--perhaps
it may be called the mechanical awakening--that was due to the success of
steam navigation is beyond question. Many machine shops had been built,
and were profitably employed. They not only built engines, but other tools
for many kinds of work. The day when a British consul like Bond could
hamper the progress of American manufactures by reëxporting tools made in
England was passing.

The paddle-wheels fitted to the new ship for use on the Atlantic were
made of iron. They had eight radial arms, each so arranged (according to
Preble) that they could be folded up like a fan and laid inboard when the
ship was under sail; for her sailing rig was retained.

Leaving New York on March 28, 1819, under Captain Rogers, this ship (she
was named _Savannah_) ran to her home port in eight days and fifteen
hours, during which she used steam for forty-one and a half hours. On
May 24 she sailed for Liverpool, and made the passage in twenty-seven
days, during which she used steam for eighty hours. While off the coast
of Ireland the crew of a revenue cutter that saw her supposed she was on
fire, and made haste to go to her assistance. In a trip from Liverpool
to St. Petersburg, Russia, occupying, with stops at ports on the way,
thirty-three days, she was under steam ten days. She finally arrived back
at Savannah on November 30, and then went to New York, where her machinery
was removed and sold.

The Savannah was what would now be called an auxiliary steamer; steam was
used when the wind did not serve. She failed to inaugurate steam traffic
across the Atlantic chiefly because of the space occupied by fuel--wood.

Although Captain R. B. Forbes, one of the ablest seamen the nation ever
produced, built an auxiliary steamer (the _Massachusetts_) in 1845, that
made profitable voyages, and there were features of the system that make
it seem very attractive for certain trades, few vessels of the class have
ever been used.

The year 1819 is also memorable because of an effort to establish a
line of steamers running from New York to New Orleans, with stops at
Charleston, South Carolina, and Havana, Cuba, on the way. The line was
maintained for five years, and then withdrawn because it could not be made
to pay.

In 1819, too, a ship was put on the route between Mobile and New Orleans,
but this was also a failure.

In 1822 the steamer _New York_ began to ply between New York and Norfolk,
but she was unable to compete with the sailing packets. The steamer
_Patent_, that began making regular voyages between Boston and Maine ports
in 1823, also failed to pay dividends.

Not to add details of this kind, it may be said that while fortunes were
made in steamboats plying on inland waters of the United States, almost
every venture made with American steamers upon the ocean during the
thirty years following the _Clermont's_ first trip on the Hudson proved
unprofitable. In connection with this dismal record the story of the
steamer _Home_, built for the trade between New York and Charleston, South
Carolina, is instructive. Keeping in mind the fact that this steamer was
designed to round Cape Hatteras, where the worst storms on the coast were
known to rage, consider these facts: the _Home_ was 212 feet long by 22
wide and 12 deep. She was nearly 18 times as long as she was deep, and she
was built of wood, at that. The engine, which was placed near the centre,
as usual, had a cylinder 56 inches in diameter, with a stroke of 9 feet,
and that is to say it was enormously heavy for a hull of such proportions.
A set of iron braces was provided on each side to strengthen the hull, but
on the first trip they "broke loose from their sockets on deck at their
forward ends, by the elastic movement of the vessel in a heavy sea," as
W. C. Redfield, a New York engineer, said in describing the vessel.

Two voyages were made with no greater visible injury than the breaking,
on each voyage, of the worthless braces. On November 9, 1837, as the
_Home_ was bound on her third voyage, she was overtaken by a northeast
gale, and shortly after passing the Hatteras shoals, it was found that the
"elastic movement" of the hull, which, according to Engineer Redfield,
was "necessarily and properly manifested," had opened an uncontrollable
leak. The _Home_ was then driven on the beach, where she at once went to
pieces. About a hundred lives were lost.

It is important to note here that Engineer Redfield, in writing his
defence of the _Home_ (1842), was entirely sincere. Further than that,
the owners of the vessel were so confident that she was of a proper model
in all respects that the only insurance they carried upon her was for a
small sum to secure a creditor.

From this story, and others of the kind to be found in the records,
it appears that, while American designers were then building sailing
ships and inland-water steamers that were highly profitable, they were
astonishingly ignorant of the requirements of a steamship for deep-sea
navigation.

In a search for the reasons for this curious condition of affairs it
is found that the success of the inland-water steamers was the primary
cause of the American failure at sea. The men who designed the sea-going
steamers had been trained in their art by designing, first of all,
steamers for inland waters. Because these inland-water steamers succeeded
so well, it was entirely natural that similar proportions should be given
to the engines that were to be used upon deep water. It was also natural
to model the hulls as nearly as possible like the hulls on smooth waters.
At the same time it was believed, incredible as the statement may seem
now, that an "elastic" hull--one that bends to the lift of the waves as
a rope does--was not only swifter but safer than a stiff one.

A paragraph as to the durability of the inland-water steamers will now
prove instructive. In the report of Israel D. Andrews on "Colonial and
Lake Trade" (Sen. Ex. Doc. 112, 32 Cong. 1 Sess.), it is said (p. 665)
that "the period of the natural life of a steamboat" in use on the inland
waters of the United States at that time (1851) was only "three and a half
to four years." This statement included the steamers in use on the Great
Lakes, which had much longer lives than those on the rivers.

With all these facts in mind, one sees why the deep-water American
steamers failed. Led on by the success of the river steamers, the
designers turned out engines of the lightest possible weight consistent
with the greatest power, and then bolted them fast to the frames of hulls
that were "elastic"--would yield to the waves like a rope. Not many of
these steamers went to pieces as the _Home_ did; good seamanship saved
them from that fate; but neither good seamanship nor any economy practised
afloat or ashore could make them pay dividends in the face of the enormous
expense due to the wear and tear of machinery. Machinery built for speed
could pay dividends on the inland waters because the steamers had no
competition except that which they created among themselves, and that
lasted for short periods only. The only competitors on the river-banks
were stage-coaches and big wagons that were driven over the worst roads in
the civilized world. The inland-water steamers charged what prices they
pleased. At sea the steamers with their unfit machinery had to compete
with the swiftest, most comfortable, and in every way the most economical
sailing packets in the world. And until the designers had learned the
requirements of a sea-going steamship, the sailing packets won.




CHAPTER X

PRIVATEERS, PIRATES, AND SLAVERS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY


When seen in its true light, one of the most curious and interesting
chapters in the history of the American merchant marine is that relating
to the men who, having the might, used it to take from those who were
weaker not only property but liberty and life; but the reader who supposes
that superior ability, natural or acquired, gives him the _right_ to take
more of the good things of life than his less-favored neighbor receives,
will scarcely comprehend the facts.

The fighting done by the American merchantmen who were commissioned as
privateers during the War of 1812 has been well described by our histories
of the navy, but the story of one battle is worth recalling briefly
because it may well stand in some respects for the story of the entire
fleet. On March 26, 1815, the privateer schooner _General Armstrong_,
Captain Samuel Chester Reid, anchored in Fayal Roads, in the Azores.
As night came on, a British squadron, bound for New Orleans, came into
the roads, and on seeing the _Armstrong_, sent four boats full of men
to capture her. A well-directed broadside from the privateer sent them
in haste back to their ships, but a little after midnight the enemy
came again in twelve boats, carrying more than 400 men. Each boat was
armed with a cannon. The _Armstrong_ had 90 men, and she mounted a long
24-pounder on a pivot with four 9-pounders in each broadside.

When the flotilla came within point-blank range, Captain Reid opened a
fire that would have beaten back any other civilized enemy, but this
veteran host pulled steadily in until the boats were alongside from
stem to stern, and then they rose up, as one man, and strove to board
the low-lying schooner. But with sword and pike and battle-axe the
privateersmen fought not only for life but to avenge the wrongs that had
been suffered by American seamen at the hands of press-gangs, and even
British valor could not face them. One of the defeated wrote that the
"Americans fought more like blood-thirsty savages than anything else."
We may believe that they were thrilled with the joy of battle, and if
a modern, peace-loving American is ever permitted to envy any of his
countrymen who have had part in any battle described in the histories of
the nation, the men of the _General Armstrong_ will come to his mind first
of all. But a liner, a frigate, and a brig were at hand to back the boats,
and at last Reid had to burn his ship.

The gallant fight and the ultimate loss stand for much good fighting
without profit in the work of our private armed ships during the War
of 1812. Our histories, almost without exception, have overstated the
success of the privateers and their influence upon the course of the
war. A few of these ships--a very few--made enormous profits; the others
made insignificant gains or actual losses. Our histories laud the work of
the few that really succeeded; they ignore all that failed, save only as
the reader is left to infer that all, or nearly all, did well. Thus the
fact that the _Rossie_, of Baltimore, Captain Joshua Barney, in a single
cruise, captured vessels supposed to be worth more than $1,500,000 is
told in every history; the equally well-authenticated fact that Barney's
share of the plunder amounted to only $1000 (see Mary Barney's _Memoir_),
because the much-vaunted prizes were either destroyed at sea, or were sold
for little or nothing in port,--this fact is deliberately omitted.

In the matter of net gains the _Rossie_ stands as a type of the successful
privateers, with a few exceptions. On November 23, 1812, less than six
months after war was declared, and while the successful privateers were
securing the best of their prizes, the privateer owners of Boston, New
York, and Norfolk united in a petition to Congress, begging help through
legislation because captured goods sold for such low prices that no profit
was made by even the successful privateers. The captured ships, it was
said, could not be sold at any price, even when fit for use as privateers.
In short, "the profits of private naval warfare are by no means equivalent
to the hazard." (Rep. Com. Ways and Means, December 12, p. 3.)

In Guernsey's _New York City During the War of 1812_ is a list of the
privateers sailing from that city--120 in all. Of these, 57 took not one
prize. It is to be presumed that 21 of them made some money, because they
took at least 5 prizes, while 7 took at least 15, and it may be supposed
that they did well. But when it is remembered that in those days a ship
commonly paid for herself in one voyage in ordinary trade, it cannot be
said that privateering was of any special benefit except to three or four
that took many prizes.

The total number of merchant ships that were used for privateers during
this war was 515, and the total number of prizes was 1345. The British
admiralty reported the capture of 1328 American merchantmen, of which 228
were privateers. The unrecorded disasters to privateers through storms
certainly brought the number of total losses of these vessels up to a
half of all that were commissioned. It is notable, too, that the number
of American merchantmen captured by the enemy was only thirteen less
than the number taken from the enemy, and it follows that the American
losses were greater, in this respect, than those of the British; for the
American ships were, on the average, worth much more than the British. On
the whole it appears that, if the predatory part of the War of 1812 had
any influence upon the result, the Americans were the greater losers.

Then, too, the losses of property were only one part of the injury
inflicted upon the country by this kind of war. A consideration of the
effect of the prevailing greed for a "subject of safe and uncontested
capture" is of special interest here because some of the owners of our
privateers, influenced solely by this greed, became pirates after the war
ended. The Spanish colonists in America had revolted, beginning in 1810.
The insurgent armies were scattered in small bands, here and there, in
the vast territory between Texas and the Rio de la Plata, and the leader
of every band was a law unto himself. But in every revolted province some
aggregation of patriots--some _junta_--was recognized by foreign powers as
enough of a government to be entitled to belligerent rights. When the War
of 1812 came to an end, the privateers that were loath to give up their
predatory career looked away to the Spanish main. The insurgent leaders
were competent to commission armed cruisers for war upon Spanish commerce,
and rich Spanish ships were afloat.

Some of the work done by American ships sailing under Spanish-American
commissions is memorable. Two that were owned in Baltimore brought to
Norfolk, in March, 1817, coin and cochineal valued at $290,000, and there
is reason to suppose that Captain James Chaytor, who was senior officer of
the two, and one of the best known of the men so engaged, brought to port
property worth half a million of dollars in the course of that year. One
of Chaytor's prizes was a galleon from the Philippines, and it was taken
within sight of Cadiz.

Captain Joseph Almeda, of Baltimore, was another noted commander of this
class of cruisers. In a vessel named the _Congress_ he blockaded the port
of Havana for weeks at a stretch, and took prizes almost within range of
the Morro.

For a time the American people applauded the success of these cruisers,
because it was supposed that they were aiding struggling patriots to gain
liberty. The story of one of the cruisers, as told in court, however,
in time changed public opinion. Captain James Barnes, commanding a
Baltimore cruiser named the _Puerrydon_, with a commission from Buenos
Ayres, captured on March 21, 1818, the Spanish brig _Corrunes_, while
she was carrying general merchandise from Tarragona, Spain, to Vera Cruz,
Mexico. A prize crew of seven men was placed upon the prize, and five of
her Spanish crew were left on board to help work ship. On May 8 a storm
separated the two vessels, whereupon the foremast hands upon the prize
mutinied, put their officers upon a passing merchantman, and then went
cruising along the coast of the United States. They were not bound for any
particular port; they were just enjoying life while they might. Eventually
they ran ashore on Block Island, and when the inhabitants came to the
beach to look at the stranded brig, the mutineers began trading the cargo
of the vessel for fresh provisions, and later for coin. The islanders made
such good bargains that they sent for friends in Newport to come over and
share in the good fortune, but that was an error of judgment, because the
revenue officers thereby learned about the trading, and brig, crew, and
some of the traders were haled before the United States court.

The trials that followed were among the most remarkable ever reported in
the annals of the Supreme Court. Although held in jail on the charge of
piracy, the crew libelled the vessel on the ground that they had rescued
her from Barnes, whom they denounced as a pirate. Captain Barnes and the
other owners sued for the property on the ground that Barnes had captured
it while he was a citizen of Buenos Ayres, and in command of a lawful
Buenos Ayres cruiser. A Spanish consul sued for it in behalf of the
original owners. In the court of last resort it was held, in spite of much
perjury, that the naturalization of Barnes in Buenos Ayres was "altogether
in fraud of the laws of his own country," and that the owners of the
cruiser were asking for the possession of a vessel that they had captured
"in violation of the most solemn stipulation of a treaty, and provision
of a law of their own country, and of which they had been dispossessed by
their own associates in guilt."

"It is a melancholy truth," continued the court, "too well known to this
court, that the instruments used in these predatory voyages, carried
on under the colors of the South American states, are among the most
abandoned and profligate of men."

Under the treaty mentioned, these American-owned cruisers were pirates.
How many cruisers of the kind were fitted out from American ports (there
were some European ships in the business also) cannot be learned now, but
a list of twenty-eight is printed in the Annals of the Fifteenth Congress.
The list is incomplete. Most of them were owned in Baltimore, and in 1823
the Columbia, South Carolina, _Telescope_ denounced that city as "the home
port of a fleet of Spanish-American pirates." In reply to this, _Niles's
Register_, dated May 24, 1823, said:--

"Perhaps it may afford the editor of the _Telescope_ some satisfaction
to learn that _every_ person who was fully regarded as being engaged in
whatever could have given rise to his censure for piracy has become a
bankrupt as well in character as in property."

It is to be noted, further, that these cruisers were not pirates merely
by the existence of a treaty with Spain. They captured the ships of all
nations when it could be done safely, and sometimes they did this openly.
When Almeda was blockading Havana, he seized a British vessel at the mouth
of the harbor because she happened to have some Spanish property on board.
But the most deplorable cases were those in which the ships were seized by
cruisers that had been unlucky. For in such cases the prizes were robbed
and then sunk with all hands.

Still another result of the work of these pirates was the establishment of
two remarkable communities, one in Texas and the other in Florida, both
of which territories were then under the Spanish crown. Both settlements
were made to provide a market for the goods which these cruisers captured;
for after the decision of the courts noted above, the prizes could be no
longer sent to the United States.

The Texas community was established by Jean Lafitte, who had had much
experience as a smuggler at Barataria Bay, Louisiana, both before and
during the War of 1812. He had also made several cruises on pirate
ships--enough to learn that more money could be made buying prizes from
the cruisers than in cruising.

Lafitte went to the island where the thriving city of Galveston now
stands, late in 1816, and found there a number of shanties which had been
built by one Luis de Aury, a pirate who had intended to establish such
a nautical "fence" as Lafitte had in mind. But Aury thought the distance
from the United States too great, and left the place to Lafitte, who at
once sent word to all the ports of the warm seas that he was at the head
of "an asylum to the armed vessels of the party of independence." The
asylum included facilities for repairing vessels, stores for the sale of
supplies, and numerous taverns and other places of resort for the crews.
In short, a town--seaport--was built there by capitalists and mechanics,
but all paid tribute to Lafitte. As at Barataria, slave-ships were more
highly prized than any others because of the ease with which the "goods"
could be smuggled into the United States. When General James Long, a noted
Texas filibuster, visited the settlement, he found that "doubloons were
as plentiful as biscuit," while the harbor was strewn with the wrecks of
prizes.

After a time Lafitte went through with the forms of organizing the
"Republic of Texas," and elected a governor, who appointed a justice
to preside over the court of admiralty that the constitution of the
"Republic" had provided. Then cruisers were commissioned and prizes were
condemned, but when these condemned prizes were sent to New Orleans, they
were seized by the United States authorities, and some of the pirate
crews were hanged. Nevertheless, it was not until 1821--after nearly
five years of unmolested prosperity--that Lafitte was driven away, and
even then he was allowed to carry away all of his portable plunder.
To add to the interest of the story, when Lafitte left the island he
disappeared forever. Rumor said he was seen in Mexico, and in the thick
of a fight at sea, and in France, but the truth is that he had gone to
the port of missing ships. When the Luis de Aury mentioned above left
Galveston Island, he cruised around for a while, and then, on September
2, 1817, landed on Amelia Island, Florida, where Fernandina now stands.
A Scotch adventurer named MacGregor had been trying to build a town
there and organize the "Republic of the Two Floridas," but without
success. He sailed away when Aury came, and Aury continued the work of
nation-building, combined with smuggling goods captured by "the party
of independence." He thought the location admirable because of the
proximity to the United States, but he soon learned that the convenience
due to distance was more than counterbalanced by the attention attracted.
Many speculators came to the camp and bought his goods, but the customs
officials pressed them closely. Moreover, while Aury supplied the planters
with cheap slaves, he was so short-sighted as to encourage Georgia slaves
to leave their masters to join his forces. The Georgia planters who
suffered losses in this way had no difficulty in persuading the Washington
authorities to invade Spanish Florida and drive the pirate away--December
23, 1817. But Aury, like Lafitte, was allowed to carry away his plunder.

The effect of the piracies upon American commerce can be traced in the
annual reports of exports and imports. Thus the exports of American
products to the Spanish West Indies amounted to $3,606,588 in the fiscal
year 1816-1817, while American exports of foreign goods to the same ports
reached the sum of $3,477,511. The corresponding figures for 1819-1820
were $3,439,365 of American products and $2,545,717 of American exports
of foreign goods. American tonnage fell off, also, of course. The common
saying that there is no friendship in business is untrue. American
commerce and the use of American ships were increasing in that period at
an astonishing rate in all other trades, but Spanish resentment produced
a "boycott" that is shown by the official returns.

But this boycott was the mildest form of expression of Spanish resentment.
Within a short time after the American-owned cruisers under the
Spanish-American flags began ravaging Spanish commerce, the Spaniards
retaliated by making reprisals after the fashion common in the sixteenth
century. Encouraged by the island authorities, the ship-owners of Cuba
fitted out armed vessels to prey upon American commerce. The Cuban
pirates were in no case commissioned, but the Porto Rico authorities
gave commissions to half a dozen or more. The Cuban pirates, however,
worked openly. Regla, a village on the east side of Havana Bay, was the
chief pirate port. In November, 1821, eleven Spanish pirate vessels were
cruising between Cape Maisi and Santiago, five were working as a squadron
at Cape San Antonio, and at least five more were cruising on the north
coast east of Matanzas. Between Havana and Matanzas was a flotilla of
small boats the crews of which kept constant watch for vessels becalmed in
the offing. All such vessels were attacked as soon as night came. Another
gang of small-boat pirates operated at Cape Cruz, where they lived in the
caves for which the region is noted.

The extent of the depredations of these pirates was never completely
known, of course, but in _Niles's Register_ of May 24, 1823, it is stated
that 3002 piratical assaults had been committed upon merchant ships in
the West Indies since the War of 1812. The "Naval Affairs" volumes of
the American State Papers contain many accounts of such assaults, and it
appears from these that the pirates not infrequently tortured captured
sailors. In March, 1823, the captain and two men of the brig _Alert_, of
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, were killed in the mouth of Havana harbor. The
captain of the brig _Bellisaurius_, captured near Cape San Antonio, had
his arms cut off, after which he was placed on a bed of oakum and burned
to death.

The markets of Cuba were frequently flooded with merchandise taken by the
pirates, and a number of schooners plied between Cape San Antonio and
Regla to carry supplies to the pirate flotilla at work there and bring
back captured goods.

The efforts of the Washington authorities to deal with the situation
created by the American-owned pirate ships were, as noted, hampered at
first by public sympathy for the Spanish-American insurgents. Even after
the Spaniards began making reprisals, nothing effective was done until
May 15, 1820, when Congress provided for the building of five swift war
schooners, a force that was by no means sufficient to cope with the evil.
Other ships of the navy were ordered to the region, and these were still
further reënforced with a flotilla of small schooners bought in Chesapeake
Bay. A number of huge rowboats were built to destroy the pirates operating
in small boats near Havana, but the depredations continued; the aid of the
Cuban authorities was sufficient to keep the pirates at work. It was not
until the independence of the Spanish-American republics was acknowledged,
and the Spanish-American privateers thereby lost their commissions, that
piracy came to an end in the West Indies.

The last American vessel to suffer at their hands was the _Mexico_,
Captain John G. Butman, of Salem. She sailed from home with $20,000
in coin, for Rio Janeiro, on August 29, 1832. On September 20 she was
captured by the schooner _Panda_, Captain Pedro Gibert, of Havana. After
taking out the coin, Gibert fastened the crew in the forecastle and set
the _Mexico_ on fire; but the crew released themselves in time to put out
the fire. The _Panda_ was captured later on the coast of Africa, a number
of the pirates were sent to Salem for trial, and Pedro Gibert and four
others were hanged. It is an interesting fact that two members of the
_Mexico's_ crew lived until 1905 and one until 1908. Life at sea agreed
well with the New Englanders.

As the facts thus far given show plainly, the slave-trade had intimate
relations with the pirates who operated under the Spanish-American flags,
and later with those fitted out from Cuba; for the _Panda_ cleared out
from Havana for a cargo of slaves. But she carried no trade goods; her
clearance for the African coast was merely a cover for the real purpose in
view. Still, she might have brought a cargo of slaves to Cuba but for the
interference of a British war-ship. But the American slave-trade lasted
for thirty years after the captain of the _Panda_ was hanged, and such
acts of piracy as his had long been out of fashion in American waters.

By the act of Congress dated March 2, 1807 (it passed the House by a
vote of sixty-three to forty-nine), the importations of slaves into the
United States after January 1, 1808, was forbidden. The penalties provided
included forfeiture of the vessel, and fines, together with imprisonment,
for those involved.

As this legislation had been provided for in the Constitution of the
nation, the trade in slaves was naturally brisk in the years immediately
preceding prohibition. Thus, from January 1, 1804, to December 31,
1807, 202 ships imported 39,075 slaves into the port of Charleston,
South Carolina. Of these ships, 61 were registered at Charleston (though
generally owned elsewhere), 59 were owned in Rhode Island, from 1 to 4
in each of several other American ports, and 70 in England. While the
prospect of prohibition increased the importations at this time beyond
the normal, it is evident that a strong demand for slaves existed among
slave-owners. The demand was particularly strong in the Mississippi
Valley, where the profits on cotton were enormous. This demand naturally
raised the price as soon as lawful importations came to an end. At
the same time the existence of the American prohibitory law (England
prohibited the trade at about the same time, too) depressed the price on
the coast of Africa. Thus a premium was placed on smuggling, and 202 ships
were afloat that had been engaged in the trade to one port alone.

All this is to say that while the law drove many ships out of the trade,
it added much to the profits of those that remained in it.

Because the trade was continued, an effort was made to strengthen the law
in 1818 by increasing the emoluments of informers. Then, by the Act of
March 3, 1819, Congress authorized the President to use the naval ships to
intercept slavers, and finally by the Act of May 15, 1820, all Americans
engaging in the trade were declared pirates, who should be hanged on
conviction.

One would be glad to believe that these laws were enacted because the
American people had become sufficiently enlightened to appreciate the
effects of the trade upon the human race, and especially upon the white
people connected with it, but it is impossible to do so. The laws were
enacted because of a passing wave of sentiment that had its origin in
the work of the pirates herein described. In a dim way people saw that a
connection existed between some of the pirates and the slave-trade. The
slave-trade was held responsible (properly, too) for some of the horrors
of the piracies, and while Congress was legislating against the pirates,
it was easy to get acts against the trade passed. Moreover, the desire of
the slave-owners to rid their States of free negroes was just then giving
strength to the movement for sending those negroes to Africa--Liberia. In
short, the prohibitory laws were the result of a sort of hysteria rather
than of any real enlightenment of the American people. In truth, we are
not so enlightened even now as to appreciate our whole duty toward the
inferior race--properly a race of children--we brought from Africa.

As said, prohibiting the trade did but increase the profits of those who
disregarded the law, but a more memorable result of prohibition was the
effect upon the unfortunate victims of the trade--the increase in the
horrors of the middle passage. A brief description of the ships used in
the trade will help one to understand how the slaves were affected.

The American slave-ships were usually small vessels, say 100 feet or
so long, and 10 or 12 deep. On the way to the coast what was called the
slave-deck was laid. By means of beams, stanchions, and rough planks a
temporary deck was built 3 feet below the regular deck. The naked slaves
were placed upon this deck. In the days of the lawful trade they were
compelled to lie down on their backs, shoulder to shoulder, with heads
outboard in a row all around the slave-deck. Then other rows of the kind
were made on the deck inside of the first row until the deck was entirely
covered. When the law prohibited the trade, the slavers increased the
number carried to the utmost capacity of their vessels, in order to
increase the profits and cover the risks. To do this they compelled the
negroes to lie down on their sides breast to back,--"spoon fashion,"--or
else they were made to sit in rows, breast to back, from the wall of the
ship to the centre. When sitting thus, the only air-space between the two
decks was that over the rows of shoulders and between the rows of heads.
When lying down, the air-space was greater, but whenever the vessel heeled
to the wind, those on the lee side had to lie with their feet higher than
their heads, and when the vessel rolled to the waves all of them sawed
to and fro over the cracks between the unplaned deck boards. Moreover,
the slaves were kept fastened to the deck--they were not allowed to leave
their cramped berths for any purpose save only at fixed hours, when they
were fed and, in small gangs, were taken to the upper deck for a short
airing. In storms the washing of the waves across the deck compelled
the crew to put on the hatches and keep them on sometimes for days at a
stretch.

Meantime the allowance of water was a pint a day. In short, the slave-ship
was a horrible floating cesspool. How the inhuman drivers added to the
sufferings of the wretched slaves by the use of the whip, and other means
of torture, may be suggested by one story.

When the slaver _Brillante_, Captain Homans, with 600 slaves in her hold,
was overhauled by British cruisers during a calm, and Homans saw that the
boats of the cruisers would soon come to the vessel, he got the anchor in
position as if for anchoring the vessel. Then the iron cable was stretched
along the rail outside of all and held in place by slender cords. To this
chain all the slaves were carefully secured by means of ropes and chains.
Then, just before the cruisers' boats came into view (it was at night),
the anchor was cast loose and the 600 slaves were dragged down to the
bottom of the sea.

To save a vessel worth at most $5000 from confiscation, Homans murdered
600 negroes. The story is told in detail in the _African Repository_, Vol.
XXIII, p. 371.

The profits in the trade are shown by the fact that slaves costing from
$12 to $20 on the coast of Africa sold for $350, when delivered alive and
able to walk, in Cuba. When smuggled into the United States, they sold
all the way from $750 to $1000.

Old ships of known speed were in demand. Speed was necessary because
the British government maintained cruisers on the coast that captured
and confiscated vessels found with slaves actually on board. Our navy
department sold the schooner _Enterprise_ (the second of the name) to men
in the slave-trade at a small fraction of her value. The swift privateers
of the War of 1812 were also bought for the purpose. In later years it
was the custom to build swift vessels especially for the trade. Baltimore
and New York builders were patronized more than others, New York having
the lead in later years. The builders always knew what trade the vessels
were to enter, and charged accordingly. No builder ever lost standing
in society because he turned out ships for this purpose. In fact, the
slave-traders were well known, and they lived among the wealthiest society
people of New York--at the Astor House, for instance, where they were
in the habit of meeting to arrange the details of their voyages. Public
documents show that the most respected merchants of the city were ready to
go on the bonds of these slavers, when bonds were required. A New Bedford
whale-ship owner who was convicted of fitting out one of his vessels for
the trade was afterward elected mayor of his city. Even after the Civil
War was begun, a United States district attorney--a man appointed by
Lincoln--was seen dining at the leading New York restaurant with a slaver
whom he should have been prosecuting at that moment; for while the two ate
together, the slaver talked about a slave voyage that he intended to make.

Though American packets had for years controlled the trade between the
United States and Europe, and the American clippers were making records
that stirred the whole nautical world, the flag from those proud ships was
used to cover the reeking slime in the slaver's hold, and it was the only
flag that could protect the slaver from inspection on the African coast.
These facts were well known, but they roused not a tremor of indignation
among the American people, not one, save only in the breasts of a few
"fanatics," and the arguments of the fanatics were answered by asking,
"How would you like to have your sister marry a nigger?"

The story might well be forgotten--it would have been omitted here but
for the fact that the humiliation of it may serve in righting wrongs
as yet unheeded, or but partly heeded, which, if less brutal, are born
of the same greed and the same disregard for human rights that made the
slave-trade possible in the United States until after the middle of the
nineteenth century.




CHAPTER XI

THE HARVEST OF THE SEA BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR


In the year 1772 the people of Marblehead, Massachusetts, boasted that
"the number of polls was 1203," and that the vessels of all kinds owned in
the port measured more than 12,000 tons. In 1780 the number of polls was
544, the tonnage but 1509. Within the borders of the town were 458 widows
with 966 fatherless children.

Marblehead was a type of the New England fishing villages of the day.
The nation had won freedom, but the fishing industry from which the
American merchant marine had originated was ruined. Moreover, there was
no immediate return of prosperity after peace was declared. The gross
income of the New England cod-fishing vessels for the year 1787 averaged
but $483 each; for 1788 it was $456 each, and for 1789 only $273. The
average annual expense during this period was $416 each, and the vessels
lost on the average $143 each during the year 1789. In that year the
fleet measured 19,185 tons. In the next year the tonnage increased to
28,348, for the fishermen hoped for good times following the adoption of
the Constitution, and in 1793, when the fleet received a national subsidy
of $72,965.32, the tonnage reached 50,163. But in 1794, although the
subsidy amounted to $93,768.91, the tonnage was only 28,671. In short, the
statistics show that while the tonnage fluctuated from year to year, there
was little prosperity for any of our fishermen in the period between the
two wars for freedom.

A similar condition prevailed at Nantucket and other whaling ports. So
discouraged were the Nantucket men that many of them migrated to England
and France. For the British and French governments, to secure them,
offered free transportation, free entry for ships and goods, and sums of
money with which to begin life anew. Records show that no less than 149
Nantucket men commanded English whalers before the War of 1812.

The foreign aggressions of various kinds account for a large part of
the depression of the fisheries during that unhappy period. The losses
sustained by our freight carriers at that time were more than made up by
the high freight rates received. But when the fish markets of the West
Indies and of Europe were closed by adverse legislation, or by wars, there
was no way to repair the loss except by national subsidies, and these,
when granted, proved inadequate.

There was one other loss to which too little attention has been paid--the
loss of men. The Marblehead men who were killed during the War of the
Revolution were among the most enterprising of the coast--they were killed
because of their courage and dash. Lost ships could be replaced in the
course of one winter; the lost men were not replaced until their sons
became men. Then, too, the prosperity of the carrier fleet drained away
the best men among the fishermen; for the owners of the carriers knew
where to get able seamen.

After the War of 1812 the cod fleet averaged somewhat larger than it
was before the war, but the increase was not at all commensurate with
the growth of the nation. The exports of dried fish declined instead of
increasing, and in spite of a protective tariff foreigners began (1812) to
sell pickled fish in the United States. These imports increased steadily
until 1848, when more than 100,000 barrels were brought in, and the
imports thereafter remained above that figure. In describing the situation
of these fishermen in 1848, Sabine says:--

"Many crews of fishing vessels owned in Newburyport, on settling with
their owners for six and seven months' hard toil at sea, received only
about ten dollars per month; and on this miserable pittance they were to
eke out the year. They had obtained good fares of fish, but were sufferers
from the depressed state of the market. With facts like these before us,
can we wonder that the more ambitious young men abandon the employment at
every opportunity?"

The vessels in the mackerel and other fisheries were, of course, no more
prosperous, on the average, than those fishing for cod. From first to last
the fisheries of New England are of interest in the story of the American
merchant marine chiefly because they afforded an excellent training school
for the sailor _of the sail_. It was because of the school afforded that
these vessels were subsidized between 1792 and 1866. The annual bounty
ranged from $1.60 to $4 per ton, according to the size of the vessel. Pay
from the national treasury at the rate of $2 per month has also been given
to the crews of fishermen in order to create a sort of sea militia. During
the Civil War many recruits for the navy were obtained from the fishermen.
Impressed by the precedent thus afforded, and failing to distinguish
between the requirements of the old-time and the modern man-o'-war, the
Merchant Marine Commission of 1904 proposed to pay bounties to the crews
now employed in the fisheries. Of course bounties paid to the crews of
tugs and other harbor steamers would be far more effective for the end in
view. The tenacity with which our people cling to the idea that a modern
sailor needs training on a ship of the sail is one of the discouraging
features of the outlook for a revival of our merchant marine. No one would
suppose that a training on a Dakota wheat farm was essential to the making
of a finished hot-house florist.

During the period before the Civil War the whaling fleet was enjoying
what has been called the Golden Era of its prosperity. This fact is all
the more interesting because the prosperity was due to the character of
the whalemen as developed by their environment. Because Nantucket as farm
land could afford no more than a bare living to a small number of people,
the more ambitious residents were obliged to look elsewhere for a career;
and when they looked they saw right whales just beyond--sometimes in--the
surf. A storm--a seeming disaster--was the means of leading the right
whalers to go in search of sperm whales, and that cultivated enterprise,
because it took them ever farther and farther from home.

The spirit of enterprise was also cultivated by the "lay" system of paying
the crew. Every man received a share of the oil instead of set wages. The
system sharpened the eyes of the lookout, gave strength to the arm of the
man at the oars, and cooled the nerves of the man who thrust the lance
under the shoulder-blade of the whale.

When Captain James Shields reached the Brazil grounds too late in the
season, the system of "no oil, no pay" drove him around Cape Horn in
search of a new ground. When, in 1818, Captain George W. Gardener found
the grounds on the west coast of South America barren, he boldly headed
across the unexplored Pacific in search of others--with success. In 1819 a
merchantman from China stopped at the Sandwich Islands and told a number
of whalemen there that he had seen great schools of whales on the coast
of Japan. Thereupon the whalemen raced away for the new grounds. In 1843
two New Bedford captains found fortune on the coast of Kamchatka and
another in the Okhotsk sea. Two years later still, Captain Royce, of the
Sag Harbor bark _Superior_, entered the Arctic by way of Bering's Strait.

The countries of Europe sent naval squadrons at great expense to explore
the Seven Seas; the whalemen of America explored the waters of the whole
world more thoroughly, if less scientifically, at their own expense, and
made money in the quest. One volume of the American State Papers contains
a list of more than 400 islands that were discovered by them in the
Pacific alone.

Of less importance in its influence, perhaps, but not to be overlooked,
was the ease with which the ambitious whalemen obtained promotion. The
larger whalers carried three and sometimes four mates, together with a
petty officer called a boat steerer for each of the boats. Because the
boat steerer hurled the harpoon, his office was important, and many a
daring youth who went afloat as a green hand came home wearing the boat
steerer's badge. Last of all, but most important in its formation of
character, was the danger of the pursuit. The whalers braved the jaws of
the vicious sperm bull; they drove their boats under the uplifted flukes,
and with a stroke of a boat spade disabled the monster. They pulled to the
tune of "A dead whale or a stove boat," and so "made good" in the world's
work naturally and easily.

The Golden Era began with the success of the whalers that sailed for the
Pacific in 1815, and returned well loaded in 1817. In 1829 the whaling
fleet numbered 203 vessels; in 1840, 552; in 1846 there were 680 ships and
barks, 34 brigs, and 22 schooners, a total of 736 vessels, hunting the
whale under the American flag. New London owned the largest ship of the
fleet, the _Atlantic_, measuring 699 tons, and the smallest, the schooner
_Garland_, of 49 tons, that was at work on the coasts of Desolation
Island.

In 1835 the value of the annual product of the whalers exceeded for the
first time $6,000,000. In 1845 the sperm-whale fishery reached its highest
point in the amount of product--4,967,550 gallons. The price was then 88
cents a gallon. In 1855 the price was $1.772 per gallon, but the amount
saved was only 2,228,443 gallons. Right whale-oil reached record figures
in 1840, when the amount saved was 11,593,483 gallons. The price was then
33 cents. The highest income received by the whalers in any one year was
in 1854, when the take sold for $10,802,594.20. The years 1854 to 1857,
inclusive, paid the whalers $51,063,659.59. The average catch was worth
about half the estimated value of the fleet, or say near the actual value.
It is certain that a well-handled whaler was a most profitable ship until
after the petroleum industry was developed.

A picturesque offshoot of the whaling fleet was the fleet of seal-hunters
that came into existence at the end of the eighteenth century. When
Captains Gamaliel Collins and David Smith, of Cape Cod, went to the
Falklands (1774) in search of whales, they found there thousands of seals,
both hair and fur, and sea-lions without end. The oil of these animals
being of good quality, the whalers carried some of it home, together
with the skins, which were found to serve well for covering trunks. The
fur-seals as well as the hair sealskins were used for this purpose. Soon
after the War of the Revolution a Mrs. Haley, of Boston, sent a large ship
to the Falklands especially for seals. The number taken was 13,000, and
the skins sold for fifty cents each in New York. This voyage, like that
of the _Columbia_ to the Northwest coast, shows well the extraordinary
enterprise of the ship-owners of the day.

In 1790 Elijah Austin, of New Haven, sent two vessels to the Falklands
for seals, and when they were filled, Captain Daniel Greene, who commanded
one of them, took his cargo direct to Canton for sale, because the skins
Mrs. Haley's ship had taken had been exported from New York to Canton with
profit.

The work of the brig _Betsey_, of Stonington, Connecticut, is perhaps the
most memorable of any of the ships that entered the early trade. Though
of but 100 tons' measurement, she made two voyages to the southern seal
islands, beginning in 1790, both of which were remarkably profitable--the
better voyage paid $52,300 net. The outfit, vessel included, probably cost
little more than a tenth of this sum.

The _Betsey's_ success naturally increased the number of vessels in the
hunt very rapidly. Mas-a-Fuera, Juan Fernandez, the South Shetlands,
the Prince Edward and Crozet islands, Desolation and Heard's islands,
all soon became as well known to the sealers as Long Island Sound was to
the coasters. Captain Henry Fanning, of the ship _Catharine_, obtained a
manuscript copy of the notes made by the original discoverer of Crozet's
Island, and with that as a guide went to the islands and obtained a full
cargo.

The most famous of the American seal-hunters was Captain N. B. Palmer,
born in Stonington, Connecticut. In 1799 he began his career afloat as
the cabin-boy of a coaster at the age of fourteen. At nineteen he was
made second mate of the brig _Hersilia_, Captain J. P. Sheffield, bound
from Stonington to the Falklands in search of seals. On reaching the
Falklands, Palmer and a number of sailors were landed to search the group
for seals, while Captain Sheffield went south to search for another group.
According to a story told by "gaming" parties on the whalers of the day, a
whale-ship that, in spite of a heavy fog, was cruising through the waters
to the south of the Falklands, had sailed out of the fog unexpectedly,
and found herself almost on top of a mountainous group of islands, the
outlying rocks and the beaches of which were alive with seals. The crew
of the ship, animated by the danger of their position, hastily tacked
and sailed away. Then the fog enclosed them again, and when the captain
thought to chart the strange group he had to guess at the position.
Sheffield was in search of this group.

A few days after he was left at the Falklands, Palmer saw the brig
_Espirito Santo_ (owned by Englishmen at Buenos Ayres) come to the
anchorage in search of water; and when she was anchored, Palmer noted that
she carried a sealing outfit. Thereupon he made friends with the mate,
and although sealers had the habit of keeping their destination secret, he
learned that the brig was bound for the uncharted islands; also the course
she was to steer from the Falklands. Accordingly, when the _Hersilia_
returned unsuccessful, Palmer was able to follow the _Espirito Santo_ to
the new group. These islands are now known as the South Shetlands.

In the following year (1820) thirty sealers gathered at the South
Shetlands, including five belonging to the Stonington South Sea Company.
One of the five was the _Hero_ ("but little rising forty tons," according
to one old account), of which young Palmer was captain.

While working the group, Captain Isaac Pendleton, commodore of the five
vessels mentioned, on climbing a mountain, saw what he thought was the
loom of land far away to the south, and in the hope of finding other
rookeries, sent Palmer in the _Hero_ exploring.

Land was found, and Palmer soon discovered that it was of continental
dimensions. As no seals were found, he finally headed back for the
Shetlands, but before he had crossed the intervening water a heavy fog
shut him in and he hove to. During the night a ship's bell was heard
striking the hour off the port bow, and the stroke was followed by
another off to starboard. To the crew these sounds seemed supernatural,
for they could not think that real ships were there; but when morning
came, they found the _Hero_ lying between two war-ships. The story, as
told by Captain E. Fanning, of Stonington, to Secretary of the Navy J. N.
Reynolds, in a letter written in 1828, is as follows:--

"The two discovery ships sent out by the late Emperor Alexander, of
Russia, being between the South Shetlands and Palmer Land, were becalmed
in a thick fog; when the fog cleared away they were surprised to find one
of the Stonington South Sea Company's barques, a little vessel of about
fifty tons, between the two discovery ships, which immediately run up the
United States flag, when the frigate and sloop of war set theirs, and the
Russian Commodore despatched a boat and officer, with an invitation to
Capt. Palmer, of the American vessel, to come on board, which he readily
accepted.

"When he arrived on the commodore's deck he was asked what islands those
were in sight, and if he had any knowledge of them. 'Yes, sir,' replied
Capt. Palmer, 'those are the Shetland Islands. I am well acquainted with
them, and a pilot here. I belong, sir, to a fleet of five sail out of
Stonington, under the command of Capt. B. Pendleton, whose ship is now
at anchor in a good harbor in that island; and if you wish for water
and refreshments, I will pilot you in, and my commodore will be much
pleased to render you any assistance.' 'I kindly thank you,' said the
Russian, 'but previous to being enveloped in the fog we had sight of those
islands, and concluded we had made a new discovery; and behold when the
fog lifts, to our utter surprise, a beautiful little American vessel, to
all appearance in as fine order as if she had but yesterday left her port
in the United States, is discovered alongside of my ships, the master of
which readily offers to pilot my vessels into port, where _his commodore_
will tender me every aid for refreshment! We must surrender the palm
of enterprise to you Americans,' said the Russian commodore. 'Sir, you
flatter me,' replied the American captain; 'but there is an immense extent
of land to the south, and when the fog is entirely cleared away, you will
have from your masthead a fine sight of its mountains.' 'Indeed,' observed
the commodore, 'you Americans are a people that will be before us; and
here is, now, in your information, and in what is now before my eyes, an
example and pattern of the oldest nation in Europe. Where I expected to
make new discoveries I find the American flag, a fleet and a pilot!'"

The commodore then arose from his seat, and placing his hand upon Palmer's
shoulder, continued:--

"I name the land, which you have discovered, Palmer Land, in your honor.
But what will my august master say, and what will he think of my two
years' cruising in search of land that has been discovered by a boy in a
sloop but little larger than the launch of my frigate?"

The land thus named was a part of the Antarctic Continent.

Among the interesting stories of the sealers found in Goode's _Fishery
Industries of the United States_ is one of the ship _Neptune_, Captain
Daniel Greene, of New Haven, which shows very well something of the
peculiarities of this branch of the American merchant marine. The voyage
lasted from November 29, 1796, to July 11, 1799.

The _Neptune_ was a ship of 353 tons, and she carried a crew of 36 all
told. Going to the Cape de Verde Islands, Captain Greene bought enough
salt to preserve all the skins the ship could carry, and then went to the
Falklands, where he arrived February 22, 1797. The first work done there
was the building of a shallop for working shoal waters. Then seal-hunting
was begun in connection with the crew of a ship from Hudson, New York,
which, by the way, had brought a Hudson River sloop as a tender.

The seals were found either on beaches which the hunters reached easily,
or on outlying rocks upon which the seas broke with tremendous fury
even in the most pleasant weather. Ordinary whale-boats were commonly
used in hunting the seals, though dories were preferred for the least
accessible rocks. When the weather was at its best, the crews worked the
easily reached beaches; incredible as it must seem, it was during the
worst storms that the almost inaccessible rocks were visited. The most
picturesque and daring work known to the sea was that of taking seals on
these rocks. Rowing well out to windward, the officer in command of the
boat noted carefully the position of the sunken reefs with which all these
rocks were surrounded, selected a safe opening, and waited until the high
waves that always come in threes appeared. Upon the crest of the last of
a set of these the boat was driven in, and as it was swept along beside
the rock the hunters, with clubs in hand, leaped forth to land as best
they might.

At other times the boat was rowed up from the lee side to meet the crest
of a roller at the side of the rock. The method chosen depended upon the
situation of the rock.

Taking the men from the rocks after the killing was often more dangerous,
if less picturesque, than landing them. For it was impossible to hold the
boat beside the rock, and in leaping out the men often fell into the sea.
A favorite way of getting men and dead seals was by throwing a line from
the boat to the rock and then, while the boat was held in the lee of the
rock, the men and carcasses were dragged through the water by the line.

The crews were continually drenched; the cold winds pierced them to the
bone; they fell upon the rocks and were cut and bruised; now and then one
fell, helpless, into the sea and was drowned. But the crews of those days
were composed of youths who were looking ahead,--the most ambitious and
courageous of all who lived around the home port,--and without flinching
they took the chances until the ship was loaded.

These were the American fur-hunters of the sea. Rarely if at all elsewhere
in the history of the nation can a more instructive contrast be found than
that afforded when these men, leaping from the crest of the storm-waves
to the seal rocks, are compared with those who traded pot-metal muskets
and adulterated rum to the Indians in exchange for beaver skins upon the
Western frontier.

Another glimpse of life at sea in those days is found in an adventure of
the _Neptune's_ men upon the coast of Patagonia. Captain Greene and some
of his men went over there looking for seals, and found some Spaniards
engaged in seal-hunting not far from Port Desire. The Spaniards said the
_commandante_ of the fort at the harbor would be pleased to give Greene
permission to hunt seals in the region, and Greene, being a law-abiding
man, went to the fort to see about the matter.

The _commandante_, however, pretended to believe that Greene was an
Englishman; and as England and Spain were at war, the Americans were all
held as prisoners, while soldiers were placed in charge of the shallop in
which the Americans had come to the coast. As it appeared later, it was
to get possession of the shallop that the _commandante_ had decided that
Americans were Englishmen.

Greene, however, was equal to the emergency. When the priest at the
fort gathered the garrison into the chapel at 8 o'clock for the evening
services, Greene overpowered the sentinels, ran out of the gate with his
men, launched his whale-boat, rowed off to the shallop, set the soldiers
ashore, and sailed away.

The _Neptune_, like all American vessels of the period, carried cannon.
After seeing that his guns were in service condition, Greene returned to
Port Desire and anchored in the harbor just out of range of the fort, and
began to take seals from the rocks. The _commandante_ came down the beach,
and with much gesticulation (and nothing more effective) ordered him away.
Greene might have defied him, but instead of doing so sent the purser
to offer him the shallop (which was no longer needed) for permission in
writing to go on with the hunt. The offer was gladly accepted, and Greene
cleaned the coast of seals.

Greene's way of dealing with the official is especially interesting
because it was characteristic of the American sea captains of the day in
their intercourse with bumptious officials everywhere.

Then the _Neptune_ went to Juan Fernandez and Mas-a-Fuera, where the cargo
was completed.

"During the latter part of the time ... we frequently stove our boats in
the surf," says a letter written by Purser Eben Townsend, and that is the
extent of his comment on the dangers of landing on outlying rocks in the
midst of a gale.

On June 9, 1798, the _Neptune_ sailed for Canton, where she sold her skins
for $2 each, and used the proceeds in buying China goods. This cargo,
on reaching New York, paid customs duties amounting to $55,438.71, and
sold for $260,000. The foremast hands received a "lay" of $1200 each. A
paragraph in one of Purser Townsend's letters regarding these foremast
hands is worth quoting:--

"Many of our crew were very smart, ambitious young men.... In our voyage
across the Pacific they exerted themselves to be qualified for commanding
ships, and the captain gave them as much indulgence as he could for that
object, allowing them time and giving them instruction. It was quite a
regular good school on board, and the progress was even greater than in
some literary institutions on shore. Some men that could not do a sum in
addition when we left America could now work lunar observations."

By 1825 the seals were so nearly exterminated that the hunt for skins
gave no profit, but the amount of sea-lion oil that could be secured was
sufficient to keep a fleet cruising in southern seas until 1870, when
three vessels fitted once more for a skin hunt and secured 8000. The next
year eight vessels obtained 15,000 good fur seals, and in 1876 Captain
Athearn, in the schooner _Florence_, took a cargo that sold for $100,000.
Between 1871 and 1880 the number of skins taken was 92,756. After that
date the hunt again became unprofitable, but the sea-lion oil kept a few
vessels busy for some years. The year 1880 may be called the last of the
employment of the American seal-hunting fleet.




CHAPTER XII

THE PACKET LINES AND THE CLIPPERS


Two results of the War of 1812 are of especial interest here. Through good
fighting the American ship was at last free to sail upon the high seas
unmolested by any power upon earth, and the seafaring people had become
aggressive to a degree that was little short of bumptious. In the weary
years that had passed since the _Trial_ sailed from Boston, our sailors
had been engaged in a struggle for mere existence; now they were to enter
with eager zest into a contest for the supremacy of the seas.

The first work done to this end was the establishment of a packet line
(1816) from New York to Liverpool, by Jeremiah Thompson, Isaac Wright,
Benjamin Marshal, and other capitalists of New York under the name of the
Black Ball Line. It may interest students of psychology to know that the
Quaker religious element prevailed among the stockholders.

The word "packet" had been used theretofore at sea only in connection
with certain small but swift vessels (usually brigs) that the British
government employed to carry the mail to foreign countries. These vessels
sailed from the home port at regular intervals, and the weather was bad
indeed when one of them failed to get away at the advertised hour.

In connection with the Liverpool packet service it is important to
recall the difference between loading a ship "on owners' account," and
carrying freight for any shipper at a rate per ton. The earliest American
ships usually carried cargo that belonged to the owners and crews. The
ships of Derby's time carried goods partly for the owners and partly for
"adventurers," who paid the owners a freight rate. With the further growth
of commerce the amount of freight offered for transportation by merchants
who owned no ships had increased rapidly, and before, as well as after,
the War of 1812 there were ship-owners who made increasing profits by
catering to these merchants. The owners of these vessels, it appears, had
observed that the regularity of the Hudson River packets had increased
the freight and passenger traffic there in a far greater ratio than any
one would have anticipated from the growth of population; and this fact
led to the conclusion that if a regular day of despatch, with the utmost
speed, were provided for the New York-Liverpool trade (the trade in which
the freighting traffic was largest), the ships would be able to command
the best part of the commerce. The event justified the venture; the Black
Ball Line was profitable from first departure. The ships were even able
to command higher rates than the ordinary vessels.

The ships employed were among the largest and swiftest of the period (400
to 500 tons each), and the captains were under orders to drive them to the
limit. The passages from Sandy Hook to Liverpool during the first 9 years
were made on the average in 23 days, the shortest time being 15 days and
18 hours--made by the _New York_ in 1822. The westward passage during that
time was made in 40 days on the average.

In 1821 the Red Star Line (Byrnes, Grimble, & Co.) entered the Liverpool
service with a ship every month on the 24th--a week ahead of the Black
Ball Line. To meet this competition the Black Ball began sending ships
away on the 16th as well as the first, and then the Swallow Tail Line
(Thaddeus Phelps & Co., and Fish, Grinnell, & Co.) made the service
weekly.

In 1821 Thomas Cope & Son began a monthly service from Philadelphia to
Liverpool, and in 1823 the Swallow Tail Line began sending ships monthly
to London. This last service soon had opposition in a line established by
John Griswold. Then between 1822 and 1832 three lines were successfully
established between New York and Havre.

The success of the transatlantic lines led to the formation of coastwise
lines. A number of 180-ton sloops made regular passages from New York to
Boston, beginning in 1818. In 1825 packets began running from New York to
Charleston; the New Orleans line was opened in 1832, and at the same time
another line began running to Vera Cruz, Mexico. These lines added much
to the offerings of freight and passengers to the transatlantic lines,
and helped the growth of New York immensely.

The New Orleans and the Vera Cruz lines were owned by E. K. Collins, a
man of much importance in the history of the American merchant marine,
as shall appear. His success in these two lines led him to sail into the
Liverpool trade with what was known as the Dramatic Line. The New York
_Daily Advertiser_, in announcing this line (September, 1836), said:--

"We notice this new enterprise with pleasure, as it will add another list
of fine ships to the sixteen now built. The ships are all to be 800 tons
and upward, New York built. The Liverpool lines are composed of 20 ships
or about 14,000 tons.... Nor will the establishment of another line injure
in the slightest degree the other lines--the more facilities there are
afforded the more goods and passengers will be transported."

The number of ships in the packet fleets, as here noted, is worth
consideration, for if the ships of the lines to London and to Havre and
that from Philadelphia be added, the whole number was no more than 50,
the tonnage of which was less than 35,000. In that year the American
tonnage in the foreign traffic was 753,094. The packet fleets contained
but a small fraction of the American tonnage, but their influence upon
the contest for supremacy of the seas was wonderful.

The files of the newspapers of the day give many glimpses of the packet
ships as the reporters saw them. Thus the Liverpool Courier, of March 24,
1824, in describing the 500-ton _Pacific_, Captain S. Maxwell, said:--

"This fine vessel has, during the week, been crowded with visitors who
have viewed with feelings of admiration the splendid style in which her
cabins are fitted up. Her dining room is 40 feet by 14. A mahogany table
runs down the centre, with seats on each side formed of the same wood
and covered with black hair cloth. The end of the dining room aft is
spanned by an elliptical arch, supported by handsome pillars of Egyptian
porphyry. The sides of the cabin are formed of mahogany and satin wood,
tastefully disposed in pannels and most superbly polished. The doors
of the staterooms are very neat, the compartments in each being inlaid
with a square of plate glass. An arch extends over the entrance to each
room, supported by delicate pillars of beautiful white Italian marble,
exquisitely polished. The staterooms are seven on each side; they are
fitted up with much taste, and with a studious regard of the comfort and
convenience of the passengers. The sideboard is placed in a recess in the
end of the cabin. An arch is thrown over it by two pillars of American
marble from the state of Vermont.... The _Pacific_ is built of live oak,
copper fastened, and is now coppering in No. 2 Graving-Dock. Nothing can
exceed the politeness of Captain Maxwell in showing her to the public."

In 1838 the New York _Express_, in describing "the last new packet,"
said:--

"We recollect that thirty years ago, when the _Manhattan_ was
launched--she was about 600 tons burden--all New York crowded down to see
her. She was the wonder of the day; and it was then believed that she was
the _ne plus ultra_ in ship building; that she was not only the largest
and finest ever built, but that ever could be built. From that day to
this they have gone on improving and building until they have now got to a
point of perfection that one would hardly suppose could be excelled. Our
ships, and particularly our packets, are admired by all nations wherever
they go; and although we do not admit that we cannot, by our skill,
ingenuity and capital, go on improving, the world admits that America is
without a rival in the noble art of building this description of vessel.

"We have, from time to time, given descriptions of the various ships that
have been put afloat.... We have now another to add--the ship _Roscius_,
built by E. K. Collins, belonging to the Dramatic Line, and to be
commanded by Captain John Collins. She is the largest that has yet been
built, and for strength and beauty is a noble specimen of American ship
building. The following are her dimensions:--

"Burden, 1100 tons; length of main deck, 170 feet; length of spar deck,
180 feet; breadth of beam, 36½ feet; depth of hold, 22 feet; height of
cabin, 6½ feet; height from keelson to main truck, 187 feet; length of
main yard, 75 feet."

Of the velvet used upon the sofas, and the Wilton carpets, the "scarlet
marino" drapery, "with white curtains," nothing more need be said, but
the facts that she cost $100,000 ($90 per ton) and would "stow about 3200
bales of cotton" are, perhaps, memorable.

With a little imagination a picture that warms the blood is found in
the following brief paragraph from a Liverpool paper published in July,
1836:--

"_Ship Race._--Twelve ships sailed from New York for Liverpool on the 8th
instant. Among them were the packet ships Sheffield, Allen; the Columbus,
Palmer; and the George Washington, H. Holdredge, and several first-rate
vessels, the Star, the Congress, the Josephine, &c. Heavy bets were
laid on the respective ships at the time of sailing. The three packet
ships having parted company, fell in with each other on the Banks of
Newfoundland. Here they parted. The George Washington passed Holyhead on
Saturday forenoon; two or three hours afterwards the Sheffield passed the
same place. Both ships entered the Mersey in the course of the afternoon,
after a run of seventeen days from port to port. The Columbus arrived
yesterday morning. None of the other ships have yet appeared."

Fancy a newspaper giving no more space than that to such a magnificent
race! Still, races of the kind were common in those days, and the sailor
can imagine how the ships were handled. The Palmer who commanded the
Columbus, by the way, was Nathaniel Brown Palmer, who discovered the
Antarctic Continent while in command of the _Hero_--"a little rising forty
tons."

    [Illustration: Clipper Ship _SYREN_]

In 1837 the papers announced that the _Sheffield_, Captain Allen, that
came in second in the race had, within the past 12 months, made the
eastward passage five times in succession in an aggregate of 91 days,
"being an average of about 18 days each from port to port." In her next
passage out she crossed in 16 days, thus creating a record of six passages
in 103 days, "being a little over 17 days each."

On April 24, 1836, the Liverpool _Albion_, under the heading
"Unprecedented Quick Passage," told how the _Independence_, Captain E.
Nye, had "sailed from New York on the evening of the 8th instant, and
the interval between her leaving and taking the Liverpool pilot was only
_fourteen days_ and five hours."

"The passage from port to port has frequently been made in sixteen days;
in the year 1822 the packet ship _New York_ made it in fifteen days
and three-quarters; but the _Independence_ is the only ship that ever
accomplished it within the fifteen days."

The passengers on the _Independence_, "being desirous of commemorating
the unparalleled short passage," appointed a committee to "procure and
convey" to Captain Nye "a Piece of Plate with a suitable inscription."

The _Independence_ measured only 734 tons. She was built in New York in
1834.

In the course of the packet period five other liners made passages to
Liverpool in fourteen days or less--the _Montezuma_, the _Patrick Henry_,
the _Southampton_, the _St. Andrew_, and the _Dreadnought_. Under
Captain Samuel Samuels the _Dreadnought_ was the most famous of them
all. She ran in the St. George's line--A. Taylor & Co. Samuels was born
in Philadelphia, on March 14, 1823. He ran away to sea when eleven years
old, and at twenty-one, after a venturesome career, was placed in command
of a ship called the _Angelique_. In 1853 the _Dreadnought_ (1413 tons)
was built especially for him, and as he told the writer she was a ship of
"medium full lines." And yet in her first voyage to Liverpool and back[7]
she reached Sandy Hook just as the Cunard steamer _Canada_, which had left
Liverpool one day ahead of her, was arriving at Boston.

On Saturday, February 9, 1856, the Liverpool _Chronicle_, under the
head lines "Important from America. Five days later--Arrival of the
_Dreadnought_," said:--

"The clipper _Dreadnought_, Captain Samuels, ... arrived here this
forenoon from New York after a rapid passage of fourteen days and eight
hours."

    [Illustration: Captain Samuel Samuels

     By courtesy of _Harper's Magazine_]

It took three years to beat that passage, but in 1859 Samuels drove her
from Sandy Hook to Rock Light, Liverpool, 3000 miles, in 13 days and 8
hours. And in 1860 he ran from Sandy Hook to Queenstown, a distance of
2760 miles, in 9 days and 17 hours, a record never equalled either before
or since.

"She was on the rim of a cyclone, most of the time," said the captain in
describing the passage to the writer. The sailors of the day called her
the "Wild Boat of the Atlantic," and some unremembered forecastle bard
wrote a song of nine stanzas about her, of which the first was:--

  "It is of a flash packet,
       A packet of fame.
  She is bound to New York
       And the _Dreadnought's_ her name.
  She is bound to the west'ard
       Where the stormy winds blow.
  Bound away in the _Dreadnought_,
       To the west'ard we'll go."

Seafaring people are yet alive who well remember the boisterous vigor
with which the old-time sailors used to roar out "Bound away in the
_Dreadnought_, To the west'ard we'll go," wherein all the crew joined the
chanty man.

The counting-house view of the packets must not be overlooked. The
earliest ships cost about $40,000, or say $80 a ton measurement. The later
ones cost nearer $90 a ton, the _Roscius_, of 1100 tons, as noted above,
costing $100,000. The captain usually owned an eighth of his ship, and
many a man of good reputation who lacked the money to buy such a share
was allowed to buy in with a note that was paid off with his share of the
earnings. The captain, who was part owner, naturally handled the ship with
greater economy on that account. The salary of the captain was usually
$360 a year, but in addition he had 5 per cent of the freight money, a
fourth of the cabin passage money, all the money paid for carrying mails
(twopence a letter from the British government, and two cents from the
American), and the privilege of carrying his wife board free. On the
whole, these captains made not far from $5000 a year.

The number of cabin passengers varied from 30 in the earlier days up to
80 in the later, though there were many passages, of course, when the
cabin was nearly empty. The price of passage was $140 during most of the
time, but competition cut it to $100, now and then. The owners, however,
calculated on an income of from $2000 to $5000 per passage from the cabin.
The income from freights ran from $5000 to $10,000 per passage. Each ship
made six passages a year. Much larger sums were earned in a single passage
at times. The _Orient_, Captain George S. Hill, once made a gross income
of $50,000 for a round voyage, while the _Webster_, Captain Joseph J. Law,
made $60,000.

The proudest seafaring man in the world at that period was the master
of a Liverpool packet. When the wind served at the hour of sailing, he
set all plain sail on his vessel as she lay at her pier, laid all flat
aback, drove her stern first into the stream, turned her around, and then,
while the spectators cheered themselves hoarse, he sent her rippling down
to the sea. And when he returned he sometimes arrived in the river with
royals set and sailed her into her berth with less fuss and jar than the
ferryboat in the near-by slip was making. Indeed, tugs were used before
1835 only when the wind was foul or wholly lacking, and for years after
that it was a matter of pride as well as profit to save the tug bill
($140) whenever possible.

Most of the newspapers that have been quoted in this chapter were
printed in England. It is a significant fact that the English papers,
which represented the attitude of the English merchants of the day, gave
the American packets unstinted praise. The acrid jealousy that English
merchants had shown during all the long years before the War of 1812 was
silenced. How did it happen that these "Yankee" seamen were treated so
well?

The British House of Commons having appointed a committee in 1835 "to
inquire into the cause of shipwrecks in the British merchant service," the
London _Courier_, on August 18 and 20, 1836, printed a number of extracts
from the committee's report. One of the paragraphs in that report is of
special interest:--

"45. _American Shipping._--That the committee cannot conclude its labor
without calling attention to the fact, that the ships of the United
States of America, frequenting the ports of England, are stated by several
witnesses to be superior to those of a similar class amongst the ships of
Great Britain, _the commanders and officers being generally considered
to be more competent_ as seamen and navigators, and more uniformly
persons of education, than the commanders and officers of British ships
of a similar size and class, trading from England to America; while the
_seamen_ of the United States are considered to be more carefully selected
and _more efficient_; that American ships sailing from Liverpool to New
York, have preference over English vessels sailing to the same port, _both
as to freight and to rate of insurance_; and _higher wages being given_,
their whole equipment is maintained in a higher state of perfection, so
that fewer losses occur; and as the American shipping have increased of
late years in the proportion of 12¾ per cent per annum while the British
shipping have increased within the same period 1½ per cent per annum," the
superior growth of the American merchant marine, as well as the higher
wages paid, was taking the best of the British sailors into the service
of the American ships.

All of this is to say that while only twenty-one years had elapsed since
the American sailor had won, by good fighting, the right to cross the seas
unmolested by foreign war-ships, his chief competitors openly acknowledged
that in the trade between New York and Liverpool (the most important
trade route in the world) he had won unquestioned and even uncontested
supremacy. The American packets received cordial praise in Liverpool
because no British ship-owner so much as thought about entering into
competition with them, and this, too, at a time when the British tonnage,
in the aggregate, was far greater than that of the United States.

In the meantime the American whalemen had won supremacy, as already noted,
in the work of gathering the harvest of the deep seas, and the most
splendid conquest of all, the supremacy of the sea in the trade of the
Far East, was at hand.

The most interesting feature of this contest was the evolution of a class
of ships called clippers. Curiously enough, it appears that one aggressive
naval architect, John W. Griffiths, of New York, was responsible for
the introduction of this remarkable type of ships. Griffiths was of the
opinion that a ship having "hollow" or concave water-lines, especially
at the bow,--"hollow entrance lines,"--would sail more swiftly than one
with ordinary convex lines, no matter how fine the convex lines might
be. In 1841 Griffiths exhibited a model of a ship shaped according to
his ideas, at the American Institute, and he also delivered a number of
lectures on the subject. The nautical world became greatly interested, and
in 1843 William H. Aspinwall ordered a ship of 750 tons built to designs
by Griffiths. She was named the _Rainbow_, and when sent, under Captain
John Land, to Canton on her maiden voyage, she arrived back at the end of
6 months and 14 days. In another voyage she sailed to Canton in 92 days
and made the passage home in 88, breaking the record each way.

The _Howqua_, the _Samuel Russell_, and the _Sea Witch_ were also built
to the new designs,--the clipper model, as it soon came to be called,--and
all made swift passages. The _Russell_ is of special interest because she
was commanded by Captain N. B. Palmer, who now left the packet service to
engage in that of the Far East. His first run was made to Hongkong in 114
days, which was slow time for a racer, but in the course of the voyage
he covered 318 miles in a day; and in 30 consecutive days he sailed 6722
miles. To complete Palmer's record it may be said here that in his last
ship, the _Orient_, he covered 328 sea miles in a day, and made the run
home from Canton in 81 days.

The _Howqua's_ best work was the run from Shanghai to New York in 88 days.
The _Water Witch_, called "the swiftest ship of her day," was commanded
by Captain Robert H. Waterman ("Captain Bob"). She set the pace when she
sailed from New York on December 23, 1846. In 25 days she hove to off Rio
Janeiro long enough to send mail ashore on an inbound ship, and in 104
days she reached Hongkong. Her return run from Canton was made in 81 days.
In the next voyage she returned from Canton in 77 days, her best day's
run being 358 sea miles, something then unheard of.

There were a number of other celebrated clippers in the China trade, but
none of them was swifter than the _Shooting Star_, with a passage record
of 88 days from Canton, and the _Atlanta_ with a record of 84; none
equalled Waterman's passage of 77 days.

When the captains of these clippers, dressed in "lustrous, straw-colored,
raw-silk suits," paraded the water front of New York, they were more
admired and envied by the loungers than any prince or potentate on earth.
They were the kings of the sea by right of conquest. Imagine what Captain
Waterman would have done if told that he reigned by grace of "a system of
national protection deliberately initiated in 1789!"

In 1849 the British government, in a desperate determination to place
British shipping ahead of American in quality as well as quantity,
repealed the old navigation laws. British merchants were not only
permitted to buy American ships, but American ships were permitted to
enter all trades to the United Kingdom. The British ship-builders declared
their business would be ruined; and the building of the old-style wooden
ships was ruined. The ship-owners, too, saw disaster staring them in the
face, and, for a time, there was reason for their fears. For where the
British ships in the tea trade received from £3 to £4 per ton (50 cubic
feet) from Canton to London, the American clippers received six and even
more.

The little Baltimore clipper _Architect_, having made a run from Canton
to London in 107 days, beating the fleet by about a week, she was paid
£8 a ton when next she applied for a cargo of new-crop teas. The ordinary
ships were glad to get the common £4.

In the meantime the California territory was acquired from Mexico by the
treaty proclaimed July 4, 1848. Placer gold had already been discovered
in El Dorado county (January 24), and when official reports confirmed the
wide-spread rumors of the "find," a migration of gold-seekers such as the
world had never seen was begun.

The growth of population in the territory was phenomenal, and the growth
at once created an insistent demand for many products of civilization,
especially for such things as were needed by miners and town-builders; for
the whole region was a wilderness. This demand was backed by gold washed
from the placers, and the prices seem now almost beyond belief.

"On the 1st of July, 1849, lumber was selling at San Francisco for $500
per 1000 feet. A better quality of lumber could be purchased in New York
for $12--in Maine for $10." (Ex. Doc. 2, 32 Cong. 1 sess. p. 306.) At the
same time, (Phil. Quar. Reg., Dec. 1849), eggs were selling as high as $2
a dozen, hens for $4 each, butter at $1.50 a pound, and potatoes, by the
pound, 6 to 8 cents; turnips and cabbages still higher.

The merchants made haste to forward the needed supplies; thousands of
eager gold-hunters sought passage on the outbound ships, and the one
demand of the merchant and the passenger was for speed.

The number of ships obtainable being inadequate, the merchants went to
the shipyards, and it was then that the most famous of all the American
clippers were built.

The records of some of the old ships that were at once put into the
California trade were not bad. The _Colonel Fremont_ reached San
Francisco after a passage of 127 days, and the _Grey Eagle_ in 117. But
the _Flying Cloud_, built by Donald McKay of Boston, and sailed by Captain
Josiah P. Creesy, of Marblehead, in 1851, made the passage in 89 days,
and in one day covered 374 sea miles. The length of this passage is given
as 84 days in some accounts, but _A Description of the New Clipper Great
Republic_, a pamphlet printed at Eastburn's Press, Boston, in 1853, for
Donald McKay, says the time was 89 days. This pamphlet also says that the
outlook for profits led McKay to build the _Sovereign of the Seas_, a ship
of 2400 tons, and then the largest, longest, and sharpest merchant ship in
the world. "Contrary to the advice of his best friends, he built her on
his own account; he embarked all he was worth in her, for no merchant in
this vicinity would risk capital in such a vessel, as she was considered
too large and costly for any trade.... To the surprise of even those who
knew him best, he played the merchant and loaded her himself. And well he
was rewarded. He not only sold her on his own terms, but her performances
exceeded his expectations."

Captain Lachlan McKay, brother of Donald, commanded this famous clipper.
In August, 1851, she left New York for San Francisco, and until well
beyond the Horn made record speed; but off Valparaiso, while the captain
was driving her through a gale by night, an extra heavy squall carried
away her fore and main topmasts. Captain McKay was sitting in an arm-chair
on the quarter-deck at the time, and that chair was his only bed for the
next two weeks. During that time new masts were made and got on end, the
yards were crossed and sail was made. She reached San Francisco in 102
days from New York in spite of the disaster.

Going to Honolulu, the _Sovereign of the Seas_ loaded whale-oil for
New York. In the course of the passage she sailed 3144 sea miles in 10
consecutive days, and arrived in New York in 82 days. There she loaded for
Liverpool, sailed on June 18, 1852, and anchored in the Mersey 13 days and
19 hours later. During this passage she covered 340 sea miles in a day.
Her next voyage was to San Francisco, and during the return passage, "in
24 consecutive hours she ran 430 geographical miles." (Eastburn pamphlet.)

The _Antelope_ and the _Surprise_ are credited with making passages
from San Francisco to New York in 97 days; the _John Gilpin_ and the
_Sweepstakes_ in 94; the _Flying Fish_ and the _Great Republic_ in 92,
and the _Sword Fish_ in 91. Professor J. Russell Smith's _Ocean Carrier_
says the _Comet_ made the passage in 76 days. Her record is disputed
(see _Shipping Illustrated_, New York, April 3, 1909), but the _Nautical
Magazine_, April, 1856, confirms it. It is not disputed that the _Northern
Light_ ran from San Francisco to Boston in 76 days, and Captain A. H.
Clark, in _Harper's Magazine_, June, 1908, says the _Trade Wind_ made the
San Francisco-New York passage in the same number of days.

    [Illustration: Clipper Ship _WITCH OF THE WAVE_]

The _Great Republic_, built by Donald McKay, was the largest American
clipper ship. She was "325 feet long, 53 feet wide and her whole depth
is 39 feet." She was "of 4000 tons register and full 6000 tons stowage
capacity." She had four masts, the after, or spanker, mast carrying
fore and aft sails only. Her main-yard was 120 feet long. After she was
loaded at New York for her maiden voyage she was accidentally burned,
the total loss, as insured, amounting to $400,000. The sunken hull was
raised, rebuilt at a cost of $27,000 and she was then rigged as before. In
rebuilding her, a less depth of hull was given, but she was still able to
carry 4000 tons dead weight. With 3000 tons in her hold she ran from New
York to the coast of England in 12 days. In the Guano trade from the west
coast of South America she was credited with making 412 miles in one day.
(Admiral Preble in _U. S. Serv. Mag._, July, 1889.) The _Red Jacket_ once
covered 413 sea miles in a day, and the _Flying Scud_ claimed a day's run
of 449, but this was disputed. (See _Nautical Magazine_, June, 1855.) The
undisputed record day's run was made by the _Lightning_, built by Donald
McKay, for English capitalists. A letter from McKay which appeared in the
_Scientific American_ on November 26, 1859, says:--

"Although I designed and built the clipper ship _Lightning_, and therefore
ought to be the last to praise her, yet such has been her performance
_since Englishmen learned to sail her_, that I must confess I feel proud
of her. You are aware that she was so sharp and concave forward that one
of her stupid captains, who did not comprehend the principle upon which
she was built, persuaded the owners to fill in the hollows of her bows.
They did so, and according to their Bullish bluff notions, she was not
only better for the addition, but would sail faster, and wrote me to that
effect. Well, the next passage to Melbourne, Australia, she washed the
encumbrance away on one side, and when she returned to Liverpool, the
other side was also cleared away. Since then she has been running as I
modelled her. As a specimen of her speed I may say that I saw recorded in
her log (of 24 hours) 436 nautical miles, a trifle over 18 knots an hour."

A few records will give an idea of the profits of the best of the
clippers. The _Sovereign of the Seas_ received $84,000 freight money
for the passage when she was dismasted, and her owner says she earned
$200,000 in the first eleven months. The _Surprise_, Captain Dumaresque,
in a voyage from New York to San Francisco and then by way of China home,
made a net profit of $50,000 above her cost and all expenses. The _Great
Republic_, according to Preble, received $160,000 freight in a passage
from New York to San Francisco. It seems worth noting here that the
insurance rates on these hard-driven clippers were far lower than can now
be obtained by the best of modern sailing ships.

The most interesting period in the history of the American merchant marine
is the clipper ship era. The story has been told over and again, but the
interest never flags. And yet while those ships were sweeping the seas and
lying in port where their captains walked the piers in suits of lustrous
China silks; and while the newspapers of Europe as well as America were
printing in leaded lines the details of their wonderful passages, _the
seafaring people of the United States were living in a fool's paradise_.
The work that was to drive the American flag from the principal trade
routes of the seas had been begun before the keel of the clipper _Rainbow_
was stretched. Our seafaring people saw it, too, and even helped it on,
but with but one notable exception, so far as the record shows, they
utterly failed to comprehend its significance.

The character and effect of that work shall be described in another
chapter. It remains to consider here one other interesting fact about the
clippers. It is demonstrable that the shapes of the much-lauded clipper
hulls had only a trifling, if any, influence upon the speed attained.
Indeed the lines upon which the builders of the most famous of them all
relied for speed were inferior, as modern designers know, to those of some
ordinary ships wholly unknown to the record.

As a first bit of evidence in proof of this assertion here is the story
of the _Natchez_ in which Captain "Bob" Waterman first won fame. In 1843
Waterman sailed her around the world and made the passage from Canton to
New York in 94 days. The whole voyage required only 9 months and 26 days.
In 1844 he drove her from New York to Valparaiso in 71 days, thence to
Callao in 8, and thence to Hongkong in 54. She then loaded teas at Canton
and he drove her from that port to New York, 13,955 miles, in 78 days.
This last passage was but one day longer than Waterman's record passage
of 77 days made in the _Sea Witch_, "the swiftest clipper of her day."
But the _Natchez_ was not a clipper, although she has been described as
one. She was built with full lines and a flat bottom in order that she
might carry huge loads of cotton from New Orleans, across the shoals at
the mouths of the Mississippi, and around to New York; and while engaged
in that trade, she had earned the reputation of being one of the slowest
ships on the American coast!

As to the lines of the clippers note that while Donald McKay supposed that
the _Lightning_ made her great speed because she was "hollow" at the bow,
the modern yacht designers, who have tried out the hollow lines for years,
have entirely abandoned them. The famous _America_ had hollow lines; no
modern yacht has anything of the kind.

The _Dreadnought_, with her unequalled North Atlantic record, was called a
"semi-clipper," in her day. Her lines, as printed in Griffiths's _Nautical
Magazine_, show that she was as full as many ships that were never classed
as anything but plain cargo carriers. In connection with this fact recall
the records of a ship or two built long before the clipper era--Derby's
_Mount Vernon_, for instance, with her passage of 17 days from Salem to
Gibraltar. The _Silas Richards_, formerly a packet between New York and
Liverpool, left New York in June, 1836, for Canton, and she was back in
New York at the end of March, 1837. Her run home was made in 91 days. Even
the old _Desire_ (high in poop and low in spars, when compared with the
clippers) made the passage, away back in 1640, from Boston to Gravesend
in 23 days.

Out of 157 vessels that arrived at San Francisco in 1852, no less than
seventy had been designed as clippers, of which, however, only three or
four made notable passages.

No complete list of the ships built with clipper lines was ever made, nor
can one be made now; but out of the 2656 ships and barks launched between
1843 and 1855, which was the clipper era, it is certain that at least
10 per cent--256--were of the clipper model. But only a few more than a
score ever made better records than the previously built packets had made.
Indeed, many of the leanest and sharpest of the clipper hulls, together
with (curiously enough) others that were built from the drawings of some
of the successful clippers, were absolute failures, so far as speed was
concerned.

This is not to deny that the clippers were in some respects grand ships.
They were superior in the strength of hull, _in the breadth of beam_, and,
consequently, _in the spread of canvas under which they could stand_. In
the _general proportions_ of their hulls many of them were right--as was
the old frigate _Constitution_, which had a bow as round as an apple and
yet had a record of better than 12 knots an hour. But even when all of
that is said, the fact remains that the full-lined _Natchez_ was but a
day behind the record from Canton.

If it was not to the model of the ships, to what, then, were the splendid
records due? The answer is of the utmost importance in any study of the
American merchant marine. The records were due to the fact that our seamen
were the most ambitious and the most efficient sailors _of the sail_ that
the world has ever seen. While the gale permitted the ship to hold her
course, the captain paced the deck the whole night long and caught his
sleep by day in short naps under the weather rail in order that he might
see that she was kept going. The sheets and halyards of the important
sails on those record ships were made of chains, and they were locked
fast in place--held by padlocks, so that frightened sailors, unseen by
the master, could not let them fly when the ship, rolling to the blast at
night, dragged her lee rail through the solid water. When the captain gave
an order, the crew ran with all their might to do the work--or they were
knocked across the deck with a pump-brake in the hands of the nerve-racked
mate. Captain Waterman even shot men off the yards because they seemed to
be handling the sails slowly. Studding sails were spread to the zephyrs
when the ship crossed the equator, and they were yet seen in place while
she sailed with trade-winds so strong that ships from Europe close-hauled
were reefed down to the cap. Indeed, all sail was often carried when
ordinary ships were seen reefed down on the same course. As Clark Russell
notes in one of his novels, the skipper of the ship from Europe, as he
paced the deck with anxious eyes upon his shortened canvas, fearing that
it would be blown from the bolt ropes, very often saw a tiny white speck
upon the horizon, watched it grow into a splendid ship with "every rag
set," saw her fling the Stars and Stripes to the gale, as she went roaring
by, and then with feelings that cannot be described, gazed after her until
she disappeared in the mists far down the lee.

If the two crews thus meeting in mid-ocean could have changed ships, the
bluff-bowed hulk from Europe would soon have gone smoking away while the
clipper would have rolled her spars over the lee rail before her new crew
could have learned the lead of a single sheet or halyard.

It was the man on the quarter-deck--he who had handled ships among the
rocks of the South Shetlands, or had lanced whales in the North Pacific,
or had skimmed the sands of Cape Hatteras, in order to learn the arts
of the sea as handed down from the beginning--it was the master mariner
evolved by two hundred years of battle--with the sea and its people--who
made the American flag supreme upon all the seas of the whole world.




CHAPTER XIII

DEEP-WATER STEAMSHIPS--PART I


In order to comprehend the story of the efforts to establish lines of
steam packets under the American flag between the United States and
various ports in Europe, it is necessary at this point to review briefly
our foreign relations in the period between the War of 1812 and the
Civil War, and then to consider what was done by the British in the early
development of steam navigation.

In the year 1818, in the course of what is known as the Seminole War,
General Jackson, at the head of a strong body of troops, invaded the
Spanish territory of Florida, captured a number of fortified places, and
ruthlessly hanged one British subject named Arbuthnot and shot another
named Ambrister on the unproved charge that the two had been "stirring up
the Indians to war with the United States." No war followed this outrage,
but the ill feeling which had animated the British after the War of 1812
was greatly intensified.

Trouble over the northeast boundary of the United States followed, and
when the king of the Netherlands was asked to arbitrate the matter, he
laid down a line which was not satisfactory to the English. At the same
time it was exasperating to the Americans, especially to the people
of Maine. In fact, open hostilities in a small way occurred near the
boundary.

In 1837 the British manner of ruling the Canadian region created so much
opposition among the settlers there that a small insurrection broke out.
It was suppressed, but only to break out again, and at this time a number
of American sympathizers joined the insurgents. A band of the insurgents
having taken possession of Navy Island, in the Niagara River, the American
sympathizers went in the American steamer _Caroline_ to join them, and
carried arms and supplies. The steamer then returned to American waters,
but the British loyalists crossed over the line, captured the steamer,
set her on fire, and sent her over Niagara Falls. One American was killed
in the attack. Later a Canadian deputy sheriff boasted that he had killed
the man whose life was taken, and then, in 1840, incautiously came across
to Lockport, New York, where he was arrested for the murder. His name was
Alexander McLeod. Thereupon the British government, with the aggressive
Palmerston in the lead, avowed that the _Caroline_ was seized on the
authority of the nation, and peremptorily demanded McLeod's release.
The Washington authorities were disposed to yield, but Governor Seward,
of New York, declared that McLeod should stand trial; and he did. But
having proved an alibi, he was acquitted, and on October 12, 1841, he
was returned to Canada. In the meantime an American had been seized as a
hostage to abide McLeod's fate. He was of course released at last.

In the course of the year 1841 an American coaster named the _Creole_,
while carrying a cargo of slaves from the breeding grounds in Virginia
to the ever eager market in the Southwest, was taken from her officers
and crew by the slaves, who then ran the vessels to the Bahamas, where
the slaves, 125 in number, were protected. The slave owners of the United
States had been restive because of frequent reports that British cruisers,
engaged in suppressing the slave trade upon the coast of Africa, had
"exercised the right of search" by boarding ships under the American flag,
and when the story of the protection of the _Creole's_ cargo reached the
country, the excitement rose toward the war heat.

In the meantime, the United States had annexed Florida. Then the Texans
set up an independent government, and it was recognized as an independent
nation, but with its people openly anxious for annexation to the United
States. The statesmen of England saw that annexation was inevitable and
that a war with Mexico would follow, with the result that the territory
of the United States would be enlarged in the Southwest and along the
Spanish Main, where British subjects were looking for a further extension
of territory and influence. For at about this time the ancient settlement
of logwood cutters at Belize was developed into the colony of British
Honduras (1845). Although England had subscribed to and helped to enforce
the Monroe Doctrine, her statesmen were looking to an extension of British
Honduras as far south as the mouth of the Rio San Juan, in Nicaragua. To
secure this extension a protectorate over the Mosquito Coast Indians was
declared, and the coast was assumed to be territory entirely independent
of Nicaragua. On August 19, 1841, British war-ships captured San Juan del
Norte, at the mouth of the San Juan, drove away the Nicaragua officials,
and installed Mosquito Indians. The Nicaraguans soon drove away the
Mosquito forces, but the interest in the place having been intensified
by projects for building an interoceanic canal across the country, the
British returned, late in 1847, and on January 10, 1848, placed the
Mosquito chiefs once more in possession.

With the rush of emigrants to California, the United States became
interested in this aggression. It would never do to allow the British to
control such a highway as was then in contemplation. The British naturally
held on to what they had secured at the mouth of the San Juan, however,
and then, with a view of obtaining control of the other end of the canal
route (the Gulf of Fonseca), they began to press Honduras for the payment
of certain claims of British subjects, the nature of which is of no
importance because the claims were merely a pretext for an aggression
that would have been made had no claims been in existence. To back these
claims a British warship appeared, but when the Honduranians were in
straits, the American envoy to Nicaragua heard of their trouble, hastened
to meet them, and then negotiated a treaty (September 28, 1849) by which a
part of Tigre Island and a part of the coast of the Gulf of Fonseca were
granted to the United States for a naval station. When the British envoy
learned how he had been outwitted, he ordered some of the naval force at
his command to seize Tigre Island in contempt of the acquired rights of
the United States. (See Keasbey's _Nicaragua Canal_ and Pims _Panama_.)
That the British fully expected a war with the United States, is beyond
dispute. In fact, they had been prepared for war ever since 1840, but the
Nicaragua matter it was supposed would surely bring on the long-looked-for
contest.

To add to the dangers of the situation, a dispute had arisen, meantime,
over the northwestern boundary of the United States, a controversy
commonly referred to in history as the Oregon Question. The United States
claimed the territory as far north as the south line of Alaska, then
belonging to Russia, in latitude 54° 40′. The British claimed as far south
as the Columbia River. The claims created great excitement in this country
in 1845, and the cry of "Fifty-four forty, or fight" was heard throughout
the nation.

To show the state of feeling in England at that time, here is a quotation
from a letter written by Louis McLean, American Minister to London, to
the Secretary of State, January 3, 1846.

"I sought an interview with Lord Aberdeen, in order that, in conformity
with your instructions, I might bring to his notice the warlike
preparations making by Great Britain, and, if possible, ascertain their
real character and object.... In introducing the subject I adverted at
the same time to the information the President had received from various
sources, of the extensive preparations making by Great Britain, and the
natural inference upon his part that, in the present pacific state of
the relations of Great Britain with all the powers of Europe, they could
only look to a rupture with the United States.... Lord Aberdeen said very
promptly and frankly that it would be improper to disguise that, with the
sincerest wish to avoid it, they were obliged to look to the possibility
of a rupture with the United States, and that in such a crisis the warlike
preparations now making would be useful and important.... He stated that
the most extensive and formidable parts of their preparations were the
fortifications of the principal and exposed stations ... and to _the
increase of the number of steam vessels_ in lieu of the old craft." (See
Cong. _Globe_, February 6, 1847.)

In short, during the whole period under consideration, the Americans
and the British were constantly animated by intense antipathy and even
animosity, each toward the other.

While turning, now, to the story of the evolution of British steamships,
it will be worth while to recall first what has already been said about
the environment that developed the character of the American sailor. From
the day when the men of Massachusetts Bay built ships and launched forth
in them to catch fish and trade with foreign countries, until such men as
Palmer, Samuels, and Waterman made marvellous speed with whatever form
of ship they happened to command, the whole environment of the American
seafaring population had served to develop excellence in handling ships
of the sail.

With this fact in mind, note that steamers made an extraordinary change
in the conditions of transportation by ships. These conditions were so
far removed from the old that a portrait-painter who had never learned
any of the arts of the sea designed the first commercially successful
steamer in the United States. The keeper of a bathhouse performed a
similar service for the British public. When steam navigation had become
an assured success, the splendid skill of the sailor _of the sail_ was
no longer needed. The man at the throttle usurped the place of the man on
the weather yard-arm, and this is true in spite of the curious and absurd
fact that even now the captains of steamships do not reach the bridge by
way of the stokehole.

Then recall the fact that while the United States had produced excellent
sailors of the sail, there was such a dearth of mechanics in Fulton's day
that he was obliged to import the _Clermont's_ engine from England; and
Stevens, though he built his own engines, was obliged to train men to work
in iron before he could do so. The British had been building efficient
engines for twenty years before Fulton bought his. In every application
of steam power, the British were that much in advance of the Americans.

As Day points out in his _History of Commerce_, inventors living in the
United States, as well as in other countries, went to England to perfect
their inventions, because of the superior facilities afforded in British
machine shops; and this was done as late as 1836--even later. Some of
the best machinery invented in the United States, in the period under
consideration, was first put in use in Great Britain.

The fact that abundant supplies of coal were to be had at low price in
Great Britain is not to be overlooked in connection with this argument.
With the consequent great progress in factory industries, the time was
close at hand when all England was to become "a free port" for all the
world, as well as a place for working up the raw materials of all other
countries.

Still another important fact is this, that the American capitalists who
began to invest in steamships at an early day, found immense stretches of
inland waters upon which to develop the carrying trade, while the inland
waters of Great Britain were of insignificant extent, and the capitalists
there were soon engaged in the coasting trade where the waters were by no
means pacific. In 1818 the _Rob Roy_ was put on the route between Glasgow
and Belfast, and a little later she was sent to ply between Dover and
Calais. In 1822 a line was established between Liverpool and Glasgow, and
this was followed in 1826 by a line plying between Edinburgh and London.
These last ships were 160 feet long and were provided with engines of 200
horse-power; they were regarded as such marvellous ships that people came
from all parts of the kingdom to look at them. And it is to be noted that
all the coasters so far mentioned were provided with a form of engine (the
side lever) which was efficient for deep-water service.

Following the success of the Glasgow line, other lines were established
to various ports of Europe, including one to Bordeaux, the ships of which
had to cross the stormy Bay of Biscay and traverse a route 1600 miles
long. All of this is to emphasize the fact that while the steamship men of
the United States were making records upon the Hudson and other _inland_
waters, those of Great Britain were engaged almost exclusively upon waters
with a rending power little, if any, less than that of the Atlantic. The
environments of the men engaged in steamboat traffic in the two countries
were so different that widely different classes of ships, engines, _and
engineers_ were developed. The British had been navigating the Bay of
Biscay with success for several years before the Americans put the _Home_
upon the route around Cape Hatteras.

And yet it was an American that first stirred up the British to embark
in the transatlantic steamer trade--Dr. Junius Smith, who graduated from
Yale in 1802, and then went to London as representative of some American
merchants. The success of the British coasters led Smith to believe that
transatlantic steamers would prove successful, and in 1832 he came to the
United States to look into the matter more fully.

"My friends in New York make no doubt of the practicability nor of the
success of such an undertaking," he wrote to a director of the London
and Edinburgh Steam Packet Company, "and have assured me that they
will build two steam vessels suited to the object in view," provided
English capitalists would build two more for use in the same line. Mr.
Smith's letter was written to invite the directors of the company to
join in the enterprise, and to charter to him one of their steamers
for a demonstration trip, to New York. The directors replied with
a cold refusal. Smith, however, tried elsewhere, and when his plans
were presented in the newspapers, the professional humorists gave much
attention to the "Yankee" innovator. In 1836 a noted scientist of the
period, Dr. Lardner, in a lecture at Liverpool, declared that any effort
to make direct passages from New York to Liverpool would prove "perfectly
chimerical, and they might as well talk of making the direct voyage from
New York or Liverpool to the moon."

When this lecture was reported in the papers, a number of steamship men
showed by arguments drawn from the experience of the coasters that Lardner
was wrong, but even with their assistance Smith made two vain efforts to
organize a company. But in July, 1836, when the books were again opened,
enough shares were taken to enable the company to build a good ship which
in time proved successful. But because there were long delays in getting
this vessel afloat, Smith's company chartered the steamer _Sirius_, a
packet plying between London and Cork, for a voyage to New York.

The _Sirius_ was of about the size of a large sailing packet of the day.
She measured 700 tons and had engines of 320 horse-power. On April 4,
1838, she left Cork for New York.

In the meantime, I. K. Brunel, who was then chief engineer of the Great
Western Railroad, had become convinced of the feasibility of transatlantic
steam navigation, and with a few associates he had built at Bristol a ship
named the _Great Western_, especially for traffic between Bristol (the end
of the Great Western Railroad) and New York. This ship was 212 feet long
by 35 wide and 23 deep. She registered at 1340 tons. She was provided with
side-lever engines of 440 horse-power, the cylinders being 73½ inches in
diameter by 7 feet stroke.

As it happened, the _Great Western_ left Bristol for New York on April
7, and transatlantic steam navigation was thereby begun with a race. The
_Sirius_ arrived first, anchoring off the Battery, New York, early in the
morning on April 23. The excitement in the city was extraordinary, and
the water about the ship was soon covered with small boats carrying people
for a look at her. And then at about 11 o'clock, when the throngs around
the _Sirius_ were densest, a lookout announced another steamship in sight
down below, when the crowd began to shout:--

"The _Great Western_! The _Great Western_!"

It was she, and in the middle of the afternoon she anchored off Pike
Street.

The British consul, in a letter congratulating Lieutenant R. Roberts, R.
N., commanding the _Sirius_, on arriving first, said:--

"I have a further cause of rejoicing, that the honor of accomplishing the
enterprise has been achieved by a son of the British navy, and that it
was completed on St. George's Day."

It was five years after this arrival that the keel of the first American
clipper was laid, but _with the termination of the passages of these
two ships_ the dawn of the day of British supremacy upon the high seas
appeared.

Special attention seems due to the _Great Western_, because she was
the first ship built for the traffic. She had steamed 3125 sea miles,
making an average of 208 miles per day, or 8.2 knots an hour. The total
consumption of fuel was 655 tons, less than a day's consumption in some
modern ships. She returned home with a consumption of only 392 tons,
prevailing winds and a large spread of canvas helping her to save coal.
The cost of this ship was £50,000, of which £13,500 was paid for the
engines. She continued to ply regularly on the route, and on September
25, 1838, the New York _American_ had this to say:--

"The arrival of the steam packet _Great Western_ puts us in possession
of intelligence to the 8th.... The great success of this enterprise
has confirmed the timid and almost crazed the sanguine. She brings _one
hundred and forty passengers_. All her berths were engaged before she
arrived at Bristol." Then an article from the London _Times_ is quoted as
follows:--

"Upon the eighty-seven passengers home, and the 130 out, at 40 guineas
passage money per head in the saloon, and 35 guineas in the cabin, each
way, the directors of the Great Western will have received upwards of
£8000, exclusive of the benefit derived from the conveyance of goods, of
which the _Great Western_ brought from New York to the extent of about
200 tons' measurement."

The Liverpool _Albion_ is then quoted as saying that "the last trip of
the _Great Western_ netted £6000."

The _Great Western_ continued in the New York and Bristol and the New York
and Liverpool trades until she had made seventy-four passages, and she
was then sold for use between England and the West Indies. These facts
are of importance to the history of the American merchant marine, because
our writers who have favored paying subsidies to American steam lines
have asserted that in those days it was not possible to run steamship
lines between the United States and England without a subsidy. The _Great
Western_ made money without a subsidy. So did many other steamers that
followed, as shall appear.

We now come, however, to the story of the first lines of subsidized
transatlantic steamships. One Samuel Cunard, a wealthy merchant of Nova
Scotia, had been dreaming about steam navigation since 1830, and when the
Great Western Company had shown the way, he went to England in order to
arrange for a line from Liverpool to Halifax, and thence to Boston. After
consultation with eminent men of experience in steam navigation, he gave
an order to Robert Napier, the foremost designer and builder of steamships
in the kingdom, for four steamships of about 900 tons each. But before
the work was begun, Napier convinced him that larger ships would prove
more profitable, and as the larger ships would cost more than Cunard had
to invest, George Burns, of Glasgow, and David McIver, of Liverpool (both
of whom were men of experience), were united with him in forming what is
now known as the Cunard Company. The _Britannia_, the first ship built for
this company, was a wooden vessel 207 feet long by 34 wide and 22 deep,
registering 1156 tons. She had engines of 423 horse-power. The other three
ships built at that time were slightly smaller.

It is to be noted that this company was formed to run ships in opposition
to the _Great Western_ and to Smith's lines. They were to depend upon
what traffic they could get for success and upon nothing else. But in the
meantime the British government had been considering the advisability
of employing steamships to carry the royal mail across the Atlantic.
Theretofore certain brigs had been employed by the Admiralty for this
purpose, and beginning in 1821, government-owned brigs were employed
exclusively. This proving expensive, the plan of hiring privately owned
brigs was resumed in 1833, and these brigs were in use at that time. The
success of the _Great Western_ having proven the efficiency of steamships
in the transatlantic trade, the postal authorities, in connection with the
Admiralty, decided to use steam, and when Cunard came into the field, bids
were invited for a mail service under certain burdensome conditions among
which were these: The ships were to be fit for war use, carrying heavy
guns, a naval officer was to be carried to care for the mail, and the
ships were to be sold to the Admiralty on demand at a valuation. The Great
Western, as well as the Cunard people, put in bids. The Great Western did
not know that they would have opposition, and bid accordingly, with the
result that Cunard made the better offer and got the contract. The full
story is told in Lindsay's _History of Merchant Shipping_. Cunard was to
receive at first £3295 per voyage, but, the plans having been modified,
the subsidy was raised to £81,000 a year. For this he was to maintain a
fortnightly service from Liverpool by way of Halifax to Boston, and with
a line of smaller steamers from Halifax to Quebec. The _Britannia_ left
Liverpool upon her first voyage on July 4, 1840. No American writer has as
yet pointed out that this was "a beautiful coincidence of nominal dates."

    [Illustration: Sailing of _BRITANNIA_, February 3, 1844

     From a contemporary engraving]

A few months later the Royal Mail Steam Packet Company was organized
especially to carry the mail to the West Indies, including St. Thomas,
Haiti, and Cuba, and to Chagres, to Mexico, and to the south part of the
United States, as well. A branch line was to be maintained from the West
Indies to Brazil. The contract (made in March, 1841) called for fourteen
steamships built so as to carry "guns of the largest caliber" then in use
in the navy; and the frames and planking were of a thickness to resist
shot as well as a frigate--as, indeed, were those of the Cunard line. The
commanders of the ships were to be naval officers. The subsidy paid was
£240,000 a year.

It is important to note that this line was to run regularly to Chagres,
where there was not enough traffic to pay the expense of the ship while
lowering a boat to carry the mail ashore, and, further, that there was
not enough traffic anywhere on the route to pay any considerable part of
the expense of the line. Indeed, the traffic and subsidy together proved
insufficient to pay expenses. Further than that, the time allowed in all
the ports was limited--to six hours at the important island of Barbados,
for instance, and to twenty-four at Port Royal, Jamaica, where there was
an important naval station. It was impossible to handle any valuable
quantity of West India cargo in such short periods. It is therefore
certain that frequent and swift voyages were wanted in the establishing of
this line, rather than the carrying of cargo. And this is to say that it
was established for the same reasons that brigs had been used in carrying
the royal mail theretofore. It was a political and military service that
the ships were to perform.

Consider all these facts in connection with the political complications
with the United States that have been mentioned. It was in 1840 that
the British government demanded the release of McLeod on pain of war.
It was at that time that the people of Maine and New Brunswick took
up arms in connection with the boundary dispute. At the same time the
British government was looking ahead to an increase of territory along
the Spanish Main, including a canal across Nicaragua in contempt of the
Monroe Doctrine.

Then recall the fact that the use of steam for driving war-ships was yet
in the experimental stage. Many able naval men believed that sails were
yet to be preferred, but the English were especially anxious to learn all
about the new power in order to keep abreast with the progress of the
age--to preserve their _naval_ superiority. It is of significance that
young naval officers were detailed to command all of the West India ships
and to accompany those of the Cunard line. Further than that, it is to
be noted that the Admiralty insisted that the subsidized ships be built
of wood not only then, but for years after iron had proved cheaper and
more efficient for merchant ships, and this was done because it was fully
believed that a wooden ship was best for naval uses.

In short, the subsidizing of ships was begun chiefly as a military and
diplomatic measure. Any candid review of the facts shows it. It was done,
too, with a full knowledge that paying a subsidy was against the interests
of the other owners of steamships that were already plying between
Liverpool and New York. In fact, the Cunard line had hardly learned
the way to Boston when the Great Western line made such loud complaints
about the destruction of private enterprise through the subsidizing of
the Cunard that a committee of Parliament took up the whole matter and
concluded that the other steamers would not be put out of the trade.

There were men on both sides of the Atlantic who saw at that time that
steam would eventually drive sails from the packet routes. E. K. Collins
was one of these men. But no one supposed at that time that subsidizing
a single mail line from Liverpool to Boston would do it. And even the
optimistic Cunard directors made no effort to interfere with the traffic
of the New York and Liverpool sailing packets until it was seen that
American capitalists were about to put on a line of steamers between New
York and Liverpool.

With these facts in mind, we may now comprehend the full story of the
first American steam-packet lines that ran across the Atlantic Ocean.




CHAPTER XIV

DEEP-WATER STEAMSHIPS--PART II


The success of the British steamers that crossed the Atlantic in 1838 led
a number of New York capitalists to form what they called the American
Atlantic Steam Navigation Company, of which James de Peyster Ogden was
chairman, and on March 22, 1839, calls for subscriptions to the capital
stock were published in the New York papers. The answers to the calls were
few, and the enterprise was abandoned.

Out of several reasons for this failure, consider these: The American
people had but little capital, and there were calls in many directions for
every dollar obtainable. The calls from the railroads were particularly
insistent, for while the first railroad to use steam (the Albany and
Schenectady) was completed in 1833, the steam mileage in 1840 was 2380.
The inland water traffic was most attractive. In 1839 the enrolled
steamers measured 489,879 tons, and they were worn out so rapidly that
every vessel had to be replaced (on the average) within four years. Then
the deep-water sailing ships absorbed much capital, the tonnage in 1839
being 829,096, while the coasting tonnage measured 1,032,023 tons, and
all these vessels were, on the average, highly profitable.

Of the other attractive calls for capital, nothing need be said, but
a brief reference to an attempt to form a company to run transatlantic
steamships from Philadelphia may be quoted from _Niles's Register_ of
August 25, 1838:--

"At a meeting of the citizens held in the Merchants' Exchange,
Philadelphia, to take such measures to forward the plan for a
communication by steam between that city and Europe ... the following
resolutions were unanimously adopted: ... Resolved that we have learned
with lively satisfaction the willingness of our brethren of Great Britain
to coöperate with us in this great enterprise" by making a liberal
subscription for the construction of "such steamships as might be needed."

The "brethren" were not quite as willing to "coöperate" as was supposed,
but the "great enterprise" was taken in hand a few years later by a man
named William Inman, with notable results.

In considering their failures to organize transatlantic steamship
companies, these business men did not fail to refer to the fact that the
British government was paying subsidies to the Cunard and the Royal Mail
steamship companies. The fact that the Cunard subsidy was a hardship for
the owners of the unsubsidized steamers in the American trade was not
dwelt upon. The people were told that subsidies were given in order to
build up a steam merchant marine. Then Congress was invited to consider
the fact that in subsidizing two lines of steamships Great Britain had
secured eighteen fine ships fit to add to her growing steam naval fleet.
Naval officers were carried on all those ships, and they were not only
learning how to handle steam, but they _were learning to navigate American
waters_--and all this at a period when England and the United States were
on the verge of war.

Thereupon Thomas Butler King, chairman of the House Naval Committee,
brought forward a plan for a subsidized mail line under the American flag.
(Ho. Reps. 681 and 685, 28 Cong. 1 sess.) His arguments in favor of a
subsidy were: That a reduction might be made in the rate of postage, and
yet the income from the mails would soon pay all the subsidy that would
be required. That our naval officers would learn how to handle steam.
That we should learn how to build efficient steamships for deep water.
That a line to the north of Europe would promote emigration and trade.
In connection with this last argument it was stated that the British
post-office authorities were in the habit of holding up all mails bound
across England to the continent until the British merchants had had time
to read and act upon their advices from America, and the newspapers had
had time to print all the American news. After considering the matter for
four years, Congress acted, on March 3, 1845, in a bill providing--

"That the Postmaster-general ... is hereby authorized ... to contract for
the transportation of the United States mail between any of the ports of
the United States, and a port or ports of any foreign Power, whenever,
in his opinion, the public interest will thereby be promoted ... for
any greater period than four years and not exceeding ten years. All such
contracts shall be made with citizens of the United States, and the mail
to be transported in American vessels by American citizens."

Thereupon the Postmaster-general contracted with Edward Mills of New York,
who agreed to build ships to plans approved by the Secretary of the Navy,
and run a steam-packet line from New York to Southampton and Bremen,
twenty voyages a year, for a subsidy of $400,000. If alternate voyages
were made to Havre instead of Bremen, the subsidy was to be $350,000.

Mills and his associates were incorporated (May 8, 1846), as the Ocean
Steam Navigation Company. Contracts were let for the building of two
steamships, and then the troubles of the company began. On learning that
an American company was to enter the transatlantic trade, the Cunard
Company began running packets regularly to New York. The opposition of
this established line increased the timidity of capitalists so much that
in spite of the guaranteed income of at least $350,000 a year, it was
impossible to obtain the needed money in the United States, and "money
was furnished for the undertaking by the little government of Bremen,
and by individuals connected with the enterprise on the other side of
the Atlantic, and pretty largely furnished, too." (App. Cong. _Globe_,
September 4, 1850.)

The one deadly misfortune of the company, however, was found in the
fact that the Americans had not yet learned how to build ocean-going
steamships. Said the _Merchants' Magazine_, May, 1849, regarding the first
ships of the line:--

"The models of the _Washington_ and _Hermann_ were quite defective,
particularly so in having a very narrow bottom, which made them load deep
and be tender or even crank at all times.... _Their engines also were not
quite strong or stiff enough._"

The boilers were not large enough to furnish an adequate supply of steam
and the paddle-wheels were too large for the engines. The _Scientific
American_, October 7, 1848, said:--

"The great cause of our unsuccess in our Atlantic steamers is owing to
our short acquaintance with the building of marine ships. There is science
and genius among our nautical engineers, but _they want experience_."

When our first American mail steamer sailed for Europe no practical marine
engineers could be found to work her engines. She took a first-class
engineer and corps of assistants from one of the New York river packets;
but as soon as the ship got to sea, and heavy breakers came on, all the
engineers and firemen were taken deadly seasick; and for three days it was
constantly expected that the ship would be lost. (Rainey's _Ocean Steam
Navigation_.)

It is to be noted here that John L. Stevens, the ablest American marine
engineer of his day, was one of the directors of this company.

The _Washington_ sailed for Southampton and Bremen on June 1, 1847. Her
passengers and crew looked forward to a cheering reception on the other
side; for when the _Sirius_ and the _Great Western_ arrived in New York
the people of the city turned out to honor them, and the city authorities
and such bodies as the Chamber of Commerce gave public receptions in
honor of the event. Then when the Cunard's first liner the _Britannia_
was frozen in at Boston the merchants of the city contributed $10,000,
for which a contractor agreed to saw a channel for her to clear water.
The contractor spent $20,000 in doing the work. He spent $10,000 out of
his own pocket without a murmur, and the Cunard Company without a murmur
let him do it. But the only official action taken on the arrival of the
_Washington_ at Southampton was in the sending of a notice to the American
mail agent that he would have to pay full sea postage on all mail landed,
as well as the usual inland rates. And the only word of welcome spoken in
the port was uttered by the officials of the dock company with whom the
ship was berthed.

Because of their financial difficulties the company organized a separate
corporation to build and run ships to Havre. The _Humbolt_ and the
_Franklin_ were put on this route in 1849. The _Humbolt_ was wrecked at
Halifax, December 5, 1853, and the _Franklin_ stranded on Montauk Point,
July 17, 1854. The _Arago_ and _Fulton_, built to replace these two,
were somewhat better than any ocean-going steamships theretofore built
in the United States, and they were able to continue the service until
the government chartered them for use in the Civil War (1861). The two
Bremen ships were laid up after their subsidy ceased--1859. All six of
these ships used by this corporation were slow as well as expensive to
operate. The time used in the Bremen passage was about fourteen days; that
to Havre, twelve.

The Collins Line (New York and Liverpool U. S. Mail Steamship Company),
was the most famous of the subsidized lines. E. K. Collins was a Truro,
Cape Cod, boy, who, at the age of fifteen (1817), became a clerk to a New
York merchant. Five years later he was sent to sea as a supercargo, and
a little later he became a partner in the business. His first memorable
stroke of business was made in 1825, when cotton took a sudden rise in the
Liverpool market. The news of the rise reached New York on the day that
the regular Charleston, South Carolina, packet was to sail, and a number
of New York merchants took passage on the ship, intending to buy all the
cotton in Charleston before the news of the rise could be learned there.
As the packet passed the bar at Sandy Hook, bound out, the merchants on
her deck saw a pilot-boat, with young Collins on her deck, head away down
the coast; and with one accord they made jeering remarks at the idea of
a little schooner trying to beat the regular packet in such a race. But
when they reached the Charleston bar they met the boat with Collins on
board coming out. He had bought all the cotton.

With money made in that deal and with some obtained by marrying a rich
wife, Collins started the New Orleans packet line, and another line thence
to Tampico. These having proved successful, he then established the famous
Dramatic Line to Liverpool. In 1840, Collins said:--

"There is no longer chance for enterprise with sails. It is steam that
must win the day. I will build steamers that shall make the passage from
New York to Europe in ten days and less."

In the winter of 1846-1847 Collins and others persuaded Congress to pass
the act dated March 3, 1847. It provided for the construction of four
naval steamers in place of ten that the naval committee had asked for;
for a contract between the Secretary of the Navy and Collins & Co., for
transporting the mail between New York and Liverpool; for a contract
between the Secretary of the Navy and A. G. Sloo for transporting the mail
between New York and New Orleans with a stop at Havana, and from Havana
to Chagres, on the Isthmus of Panama--known as the Law Line, from George
Law, the leading capitalist; for a contract with unnamed capitalists (C.
H. Aspinwall was the leader), for a mail service between Panama and the
ports of San Francisco and Astoria.

Collins's company had a paid-in capital of $1,200,000. By his contract,
signed in November, 1847, he was to receive $19,250 per voyage for making
two voyages per month for eight months of the year and one a month during
four winter months. For this service Collins was to build four steamships
measuring "not less than 2000 tons each," and complete them ready for sea
within eighteen months; also a fifth ship "as early as may be practicable
thereafter." Each ship was to carry a naval officer, as mail agent, and
four passed midshipmen to serve as deck officers.

Contracts were made for the four ships, and many different statements have
been made regarding their size and cost. Chief Engineer Isherwood, of the
navy, put the size of the _Atlantic_ and the _Pacific_ at 2686 tons each;
the _Arctic_ and _Baltic_ at 2772. Senator Rusk, of Texas, who vigorously
supported the line in all its appeals to Congress, said the four measured
11,131 tons in the aggregate. The _Merchant's Magazine_ (Vol. 22, p.
682) rated them at 3500 tons each and said they cost $650,000 each. G. S.
Houston, in a speech in Congress on July 7, 1852, quoted the company to
prove that the average cost of the ships was $736,035.67 each.

With a paid-up capital of $1,200,000, four ships were built that cost
at least twice as much as the money in hand would pay for, and they were
each at least 700 tons larger than the contract called for. The builders
gave Collins credit, and thereby secured the work on their own terms. And
yet while thus paying the highest prices for his ships, and with an ever
growing debt staring him in the face, Collins was recklessly extravagant
in furnishing his cabins, and in every department of the company's
management.

As a result, within six months after the contract was signed with the
Secretary of the Navy, Collins was back in the lobby at Washington,
"begging and boring" for further help. By the act of August 3, 1848, the
Secretary of the Navy was authorized to advance $25,000 a month on each of
the four ships until they should be put into commission, and the time for
completing them was extended to June 1, 1850. Under a subsequent agreement
this advance was paid back in small instalments.

And during all this time Collins walked the streets, telling all who
would listen that he was going to run the _Scotch-built, Scotch-managed_
Cunarders off the sea!

When done, the ships were found to have fine models--they rode the waves
in a way that excited the admiration of all sailors. But the keelsons
under the engines were only forty inches deep, while the keels were 277
feet long, and there was "give" enough to rack the engines to pieces--a
fact showing conclusively the ignorance of the designer so far as ocean
steamships were concerned. And yet George Steers, the famous designer of
the yacht _America_, was the responsible man! As the _Scientific American_
had said of our engineers, he "wanted experience."

The _Atlantic_ began the service on April 27, 1850. It was in this year
that the average American sailing ship was making three voyages where
foreign ships made but two. For thirty years our sailing packets had
carried the broom on the North Atlantic. The captains of the Canton tea
clippers, dressed in raw silk, were strutting about the water front,
boasting of passages that were the wonder of the world. And here was a new
line of steamers with a managing owner who had won fame as the owner of
swift ships, and who had been assuring the whole world that he was going
to beat all creation with steam!

In the mind of the captain of the _Atlantic_ the honor of the Stars and
Stripes was in his custody, and he could keep it safe only by driving
the ship to the utmost limit of speed. And each of the other ships was
also driven to the last gasp. In May, 1851, the _Pacific_ ran from New
York to Liverpool in 9 days, 20 hours, and 16 minutes. In August, 1852,
the _Baltic_ crossed from Liverpool to New York in 9 days and 13 hours.
Collins had kept his promise to drive a ship across the Atlantic in less
than ten days.

In the meantime, the Cunard Company, to meet the determined opposition,
built new ships, and the British government raised the subsidy to $16,500
per voyage. Orders were issued in England to drive the new Cunarders, too,
but it was impossible for them to equal the rampant Collins liners at that
time.

For a time it seemed to the American people that the supremacy upon
the seas was to be maintained with steam, and not a few Englishmen,
including the editor of the _London Times_, took a pessimistic view of the
situation. A little later, however, the situation was seen in its true
light. On February 15, 1851, when the _Atlantic_ had been in commission
but ten months, the _Scientific American_ said editorially that "it is
very foolish to push through a steamship on a long passage by dint of
coal." The _New York Herald_, a nautical specialist, was complaining,
meantime, that the American firemen were wretchedly inefficient. It was
admitted by the company, later still, that for the first twenty-eight
voyages of the line the average cost of coal was $8612.28, the amount
consumed being well up toward 2000 tons.

And yet the big coal bill was one of the least of the evils of the
situation. By driving the engines to the limit on every mile of the
route the weak timbers under the engines were needlessly strained, with
the result that the engines were racked out of line and torn to pieces.
No sooner did a ship get rid of its passengers at the pier than an army
of machinists came on board to make repairs; and they were employed in
relays, day and night, until the passengers came to the pier for the next
passage.

"Either the scale upon which it was planned was not required, and
could not be sustained by the country, or it has been most shamefully
mismanaged," said Congressman Borland, in a speech in the House, on May
17, 1852, in reference to the Collins Line. Collins had come to Congress
for an increase in the subsidy, and a statement of the company's affairs
which he submitted shows that Borland was right in both ends of his
statement. (See App. _Cong. Globe_, 32 Cong. 1 sess.) The statement
is dated December 15, 1851. It showed that the expenses for the first
twenty-eight voyages had averaged $65,215.59. The income was--for
passengers, $21,292.65; freights, $7,744.20, subsidy, $19,250,--a total
of $48,286.85, leaving a net loss of $16,928.74 per voyage.

Because Collins had broken some records, and because it was believed
that his ships would serve in case of war, and because he had reduced
the cost of carrying package freight, and because Congress heartily hated
everything British, the subsidy was increased to $33,000 per voyage for
twenty-six voyages a year. (Act of March 3, 1854.)

For a time thereafter Collins was free to continue his extravagant career.
Having luxurious furnishings, he gained in the cabin passenger trade.
He also gained somewhat in the package freight business. The advent of
the Crimean War (March 27, 1854, to March 31, 1856), helped him because
the British government took and used several of the Cunard steamers as
transports (as _war-ships_, even the Cunarders were a sham). The Cunard
service was thereby reduced and he thus had opportunity to sail in
alternate weeks with the remaining Cunarders. But even then no profits
were made. The line never paid a dividend.

In the meantime, the Scotchmen were learning to race their ships, and in
1855 they built the _Persia_, an iron ship of 3300 tons, and 3600 actual
horse-power; and with her, in September, 1856, they crossed in 9 days, 2
hours, and 40 minutes, thus making a new record.

Collins built the _Adriatic_, the fifth ship under the contract, and the
records agree that she was a very swift ship, but by no means a profitable
one. Moreover she appeared too late; for by the act of August 18, 1856,
Congress gave notice to Collins that the subsidy would be reduced, a year
later, to the original sum of $19,250 per voyage. At the same time it
became certain that no subsidy would be paid after the end of the original
term of the contract--ten years.

In the meantime the line lost the _Arctic_. While running at a speed of
thirteen knots an hour through a heavy fog, forty miles off Cape Race,
and making no sort of signal to notify other vessels of her presence in
those waters, she was rammed by the French steamer _Vesta_, and sunk with
a loss of 307 lives. It has been asserted that she went down because the
modern system of bulkheads had not been invented. As a matter of fact, the
Norwich liner _Atlantic_, a ship built in 1846, had a collision bulkhead,
and other ships had been divided by several bulkheads before the time of
the _Arctic_, but experience shows that no system of bulkheads as yet
installed has been able to save a ship when rammed in the engine-room.
Then on September 23, 1856, a little more than a month after Congress
decided to reduce the subsidy, the _Pacific_ sailed from Liverpool, and
was never heard from afterward. The two ships thus lost were together
insured for $1,250,000, chiefly in England, and the money was paid to the
company.

The line continued its service after the subsidy was cut (June 30, 1857),
but a financial panic swept over the commercial world in the fall of that
year, and with the consequent loss of business the line failed. The last
voyage was made in January, 1858. In April, following, the sheriff sold
the ships (subject to claims of $657,000) for $50,000. Collins died at
his home in Madison Avenue, New York City, in June, 1878, and was buried
in Woodlawn Cemetery.

"I knew the Collins line very well.... They burned an immense quantity of
coal; they were fitted out and fitted up in the most sumptuous manner;
they had large crews, a large number of officers and a large number of
engineers, for they had most powerful engines. They were run at full
speed, and the company had not enough ships on the line to enable them
to have proper relays so that they began to deteriorate very rapidly, and
they ran them out in a very short time. They had very large buildings in
New York, a great many officers and a great many people connected with
them. All these had to be paid. Then there were a great many deadheads,
so that I used to be astonished how they kept running at all." (Admiral
Porter, H. R. Rep. 28, 41st Cong. 2 sess. p. 192.)

Two other lines, subsidized under the act of March 3, 1847, need a brief
consideration. One was the Sloo Line, which, as noted, ran steamships
from New York by the way of Havana, to New Orleans, with a branch line
to Chagres, on the Isthmus of Panama. The subsidy paid was $290,000 a
year. The first ship (the _Falcon_), left New York in September, 1848.
The Pacific coast contract went to the Pacific Mail Steamship Company at
$308,000 per year. The first ship on this line left New York on October
6, 1848.

In providing for these lines Congress had been influenced chiefly by a
desire to meet the British diplomacy in establishing the Royal Mail Line
to the West Indies, the Isthmus, and Mexico. But the desire to provide
ships fit for war was also in mind, and some enthusiasts supposed that
the line would in some way increase American commerce with the countries
of the Pacific coast, especially those at the south of the Isthmus, where
an American named William Wheelwright had established a coast line with
British capital. It is seen now, that neither of these lines could have
made money under the contracts, and that none of the hopes of Congress
would have been satisfied but for the discovery of gold in California
and the consequent rush of emigrants to the gold-fields. Because of the
traffic thus supplied both lines were immensely profitable. The Pacific
Mail made money in spite of the fact that coal cost $30 a ton (one lot
$50), and there were no shops anywhere on the coast for the repair of
ships until the company established works of the kind. In fact, the
enormous profits brought unsubsidized steamers into competition with both
the lines. Commodore C. Vanderbilt, who had earned fame as a steamship man
on the Hudson River and Long Island Sound, was one of the "interlopers,"
and he was paid, at one time, $56,000 a month to keep his ships out of
the traffic (_Cong. Globe_, June, 1858). The Panama railroad, which was
completed at midnight, January 27, 1855, was built as a connecting link
between these two lines; and one gets an idea of the extent of the traffic
thereafter from the fact that in the first seven years it was operated
(including the traffic on the uncompleted line beginning in 1852) the
earnings amounted to $5,971,728.66 (Otis, _Isthmus of Panama_).

Brief space will suffice for the stories of the unsubsidized transatlantic
steamships of the period. In 1848 the owners of the Black Ball Line of
sailing packets attempted to substitute steam for sail by building the
steamer _United States_, a ship of 1904 tons, which they despatched to
Liverpool. But because of the competition of the subsidized ships it was
not possible to make her pay. The subsidized ships were able to cut rates
on all kinds of traffic, of course, and this was naturally done when the
new ship was seeking cargo.

This fact seems to be of much importance. It is a fact beyond dispute
that subsidies to a few favored lines greatly injured all other shipping
trading to the same ports--it injured British as well as American
shipping. In fact, the British ship-owners, as already noted, were injured
so much that they made emphatic protests to their government, but they
were, in the long run, able to survive the effects of the unfair practice.
In the United States the paying of subsidies to the few lines simply
killed private enterprise on the North Atlantic.

In the meantime, Captain R. B. Forbes, of Boston, built the auxiliary
screw steamer _Massachusetts_ (1845), a ship with full sail-power and a
screw that could be lifted out of water when the wind served. She made two
voyages between New York and Liverpool, after which she was sold to the
government for use in the war with Mexico. A number of ships have been
built on this principle since then, and there are several in the lumber
trade on the Pacific coast at this time (1910), but for some unexplained
reason auxiliaries have never become fashionable.

In 1850 William Inman, of England, established the line for which the
Philadelphia merchants had hoped in 1837, and two American steamships, the
_Pioneer_ and the _City of Pittsburg_, made a voyage or two each in the
service, but they were then withdrawn and used in more profitable traffic
on the Pacific coast.

In 1855 Commodore Vanderbilt offered to establish a Liverpool line, to
run in alternate weeks with the Collins Line, if a subsidy of $15,000
a voyage were paid him and he were allowed to make no shorter passages
than the Cunard Line; if Collins Line speed were demanded, he wanted
$19,250 a voyage. This was when Collins was receiving $33,000. The only
result of the offer was to help turn public sentiment against Collins.
Vanderbilt had already constructed two large steamers (the _North Star_,
called his yacht, and the _Ariel_) for use in his Isthmian competition,
and when he failed to get a subsidy contract, he made a few voyages in
the Bremen route and to Havre, omitting, however, all voyages in the
winter months. With a view of increasing his service he built a still
larger ship, called the _Vanderbilt_, and he was able to arrange with the
Post-office Department for the sea and inland postage on all mail carried.
During the four years (1858-1861) during which this arrangement lasted,
his mail receipts amounted to $360,730.48, according to Morrison. He made
some money, and it is likely that the service would have developed into
a permanent line but for the Civil War.




CHAPTER XV

THE CRITICAL PERIOD


If ships under the American flag are ever again to obtain any share of
the deep-water carrying-trade of the world, it is of the utmost importance
that the American people should learn first of all why American ships lost
the trade they once enjoyed.

To enable us to comprehend the reasons for the decadence of our merchant
marine it is necessary to have well in mind the fact that we obtained
our supremacy by actual merit. It was an economic development, not the
result of any kind of political or other stimulation. We did not gain or
hold supremacy because we could build ships cheaper than they could be
built elsewhere. Cheaper ships could be had in the north of Europe and in
Canada. Moreover our most profitable ships were those that cost the most
per ton. The American ships were supreme, too, rather because the wages
paid were higher then in spite of that seeming handicap. In short, the
whole environment of the American seafaring population had evolved a ship
and crew which, taken together as a unit, were able to give more ton-miles
for a dollar than any other similar unit in the world.

At first the advent of steamships changed these conditions in but one
respect; it gave greater regularity of passage. The swiftest sailing ships
could cross the Atlantic, now and then, in as short a time as the steamer,
and they carried more cargo at the same time. But the steamer instantly
commanded the cream of the traffic, and received higher rates for it,
because the merchant could calculate, within a day, the time required for
the passage. The time of even the swiftest of sailing ships was sometimes
extended by adverse winds to fifty or sixty days.

This is to say that even the first crude steamships took the best of the
trade because they were more efficient.

With the inevitable improvements in steamships came an encroachment upon
the cheaper traffic that had been carried on sailing ships, and the most
important of these improvements was made when the screw propeller was
adopted.

Stevens had driven a small boat with screws before Fulton built the
_Clermont_, but John Ericsson, a Swede, was the first to develop screw
propulsion in a practical manner. His first work was done in England,
where he built a screw steamer 45 feet long with which he made a speed
(April, 1837) of ten miles an hour on the Thames. Then he towed the
American packet ship _Toronto_ at a speed of four and a half miles
an hour. On July 7, 1838, an iron vessel 70 feet long by 10 wide, and
having a draft of 6 feet 9 inches, named the _Robert F. Stockton_, was
launched at Laird & Co.'s yard, Birkenhead, England, for Captain Robert
F. Stockton, U. S. N. It was fitted with an engine and an Ericsson screw.
It was then brought to America under sail, and set to work under steam as
a tug on the Delaware River, where it earned much money for many years.

In 1839 Ericsson came to the United States and built the screw steamship
_Princeton_ for our navy, the first warship of the kind in commission.

In the meantime Francis P. Smith, an English farmer, was developing screw
propulsion, and succeeded in convincing the Admiralty that the screw was
a practical device, with the result that many experiments were tried and
the screw was much improved.

In introducing the screw, two difficulties were encountered. The engines
of the day gave only about twenty-five revolutions to the minute, and
it was therefore necessary to introduce some sort of multiple gearing
between the engine-shaft and the screw shaft; for a screw should turn at
seventy-five times a minute, or more. The other defect of screw propulsion
was found in the strain of the shaft upon the stern of the ship. No
combination of timbers in a wooden ship could resist that strain for any
great length of time. To the English, however, this was a matter of no
moment, for iron had already been used for building hulls. The first of
these iron ships was the _Aaron Manby_, launched in London, in 1820, but
the iron ship that first really influenced the British merchant marine
was the _Great Britain_, built for the Great Western Steamship Company at
Bristol, in 1843. She was a big ship for her day (322 feet long), and she
was not only a profitable cargo carrier, but, having been stranded on the
coast of Ireland, she endured the poundings of the storms of an entire
winter, and was then hauled off, repaired at small expense (considering
the storms she had endured), and when put at work again was found to be
as serviceable as ever.

As the _Great Britain_ was driven by a screw the use of iron screw ships
soon became fashionable in the British merchant marine, and the more
rapidly because they were much more economical in the use of coal.

Lindsay (_History of Merchant Shipping_) says that the repeal of the
ancient British navigation laws helped to turn British merchants to the
screw steamer. They were unable to compete with the Americans in the use
of sails, and had to take up the new ship or abandon the sea. The Cunard
Company would have adopted iron ships promptly but for the contract with
the Admiralty. The naval officers supposed that wooden walls were better
for keeping out shot than iron, and it was not until 1855, as noted, that
this company was allowed to use the best material. The fact that a subsidy
thus restrained enterprise seems important here.

For a number of years the iron screw steamer had small effect upon
the transatlantic trade. The owners of the sailing packets were making
as much money as ever--perhaps more than ever, for they were building
larger ships. In 1850, however, William Inman, an Englishman who had been
interested in sailing ships, put on a line of iron screw packets between
Liverpool and Philadelphia, as noted, and that line sealed the doom of
the sailing packet. For the Collins, the Bremen, and the Cunard lines had
taken, or were to take, only the cabin passengers and the express freight
from the sailing packets, while Inman was after the steerage passengers
and the coarser freight. The emigrants were all travelling from Europe
to America. The greater part, in bulk, of the freight carried across the
Atlantic travelled from America to Europe. Inman filled his ships with
emigrants bound west, and with coarse freight bound east. Having a cargo
both ways is a most important feature of successful navigation. Inman made
money from the first voyage, and he did so _without a penny of subsidy_.
The _City of Manchester_, of his line, made a net profit of 40 per cent
the first year.

For the sake of emphasis let it be said that our transatlantic sailing
packets lost their trade, not because the Cunard Company received a
subsidy, and not because Collins lost the subsidy he had been receiving,
but because of the evolution of a cargo carrier that was far more
efficient than the American ship of the sail at its best. And the Collins
and Bremen lines were beaten because they, too, were much less efficient
than their competitors.

The reader may now ask why the American ship-owner did not adopt the iron
screw steamer. A brief review of the conditions will answer the question.
He could secure all the capital he needed for the well-tried sailing ship,
but no one would advance money for what seemed to be, then, an experiment
with a curious device not yet well tried out. Almost incredible as the
statement may seem now, the most influential American ship-owners, during
the years before the Civil War, refused to have anything to do with the
screw propeller. In an essay on "Screw Propulsion in the United States,"
read before the American Society of Naval Architects and Marine Engineers,
at a meeting held in New York in November, 1909, Mr. Charles H. Cramp,
vice-president of the Society, said (see _Shipping Illustrated_, November
20, 1909):--

"The supremacy of British propulsion practically began with the advent of
the fine screw steamship _Great Britain_ in 1844, but New York interests
would not consider any other than the paddle-wheel, with its walking-beam
engine; and as they knew nothing of any other type, they loudly and
persistently proclaimed its superiority over all other types, and carried
with them the ship-owners, shipbuilders, shipping men, mariners, and all
others in general, and the screw propeller was sneered at by them."

Mr. Cramp, having been a shipbuilder in Philadelphia during the period
considered, spoke from personal knowledge.

Of equal interest is the state of the iron trade in America at that time.
The clippers that were the pride of the nation were bolted together with
British iron. All the large castings used in the Collins steamers were
imported from England. In his essay quoted above, Mr. Cramp had this to
say on iron ship-building:--

"A short time after iron construction was introduced abroad, certain
engine builders here commenced iron construction. The first one in America
was built in Kensington at the boiler works of Jesse Starr, several
squares from the water, and was hauled down there by a large number of
horses and then launched.... The first iron steamers here were fearful
specimens of naval architecture; the workmen were the boiler-makers of the
works, and the vessels were looked on by these engine-builders as merely
exaggerated boilers. At first they employed commonplace shipwrights to do
certain woodwork that the vessel needed. The British soon began to build
the entire ship complete by first-class ship-builders, and the finest
specimens of war-ships and merchant ships were turned out by them. In this
country iron ships were built with their engines by the boiler-makers and
machinists with the most indifferent results."

Said John Roach, a most noted ship-builder, in testifying before the
committee of Congress that investigated the state of American shipping in
1869 (H. R. Rep. 28, 41 Cong. 2 sess.):--

"The high cost of iron, produced by the tariff upon it, was one of the
principal difficulties that our commerce had to contend with.... If
Congress will take off all the duties from American iron, reducing it to
the price of foreign iron, then we are prepared to compete with foreign
ship-builders. The labor question is misstated. We are prepared to meet
that difficulty, and to ask no further legislation upon the subject."

The tariff was not as high before the war as it was after, but the
inability of the American ship-builder to obtain iron at home for any
purpose at a living price had great influence in preventing the adoption
of iron screw steamers.

Of the influence of lack of experience in building sea-going steamships,
something more must be said here, and leading authorities of the period
shall tell the facts:--

"Hitherto our steamboats have been built for short and comparatively
unstormy voyages. The navigation of the Atlantic is quite a different
affair from that of the Hudson or the Erie. Now in England they have
had the practical experience of thirty-six years in building _sea-going_
steamers." (_Scientific American_, October 7, 1848.)

Charles H. Cramp, another noted ship-builder, when testifying before the
committee of Congress mentioned above said:--

"Great Britain now had the advantage of this country in the carrying
trade of the world, not because the vessels constructed were superior to
ours _in model_, but _because of the great superiority of their marine
engines_. The English have built the finest and best marine engines in
the world. _We have always been inferior to her in that respect._"

Senator Rusk, of Texas, who was chairman of the Senate "Committee on
the Post Office and the Post Roads," in the course of a report made to
the Senate under date of June 15, 1852, described at some length the
difficulties under which the Collins Line was then laboring in spite of
the subsidy it was receiving. In laying special stress upon the expense
of running these ships he said that it was in part due to "the well-known
fact that, at the period when they were commenced, there were no machine
shops in this country in which castings of the size required could be
made, _nor were there on this side of the Atlantic, experienced practical
engineers competent to take charge of marine engines of such immense
size_.... It is not to be supposed that engines of such vast dimensions
could have been constructed in a country _where there were, as yet, no
workshops adapted to the purpose_ and where labor is very high, as cheaply
as in a country where every appliance of the kind already existed and
where the prices of labor are proverbially low. _Nor can it be reasonably
imagined that vessels of this description could have been navigated upon
as good terms by men taken from this country._" (Sen. Rep. Com. 267, 32
Cong. 1 sess. pp. 3-4).

That the iron screw steamer was steadily driving all American ships from
the sea, was plainly seen several years before the war, and sufficient
warnings were printed in the periodicals of the day. Said the _Scientific
American_ on May 16, 1857:--

"There are no less than thirty steamships now running between New York
and different ports in Europe. These are regular steamers carrying
passengers and merchandise, beside which _there are a number of transient
ones that carry cargo only_. But ten of them are American vessels, while
the Boston, Portland, and Philadelphia lines are entirely European. _The
Atlantic trade is departing from us_, and unless our shipping merchants
exhibit more practical wisdom and enterprise _they will ultimately be
vanished in this contest_. The whole number of steamships engaged upon
the routes between Philadelphia, New York, Boston, Portland, Halifax,
and Quebec, on this side of the Atlantic and the ports of Havre, Bremen,
Hamburg, Southampton, London, Liverpool, and Glasgow, on the other
side, is fifty-one. Of these only seventeen have paddle-wheels: all the
others--thirty-four--are _screw propellers with iron hulls_. They are
the most economical of steamships; their steam power is but small in
proportion to their tonnage; they make very regular and quick passages,
carry large cargoes, charge but little more freight than sailing vessels,
and _merchants prefer them for carrying goods_. _These_ are the steamers
that are fast 'routing out' our sailing craft in the Atlantic trade."

Of the foreign ships mentioned above, only the _Cunard_ received a subsidy.

That was in 1857. On March 31, 1860, the _Scientific American_ again
referred to the subject:--

"Three years ago we directed attention to the great increase of foreign
screw steamers, and showed clearly how they were rapidly taking away the
trade that had been formerly carried by American ships.... Our merchants
did not heed this injunction, and, as a consequence, their rivals have
grown stronger, while they have become weaker. To-day nearly all the
mail and passenger, besides a great deal of the goods, traffic, is
carried by foreign ships, _the great majority of which are iron screw
steamers_. These facts are indisputable; how can we account for them but
upon the theory that iron screw steamers are the cheapest and best for
the traffic?... We exhort our shipping merchants to examine the question
candidly for themselves, ... for we assure them that 'the Philistines are
upon them!' We have not a single new Atlantic steamship on the stocks,
from one end of the country to the other, while in Great Britain there are
16,000 tons of new iron screw steamers building for the American trade."

It was in those days that the "New York interests," as Mr. Cramp says,
"carried with them the ship-owners, ship-builders, shipping men, mariners,
and all others in general," while they sneered at the screw propeller.

Other quotations to show how and why the British secured supremacy are
worth making. Said the _Nautical Magazine_ (New York) for February, 1856,
regarding two steamers that had been compared in all particulars:--

"The extraordinary fact which presses itself upon our notice from the
foregoing details by trials consists in the difference in power required
in the two vessels to produce nearly identical speed ... 2050 H. P.,
economized by the screw, propelled the _Himalaya_ at about the same speed
as 3016 H. P., transmitted by paddles, propelled the _Atrato_."

The _New York Journal of Commerce_ published the following warning in
1857:--

"While we are learning [to build steamships] England is using her
advantages. Their merchants, captains, engineers, and sailors are carrying
on our trade, and taking the bread from our mouths."

Congressman Nelson Dingley, Jr., of Maine, a prominent advocate of the
subsidy system, in an article in the _North American Review_, dated April,
1884, said:--

"At the time Great Britain accepted our invitation to participate,
on equal terms in the business of" transportation (it was in 1849),
"experiments in iron ship building and steam propulsion were going on in
that country, which, _as early as 1855, began to work a revolution in
marine architecture_.... _This revolution_ from wood to iron and sails
to steam _at once_ began to deprive the American merchant marine of" the
advantages it had enjoyed.

The total number of British steamers receiving mail pay, or subsidy, in
1857, was 121, including the vessels plying to Ireland, the Isle of Man,
the Orkneys, and other near-by points; among which was one line sending
two steamers a day over its route. (See _Nautical Magazine_, September,
1857.) The total number of steamers under the British flag, in 1857, was
2132 (Rep. Com. of Nav. for 1901, p. 472). It is manifest that the mail
pay aided the 121 steamers thus favored; it is equally manifest that
the 2011 unsubsidized steamers were not only obliged to depend on their
intrinsic merit for profit, but they were obliged to compete on unfair
terms in all the trades (like that from Liverpool to New York) where the
subsidized steamers were employed.

The progress made by the British iron screw steamer thereafter was pointed
out by John Roach, in the course of his testimony, quoted above, when he
said (p. 177) he "had found out by personal examination that there were
119 iron steamships plying between the ports of America and Great Britain.
Of that number 110 were running to the port of New York."

A brief space must be given to a commonly accepted statement to the effect
that the members of Congress from the South, in the decade before the
Civil War, were opposed to the payment of subsidies to American steamers
because of prejudice against the North. Marvin, in the _American Merchant
Marine_, names Jefferson Davis and three of the men who were afterwards
associated with him in his cabinet as president of the Confederacy,
as leaders in this assault upon a Northern industry. The reader who is
interested in making a candid study of the facts can find many speeches
made by Congressmen from all parts of the country, in the _Globe_ for
the period in question. Part III, for 1857-1858, will be found most
interesting in connection with this charge against Mr. Davis. On page
2832, third column, are the following words uttered by him (he was then
a senator), on the method of paying subsidies:--

"Having established the mail line the question is, how shall the
compensation be stated. In one of these amendments it seems it is to be
the postal receipts. I think that altogether an objectionable method,
and I shall vote against that amendment for the reason that this is to
be a fluctuating amount.... The company cannot bear the fluctuation. The
depression of commerce, the existence of war, or some other cause, may
limit the correspondence, and cut off passenger and light freight, and
then a line relying on postage receipts might not be able to run; whilst
if the government allowed from year to year a fixed sum ... it might keep
up the line."

Later Mr. Davis voted as he had talked. It is but fair to say that he,
together with other senators and members of Congress, believed that the
payment of subsidies, as a national policy, was objectionable, but so,
too, did Ben Wade of Ohio, and other pronounced opponents of the "slave
oligarchy." Senator Rusk, of Texas, was as firm in his support of the
utterly reckless Collins Line as was Seward of New York.

The assertion, so often made at the North, that Congressmen from the
Southern States, during the years immediately preceding the Civil War,
were united in a conspiracy to injure Northern industries in order thereby
to weaken the North and make the work of secession easier, is absolutely
without foundation in fact. It is as absurd as the similar statement to
the effect that the Secretary of the Navy (Toucey, a Connecticut man) had
scattered the ships of the navy all over the world to weaken the fighting
power of the general government. The truth is the ships were not as badly
scattered in 1860 as they had been in several of the preceding years. Thus
there were twelve ships upon the home station in 1860, but only five in
1851. Further than that, Toucey had for two years urged upon Congress the
building of seven sloops of war of a draught of only fourteen feet, and
Congress, on February 21, 1861, appropriated the money for that purpose.
These shoal-draught vessels were admirably adapted for use in the waters
along the Southern States, and that fact was pointed out during the
discussion in the House. _Nevertheless several members from the Southern
States voted for the bill._

The subsidy policy was never treated as a sectional issue in Congress.
Hamlin, of Maine, Vice-president under Lincoln, voted with the opponents
of the subsidy men. (_Globe_, June 9, 1858, p. 2837.)

Hamlin's opposition is especially significant because he represented the
great mass of unsubsidized ship-owners whose business was injured by the
subsidized ships, and who were hot in their opposition to Collins.

Then it is to be noted that a chief argument urged by these Southern men
against the payment of subsidies to the lines then in question was based
on the belief that the ships were not fit for war-ships--were, in that
respect, the shams they are now known to have been. In short, any candid
reading of the speeches shows that in this question they were inspired by
a desire to do what was best for the whole nation.

That one kind of sectional jealousy hurt the Collins line has been
pointed out by Smith, in _The Ocean Carrier_--the well-founded jealousy
of the ship-owners of Boston, Philadelphia, and Baltimore. The clipper
ship-owners of New York also bitterly opposed the Collins Line. In fact,
these unsubsidized ship-owners combined to fight the Collins lobby at
Washington, and it was their influence that struck the "terrible blow"
which Marvin says was inflicted by the Southern members of Congress.

The influence of the Civil War upon the merchant marine must now have
consideration. First of all, the appearance of Confederate privateers
upon the ocean at once doubled the rate of insurance on all American
merchantmen. Then, when Commander J. D. Bullock, of the Confederate navy,
was sent to England to buy iron-clad war-ships with which to raise the
blockade of Confederate ports, and was induced to build swift cruisers
with which to raid the North's merchant marine, a still heavier blow was
struck. In all, the Confederates had 19 cruisers at sea, and they captured
257 merchantmen. The loss of these ships, however, was the smallest part
of the injury suffered. The possibility of capture deprived American ships
of the opportunity to obtain cargoes, and led to a cessation of building
in American shipyards. It led many owners to transfer their vessels to
foreign flags. It changed the currents of commerce. Naturally the British
merchants took every advantage of their opportunity, as the Americans had
done in the troubled days of the war with Napoleon.

One might suppose that the demand for naval ships would have given
prosperity to the shipyards and engine works, but John Roach testified
before the committee mentioned that "out of ten marine engine shops that
were in existence in New York at the commencement of the war, his was the
only one remaining in existence."

Though iron was largely used in the government ships, Nathaniel McKay,
the ship-builder, told this committee that "_we have got to have some
experience in building iron ships_. We have built but few iron ships, and
most of them were failures."

Mere mention only of the transfer of American capital from the sea to the
shore need be made here. With the depreciated currency there was plenty
of opportunity for "wildcat" speculations; for government contracts, and
for other kinds of investments more to the taste of honest capitalists.

The whole seafaring population spent the war period in acquiring new
habits, while the British ship-builders were busy perfecting their arts,
and the British merchants were establishing themselves firmly in the
trades from which the war drove the Americans.

As a final reason for the decadence of the American merchant marine,
note that the conditions of life in the American forecastle had greatly
changed, and that this change began when the American ships were winning
their laurels. With the advent of the packet system the "private venture"
method of adding to a sailor's income disappeared, and with it one strong
inducement to the young men who thought of going to sea. Then the old
custom of making the forecastle a schoolroom, with the ship's officers
serving as instructors in navigation, died out. The very prosperity
of the American merchant marine served to deteriorate the quality of
American seamen, for the number of ships increased much more rapidly
than the seafaring population. Foreign sailors were employed for lack
of enough Americans. In time even the number of experienced foreigners
was insufficient. Captain J. S. Clark testified before the committee of
Congress mentioned above that he had taken a ship to sea with "but two
men out of a crew of sixty who could steer."

With the employment of foreigners the pleasant relations that had existed
between the forecastle and cabin came to an end. The officers who had
been shipmates with crews of ambitious young Americans found the foreign
sailors, with their lack of ambition--with a certain slowness of movement,
in fact--exasperating, especially when topsails were to be reefed after
"carrying on" somewhat too long! This exasperation, with race or national
prejudices to increase it, was what led to the use of the belaying pin
and the pump-brake for the "encouragement" of sailors who failed to
"show willing." Naturally, as time passed, the treatment of sailors grew
worse, and an American statute which required the sailor to prove malice
or revenge on the part of an assailing officer, when he had the officer
arrested for ill treatment, did but add to the horrors of a passage on a
driven ship. Dana, in his _Two Years Before the Mast_, describes mildly
the treatment which common sailors received in American ships in his day.
Jewell's _Among Our Sailors_ describes the cruelty more in detail. It was
a common thing for captains to torture men, and men were sometimes killed
by the brutality which they could not escape. And while the conditions
in the American forecastle were growing worse, those in the British
were growing better. In 1869 Captain Cyrus F. Sargeant, the well-known
ship-owner, testified that "the wages of sailors are lower in an American
ship than in an English ship." It is well known that the port makes the
wages for the forecastle, but it was true, then, that seamen on British
liners, at least, saved more money in a year than the men on American
ships.

The testimony taken before the Merchant Marine Commission, in 1904 (p.
1263), contains the following paragraph, the truthfulness of which was
not disputed:--

"The condition of sea life under the American flag repels the American,
boy and man. These conditions are mainly--we might say solely--due to the
state of the navigation laws of the country. These laws are antiquated and
disgraceful, compared to American standards: they were designed to govern
slaves, and are maintained for the purpose of making slaves. No American
boy with any spunk in him will submit himself to the conditions created
by the maritime law, except (as frequently happens) as the alternative
of a term in prison. Take any trade that now attracts the American boy
and now holds the American adult, apply to those who follow it a special
code of laws obnoxious to all conceptions of Americanism, repugnant to
the dictates of humanity and condemned by the instincts of decency, and
it may be regarded as certain that that trade would speedily be shunned
by American labor. And if consulted about it the American people would
be very likely to declare that if such laws are really necessary to the
continuance of the trade in question, it would be a mercy to let the
trade die in order to be rid of the laws.... To create a healthy popular
interest in the whole subject of American shipping it is necessary to
alter the laws affecting American seamen, thus, by inducing Americans
to accept service at sea, creating an interest in the vital element of
the subject, and also by reflex action, in the physical considerations
involved."

This matter is of much importance here because, while life at sea was
becoming absolutely unendurable, by a self-respecting American youth,--in
an American ship, that is,--the opportunities for a career on shore were
becoming more alluring. The young men who might have become leaders in our
seafaring population--who might, perhaps, have found a way to maintain
our supremacy at sea--were forced to suppress a natural liking for salt
water; so they took the farms which the government gave away too freely;
or they raised cattle on the unfenced plains; or they located mines; or
they became managers and owners of factories where "protected" goods were
made; or they obtained power and fortune from the railroads. While the
British were strengthening their hold upon the sea, the Americans were
steadily losing the sea habit.

It is manifest from any candid review of the facts that the decadence
of the American merchant marine was wholly due to natural causes--to
conditions of national development (the Civil War was a feature of
our national development) that were unavoidable. It is unpleasant, but
absolutely necessary, to face the facts. When the American merchant marine
lost the command of the sea and the British gained it, the result was due
to the working of the immutable law of the survival of the fittest.




CHAPTER XVI

DURING A HALF CENTURY OF DEPRESSION


In 1866, just after the end of the Civil War, the American steam
fleet registered for foreign trade, measured 198,289 tons. The steam
vessels enrolled for coasting traffic measured 885,223 tons. In 1879
the steam tonnage in the foreign trade had fallen to 156,323, while
the coasting tonnage had passed the million mark. In 1896 the coasting
fleets measured more than 2,000,000 tons, while the foreign trade ships
measured 264,289 tons. In 1908 the coasting steamers reached a tonnage of
4,055,295,--double the figures of 1896, and the registered tonnage was
598,737,--more than double that of 1896, but so far below that of the
coasting tonnage as to warrant a serious inquiry into the causes which
had created the contrast.

    [Illustration: Four-master _DIRIGO_

     First steel ship built in the United States]

Before entering into this inquiry, however, it will be of interest to
consider several features of the growth of the coasting traffic. First
note that the cheap rates of transportation afforded by the ships running
from such Southern ports as Savannah, Charleston, and Norfolk to Boston
and New York have had a most remarkable influence upon the agriculture
of the Southern coast States. Where once cotton only was raised, or
cotton and tobacco, the land-owners are producing cargoes of vegetables
at a season when such truck can be produced at the North only by the use
of hothouses. The health of millions of people at the North, and the
prosperity of other millions at the South, have been greatly promoted
by the coasting steamers. At the same time the coast lines of railroads,
to secure a share of the traffic which was originated by steamers, have
improved their service so far that strawberries and string beans have
right of way over passengers.

A natural evolution of traffic alongshore has been seen in the extension,
so to speak, of the railroads across both salt and fresh water. Soon
after the Boston and Providence Railroad was opened (June 15, 1835),
its directors made an agreement with a line of steamers to New York
under which the vessels of rival lines were excluded from the terminal
facilities of the railroad, and the passengers from the rival lines had to
wait hours for a train on which to continue their journey. In 1845 Daniel
Drew, a director of the Providence and Stonington Railroad, became the
president of the line of steamers running from Stonington to New York,
and the two companies, for the purposes of traffic, were operated as one.

The railroads that terminated on the shores of Lake Erie engaged in the
Lake traffic at an early date by establishing ship lines that gathered
freight at all Lake ports of importance for transportation to the East,
and, of course, carried the traffic from the East to the farthest points
on the Lakes. These steamers had a marked influence on the development of
the West. Of such lines as that which runs from Galveston and New Orleans
to New York in connection with the Southern Pacific Railroad, only mention
need be made, but the fact that the extension of railroads in this way
across wide stretches of the waters of the country, has had a marked
influence upon the prosperity of the country as well as upon that of the
railroads, is memorable.

Another notable feature of the coasting trade is a revival of the old
system, practised by such merchants as Derby, of Salem, when they built
ships especially to carry their own goods to market. Thus, when petroleum
was found in Texas, the Standard Oil Company built many vessels to carry
the crude oil from the wells to the refineries at New York. The oil was
taken through pipes from the wells to the ship, and it was pumped from the
ship into tanks at the refineries. With the aid of such port facilities
the cost of transportation was reduced to the lowest figure.

The United States Steel Corporation, owning ore beds near Lake Superior
and mills near Pittsburg, built a fleet of ships to carry the ore to
points on Lake Erie whence it could be shipped on a private railroad
to the mills. The ore in the beds was scooped up with steam shovels and
dumped into cars, by which it was transported to high trestles on the edge
of the harbor. On the trestles it was dumped into pockets, from which it
fell through chutes into the vessel, the hatches of which were spaced to
correspond with the spaces of the chutes. A cargo of more than 10,000 tons
has been loaded in two hours. At the port of discharge other scoops (a
sort of dredge), made to operate through the hatches, lift the cargo out
of the ship at a rate of more than a thousand tons an hour.

The great coal companies of the East deliver their coal in similar pockets
on the coast, but they transport a large portion of it thence to the
consumer by means of tugs and barges. In proportion to the coal carried,
the tug-and-barge system costs less than cargo-carrying steamers. The
tugs, with their high-priced crews, are kept moving; they tow the barges
in "strings" to their destinations, dropping one here and another there,
until the last is at the pier. Then they return, picking up the barges
that have been unloaded, and take them to the pockets for more coal. The
barges have small crews of low-priced men. The expense of waiting for
the discharge of the coal is therefore less than if a steamer had carried
the coal; it is even less than the expense of a schooner lying thus. The
systems of handling cargoes in coarse freight trades of the American coast
are, perhaps, the most perfect in the world.

Naturally, extensions of the railroad lines have been made across deep
water. The Pennsylvania Railroad established the American line from
Philadelphia to Liverpool in 1871. The Baltimore and Ohio established
the Atlantic Transport line to Europe. The Louisville and Nashville
created lines from Pensacola to several countries, including Japan and
China. The Illinois Central has lines from New Orleans. The Occidental
and Oriental Steamship Company was organized to carry the freight of the
Pacific railroads from San Francisco to the Far East. Near the end of
the nineteenth century the Southern Pacific Railroad bought an interest
in the Pacific Mail. The Northern Pacific was served for years by the
Boston Steamship Company, and the Great Northern Railroad built two of the
largest cargo carriers in the world for an extension of service across the
Pacific. Most of the ships in these extensions of railroads have been of
American build.

In oversea traffic the through bills of lading and special terminal
facilities gave the ships owned by railroads special advantages in the
world's traffic. A great corporation is able to purchase supplies at the
lowest prices. Further than that, it is not infrequently advisable to
carry freight on ships at an actual loss in order to provide freight for
the cars in which it can be carried with profit.

Another American adventure at sea that is of interest here was the
evolution of the United Fruit Company. Individual dealers in perishable
products of the tropics found it profitable to unite in gathering bananas
and other fruits, and in chartering ships to bring them to the United
States. As the business continued to increase, the need of swift ships,
and for fittings to preserve the fruit in the best condition, led to the
building of special kinds of ships (chiefly under foreign flags) and of
machinery for loading and unloading the cargoes at the terminals. In the
meantime, the speedy ships employed had proved attractive to passengers,
and because passengers could be carried without decreasing the efficiency
of the ships as fruit carriers, efforts were made to increase this branch
of the traffic. In time the company built hotels for the comfort of
the passengers at points in the tropics where a comfortable hotel was a
surprise to the experienced traveller. Then because the well-contented
fruit farmers of the tropics were unwilling to keep up with the demands of
the trade in either the quantity or the quality of the fruit, the company
bought land and produced the cargoes needed by their ships.

The Standard Oil Company employs nearly a hundred ships (chiefly under
foreign flags), which it has built for the purpose, to transport its
products to foreign countries. And there are other corporations that own
ships as parts of their business equipment.

These American enterprises are of the utmost importance to the story of
the American merchant marine, because they are the most modern features of
our water-borne traffic. The great corporation is doing an _ever growing_
share of the world's work, and the growth is an economic evolution that
must be forwarded as well as controlled. In spite of the prevailing fear
of great aggregations of wealth, it is worth while to inquire whether a
further combination of corporate interests might not help on a revival
of the American merchant marine. Suppose that a ship-building "trust"
were united with the steel-making "trust" and the aggregation were to
make a traffic agreement with a combination of railroads extending from
the Atlantic to the Pacific, under which special low freight rates were
obtainable; is it not conceivable that this powerful corporation might
solve the problem of ships able to compete on deep water? Although the law
now prohibits such combinations as this, may we not hope that the American
people will yet learn how to preserve themselves from oppression, and the
fear of it, without hampering the men who are able and eager to do the
world's work on the world's terms?

In any consideration of a revival of the American merchant marine, it
is necessary to view candidly the conditions which our ships must face.
Emphasis is laid upon the need of candor, because in such discussions
of the matter as have been had in periodicals, and before committees of
Congress, the plainest facts of history have been frequently misstated,
and, at times, deliberately misrepresented. If one-half the ingenuity
and energy that have been used in arguing for the subsidy policy had been
expended in evolving a revolution-making type of ship, we should have had,
long since, a merchant marine worthy of the flag. Further than that, while
an appeal to sentiment is justified, the matter ought to be viewed first
as a cold matter of business.

Is the deep-water carrying trade worth the attention of American
capitalists? It is a curious fact that in the hearings before the
committees of Congress that have investigated the state of our shipping
since the Civil War, not one word has been said about the dividends paid
by the ocean carriers of the world. The reports of the committees assume
that there is great profit in such shipping. One adroit advocate of the
subsidy system says "the European steamship combinations ... now derive
an income of about $200,000,000 a year from their control of our carrying
trade" (_Atlantic Monthly_, October, 1909), leaving the reader to suppose
that that great sum is divided as net profits.

As a matter of fact, the International Mercantile Marine Company, one
of the larger corporations thus engaged (it is largely in the hands of
American capitalists, too), has paid no dividends as yet (1909), and
even its bonds sell below par. When the Cunard Company wished to build
two ships to excel the swiftest of the German liners, it was unable
to do so until the British government loaned it the necessary capital
under conditions that amounted to a gift of the total cost of the ships.
According to the _Financial Times_ (London), dated Wednesday, April 14,
1909, the highest dividend paid by this most highly favored of all the
British subsidized lines during the last fourteen years (1895-1908) was 8
per cent, which was distributed in 1900. The average distribution for the
fourteen years has been 3.17 per cent a year. In 1895, instead of making
a profit, the company lost £40,000. In 1904 there was a loss of £66,700.
In 1908, while operating the two splendid and thoroughly well-advertised
record breakers which it had received as a free gift from the British
government (the _Mauretania_ and _Lusitania_), it made the enormous loss
of £249,800. A letter from the company to the writer admits that these
figures are correct.

Said James A. Patton, then one of the foremost grain exporters of the
United States, in a hearing before the Merchant Marine Commission of
Congress in 1904 (Sen. Rep. 2755, 58 Cong. 3 sess. p. 714):--

"The ocean freight market has been so low during the past two years that
at times the ship agents have offered to transport grain to Liverpool and
London for nothing, to take it as ballast. Recently we have shipped corn
from Boston to London at a price less than that ... less than nothing,
owing to duties the port dues in London, which absorbed more than the
freight rate received."

The conditions described by Mr. Patton are out of the ordinary, of course,
but conditions which have kept the dividends of the well-subsidized Cunard
Company under 3 per cent have prevailed for thirteen years. The company
was able to earn the 8 per cent dividend in 1900 only because the war
with the Boers created an extraordinary demand for ships to be used as
transports, and these having been taken from the general carrying-trade
freight rates rose to an abnormal point. Leaving out the abnormal dividend
of 1900, the average distribution has been but 2.8 per cent.

The ocean carrying-trade is performed by two distinct classes of services;
the line traffic, like that of the Cunard Company, and the independent
cargo carrier or tramp service. The tramp will go anywhere and at any time
for a charter price. The income received by the tramps is as uncertain
as that of a prospector in the mining region. In spite of the ease with
which the demand for tonnage is telegraphed around the world the tramps
accumulate on this or that coast in numbers far beyond all needs of the
trade, and rates drop to a point where many of them are glad to get away
in ballast. At such a time, however, a lucky (perhaps a far-seeing) owner
has a ship at a port barren of tonnage, and receives for a cargo that must
go quickly a price that pays half the cost of the ship. It is the lucky
stroke that keeps the seafaring people hoping against hope, just as the
prospector remembers how Creede, of Colorado, made a million out of the
Amethyst.

Then consider the effect of the tides in the business world upon the
carrying-trade. After the war with the Boers the freight rates went to
pieces. Owners ceased building new tonnage. The ship-builders, to keep
their forces together, offered to construct the best of modern vessels at
cost of construction. Thereupon new capital came into the trade, and some
men of experience also placed orders. In this way an excess of tonnage
was kept afloat. Meantime much old tonnage in the progressive countries
like England and Germany was placed on the market at forced sale, and
these ships were bought by continental owners who patched them up ("cheap
repairs for the cheap ones"), and sent them, with cheap crews, looking for
cargoes. It must be kept in mind that Chinese owners, who can hire stokers
at $6 a month, are competing in the world's traffic, as well as owners
who have to pay $40 a month for the same kind of work. Where the Chinese
owner can make money, and the owner of the best of modern freighters can
live, and even make a lucky stroke, now and then, the owner of the average
tramp keeps her running because the losses while she is in commission are
less than when she is laid up in ordinary. The tramp traffic is precisely
like mining in that the luck of the few keeps the many trying. Moreover
the trend of business has been, for some time, away from tramps and into
regular line ships, and that is a fact worth serious consideration.

The average profit of the lines of steamers is well set forth in the
statement of the Cunard Company, unless, indeed, that statement is more
favorable than the average facts warrant. The Hamburg-American Line
dividends during the past fourteen years have averaged 5¾ per cent per
annum, and it is likely that but one other ship-owning corporation has
done as well on deep water. It is a world's traffic even for a line that
plies between New York and Liverpool only. The price that a Swedish tramp
will accept for wheat in the River Plate, and the rate which the Japanese
will accept on the coast of China, both affect the North German Lloyd at
Bremen. A few lines, especially those having special trades, make good
dividends. The United Fruit Company's ships are among the exceptions
because of the peculiarities of the business. But every ship-owner knows
that on the average there is no great part of the world's work that pays
smaller dividends than carrying cargoes across deep water.

The people of the United States, before taxing themselves to add to the
congestion upon the high seas, should ask themselves whether success, when
attained, will be worth the cost. Would a sensible American farmer, able
to earn $3 a day grafting orchards, work overtime in order to compete with
a foreign ditch digger receiving $1.50?

If we decide to make the fight for a share of the business of the sea
it will then be of the utmost importance to consider the strength of
the opposition to be overcome. In this inquiry no account will be taken
of ships of the sail. For while schooners fit to carry from 3000 up to
perhaps 10,000 tons' dead weight came into use in the coast coal trade
at the end of the nineteenth century, and proved profitable, it is absurd
to think of any kind of sailing ship in connection with future traffic on
deep water.

According to the last Report of the Commissioner of Navigation (1908), the
United Kingdom had, in 1907, 4105 steamships, measuring 9,156,356 tons,
with crews aggregating 185,867 men (this "includes masters as well as
Asiatics and Lascars"), in the foreign trade, besides 239 ships of 240,983
tons, manned by 5362 men, engaged partly in the home, and partly in the
foreign, trade. The tonnage of 1907 was about four times as great as it
was in 1880.

The German Empire had, in 1908, 2521 steamships, of 4,070,242 tons, manned
by 65,568 men. This tonnage was twice as large as the tonnage of 1900.

In 1908 the Japanese had 626 steamships of 1,076,070 tons, which was twice
the tonnage registered in 1900. The number of men in the fleet is not
given, but it was at least 16,000.

The steamships of the world, exclusive of those of the United States,
measured, in 1906, more than 30,000,000 tons. Perhaps 800,000 men were
employed on these ships, and there was an experienced force of owners and
managers on shore to look after the interests of the fleet.

The quality of this vast sea power must now be considered. In this
point of view it is a most discouraging fact that about all important
improvements of recent years in the steam engine have been made by
Europeans. Between 1855 and 1865 steam pressures in boilers ranged from
20 to 35 pounds per square inch, and the consumption of fuel was about
3 pounds per horse-power-hour. Compound engines came into general use
between 1865 and 1875, when boiler pressures rose to 125 pounds, and the
consumption of fuel decreased to 2.2 pounds and even less. Between 1885
and 1895 twin screws and quadruple expansion engines were adopted for the
swiftest ships, and the improved engines were used on many cargo carriers.
Boiler pressures reached 225 pounds and upward, and the coal consumption
dropped as low as 1.4 pounds. Then came the far-reaching change to the
steam turbine, on ships of 14 knots and upward. For slower ships the
turbine in combination with reciprocating engines has been found more
efficient than the old-style engines, while a combination of the turbine
with the dynamo for still slower ships is now in hand and sure to make
headway. In all these matters Europe has taken the lead.

In the turbine, with its combinations, it is believed that the
steam-engine reaches its highest possible efficiency, just as sails
reached their highest efficiency as used on the American clipper. But
a new machine, still more economical, has been invented--the gas motor.
Coal is used for the generation of gas, which drives internal-combustion
motors, much like those seen on automobiles. The consumption of fuel is
thereby reduced far below that of steam engines.

While the marine steam-engine has been perfected in Europe, it is
worth noting by the way that the producer-gas engine, though yet in the
experimental stage for ship use, has been brought to a higher state of
perfection for land use in America than in Europe. Magazine articles by
marine engineers have been published, urging American ship-owners to adopt
this new method of propulsion, because it is to make a revolution almost
as far-reaching as the iron screw steamer made in 1855. But the American
ship-owner refuses to see his opportunity. Having certain profits with
old-style engines in the coasting trade, he is willing to let foreigners
do the experimenting.

All of this is to say that the ship-owners of foreign countries are at
least as far-sighted and enterprising as those of the United States.

Some of the facts in the story of our coasting steamer trade are
of interest in this point of view. The most interesting division of
this fleet is found upon the Great Lakes. The screw propeller and the
compound engine were successfully introduced on the Great Lakes before
1850--several years before the iron screw steamer of the British began its
deadly inroads upon our salt-water trade--but the Atlantic coast remained
indifferent.

After the Civil War tugs came into use for towing the sailing vessels
through the Detroit and Huron rivers, and from these the use of barges in
"strings" behind steamers that carried cargoes as well as served as tugs,
was developed. This system ruled upon the lakes until the evolution of the
iron ore trade led to the building of ships so large that they were unable
to handle barges. In 1902 the ship able to carry 10,000 tons arrived.

Still larger ships have been built since 1902. A ship that can carry
12,000 tons' dead weight needs but thirty-five men, all told. The average
cost of carrying freight on the best ships of the lakes is less than .8 of
a mill per ton-mile. Through natural development this splendid efficiency
has been attained, and the fleet in 1908 numbered 1942 ships measuring
2,341,686 tons.

    [Illustration: Seven-masted Schooner _THOMAS LAWSON_]

A feature of these ships to be considered is that they are all built for
passing through certain shoal channels, the Welland Canal, and the canal
at the rapids at the outlet of Lake Superior, for example. These channels
have compelled the designers to adopt one cross-section of hull for all
ships (at least below the water-line), and that cross-section is the
largest that will pass through the channels. Because of this similarity
of models the lake builders have been able to carry specialization in
the work of construction as far as any builders in the world, and much
further than it is carried in the Atlantic coast yards, where builders
may have a battleship, a harbor tug, and a side-wheel passenger boat on
adjoining ways. The lake ships can be built for the lowest price of any
in the United States.

Contemplation of these facts, and upon the further fact that lake
engineers seemed to be about the best the world had ever seen, led the
lake capitalists to organize the American Navigation Company, which built
two large cargo carriers, sent them down to salt water, and entered the
general cargo trade. Those vessels were among the most economical ever
built in the United States, all things considered, _but they were unable
to compete with the European ship_.

A story told by A. B. Wolvin to the Merchant Marine Commission is
significant here. A company of which he was president operated a line of
steamers from Duluth and Chicago to Montreal and Quebec. The steamers
numbered ten of the maximum size for passage through the Welland
Canal--250 by 42 feet large, with a draft of fourteen feet, and a
carrying capacity of 2200 tons. The cost of these ships, built under the
best American conditions of specialization, was $140,000 each, and the
operating expense was $135 a day each. While the company was engaged in
its work, a steamship man from Sweden came and offered to put on twelve
ships of the same size, each at a charter price of $2900 per month. His
ships cost but $90,000 each, and the wages of crew and other operating
expenses were so much lower than the American standard that he could make
money at a charter price of $1000 a month less than the cost of operating
the American ships. Having used these Swedish ships long enough to know
them (for it was necessary to accept the offer to keep the Swede from
starting in opposition), Captain Wolvin testified:--

"They are better from the standpoint of construction.... The vessels carry
well; they run well. We have no trouble with the crews."

The crew of the Swedish ship numbered seventeen; that of the American,
twenty-two. And the Swedish wage was far less.

The bearing of these facts in any consideration of the power of the
ship-owners who are now in control of the deep water traffic of the world
is obvious.

Other views of the world's carrying trade are of interest here. The
Hamburg-American Company runs steamships in sixty-eight different lines.
There is a line of its ships from Europe to each port of importance from
Montreal to Newport News. It maintains other lines to the important ports
of the West Indies, to Ports Limon and Colon on the narrow mainland, and
to every important port on the north, the east, and the west coasts of
South America. It reaches nearly every port of importance on the coasts
of Europe, and down the west coast of Africa. Indeed, on the west coast
of Africa the natives see two German steamers to one under the British
flag. It sends other ships through the Suez Canal to skirt the coast of
Asia as far as Vladivostok; it maintains cargo gatherers among the islands
along shore, and then, from Japan, it reaches across to Portland, Oregon,
where it connects with our Northern Pacific Railroad. It runs every kind
of ship from the 23-knot passenger packet to the economical cargo carrier
that uses perhaps little more than ten tons of coal a day. The traffic
of the world is, in a way, within the touch of this one corporation. The
worldwide tides of commerce are felt and noted daily in the home office,
and while losses are suffered, here and there, through depressions in
business, _or through competition_, the profit made by the vast fleet as
a whole is sufficient to yield regularly the modest dividends that satisfy
the owners.

The fact that the powerful North German Lloyd is allied with the
Hamburg-American in all matters that affect German commerce and trade is
also a matter of interest in this place.

To show now how an effort to force a new company into an established trade
affects freight rates, it is necessary only to refer to such an instance
as the "war" that prevailed in the trade from New York to South Africa in
1902. As Smith notes in _The Ocean Carrier_, the rival steamships lost
from $10,000 to $15,000 on every trip. Moreover, the low rates were of
no advantage to commerce, for commerce demands stability first of all.
It is worth noting, too, by the way, that in the course of this war,
goods were carried by English steamers from New York to Africa for less
than was charged by the same companies on ships from London to the same
destination.

When American capitalists tried to establish a line of ships from New York
to Brazil some years ago, the venture failed. One reason for this was
the higher cost of American ships and crews. Another was extravagance,
especially in providing terminal facilities at Rio de Janeiro. Old
merchants in Brazil still smile when they talk of what the American
line did in that way. But the most important reason for failure was the
advantage enjoyed by British rivals in the triangular line route followed
by their steamers. In the currents of commerce on the Atlantic the British
manufacturer ships large quantities of goods to South America, the South
American producer ships large quantities of coffee to the United States,
and the American producer ships large quantities of food-stuffs to Great
Britain. The British ships had profitable cargoes from home to Brazil. At
Rio de Janeiro and Santos they cut the rates far below cost, and then on
arrival in the United States they secured cargoes for home at a profitable
rate. The profits on the two trips enabled them to endure the cut on the
middle passage. But because American manufacturers had little to ship to
Brazil the American ship lost money on both passages.

Every business man understands the advantages of one who is
well-established in any trade, over one who is just beginning, but one
method by which established lines of ships hold their trade must have
mention. The merchant who sends all his goods by the established line
receives a rebate of 10 per cent on the amount of his freight bill, the
rebate being calculated once in six months, say, and the payment being
made six months later. If the merchant ships an ounce of stuff by a rival
line he loses all the rebate, and he may be punished in addition, if the
rival is a new line. The merchant, having rivals in trade, feels the loss
of the rebate seriously; his rivals by loyalty to the established line
continue to enjoy the rebate even when rates are cut below those of the
new line, and below cost. In such trades as that between New York and
Rio de Janeiro, where a number of lines are plying, the established lines
unite their entire resources to kill off a new line trying to enter the
trade.

When the American people have before them any proposition for the revival
of the American merchant marine, they should keep in mind that ships
designed for the purpose and at least in sufficient numbers, are afloat
in every trade of the world; that the freight rates are maintained
at a point where the profits are as low as any afforded by any branch
of the world's work; that the men doing the work have been developed
with the steam carrying trade, just as the splendid American sailor of
the sail was developed by his environment, and they are therefore at
once well-informed, alert, enterprising, resourceful, persistent, and
merciless. Observe, too, that in the work of the high seas man faces
primeval conditions, brute force prevails as nowhere else, and the fittest
survives.

Perhaps a definition of terms is needed here. By fitness we mean the
ability to do the world's work on the terms which the world offers.
We have learned to build bridges and locomotives on those terms, but,
in spite of the fact that our ship-builders and ship-owners are fully
protected in the "home market," they have not yet learned how to combine
the locomotive and the bridge into a ship fit to compete with the
unsubsidized ships--the cargo carriers--now in the world's traffic.

In connection with the known degree of efficiency of the world's merchant
marine, as now afloat, consider a statement that can be found on page
1248 of the _Report of the Merchant Marine Commission_. It is, perhaps,
the most discouraging statement that has been made in connection with our
merchant marine.

"The statistics of loss of ships at sea afford matter for reflection....
They show, as the United States Commissioner of Navigation has summarized
them, that out of every 100 American seagoing steamships over 100 tons,
for the past seven years, on the average 2.24 have been lost each year;
that out of every 100 foreign seagoing steamers over 100 tons, for the
same period on the average 1.98 have been lost each year." (See also An.
Rep. Com. Nav., 1904, p. 19.)

    [Illustration: A Modern Clipper Ship and a Modern Brig

     By courtesy of _Munsey's Magazine_]

When American ships were supreme they were insured at a less rate than
those of any other nation, and the insurance was placed, to a large
extent, in England. Because the American sailor of the sail, who had
been evolved by 200 years of American environment, was able to handle his
ship better than any other, he paid lower premiums to the underwriters.
But if this be true (and no one disputes it), it follows that the higher
percentage of losses among modern American steamers proves that the
American environment, since the steamer era, has produced a steamship
sailor who is less efficient in his work than our old-time sailor of the
sail was in his, and less efficient, too, than the foreign steamship
sailor of the present day. It is an important fact that a man may win
laurels upon the weather yard-arm in reefing topsails and yet be of no
particular value as an oiler or an assistant engineer in the engine-room.
At any rate, any effort to revive the American merchant marine will have
to be made in the face of the record of American losses, and the influence
of that record upon insurance rates.

Then in spite of the "boundless resources of our country," and "the
intelligence of the masses," and a "protective tariff" of twenty-five
cents a bushel, the farmers of "the overcrowded nations of Europe" are
able to sell potatoes in New York at a profit. And millions of dollars'
worth of factory goods made in Europe pay ocean freights, pay the
tariff tax, pay the commissions of agents, pay the freight rates on our
railroads, pay the margin of our retail merchants, and are then sold at
our doors in competition with the products of our workmen.

The fact that the tariff wall fails to keep out foreign goods is a matter
for serious attention in every point of view, but it seems especially
necessary here to consider the influence of "protection," as it is called,
upon those features of American character which we call self-reliance and
the spirit of enterprise. Under the prevailing system how is it possible
for the American people to develop the aggressive manhood that is needed?

One other feature of the opposition that will be encountered in any effort
to create a new American merchant marine is yet to be described--the
support which the existing carriers will receive from their governments
during the conflict; but before that is considered it may be well to
review the means by which it has been proposed to increase our shipping.

Naturally a people accustomed to "protection"--a people who make boast of
a system that is at best a confession of a lack of ability to meet open
competition--have turned, first of all, to "government aid."

Among the first provisions of Congress for the benefit of American
shipping after the adoption of the Constitution was a 10 per cent
discriminating duty on all goods imported in foreign ships. It is
asserted that this discriminating duty supplied our ships with cargoes
from foreign ports to American, and was thus a feasible and satisfactory
"protection." A 10 per cent duty amounted then, and it would amount now,
to more than the whole freight, upon some goods. It is also asserted that
this discrimination was made in order to "protect" our shipping. But in an
extended argument, which was made before the Merchant Marine Commission
(in the _Report_ of which the curious reader can find it), by Hon. E.
T. Chamberlain, Commissioner of Navigation, it was proved that "in the
minds of those that applied" it (Jefferson, Clay, Gallatin, John Quincy
Adams, etc.), the law was provided as a means of retaliation only--for
the purpose of preventing discrimination against American shipping. The
fact that our government anxiously strove from the first to secure fair
reciprocity confirms this view. Further confirmation is found in the
fact that our old-time ship-owners were unanimous in their support of the
government in its efforts to secure reciprocity.

Those who advocate the policy of discrimination for modern application
assert that our shipping reached supremacy at sea while the discriminating
policy prevailed as to Great Britain, and that is true, because the
British did not accept our offers of reciprocity until 1849. But the
assertion that our shipping became supreme _because_ of this policy
is made only by those who are unable to appreciate in full the facts
of the case. For our ships that were engaged in the trades between
foreign countries, beyond the reach of any "protection" afforded by
"discrimination" or any other artificial stimulation, at one time measured
a million tons. Why were those ships favored beyond all others by the
merchants who loaded them? Why did merchants of rival nations--why did
the British merchants, for instance--charter these "Yankee" ships, if it
were not because they were the most efficient in the world?

It is a slander upon the American sailor of the sail to say that he won
the long pennant through coddling.

As a system for modern adoption "discrimination" is objectionable for
three reasons. One is that it provides at best for keeping our ships in
trades between home and foreign ports only; it does not provide for trade
between foreign ports. Next it is a system for supporting ships that are
confessedly inferior to those already in the trades--it places a premium
upon inefficiency. Last of all it is a system that must excite all foreign
governments to retaliation; and that those governments will be eager to
retaliate, and that they will find ways enough for doing so, is beyond
doubt. In connection with this statement it is necessary to keep in mind
that we shall soon cease to export wheat in any form, and the growth of
population is so great that we shall soon cease to export other, perhaps
all other, food products. Before inviting retaliation we must look ahead.

Indirect discrimination has been proposed. Under this the ships of any
country were to be permitted to bring in without discrimination goods
produced under their flag; but goods brought from any other country were
to be subjected to a discriminating tax. Any analysis of our imports,
however, shows that if British goods were taxed when brought here in any
but British ships, all such goods would be forced into British ships at
once, to the great advantage of the British shipping. They could not at
present, nor for years to come, be forced into American cargo carriers.
As the system would in like manner help German shipping, the policy would
but make our task the harder.

Before considering the policy of paying direct subsidies a glance at the
oft-repeated assertion that our shipping is "our one unprotected industry"
seems necessary. What does "protection" provide for any industry, or what
does it pretend to provide? Simply the home market--this and nothing more,
at best. This is done by laying a tariff upon imports. But the American
shipping is now and always has been protected that far--absolutely
protected, in fact, by prohibition. The importation of ships has been
forbidden, and the use of foreign ships in the "home market" has been
reserved to home-built ships for nearly 100 years. If "protection" could
enable any industry to expand from the "home market" to the foreign, then
the coasting trade industry should have expanded long since over all the
world. Unhappily, however, the profit found in well-protected industries
does but tend to make the beneficiaries contented, and willing to let well
enough alone.

Ever since the Civil War efforts have been made to induce Congress to
modify the navigation laws far enough to enable Americans to buy ships
in the cheapest market and sail them under the flag. It is said that this
would give our shipyards so much employment in repairing the foreign fleet
so to be purchased that our builders would soon learn how to set afloat
ships as cheap as any in the world. It is not easy to treat seriously
one who supposes that repairing tramps would develop the distinctive
type of ship able to produce results in ton-miles, which is imperatively
needed; but when it is remembered that free trade in ships quickly drove
the British from the sailing ship to the screw steamer, the proposition
looks attractive. For free trade--the necessity of swimming unaided in
rough water or drowning--might compel the American builder to produce the
revolution-making ship for which we are to hope.

We now come to the policy of paying direct bounties as a means of creating
a merchant marine; and nowhere are candor and accuracy of statement more
important.

Bounties were paid in the colonial days. Virginia gave a subsidy of
tobacco to induce her people to build ships, and they built one ship. When
the whale fishery was depressed, just after the Revolution, Massachusetts
gave a bounty on Massachusetts oil, with the result that the market was
flooded, and the fishery was depressed more than ever. In spite of a
bounty paid on oil by Rhode Island, her sailors continued to favor the
slave-trade. For some reason those who favor subsidies as a means of
reviving our shipping never quote these facts.

Of the effect of subsidies upon the Collins Line and of other subsidies,
something has already been said. The first grant to the Cunard Company
was made for military and diplomatic purposes only, but when subsidized
American ships appeared, the Cunard grant was increased to maintain the
British flag in the trade. That is a fact beyond dispute.

It is manifest that the subsidy was of benefit to the receiver. It helped
the company to build improved ships. It gave the builders some experience.
It provided schools for the instruction of seamen in the art of handling
steamships. The subsidizing of the Royal Mail, and of the lines to other
parts of the world, where private enterprise was unequal to the occasion,
created an increase of commerce as well as some addition to the shipping
of the country.

With equal candor the evils of the system apparent in those days ought
to be told. The subsidized Cunarders not only drove off the American
subsidized lines but they drove away the unsubsidized Great Western line.
_They depressed all British shipping that entered the trade to New York
and Boston._ If they had had a larger subsidy they would have spread to
Philadelphia, and thus would have prevented or delayed the establishment
of the Inman Line. The British shipping in the trade to the northern ports
of America was not increased by the subsidy to the Cunard Company; it was,
on the contrary, restricted. Paying a subsidy to establish a line where
no steamers had traded before, and none could trade without government
aid, was a very different thing from forcing a new line of steamers into
trade already supplied with shipping, and even congested. Paying a fair
price per pound to a ship for carrying the mail ought not to be confused
with paying a subsidy. The first Cunard mail pay was not a subsidy; it
was a low price for the work done. Senator Rusk declared, in the document
already quoted, that the British Post Office Department "derived a _clear_
income of no less than $5,280,800" from the contract in the first six
years it was in force. After Collins began running his ships by aid of a
subsidy the British subsidized Cunard to enable him to compete.

When the Collins Line reduced freights from £7 10_s_ to £4, _commerce_
was certainly benefited, but the reduction was ruinous to _shipping_. It
was especially injurious to the American packet lines. The advent of the
subsidized Collins Line did more to injure the American _shipping_ of its
day than any other influence except that of the iron screw steamer.

Then the effect of admiralty supervision upon the subsidized ships
was an incubus upon progress. Naval men are usually conservative, and
conservatism often means stupidity. Thus, after the British _Dreadnought_
had demonstrated the efficiency of the turbine engine our American naval
engineers provided one battleship with turbines and another of the same
model with reciprocating engines in order to learn whether the turbine
was worth installing in future ships! The Cunard ships were built of
wood, long after iron was known to be a better material, because of naval
stupidity. Worse yet, when the requirements of the merchant service became
imperative the rules of the admiralty were evaded--ships were reported to
be fit for war cruisers when in fact they were useful as transports only.

After the Civil War, Congress provided subsidies by which a line from
New York to Rio Janeiro, another from San Francisco to China and Japan,
and a third from San Francisco to Hawaii, were established. Under these
contracts the policy did not have quite a fair trial. The beneficiaries
by activity in politics created so much opposition that the subsidies were
withdrawn before the effect was fully apparent.

By the Act of March 3, 1891, a subsidy was again provided under the thin
disguise of paying for carrying the mail--a reprehensible plan, because
if subsidies are justified, they ought to be paid openly. The fact is that
the methods of indirection employed by the advocates of subsidy have done
much to discredit their system. Under this act ships of 8000 tons and a
speed of 20 knots receive $4 a mile "by the shortest practicable route for
each outward voyage." Ships of 5000 tons and a speed of 16 knots receive
$2 a mile. Ships of 2500 tons and a speed of 14 knots receive $1 a mile,
while those of 1500 tons and a speed of 12 knots receive "two-thirds of
a dollar a mile." This act was designed to maintain lines of ships which
would be useful as scouts, transports, etc., in time of war.

Before stating the effect of this law upon American shipping, certain
facts in connection with the subsidizing of ships by the continental
nations of Europe will be useful. It is a curious fact that while
the annual reports of our Commissioner of Navigation have for years
given much space to the "progress" of the British, the German, and the
Japanese shipping, nothing has been said about the "progress" of the
shipping of France, of Italy, or Austria. The progress of the shipping
of England, Germany, and Japan is stated because government aid is given
to shipping in those countries and shipping makes progress; but in the
other countries, where still more liberal aid is given to shipping, no
progress worth mention is made. The annual report of the Commissioner of
Navigation is made a vehicle for the dissemination of arguments in favor
of the subsidy policy.

A candid examination of the policy of Germany shows that some aid has been
given to lines of ships in the form of liberal pay for carrying mails.
The North German Lloyd receives $1,330,420 per annum for its service to
China, Japan, Australia, and the German possessions in the Pacific. The
Germans thought it better policy to subsidize a line of merchantmen than
to maintain a line of transports to its colonies as the United States
has been doing in connection with the Philippines. The payment to the
North German Lloyd is properly called a subsidy; to give the name of
subsidy to all payments made to German steamers for carrying the mail is
to misrepresent the facts in a way that injures the cause of the subsidy
advocates materially in the eyes of all who know the facts.

The German railroads, which are owned by the government, not only give low
rates on goods intended for export, but extremely low rates are provided
for all materials used in building ships. The fact that special rates
on railroads are used to promote the German merchant marine is worth
serious consideration in the United States, even though such rates are
here viewed with suspicion. The national laws governing our railroads, as
enforced now (1910), are in some respects an incubus upon legitimate and
praiseworthy enterprise. Through ignorance and prejudice the efforts of
our transportation lines to increase our export trade have been seriously
hampered.

Unquestionably subsidies and special rates were provided to extend German
influence by means of shipping. The payment of bounties has been one
feature of the expansion of German shipping. To assert that the bounty
has been the sole, or even the chief, cause of that expansion, however,
is to misstate the facts. The experience of France, for instance, shows
conclusively that a subsidy in itself is not enough to create a merchant
marine. Although the French subsidy is so liberal that French cargo
carriers are able to sail half-way around the world in ballast to get
a cargo at rates that would be less than cost of maintenance for any
other ship, the French merchant marine grows so slowly as to justify the
assertion, made by the late Captain John Codman, that the French mariners
are working against a fiat of nature. The tonnage of 1881, 914,000, was
but 1,952,000 in 1908.

Further than that the German subsidies have been less than those paid
by the British (especially those paid to the Cunard Company), and yet
German steamers are steadily encroaching upon those of the British. The
reason for the progress of German shipping is readily found in the spirit
and habits of the people. Consider the work of the patient, spectacled
scientist in his laboratory--his methods and his aims; consider the growth
of the factory system; consider the effect of the training which all men
receive in the army or navy--how the whole people learn to move as one
man, and as comrades, for the attainment of a worthy national object;
consider how all the people--the men with the hoe as well as the men
behind the guns--are stirred by an attack, or a seeming attack, upon the
Fatherland.

The effect of government bounties upon German shipping is like that seen
when the spectacled German professor of agriculture applies inorganic
fertilizers to crops planted in well-cultivated, humus-filled soils. The
effect in France, and other nations not well prepared for expansion, is
like that when those fertilizers are applied to arid, acid, uncultivated
land. In Germany the soil for the production of shipping was in excellent
condition before the fertilizer was applied. What is the condition of that
soil in the United States?

The American subsidy law has been in operation since 1891. For the service
rendered it provides more liberal compensation than that given to any
German ship. The American Line (now operated as a part of the fleet of
the International Mercantile Marine Company), owns two American ships that
were built for the line and two British ships that were placed under the
American flag by special act of Congress. The subsidy maintains this line
in existence but does not increase it. The Mallory line has been extended
somewhat since the subsidy was given to it. Elsewhere ships that were
maintained under the subsidy have been driven from their route by foreign
competition. The ships run in connection with the Great Northern Railroad,
for instance, were unable to compete with the Japanese line between the
same ports, partly because the Japanese subsidy was more liberal, and
partly because of the greater expense of running American ships. In short,
the law of 1891 has failed to provide an American merchant marine.

Further measures for providing subsidies have therefore been proposed. The
Merchant Marine Commission, after a lengthened inquiry, offered a bill to
Congress which was to provide a line from "a port of the Atlantic coast of
the United States to Brazil," with "ships of not less than fourteen knots
speed," at a subsidy rate of $150,000 a year, "for a monthly service,"
or $300,000 for a fortnightly service. A similar line to the River Plate
was to receive $187,500 and $350,000 according to the service. The same
subsidy was to be paid to a 12-knot line to South Africa. Three lines from
Gulf ports to Cuba, Brazil, and Mexico were to be paid sums in proportion
to the service rendered, and three lines were to be provided for the
Pacific on similar terms.

In addition to providing these lines an attempt was to be made to set
afloat cargo carriers by giving an annual bounty of $5 a ton gross
measurement to all cargo ships continuously in service. On the whole ten
new lines of ships were to be established at an expense of $2,590,000,
and it was supposed that $10,000,000 might be the necessary limit of the
subsidy for the tramps. In the meantime it was supposed that the existing
lines working under the law of 1891 would continue in the service for the
compensation provided.

Passing over the claptrap in the bill about the use of these liners
as scouts,--fancy a 16-knot merchantman scouting around a squadron of
Dreadnoughts!--the bill ought to be considered on its merits because it
sets forth the amount of subsidy supposed to be sufficient to create a
real revival of our shipping, and thus gives an idea, perhaps, of what
sum would be adequate.

Accepting the Commission's statement that the subsidies would prove
sufficient to place the more expensive American ships upon an equality
with the foreign, and "a little more," as was said, it may be assumed that
the new lines would eventually employ sixty or seventy ships. At $5 a ton
the $10,000,000 might put afloat from 300 to 400 modern cargo carriers.
Thus we should, at best, about double our present registered fleet,
which, in 1908, numbered 478 ships. But if we compare that fleet with
the German, which now numbers more than 2500 ships, or with the British,
which now numbers more than 4000, we shall see that even under the best
circumstances we should yet be a far cry from the supremacy of which we
made boast in other days. Indeed, the fleet of liners would not number as
many ships as the Standard Oil Company now employs to carry abroad its
products, while the fleet of cargo carriers could not be compared, with
any satisfaction, to the fleet now in use by the allied German companies
of which mention has been made.

And the ships thus to be set afloat, as they crossed the seas, would
proclaim to the world that they were in the carrying trade, not by right
of efficiency, but by grace of a subsidy.

But now we are to consider whether any subsidy heretofore proposed would
really be sufficient to sustain either liner or tramp. The effect of such
ships upon freight rates, for instance, was stated before the Merchant
Marine Commission, by B. N. Baker, formerly president of the Atlantic
Transport Company, and an advocate of the subsidy system. He said:--

"If you added any more to the open sea traffic (the foreign traffic) of
the United States than 100,000 tons a year you would so demoralize the
general carrying business in rates, both as to freight and passengers, it
would be so unprofitable that no one could go into it, _unless you would
double, and triple that compensation_."

The effect of that building programme upon the organized mechanics of our
shipyards--the strikes for higher wages, and the consequent increase of
prices--need only be mentioned.

Then figure up the expense of the war between the lines from New York
to South Africa in 1902, wherein ships lost $15,000 in a single voyage.
Manifestly the American liners would need all of their subsidy ($15,625,
per voyage) to meet the reductions in freight rates which the opposition
would make. They would thus be no better off than they would be if
they were permitted to enter the trade on even terms with the present
lines--without war and without subsidy. The line to Brazil would yet have
to face the disadvantages due to the triangular service which British
ships maintain, though the decreasing exports of American food products
would reduce those disadvantages somewhat.

In short, one may well doubt whether the proposed subsidy would enable
our ships to overcome the opposition of the powerful foreign interests
that are already in the trade. But if we suppose it to suffice that
far, we have yet to inquire what the governments behind those powerful
corporations would do. Recall the story of the Cunarders _Mauretania_ and
_Lusitania_. The British government gave those two ships to the company
outright on the understanding that it should operate and maintain them
in a condition fit to cross the Atlantic at a speed of 25 knots an hour.
This was done at the time that American capitalists acquired control of
a number of British lines, under the name of the International Mercantile
Marine Company, and formed a working agreement with the two leading German
companies. This combination threatened British supremacy on the North
Atlantic, or was believed to threaten it, and the whole British nation
rose up to defend, figuratively speaking. If that were possible under
those circumstances, it is certain that the "subventions" now given to the
British lines would be increased the moment any American subsidized ships
began to cut into the British carrying trade. Increased subsidies would
then be needed by the American ships. If the American people were to enter
into a subsidy war it is likely that they could endure the strain longer
than any other nation; but is such a war worth while to secure a part in
a traffic that pays the well-subsidized Cunard line no higher profit than
2.8 per cent a year?

    [Illustration: Cunard S. S. _LUSITANIA_

     By courtesy of the Cunard Steamship Company]

One more argument in favor of subsidy is yet to be considered. With
the Panama Canal and the Monroe Doctrine to defend, it is necessary to
provide sufficient transports and colliers for the exigencies of war. The
spectacle of our splendid war fleet steaming around the world with its
fuel carried in ships under foreign flags, was humiliating to the nation.
Congress should build auxiliaries more rapidly by direct appropriation, or
it should give ample subsidies, however great the sums needed, to maintain
auxiliary ships in the merchant service. Many Americans would gladly pay
their share of the tax for the pleasure of seeing the American flag above
a ship's taffrail, now and then on salt water, in spite of the humiliation
of the fact that it was the tax and not efficiency that kept the flag in
place. A merchant fleet so provided would be a kind of insurance against
the exigencies of war, and even against war itself. With a thousand
American merchant ships afloat on deep water there would be less danger
of an aggressive nation of Europe invading Rio Grande do Sul or menacing
the Panama Canal.

Whether to provide the auxiliaries by direct appropriation or by subsidy
is, or should be, a question of relative expense and efficiency. Such a
question, one would think, might be solved by the rules of arithmetic;
at any rate it is not necessary in the discussion to misrepresent the
attitude of senators from Southern States, nor to say that the former
American supremacy was due to "protection" instead of the ability of the
sailor of the sail.

There are excellent and perhaps imperative diplomatic and military reasons
for maintaining at least one line of swift steamers from the Pacific coast
to the coast of Asia and the Philippine Islands. The ships of this line,
if established, should be fitted, as battleships are, for a cruising
speed of say sixteen knots, with a reserve of power for an emergency,
when they should be able to develop real scout speed--should be able
to run away from the modern twenty-one knot battleships. The value of a
fleet of ships of this kind, in a military point of view, and especially
upon the Pacific, is obvious. A dozen ships of the kind would not be too
many. A fleet of smaller ships, fit for use as naval colliers, might well
be maintained to gather and distribute cargo along the Asiatic coast and
among the islands. We have undertaken the work of developing civilization
in the Far East, and we need to do everything possible to prevent an
attack upon our position there. After squadrons of war-ships nothing
will create a higher respect for our flag among the people of that region
than a fleet of superior merchantmen _avowedly maintained for diplomatic
and military reasons_. In fact a fleet so maintained would impress other
peoples than those of the Far East.

The same argument may be made for the maintenance of swift lines to both
coasts of South America, where we have the Monroe Doctrine and the Panama
Canal to defend. If we establish these lines, a war of subsidies is to be
expected, and the well-established and powerful companies already in the
trades will be wholly unscrupulous in their opposition, not because their
present profits are high, but because they are low; a division of the
traffic will still further reduce the profits which are already too narrow
for comfort. We may be sure, too, that extravagance and inefficiency of
the Collins kind will be found in the management of some of our companies;
but as a diplomatic and military measure the experiment seems to be
worth making. We have a very good precedent in the action of Germany in
establishing a line to its Pacific possessions by a subsidy of a million
a year, which is given for the precise reasons urged herein. It will cost
the United States many times as much as it does Germany, but one who looks
at the matter broadly may well suppose that such an increase of expenses,
avowedly made as a measure for increased military efficiency, might be
worth while, in the end, as a peace measure. For we shall be obliged in
any event, to go on increasing our naval budget to keep even with the
growth of European navies, until the war burden becomes intolerable in
Europe as well as in the United States; and then we shall have measures
for preserving peace more rational than those now in vogue. The sooner
the burden is made intolerable the better.

But while we can provide an ample fleet of naval auxiliaries by means of
subsidies, if we are willing to pay the price, let no one suppose that
such a measure will give the country any share of the world's traffic
worth consideration, not to more than mention supremacy upon deep water.

One method by which the Merchant Marine Commission thought to increase
American sea power is memorable. A heavy tonnage tax was to be laid upon
all ships coming from foreign countries to American ports, and the money
so raised was to be paid to American ships in the foreign trade in return
for carrying a certain proportion of American citizens enrolled as members
of a corps of naval volunteers. The measure looked toward an increase in
the number of American seamen, but it did not become a law.

The communities that have supported nautical schools (New York and
Boston, for example) have had the end in view for which the measure of
the commission was designed. Graduates of these schools are among the best
officers in our merchant marine, and this, too, in spite of the fact that
antiquated ships of the sail formerly served as school rooms, and the boys
were taught to handle the obsolete marline-spike instead of the throttle.
But, at best, these efforts to turn ambitious young Americans from the
opportunities they find on land are inadequate. Congress might have turned
the naval academy into a splendid nautical university for the education
of all Americans who wish to learn the ways of the sea. We appropriate
millions a year for the farmers, not as bounties on their products, but
to teach them, _through experiment stations_, how to do their work. No
one seems to have thought it worth while, however, to make a national
appropriation for the education of merchant seamen.

To confess the truth we have done nothing adequate to the situation
since the Civil War, nor has anything adequate been attempted; but the
people who have promoted the work of our nautical schools have seen
dimly what the whole story of the American merchant marine proclaims.
The pretty pinnace _Virginia_ thirty feet long, as she crossed and
recrossed the Atlantic; the _Trial_ in the Azores and the West Indies;
the _Mount Vernon_ as she dodged pirates, privateers, and war fleets in
her seventeen-day passage from Salem to Gibraltar; the _Empress of China_
in her venture to the Far East; the sealers among the icy rocks of the
Antarctic; the whalers beyond Bering's Straits; the packets of the sail as
they crossed from New York to Liverpool; and the clippers that flaunted
the Stars and Stripes off the weather beam of every ship they met on the
Seven Seas,--in short, the whole story of the American merchant marine has
been worth consideration here because it sets forth unmistakably that the
superior intrinsic efficiency of the American sailor of the sail, during
the contest that culminated with the perfection of the ship of the sail,
gave supremacy to the American flag. We can buy ships--whole fleets of
them--if we are willing to pay the price, and we can maintain them upon
the high seas in like manner; but we shall never again see the Stars
and Stripes triumphant upon the high seas until the American environment
evolves, once more, by natural process, the nautical unit as efficient
for the modern day as was our ship of the sail in the days long past.




FOOTNOTES


[1] This board was created by an Order in Council dated July 4 (nowhere
mentioned as "a beautiful coincidence"), 1660, "to receive, hear, examine
and deliberate" upon all matters concerning the colonies, and report the
facts and their conclusions to the king.

[2] _The Story of New England Whalers_ gives a satisfactory history of
the American whale fishery.

[3] Many vessels went out without cannon, expecting to capture guns from
the enemy.

[4] The following is the inventory of the cargo of the sloop _Charming
Sally_, which "cleared out from Dominica to Newfoundland," and was
eventually considered as a prize by the Continental Congress: "1300
bushels of salt; 14 hogsheads of molasses; 120 gallons of rum; 65 reams
of writing paper; 1 hogshead and 27 demijohns of claret wine; 27 bottles
of French cordials; 5 cases of oil of olives and anchovies; 4 ankers of
brandy; 150,000 pins; 24 pairs of wool cards; 10 pieces of linen and
checks; 500 pounds of shot; 1 cask of powder; 150 pounds of coffee; 4
umbrellas; 100 yards of osnaburghs; 4 beaver hats; 1 Negro man; 1 suit
of velvet; 1 suit of black cloth; 1 suit of light-colored cloth; 1 suit
of purple cloth; 2½ dozen of shirts; 2 dozen of neck cloths; 3 dozen of
handkerchiefs; 4 dozen of silk and thread stockings; 3 dozen of linen
waistcoats and breeches; 2 chintz nightgowns; several short coats; great
coat and cloak; ½ piece of cambrick; 8 yards of crimson silk; 1 dozen
pair of French laced ruffles; bedding; table linen; musket sword; pistols;
2 blunderbusses; quadrant and other instruments; small library of books."

[5] The sea letter given to Captain Green read as follows: "Most serene,
most puissant, puissant, high illustrious, noble, honorable, venerable,
wise and prudent emperors, kings, republics, princes, dukes, earls,
barons, lords, burgomasters, councellors, as also judges, officers,
justiciaries, and regents of all the good cities and places, whether
ecclesiastical or secular, who shall see these patents or hear them read:

"We the United States in Congress assembled, make known, that John Green,
captain of the ship called the Empress of China, is a citizen of the
United States of America, and that the ship which he commands belongs
to citizens of the said United States, and as we wish to see the said
John Green prosper in his lawful affairs, our prayer to all the before
mentioned and to each of them separately, where the said John Green shall
arrive with his vessel and cargo, that they may please to receive him
with goodness, and treat him in a becoming manner, permitting him upon
the usual tolls and expenses in passing and repassing, to pass, navigate
and frequent the ports, passes and territories, to the end, to transact
his business where and in what manner he shall judge proper, whereof we
shall be willingly indebted."

This letter was signed by the president and the secretary of Congress.

[6] See _James Rogers and His Descendants_, by James Swift Rogers, Boston,
1902. There is also other evidence that it was Captain Moses Rogers,
but the New York papers of the period do not give the first name of the
captain in what they say about this first passage. Captain Rogers left
the _Clermont_ on reaching Albany.

[7] To show what the packets carried, here is the invoice of the
_Dreadnought's_ first cargo: 3827 barrels of flour, 24,150 bushels of
wheat, 12,750 bushels of corn, 304 bales of cotton, 198 barrels of potash,
150 boxes of bacon, 5600 staves, 60 tons of ballast, a total dead weight
of 1559.65 tons.

The ship was 200 feet long on deck, 40.25 feet wide, 26 feet deep. With
this cargo on board she drew 21½ feet of water aft and 21 forward. Her
main yard was 79 feet long.




      *      *      *      *      *      *




Transcriber's note:

Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have
been preserved.

Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.



***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE STORY OF THE AMERICAN MERCHANT
MARINE***


******* This file should be named 53122-0.txt or 53122-0.zip *******


This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/3/1/2/53122


Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive
specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this
eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook
for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports,
performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given
away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks
not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the
trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the
person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph
1.E.8.

1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the
Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when
you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country outside the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work
on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

  This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
  most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
  restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
  under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
  eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
  United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you
  are located before using this ebook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format
other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain
Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
provided that

* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
  the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
  you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
  to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has
  agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
  Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
  within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
  legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
  payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
  Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
  Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
  Literary Archive Foundation."

* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
  you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
  does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
  License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
  copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
  all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm
  works.

* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
  any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
  electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
  receipt of the work.

* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
  distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The
Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm
trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm

Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
www.gutenberg.org 

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary 
Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.

The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the
mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its
volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous
locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt
Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to
date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and
official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

For additional contact information:

    Dr. Gregory B. Newby
    Chief Executive and Director
    gbnewby@pglaf.org

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular
state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works.

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org

This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.