The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Outline of the Phonology and Morphology of Old Provençal, by C. H. Grandgent This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. Title: An Outline of the Phonology and Morphology of Old Provençal Author: C. H. Grandgent Release Date: August 13, 2015 [EBook #49692] Language: English Character set encoding: UTF-8 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OUTLINE PHONOLOGY OLD PROVENCAL *** Produced by Charlene Taylor, David Starner and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE: There are many diacritical marks in this book. Some devices and browsers may not render these correctly. Heath’s Modern Language Series AN OUTLINE OF THE PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY OF OLD PROVENÇAL BY C. H. GRANDGENT PROFESSOR OF ROMANCE LANGUAGES IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY Revised Edition BOSTON, U. S. A. D. C. HEATH & CO., PUBLISHERS 1909 COPYRIGHT, 1905, BY D. C. HEATH & CO. PREFACE. This book, which is intended as a guide to students of Romance Philology, represents the result of desultory labors extending through a period of twenty years. My first introduction to the scientific pursuit of Provençal linguistics was a course given by Paul Meyer at the École des Chartes in the winter of 1884-85. Since then I have been collecting material both from my own examination of texts and from the works of those philologists who have dealt with the subject. Besides the large Grammars of the Romance Languages by Diez and by Meyer-Lübke, I have utilized H. Suchier’s _Die französische und provenzalische Sprache_ (in Gröber’s _Grundriss der romanischen Philologie_, I, 561), the _Introduzione grammaticale_ in V. Crescini’s _Manualetto provenzale_, the _Abriss der Formenlehre_ in C. Appel’s _Provenzalische Chrestomathie_, and many special treatises to which reference will be made in the appropriate places. Conscious of many imperfections in my work, I shall be grateful for corrections. I have confined myself to the old literary language, believing that to be of the greatest importance to a student of Romance Philology or of Comparative Literature, and fearing lest an enumeration of modern forms, in addition to the ancient, might prove too bewildering. I should add that neither my own knowledge nor the material at my disposal is adequate to a satisfactory presentation of the living idioms of southern France. These dialects have, however, been investigated for the light they throw on the geographical distribution of phonetic variations; my chief source of information has been F. Mistral’s monumental _Dictionnaire provençal-français_. Catalan and Franco-Provençal have been considered only incidentally. I have not dealt with word-formation, because one of my students is preparing a treatise on that subject. Readers desiring a brief description of Provençal literature are referred to H. Suchier and A. Birch-Hirschfeld, _Geschichte der französischen Literatur_, pp. 56-96; A. Stimming, in Gröber’s _Grundriss der romanischen Philologie_, II, ii, pp. 1-69; and A. Restori, _Letteratura provenzale_. For a more extended account of the poets they should consult _Die Poesie der Troubadours_ and the _Leben und Werke der Troubadours_ by F. Diez; and _The Troubadours at Home_ by J. H. Smith. The poetic ideals are discussed by G. Paris in _Romania_, XII, pp. 516-34; and with great fulness by L. F. Mott in _The System of Courtly Love_. The beginnings of the literature are treated by A. Jeanroy in his _Origines de la poésie lyrique en France au moyen âge_, reviewed by G. Paris in a series of important articles in the _Journal des Savants_ (November and December, 1891, and March and July, 1892) reprinted separately in 1892 under the same title as Jeanroy’s book. Contributions by A. Restori to several volumes of the _Rivista musicale italiana_ deal with Provençal music; some tunes in modern notation are to be found in J. H. Smith’s _Troubadours at Home_, and in the _Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen_, CX (New Series X), 110 (E. Bohn).[1] Aside from the editions of individual poets, the best collections of verses are those of C. Appel, _Provenzalische Chrestomathie_; V. Crescini, _Manualetto provenzale_; and K. Bartsch, _Chrestomathie provençale_. Earlier and larger anthologies are M. Raynouard’s _Choix des poésies originales des troubadours_, and C. A. F. Mahn’s _Werke der Troubadours_ and _Gedichte der Troubadours_. The only dictionary of importance for the old language is the _Lexique roman_ (six volumes) of M. Raynouard, augmented by the _Supplement-Wörterbuch_ of E. Levy (now appearing in instalments). The poetic language of the present day can be studied to advantage in E. Koschwitz’s _Grammaire historique de la langue des Félibres_. C. H. GRANDGENT. CAMBRIDGE, MASS., NOVEMBER, 1904. ABBREVIATIONS AND TECHNICAL TERMS. Abl.: ablative. Acc.: accusative. Cl.L.: Classic Latin. Cond.: conditional. Cons.: consonant. Einf.: W. Meyer-Lübke, _Einführung in das Studium der romanischen Sprachwissenschaft_, 1901. F.: feminine. Fr.: French. Free (of vowels): not in position. Fut.: future. Gram.: W. Meyer-Lübke, _Grammaire des langues romanes_, 3 vols., 1890-1900. Grundriss: G. Gröber, _Grundriss der romanischen Philologie_, 2 vols., 1888-1902. Imp.: imperfect. Imper.: imperative. Intertonic (of vowels): following the secondary and preceding the primary accent. Intervocalic (of consonants): standing between two vowels. It.: Italian. Körting: G. Körting, _Lateinisch-romanisches Wörterbuch_, 2d ed., 1901. Lat.: Latin. Levy: E. Levy, _Provenzalisches Supplement-Wörterbuch_, 1894-. Ltblt.: _Literaturblatt für germanische und romanische Philologie_, monthly, Leipzig. M.: masculine. Nom.: nominative. Obj.: objective (case). Part.: participle. Perf.: perfect. Pers.: person. Phon.: P. Marchot, _Petite phonétique du français prélittéraire_, 1901. Pl.: plural. Pr.: Provençal. Pres.: present. Pret.: preterit. Raynouard: M. Raynouard, _Lexique roman_, 6 vols., 1836-44. Rom.: _Romania_, quarterly, Paris. Sg.: singular. V.L.: Vulgar Latin. Voc.: H. Schuchardt, _Vocalismus des Vulgärlateins_, 3 vols., 1866-68. Voiced (of consonants): sonant, pronounced with vibration of the glottis. Voiceless (of consonants): surd, pronounced without glottal vibration. Vow.: vowel. Zs.: _Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie_, 4 to 6 nos. a year, Halle. SIGNS AND PHONETIC SYMBOLS. N. B.--Phonetic characters not entered in this list are to be pronounced as in Italian. Whenever it is essential to distinguish spelling from pronunciation, _italic_ type is used for the former, Roman for the latter. · (under a vowel): close quality. ¸ (under a vowel): open quality. ¯ (over a vowel): long quantity. ̆ (over a vowel): short quantity. ̑ (under a letter): semivowel, not syllabic. ´ (over a letter): stress. ´ (after a consonant): palatal pronunciation. ✱ (before a word): conjectural, not found. ＞ (between words or letters): derivation, the _source_ standing at the _open_ end. +: followed by. ạ: French _â_ in _pâte_. ą: French _a_ in _patte_. β: bilabial _v_, as in Spanish. c: see k. c´: palatal _k_, as in English _key_. ð: English _th_ in _this_. ẹ: French _é_ in _thé_. ę: French _ê_ in _fête_. g: English _g_ in _go_. g´: palatal _g_, as in English _geese_. h: English _h_ in _hat_. ị: French _i_ in _si_. į: English _ĭ_ in _pit_. k: English _k_ in _maker_. k´: see c´. l´: palatal _l_, as in Italian _figlio_. n´: palatal _n_, as in Italian _ogni_. ŋ: English _ng_ in _sing_. ọ: German _ō_, as in _sohn_. ǫ: German _ŏ_, as in _sonne_. r´: palatal _r_. š: English _sh_ in _ship_. þ: English _th_ in _thin_. ụ: German _ū_, as in _gut_. ų: German _ŭ_, as in _butter_. ü: French _u_ in _pur_. w: English _w_ in _woo_. χ: German _ch_ in _ach_. y: English _y_ in _ye_. z: English _z_ in _crazy_. ž: French _j_ in _jour_. [Illustration: THE PROVENÇAL TERRITORY] TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGES INTRODUCTION 1-9 PHONOLOGY 10-84 Accent 11-13 Vowels 13-36 _Quantity_ 13-14 _Accented Vowels_ 14-24 a 14-15 ẹ 15-17 ę 17-20 ị 20 ọ 20-21 ǫ 21-23 ụ 23-24 au 24 _Unaccented Vowels_ 24-36 Initial Syllable 25-27 Intertonic Syllable 27-29 Penult 29-32 Final Syllable 32-36 Consonants 37-84 Latin Consonants 37-40 Germanic Consonants 40-41 Greek Consonants 41-42 _Initial Consonants_ 42-44 Single 43-44 Groups 44 _Medial Consonants_ 45-78 Single 47-55 Groups 55-78 _Double Consonants_ 56-57 _Groups Ending in L_ 57-58 _Groups Ending in R_ 58-61 _Groups Ending in W_ 61-62 _Groups Ending in Y_ 63-69 _Groups Beginning with L, M, N, R, or S_ 69-74 _Miscellaneous Groups_ 74-78 _Final Consonants_ 78-81 Single 78-81 Groups 81 _Sporadic Change_ 81-84 Insertion 81-82 Metathesis 82-83 Dissimilation 83-84 MORPHOLOGY 85-146 Declension 85-113 _Nouns_ 85-94 First Declension 90 Second Declension 90-91 Third Declension 91-94 _Adjectives_ 95-99 Comparison 96-97 Numerals 98-99 _Pronouns and Pronominal Adjectives_ 99-113 Articles 100-101 Personal Pronouns 101-105 Possessives 105-107 Demonstratives 107-109 Interrogatives and Relatives 109-110 Indefinite Pronouns and Adjectives 110-113 Conjugation 114-146 _The Four Conjugations_ 114-115 _Fundamental Changes in Inflection_ 116-118 _Infinitive, Present Participle, and Gerund_ 118-119 _Past Participle_ 119-121 _Future and New Conditional_ 121-123 Future Endings 122-123 Conditional Endings 123 _Present_ 123-132 Double Stems 125-126 Peculiar Forms 127-130 Personal Endings 130-132 _Imperfect Indicative_ 132-133 _Preterit, Old Conditional, and Imperfect Subjunctive_ 133-146 Preterit 133-144 _Weak_ 135-138 _Strong_ 138-144 Old Conditional 144-145 Imperfect Subjunctive 145-146 INDEX 147-159 AN OUTLINE OF THE PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY OF OLD PROVENÇAL. I. INTRODUCTION. 1. The language here studied is, in the main, that used by the poets of Southern France during the 12th and 13th centuries. The few works that we have earlier than the 12th century must, of course, be utilized for such information as they afford concerning the process of linguistic change; and lacking words or forms must occasionally be sought in writings later than the 13th. Prose literature, moreover, should not be neglected, as it greatly enlarges our vocabulary and throws much light on local divergences. The modern dialects need be cited only to determine the geographical distribution of variations. 2. The extent of the Provençal territory is sufficiently indicated by the map on p. viii. The upper black line separates Provençal on the northwest and north from French, on the northeast from Franco-Provençal; on the east are the Gallo-Italic dialects. The lower black line divides Provençal on the southwest from Basque, on the south from Spanish, on the southeast from Catalan. The boundary line between French and Provençal must be determined somewhat arbitrarily, as there is no distinct natural division; the several linguistic characteristics of each idiom do not end at the same point, and thus one language gradually shades into the other. The line shown on the map is based on the development of free accented Latin a, which remains a in Provençal, but is changed to e in French. The limits of other phonetic phenomena may be found in Suchier’s maps at the back of Vol. I of Gröber’s _Grundriss_. There may be seen also a large map showing the place of Provençal among the Romance languages. Consult, furthermore, P. Meyer in _Romania_, XXIV, 529. 3. The Spanish and Gallo-Italic frontiers are more clearly defined, and Basque is entirely distinct. Franco-Provençal and Catalan, on the other hand, are closely related to Provençal and not always easy to divide from it. Catalan, in fact, is often classed as a Provençal dialect; but it is sufficiently different to be studied separately.[2] Franco-Provençal, rated by some philologists as an independent language, has certain characteristics of Provençal and certain features of French, but more of the latter; in some respects it is at variance with both. The Gascon, or southwest, dialects of Provençal differ in many ways from any of the others and present not a few similarities to Spanish[3]; they will, however, be included in our study. 4. The Provençal domain embraces, then, the following old provinces: Provence, Languedoc, Foix, part of Béarn, Gascony, Guyenne, Limousin, most of Marche, Auvergne, the southwestern half of Lyonnais and the southern half of Dauphiné. The native speech in this region varies considerably from place to place, and the local dialects are, for convenience, roughly grouped under the names of the provinces; it should be remembered, however, that the political and the linguistic boundaries rarely coincide. For some of the principal dialect differences, see §§ 8 and 10-13. 5. The language of the poets was sometimes called _lemosí_; and, in fact, the foundation of their literary idiom is the speech of the province of Limousin and the adjacent territory on the north, west, and southwest.[4] The supremacy of this dialect group is apparently due to the fact that it was generally used for composition earlier than any of the others: popular song, in all probability, had its home in the borderland of Marche[5]; religious literature in the vulgar tongue developed in the monasteries of this region; the artistic lyric was cultivated, we know, at the court of Ventadour, and it must have found favor at others. Furthermore, many of the leading troubadours belonged by birth or residence to the Limousin district. 6. The troubadours’ verses, as we have them, seldom represent any one dialect in its purity. The poet himself was doubtless influenced both by literary tradition and by his particular local usage, as well as by considerations of rhyme and metre. Moreover, his work, before reaching us, passed through the hands of various intermediaries, who left upon it traces of their own pronunciation. It should be said, also, that the Limousin was not a single dialect, but a group of more or less divergent types of speech. For these reasons we must not expect to find in Provençal a uniform linguistic standard. 7. Neither was there a generally accepted system of orthography. When the vulgar tongue was first written, the Roman letters were used with approximately the same values that they had in Latin, as it was then pronounced. As the Provençal sounds changed, there was a conflict between the spellings first established and new notations based on contemporary speech. Furthermore, many Provençal vowels and consonants had no equivalents in Latin; for these we find a great variety of representations. The signs are very often ambiguous: for instance, _c_ before _e_ or _i_ (as in _cen_, _cinc_) generally stands in the first texts for ts, in the more recent ones for s, the pronunciation having changed; _z_ between vowels in early times usually means dz (_plazer_), but later z (_roza_); _i_ between vowels (_maiór_) indicates either y or dž (English _j_), according to the dialect; a _g_ may signify “hard” g (_gerra_), dž (“soft” _g_: _ges_), or tš (English _ch_: _mieg_). It is probable that for a couple of centuries diphthongs were oftenest written as simple vowels. 8. Some features of the mediæval pronunciation are still obscure. The close ọ was transformed, either during or soon after the literary epoch, into ụ (the sound of French _ou_); hence, when we meet in a late text such a word as _flor_, we cannot be certain whether it is to be sounded flọr or flụr. We do not know at what time Latin ū in southern France took the sound ü (French _u_): some suppose that it was during or shortly before the literary period; if this be true, the letter _u_ (as in _tu_, _mur_) may represent in some texts ụ, in others ü. In diphthongs and triphthongs whose first element is written _u_ (_cuer_, _fuolha_, _nueu_, _buou_), this letter came to be pronounced in most of the dialects like French _u_ in _huit_, while in others it retained the sound of French _ou_ in _oui_; we cannot tell exactly when or where, in ancient times, this development occurred. In the diphthongs ue, uo (_luec_, _fuoc_), opinions disagree as to which vowel originally bore the stress; subsequent changes seem to indicate that in the 12th and 13th centuries the practice varied in the different dialects. Old Provençal must have had in some words a peculiar type of r, which was sufficiently palatal in its articulation to call for an i-glide before it (_esclairar_); we do not know precisely how it was formed; in most regions it probably was assimilated to the more usual r as early as the 12th century. The š and ž (palatal s and z) apparently ranged, in the several dialects, between the sounds of French _ch_ and _j_ on the one hand, and those of German _ch_ (in _ich_) and _j_ (in _ja_) on the other; the former types were largely assimilated, doubtless by the 13th century, to s and z (_pois_, _maisó_), the latter were not (_poih_, _maió_). 9. The following table comprises the Old Provençal sounds with their usual spellings, the latter being arranged, as nearly as may be, in the order of their frequency. Diphthongs and triphthongs are included in the vowel list, compound consonants in the consonant table. For an explanation of the phonetic symbols, see p. vii. The variant pronunciations are discussed in § 8. VOWELS. SOUND. SPELLINGS. EXAMPLES. ạ _a_ _pan_ ą _a_ _car_ ai _ai_, _ay_ _paire_, _cays_ au _au_ _autre_ ẹ _e_ _pena_ ę _e_ _cel_ ẹi _ei_, _ey_ _vei_, _veyre_ ęi _ei_, _ey_ _seis_, _teysser_ ẹu _eu_ _beure_ ęu _eu_ _breu_ ị _i_, _y_ _amic_, _ydola_ ię _ie_, _e_ _quier_, _velh_ ięi _iei_, _iey_, _ei_ _ieis_, _lieys_, _leit_ ięu _ieu_, _eu_ _mieu_, _deus_ ịu _iu_ _estiu_ ọ (or ụ) _o_, _u_ _corre_, _sun_ ǫ _o_ _cors_ ọi _oi_, _oy_ _conoisser_, _oyre_ ǫi _oi_, _oy_ _pois_, _poyssán_ ọu _ou_ _dous_ ǫu _ou_ _mou_ ụ: see ọ, ü ü (or ụ?) _u_ _mut_ uę, üę _ue_, _o?_ _cuec_, _olh?_ uęi, üęi _uei_, _uey_, _oi?_ _cueissa_, _pueyssas_, _oit?_ uęu, üęu _ueu_, _ou?_ _nueu_, _bou?_ üi _ui_, _uy_ _cuit_, _duy_ uǫ, üǫ _uo_, _o_ _gruoc_, _folha_ uǫi, üǫi _uoi_, _oi_ _puoi_, _noit_ uǫu, üǫu _uou_, _ou_ _pluou_, _ou_ CONSONANTS. SOUND. SPELLING. EXAMPLES. b _b_, _bb_ _bel_, _abbat_ d _d_ _don_ dz _z_, _c_ _plazer_, _dicén_ dž _i_, _g_, _tg_, _gg_, _ioc_, _gen_, _paratge_, _viagge_, _ti_, _tgi_, _ih_ _coratie_, _lotgiar_, _puihar_ ð _d_ _veder_ f _f_, _ph_ _fer_, _phizica_ g _g_, _gu_ _gras_, _guan_, _guerra_ h (Gascon) _h_, _f?_ _ham_, _fe?_[6] k _c_, _qu_, _k_, _g_ _cais_, _quar_, _quer_, _ki_, _longs_[7] l _l_, _ll_ _leu_, _belleza_ l´ _lh_, _ill_, _ilh_, _fuelha_, _meillor_, _failha_, _ll_, _l_, _il_, _vellar_, _viel_, _voil_, _fiyl_, _yl_, _yll_, _li_ _fayllentia_, _filia_ m _m_, _mm_ _mes_, _commanda_ n _n_, _nn_ _nas_, _annat_ n´ _nh_, _gn_, _inh_, _ign_, _cenher_, _plagner_, _poinh_, _ing_, _innh_, _ingn_, _seignor_, _soing_, _poinnher_, _ngn_,_nn_, _n_, _in_, _fraingner_, _ongnimen_, _vinna_, _ng_, _ynh_, _ni_, _ny_, _franén_, _soin_, _sengor_, _nyh_ _poynh_, _lenia_, _senyoria_, _senyhor_ ŋ _n_ _lonc_ p _p_, _pp_, _b_ _prop_, _opparer_, _obs_[8] r _r_ _rire_ r´ _r_ _cuer_ rr _rr_ _terra_[9] s _s_, _ss_, _c_, _ç_, _x_ _sap_, _fassa_, _cenat_, _ça_, _locx_ š _ss_, _s_, _sh_, _h_, _faissa_, _cais_, _pueysh_, _hs_ _Foih_, _faihs_ t _t_, _tt_, _d_ _tot_, _attenir_, _nud_[8] ts _c_, _z_, _tz_, _ç_, _cel_, _faz_, _parlatz_, _ço_, _gz_, _cz_, _ti_ _fagz_, _czo_, _fayllentia_[10] tš _ch_, _g_, _ich_, _ig_, _chan_, _plag_, _ueich_, _faig_, _h_, _gz_ _lah_, _gaugz_[11] v _u_ (printed _v_) _ven_ y _i_, _y_ _gabia_, _preyar_ z _s_, _z_, _ç_ _pausa_, _roza_, _riçia_ (＜ _ridēbat_) ž _s_, _z_, _i_ _raso_, _poizo_, _maio_ 10. The Gascon group presents certain striking divergences from the other dialects: (1) it shows a b corresponding to Provençal v, as in _be_ = _ve_ ＜ _vĕnit_, _abetz_ = _avetz_ ＜ _habētis_; (2) it substitutes r for l between vowels, as in _bera_ = _bela_ ＜ _bĕlla_; (3) it changes initial f to h, as in _he_ = _fe_ ＜ _fĭdem_. Other Gascon peculiarities are less ancient, less general, or less important. 11. Some distinctions may be pointed out between the speech of the north and that of the south:-- (1) Latin ca and ga, either at the beginning of a word or after a consonant, became respectively tša and dža in the northern dialects[12], and remained unchanged in the southern: _canto_ ＞ _chan can_, _lŏnga_ ＞ _lonia longa_. (2) Latin ct and gd became it and id in most of the north and in the southwest[12], tš and dž in most of the south and in the northwest[13]: _factum_ ＞ _fait fach_, _frig(i)da_ ＞ _freida freia_. Nct became int, nt, n´, ntš in different regions: _sanctum_ ＞ _saint sant sanh sanch_. Cs (Latin _x_) had various local developments--is, itš, tš--somewhat similar to those of ct: _exīre_ ＞ _eissir eichir ichir_. (3) Latin d between vowels disappeared in some spots in the north and northeast[12], and became z nearly everywhere else: _audīre_ ＞ _auir auzir_. (4) Latin ll became l´ in some parts of the south[13], and usually l in other regions: _bĕlla_ ＞ _belha bela_. (5) Provençal final ns remains in the southeast and east, and is elsewhere generally reduced to s: _bŏnus_ ＞ _bons bos_. Provençal final n also falls in a large region, but its history is more intricate; the poets use indifferently forms with and without _n_: _bĕne_ ＞ _ben be_. 12. Several Latin consonants, when combined with a following ḙ or i̭, give results that are widely different in various localities, but the geographical distribution of the respective forms is complicated and not always clear: _pŏdium_ ＞ _puech poi_; _basiare_ ＞ _baisar basar baiiar baiar_; _bassiare_ ＞ _baissar baichar bachar_; _potiōnem_ ＞ _poizon pozon poio_. The same thing may be said of intervocalic y (Latin _j_): _major_ ＞ _mager maier_. Also of intervocalic c, sc, g, ŋg, followed by e or i: _placēre_ ＞ _plazer plaizer plager_, _nascere_ ＞ _naisser nasser naicher nacher_, _lēgem_ ＞ _lei leg_, _ŭngere_ ＞ _onher onger_. 13. In the development of unstressed vowels there are very numerous local variations, which will be discussed later. Even among accented vowels there are some divergences:-- (1) Provençal ą, ę, ǫ before nasals become ạ, ẹ, ọ in some dialects, especially in those belonging to or bordering on the Limousin group: _canem_ ＞ cąn cạn, _vĕnit_ ＞ vęn vẹn, _bŏnum_ ＞ bǫn bọn. The poets nearly always use the forms with close vowels. (2) The breaking of ę, ǫ, under certain conditions, into diphthongs is not common to the whole territory, and the resulting forms show local differences: _mĕum_ ＞ męu mięu, _fŏcum_ ＞ fǫc fuǫc fuęc füc. Breaking is least common in the southwest. II. PHONOLOGY. 14. Inasmuch as Provençal, like the other Romance languages, grew out of the Latin commonly spoken under the Roman Empire, we must take this latter language as our starting-point. The transformation was so gradual and continuous that we cannot assign any date at which speech ceases to be Latin and begins to be Provençal; since, however, the various Latin dialects--destined to become later the various Romance languages--began to diverge widely in the 6th and 7th centuries, we may, for the sake of convenience, say that the Latin period ends at about this time. Before this, certain changes (which affected all the Romance tongues) had occurred in the popular language, differentiating it considerably from the classic Latin of the Augustan writers. Although the most important of these alterations have to do with inflections rather than with pronunciation, the sound-changes in Vulgar Latin are by no means insignificant. 15. It is essential at the outset to distinguish “popular” from “learned” words. The former, having always been a part of the spoken vocabulary, have been subject to the operation of all the phonetic laws that have governed the development of the language. The latter class, consisting of words borrowed by clerks, at various periods, from Latin books and from the Latin of the Church, is naturally exempt from sound-changes that occurred in the vulgar tongue before the time of their adoption. The form of learned words depends, in the first place, on the clerical pronunciation of Latin at the date of their borrowing; then, if they came into general use, their form was subject to the influence of any phonetic laws that were subsequently in force. The fate of borrowed terms differs, therefore, according to the time of their introduction and the degree of popularity which they afterwards attained. 1. ACCENT. 16. The place of the _primary_ accent, which in Classic Latin was determined by quantity, remained unchanged in Vulgar Latin even after quantitative distinctions were lost. A short vowel before a mute followed by a liquid may, in Classic Latin, be stressed or unstressed; in Vulgar Latin it is usually stressed: _cathédra_, _tenébræ_.[14] There are some exceptions to the rule of the persistence of the accent in Vulgar Latin:-- 1. An accented e or i immediately followed by the vowel of the penult transfers the stress to this latter vowel, and is itself changed to y: _filíŏlus_ ＞ _filyólus_, _mulíĕrem_ ＞ _mulyére_. This shift is perhaps due to a tendency to stress the more sonorous of two contiguous vowels. 2. An accented u immediately followed by the vowel of the penult transfers the stress to the _preceding_ syllable, and is itself changed to w: _habúĕrunt_ ＞ _ábwerunt_, _tenúĕram_ ＞ _ténwera_. This shift cannot be explained on the same principle as the foregoing one; it is perhaps due in every case to analogy--_hábuit_, _ténui_, for instance, being responsible for the change in _habúerunt_, _tenúeram_. 3. Verbs compounded with a prefix, if their constituent parts were fully recognized, were usually replaced in Vulgar Latin by a formation in which the vowel and the accent of the simple verb were preserved: _défĭcit_ ＞ _disfácit_, _réddĭdi_ ＞ _reddédi_, _rénĕgo_ ＞ _renégo_, _réquĭrit_ ＞ _requærit_. In _récĭpit_ ＞ _recípit_ the accent but not the vowel was restored, speakers having ceased to associate this verb with _capio_. In _cóllĭgo_, _érĭgo_, _éxĕo_, _ínflo_ the composite nature of the word was apparently not recognized. 4. The adverbs _ĭllāc_, _ĭllīc_ accented their last syllable, by the analogy of _hāc_, _hīc_. 17. In Provençal the primary accent falls on the same syllable as in Vulgar Latin: _bonitātem_ ＞ V. L. _bonitáte_ ＞ Pr. _bontát_, _compŭtum_ ＞ V. L. _cómputu_ ＞ Pr. _cónte_; _cathĕdra_ ＞ V. L. _catédra_ ＞ Pr. _cadéira_; _filiŏlus_ ＞ V. L. _filyólus_ ＞ Pr. _filhóls_, _tenuĕram_ ＞ V. L. _ténwera_ ＞ Pr. _téngra_, _requĭrit_ ＞ V. L. _requærit_ ＞ Pr. _requér_, _illac_ ＞ V. L. _illác_ ＞ Pr. _lai_. 1. Some learned words have an irregular accentuation, apparently due to a mispronunciation of the Latin: _cándĭdum_ ＞ _quandí_, _grammátĭca_ ＞ _gramatíca_, _láchry̆mo_ ＞ _lagrím_, _spírĭtum_ ＞ _esprít_ (perhaps from the formula _spirítui sancto_). Others were adopted with the correct stress, but shifted it later: _fábrĭca_ ＞ _fábrega_ ＞ _fabréga_ (and _fárga_), _fémĭna_ ＞ _fémena_ ＞ _feména_ (and _fémna_), _láchry̆ma_ ＞ _lágrema_ ＞ _lagréma_, _sémĭnat_ ＞ _sémena_ ＞ _seména_ (and _sémna_), _vírgĭnem_ ＞ _vérgena_ ＞ _vergína_ (and _vérge_). 2. _Dimércres_ ＜ _dīe Mercūrī_ (perhaps through ✱_dīe Mércŏris_) has evidently been influenced by _divénres_ ＜ _dīe Vĕnĕris_. 3. Some irregularities due to inflection will be discussed under Morphology. 18. The _secondary_ accent, in Vulgar Latin, seems not to have followed the Classic Latin quantitative rule, but to have fallen regularly on the second syllable from the primary stress: _cṓgĭtó_, _cupĭ́dĭtā́tem_. If this secondary accent _followed_ the tonic, its vowel probably developed as an unstressed post-tonic vowel; if it _preceded_, its vowel was apparently treated as a stressed vowel. This treatment was doubtless continued in Provençal until the intertonic vowel dropped out: _cógĭtó_ _cógĭtánt_ ＞ _cug_ _cúian_ (cf. _cánto_ _cántant_ ＞ _can_ _cántan_), ✱_comĭnĭtĭāre_ ＞ _comén’tiáre_ ＞ _coménzár_ ＞ _comensár_. As may be seen from this last example, after the fall of the intertonic vowel, the secondary stress, being brought next to the primary, disappeared, and its vowel was henceforth unaccented. Cf. § 45, 1. 19. Short, unemphatic words had no accent in Vulgar Latin, and were attached as particles to the beginning or the end of another word: _te vídet_, _áma me_. Such words, if they were not monosyllabic, tended to become so; a disyllabic proclitic beginning with a vowel regularly, in Vulgar Latin, lost its first syllable: _illum vídeo_ ＞ V. L. _lu véyo_ ＞ Pr. _lo vei_. A word which was used sometimes independently, sometimes as a particle, naturally developed double forms. 2. VOWELS. QUANTITY. 20. Latin had the following vowels, which might be long or short: a, e, i, o, u. The diphthongs, æ, œ, au, eu, ui, were always long: æ and œ, however, were simplified into monophthongs, mainly in the Republican epoch, _æ_ being sounded ę̄, _œ_ probably ẹ̄; au retained (save in some popular dialects) its old pronunciation; eu did not occur in any word that survived; ui, in _cui_, _illui_, in Vulgar Latin, was accented _úi_ (as in _fui_). The simple vowels, except a, were, doubtless from early times, slightly different in quality according to their quantity, the long vowels being sounded close, the short open: ẹ̄, ị̄, ọ̄, ụ̄; ę̆, į̆, ǫ̆, ų̆. 21. Between the 1st and the 7th century of our era, the Classic Latin quantity died out: it had apparently disappeared from unstressed vowels as early as the 4th century, from stressed by the 6th. It left its traces, however, as we have seen, upon accentuation (§ 16), and also upon vowel quality, the originally long and short remaining differentiated in sound, if they were accented. Of the unaccented vowels, only i shows sure signs of such a differentiation, and even for i the distinction is evident only in a final syllable: _vēnī_ _vēnĭt_ ＞ vẹnị vẹnįt. ACCENTED VOWELS. 22. The vowels of Vulgar Latin are a, ẹ, ę, ị, į, ọ, ǫ, ụ, ų, with the diphthongs áu and úi; the old æ and œ had become identical in sound with ę and ẹ. As early as the 3d century of our era, į was changed, in nearly all the Empire, to ẹ, and thus became identical with the vowel coming from original ē. A little later, perhaps, ų, in the greater part of the Empire, became ọ, thus coinciding with the vowel that was originally ō. Ypsilon, in words taken from the Greek, was identified, in early borrowings, with Latin u; in later ones, with Latin i: βύρσα ＞ Pr. _borsa_, γῠρος ＞ Pr. _girs_. Omicron, which apparently had the close sound in Greek, generally (but not always) retained it in recently borrowed words in Vulgar Latin: τόρνος ＞ tọrnus (cf. Pr. tọrn), but κόλαφος ＞ _cŏlăphus_ = cọlapus or cǫlapus (cf. Pr. cǫlp). The development of the Vulgar Latin vowels in Provençal will now be examined in detail:-- a 23. Cl. L. ā, ă ＞ V. L. a ＞ Pr. ą: _ărbŏrem_ ＞ ąrbre, _grātum_ ＞ grąt, _măre_ > mąr. 1. The ending _-arius_ shows an irregular development in French and Provençal, the Provençal forms being mainly such as would come from _-ĕrius_; as in _parlier_, _parleira_. In the earliest stage we find apparently -ęr´ and -ęr´a; then -ęr´ and -ęir´a; next -ęr, -ięr and -ęira, -ięira; finally, with a reciprocal influence of the two genders, -ęr, -ięr, -ęir, and -ęra, -ięra, -ęira, -ięira: _caballarium_ ＞ _c(h)avaler_ _-ier_, _-eir_, ✱_man(u)aria_ ＞ _manera_ _-iera_ _-eira_ _-ieira_. The peculiar treatment of this suffix has not been satisfactorily explained. See E. R. Zimmermann, _Die Geschichte des lateinischen Suffixes -arius in den romanischen Sprachen_, 1895; E. Staaff, _Le suffixe -arius dans les langues romanes_, Upsala, 1896, reviewed by Marchot in _Zs._, XXI, 296, by Körting in _Zeitschrift für französische Sprache_, XXII, 55; Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, I, 222, § 237; Zimmermann in _Zs._, XXVI, 591; Thomas in _Rom._, XXXI, 481 and in _Bausteine zur romanischen Philologie_, 641. The likeliest theory is that of Thomas: that _-arius_ was associated with the Germanic ending _-ari_ and participated in the _umlaut_ which affected the latter; cf. _Phon._, pp. 34-36. 2. In Gascony and Languedoc _ei_ is used for _ai_ ＜ _habeo_. The _ei_ perhaps developed first as a future ending (_amar -ei_) by analogy of the preterit ending _-ei_ (_amei_): see Morphology, §§ 152, 1, 162, (4), 175, (4), where this latter ending is discussed also. For a different explanation, see Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, I, 222, § 237. 3. A few apparent irregularities are to be traced to the vocabulary of Vulgar Latin. For instance, Pr. _sereisa_ represents, not Cl. L. _cĕrăsus_, but V. L. _cĕrĕsĕa_: see Meyer-Lübke, _Einf._, § 103. _Uebre_ is from ✱_ŏpĕrit_, or _apĕrit_ modified by ✱_cŏpĕrit_ = _cōperit_. _Voig_ is from ✱_vŏcĭtum_ = _vacuum_: _Einf._, § 114. 4. Such forms as _fontaina_ = _fontana_ ＜ _fontāna_, etc., and _tres_ = _tras_ ＜ _trans_, etc., are French or belong to the borderland between French and Provençal. 24. In some dialects, particularly in Rouergue, Limousin, Auvergne, and Dauphiné, a became ạ before a nasal, and at the end of a monosyllable or an oxytone: _canem_ ＞ cạn, _grandem_ ＞ grạnt, _cadit_ ＞ cạ, _stat_ ＞ estạ. 1. The conditions differ somewhat in the various dialects, according as the nasal consonant falls or remains, and is followed by another consonant or not. In Limousin the sound is ą before an n that cannot fall: see § 11, (5). In Rouergue and in Dauphiné, ạ appears before all nasals. The poets generally follow the Limousin usage. See F. Pfützner, _Ueber die Aussprache des provenzalischen A_, Halle, 1884. ẹ 25. Cl. L. ē, ĭ, œ ＞ V. L. ẹ ＞ Pr. ẹ: _habēre_ ＞ avẹr, _mē_ ＞ mẹ, _mensem_ ＞ mẹs, _plēnum_ ＞ plẹn, _rēgem_ ＞ rẹi, _vēndĕre_ ＞ vẹndre; _ĭnter_ ＞ ẹntre, _fĭdem_ ＞ fẹ, _malĭtia_ ＞ malẹza, _mĭnus_ ＞ mẹns, _mĭttĕre_ ＞ mẹtre, _sĭccum_ ＞ sẹc, _vĭrĭdem_ ＞ vẹrt, _pœna_ ＞ pẹna. 1. Some words have ę instead of ẹ:-- (_a_) The ending -_ētis_ in the present indicative becomes -ętz through the analogy of ętz ＜ _ĕstis_. (_b_) Camęl (also ẹ), candęla (also ẹ), cruzęl, fizęl (also ẹ), maissęla have ę through the analogy of the suffix -ęl ＜ -_ĕllus_. In _camel_ the substitution probably goes back to Vulgar Latin. (_c_) Many learned words, including proper names, have ę for ẹ: decręt, Elizabęt, Moysęs, pantęra, requięs, secręt (ẹ), sencęr. (_d_) Espęr for espẹr ＜ _spēro_, quęt for quẹt ＜ _qu_(_i_)_ētum_ are perhaps bad rhymes. Bartolomeo Zorzi, a Venetian, rhymes -ẹs with -ęs; in Catalan these two endings were not distinguished. (_e_) Individual cases: adęs, ‘at once,’ probably from _ad id ĭpsum_, seems to have been affected by pręs and apręs ＜ _ad prĕssum_; mostięr ＜ _monastērium_ shows the influence of _ministĕrium_; nęr nięr (also nẹr nẹgre) ＜ _nĭgrum_ perhaps shows the influence of entęr entięr and the numerous adjectives in -ęr -ięr; nęu nięu nęy ＜ _nĭvem_ has been attracted by bręu gręu, lęu; senęstre (cf. late Lat. _sinexter_) is evidently influenced by dęstre. 2. Many words have i instead of ẹ:-- (_a_) _Berbitz_ = _vervēcem_, _camis_ = _camĭsia_, come from alternative V. L. forms, _berbīcem_, ✱_camīsia_. _Planissa_ (also -_eza_), _sebissa_, etc., probably show -_īcia_ for -_ĭtia_. For _dit_ = _dĭgĭtum_ see § 65, Y, 1. (_b_) In many learned words Latin ĭ is represented by i in Provençal: _albir_, _martire_, _edifici_, _iuzizi_, _servizi_, _vici_, etc.; _iusticia_, _leticia_, _tristicia_, etc. _Aurilha_ (also ẹ) ＜ _aurĭcula_, _cilh_, (also _cieilh_, _sobreselhs_) ＜ _cĭlium_, _issilh_ ＜ _exĭlium_, _familha_ ＜ _famĭlia_, _maístre_ (also maẹstre maiẹstre) ＜ _magĭstrum_, _meravilha_ (also ẹ) ＜ _mirabĭlia_, _perilh_ ＜ _perĭculum_, etc., are probably learned forms. _Máistre_ and _mestre_ are French. (_c_) _Ciri_ (_cere_) = _cēreum_, _iure_ (cf. _ebriac_) = _ēbrium_ (or ✱_ĕbrium_), _marquis_ (ẹ), _merci_ (ẹ), _país_ (ẹ) = ✱_pagēnsem_, _plazir_ (ẹ), _pris_ (ẹ), etc., are French.[15] For a discussion of _iure_ and a different explanation of _ciri_, see P. Savj-Lopez, _Dell’ “Umlaut” provenzale_, 1902, p. 4. (_d_) _Ins_ (also _entz_) ＜ _ĭntus_, _dins_ (also _dens_) ＜ _de ĭntus_, _dintre_ (cf. _en_, _entre_) ＜ _de ĭnter_ have not been satisfactorily explained. Regular forms with ẹ are found in Béarn, Gascony, Dauphiné, and the Alps. (_e_) Individual cases: _tapit_ ＜ ταπήτιον shows the modern pronunciation of Greek η; _verin_ = _venēnum_ is an example of substitution of suffix. 3. _Arnei_, _fei_, _mei_ = _me_, _palafrei_, _perquei_, _sei_ = _se_ are French or Poitevin forms; they are common in William of Poitiers. _Mercey_, _rey_ = _re_, used by Marcabru, seem to be due either to an imitation of such forms as the preceding or to the analogy of _crei_ _cre_ ＜ _crēdo_. Cf. § 65, N, 3. 4. _Contránher_ seems to be a fusion of _constrĭngere_ and _contrahere_; _vendanha_ ＜ _vindēmia_ shows French influence. 26. An ẹ in hiatus became i: _lĭgat_ ＞ lia, _vĭa_ ＞ via. 27. When there was in the next syllable a final ī, V. L. ẹ was changed in Provençal to i: _ecc’ĭllī_ ＞ cilh, _ecc’ĭstī_ ＞ cist, _fēcī_ ＞ fis, ✱_prēsī_ ＞ pris, ✱_vēnuī_ ＞ vinc, _vigĭntī_ ✱_vĭntī_ ＞ vint. 1. In the nominative plural of masculine nouns and adjectives this change was regularly prevented by the analogy of the singular and the accusative plural: _mĭssī_ ＞ _mes_, _plēnī_ ＞ _plen_. We find, however, _cabil_ ＜ _capĭllī_. 2. _Dec_ for ✱_dic_ ＜ _dēbuī_ seems to have been attracted by the _dec_ ＜ _dēbuit_ of the third person. _Venguest_ for _venguist_ ＜ ✱_venuĭstī_ is due both to the influence of the plural forms _venguem_, _venguetz_ and to the analogy of the weak preterits, such as _cantest_, _vendest_. ę 28. Cl. L. ĕ, æ ＞ V. L. ę ＞ Pr. ę: _infĕrnum_ ＞ enfęrn, _fĕrrum_ ＞ fęr, _pĕdem_ ＞ pę; _cælum_ ＞ cęl, _quærit_ ＞ quęr. 1. Such forms as _glisia_, _lire_, _pire_, _pis_, _profit_ are French. _Profich_ may be a cross between _profieg_ and _profit_, or it may be due to the analogy of _dich_. 2. _Cossint_, _mint_, _sint_, used by Arnaut Daniel, are perhaps faulty rhymes. 3. _Auzil_ ＜ _avicĕllī_, in the _Boeci_, may be due to the analogy of such plural forms as _cabil_ ＜ _capĭllī_, _il_ ＜ _ĭllī_, etc. _Briu_, sometimes used for _breu_ ＜ _brĕvem_, is evidently connected with _abrivar_, ‘hasten,’ the origin of which is uncertain. _Elig_ shows the influence either of _eligir_ (beside _elegir_) or of _dig_. _Ginh_ = _genh_ ＜ _ingĕnium_ evidently follows _ginhos_ ＜ _ingeniōsus_ and its derivatives. _Isme_ (_esme_) is a post-verbal noun from ✱_ismar_ (cf. _azismamen_), a dialect form of _esmar_ ＜ _æstimare_. _Quis_ ＜ ✱_quæsi_, _tinc_ ＜ _tĕnui_ are due to the analogy of _pris_ ＜ ✱_prēsī_, _vinc_ ＜ ✱_vēnuī_. 4. Beside nęula ＜ _nĕbula_, we find _nebla_, _neble_, presumably from the same source, and also _nible_, _niól_, _nióla_, _niúl_, _niúla_, _nivól_. According to Nigra, _Archivio glottologico italiano_, XV, 494, _nūbes_ ＞ _nūbĭlus_ ＞ ✱_nĭbŭlus_ (and ✱_nĭbūlus_?), whence might be derived ✱_níŭlus_ ✱_niúlus_, which would account for _niól-a_, _niúl-a_, and perhaps for a ✱_nívol_ ＞ _nivól_. _Nible_ might be regarded as a cross between _neble_ and _niul_. Cf. § 38, 3. 5. In ẹs ＜ _ĕst_ the ẹ probably comes from such combinations as mẹ’s, quẹ’s, understood as m’ẹs, qu’ẹs. Espẹlh ＜ _spĕculum_ shows the influence of cossẹlh, solẹlh. Estẹla presupposes a Latin ✱_stēla_ or ✱_stēlla_ for stĕlla: cf. the Fr. and It. 6. _Plais_, ‘hedge’ seems to be a cross between _plĕxus_ and _paxillus_, ‘fence.’ _Vianda_ (＜ _vivenda_?) is probably French. 7. _Volon_ ＜ _volentem_ shows the influence of the ending _-ŭndus_. 8. _Greuga_ ＜ _con-gregar_ has been influenced by _greu_ ＜ ✱_grĕvem_ = _gravem_ influenced by _lĕvem_. Cf. _grey_ ＜ _grĕgem_. 29. Before a nasal, in most of the dialects of Limousin, Languedoc, and Gascony, ę became ẹ: _bĕne_ ＞ bẹn, _dicĕntem_ ＞ dizẹn, _tĕmpus_ ＞ tẹms, _tĕnet_ ＞ tẹn, _vĕniam_ ＞ vẹnha, _vĕntum_ ＞ vẹnt. 30. Early in the history of Provençal, before u, i, or one of the palatal consonants l´, r´, s´, z´, y, tš, dž, an ę broke into ię, except in a few dialects of the west and north: _dĕus_ ＞ dięus, _mĕum_ ＞ mięu; _amāvi_ ＞ ✱_amai_ ＞ amęi amięi,[16] ✱_fĕria_ ＞ fięira, ✱_ec(c)lĕsia_? (Cf. _Zs._, XXV, 344) ＞ glięiza, _lĕctum_ ＞ lięit, _pĕjus_ ＞ pięis; _vĕtŭlum_ _vĕclum_ ＞ vięlh, _ministĕrium_ ＞ mestięr, ✱_ec(c)lĕsia_? ＞ glięza, _mĕdia_ ＞ mięia, _lĕctum_ ＞ lięg. There seems to be also, at least in some dialects, a tendency to break the ę before a g or a k: _lĕgunt_ ＞ lięgon; ✱_sĕquit_ ＞ sęc sięc, subjunctive sięgas (sęga), but infinitive sęgre ＜ ✱_sĕquere_.[17] The breaking was probably due to a premature lifting of the tongue under the influence of a following high vowel or a palatal (or velar) consonant.[18] Before u it occurred everywhere except in the extreme west; before palatals the ę apparently remained intact both in the extreme west and in Quercy, Rouergue, Auvergne, and Dauphiné. At first, no doubt, the diphthong was less marked than it became in the 12th and 13th centuries. It is not indicated in our oldest text, the _Boeci_ (_breu_, _deu_, _eu_, _mei_, _meler_, _vel_)[19], and it frequently remains unexpressed even in the writings of the literary period. It is to be noted that ę does not break before u ＜ l nor before i ＜ ð: _bĕllus_ ＞ bęls ＞ bęus, _pĕtra_ ＞ ✱pęðra ＞ pęira, _Pĕtrum_ ＞ ✱Pęðre ＞ Pęire, _rĕtro_ ＞ ✱ręðre ＞ ręire[20]. The breaking must, therefore, have occurred before these developments of l and ð, both of which apparently antedate the _Boeci_: cf. _euz_ = _els_, v. 139; _eu_ = _el_, v. 155; _Teiric_ ＜ ✱_Teðric_ ＜ _Theodorīcum_, v. 44, etc. On the other hand, there is no diphthong before ts, dz, s, z coming from Latin c´, cy, pty, tty, ty: _dĕcem_ ＞ dętz, _pĕttia_ (or _pĕcia_) ＞ pęssa, _nĕptia_ ＞ nęssa, ✱_prĕtiat_ ＞ pręza, _prĕtium_ ＞ prętz[21]. The breaking, therefore, took place after these consonants had ceased to be palatal. We may ascribe it with some confidence to the period between the seventh and tenth centuries. 1. A number of cases of ię before r are doubtless to be explained by analogy. _Hĕri_ ＞ ęr; _autre_ + _er_ ＞ autręr, which, through the influence of adjectives in -ęr -ięr, became autrięr: hence the form ięr. _Fĕrio_, _mĕreo_ ＞ fięr, mięr; hence, by analogy, the first person forms profięr, quięr, then the third person forms fięr, mięr, profięr, quięr, sięrf (but sęrvon, sęrva), and the subjunctives ofięira, sofię(i)ra. 2. Ięsc (= _ĕxeo_), ięscon, ięsca receive their diphthong either from earlier forms with s´ or from ięis ＜ _ĕxit_. ị 31. Cl. L. ī ＞ V. L. ị: _amīcum_ ＞ amịc, _fīnem_ ＞ fịn, _trīstem_ ＞ trịst. 1. Frẹg, frẹit are from V. L. ✱_frĭgdum_ = _frīgĭdum_, the ĭ being perhaps due to the analogy of _rĭgĭdum_. 32. In the 13th century or earlier the group iu, in most dialects, became ieu: _captīvum_ ＞ caitiu caitieu, _æstīvum_ ＞ estiu estieu, _revīvĕre_ ＞ reviure revieure, _sī vās_ ＞ sius sieus. ọ 33. Cl. L. ō, ŭ ＞ V. L. ọ ＞ Pr. ọ, which developed into ụ probably during the literary period: _dolōrem_ ＞ dolọr, _spōnsa_ ＞ espọsa, _flōrem_ ＞ flọr; _bŭcca_ ＞ bọca, _gŭla_ ＞ gọla. 1. An irregular ǫ, which is found in some words, goes back to Vulgar Latin: cǫbra = _re-cŭperat_, cǫsta (also ọ) = _cōnstat_, nǫra = _nŭra_, ǫu = _ōvum_, plǫia = _plŭvia_, redǫbla = ✱_redŭplat_, sǫbra = _sŭperat_, suefre = _sŭffero_. V. L. ✱_cŏperat_ may be regarded as a fusion of _cŭperat_ and ✱_cŏperit_ (§ 40, 1; cf. _Rom._ XXXI, 9); ✱_cŏstat_ is unexplained; ✱_nŏra_ shows the influence of _sŏror_ and _sŏcĕra_; the _ŏ_ of ✱_ŏvum_ has been explained as due to differentiation from the following _v_; ✱_plŏia_ is to be connected with the popular _plŏvĕre_ (cf. Meyer-Lübke, _Einf._, § 142); ✱_sŏperat_ follows the analogy of ✱_cŏperat_; ✱_sŏffero_ evidently follows _ŏffero_. Redǫbla (also ọ) is not accounted for. If trǫba has anything to do with _tŭrbat_, it was perhaps influenced by _prŏbat_ (cf. _Zs._, XXVIII, 50). Engǫissa ＜ V. L. ✱_angŏstia_ = _angŭstia_. See A. Thomas, _Nouveaux essais de philologie française_, 1904, 339. 2. Some words have ü: iüs (also iọs) ＜ _deōrsum_ shows the influence of süs ＜ _sūrsum_; lür (usually lọr) ＜ _illōrum_ (cf. _lur_ in the dialects of Navarre and Aragon) comes through an ✱_illūrum_ due to the analogy of _illūi_ = _illi_; melhüra (ọ), peiüra (ọ) perhaps follow aüra ＜ ✱_a(u)gūrat_; rancüra is a mixture of _rancōrem_ and _cūra_; üis is from V. L. _ūstium_ = _ōstium_ (cf. _Zs._, XXV, 355); üpa ＜ _ŭpŭpa_ is due to onomatopœia. 3. The adverbs _ar_, _ara_, _er_, _era_, _eras_, meaning ‘now,’ are hardly to be connected with _hōra_. Meyer-Lübke takes _era_, etc., from a Latin ✱_era_ corresponding to Greek άρα; _ara_, _ar_ may come directly from άρα, άρ: cf. _Gr._, III, 552, note. 4. _Tonleu_, ‘tariff,’ from τελώνιον, shows double metathesis. For _adoutz_, ‘fount,’ see A. Thomas, _Essais de philologie française_, 1897, 205. 34. Before tš, dž (and it, id), before n´, and before final i, an ọ becomes ü in various dialects: _cōgĭtat_ ＞ cüia cüida, ✱_stŭdiat_ ＞ estüia, _fŭgit_ ＞ füg, _refŭgium_ ＞ refüg; _jŭngĕre_ ＞ iünher, _ŭngĕre_ ＞ ünher, _pŭgnum_ ＞ pünh; _dŭī_ ＞ düi, _sŭm_ ＞ sọ + i ＞ süi. The ü before tš, dž apparently occurs everywhere except in Dauphiné; before n´ it is to be found in nearly all the dialects of the north and west; before final i it seems to be limited to Bordeaux, Auvergne, and a part of Languedoc. ǫ 35. Cl. L. ŏ ＞ V. L. ǫ ＞ Pr. ǫ: _cŏr_ ＞ cǫr, _cŏrpus_ ＞ cǫrs, _mŏrtem_ ＞ mǫrt, _ŏpĕra_ ＞ ǫbra, _rŏta_ ＞ rǫda. 1. For demọra (also ǫ) ＜ ✱demŏrat, see Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, I, 204, § 220. For prọa (also prǫa, prueva) ＜ _prŏbat_, see _Rom._, XXXI, 10, footnote 3. 36. Before a nasal, in most of the dialects of Limousin, Languedoc, and Gascony, ǫ became ọ: _bŏnum_ ＞ bọn, _fŏntem_ ＞ fọnt, _pŏntem_ ＞ pọnt. Cf. E. Levy in _Mélanges de philologie romane dédiés à Carl Wahlund_, 1896, p. 207. 1. If the nasal was n´, the vowel remained open in most or all of these dialects: _cŏgnĭta_ ＞ _coinda_ _cuenda_ _cuenhda_, _lŏnge_ ＞ _lonh_ _luenh_, _sŏmnium_ ＞ _sonh_ _suenh_. 37. Early in the history of Provençal, before u, a labial consonant, a g or a k, an i, or one of the palatal consonants l´, n´, r´, s´, z´, y, tš, dž, an ǫ broke, in most dialects, into a diphthong which developed into ue, üo, üe, or ü[22]: _bŏvem_ ＞ bǫu büọu büeu, ✱_ŏvum_ ＞ ǫu üou üeu, _nŏvus_ ＞ nǫus nüous nüeus; ✱_cŏpero_ ＞ cǫbri cüebre[23], _nŏva_ ＞ nǫva nüeva, _ŏpus_ ＞ ǫps üops, _prŏbat_ ＞ prǫa prüeva, ✱_trŏpo_? ＞ trǫp trüeb; _cŏquus_ ＞ cǫcs cüocs cüex, _fŏcum_ ＞ fǫc füoc füec füc, _crŏcus_ ＞ grǫcs grüocs grüecs, _jŏcum_ ＞ iǫc iüoc iüec iüc, _lŏcus_ ＞ lǫcs lüocs lüecs, _lŏcat_ ＞ lüoga, _pŏtui_ ＞ püec, _sŏc(ĕ)rum_ ＞ (sǫzer) sǫgre süegre (fem. süegra); ✱_ingrŏssiat_ ＞ engrǫissa engrüeissa, ✱_angŏstia_ ＞ engǫissa engüeissa, _nŏctem_ ＞ nǫit nüoit nüeit, _ŏcto_ ＞ ǫit üeit, _pŏstea_ ＞ pǫissas püeissas, _prŏximus_ ＞ prǫymes prüeymes; _fŏlia_ ＞ fǫlha füolha füelha fülha, _ŏcŭlus_ _ŏclus_ ＞ ǫlhs üolhs üelhs ülhs, _lŏnge_ ＞ lǫnh lüenh, _sŏmnium_ ＞ sǫnh süenh, _cŏrium_ ＞ cǫr cüer, _pŏstea_ ＞ pües, _prŏximum_ ＞ prǫsme prüesme, ✱_plŏia_ ＞ plǫia plüeia plüia, ✱_inŏdiat_ ＞ enǫia enüeia enüia, ✱_pŏdiat_ ＞ pǫia püeia püia, _nŏctem_ ＞ nüoch nüech nüh, _ŏcto_ ＞ üeg. The breaking was probably due to a premature lifting of the tongue under the influence of a following high vowel or a palatal or velar consonant, or to a premature partial closure of the lips in anticipation of a following labial. Before i or a palatal the diphthong was at the start presumably üo; before u or a labial or velar consonant, uo: from these two types, the first of which influenced the second, came the later developments. Ü is a reduction of üo or üe; it apparently does not occur before u. The dialect conditions are mixed, the development in each region depending somewhat on the following sound. In the southwest, ǫ and ue seem to prevail; in the northwest, ü; in the west, in Limousin, and in Auvergne, üe; in Languedoc, üo; in the east and south, üe, üo, ǫ. The date of breaking is discussed in § 30. 1. In some words where a diphthong would be expected, none is found, although it may have existed: mǫu ＜ _mŏvet_, nǫu ＜ _nŏvem_, plǫu ＜ ✱_plŏvit_; trǫp ＜ _þrop_; brǫcs ＜ ✱_brŏccus_, iǫgon ＜ _jŏcunt_, lǫgui ＜ _lŏco_. The form püoc or püec ＜ _pŏtui_ is regularly reserved for the first person, _pŏtuit_ being represented by pǫc. 2. A few cases of irregular breaking are easily explained: püosc püesc (= _pŏssum_) and püosca püesca (= _pŏssim_) owe their diphthong either to earlier forms with s´ or to the analogy of püec; sǫfre süefre süfre (= _sŭffert_) are from ✱_sŏfferit_, formed upon ✱_ŏfferit_ = _ŏffert_ (cf. § 33, 1); vüelc (= _vŏlui_) follows the analogy of vüelh (＜ ✱_vŏleo_ = _vŏlo_) and of püec. ụ 38. Cl. L. ū ＞ V. L. ụ ＞ Pr. ü: ✱_habūtus_ ＞ avütz, _jūstum_ ＞ iüst, _mūrum_ ＞ mür, _mūtus_ ＞ mütz, _nūdus_ ＞ nütz, _plūs_ ＞ plüs. The date of the change of ụ into ü is not known; there is no ü in Catalan, and there may have been none in early Gascon. It seems likely that the Celts, when they adopted Latin, pronounced ū a little further forward in the mouth than did the Romans; that their ụ continued to advance gradually toward the front of the mouth until it became ü; and that this ü spread to the parts of France that were not originally Celtic.[24] In the literary period the sound was probably ü in most or all of the Provençal dialects. 1. Pr. ọnze represents a V. L. ✱_ŭndĕcim_, which in Gaul and Spain replaced _ūndĕcim_. Lọita lücha, trọcha trücha probably go back to Latin double forms, ✱_lŭcta lūcta_, ✱_trŭcta trūcta_. 2. Nǫssas ＜ ✱_nŏptias_ = _nūptias_, by analogy of ✱_nŏvius_, ‘bridegroom,’ from _nŏvus_. 3. Before u, Pr. ü apparently became i: _nūbem_ ＞ ✱nüu ＞ niu, _pūlĭcem_ ＞ ✱püuze ＞ piuze. See §§ 63, (4); 74, (2). au 39. Cl. L. au ＞ V. L. au ＞ Pr. au: _aurum_ ＞ aur, _gaudium_ ＞ gaug, _paucum_ ＞ pauc, _thesaurus_ ＞ tesaurs. 1. _Bloi_ ＜ _blauþr_, _ioi_, _ioia_, _ioios_, _lotia_ ＜ ✱_laubja_, _noiza_, _onta_ ＜ _hauniþa_, _or_, _sor_, _tesor_, etc., are French or Poitevin; _ioi_ is a good Poitevin form. _Iai_, ‘joy,’ seems to be a fusion of _ioi_ and Pr. _iai_ = _gai_. 2. _Anta_ ＜ _hauniþa_ is unexplained. UNACCENTED VOWELS. 40. (1) The fate of an unaccented vowel depended largely upon the syllable in which it stood: in general, unstressed vowels in the initial syllable remained intact, while all vowels, except a, fell (at different dates) in the other syllables. The fall of unaccented vowels resulted in many new consonant groups: _collocáre_ ＞ colcár, _hóminem_ ＞ ómne, _sábbatum_ ＞ sápte. (2) The vowels e̯ and i̯, instead of falling or remaining unchanged, became y in Vulgar Latin, early in our era: _alea_ ＞ alya, _diŭrnus_ ＞ dyųrnus, _mĕdium_ ＞ mędyu. Similarly u̯ became w: _placui_ ＞ placwi, _tĕnuis_ ＞ tęnwis. 1. Apparently, however, e̯é, i̯é ＞ e; o̯ó, u̯ó ＞ o: _prĕhĕndĕre_ ＞ _prĕndĕre_; _abĭĕtem_ ＞ ✱_abētem_, _facĭēbat_ ＞ ✱_facēbat_, _parĭĕtem_ ＞ _parētem_, _quĭētus_ ＞ _quētus_; _cŏhŏrtem_ ＞ _cōrtem_, _cŏŏpĕrit_ ＞ _cōpĕrit_ ✱_cŏpĕrit_; _dŭŏdĕcim_ ＞ ✱_dōdĕcim_. The short e and o in _prĕndĕre_ and ✱_cŏpĕrit_ are not accounted for. In _mulĭĕrem_[25] ＞ Pr. molhęr the i̯ remained long enough (perhaps under the influence of the nominative _mŭlier_) to palatalize the l. INITIAL SYLLABLE. 41. Usually, in the literary language, Latin a ＞ Pr. a; Latin æ, œ, and e, i (without regard to quantity) ＞ Pr. e; Latin o, u (long or short) ＞ Pr. o; Lat. au ＞ Pr. au, unless the next syllable contained an ú, in which case the au was reduced (in the Vulgar Latin time) to a. Ex.: _amīcum_ ＞ amic, _caballus_ ＞ cavals; _æquālem_ ＞ egal, ✱_pœnĭtĕre_ ＞ penẹdre, _dēbēre_ ＞ devẹr, _mĕliōrem_ ＞ melhọr, _dīlĕctum_ ＞ delęit, _dīvīnum_ ＞ devin, _dīvīdĕre_ ＞ devire, _fīnīre_ ＞ fenir, _mĭnōrem_ ＞ menọr; _plōrāre_ ＞ plorar, _sōlātium_ ＞ solatz, _cŏlōrem_ ＞ colọr, ✱_vŏlēre_ ＞ volẹr, _mūstēla_ ＞ mostẹla, _sŭbĭnde_ ＞ sovẹn; _aucĕllum_ ＞ auzęl, _audīre_ ＞ auzir, _augŭstum_ ＞ aọst, ✱_augūrium_ ＞ aür. 1. An initial vowel is occasionally lost, either through elision with the article (✱_eclĕsia_ ＞ ✱eglęisa, la eglęisa ＞ la glęisa) or through the dropping of a prefix (_ingĕnium_ ＞ engẹnh gẹnh): _epĭscŏpus_ ＞ _bisbes_, _alauda_ ＞ _lauzeta_, _occasiōnem_ ＞ _ocaiso_ _caiso_. 2. In a few words the vowel of the initial syllable disappeared, for some unknown reason, before r in Vulgar Latin: ✱_cŏrrŏtŭlāre_ ＞ ✱_crŏtŭlāre_ ＞ _crollar_, _dīrēctus_ ＞ _drēctus_[26] ＞ _dreitz_, _quĭrītāre_ ＞ ✱_crītāre_ ＞ _cridar_. 3. _Domne_, used familiarly as a proclitic (§ 19), lost its first syllable, and, before a vowel, was reduced to _n_. The combinations _de n_, _que n_ (followed by a proper name) were understood as _d’en_, _qu’en_; hence the title _en_, ‘Sir.’ See Schultz-Gora in _Zs._, XXVI, 588; Elise Richter in _Zs._, XXVII, 193; V. Cescini, _Manualetto provenzale_, 2d ed., 1905, 168 ff. 4. The proclitic ọ probably comes from a V. L. _ot_, not from _aut_. 42. The vowel of the initial syllable, especially in verbs, was extremely subject to the influence of analogy: cülhir (ǫ) through cülh (ǫ) ＜ _cŏllĭgit_, dizẹn ＜ _dīcĕntem_ through dire ＜ _dīcĕre_, dürar through dür ＜ _dūrum_ and düra ＜ _dūrat_, finir through fin ＜ _fīnem_, fivęla through fibla ＜ _fībula_, puęiar (ǫ) through puęia (ǫ) ＜ ✱_pŏdiat_. 1. Avangęli (e) is perhaps influenced by _avan_; blisọ (e) ＜ _blas_ may possibly have been influenced by _tiso_; gazardọ ＜ _wiðarlôn_ shows the influence of _gazanhar_; in piucęla (pülcęla) ＜ ✱_pūellicĕlla_ (_Zs._, XXV, 343) the püu of the first syllable was changed to piu just as _pūlĭcem_ became _piuze_ (see § 38, 3); in _vas_ = _ves_ ＜ _ve(r)sus_ the a is due to the analogy of _az_ ＜ _ad_; _vais_ is unexplained, _vaus_ follows _daus_ (§ 44, 6). If dessẹ is from _de exín_, the first syllable is irregular. Beside _maniar_ ＜ _manducare_ are unexplained forms _meniar miniar_. In _duptar_ (_o_), _suritz_ (_o_) the _u_ doubtless represents ụ or ọ, not ü. _Girofle_ ＜ Καρυόφυλλον and _olifan orifan_ ＜ _elephantem_ are French. 43. Sometimes the initial syllable was altered by a change of prefix or a false idea of etymology: aucire ＜ _occīdĕre_ (cf. the Italian and Rumanian forms), diman (e) ＜ _de máne_ (cf. di ＜ _dīem_), dementre ＜ _dum ĭntĕrim_ (cf. de ＜ _de_), engǫissa ＜ ✱_angŭstia_ (cf. en ＜ _in_), envanezir ＜ _evanēscĕre_, escür ＜ _obscūrum_ (cf. es- ＜ _ex_-), preọn prefọn (o) ＜ _profŭndum_, redọn ＜ _rotŭndum_ (_re-_ in V. L.: Schuchardt, _Vokalismus des Vulgärlateins_, II, 213), trabalh ＜ _trepalium_ (cf. tra- ＜ _tra-_ = _trans-_). _Dimenge_ (also _ditmenge_) is from _dīe domĭnĭco_. 1. On the same principle are doubtless to be explained such double forms as _evori_ (_a_), _saboros_ (_e_), _socors_ (_e_), _somondre_ (_e_), _soror_ (_e_). _Serori_ occurs in a Latin inscription. 2. The prefix _eccu-_, under the influence of _ac_ and _atque_, became ✱_accu-_ in southern Gaul and elsewhere: _aco_ ＜ ✱_accu’hoc_, _aquel_ ＜ ✱_accu’ĭllum_, _aquest_ ＜ ✱_accu’ĭstum_, _aqui_ ＜ ✱_accu’hīc_. _Eissi_ ＜ _ecce hīc_ sometimes becomes _aissi_ through the analogy of _aissi_ ＜ _ac sīc_. 3. In such forms as _tresanar_, the prefix _tres-_ is French. 44. Local or partial phonetic changes affected the initial syllable of many words: demandar (do-) ＜ _demandāre_, emplir (üm-) ＜ _implēre_; ciutat cieutat ＜ _cīvĭtātem_; eissir issir ＜ _exīre_, getar gitar ＜ ✱_jĕctāre_; crear criar ＜ _creāre_; mercẹ (mar-) ＜ _mercēdem_; delgat (dal-) ＜ _delicātum_. 1. Nearly everywhere there is a tendency to change e to o, u, or ü before a labial, especially before m: _premier_ _promier_ _prumier_, _remas_ _romas_, _semblar_ _somblar_, _trebalh_ _trubalh_. So _de ves_ ＞ ✱_do ves_ ＞ _dous_. 2. In the 13th century, nearly everywhere, iu ＞ ieu: _piucela_ _pieucela_. 3. Many dialects of the north and west change ei and e to i: _deissendre_ _dissendre_, _eissam_ _issam_, _eissi_ _issi_, _eissilh_ _issilh_, _leisso_ _lisso_, _meitat_ _mitat_; _degerir_ (_i_), _denhar_ (_i_), _disnar_, _en_ _in_, _enfern_ (_i_), _entrar_ (_i_), _envers_ (_i_), _escien_ _icient_, proclitic _est_ _ist_, _estar_ (_i_), _estiers_ (_i_), _Felip_ (_i_), _gelos_ (_i_), _genhos_ (_i_), _genolh_ (_i_), _gequir_ (_i_), _guereiar_ (_i_), _guerensa_ (_i_), _i(n)vern_, _isnel_ _irnel_, _peior_ _pigor_, proclitic _per_ _pir_, _premier_ (_i_), _semblar_ (_i_), _serven_ (_i_), _serventes_ (_i_), _sevals_ (_i_), _trebalhar_ (_i_), _tremblar_ (_i_). In _disnar_, _ivern_, _isnel_ only i is found. In some dialects there is an alternation of e and i, e being used when there is an í in the next syllable, i when there is none, _fenít_, _sirvén_. In _vezí_ ＜ _vīcīnum_ the e probably goes back to V. L.: cf. Fr. 4. In a few dialects e in hiatus with a following vowel becomes i: _crear_ _criar_, _leal_ _lial_, _prear_ _priar_, _preon_ _prion_, _real_ _rial_. 5. In many dialects of the north and west e has a tendency to become a before r: _guerentia_ _garensa_, _merce_ _marce_, _pergamen_ _pargamen_. 6. In some dialects there is a tendency to assimilate e to an á in the next syllable: _delgat_ _dalgat_, _gigant_ _iaian_, _deman_ (_a_), _semblar_ (_a_), _serrar_ (_a_), _tremblar_ (_a_). So _de vás_ (§ 42, 1) ＞ _da vás_ ＞ _dávas_; hence _daus_, under the influence of _deus_ ＞ _de ves_. INTERTONIC SYLLABLE. 45. The term _intertonic_ is applied to the syllable that follows the secondary (§ 18) and precedes the primary accent. In this position all vowels, except a, regularly disappeared in popular words, probably between the 5th and the 8th century[27]; a apparently remained: ✱_bŭllĭcāre_ ＞ boiar (bollegar), _bŏnĭtātem_ ＞ bontat, ✱_carrĭcāre_ ＞ carcar cargar, _caballĭcāre_ ＞ cavalcar cavalgar, _cĕrĕbĕllum_ ＞ cervęl, _cīvĭtātem_ ＞ ciutat, _cŏllŏcāre_ ＞ colcar colgar, _dēlĭcātum_ ＞ delcat delgat, _excommūnĭcāre_ ✱_excommĭnĭcāre_ ＞ escomeniar, _vĕrēcŭndia_ ＞ vergọnha; _calamĕllum_ ＞ calamęl, _invadĕre_ ✱_invadīre_ ＞ envazir, _margarīta_ ＞ margarida, _mīrabĭlia_ ＞ miravilha, _parav(e)rēdus_ ＞ palafrẹs. 1. The vowel is preserved in a number of words in which it originally bore the secondary accent (§ 18): _abbréviáre_ ＞ _abreuiar_, _calúmniáre_ ＞ _caloniar_, ✱_eríciónem_ ＞ _erisso_; on the other hand, ✱_cominítiáre_ (through ✱_comín’tiáre_) ＞ _comensar_, _partítiónem_ (through ✱_pártiónem_) ＞ _parso_. Cf. _Zs._, XXVII, 576, 684, 693, 698, 701, 704. When kept, the vowel is sometimes altered: ✱_carōnea_ ✱_caróneáta_ ＞ _caraunhada_, ✱_cupídietósus_ ＞ _cobeitos_ _cobitos_, _papíliónem_ ＞ _pabalho_. 2. The prefix _mĭnus-_ was reduced to _mis-_ (or _mes-_) in Gaul, perhaps at the close of the Vulgar Latin period: ✱_mínus-prétiat_ ＞ _mespreza_. _Menes-_ was used also. Cf. P. Marchot, _Phon._, pp. 43, 44. 3. _Mostier_ is from ✱_monistĕrium_, altered, by the influence of _ministĕrium_, from _monastērium_. _Comprar_ is from V. L. _comperare_. _Calmelh_ _calmelha_ (cf. _calamel_ above) are Provençal formations from _calm_. _Caresma_ or _caresme_ seems to be from V. L. ✱_quarrēsĭma_ = _quadragēsĭma_. _Anedier_ ＜ _anatarium_ shows the influence of _anét_ _ánet_ ＜ _anătem_ (§ 48, 1). 4. In learned words the vowel is generally preserved: _irregulár_, _irritár_, _pelicán_, _philozophía_. The vowel is, however, often altered, the exchange of e and i being particularly frequent: _esperít_, _femeníl_, _orifán_, _peligrí_ (_e_), _soteirán_ (_sotrán_) ＜ _subterraneum_ influenced by _dereirán_ and _primeirán_. 46. Very often the intertonic vowel was preserved by the analogy of some cognate word or form in which that vowel was stressed: dev_i_nár through _devín_, fin_i_mén through _finír_, guerr_e_iár through _guerréia_, noir_i_dúra through _noirír_, obl_i_dár through _oblít_, pert_u_sár through _pertúsa_, re_u_sar through _reúsa_, serv_i_dór through _servíre_. 1. In such cases the preserved vowel is sometimes altered, the exchange of e and i being especially common: _avinén_, _covinén_, _sovinénsa_, cf. _venír_, _ven_; _enginhár_, _enginhós_, cf. _genh_; _envelzír_, cf. _vil_; _gememén_, cf. _gemír_; _issarnít_ (_eissernít_), from _excĕrnĕre_; _randóla_, from _hirŭndŭla_, perhaps influenced by _randón_; _temerós_ (_o_), from ✱_timorōsus_, influenced by _temér_; _traazó_ (_i_), from _traditiōnem_, with a substitution of suffix; _volentiérs_, from _voluntarius_, under the influence of _volén_ ＜ _volentem_. PENULT.[28] 47. (1) The vowel of the penult of proparoxytones fell in many words in Vulgar Latin, especially between a labial and another consonant, and between two consonants one of which was a liquid: ✱_avĭca_ ＞ ✱_auca_, _cŏm(i)tem_, _cŏmp(u)tum_, _dēb(i)tum_, _dŏm(i)nus_[29]; _alt(e)ra_, _vĭg(i)lat_, _cal(i)dus_, _vĭr(i)dem_; _frig(i)dus_, _nĭtĭdus_ ＞ ✱_nĭttus_, _pŏs(i)tus_, _pūtĭdus_ ＞ ✱_pūttus_. (2) The classic Latin _-culus_ comprises an original _-clus_ (_sæclum_) and an original _-culus_ (_aurĭcŭla_). In popular Latin both were _-clus_ (✱_macla_, _ŏclus_, etc.), to which was assimilated _-tŭlus_ in current words (_vĕtŭlus_ ＞ _vĕclus_, etc.). (3) Many popular words which in Vulgar Latin had very generally lost the vowel were for some reason introduced into southern Gaul in their classical forms, and not a few were adopted both in the uncontracted and in the syncopated state: _fragĭlem_ ＞ frágel (cf. Fr. _fraile_, It. _frale_), _jŭvĕnem_ ＞ iọve (cf. Fr. _iuevne_); _clĕrĭcum_ ＞ clęrgue _clĕr’cum_ ＞ clęrc, _dēbĭtum_ ＞ dẹute _dēb’tum_ ＞ dẹpte, _flēbĭlem_ ＞ frẹvol _flēb’lem_ ＞ frẹble, _mal’habĭtum_ ＞ malaute _mal’hab’tum_ ＞ malapte, _nĭtĭdum_ ＞ nẹde ✱_nĭttum_ ＞ nẹt, _hŏmĭnem_ ＞ ome _hŏm’nem_ ＞ omne, _pŏpŭlum_ ＞ pǫbol _pŏp’lum_ ＞ pǫble. 1. _Cŏgnĭtum_ seems to have become ✱_cónhede_, whence _coinde_ _cuende_ _conge_. Cf. § 79, Gnd, Gnt. 48. The unaccented penult vowels that had not already fallen disappeared, in most cases, in the transition from Latin to Provençal: ✱_carrĭcat_ ＞ carca, _cŏllŏcat_ ＞ cǫlca, _cŭrrĕre_ ＞ cọrre, _spathŭla_ ＞ espatla, ✱_ĕssĕre_ (= _ĕsse_) ＞ ęstre, _ī(n)sŭla_ isla, _pĕssĭmum_ ＞ pęsme, _pōnĕre_ ＞ pọnre, ✱_rīdĕre_ ＞ rire, _tabŭla_ ＞ taula, _tŏllĕre_ ＞ tǫlre. 1. A apparently was more tenacious than other vowels, and frequently remained as an indistinct e: _anătem_ ＞ ánet, which, being associated with the diminutive ending _-ét_, became anét (cf. modern Pr. _anèdo_); _cannăbim_ ＞ cánebe (learned?); _cŏlăphum_ ＞ ✱cólebe ＞ cǫlbe, but _cŏl’phum_ ＞ cǫlp; _Stĕphănum_ ＞ Estęve; _lampăda_ ＞ lámpeza; _ŏrgănum_ ＞ órguene (later orguéne) órgue; _ŏrphănum_ ＞ ǫrfe; _raphănum_ ＞ ráfe; _Rhŏdănum_ ＞ Rǫzer; ✱_sēcăle_ (= _sĕcāle_) ＞ séguel (but cf. modern _segle_ _selho_). Cf. A. Thomas in the _Journal des savants_, June, 1901, p. 370. See also P. Marchot, _Phon._, pp. 90-94. Cf. § 45, footnote. It is noteworthy that ✱cólebe ultimately lost its penult, while the other words lost the final syllable or none. 49. Under certain conditions, however, a vowel which had not fallen in the Latin of southern Gaul was often kept in Provençal. It was then probably indistinct in sound, and was written usually _e_, but occasionally _o_. (1) After c´, g´, or y the vowel was apparently retained in some dialects and lost in others. When the c´, g´, or y was intervocalic, forms with and without the vowel are about equally common; when the c´, g´, or y was preceded by a consonant, forms with the vowel predominate, and after cons. + c´ the vowel was apparently never lost. After intervocalic c´: _cŏcĕre_ (= _cŏquĕre_) ＞ cǫire cǫzer, _dīcĕre_ ＞ dire dízer, _dūcĕre_ ＞ düire ✱düzer (condücir dedüzir), _facĕre_ ＞ faire ✱fázer (fazedọr, etc.), _gracĭlem_ ＞ graile, ✱_nŏcĕre_ (= _nŏcēre_) ＞ nǫire nǫzer, _placĭtum_ ＞ plach, _sŏcĕrum_ ＞ sǫzer (sǫgre is from _sŏcrum_), ✱_vŏcĭtum_ (= _vacuum_) ＞ vuech. After intervocalic g´ or y: _bajŭlus_ ＞ bailes, _fragĭlem_ ＞ frágel, _imagĭnem_ ＞ imáge, _lĕgĕre_ ＞ lęire legír (through ✱lęger?), _rĭgĭdum_ ＞ rẹide rẹge, _rĭgĭda_ ＞ rẹgeza, ✱_tragĕre_ (= _trahĕre_) ＞ traire tragír (through ✱tráger?). After cons. + c´: _carcer_ ＞ cárcer, _crēscĕre_ ＞ crẹisser, _nascĕre_ ＞ náisser, _pascĕre_ ＞ páisser, _parcĕre_ ＞ párcer, ✱_tŏrcĕre_ (= _tŏrquēre_) ＞ tǫrzer. After cons. + g´ or y: _angĕlum_ ＞ ángel (learned?), ✱_cŏll’gĕre_ (= _cŏllĭgĕre_, through _cŏllĭgo_ etc.) ＞ cǫlre cuelher colhír, ✱_dē-ēr’gĕre_ (= _ērĭgĕre_) ＞ dẹrdre dẹrzer, ✱_fŭlgĕrem_ (from _fŭlger_ = _fŭlgur_) ＞ fọuzer, _jŭngĕre_ ＞ iọnher, _margĭnem_ ＞ marge, _plangĕre_> planher, _vĭrgĭnem_ ＞ vẹrgena vẹrge. (2) After ks, s, ss, and sy the vowel was apparently retained in some dialects and lost in others: _dīxĕrunt_ ＞ diron dissęron (through ✱dísseron)[30], _dūxĕrunt_ ＞ düystrent düissęron (✱dúisseron), _fraxĭnum_ ＞ fraisne fraisse, _traxĕrunt_ ＞ traissęron (✱tráisseron), _tŏxĭcum_ ＞ tuęissec; _asĭnum_ ＞ asne ase, _mĭsĕrum_ ＞ miser (learned), ✱_prē(n)sĕrunt_ ＞ prẹson prezęron (✱prẹzeron), _rema(n)sĕrunt_ ＞ remastrent remasęron (✱remáseron); ✱_ĕssĕre_ (= _ĕsse_) ＞ ęstre ęsser (used in Rouergue, Limousin, Marche, and Dauphiné), ✱_mĭssĕrunt_ (= _mīsĕrunt_) ＞ mestrunt (mẹsdren) mesęron (✱mẹsseron), _passĕrem_ ＞ pásser; ✱_cō(n)sĕre_ (= _consuĕre_) ＞ coser (cozír is from V. L. ✱_cosīre_). (3) Between a labial and a dental the vowel was apparently kept: _cŭpĭdum_ ＞ cọbe,[31] _fēmĭna_ ＞ fẹmena fẹme (but _fēm’na_ ＞ fẹmna), _jŭvĕnem_ ＞ iọve, ✱_lūmĭnem_ ＞ lüme (_lūmen_ ＞ lüm), _hŏmĭnem_ ＞ ómen óme (but _hŏm’nĕm_ ＞ omne), _tĕpĭdum_ ＞ tębe,[31] _tĕrmĭnum_ ＞ tęrme. Cf. § 48, 1. (4) Between a dental and a guttural the vowel remained long enough for the guttural to become y (§ 52; § 65, G): _mĕdĭcum_ ＞ ✱mędegu ＞ ✱mędeye ＞ mędže (= _mege_). If the first consonant was a liquid or a nasal, the vowel apparently allowed the guttural to become y in some dialects, but not in others: ✱_carrĭcat_ ＞ caria carga, _clĕrĭcum_ ＞ clęrie clęrgue, _mŏnăchum_ ＞ monie mongue. _Caballĭcat_ ＞ cavalga, _cŏllŏcat_ ＞ cǫlca cǫlga show an earlier fall. In _clĕr´cum_ ＞ clęrc the fall goes back to Latin times. (5) Between lv and r the vowel was kept in some dialects and lost in others: _sŏlvĕre_ ＞ sǫlver sǫlvre, _vŏlvĕre_ ＞ vǫlver vǫlvre, _pŭlvĕrem_ ＞ polvęra. 50. Some learned proparoxytones kept for a while both post-tonic vowels (usually written _e_), but most of them ultimately either shifted their accent to the penult (§ 17, 1) or dropped their final syllable: _domĕstĭcum_ ＞ domęstegue, _lacrĭma_ ＞ lágrema, _mĕrĭtum_ ＞ męrite, _hŏrrĭda_ ＞ ǫreza, _rēgĭmen_ ＞ régeme; _fĭstŭla_ ＞ festóla, _fragĭlem_ ＞ fragíl, _mĕrĭtum_ ＞ merít, _tĕrmĭnum_ ＞ termíni; _diacŏnum_ ＞ diágue, _flēbĭlem_ ＞ frẹvol (cf. _flēb´lem_ ＞ frẹble), _nĭtĭdum_ ＞ nẹde (cf. ✱_nĭttum_ ＞ nẹt), _ōrdĭnem_ ＞ órde, _pŏpŭlum_ ＞ pǫbol (cf. _pŏp´lum_ ＞ pǫble), _prīncĭpem_ ＞ príncep prínce. Cf. § 47, (3). FINAL SYLLABLE. 51. As early as the 8th century, in popular words, the vowels of final syllables fell, the fall occurring first, perhaps, after liquids: _hĕrĭ_ ＞ ęr, _malĕ_ ＞ mal; _bŏnŭs_ ＞ bos, _cŏlăphŭm_ ＞ cǫlp, _cōgĭto_ ＞ cüg, _panĕm_ ＞ pan, _prĕtiŭm_ ＞ prętz. (1) Latin a, however, remained, being generally pronounced ạ: _audiăm_ ＞ auiạ, _bŏnă_ ＞ bonạ, _fīliās_ ＞ filhạs.[32] (2) Latin final ī probably remained in all dialects later than the 8th century, and in some until the beginning of the literary period: _hábuī_ ＞ águi ＞ aguí. Before it fell, it changed an accented ẹ in the preceding syllable to ị: see § 27. (3) Latin i and u remained if they were immediately preceded by an accented vowel: _fuī_ ＞ füi, _mĕī_ ＞ męi, _sŭī_ ＞ sọi; _cavum_ ✱_caum_ ＞ chau, _dĕus_ ＞ dęus, _ĕgo_ ✱_ĕo_ ✱_ĕu_ ＞ ęu, _rīvum_ _rīum_ ＞ riu. In such cases the two vowels formed a diphthong. (4) Before final nt Latin e, u remained as e, o: _cantent_ ＞ canten, _vēndunt_ ＞ vẹndon. 1. In Aude, Tarn, Aveyron, Corrèze, and a part of Haute-Garonne, final ī was preserved as late as the 12th century: _pagadi_, _salvi_, _soli_. See _Rom._, XIV, 291-2 and XXXIV, 362. Such forms occur also in Vaud and Dauphiné. Cf. _Gram._, II, p. 82.--In the dialect of some texts, _-ī_, before falling, palatalized a preceding l (or ll), n (or nn), nd, nt, or t: _annī_ ＞ _anh_, _bellī_ ＞ _beill_, ✱_infantī_ ＞ _efanh_, ✱_spiritī_ ＞ _esperih_, _mundī_ ＞ _monh_. See _Rom._, XXXIV, 353. 2. In the extreme east there are traces of final _-ōs_: _aquestos_, _ellos_, _tantos_. 3. _Grau_ for _gra_ ＜ _gradum_, _niu_ for _ni_ ＜ _nīdum_ are Catalan. _Amiu_ for _amic_ ＜ _amīcum_, _chastiu_ for _chastic_ ＜ _castīgo_ belong to the dialect of Forez, and point to a very early fall of the guttural in that dialect. Cf. § 65, D, G. 4. _Aire_, _vaire_, beside _air_ ＜ _aĕrem_, _vair_ ＜ _varium_, probably show the influence of the numerous nouns in _-aire_ (_amaire_, etc.); cf. § 52, (1). _Fores_ beside _fors_ ＜ _fŏris_, _nemes_ beside _nems_ ＜ _nĭmis_, _senes_ beside _sens_ ＜ _sĭne_ probably developed the _e_ when the next word began with a consonant: see § 62, (3). For _colbe_, see § 48, 1. _Reide_ _rede_ perhaps owes its -e to _rege_: § 49, (1). Beside _volp_ ＜ _vŭlpem_ there is a _volpe_. 5. _Coma_, beside _com_, _con_, _co_ ＜ _quōmŏ(do)_, apparently owes its -a to the analogy of the adverbs _bona_ and _mala_ and other adverbs of manner. For a different explanation, see J. Vising in the _Tobler Festschrift_ (_Abhandlungen Herrn Prof. Dr. Tobler… dargebracht_, 1895), p. 113. 6. E seems to have been inserted in the second person singular of some verbs, to distinguish it from the third person: co(g)nōscis ＞ conọisses, _co(g)nōscit_ ＞ conọis. 52. When the fall of the vowel would have resulted in an undesirable consonant group at the end of a word, the vowel was retained as an indistinct e: _dŭbĭto_ ＞ dọpte, _lŭcrum_ ＞ lọgre. The principal groups that call for a supporting vowel are: (1) a consonant and a liquid; (2) a labial and a dental; (3) in proparoxytones, a consonant and a c´ or c originally separated by the vowel of the penult; (4) in proparoxytones, a consonant and an m or n originally separated by the vowel of the penult. Ex.: _ĭnter_ ＞ ẹntre; _aptum_ ＞ apte; ✱_dōdĕcim_ ＞ dọtze, _jūdĭco_ ＞ iütge; ✱Jacŏmus ＞ Iacmes, _asĭnum_ ＞ asne. If the word was a paroxytone, and the first consonant was a palatal and the second an r, the supporting vowel stood between the two: _major_ ＞ maier, _mĕlior_ ＞ męlher, _mŭlier_ ＞ mọlher, _pĕjor_ ＞ pęier, _sĕnior_ ＞ sęnher. Otherwise the supporting vowel followed the consonant group. The four classes of groups (aside from the palatal + r just mentioned) will now be examined in detail:-- (1) Examples: _alter_ ＞ autre, _Carŏlus_ ＞ Carles, _dŭplus_ ＞ dọbles, ✱_ĕssĕre_ ＞ ęstre, _fabrum_ ＞ fabre, ✱_mĕr(ŭ)lum_ ＞ męrle, _nŏster_ ＞ nǫstre, _pauper_ ＞ paubre, _pŏp(ŭ)lum_ ＞ pǫble, _pōnĕre_ ＞ pọnre, _recĭpĕre_ ＞ recẹbre, _rŭmpĕre_ ＞ rọmpre, _tŏllĕre_ ＞ tǫlre, _vŏlvĕre_ ＞ vǫlvre; _mascŭlum_ ＞ mascle, etc.; _flēb(ĭ)lem_ ＞ frẹble, etc. Under this head is included r-r (_cŭrrere_ ＞ cọrre, _quærĕre_ ＞ quęrre), but not ll and rr (_bĕllum_ ＞ bęl, _fĕrrum_ ＞ fęr). In Provençal the first element was often changed, later than the 8th century, into a vowel, original b and v becoming u, and d, t, c, g, and y being turned to i: _bĭbĕre_ ＞ bẹure, _scrībĕre_ ＞ escriure, ✱_mŏvĕre_ ＞ mǫure, _plŏvĕre_ ＞ plǫure, _vīvĕre_ ＞ viure; _latro_ ＞ laire, _matrem_ ＞ maire, _radĕre_ ＞ raire, ✱_rīdĕre_ ＞ rire, _vĭtrum_ ＞ vẹire; _desīdĕro_ ＞ desire, etc.; _amātor_ ＞ amaire, _servītor_ ＞ servire, etc.; _dīcĕre_ ＞ dire, _dūcĕre_ ＞ düire, _facĕre_ ＞ faire, _gracĭlem_ ＞ graile, ✱_tacĕre_ ＞ taire; _frīgĕre_ ＞ frire, _weigăro_ gaire, _lĕgĕre_ ＞ lęire; _bajŭlum_ ＞ baile. Apparent exceptions to the rule are intervocalic cl, gl, which were probably reduced to single consonants before the 8th century: _ŏc(ŭ)lum_ ＞ ǫlh, _vĭg(ĭ)lo_ ＞ vẹlh. 1. The rare forms _frair_, _mair_, _pair_, _Peir_ (still used in Gascony), beside regular _fraire_, _maire_, _paire_, _Peire_, are probably due to proclitic use; so _sor_ beside _sorre_ ＜ _sŏror_, and possibly _faur_ beside _faure_ ＜ _faber_. The learned _albir_ = _albire_ ＜ _arbĭtrium_ may be due to the analogy of other double forms. _Dimerc_ for _dimercre_ (§ 17, 2) perhaps follows _dimenc_. 2. Rr requires a vowel in a few dialects: _corre_ = _cor_ ＜ _cŭrrit_, _ferre_ = _fer_ ＜ _fĕrrum_, _torre_ = _tor_ ＜ _tŭrrem_. (2) Examples: _cŭbĭtum_ ＞ cọde; _cŏmĭtem_ ＞ comte; _dēbĭtum_ ＞ dẹpte dẹute, § 47, (3); _dŏmnum_ ＞ domne; _dŭbĭto_ ＞ dọpte; _hŏspĭtem_ ＞ ǫste; _sabbătum_ ＞ sapte. 1. _Azaut_ seems to be post-verbal from _azautar_ ＜ _adaptāre_. _Escrit_ ＜ _scrīptum_ shows the influence of _dit_ ＜ _dīctum_. _Malaut_, beside _malaute_ _malapte_ ＜ _mal´habĭtum_, is reconstructed from the feminine _malauta_ on the model of _aut_, _auta_. _Set_ ＜ _sĕptem_ must have developed as a proclitic. (3) Examples: _jūdicem_ ＞ iütge[33]; _pŏllĭcem_ ＞ pǫuze; _quīndĕcim_ ＞ quinze; _salĭcem_ ＞ sauze; _sēdĕcim_ ＞ sẹdze;--_canŏnĭcum_ ＞ canonge canọrgue,[34] § 49, (4); _clĕrĭcum_ ＞ clęrge clęrgue (§ 48, 2); _mĕdĭcum_ ＞ mętge; _mŏnăchum_ ＞ monge mongue mǫrgue,[34] § 49, (4); _vĭndĭco_ ＞ vẹnie; _viatĭcum_ ＞ viatge, etc. 1. The forms _poutz_, _sautz_, beside _pouse_, _sauze_, would seem to indicate that lc´ did not require a supporting vowel in all dialects. 2. ✱_Ficotum_ (= _jēcur_), a fusion of συκωτόν (‘fig-fattened’) and _fīcus_, combined with ✱_hēpăte_ (= _hēpar_), became ✱fẹ́catu ✱fẹcitu ✱fẹgidu, and then, through the influence of the familiar ending -igu (= _ĭcum_), ✱fẹdigu ＞ fẹtge. See G. Paris in _Miscellanea linguistica in onore di G. Ascoli_, 1901, p. 41; H. Schuchardt in _Zs._, XXV, 615, and XXVIII, 435; L. Clédat in _Revue de philologie française et de littérature_, XV, 235. _Pege_, for _peich_ ＜ _pĕctus_, seems to be due to the analogy of _fetge_. (4) Examples: _æstĭmo_ ＞ esme; _dĕcĭmum_ ＞ dęsme; _fraxĭnum_ ＞ fraisne; _incūdĭnem_ ＞ enclütge (cf. § 80, Dn); ✱_metĭpsĭmum_ ＞ medẹsme; _pĕssĭmum_ ＞ pęsme; _prŏxĭmus_ ＞ prǫsmes. 1. Faim ＜ _facĭmu(s)_ doubtless lost its -e through the analogy of the alternative form fazẹm ＜ ✱_facímu(s)_ and of the usual endings -ám, -ẹm. (5) In some dialects, at least, by, mby, mny, py, rny required a supporting vowel: _rŭbeum_ ＞ rọtge, _cambio_ ＞ camie, _sŏmnium_ ＞ songe suenh, _apium_ ＞ ache api, ✱_Arvĕrnium_[35] ＞ Alvęrnhe; ratge (= _rabiem_) is probably French. Original lm, rm, sm required a supporting vowel in some dialects but not in others: _hëlm_ ＞ ęlme ęlm, _ŭlmum_ ＞ ọlme ọlm, _palmum_ ＞ palm; ✱_ĕrmum_ ἔρημον ＞ erm, _fĭrmum_ ＞ fẹrm, _gĕrmen_ ＞ gęrme; _spasmum_ ＞ espasme. (6) Many verbs regularly have an -e in the first person singular of the present indicative: desire, dọpte, iütge, etc. By the analogy of these, -e often appears in the first person singular of verbs which need no supporting vowel: _remīro_ ＞ remir remire. By the analogy of the preterit (águi, füi, etc.), -i is very often substituted for this -e: azọr azọri, cant canti, prętz pręzi, etc. 53. Many late words preserve the final vowel as _-e_: benigne, bisbe ＜ _epĭscŏpum_, digne (cf. denhar), mixte (cf. mẹst), regne (cf. reing), signe (cf. sẹnh). Cf. § 50; (for cǫlbe) § 48, 1; and (for cǫinde, etc.) § 47, 1. Learned formations from nouns in _-ium_ usually end in _-i_, simply dropping the _-um_: capitǫli, edifici, empęri, iüzízi, martíri (martíre), negǫci, ofíci, periüri, remęzi, servízi, vici. Similar forms in _-i_ were sometimes taken from the accusative of nouns and adjectives in _-ius_: Boęci ＜ _Boëthium_, prǫpri (prǫpre) ＜ _prŏprium_, savi ＜ _sabium_. 1. It should be remembered that the Latin words, at the time of their adoption, had undergone various phonetic changes in the clerical pronunciation: cf. § 15. A form _remezi_, for instance, presupposes a pronunciation of _remĕdium_ as remęðiu(m). 3. CONSONANTS. 54. The Latin consonants which we have to consider are: b, c (= k), d, f, g, h, j (= y), l, m, n, p, qu (= kw), r, s, t, v (= w), x (= ks). To these we must add the Vulgar Latin w coming from u̯, and y coming from e̯, i̯: see § 40, (2). Furthermore, in words borrowed from Germanic dialects we find b, ð, h, k, þ, w, which call for special notice; and, in words borrowed from Greek, ch, k, ph, th, z. The Latin d, f, j, l, p, t call for no remark at present. Latin h, in popular speech, became silent very early (_hŏc_ ＞ _ŏc_, _hŏmo_ ＞ _ŏmo_), and, although an attempt was made to restore it in polite speech, it left no trace in the Romance languages: cf. _Rom._, XI, 399. Double consonants were pronounced distinctly longer than single ones: _annus_, _ĭlle_, _ŏssum_, _tĕrra_. 55. Latin b, c, g, m, n, qu, r, s, v, w, x, y show the following developments in popular Latin speech:-- B between vowels became, through failure to close the lips tightly, β (bilabial v), from the 1st to the 3d century of our era: _habēre_ ＞ aβẹre. The same change took place, to a certain extent, when the b was not intervocalic, but we have few, if any, traces of it in Provençal. Between vowels, even in learned words, the clerical pronunciation was probably β or v until the 7th century. Cf. V. C before a front vowel (e, i), as early as the 3d century, doubtless had, in nearly all the Empire, a front or palatal articulation; that is, it was formed as close as possible to the following vowel[36]: _cĕntum_ ＞ c´ĕntu, _dūcĕre_ ＞ dūc´ĕre. The next step was the introduction of an audible glide, a brief y, between the c´ and the vowel[37]: c´yęntu, dục´yere. By the 5th century this c´y had developed into a kind of ty, the c´ having been drawn still further forward: t´yęntu dụt´yere. Through a modification of the y-glide, the group then became, in the 6th or 7th century, tš or ts: tšęntu tsęntu. See H. Schuchardt, _Voc._, I, 151, and _Ltblt._, XIV, 360; P. E. Guarnerio, in _Supplementi all’ Archivio glottologico italiano_, IV (1897), pp. 21-51 (cf. _Rom._, XXX, 617); G. Paris, in the _Journal des savants_, 1900, 359, in the _Annuaire de l’École pratique des Hautes-Études_, 1893, 7, in the _Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions_, 1893, 81, and in _Rom._, XXXIII, 322; W. Meyer-Lübke, _Einf._, pp. 123-126; F. G. Mohl, _Zs._, XXVI, 595; P. Marchot, _Phon._, pp. 51-53; W. Meyer-Lübke, in _Bausteine zur romanischen Philologie_, 313. Cf. G and X.[38] G between vowels, before the accent, disappeared in some words in at least a part of the Empire: _le(g)ālis_, _li(g)āmen_, _re(g)ālis_, (_realis_ is attested for the 8th century); _ĕgo_, generally used as a proclitic, everywhere lost its g; on the other hand, g was kept in _castigāre_, _fatigāre_, _ligāre_, _negāre_, _pagānus_. G before a front vowel (e, i), by the 1st or 2d century, was pronounced g´ (cf. C): _gĕntem_ ＞ g´ĕnte, _fragĭlis_ ＞ frag´ĭlis. As early as the 4th century this g´, through failure to form a close articulation, opened into y[39]: yęnte, fráyilis. Before an accented e or i an intervocalic y disappeared, in the greater part of the Empire, being fused with the vowel: _magĭster_ ＞ mayįster ＞ maẹster, ✱_pagēnsis_ ＞ payẹsis ＞ paẹsis, _regīna_ ＞ reyịna ＞ reịna.[38] M and n, when final, were weak and indistinct from the earliest times, except in monosyllables; by the 3d or 4th century they had probably disappeared altogether from the end of polysyllables: damnu, nọme; but jam, non. N before spirants (f, j, s, v), except in the prefixes _con-_ and _in-_, became silent during the Republican period, the preceding vowel, if it was short, being lengthened by compensation[40]: _mē(n)sis_, _pē(n)sare_. If the syllable _con-_ or _in-_ was not recognized as a prefix, the n fell: _co(n)sul_, _co(n)ventum_, _i(n)fas_. In learned and newly constructed words the _n_ was pronounced. Cf. M. Qu, gu before o or u were reduced to c, g in the 1st or 2d century: see W. R before s, in a number of words, became s in the Republican period: _deōrsum_ ＞ deōssum, _dŏrsum_ ＞ dŏssum, _sūrsum_ ＞ sūssum; so, in a part of the Empire, _pĕrsĭca_ ＞ pĕssĭca, _vĕrsus_ (preposition) ＞ vĕssus. Early in our era ss after a long vowel was reduced to s: deōsu, sūsu. S was probably always voiceless, or surd, in classic Latin, but became voiced between vowels, in Gaul, at the end of the Vulgar Latin period: _casa_. To initial s + consonant an i or e was prefixed, at first, no doubt, after a word ending in a consonant: _in schŏla_ ＞ in iscŏla; this process began in the 2d century and had become general by the 4th. V, originally pronounced w, became β probably in the 1st century: _vīvĕre_ ＞ βīβĕre. Before u, _v_ regularly disappeared, but it was restored by analogy in many words: _flavus_ ＞ flaus, _ōvum_ ＞ ŏum, _rīvus_ ＞ rīus; but also _ŏvum_, _rīvus_, by the analogy of _ova_, _rivi_. In the greater part of the Empire v apparently fell also before an accented o: _pavōnem_ ＞ paōne, _pavōrem_ ＞ paōre. Cf. W. When a β, representing either b or v, became contiguous to a following consonant, it changed to u: ✱_avĭca_ ＞ aβĭca ＞ auca, _gabăta_ ＞ gaβata ＞ gauta, ✱_flavĭtat_ ＞ flaβĭtat ＞ flautat. In several words rv became rb in Latin: _vervēcem_ ＞ berbēce berbīce, _cŏrvus_ ＞ cŏrbus, _cŭrvus_ ＞ cŭrbus. W coming, in the 2d or 3d century, from u̯ (§ 40) differed from Latin _v_, then pronounced β, but was probably identical with Germanic _w_: _dēbuī_ ＞ dẹbwị, _placuī_ ＞ placwị, _sapuit_ ＞ sapwit, _tĕnuis_ ＞ tęnwis. W fell between a consonant and o or u: _antīquus_ ＞ antịcus, _battuo_ ＞ batto, _carduus_ ＞ cardus, _cŏquus_ ＞ cǫcus, _distĭnguo_ ＞ distįngo, _mŏrtuus_ ＞ mǫrtus; so _eccu’hŏc_ ＞ Pr. acǫ. Cf. Qu. X (= ks) was reduced to s, in the 2d or 3d century, before a consonant or at the end of a word of more than one syllable: _sĕstus_, _sĕnes_; but _sĕx_. So the prefix _ex-_ ＞ es- before any consonant but s: ✱_exgaudēre_ ＞ Pr. esiauzir, ✱_exlucēre_ ＜ Pr. esluzir, ✱_exmĭttĕre_ ＞ Pr. esmẹtre; _excernĕre_ ＞ ✱_escernīre_ ＞ Pr. _eissernir_. Ex- + s apparently became either ex- or ess-: ✱_exsanguinātum_ ＞ Pr. eissancnat, ✱_exsaritāre_ ＞ Pr. eissartar, ✱_exsĕquĕre_ ＞ Pr. essęgre, ✱_exsŭrgĕre_ ＞ Pr. essọrger, ✱_exsūcāre_ ＞ Pr. eissügar essügar. Y coming, in the 2d or 3d century, from e̯ or i̯, (§ 40) coincided with Latin _j_: _habeam_ ＞ abya, _eāmus_ ＞ yamus, _tĕneat_ ＞ tęnyat; _audio_ ＞ audyo, _fīlia_ ＞ fịlya, _vĕniat_ ＞ vęnyat. As early as the 4th century the groups dy, gy were reduced to y; and ly, ny probably became l´, n´: _mĕdius_ ＞ mędyus ＞ męyus, _corrĭgia_ ＞ corrįgya ＞ corrẹya; _mĕlior_ ＞ męlyor ＞ męl´or, _tĕneo_ ＞ tęnyo ＞ tęn´o. 56. Germanic b, ð, h, k, þ, w call for special mention:-- B did not participate in the change of Latin intervocalic b to β: _roubôn_ ＞ Pr. raubar. The words containing it were evidently adopted after this phonetic law had ceased to operate. ð, þ were pronounced by the Latins as d, t: ✱_waiðanjan_ ＞ ✱_wadanyāre_ ＞ Pr. gazanhar (It. guadagnare), _þrëscan_ ＞ ✱trescāre ＞ Pr. trescar. H, at the beginning of a word, was lost in the greater part of the Empire, including southern Gaul: _hapja_ ＞ ✱apya ＞ Pr. apcha. H between vowels was lost in some words and replaced by kk in others: _spëhôn_ ＞ Pr. espiar, _fëhu_ ＞ Pr. fęu, _jëhan_ ＞ ✱yekkīre ＞ Pr. gequir. Ht was regularly replaced by tt: _slahta_ ＞ ✱sclatta ＞ Pr. esclata; but _wahta_, perhaps borrowed at a different period, became Pr. gaita. K, in southern Gaul, did not take the palatal pronunciation before front vowels: _skërnon_ ＞ Pr. esquernir, _skina_ ＞ Pr. esquina, _skiuhan_ ＞ Pr. esquivar, ✱_rîk-ĭtia_ ＞ Pr. riquẹza; only the derivatives of _Franko_ (doubtless Latinized early) show palatalization, as ✱_Francia_ ＞ Pr. Fransa. G, however, seems to have been palatalized: _gîga_ ＞ Pr. giga, _geisla_ ＞ Pr. giscle. Before a, in words introduced early, k and g were treated like Latin c and g: _kausjan_ ＞ Pr. cauzir chauzir, _gâhi_ ＞ Pr. gai iai; see § 11, (1). W was vigorously pronounced, and, through reinforcement of its velar element, came to be sounded gw: _warjan_ ＞ ✱warīre gwarīre ＞ Pr. garir, _wërra_ ＞ ✱węrra gwęrra ＞ Pr. guęrra. 57. Greek ζ, θ, κ, φ, χ did not exactly correspond to any Latin consonants:-- Z, whatever may have been its original pronunciation, received in Vulgar Latin the value dy, which then, like any other dy, became y: ✱_zelōsus_ (from ζῆλος) = dyelọsus yelọsus ＞ Pr. gelọs. The infinitive ending -ίζειν, introduced in such words as βαπτίζειν, ＞ _baptizāre_ = bapti(d)yāre, became very common in the form -įdyāre -įyāre, and was used to make new verbs: _wërra_ + ίζειν ＞ ✱werrįdyāre gwerrįyāre ＞ Pr. guerrẹiar. θ, in the popular speech of Rome, was replaced by t: similarly χ was replaced by c: σπαθή ＞ _spatha_ = spata; χορδή ＞ _chŏrda_ = cǫrda. κ was apparently intermediate in sound between Latin c and g; it was generally replaced by the former, but sometimes by the latter: κατά ＞ _cata_, κυβερνᾰν ＞ _gubernare_. φ, in Greek, was in early times (perhaps until the 4th century of our era) a strongly explosive p; it then developed into f. In words borrowed by the Romans in the early period it was replaced by p; in later words it was sounded f: κόλαφος ＞ _cŏlăphus_ = cǫlapus, φασίολος ＞ _phaseŏlus_ _faseŏlus_. 58. The fate of all these consonants in Provençal depended largely on their position in the word: we must therefore distinguish _initial_, _medial_, and _final_ consonants. In a general way, the first tended to remain unchanged, the second to weaken, the third to disappear. Furthermore we must separate single consonants from consonant groups: the latter resisted change better than the former; but a group consisting of dissimilar elements tended to assimilate them. INITIAL CONSONANTS. 59. A consonant preceded by a prefix was treated as an initial consonant as long as the character of this preceding syllable was recognized: _de-cadĕre_ ＞ decazẹr, _de-pĭngĕre_ ＞ depẹnher, _præ-parāre_ ＞ preparar, _re-cordāre_ ＞ recordar, _re-patriāre_ ＞ repairar, _re-pausāre_ ＞ repausar, _se-dūcĕre_ ＞ sedüire. If, however, the initial syllable ceased to be recognized as a prefix, the following consonant was treated as a medial consonant: _præpŏsĭtum_ ＞ prebǫst, _retŏrta_ ＞ redǫrta; so, perhaps, _profŭndum_ ＞ preọn. The rare rebọnre (beside repọnre) ＜ _re-pōnĕre_ has the special sense ‘to bury’. SINGLE INITIAL CONSONANTS. 60. B, d, l, m, n, p, r, s, t underwent no change: ben, dọn, lǫc, mẹ, nau, pauc, rius, si, tü. 1. For _cremetar_ ＜ ✱_tremitāre_, see Meyer-Lübke, _Einf._, § 194. For _granolha_ ＜ ✱_ranŭcŭla_, see Körting, _ranuculus_. 61. C, c´, f, g, g´, β, y suffered some change. C, g must be distinguished from c´, g´: § 55, C, G. C, g before o, u remained unchanged: _colōrem_ ＞ colọr, _cūra_ ＞ cüra; _gŭla_ ＞ gọla, _gŭtta_ ＞ gọta. Before a they changed only in the north and northeast, where they became (perhaps from the 7th to the 9th century) respectively tš and dž: _campus_ ＞ camps champs; _gaudēre_ ＞ gauzir iauzir. C´ ＞ ts, which just before and during the literary period was reduced to s: cælum ＞ cęl sęl, _cīvitātem_ ＞ ciutat ciptat siptat. For g´, see Y. Y, comprising Latin dy, g´, gy, j, and z, became dž (except in Béarn, where it remained y): _diurnālem_ ＞ iornal (yornal), _deō(r)sum_ ＞ iọs; _gĕlus_ ＞ gęls, _gentīlem_ ＞ gentil (yentil), _gȳrāre_ ＞ girar; _jam_ ＞ ia, _jŏcum_ ＞ iǫc (yǫc), _jŭvĕnem_ ＞ iọve; ✱_zelōsus_ ＞ gelọs. F remained unchanged, except in Béarn and a part of Gascony, where it became h: _famem_ ＞ fam ham, _fĭdem_ ＞ fẹ hẹ, _fŏcum_ ＞ fǫc hüc, _fŏlia_ ＞ fuelha huelha. β ＞ v (the dentilabial spirant), except in Béarn, Gascony, and parts of Languedoc, where it became b: _vĕnit_ ＞ ven be, _vĕntum_ ＞ vent bent, _vĕrsus_ (§ 55, R) ＞ vęs bęs, _vōs_ ＞ vọs bọs. 1. In a few words β, owing to Germanic influence, was replaced by w ＞ gw: _vadum_ + _watan_ ＞ _gua_, _vastare_ + _wôst_ ＞ _guastar_. So _vagīna_ ＞ _guaína_, _Vascŏnia_ ＞ _Gasconha_. Cf. gw below. INITIAL GROUPS. 62. There are three classes of groups: those ending in l or r, those ending in w, and those beginning with s:-- (1) Bl, br, cl, cr, dr, gl, gr, pl, pr, tr underwent no change: _blasphemāre_ ＞ blasmar, _brĕvem_ ＞ bręu, _clarus_ ＞ clars, _crŭcem_ ＞ crọtz, _drappus_ ＞ draps, _glaciem_ ＞ glatz, _gradum_ ＞ gra, _plēnum_ ＞ plẹn, _precāre_ ＞ pregar, _trans_ ＞ tras. Gras is from _grassus_, a fusion of _crassus_ and _grossus_. For grǫcs ＜ κρόκος see § 57, κ. (2) Gw (Germanic w) and kw (Latin qu) were reduced, perhaps in the 10th century, to g and k, except in the west, where the w was retained: _wahta_ ＞ gaita guaita, _warjan_ ＞ garir guarir, _wërra_ ＞ gęrra guęrra, _wīsa_ ＞ gisa guisa; _quando_ ＞ can quan, _quare_ ＞ car quar. It should be noted that the _u_ was commonly kept in the spelling (especially before e and i) after it had ceased to be pronounced, _gu_ and _qu_ being regarded merely as symbols for “hard” g and c. For cinc ＜ _quīnque_, see § 87, kw. Sw remained in _suavem_ ＞ suau. (3) To groups beginning with s a vowel had been prefixed in Vulgar Latin (§ 55, S); this vowel appears in Provençal as e. Sc´ apparently did not occur in any popular word; sl early became scl; the other groups (sc, scl, scr, sp, st, str) remained unchanged, except that in the north and northeast sc ＞ stš before a: _scala_ ＞ escala eschala, _schŏa_ ＞ escǫla, _slahta_ ＞ ✱_sclatta_ ＞ esclata, _scrībĕre_ ＞ escriure, _spīna_ ＞ espina, _stare_ ＞ estar, _strĭngĕre_ ＞ estrẹnher. MEDIAL CONSONANTS. 63. (1) It is well to note at the outset that when, through the fall of an unaccented vowel (§ 51), an early Provençal b, d, dz, dž, g, z, or ž was made final or contiguous to a final s, it became voiceless: _ŏpus_ ＞ ǫbus ＞ ǫbs ǫps, _ŏrbum_ ＞ ǫrbu ＞ ǫrb ǫrp: _datum_ ＞ dadu ＞ dad dat, _vĭrĭdem_ _vĭrdem_ ＞ vẹrde ＞ vẹrd vẹrt; _prĕtium_ ＞ prędzu ＞ prędz pręts (written _pretz_), _vōcem_ ＞ vọdze ＞ vọdz vọts (written _votz_); _mĕdium_ ＞ męyu mędžu ＞ mędž mętš (written _meg_ or _mech_); _amīcus_ ＞ amigus ＞ amigs amics, _largum_ ＞ largu ＞ larg larc; _rīsum_ ＞ rizu ＞ riz ris; _basium_ ＞ bažu ＞ baiž baiš (bais). The combination tšs, however, loses either its second or its third element: ✱_gaudios_ ＞ gautšs ＞ gautš or gauts (both of them often written _gaugz_); so _nŏctes_ ＞ nuetšs ＞ nuetš or nuets (_nuegz_). For local variations of g, see (6). For _apud_ ＞ _ab_ _ap_ _am_ _an_, see § 65, P. 2. (2) Under the same conditions, y became i: _vĭdeo_ ＞ vẹyo ＞ vẹy vẹi, _pĕjus_ ＞ pęyus ＞ pęys pięis. (3) Under the same conditions, ð, coming from intervocalic d, fell when final, but became t before s: _audit_ ＞ auði ＞ auð au; _crūdus_ ＞ cruðus ＞ cruds crüts. So _crūdum_ ＞ crü, _fĭdem_ ＞ fẹ, _fraudem_ ＞ frau, _gradum_ ＞ gra, _nīdum_ ＞ ni, _nōdum_ ＞ nọ, _pĕdem_ ＞ pę, _sapidum_ ＞ sabe, _tĕpidum_ ＞ tębe; _grados_ ＞ grats, _nōdus_ ＞ nọts, _nūdus_ ＞ nüts, _pĕdes_ ＞ pęts. The two sets of forms influenced each other: hence _degras_, _fes_,[41] _nis_, _pes_, etc.; _crut_, _grat_, _not_, _nut_,[41] etc. (4) Under the same conditions, β, coming from v or from intervocalic b, became u if preceded by a vowel, but fell if preceded by a consonant: _bĭbit_ ＞ bẹβi ＞ bẹβ bẹu, _vīvit_ ＞ βịβi ＞ βịβ vịu, _claves_ ＞ claβes ＞ claβs claus, _vīvus_ ＞ βīβus ＞ βịβs vịus; _salvet_ ＞ sal, _salvum_ ＞ sal, _sĕrvit_ ＞ siẹr, _nĕrvos_ ＞ nęrs, _salvus_ ＞ sals, _sĕrvus_ ＞ sęrs. Sometimes, however, final β preceded by a consonant, instead of falling, became f: _salvet_ ＞ salf, _salvum_ ＞ salf, _sĕrvit_ ＞ sięrf, _vŏlvit_ ＞ vǫlf; it may be that these are the only regular forms for cons. + β _when final_, and that _sal_, _sier_ are due to the analogy of _sals_, _siers_. (5) Under the same conditions, final n, if preceded by a vowel, was kept in the extreme west, parts of the north, and all the southeast and east, but fell everywhere else; n before s was generally kept only in the southeast and east: _bĕne_ ＞ be ben, _canem_ ＞ ca can, _sŏnum_ ＞ so son[42]; _bŏnus_ ＞ bos bons, _mansiōnes_ ＞ maisọs maisọns. In _mĭnus_ ＞ mẹns the n was kept, perhaps through the analogy of menọr. If the n was preceded by a consonant (r), the fall seems to have been even commoner: _cŏrnu_ ＞ cǫr cǫrn, _tŏrno_ ＞ tọr tọrn; _diŭrnus_ ＞ iọrs iọrns. For iọrnh ＜ _diŭrnī_, see § 51, 1. Provençal n coming from nn never falls: _annus_ ＞ ans. (6) Under the same conditions, g, representing original c or g, became c after o or u, and after other vowels either became c or was changed to i (which fused with a preceding i): _fŏcum_ ＞ fǫc, _lŏcus_ ＞ lǫcs, _paucum_ ＞ pauc, _Hūgo_ ＞ Uc; _Aureliācum_ ＞ Aurelhac, _dīco_ ＞ dic di, _Henrīcum_ ＞ Enric Enri, ✱_trago_ ＞ trac trai. The forms with c are the commoner; they have been most persistent in the west. (7) The vocalization of l before s (_malus_ ＞ maus) is a different phenomenon from the foregoing. See § 65, L. (8) An m or an n that becomes contiguous to final s often develops into mp or nt, but oftener (judging from the spellings) does not: _nĭmis_ ＞ _nems_ _nemps_; _annos_ ＞ _ans_ _anz_. (9) Between a liquid or a nasal and a final s, a b or a p generally fell, unless supported by the analogy of a form in which the b or p was final: _ambos_ ＞ _ams_ _ambs_, _cŏrpus_ ＞ _cors_, _tĕmpus_ ＞ _tems_ _temps_; cf. _balbs_ (_balb_), _orbs_ (_orb_). 1. The d, n, t of the proclitics _ad_, _quid_, _in_, _aut_, _et_ will be treated under Final Consonants. 64. Final ts from any source, in Provence, Limousin, and a part of Languedoc and Gascony, was reduced, during the literary period, to s: _amātis_ ＞ amatz amas, _habētis_ ＞ avętz avęs, _dīcit_ ＞ ditz dis, _grandes_ ＞ granz grans, _latus_ ＞ latz las, _prĕtium_ ＞ prętz pręs. On the other hand, in a part of Limousin (especially in Limoges), and also in Dauphiné, -ts, in the second person plural of verbs, became t: habētis ＞ avęt. SINGLE MEDIAL CONSONANTS. 65. The single medial consonants will now be considered separately, in alphabetical order:-- β, coming from b or v, became v; except in the west and a part of the centre, where, if it remained intervocalic, it changed to b: _habētis_ ＞ avętz abętz, _debēre_ ＞ devẹr debẹr, _faba_ ＞ fava faba; _avārum_ ＞ avar, _æstīva_ ＞ estiva, _brĕvem_ ＞ bręu,[43] _clavem_ ＞ clau, _dīe Jŏvis_ ＞ diiǫus, _lĕvat_ ＞ lęva, _novĕlla_ ＞ novęla nabęra (Gascon), _vīvus_ ＞ vius. When the preceding or following vowel was o or u, a β before the accent fell in most dialects, being fused with the vowel: _abŭndare_ ＞ aondar abondar, _gŭbĕrnare_ ＞ goernar governar, proclitic _ŭbĭ_ ＞ ọ, _prŏbare_ ＞ proar, _sŭbĭnde_ ＞ soẹn sovẹn sobẹn, _trĭbūtum_ ＞ treüt; _Lŭdovīcus_ ＞ Lozoics, _Provĭncia_ ＞ Proẹnsa Provẹnsa, _novĕllum_ ＞ noęl novęl, _novĕmbrem_ ＞ noembre novembre, _pavōnem_ ＞ paọn, _pavōrem_ ＞ paọr (cf. § 55, V). 1. The perfect endings _-avi_ etc., _-ivi_ etc. had lost their v in Latin. For avia, etc., see § 87, β. 2. _Abans_, beside _avanz_, _avan_ ＜ _ab_ _ante_, apparently shows the influence of Pr. _ab_ = _apud_. _Abet_ ＜ _abiĕtem_ (§ 40, 1) is unexplained: cf. Italian _abete_. _Abora_ is a Provençal compound of _ab_ and _ora_. _Trap_, beside _trau_ ＜ _trabem_, is doubtless from the nominative _traps_ ＜ _trabs_, which seems to have been differentiated in meaning from the V. L. nominative _trabis_. 3. _Brey_, _grey_, _ney_, beside _breu_ ＜ _brĕvem,_ _greu_ ＜ ✱_grĕvem_, _neu_ ＜ _nĭvem_ (cf. § 25, 1, e), have been subjected to the attraction of _grey_ ＜ _grĕgem_, _ley_ ＜ _lēgem_. _Greug_ is a post-verbal noun from _greuiar_ ＜ ✱_grĕviare_. 4. _Natiz_ = _natius_ ＜ _natīvus_ seems to have been influenced by _mestis_ ＜ _mixtīcius_. _Massis_ is from ✱_massīcius_. 5. _Paziment_ = _pavamen_ owes its z perhaps to the analogy of _aizimen_. 6. In purely learned words, _b_ and _v_ were written as in Latin: _diabol_, _diluvi_. C, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to g, and then developed like any other g. See G. 1. After au, apparently, c did not change: ✱_auca_ (＜ ✱_avĭca_ ＜ _avis_) ＞ _auca_, _pauca_ ＞ _pauca_, _rauca_ ＞ _rauca_, ✱_traucare_ (? ＜ ✱_trabucare_) ＞ traucar. Cf. § 65, P, 3. 2. In purely learned words, c remained unchanged: _vocal_. _Alucar_ _aluchar_, _aluc_ seem to be learned formations patterned after _antelucānus_ and Low Latin _lucānus_. C´, when it became contiguous to a consonant, through the fall of the unaccented vowel of the penult, was reduced to i: _cŏcĕre_ ＞ cǫire, _dīcĕre_ ＞ diire dire, _dīcĭtis_ ＞ ditz, _facĕre_ ＞ faire, _facĭmu(s)_ ＞ faim, _facĭtis_ ＞ faitz, _fēcĕram_ ＞ fẹira, _fēcĕrunt_ ＞ fẹiron, _gracĭlem_ ＞ graile. When it remained intervocalic, it was assibilated during the transition period (§ 55, C); in most of the Provençal territory it became dz, which during the literary period was simplified to z; but in some dialects of the south and the northwest it resulted in idz (later iz), an i-glide having developed before the consonant while it was still palatal: _aucĕllum_ ＞ auzęl, _jacēre_ ＞ iazẹr, _lĭcēre_ ＞ lezẹr, _lūcēre_ ＞ lüzẹr lüzir lüisir, _placēre_ ＞ plazẹr plaizẹr; _crŭcem_ ＞ crọz crọiz crọis (see §§ 63, 64), _dīcere_ ＞ dízer, _dīcit_ ＞ ditz dis, _dūcit_ ＞ dütz düs, _facit_ ＞ fatz fas, _jacet_ ＞ iatz ias iays, _pacem_ ＞ patz pas pais, _placet_ ＞ platz plas plais, _verācem_? ＞ verais, _vōcem_ ＞ vọtz vọiz. 1. _Aucel_, beside _auzel_, perhaps belongs to a dialect in which c´ was not voiced after au: cf. C, 1. See § 80, Bc´. 2. _Iasser_, beside _iazer_, seems to be due to _ias_ ＜ _jacet_ and _iassa_ ＜ _jaceat_. 3. For _desma_ _deima_, see S, 1. 4. In purely learned words, c´ ＞ ts: _acĭdum_ ＞ aci. D, in a part of the west, remained unchanged; elsewhere, during the Vulgar Latin period, it opened into ð, which fell in the 11th century and earlier in parts of the north and east, and in the rest of the Provençal territory became z as early as the first part of the 12th century: _audīre_ ＞ auzir auir audir,[44] _audit_ ＞ au,[45] _cadit_ ＞ ca, _crudēlem_ ＞ cruzęl cruęl crudęl, _fīdat_ ＞ fia, ✱_gaudo_ ＞ gau, _hŏrrĭda_ ＞ ǫreza, _hŏrrĭdum_ ＞ ǫre, _laudo_ ＞ lau, _alauda_ ＞ lauzẹta laudẹta, _rīdat_ ＞ ria, _tradĕre_ ＞ trazir trair tradir, _vidēre_ ＞ vezẹr vẹr vedẹr, _vĭdet_ ＞ vẹ. When ð became contiguous to a following consonant (except final s), it changed to i: _divīdĕre_ ＞ divire,[46] _traditōrem_ ＞ traidọr (which, influenced by _traïr_, was pronounced traïdọr).[47] 1. _Crey_, beside _cre_ ＜ _crēdo_, follows _dei_ ＜ _dēbeo_, _vei_ ＜ _vĭdeo_. _Mercey_, beside _merce_ ＜ _mercēdem_, shows the influence of _grey_ ＜ _grĕgem_, _lei_ ＜ _lēgem_, and perhaps French _fei_ ＜ _fĭdem_. Cf. β, (3). 2. _Grau_ = _gra_ ＜ _gradum_, _niu_ = _ni_ ＜ _nīdum_ belong to the Catalan dialect, in which ð fell before the 8th century: _gradum_ ＞ _graðu_ ＞ _gra-u_ ＞ _grau_, the u being preserved through combining into a diphthong with the a. 3. In purely learned words, d remained: _odi_ ＜ _ŏdium_. F is very rare (cf. § 59). The few examples appear to show that f (presumably in the 6th century or earlier) became β, and then developed like any other β (see β): _Stĕphănum_ ＞ Estęve, _co(n)fortāre_? ＞ ✱coβortar ＞ ✱coortar ＞ conortar (through the common use of the double forms, _con-_, _co-_), _gryphum_ ＞ griu, _raphănum_ ＞ rave rafe, ✱_refusāre_ ＞ rehusar refusar, ✱_prefŭndum_ (= _pro-_) ＞ preọn. Nevertheless, cofịn ＜ _cŏphĭnum_, defǫrs ＜ _de fŏris_, grifọ, profięg ＜ _profĕctum_, rafe, would seem to indicate that in some words, possibly less popular at the outset, f was retained. 1. In purely learned words, f was kept: _antifona_, _Caifas_, _philozophia_. G, representing original c and g, had a varied development.[48] For the fall of g in some words in Vulgar Latin, see § 55, G. (1) Before a, g remained in the greater part of the territory, but in the north and east it early became y; and this y was generally retained in the eastern dialects (often fusing with a preceding i), while in most of the northern it developed into dž (cf. Y): _amīca_ ＞ amiga amiia amia, _dīcam_ ＞ diga dia, _mīca_ ＞ miga miia mia,[49] _pacāre_ ＞ pagar paiar, _precāre_ ＞ pregar preiar; _castigāre_ ＞ castigar castiar, _legālem_ ＞ leial leyal lial, _ligāmen_ ＞ liam, _lĭgātum_ ＞ legat liat, _plaga_ ＞ plaga plaia, _regālem_ ＞ reial, _rūga_ ＞ rüa.[50] (2) Before o and u (ü), g was preserved, except in a few words which (doubtless in Vulgar Latin times) lost it either in all or in many dialects: _acūtum_ ＞ agüt, _secŭndum_ ＞ segọn, _secūrus_ ＞ segürs; ✱_a(u)gūrium_ ＞ agür aür, _a(u)gŭstum_ ＞ agọst[51] ahọst, proclitic _ĕgo_ ＞ ęu, ✱_fagŏttum_ ＞ fagǫt, _figūra_ ＞ figüra, _Hugōnem_ ＞ Ugọ. For a g that becomes final or contiguous to final s, see § 63, (6): _amīcus_ ＞ amics amis, _Auriācum_ ＞ Auriac, _cŏcum_ (= _cŏquum_) ＞ cǫc, _jŏcus_ ＞ iǫcs, _Ludovīcum_ ＞ Lozoic Lozoi, _prĕco_ ＞ pręc; _castīgo_ ＞ chastic chasti. (3) Between the last two vowels of a proparoxytone, g, early in the Provençal period, became y, which developed into dž before the literary epoch; cf. § 49, (4): _clĕrĭcum_ ＞ clęrge, ✱_coratĭcum_ ＞ coratge, _domĭnĭcum_ ＞ dimẹnge, _manĭca_ ＞ mania, _mĕdĭcum_ ＞ męge, _mŏnăchum_ ＞ monge, ✱_paratĭcum_ ＞ paratge, _viatĭcum_ ＞ viatie. In some dialects, however, the vowel of the penult, after liquids and nasals, fell too early for the g to become y: clęrgue,[52] esta(t)ga, mętgue, mongue. 1. _Amiu_, _chastiu_ belong to the dialect of Forez; so perhaps _fau_ ＜ _fagum_, _preu_ ＜ _prĕco_. These forms indicate a very early fall of the g in the dialect to which they belong. Cf. § 51, 3. 2. In purely learned words, Latin g remains unchanged: _paganōrum_ ＞ _paganor_. G´ became y during the Vulgar Latin period (§ 55, G). See Y. 1. In purely learned words the letter _g_ was retained, but it was doubtless pronounced dž: _astrologia_. L remained: _colōrem_ ＞ colọr, _male_ ＞ mal, ✱_volēre_ (= _velle_) ＞ volẹr. Before final s, l became u in most dialects, in some as early as the 10th century: _malos_ ＞ maus, _talis_ ＞ taus; _l_ was written, however, long after l had been vocalized. Under the influence of forms in which -ls ＞ -us, final l became u in the southwest and in some other regions: _Aprīlem_ ＞ abriu. Cf. § 74, (2). Au ＜ -al is common in William of Poitiers. 1. For Gascon l ＞ r, see § 10. 2. _Orifan_, beside _olifan_ ＜ _elephantem_, is probably French. L´ will be considered, as ly, under Groups, § 73, Ly. M remained: _amāre_ ＞ amar, _hŏmo_ ＞ om, _timōrem_ ＞ temọr. 1. Occasionally _-am_ rhymes with _-an_ (_afan_: _fam_, _portam_: _avan_); this seems to show an indistinct pronunciation of the final nasal in some dialects. Cf. _aven_ = _avem_ ＜ _habēmu(s)_ in the _Nobla Leyczon_. Cf. § 167, 2. N remained: _bŏnas_ ＞ bonas, _donāre_ ＞ donar, _lūna_ ＞ lüna. For n final or contiguous to final s, see § 63, (5): _fīnis_ ＞ fis fins, _panem_ ＞ pa pan. 1. In _canorgue_, _dimergue_, _morgue_, etc., beside _canonge_, _dimenge_, _monge_, etc., the r may be explained partly by dissimilation, partly by the analogy of _clergue_ and of words with double forms (§ 87). 2. _Menhs_ _meins_, beside regular _mens_ ＜ _mĭnus_, show the influence of the alternative forms _genhs_ _geins_ and _gens_ from _ingĕnium_ (see § 73, Ny). 3. _Iassey_ (= _iasse_, the latter part of which may be from _exín_ = _exĭnde_), _tey_ (= _te_ ＜ _tĕnet_), used by Marcabru, are doubtless due either to a mistaken imitation of conventional borderland forms (see § 25, 3) or to the analogy of _crei_ = _cre_ ＜ _crēdo_ (_crei_ itself being due to the analogy of _dei_ ＜ _dēbeo_, _vei_ ＜ _vĭdeo_). N´ will be considered, as ny, under Groups, § 73, Ny. P, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to b: _capĭllum_ ＞ cabẹl, _rīpa_ ＞ riba, ✱_sapēre_ (= _sapĕre_) ＞ sabẹr, _trepalium_ ＞ trebalh; _capit_ ＞ cap (§ 63), _sapis_ ＞ saps. 1. In some borderland dialects p ＞ v, as in French: _saver_. _Evescat_, _evesque_, beside _bisbat_, _bisbe_, are French. 2. _Apud_, used as a proclitic, became for some reason in Vulgar Latin ✱_apu_, which developed regularly into ✱_abu_ and, after the fall of intertonic vowels, _ab_. This _ab_ assimilated its b more or less to a following consonant, becoming _ap_ before voiceless consonants, _am_ before nasals; _am_, used before dentals, became _an_: hence we have four forms, _ab_, _ap_, _am_, _an_. _Amb_ perhaps developed first from _am_ before l, as in _am l’autre_; when used before a consonant with which mb did not readily combine, it expanded into _ambe_. See Elise Richter, _Zs._, XXVI, 532; J. Huber, _Zs._, XXX, 583. 3. In some dialects, apparently, p was not voiced after au: _sapuĕrunt_ ✱_sapwĕrunt_ ✱_saupĕrunt_ ＞ _saubron_ _saupron_. Cf. § 65, C, 1. 4. In purely learned words, p remains: _epifania_. R remained: _amāra_ ＞ amara, _durāre_ ＞ dürar, _ĕrat_ ＞ ęra. Final rs was reduced to s, in most dialects, during and after the literary period: _priōres_ ＞ priọrs priọs (_Girart_); the reduction apparently began in Limousin as early as the 12th century (Bertran de Born rhymes iọs and flọrs). 1. Final r began to fall in many dialects in the 14th century. At present it has disappeared all through the south and west: _amōrem_ ＞ _amou_, _flōrem_ ＞ _flou_. 2. In some dialects (especially those of Gard and Hérault) intervocalic r and z were confused, probably during the literary period: _gyrāre_ ＞ _girar_ _gisar_; conversely _audīre_ ＞ _auzir_ _aurir_. Cf. _Revue des langues romanes_, XL, 49, 121. S was voiced to z, probably from the 4th to the 6th century: _pausa_ ＞ pausa, _presĕntem_ ＞ presen; _rīsum_ ＞ ris (§ 63). 1. An s that became contiguous to n was changed, in a few dialects, to r: _almosna_ _almorna_, _disnar_ _dirnar_. In modern Limousin and some of the dialects of Dauphiné, Languedoc, and Gascony, s has disappeared before nasals: _asne_ _ane_, _caresma_ _carema_, _disnar_ _dinar_ (so _blasmar_ _blamar_, _desma_ _dema_); the fall began during the literary period. S before a consonant in many of the modern dialects, and final s in some, has become i: _asne_ _aine_, _caresma_ _careima_ (so perhaps _desma_ _deima_, _pruesme_ _prueime_); some traces of this change occur in texts of the literary period. Cf. _Zs._, XXIII, 413. _Isla_, in Limousin, became _ilha_ (perhaps through _iyla_): cf. _Zs._, XXIII, 414. Cf. § 78. 2. In some southeastern dialects intervocalic z after au has changed to v: _causa_ _cauva_ (so _auzir_ _auvir_); possibly the _auvent_ of the _Boeci_, v. 23, is to be connected with this. T, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to d: _amāta_ ＞ amada, _natālis_ ＞ nadals, _servitōrem_ ＞ servidọr; _habētis_ ＞ avętz avęs avęt (§§ 63, 64), _latus_ ＞ latz las, _natum_ ＞ nat. For a t which became contiguous to r (_amātor_ ＞ amaire), see § 52, (1), and § 70, Tr. 1. In some dialects of the south and southeast, final t fell shortly after the literary period: _amātum_ ＞ _amat_ _ama_.--_Appoestat_ is French. 2. _Tōtus_, in Gaul, became _tōttus_ as early as the 4th century: hence Pr. _tota_ _totas_. For _meteis_ ＜ _met-ĭpse_ see § 131, (2). 3. _Espaza_ (beside _espada_) ＜ _spatha_, was perhaps influenced in its pronunciation by the spelling of the Latin word.[53] _Ez_, coming from _et_ before a vowel, shows the influence of _az_ (＜ _ad_ + vowel) and _quez_ (＜ _quĭd_ + vowel). _Grazal_, ‘grail’, is perhaps a cross between ✱_cratella_ ＜ _crater_ and _gradale_, ‘service-book’; so _grazalet_. _Grazir_ _grazire_ (cf. _agradar_) is perhaps altered from an earlier ✱_grazar_ ＜ ✱_gratiare_. _Mezeis_ ＜ _met-ĭpse_, _mezesmes_, _meesmes_ (beside _medesmes_) ＜ ✱_met-ĭpsĭmus_ have been subjected to the analogy of _ez_ ＜ _et_ and _quez_ ＜ _quĭd_ or of _ĭd ĭpsum_: § 131, (2). 4. In some dialects _tī_ became a sound written _h_: _peccatī_ ＞ _peccah_. See § 51, 1. 5. In purely learned words, t remains: _eternal_. W will be considered, as gw, under Groups, § 72, βw. X is a symbol for ks: see Groups, § 79, Ks. Y, representing Latin dy, g´, gy, j, and z (cf. § 55, G, Y; § 57, Z) had a varied development. (1) When it became contiguous to a following consonant (§§ 45, 49) it changed to i: _adjutāre_ ＞ _ayudāre_ ＞ ay’dar ＞ aidar, _medietātem_ ＞ meitat; _cōgitāre_ ＞ cüidar, _frīgĕre_ ＞ frire, _lĕgĕre_ ＞ lęyre, _propagĭnem_ ＞ probaina, _rĭgĭda_ ＞ rẹida, ✱_tragĕre_ ＞ traire; _bajŭlus_ ＞ bailes. (2) When it remained intervocalic, it became dž in most of the territory, but in the northeast and parts of the north it was not changed:[54] _audiam_ ＞ auia, _in-ŏdiare_ ＞ enoiar, _invĭdia_ ＞ envẹia, _invĭdiōsus_ ＞ enveiọs enveyọs, ✱_gladia_ ＞ glaya, _mediānum_ ＞ meian, ✱_pŏdiāre_ ＞ poiar, _radiāre_ ＞ raiar, _sordĭdior_ ＞ sordẹier, _vĭdeat_ ＞ vẹia; _fragĭlem_ ＞ fragel; ✱_exagiāre_ ＞ assatiar essaiar essayar, _corrĭgia_ ＞ corrẹia corrẹya, _fagea_ ＞ faia faya, _regiōnem_ ＞ reiọ; _dīe Jŏvís_ ＞ diiǫus, _major_ ＞ maier, _pĕjor_ ＞ pięier, _pejōrem_ ＞ peiọr, _trŏja_ ＞ trǫia; _baptizāre_ ＞ bateiar. For a dž or a y that became final or contiguous to final s, see § 63, (1), (2): _audio_ ＞ auch, _in ŏdio_ ＞ enuęg (plural enuętz enuęg) enǫi, _gaudium_ ＞ gauch, _gladium_ ＞ glai, _mĕdium_ ＞ męg męi, _hŏdie_ ＞ ǫi, _pŏdium_ ＞ puęg pǫi, _radium_ ＞ rai; _fŭgit_ ＞ füg füi, _grĕgem_ ＞ gręy, _lēgem_ ＞ lẹg (pl. lẹitz) lẹi, _lĕgit_ ＞ lięg, _magis_ mais,[55] _rēgem_ ＞ rẹi, _exagium_ ＞ essai; _pĕjus_ ＞ pięis. (3) Before accented e or i, y disappeared (doubtless in Vulgar Latin: § 55, G), except in some western dialects, where it became dž: _vagīna_ ＞ guaīna, ✱_legīre_ (= _lĕgĕre_) ＞ legir,[56] _magĭster_ ＞ maẹstre maiẹstre magẹstre, ✱_pagē(n)sis_ ＞ paẹs pagẹs, _regīna_ ＞ reïna, _sagĭtta_ ＞ saẹta saiẹta sagẹta. 1. _Detz_ _ditz_ ＞ _dĭgĭtus_ are irregular and unexplained. The word is irregular in some other Romance languages, notably in Italian. Cf. Gröber’s _Grundriss_, I, p. 507. 2. _Glavi_, beside _glai_ (and learned _glazi_) ＜ _gladium_, is supposed by some to show the influence of Celtic _cládibo_. Cf. Körting; also H. Schuchardt, _Zs._, XXV, 345. 3. _Messér_ seems to be a contraction (due to proclitic use) of ✱_messeyer_ = _mes_, ‘my’, + ✱_seyer_? ＜ ✱_sĕyor_ = _sĕnior_ (cf. A. Lindström, _L’analogie dans la déclinaison des substantifs latins en Gaule_, 1897-8, pp. 292-3). 4. In purely learned words, _di_, _g_, _gi_, _z_ are retained, the _g_ being pronounced presumably as dž, the _z_ as z: _odi_, _fragil_, _regio_, _canonizar_. MEDIAL GROUPS. 66. Medial groups may be conveniently classified as follows:--A. _Double Consonants_ (1); B. _Groups of Dissimilar Consonants_: groups ending in l (2), groups ending in r (3), groups ending in w (4), groups ending in y (5), groups beginning with l, m, n, r, or s and not ending in l, r, w, or y (6), all other groups (7). This order will be followed.[57] 1. It should be noted that the prefixes _ad-_, _sub-_ regularly assimilate their d or b to the following consonant: ✱_ad-rīpāre_ ＞ _arribar_, _sub-venīre_ ＞ _sovenir_. _Sosrire_, _sosterrar_, _sostraire_ show a substitution of prefix, due, no doubt, to the analogy of _sospirar_, _sostener_. 1. DOUBLE CONSONANTS. 67. In general, the double consonants became single, in the 9th or 10th century (perhaps earlier before the accent), but underwent no other change save those described in §§ 63, 64: _abbātem_ ＞ abat, _sĭccum_ ＞ sẹc, _rĕddo_ ＞ ręt, _affībulāre_ ＞ afiblar, _aggregāre_ ＞ agregar, _flamma_ ＞ flama, _pĭnna_ ＞ pẹna, _cappa_ ＞ capa, _passum_ ＞ pas,[58] _mŭttum_ ＞ mọt, _advenīre_ ✱_avvenīre_ ＞ avenir. (1) Cc before a, in the east and northeast, became tš; elsewhere, c; _bŭcca_ ＞ bọca bọcha, _vacca_ ＞ vaca vacha. (2) Ll, in some southern dialects, became l´; elsewhere, l: _capĭllum_ ＞ cabẹl cabẹlh, _grȳllum_ ＞ gril grilh, _mantĕllum_ ＞ mantęl mantęlh, _villānus_ ＞ vilas vilhas. It is possible, however, that -llī regularly became l´ in Limousin, while ll before other vowels was not palatalized: _caballum_ ＞ caval, _caballī_ ＞ cavalh; _ĭllī_ ＞ ilh, _ĭllōs_ ＞ ẹls; this would account in part for the frequent occurrence of _lh_ in the poems. So in some dialects -nnī ＞ n´: _annī_ ＞ anh. Cf. § 51, 1. For final ls and l, see § 65, L: _ĭllos_ ＞ ẹls ẹus, _vallem_ ＞ val vau. For Gascon l ＞ r, see § 10: _appĕllat_ ＞ apęla apęra. (3) Rr, when intervocalic, seems generally to have been distinguished from r during the literary period and later: _cŭrrĕre_ ＞ cọrre, ✱_corrŭptiāre_ ＞ corrossar, _errāre_ ＞ errar, _tĕrra_ ＞ tęrra. Occasionally, however, rr is found in rhyme with r. 2. GROUPS ENDING IN L. 68. The groups of two consonants will be treated in alphabetical order. It will be seen that bl, rl, sl remained unchanged; ml developed a glide consonant between its two members; pl, tl, βl and yl respectively voiced, assimilated, and vocalized their first element; while cl, gl were fused into l´. For an explanation of this last phenomenon, see § 79. Bl ＞ bl: _nĕbŭla_ ＞ nębla, ✱_oblītāre_ ＞ oblidar, _sabulōnem_ ＞ sablọn.[59] βl ＞ ul: _fabŭla_ ✱_faβla_ ＞ faula, _sibilāre_ ✱_siβlāre_ ＞ siular, _tabŭla_ ✱_taβla_ ＞ taula. Cl ＞ l´: _genŭcŭlum_ ＞ genọlh, _ŏcŭlum_ ＞ ǫlh, _sĭtŭla_ ✱_sĭcla_[60] ＞ sẹlha, _vĕtŭla_ _vĕcla_[60] ＞ vęlha. In learned words we find gl, cl: ✱_e(c)clĕsia_ ＞ glęiza, _joculārem_ ＞ ioglar, _sæcŭlum_ ＞ sęgle sęcle. C´l ＞ il: _gracĭlem_ ＞ graile. Dl ＞ dl, which during the literary period became ll and then l: _mŏdŭlum_ ＞ ✱mǫdle mǫlle. Gl ＞ l´: _rēgŭla_ ＞ rẹlha, ✱_strĭgŭla_ ＞ estrẹlha, _vĭg(ĭ)lat_ ＞ vẹlha. Lẹula ＜ _lĕgŭla_, tẹula ＜ _tēgŭla_ are irregular: cf. _Archivio glottologico italiano_, XIII, 439, 459. Ml ＞ mbl: _sĭmĭlāre_ ＞ semblar, _trĕmŭlat_ ＞ trẹmbla. In _sembrar_ we find an r ＜ l due perhaps to the analogy of membrar ＜ _memorāre_. _In semel_ gives ensẹmble essẹms. Pl ＞ bl: _cōpŭla_ ＞ cọbla, _dŭplum_ ＞ dọble. Learned words have pl: _duplicar_. Rl ＞ rl: _Carŏlus_ ＞ Carles, _hōrolŏgium_ ＞ orlǫi, ✱_paraulare_ ＞ parlar. Sl ＞ sl: _ī(n)sŭla_ ＞ isla. For _ilha_, see § 65, S, 1. Tl ＞ tl, which during the literary period became ll and then l: _rŏtŭlum_ ＞ rǫtle rǫlle, _spathūla_ ＞ espatla espalla espala. In really popular words tl had become cl in Vulgar Latin.[61] Yl ＞ il: _bajŭlus_ ＞ bailes. Cf. § 65, Y, (1). 69. A group of three consonants remained unchanged, except that double consonants became single: _ambulāre_ ＞ amblar, _implēre_ ＞ emplir, _avŭncŭlus_ ＞ avọncles, _cĭrcŭlus_ ＞ cẹrcles, _mascŭlus_ ＞ mascles, ✱_afflammāre ＞ aflamar_, _inflāre_ ＞ enflar, _ŭngŭla_ ＞ ọngla, _emplastrum_ ＞ emplastre. 1. _Selcle_, beside _cercle_, seems to show an assimilation of the r to the l of the next syllable. _Empastre_, beside _emplastre_, has been influenced by _pasta_. _Emblar_ is probably from V. L. ✱_imbolare_ = _involare_. 3. GROUPS ENDING IN R. 70. The groups of two consonants will be treated in alphabetical order. It will be seen that br, gr, lr, nr generally remained unchanged; mr, sr, zr (and sometimes lr, nr) developed a glide consonant; cr, pr voiced, and βr, c´r, dr, tr, yr vocalized their first element. Br ＞ br, also ur, occasionally ir (through ür): _fabrum_ ＞ fabre faure[62], _fĕbrem_ ＞ fębre fęure, _lībra_ ＞ liura; _Octōbrem_ ＞ ochọyre. For brg, see § 80. βr ＞ ur, occasionally ir: _bĭbĕre_ ＞ bęure, débēr’ hábḙo ＞ deβr’áyo ＞ deurái, ✱_rōbŏrem_ ＞ rọure rọire; ✱_mŏvĕre_ (= _mŏvēre_) ＞ mǫure, _plŏvĕre_ ＞ plǫure. Cr ＞ gr: _acrem_ ＞ agre, _lacrĭma_ ＞ lagrema, _lŭcrum_ ＞ lọgre, _macrum_ ＞ magre, _sacrāre_ ＞ sagrar, _sŏcrum_ ＞ sǫgre.[63] In late learned words we find cr: _secret_. C´r ＞ ir: _cŏcĕre_ ＞ cǫire, _dīcĕre_ ＞ dire, _dūcere_ ＞ düire, _facĕre_ ＞ faire. Cf. § 49, (1). Dr ＞ ðr ＞ ir: _divīdĕre_ ＞ devire, _quadrum_ ＞ caire, vídēr’ hábe̯o ＞ veð’r-áyo ＞ veirái. After au, apparently, ð simply disappeared: _claudĕre_ ＞ claure. Late learned words have dr: _quadrupedi_. Gr, in popular words, was reduced to r in Vulgar Latin in parts of the Empire _fra(g)rāre_ ＞ ✱frarar ✱flarar flazar, _intĕ(g)rum_ ＞ entęr entięr, _nĭ(g)rum_ ＞ nęr nięr,[64] _pere(g)rīnum_ ＞ peleri, _pĭ(g)rĭtia_ ＞ perẹza; these forms occur in Gascony, Rouergue, and Limousin, but forms with gr are found in the same region. Elsewhere, in these same words, and everywhere, in more bookish words, gr remained in Vulgar Latin; this gr was kept in most of the Provençal territory, but was changed to ir in Dauphiné, Auvergne, and Languedoc: _fragrāre_ ＞ flairar, _integrāre_ ＞ enteirar, _intĕ́grum_ ＞ entęgre entęir,[65] _nĭgrēscĕre_ ＞ negrezir, _nĭgrum_ ＞ nẹgre nẹir,[65] _peregrīnum_ ＞ pelegri, _pĭgrĭtia_ ＞ pigręza. Purely learned words have gr everywhere: _agricultura_. G´r: see Yr. Lr usually remained unaltered, but in some dialects became ldr[66]: vălēr’ hábe̯o ＞ valrai valdrai, ✱vólēr’ hábe̯o ＞ volrai voldrai. Mr ＞ mbr: _camĕra_ ＞ cambra, _memorāre_ ＞ membrar, _nŭmĕrum_ ＞ nọmbre. Nr usually remained unaltered, but in some dialects became ndr[66] _cĭnĕrem_ ＞ cẹnre cẹndre, _dīe Vĕnĕris_ ＞ divenres divendres, _in-gĕnerāre_ ＞ engenrar, _Henrīcum_ ＞ Enric, _expōnĕre_ ＞ espọnre espọndre, ✱_gĕnĕrem_ (= _gĕnus_) ＞ genre, _gĕnĕrum_ ＞ genre gendre, _honorāre_ ＞ onrar ondrar, _tenēr’ habeo_ ＞ tenrai tendrai, _venīr’ habeo_ ＞ venrai vendrai. Pr ＞ br: _capra_ ＞ cabra, _cŭperāre_ ＞ cobrar, _erĭpĕre_ ＞ erẹbre, _ŏpĕra_ ＞ ǫbra, _pauper_ ＞ paubre, ✱_pĭperāta_ ＞ pebrada, _recĭpĕre_ ＞ recẹbre, _sŭperāre_ ＞ sobrar, _sŭper_ ＞ sọbre. Purely learned words have pr: _caprin_. It is uncertain whether _paupre_ (beside the usual _paubre_) is a Latinism or represents some dialect in which au prevented voicing. Sr ＞ str: ✱_ĕssĕre_ (= _ĕsse_) ＞ ęstre. For ęsser, see § 49, (2). Tr ＞ dr ＞ ðr ＞ ir: _amātor_ ＞ amaire, _fratrem_ ＞ fraire, _latro_ ＞ laire, _mater_ ＞ maire, _ŭtĕrem_ ＞ ọire, _pĕtra_ ＞ pęira, _Pĕtrus_ ＞ Pęires, _petrōnem_ ＞ peirọ, _petrōsus_ ＞ peirọs, _pre(s)by̆tĕrum_ (_Einf._, § 140) ＞ prevẹire, _servītor_ ＞ servire, _vĭtrum_ ＞ vẹire. Learned words have dr and tr: ✱_poenĭtĕre_ ＞ _penedre_ (_penedir_), _impetrāre_ ＞ _impetrar_. Yr ＞ ir: _frīgĕre_ ＞ frire, _lĕgĕre_ ＞ lęyre. Zr ＞ zdr: _mīsĕrunt_ + ✱_mĭssĕrunt_ ＞ ✱mẹzron mẹsdron. 1. _Redebre_ (beside _rezemér_) ＜ _redĭmere_ has apparently been influenced by _recebre_. The Burgundian _sor_ for _sobre_ comes from the prefix _sŭr-_ (_sŭr-rīdēre_, etc.). _Perri_ ＜ ✱_pētrīnum_ is probably French. 71. A group of three consonants nearly always remained unchanged, except that double consonants became single: _ŭmbra_ ＞ ọmbra, _arbŏrem_ ＞ arbre, _sepŭlcrum_ ＞ sepulcre, ✱_canc(e)rōsus_ ＞ cancrọs, ✱_addīrēctum_ ＞ adrẹit, _fŭndĕre_ ＞ fọndre, _ardĕre_ ＞ ardre, ✱_offerīre_ ＞ offrir, ✱_Hungaría_ ＞ Ongria, _rŭmpĕre_ ＞ rọmpre, _apprĕssum_ ＞ apręs, _asprum_ ＞ aspre, _ŭltra_ ＞ ọltra, _intrāre_ ＞ entrar, _mo(n)strāre_ ＞ mostrar, _mĭttĕre_ ＞ mẹtre. Lβr and rg´r, however, regularly became ldr and rdr, and llr became ldr to the same extent as lr (q. v.): _absŏlvĕre_ ＞ absǫldre (_absolvre_ is probably a Latinism), _pŭlvĕrem_ ＞ pọldre; ✱_dē-ēr’ gĕre_ ＞ dẹrdre; _tollĕre_ ＞ tǫlre tǫldre. Rmr became rbr in _marmor_ ＞ marbre (also marme). Prendre often became penre (perhaps to distinguish it from pendre ＜ _pĕndĕre_) through the analogy of genre gendre, etc.; the first r having been lost by dissimilation. 1. The four-consonant group sbtr is reduced to str in _prestre_ ＜ _prĕsby̆ter_. _Prever_ is perhaps a proclitic syncopation of a V. L. ✱_preβiter_. Cf. § 78, 1. 4. GROUPS ENDING IN W. 72. This class includes not only Latin gu̯, qu̯, but all combinations of consonant + u̯, cf. § 40, (2). A w thus evolved seems to have developed like Germanic w (cf. § 56, W): it became gw (assimilating the preceding consonant, unless that consonant was a liquid or a nasal), and then was reduced, before the literary period, to g, cf. § 62, (2). Pw, however, had a quite different history, owing, on the one hand, to the affinity of its two labial elements, and, on the other, to the stability of the voiceless stop, which prevented the assimilation that we find in βw ＞ ww. 1. G. Körting (_Zs._, XXII, 258) would explain through the analogy of the perfects in _-cui_ all other perfect forms which in Provençal have g and c corresponding to Latin _-ui_ etc. ßw ＞ ww ＞ gw ＞ g: _habuĭssem_ ＞ aguẹs, _dēbuit_ ＞ dẹc (§ 63); ✱_co(g)nōvuit_ (cf. Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, II, p. 357) ＞ conọc, ✱_crevuĭstī_ ＞ creguist, ✱_movuĭsset_ ＞ mogues, ✱_plŏvuit_ ＞ plǫc. We seem to have the same combination in Germanic _treuwa_ ＞ tręgua tręga (_treva_ is probably French). 1. The diphthong of _aic_ = _habuī_ is probably not a phonetic development. The first and third persons of the preterit, _aic_ and _ac_ (＜ _habuit_), have been differentiated after the pattern of the present--_ai_ and _a_. Dw ＞ gw ＞ g: ✱_sĕduit_ ＞ sęc. 1. _Vezoa_ ＜ _vĭdua_ must be an early learned word: _veuva_ is perhaps from _veua_ ＜ _veuða_ ＜ _veðua_. Kw ＞ gw ＞ g: _antīqua_ ＞ antiga, _ĕqua_ ＞ ęga, _æquālem_ ＞ egal (_engal_ has received through a mistake in etymology the prefix _en-_ or _e-_ ＜ _in-_), _nŏcuit_ ＞ nǫc, _placuĭstī_ ＞ plaguist, ✱_sĕquĕre_ (= _sĕqui_) ＞ sęgre, ✱_sequīre_ ＞ seguir, _tacuĭssem_ ＞ taguẹs. 1. Several words show a different development: cf. _Ltblt._, XXIV, 335; _Zs._, XXVIII, 381. In _aqua_ (or _acqua_) and _aquĭla_ (or ✱_acquĭla_) the first consonant became, for some reason, a spirant, which later changed to i: aχwa ＞ aiwa ＞ aigua aiga, áχwila ＞ áiwila ＞ áigwila ＞ aigla. So _aiglentina_. These same words show irregularities in other languages. Perhaps the dialect form _eigal_ (Auvergne, Arles) for _egal_ is to be explained in the same way; but the _ei_ here may be analogical. 2. In several words kw was reduced to c (or c´) in Vulgar Latin: _coquĕre_ (+ _cŏcus_) ＞ _cŏcĕre_ ＞ cǫzer, _tŏrquēre_ ✱_tŏrquĕre_ (+ ✱_tŏrco_ ✱_tŏrcunt_) ＞ ✱_tŏrcĕre_ ＞ tǫrser. Cf. § 55, W. Lw ＞ lgw ＞ lg: _caluit_ ＞ calc, ✱_toluĭstī_ ＞ tolguist, _valuĭssem_ ＞ valguẹs, _vŏluĕrunt_ (§ 16, 2) ＞ vǫlgron. Nw, ngw, nkw ＞ ngw ＞ ng: _tĕnuit_ ＞ tẹnc, ✱_venuĭsset_ ＞ venguẹs; _sanguem_ ＞ sanc; _cīnque_ (= _quinque_) ＞ cinc. 1. Tęuns ＜ _tĕnuis_ is probably a learned word; the transposition of u and n may have been due originally to a misreading of the letters. _Ianuer_, _manual_, etc. are learned. _Maneira_ is apparently from a Vulgar Latin ✱_man(u)aria_ from _manuarius_. For _enquerre_ ＜ _inquærĕre_, see § 59. 2. _Exstĭnguĕre_ (+ ✱_exstĭngo_ ✱_exstĭngunt_) ＞ ✱_estĭngĕre_ ＞ estẹnher. Pw ＞ upw ＞ up ＞ ub: _sapuĭsset_ ＞ saubẹs, _recĭpuit_ ＞ recẹup. 1. _Saupes_ apparently belongs to a dialect in which au prevented voicing. Cf. § 65, P, 3. Rw ＞ rgw ＞ rg: _mĕruit_ ＞ męrc. Sw seems to have been reduced early to s in _consuetūdĭnem_ ✱_costūmen_ ＞ costüm (costüma). _Cōnsŭo_ apparently became ✱_cōsio_, whence an infinitive ✱_cōsĕre_ or ✱_cosīre_ (Pr. cǫzer, cosir). Tw ＞ dw ＞ gw ＞ g: _pŏtuit_ ＞ pǫc. 1. _Ba(t)tuo_, _qua(t)tuor_ were reduced to _batto_, ✱_quattor_ in Vulgar Latin: Pr. _bat_, _quatre_. 5. GROUPS ENDING IN Y. 73. This class contains: 1st, combinations of consonant + y ＜ e̯ or i̯, cf. § 40, (2); 2d, consonant + g´ ＞ y (§ 55, G), the g´ having been in some cases always contiguous to the preceding consonant, in others originally separated from it by a vowel; 3d, consonant + g ＞ y, the g representing an original c or g between the last two vowels of a proparoxytone, cf. § 65, G, (3). It does not include dy and gy, which early became y: see § 65, Y. See § 63, (1). The groups will be considered in alphabetical order:-- Bry ＞ bry in _ebriācum_ ＞ ebriac (_iure_ is probably French). βy was early reduced to y in _habeo_ _habeam_ etc. and _dēbeo_ _dēbeam_ etc., partly, no doubt, through the proclitic use of these words, partly under the influence of _audio_ ＞ ✱_auyo_ _audiam_ ＞ ✱_auya_ and _video_ ＞ ✱_veyo_ _vĭdeam_ ＞ ✱_veya_; this y, like any other medial y (§ 65, Y), became džy̆ or remained y: ai (for some reason there seems to have been no form ✱_ach_), aia; dẹi dẹch, dẹia. Aside from these words, βy ＞ udž and uy apparently in the north; elsewhere uy, by, vy--uy prevailing in the west, by and vy in the south and east. When the y became final, it changed to i, which, after a consonant, was syllabic. Ex.: _abbrĕviat_ ＞ abręuia, ✱_aggrĕviat_ ＞ agrẹuia, _allĕviat_ ＞ alęuia, _avĭŏ́lum_ ＞ aviǫl aiǫl, _cavĕa_ ＞ gabia cauia, _labia_ ＞ lavia-s, ✱_leviarius_ ＞ leugięrs, ✱_rabiam_ (= _rabiem_) ＞ rabia rauia,[67] ✱_rabiāre_ ＞ rabiar, _rabiōsus_ ＞ rabiọs rauiọs, _rŭbeum_ ＞ rọg rọi,[68] ✱_sabium_ ＞ savi sabi, _atavia_ ＞ tavia, _vidŭvium_ ＞ vezọig bedọi.[68] In purely learned words, Latin _bi_, _vi_, etc., are kept: _abiurament_, _fluvial_. _Brĕvio_ ＞ bręy: cf. § 65, β, 3. Cc´y: see C´y. Cly ＞ l´: _coclearium_ ＞ cuilhięr. Cty ＞ is: _factiōnem_ ＞ faissọ, _lectiōnem_ ＞ leissọ, _suspectiōnem_ ＞ sospeissọ. In purely learned words we find the spellings _cti_, _cci_, which doubtless indicate ktsy or ksy: _electio_, _accio_. Cf. Ssy. C´y, cc´y, kwy ＞ ts; this ts, when it remained medial, was reduced, before and during the literary period, to s: _bracchia_ ＞ brassa, _bracchium_ ＞ bratz bras (§ 64), _faciam_ ＞ faza fassa, _faciem_ ＞ fatz fas, _glaciem_ ＞ glatz glas[69], _laqueāre_ ＞ lassar, _laqueum_ ＞ latz las, ✱_pĕcia_ ＞ pęssa, _placeam_ ＞ plassa. Learned words have _zi_ and _ci_, doubtless pronounced at first dzi, tsi, later zi, si (cf. A. Horning, _Zs._, XXIV, 545; XXV, 736): _iuzizi iudici, edifici, Grecia_. Cf. Pty. D-g ＞ dž: _jūdĭco_ ＞ iütge, _mĕdĭcum_ ＞ męge, ✱_sĕdĭcum_ ＞ sęie[70]. Dy: see § 55, Y and § 65, Y. Gdy: see § 80, Gd. Gy: see § 55, Y and § 65, Y. Kwy: see Cy. Lc´y ＞ lts ＞ uts ＞ us: _calceāre_ ＞ caussar. Cf. Lty. See § 74, (2). Lg´ apparently became ldz ＞ udz ＞ uz in ✱_fŭlgĕrem_ (= _fŭlgur_) ＞ fọuzer. Ll-g´ ＞ l´ in _cŏllĭgit_ ＞ cuęlh. Cf. Ly. Lly: see Ly. Lny ＞ n´: _balneum_ ＞ banh. Lty ＞ lts >uts ＞ us: ✱_altiāre_ ＞ auçar aussar. Cf. Lc´y. See § 74, (2). Lvy ＞ lby ＞ uby in _salvia_ ＞ saubia (Gascon). Ly, lly ＞ l´: _consĭlium_ ＞ cossẹlh, _fīlium_ ＞ filh, _fīlia_ ＞ filha, _nūllī_ + vowel ＞ nülh. Learned words have _li_: _familiarmens_. _Lili_ _liri_ _lire_ ＜ _līlium_ are doubtless learned; _lis_ is French. Mby ＞ mby, mdž, and ndž; mdž being the usual form in the literary language: _cambiāre_ ＞ camiar caniar cambiar. Mmy ＞ my, mdž, and ndž: _commeātus_ ＞ comiatz coniatz. Mny ＞ n´ in Limousin and in the extreme east and southwest, elsewhere ndž: _somniāre_ ＞ sonhar soniar. _Somni_, beside _suenh_ _songe_, is learned. Mply ＞ mply in _ampliāre_ ＞ ampliar, probably learned. My ＞ my and n´: _sīmia_ ＞ simia, _vindēmia_ ＞ vendẹmia vendanha. Nc´y ＞ nts ＞ ns: ✱_Francia_ ＞ Fransa. Cf. Nty. Nd-g ＞ ndž: ✱_pĕndĭcat_ ＞ penia, _vĭndĭco_ ＞ vẹnie. Similarly _mandūcāre_ ＞ ✱_mandugare_ _manduyare_ _mandyare_ ＞ maniar[71]. Ndy ＞ n´: ✱_Burgŭndia_ ＞ Borgọnha, _verecŭndia_ ＞ vergọnha. N-g ＞ ndž: ✱_excommĭnĭco_ (= _excommūnĭco_) ＞ escomẹnie[71], _mŏnăchum_ ＞ monie. Ng´ ＞ n´ and ndž: _jŭngĕre_ ＞ iọnher iọnger, _ŭngĕre_ ＞ ọnher ọnger, _plangĕre_ ＞ planher planger, _pŭngĕre_ ＞ pọnher pọnger. _Angel_ is probably learned. Ng´y ＞ ndž: _spŏngia_ ＞ esponia. Nny ＞ n´: _stanneum_ ＞ estanh. Nty ＞ nts ＞ us: _cantiōnem_ ＞ cansọ, _comĭn(i)tiāre_ ＞ comensar, _sperantia_ ＞ esperansa. Purely learned words have _nti_: _essentia_. Cf. Nc´y. Ny ＞ n´: _extraneum_ ＞ estranh, _tĕneo_ ＞ tenh, _vĕniat_ ＞ venha. Before or during the literary period final n´ or n´s lost its palatal quality in many dialects: _ingĕnium_ ＞ genh gen. If _estraniar_ comes from _extraneāre_ (and not from ✱_extranicāre_), it must be a word of later adoption; so _estrangier_. In _sotran_ ＜ _subterraneum_ there is probably a change of suffix. Pry probably became regularly bry: _capreŏlum_ ＞ ✱cabriǫl cabirǫl (cabrǫl seems to be a new formation from _cabra_). _Coyre_ ＜? _cŭpreum_ is unexplained. Pty ＞ ts, which, when it remained medial, was reduced, before and during the literary period, to s: ✱_captiāre_ ＞ cassar, ✱_corrŭptiāre_ ＞ corrossar, _nĕptia_ ＞ nęssa, ✱_nŏptias_ (§ 38, 2) ＞ nǫssas. Cf. C´y. Py remained py in the west and a part of the south, and elsewhere became ptš, later tš: _apium_ ＞ ache api, ✱_apprŏpiat_ (＜ _prŏpe_) ＞ aprǫpcha aprǫcha aprǫpia, _sapiam_ ＞ sapcha sacha sapia, _sapiĕntem_ ＞ sachent sapient, _sēpia_ ＞ sẹpia. _Asabentar_ is from sabẹn. _Piion_ ＜ _pipiōnem_ is French. Learned words have _pi_: _copia_; but _mancĭpium_ ＞ _mancip massip_. Rc´y ＞ rts (＞ rs?): _urceŏ́lum_ (_Zs._, XXVI, 668) ＞ orzǫl. Rdy ＞ rdz: ✱_dis-tardiat_ ＞ destarza. Ordi = _hŏrdeum_ is perhaps from the genitive _hŏrdeī_, as in _tres modii hordei_, etc. R-g ＞ rdž: _clĕrĭcus_ ＞ clęries. Rg´ ＞ rdž and rdz (＞ rz): _argĕntum_ ＞ argen, ✱_burgē(n)sis_ ＞ borgẹs borzẹs (also _borgues_, under the influence of _borc_), ✱_dē-ērĭgit_ ＞ dẹrs, ✱_dē-ē(i)gĕre_ ＞ dẹrzer (also _derdre_: § 71), _sŭrgĕre_ ＞ sọrger sọrzer, _sŭrgit_ ＞ sọrtz. Rny ＞ rn´: ✱_Arvĕrnium_ ＞ Alvęrnhe. Rr-g ＞ rdž: ✱_carrĭcat_ ＞ caria. Rry ＞ ir: _porrum_ ＞ ✱_porreum_ ＞ poyre; but ✱_horrearium_? ＞ orgięr (cf. Körting). Rt-g ＞ rdž and rts (＞ rs): ✱_excŏrtĭcat_ ＞ escǫria escǫrsa. Rty ＞ rts ＞ rs ✱_fortiāre_ ＞ forsar, _tĕrtium_ ＞ tęrz tęrs. _Convercio_ is learned. Rvy ＞ rvy rby: ✱_cĕrvia_ ＞ cervia cerbia. Ry ＞ r´, which developed into ir when it remained medial, but became r at the end of a word[72]: ✱_exclariāre_ ＞ esclairar, ✱_donatōria_ ＞ donadọira, ✱_fĕria_ ＞ fęira fięira, _fĕriat_ ＞ fęira, _matĕria_ ＞ madęira, ✱_mŏriat_ ＞ mǫira, _primaria_ ＞ premęira premięira (§ 23, 1), ✱_punitōria_ ＞ punidọira, _varia_ ＞ vaira, _variāre_ ＞ vairar; ✱_a(u)gūrium_ ＞ aür, _cŏrium_ ＞ cuęr, ✱_donatōrium_ ＞ donadọr, _impĕrium_ ＞ empięr, _mĭnistĕrium_ ＞ mestięr, ✱_mŏrio_ ＞ mǫr muęr, _monastĕrium_ ＞ mostięr (§ 45, 3), _primarius_ ＞ premięrs, ✱_punitōrius_ ＞ punidọrs. If the ry is preceded by au, it apparently remains unchanged: _Auriācum_ ＞ Auriac (_Zs._, XXVII, 559). Learned words have _ri_: _bori_ ＜ _ebŏreum_, _contrari_. 1. Adjectives in _-er_ (_-ier_) and _-or_, coming from _-arium_ and _-ōrium_, regularly have feminines in _-eira_ (_-ieira_) and _-oira_. By the analogy of the masculine, there is a feminine in _-era_ in parts of the west; by the analogy of the feminine, there is a masculine in _-eir_ in Auvergne. The i of _vair_ probably comes from the feminine _vaira_ and from the verb _vairar_. The noun _feira_ sometimes becomes _fiera_ like a feminine adjective. Sc´y: see Ssy. Ssy, sc´y, sty ＞ s´, which in most of the territory became is, but in the west and the extreme east developed into i(t)š and (t)š: ✱_bassiāre_ ＞ baissar baichar bachar, ✱_angŭstia_ ＞ engọissa, ✱_ingrŏssiat_ ＞ engruęissa, _fascia_ ＞ faissa, ✱_grassiāre_ ＞ graissar, _pŏstea_ ＞ puęissas pueih püch, _ūstium_ ＞ üis. Sty: see Ssy. Sy ＞ z´, which in most of the territory became iz, but in parts of the northeast, north, and west developed into i(d)ž and (d)ž, and in some scattered dialects gave y and z: _basium_ ＞ bais bai (§ 63), _basiare_ ＞ baisar baiiar baiar bayar basar, _quasi_ + vowel ＞ cais quaish, _camisia_ (cf. _Archiv für lateinische Lexikographie_, XII, 265) ＞ camiza, _cerĕsea_ (_Einf._, § 103) ＞ ciręiza cirięiia cerięya cerięza, _ma(n)siōnem_ ＞ maisọn maiiọn maiọn mayọ, _occasiōnem_ ＞ ochaizọ, _pre(hen)siōnem_ ＞ preisọ (cf. enpreyọna, ‘imprisons’), _quĭd se_ + vowel ＞ quẹis, Ger. _sazjan_ ＞ saisir, _to(n)siōnem_ ＞ toisọ. T-g ＞ dž: ✱_coratĭcum_ ＞ corage, ✱_paratĭcum_ ＞ parage, _viaticum_ ＞ viatie. For _messatgue_, etc., see § 65, (3). Try apparently became ir: _atrium_? ＞ aire, _arbĭtrium_ ＞ albire. Tty ＞ ts ＞ s: ✱_plattĕa_ ＞ plassa. Ty ＞ apparently t´ ＞ d´ ＞ generally d´z´,[73] which in most of the west and north became dz, but in the south and east developed into idz; dz and idz, when they remained medial, were reduced, before and during the literary period, to z and iz: ✱_altĭtia_ ＞ altẹza, ✱_bellĭtia_ ＞ belẹza, _malĭtia_ ＞ malẹza, _pigrĭtia_ ＞ perẹza, ✱_prĕtiat_ ＞ pręza, ✱_rikĭtia_ ＞ riquẹza; _palatium_ ＞ palatz palaitz palais (§ 64), _pŭteum_ ＞ pọtz püis, _prĕtium_ ＞ prętz pręs, _solatium_ ＞ solatz solas; _potiōnem_ ＞ pozọn poizọn, ✱_pretiāre_ ＞ prezar, _ratiōnem_ ＞ razọ raizọn, _s(t)atiōnem_ ＞ sazọ saizọn. The forms without i prevail in the literary language, and in words in which the dz comes after the accent (especially in the ending -ẹza) they seem to have encroached largely upon the ground of the others.[74] According to some philologists, the development of ty differed according to its position before or after the accent: for a brief bibliography of the discussion, see _Zs._, XXVII, 689. In learned words we find _zi_, _ci_, _çi_, _ti_: _estimatio_, _iustizia_ _-icia_ _-ecia_ _-eçia_, _natio_ _nacio_, _negoci_, _servizi_ _-ici_ (cf. A. Horning, Zs., XXIV, 545, XXV, 736, XXXI, 200). 1. _Palai_ (beside _palatz_ _-aitz_ _-ais_) may have been made from _palais_ (used by Bertran de Born and in _Flamenca_) by dropping the s which was regarded as an inflectional ending. It was perhaps influenced by such words as _bais_ _bai_: cf. Sy. A clerical Latin ✱_palasium_, however, would account, not only for _palai_ _palais_, but also for French _palais_ and for Italian _palagio_. 2. Modern _poijon_ (Alps) and _rajo_ (Limousin) have perhaps followed the analogy of such words as _maison_ _maijon_ _majon_: cf. Sy. 3. _Escoisson_ ＜ _excŭtiunt_ seems to follow ✱_escois_ ＜ _excŭtio_. It was perhaps influenced by _conoisson_ ＜ _co(g)nōscunt_. 4. Some of the modern western dialects have d in _radon_, _sadon_, etc. = _razo_, _sazo_, etc. 6. GROUPS BEGINNING WITH L, M, N, R, OR S. 74. (1) Of the groups beginning with l (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following remained unchanged (except that c before a became tš in the north and northwest).-- lb, lc (and llc), lg (llg), lm, lp, lv: _alba_ ＞ alba; _calcāre_ ＞ calcar, _collocāre_ ✱_colcāre_ ＞ colcar (-char); _collocare_ ✱_collogare_ ✱_colgare_ ＞ colgar; _hëlm_ ＞ ęlm, _ŭlmum_ ＞ ọlm; _cŏlăphum_ ✱_cŏlpum_ ＞ cǫlp (κόλπος ＞ gọlfe is unexplained); _calvum_ ＞ _calv_ (= calf?), _salvāre_ ＞ salvar. Ld, ls (lls), lt (llt) were regularly unchanged except for the vocalization of the l: see below. Lc´ (llc´) became lts, and then the l was vocalized: see below. Lc´p became lp in _calce pīsāre_ ＞ calpisar. Lg´, llg´, have been treated in § 73. Lvs, lvt became ls, lt, and then the l was vocalized: see below. (2) L became u before the dental consonants d, s, t in most of the dialects. The vocalization seems to have begun in the 8th century and to have progressed through the literary period and later. It is difficult to trace it, as _l_ long continued to be written for u. In modern Provençal, ls remains in Languedoc, lt in Rouergue. _Auça_ occurs in the _Boeci_. The l was probably first retracted, to differentiate it from the following dental; and then this velar l was opened into u. Ex.: _cal(ĭ)daria_ ＞ caudiera, _cal(ĭ)dum_ ＞ caut, _sŏl(ĭ)dum_ ＞ sǫlt sǫut; _falsum_ ＞ fals faus, _malos_ ＞ mals maus, _valles_ ＞ vals vaus; ✱_fallĭta_ ＞ fauta, _mŭltum_ ＞ mọlt mọut, ✱_tŏllĭtum_ ＞ tǫlt tǫut; _dŭlcem_ ＞ dọlz dọutz dọus, _pŏllĭcem_ ＞ pǫutz, _salĭcem_ ＞ sautz; _calvus_ ＞ ✱cals caus, ✱_vŏlvĭta_ ＞ vǫlta vǫuta. So ✱_altiat_ ＞ auça aussa, ✱_calceare_ ＞ cauçar caussar: cf. § 73, Lc´y, Lty. In dọs (= dọus) and mọt (= mọut) the ọ seems to have absorbed the u. Cf. § 65, L. 1. The final t of _molt_ seems to have been lost sometimes before a consonant: hence _mul_, which, influenced by _man_, ‘many’, became _mon_. 2. _Altretal_ (also _autretal_) became _atretal_ by dissimilation; hence we have also _atressi_ for _altressi_ (_autressi_). _Aital_, _aitan_ seem to be made up of _tal_, _tan_ with the first syllable of _aissi_ (＜ _ac sīc_), regarded as a prefix meaning ‘just’. 3. _Pallĭdus_ ＞ _palles_ (through the feminine ✱_páleza_). 4. _Fouzer_ is from _fŭlger_ or ✱_fŭlgerem_ = _fŭlgur_. 75. Of the groups beginning with m (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following usually remained unchanged--mb, md, mf, mp, ms, mt: _gamba_ ＞ gamba (if _bobansa_ is from βόμβος, it is irregular); ✱_semitarium_ ✱_semidarium_ ＞ semdięr; _triumphāre_ ＞ triomfar; _lampas_ ✱_lampa_ ＞ lampa; ✱_camisīle_? ＞ camsil (dialectically cansil; so Samson, Sanso); _cŏmĭtem_ ＞ comte (dialectically conte). For mbd in _ambo dŭos_ see § 111, 2. Mn in the literary language generally remained unchanged (often spelled _mpn_), but in some dialects it was assimilated into nn, which was locally simplified into n: _dŏmĭna_ _dŏmna_ ＞ dompna domna donna dona, _damnāre_ ＞ dampnar damnar dannar danar, _fēmĭna_ ✱_fēmna_ ＞ fẹmna fẹnna (_feme_ is from _fémena_ ＜ _fēmĭna_),[75] _hŏmĭnem_ ✱_hŏmnem_ ＞ omne (_ome_ is from ✱_ómene_ ＜ _hŏmĭnem_).[75] When final, it regularly became n, occasionally m: _damnum_ ＞ dan, _somnum_ ＞ son som.[76] Mnc´ ＞ ndz nz in ✱_domnicĭlla_ ＞ donzẹla. Mpt mt ＞ mt, dialectically nt: _computāre_ ＞ comtar contar, _temptāre_ ＞ temptar tentar; _domitāre_ ＞ domptar.[77] 76. (1) Of the groups beginning with n (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following generally remained unchanged (except that c, g before a became tš, dž in the north and northeast)--nc, nd, ng, nm, nt: _hanka_ ＞ anca, _blank-_ ＞ blanc (-ca -cha), _franko_ ＞ franc (-ca -cha); _mandāre_ ＞ mandar, _ŭnda_ ＞ ọnda; _lŏngum_ ＞ lonc (-ga -ia), _plango_ ＞ planc, _rĭng_ ＞ rẹnc; _anĭma_ ＞ anma (also, by dissimilation, arma); _sentīre_ ＞ sentir. For _final_ nd, nt, see (2) below. Nc´ ＞ nts ns: ✱_francē(n)sis_ ＞ francẹs, _mancĭpium_ ＞ mansip (also massip: cf. ns below), _vĭncere_ ＞ vẹncer vẹnser. Nct became in different dialects n´ int nt ntš: _jŭnctum_ ＞ iọnh ioint iọnt iọnch, _ŭnctūra_ ＞ onchüra, ✱_pĭnctūra_ ＞ peintüra penchüra, _planctum_ ＞ planh planch, _sanctum_ ＞ sanh saint sant. Ndc´ became, in different dialects, ndz (later nz), nts, ndž: _quīndĕcim_ ＞ quinze quintze quinge. Ndt ＞ nd nt: ✱_rendĭta_ ＞ renda renta. Nf remained in some dialects, while in others it became ff, then f: _confŭndit_ ＞ confọn cofọn, _infantem_ ＞ enfant effant efant, _infĕrnum_ ＞ enfęrn efęrn. Ng ＞ ng: _mŏnăchum_ ✱_mon’gu_ ＞ mongue (_manĭcum_ ＞ margue by dissimilation). Ns, in learned words and new formations (see § 55, N), remained in most dialects, while in others (especially those of the centre) it became ss, then s; _consĭlium_ ＞ consẹlh cossẹlh, _in sĭml_ ＞ ensẹm essẹm, ✱_insignāre_ ＞ ensenhar essenhar, _pensāre_ ＞ pensar pessar, _sensus_ ＞ sens; for _final_ ns, see § 63, (5). Ntc´ ＞ nts ns in _pantĭcem_ ＞ pansa. Nv remained in some dialects, while in others it became vv, then v: _convenīre_ ＞ convenir covenir. Ndc, ndg, n-g, ng´ have been treated under § 73. (2) Final nd remained as nt in the eastern and central part of the territory, became n in the west and a part of Limousin, and disappeared altogether in a part of Languedoc and Gascony: _amando_ ＞ aman, _descĕndit_ ＞ deissẹn, _grandem_ ＞ grant gran gra, _mŭndum_ ＞ mọnt mọn, _vēndit_ ＞ vẹnt bẹn, _profŭndum_ ＞ preọn, _quando_ ＞ quant quan. Final nt remained in most of the territory, but in a part of Languedoc and Gascony became n or disappeared: _fŏntem_ ＞ font fon fo, _mŏntem_ ＞ mont mon, _quantum_ ＞ quant quan, _vĕntum_ ＞ vent bent be. For _efanh_, _parenh_, _monh_ ＜ _mŭndi_, etc., see § 51, 1. 77. Of the groups beginning with r (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following remained unchanged (except that c, g before a became tš, dž in the north and northeast)--rb, rc, rd, rf, rg, rm, rn, rp, rs, rt, rv: _barba_ ＞ barba, _cŏrbum_ ＞ corp; _barca_ ＞ barca, _cĭrcāre_ ＞ cercar, _clĕrĭcum_ ✱_clĕrcum_ ＞ clęrc, _fŭrca_ ＞ fọrca fọrcha, _mercātum_ ＞ mercat; _ardĕntem_ ＞ arden, ✱_perdūtum_ ＞ perdüt, _vĭr(ĭ)dem_ ＞ vẹrt; _ŏrphănum_ ＞ ǫrfe; ✱_carricāre_ ✱_carrigāre_ ✱_cargāre_ ＞ cargar cariar, _largum_ ＞ larc (-ga -ia), _sērĭca_ ✱_sēr’ga_ ＞ sẹrga; _ĕ́rēmum_ ＞ ęrm, _fōrma_ ＞ fọrma; _hibĕrnum_ ＞ ivęrn, _tabĕrna_ ＞ tavęrna, _tornāre_ ＞ tornar; _wërpan_ ＞ guerpir; _arsum_ ＞ ars, _cŭrsum_ ＞ cọrs (for _vĕrsus_ ＞ vęs, see § 55, R); _artem_ ＞ art, _fŏrtem_ ＞ fǫrt; _servīre_ ＞ servir. For _final_ rn, rs, see § 63, (5); § 65, R. Rc´> rts rs: _parcĕre_ ＞ parcer, _parcit_ ＞ partz, ✱_tŏrcĕre_ ＞ tǫrser. Rdc´ became, in different dialects, rdz (later rz), rts, rdž: _quatuŏrdĕcim_ ✱_quattōrdĕcim_ ＞ quatọrze quatọrtze quatọrge. Rdg before a ＞ rg, rdž: _vĭridicantem_ ✱_vĭrdigantem_ ＞ verguan verian. Rdt ＞ rd: _perdĭta_ ＞ pęrda. Rps ＞ rs: ✱_escarpsus_ (= _excerptus_) ＞ escars. Rtm ＞ rtm or rm: _fŏrti mĕnte_ ＞ fortmen formen. For rg´ see § 73. 78. Of the groups beginning with s (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following usually remained unchanged through the literary period (except that c before a became tš in the north and northeast)--sc, sm (ssm), sn, sp, st: ✱_bŭscum_ (? = _bŭxum_)? ＞ bọsc, ✱_lŭscum_ ＞ lọsc, _pascha_ ＞ pasca pascha, _pĕrsĭca_ _pĕssĭca_ ✱_pĕsca_ ＞ pęsca, _piscātor_ ＞ pescaire, _piscarium_ ＞ pesquier peschier, _þrëscan_ ✱_trescāre_ ＞ trescar; _ex-mĭttĕre_ ✱_esmĭttĕre_ (§ 55, X) ＞ esmẹtre, _pĕssĭmus_ ＞ pęsmes; _eleemŏsy̆na_ ＞ almǫsna, _asĭnum_ ＞ asne; _expōnĕre_ ✱_espōnĕre_ ＞ espọnre, _gaspildjan_? ＞ guespilhar; _præpŏsĭtum_ ＞ prebǫst, _trīstem_ ＞ trist. For _final_ scs, sts, see 2 below. Sc´ became, in most of the territory, is; in parts of the north and northeast, s; in the west and the extreme east, i(t)š and (t)š (cf. § 73, Ssy): _co(g)nōscĕre_ ＞ conọisser, _crēscĕre_ ＞ crẹisser, _ex-cĕrnĕre_ ✱_escĕrnīre_ ＞ eissernir, ✱_ex-cerebellāre_ ✱_es-_ ＞ esservelar, _fascem_ ＞ fais, _nascĕre_ ＞ naisser nasser naicher nacher, _pĭscem_ ＞ pẹis pẹich pẹch. Scb became sb in _epĭscŏpus_ ✱_ebíscobus_ ＞ bisbes (also bispes and ebesques). Spm became sm in _blasphemāre_ ＞ blasmar. Spt ＞ st: _hŏspĭtem_ ＞ ǫste (also ǫsde). Stg became sg and sdž in _domesticāre_ ✱_-gāre_ ＞ domesgar domesiar. Stm became sm in _asthma_ ＞ asma. For the later history of the s in all these groups, see § 65, S, 1. 1. _Prĕsby̆ter_ became regularly pręstre: § 71, 1. But beside _prĕsby̆ter_ there existed in Vulgar Latin _prebĭter_ (_Einf._, § 140), the syllable _pres-_ being replaced by the Latin prefx _præ-_ or _pre-_, through the analogy of such words as _præbĭtor_, _præposĭtus_. From the accusative _prebĭtĕrum_ we have regularly prevẹire. Pręire is a cross between pręstre and prevẹire. 2. Final sts, in nearly all the territory, was reduced to ts: _finïstis_ ＞ finitz, _hŏstis_ ＞ ǫz (accusative ǫst), _trīstes_ ＞ tritz (sg. trist); but sts was kept in ẹstz ＜ _ĭstos_ and in its derivative aquẹstz. Similarly final scs was generally reduced to cs: ✱_bŭscus_? ＞ (bǫcs) bǫcs (accusative bǫsc), _quĭsquis_ ＞ quẹcs. 3. _Conois_ etc. ＜ _co(g)nōsco_ etc. (beside _conosc_ etc.) are doubtless due to the second and third persons (_conoisses_ _conois_ etc.). Some of the modern eastern dialects have _-isso_ corresponding to _-sca_ (_freisso_ etc.): this seems to indicate an old metathesis of sc in that region. 7. MISCELLANEOUS GROUPS. 79. Of the groups not yet discussed, the most important are ct, gd, gn, ks, which show palatalization. It is now generally assumed that the Celts, who had turned their native ct into χt, pronounced Latin ct in the same way when they learned Latin (Meyer-Lübke, _Einf._, § 186), and likewise substituted χs for ks (Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, I, § 650), and probably χd, χn for gd, gn. The χ was attracted into a palatal spirant by the following dental, and the dental itself was then palatalized. Most philologists explain the development of cl, gl into l´ (cf. § 68) in a similar way. Inasmuch as Indo-European pt had also been changed to χt in Celtic, it is not unlikely that the Celts substituted χt, χs for Latin pt, ps in a few words; the χ replacing p may sometimes have been rounded. 1. To account for palatalization in the non-Celtic parts of southern Gaul, we may assume either that the spirant pronunciation spread from the Celtic to the other regions, or that in the latter the palatalization came about simply through the mutual attraction of the guttural and the dental. 80. The groups will now be discussed in alphabetical order:-- Bc ＞ (✱pc), ptš (before a): ✱_reprŏb(ĭ)cat_ ＞ reprǫpcha. Brg ＞ rg or urg in _fabrĭca_ ✱_fabrĭga_ ＞ farga faurga. Cf. § 70, Br. Bs ＞ bs in the learned words _absens_, _absensa_. Bsc ＞ sc: _obscūrus_ ＞ escürs. Bst ＞ st: _sŭbstat_ ＞ sọsta. Bt ＞ bt, t: _subtīlem_ ＞ sobtil sotil. See also βt below. Bts ＞ ts: _sŭbtus_ ＞ sọtz. βc ＞ uc: ✱_avĭca_ ✱_aβca_ ＞ auca. βc´ ＞ udz or uts, later uz, us: _avicĕllum_ ✱_aβcĕllu_ ＞ auzęl aucęl. Cf. § 65, C´, 1. βd ＞ ud, in the west bd: _dēbĭtum_ ✱_dēβĭdu_ ✱_deβdu_ ＞ dẹude, _mal’habĭtum_ ✱_malaβĭdu_ ✱_malaβdu_ ＞ malaude; _cīvitātem_ ✱_cīβidāde_ ✱_ciβdad_ ＞ cibdat. Cf. βt below. βt ＞ ut, in the west pt: _dēbĭtum_ ✱_dēβtu_ ＞ dẹute dẹpte, _dŭbĭto_ ✱_dŭβto_ ＞ dọute dọpte, _mal’habĭtum_ ✱_malaβtu_ ＞ malaute malapte; _cīvitātem_ ✱_cīβtate_ ＞ ciutat (later cieutat: § 44, 2) ciptat, ✱_mŏvĭta_ ✱_mŏβta_ ＞ mǫuta, ✱_remōvĭtum_? ＞ remọute (_Girart_). _Depte_, _malapte_ are not confined to the west (modern Limousin _dete_, Dauphiné _malate_); they come also from Latin _dēb’tum_, _mal’hab’tum_: cf. § 47, (3). Cc´ ＞ its ＞ is; in the west and the extreme east itš or tš: _ecc’hīc_ ＞ eici eissi eichi achi. Cm ＞ cm, m: ✱_Jácomus_ ＞ Iacmes Iames (also, perhaps borrowed, Iaimes, Iaumes). C´m ＞ im or sm: _dĕcĭmum_ ＞ dęime dęsme, _facĭmu(s)_ ＞ faim. Cf. § 52, (4). Ct ＞ tš in most of the territory; but in the north and northeast, and in the southwest, it became, as in French, it: _coctāre_ ＞ cochar coitar, _dīctum_ ＞ dig dit, _factum_ ＞ fag fait, _lacte_ ＞ lag lait, _lĕctum_ ＞ lięg lęit, _lūcta_ ＞ lücha, _nŏctem_ ＞ nuęg nuęit, _pactum-a_ ＞ pacha, _pĕctus_ ＞ pięg pęitz, _ŏcto_ ＞ uęich[78] uęit. The ct of _(e-)jectāre_ ＞ getar does not show popular treatment; the word is similarly irregular in most of the other languages. C´t seems to give the same results as ct, namely tš and it: _dīcĭtis_ ＞ ditz, ✱_explĭcitāre_ ＞ esplechar espleitar, _facĭtis_ ＞ faitz, _placĭtum_ ＞ plach plait, (hence _plaieiamen_, _plaideiar_), ✱_vŏcĭtum_ (= _vacuum_) ＞ vuęch vǫig[79] vǫh (hence _voiar_; _voidar_ would appear to presuppose a form ✱vǫit). DC, dg: see § 73, D-g. DC´, in the greater part of the territory, became dz, later z; but in Auvergne and some western dialects it became ts, and in parts of the southeast and southwest it gave dž: _duŏdĕcim_ ✱_dōdĕcim_ ＞ dọze dọtze dọge, _jūdĭcem_ ＞ iütge, _radicīna_ ＞ razina, _sēdĕcim_ ＞ sẹze sẹtze sẹtge. _Iütge_ may have been influenced by iütiar. Dn developed peculiarly in _consuetūdĭnem_ ✱_costūmen_ ＞ costüm, _incūdĭnem_ ✱_inclūd-_? ＞ enclütge. Gd ＞ dž and id, corresponding to the tš and it from ct: ✱_frĭgdum_ (= _frīgdum_) ＞ frẹg frẹit (fem. frẹia frẹida).[80] The irregularity in _amy̆gdăla_ ＞ amandola goes back to Vulgar Latin. _Frezir_ _freizir_ is perhaps from ✱_fre(i)zar_ (cf. Italian _frizzare_) ＜ ✱_frigdiare_. G’d: see Yd. Gm ＞ m: _pigmĕntum_ ＞ pimen. _Fragment_ is learned. Greek γμ became um: _phlĕgma_ ＞ flęuma, _sagma_ ＞ sauma. Gn ＞ n´: _agnĕllum_ ＞ anhęl, _pŭgnum_ ＞ pọnh. According to the rhymes, final n´ would seem to have become n in many dialects. _Stagnum_ ＞ estanc, _rēgnum_ ＞ rẹnc (also _reing_) show an early metathesis. When _gnōsco_ lost its _g_, _cognōsco_ became ✱_conōsco_ in popular Latin. Gnd ＞ n´d, later, in different dialects, ind, n´d, nd, ndž: _cŏgnĭtum_ ✱_cŏn´ĭdu_ ＞ ✱cǫnhede ✱cǫnhde, then cǫinde, cuęnde, cǫnge. Cf. Gnt below. See § 47, 1. Gnt ＞ n´t, later, in different dialects, int, n´t, nt: _cŏgnĭtum_ ＞ ✱_cŏn´ĭtu_ ＞ ✱cǫnhete (the t being due to clerical influence) ＞ cǫinte cǫnte; _dĭgnitātem_ ✱_dĭn´tāte_ ＞ denhtat. Cf. Gnd above. Ks ＞ is, in most of the territory; in Auvergne and in the extreme east it became itš or tš: _ac sīc_ ＞ aissi, _exāmen_ ＞ eissam eicham echam, _exĭlium_ ＞ eissilh, _exīre_ ＞ eissir eichir ichir, ✱_exorbāre_ ＞ eissorbar, _laxat_ ＞ laissa, _uxōrem_ ＞ oissọr, _tŏxĭcum_ ＞ tuęissec. In _essaiar_, _essemple_, _essilh_, the prefix became es- through the analogy of ex- before consonants: cf. § 55, X. Ksc ＞ sc; before a, in the north and northeast, stš: ✱_laxicāre_ ＞ laschar, _toxicāre_ ＞ toscar. Ksm ＞ s´m, later sm: _prŏxĭmum_ ＞ prǫsme pruęsme. For the later history of the s (pruęime), see § 65, S, 1. Kss ＞ is: ✱_exsanguinātum_ ＞ eissancnat, ✱_exsūcāre_ ＞ eissügar (_essugar_ presupposes a Vulgar Latin es-: see § 55, X). Pf ＞ f: _sapphīrum_ ＞ safir. Ppc ＞ (✱pc), ptš (before a): ✱_cloppicāre_ ＞ clopchar. Ps, in some dialects, remained unaltered; but in most of the territory it changed (through χs: § 79) to is, iš, š, s, and us; iš and š belonging especially to the west, us to the east: _capsa_ ＞ capsa caissa caisha casha, _ĭpse_ ＞ ẹps ẹis, _ĭpsa mĕnte_ ＞ epsament eissamen ichamens, _met-ĭpse_ ＞ medẹis mezẹish medẹs mezẹus, _ne-ĭpse_ ＞ neẹps nẹis nẹus. The ps forms seem to have been crowded out by the others, especially by those with is. Pt ＞ pt, later t (except in parts of Languedoc and Gascony); in a few words, ut, it: ✱_accaptāre_ (or ✱_accapitāre_?) ＞ acaptar achatar, _aptum_ ＞ apte, _adaptāre_ ＞ azautar (hence _azaut_) through ✱aðaχtāre (§ 79), _baptizāre_ ＞ baptegar (_g_ = dž) bateiar, _capitāle_ ＞ captal catal chatal, _captīvum_ ＞ captiu catiu and more commonly caitiu chaitiu (through ✱caχtīβu: § 79), _rŭpta_ ＞ rọta, _septimāna_ ＞ septmana setmana, _sĕptem_ ＞ sęt. _Escrich_ _escrit_ (= _scrīptum_) are based on _dich_ _dit_. Td ＞ t (through V. L. tt): _nĭtĭdum_ ＞ nẹt, _pūtĭdum_ ＞ püt. Cf. § 47, (1). Tm: _marĭtĭma_ ＞ marẹdma. Tn: if _renha_, ‘rein’, is connected with _rĕtĭne_ (see Körting), it must have been influenced by _renhar_ ＜ _regnāre_. Ts: _et sīc_, under the influence of _ac sīc_, became ✱_ec sīc_ ＞ eissi eichi ichi. Yd ＞ dž and id: _cōgĭto_ ✱_cōyĭdo_ ＞ cüg cüit, _cōgitāre_ ✱_cōyidare_ ＞ cüiar cüidar, _rĭgĭdum_ ✱_rĭyĭdu_ ＞ rẹide (§ 50, 1). _Rede_ and the feminine _reza_ are peculiar. Cf. § 49, (1). FINAL CONSONANTS. 81. The only single consonants that occur in Latin at the end of a word are b, c, d, l, m, n, r, s, t. The only groups (in words preserved) are ks, nt, st. SINGLE FINAL CONSONANTS. 82. D, n, r, t at the end of proclitics (_ad_, _in_, _per_, _et_) are really medial consonants and must be distinguished from final n, r, t in independent words (_nōmen_, _frater_, _amat_); final d occurs only in proclitics. The consonants will be treated in alphabetical order:-- B appears as b in Iacǫb, p in Iǫp, both learned. C apparently fell after all vowels in some dialects; in others it fell only after back vowels, and became i after a and front vowels: _eccu’hŏc_ (§ 55, W) ＞ acǫ (§ 43, 2), _ecce hŏc_ ＞ aissǫ çǫ sǫ, _hŏc_ ＞ ǫ meaning ‘it’ (while ǫc, ‘yes’ probably comes from ✱_hocque_: cf. A. Thomas in _Rom._, XXXVII, 322); _fac_ ＞ fai, _illác_ (§ 16, 4) ＞ lai la, _ecce hac_ ＞ sai sa; _dīc_ ＞ di, _ecce hīc_ ＞ eici, _sīc_ ＞ si. Düi ＜ _dūc_ may perhaps be explained as due to the analogy of _düire_ and of _fai_. Cf. § 63, (6). D in _apud_ fell early: see § 65, P, 2. In the proclitics _ad_, _quĭd_, the d disappeared before a consonant, and before a vowel became in most dialects ð ＞ z (cf. § 65, D): a, quẹ; að az, quẹð quẹz. L fell in _in sĭmul_ ＞ essẹm. It remained in the learned Abęl, tribunal. It is believed by some that _sivals_, ‘at least’, comes from _sī vel_. M fell in Vulgar Latin at the end of a word of more than one syllable (§ 55, M): _crēdam_ _crēda_ ＞ crẹza, _dōnum_ _dōnu_ ＞ dọn, _fŏrtem_ _fŏrte_ ＞ fǫrt; _Adam_ is learned. At the end of an independent monosyllable, it fell in some dialects and in others became n (cf. § 65, N): _jam_ ＞ ia, _rĕm_ ＞ rẹ rẹn (Marcabru uses rẹy for the rhyme), _sŭm_ (verb) ＞ sọ sọn. At the end of proclitics, m was probably kept at first before vowels and labials, while it became n before dentals, ŋ before gutturals, and disappeared before spirants; but the n forms (helped by the analogy of _en_, _non_) and those without a final consonant replaced m before vowels and partly before labials, and probably took the place of ŋ before gutturals; we find, then, sometimes m before labials, but either no consonant or n before all other sounds: _quĕm_ ＞ que, _sŭm_ (verb) ＞ sọ sọn, _sŭm_ (= _sŭum_) ＞ sọ sọn sọm, ✱_tŭm_ (= _tŭum_) ＞ tọ tọn tọm. N fell in Vulgar Latin at the end of a word of more than one syllable (§ 55, M): _nōmen_ _nōme_ ＞ nọm. At the end of proclitics we generally find n before a vowel, a form without n before spirants, both forms before other consonants, but often m before a labial: _ĭn_ ＞ en (_en amar_, _en cant_), e (_e Fransa_, _e ls_), em (_em breu_); _nōn_ ＞ non (_non es_, _non ges_), no (_no falh_, _no tol_), nom (_nom plagues_). R remained: _amātor_ ＞ amaire, _cŏr_ ＞ cǫr, _marmor_ ＞ marbre (_marme_ shows dissimilation), _sŏror_ ＞ sǫrre (_sor_ through proclitic use). So in proclitics: _per_ ＞ per, _sŭper_ ＞ sọbre. 1. A Provençal final r began to fall in the west and south in the 14th century: cf. § 65, R, 1. S remained: _amīcus_ ＞ amics, _cŏrpus_ ＞ cǫrs, _facias_ ＞ fassas, _fŏrtes_ ＞ fǫrtz, _ŏpĕras_ ＞ ǫbras, _sŭbtus_ ＞ sọtz. Between a palatal, or an n that did not fall, and an s, a t developed in some dialects: _annos_ ＞ anz, _fīlios_ ＞ filz; cf. § 63, (1), (8). 1. Final s began to fall or to become i in many dialects as early as the 14th century: cf. § 65, S, 1. In _mai_, beside _mais_, the fall was earlier. 2. Final ts ＞ t, in the second person plural of verbs, in parts of Limousin and Dauphiné: _habētis_ ＞ avęt. Cf. § 64. In all first person plural forms (except esmes) final s fell very early: _amāmus_ _amāmu’_ ＞ amám. Cf. § 167. 3. Through the influence of such common adverbs as _entz_ ＜ _ĭntus_, _fors_ ＜ _fŏris_, _ios_ ＜ _deōrsum_, _mais_ ＜ _magis_, _mens_ ＜ _mĭnus_, _nemps_ ＜ _nĭmis_, _plus_ ＜ _plūs_, _sotz_ ＜ _sŭbtus_, _sus_ ＜ _sūrsum_, s, coming to be regarded as an adverbial ending, was often added to the suffix _-men_ (_belamens_), to many other adverbs, as _ensem-s_, _era-s_, _onca-s_, _poissa-s_, and to some prepositions, as _sen-s_ (cf. _tras_, _vers_, etc.). By the analogy of such double forms, we have _for_, _men_ beside _fors_, _mens_. 4. _Magis_, used as a proclitic, probably became in Vulgar Latin ✱_mais_ and ✱_mas_, whence Provençal _mais_ and _mas_. For _mai_, see 1 above. T, in independent words, fell very early, except in the preterit of verbs; there it was retained in most dialects in weak preterits of the first and third conjugations, in many dialects in weak preterits of the fourth, but disappeared in strong preterits: _amat_ ＞ ama, _cantābat_ ＞ cantava, _dar_’ ✱_hat_ ＞ darạ, _dōnet_ ＞ dọn, _stat_ ＞ estạ, _partībat_ ＞ partia, _placet_ ＞ platz, _tenēr_’ + _-ē_(_b_)_at_ ＞ tenria, _vĕnit_ ＞ ven; _donāvit_ ＞ donęt donę, _vēndĭdit_ ✱_vendĕ́dit_ ＞ vendęt vendę, _partīvit_ _partīt_ ＞ partị partịt, _placuit_ ＞ plac, _vīdit_ ＞ vi. In the proclitics _et_ and ✱_ot_ (= _aut_), the t fell before consonants; before vowels it became d, which, under the influence of _ad_ and _quĭd_, developed like an original d: _et_ ＞ e, eð ez; ✱_ot_ ＞ o, oð oz; later, e and o came to be used often before vowels also. FINAL GROUPS. 83. Ks remained in Vulgar Latin at the end of monosyllables only (§ 55, X); there it became, in Provençal, is: _rēx_ ＞ rẹis, _sĕx_ ＞ sęis. _Grecx_, _nicx_ are Latinisms. Nt was generally reduced to n; but in the extreme north and some parts of the south the t was retained in _-ant_: _amant_ ＞ aman, _habē(b)ant_ ＞ avian aviant; _cantent_ ＞ canten; _vēndunt_ ＞ vẹndon. In some dialects the n fell after o, u (vẹndo, au); _-on_ and _-o_ were used concurrently by the poets. St ＞ s in _ĕst_ ＞ ęs. Cf. § 28, 5. SPORADIC CHANGE. 84. For certain consonant changes no laws have been established.[81] Some of them doubtless originate in the language of children, which is governed by principles different from those which regulate the speech of adults. Others are due to vague associations of sound or sense. Borrowed and learned words are especially exposed to such whimsical alteration. INSERTION. 85. The insertion (or addition) of a consonant, in such cases as those mentioned below, is probably always due to some false association or wrong etymology, but the specific cause often cannot be ascertained; the added consonant seems to be generally a liquid or a nasal:-- alhọnd_r_e -s ＜ _aliŭnde_: V. L. ✱_aliŭnder_? co_n_si = _cossi_ ＜ _eccu’ sīc_: analogy of the prefix _co-_ _con-_. Cf. § 76, (1), nf, ns. enc_l_utge ＜ _incūdĭnem_: cf. French _enclume_. e_n_gal = _egal_ ＜ _æquālem_: analogy of the prefix _e-_ _en-_. Cf. § 76, (1), nf, ns. i_n_vęrn = _ivern_ ＜ _hibĕrnum_: _hi-_ mistaken for the prefix _in-_; cf. Italian _inverno_, etc. par_v_en (hence _parvensa_) ＜ _parĕntem_ (_parēre_): analogy of _ferven_, _serven_, or of _espaven_, _espavensa_, or influence of _parui_, etc.? pe_n_chenar ＜ _pectināre_: analogy of _pencheire_, _penchura_? perd_r_is = _perditz_ ＜ _perdīcem_: progressive assimilation? Cf. French _perdrix_. pǫuze_r_ = _pouze_ ＜ _pŏllĭcem_: confusion with _polgar_ ＜ _pollicāre_. ref_r_eitọr = _refeitor_ ＜ _refectōrium_: association with _refreidar_ (_freit_). re_n_linquir = _relinquir_ ＜ _relĭnquĕre_: analogy of _e-_ _en-_; cf. _reforsar_ and French _renforcer_. METATHESIS. 86. Metathesis is not very common in Provençal, although a few texts offer many examples; it is apparently restricted to liquids and nasals:-- cabi_r_ǫl = ✱_cabriol_ ＜ _capreŏ́lum_. cocod_r_illa ＜ _crocodīlum_: cf. Italian _coccodrillo_. c_r_aba = _cabra_ ＜ _capra_. enf_r_ondar = ✱_enfondrar_ ＜ French _effondrer_ ＜?✱_infŭndulāre_. esc_r_emir ＜ _skirmôn_: cf. French _escrimer_. esta_n_c ＜ _stagnum_: cf. French _étang_. estu_r_men = _estrument_ ＜ _instrumĕntum_: cf. Italian _stormento_. fo_r_mir = _fromir_ ＜ _frumjan_: cf. French _formir_, etc. f_r_eïr = _ferir_ ＜ _ferīre_. g_r_ada = _garda_ ＜ ✱_warda_. g_r_epir = _guerpir_ ＜ _wërpan_. lhu_n_ = _nulh_ ＜ _nūllum_: analogy of _negun_. Cf. Fr. _nune part_ (Balzac). p_r_esseguier (also _pess-_) ＜ ✱_préssega_ ＜ _pĕrsĭca_. rẹ_n_c (also _regne_) ＜ _rēgnum_. t_r_ida ＜ τίγριδα. t_r_onar ＜ _tonitruāre_ + _thrŏnus_. t_r_uǫill ＜ _tŏrculum_. t_r_obar ＜?_tŭrbāre_: see Körting. 1. In _ginhol_ = _genolh_ ＜ _genŭcŭlum_ the palatalization is shifted from the liquid to the nasal. In _lunh_ = _nulh_ ＜ _nullum_, on the other hand, the palatalization remains at the end of the word, but the liquid and the nasal change places. DISSIMILATION. 87. Dissimilation, like the other irregular phenomena, affects mainly liquids and nasals, particularly r; it is not, however, entirely confined to these classes. The two nasals, m and n, are similar enough to undergo dissimilation. Some of the cases go back to Vulgar Latin, while others are peculiar to Provençal or to Provençal and French. In the table below, a dash indicates the total disappearance of the consonant in question. β + β ＞ β + -- (v + --): _habēbam_ ＞ ✱_aβēa_ ＞ avia, ✱_vivāciārium_ ＞ viacier, _vivācius_ ＞ viatz. _Vianda_, whatever its ultimate origin may be, was probably borrowed from French. kw + kw ＞ k + kw: _quīnque_ ＞ _cīnque_ ＞ cinc. l + l ＞ r + l, -- + l, d + l: _calamĕllum_ ＞ calamęl caramęl, ✱_umbilīcŭlum_ ＞ emborígol, _flēbĭlem_ ＞ flẹble frẹble fẹble, _ŭlulāre_ ＞ ulular udolar. Perhaps püs = plüs ＜ _plūs_ is to be explained by dissimilation, occurring in such phrases as _plus larc_, _plus lonc_. m + m ＞ n + m: _memorāre_ ＞ membrar nembrar (renembransa). m + n ＞ m + r: ✱_comĭnicāre_ ＞ comenegar comergar, ✱_indomĭnicātum_ ＞ endomeniat endomergat, _mancĭpium_ ＞ mansip massip marsip, _manĭcum_ ＞ margue, _mŏnăchum_ ＞ mongue morgue. n + m ＞ r + m: _anĭma_ ＞ anma arma, ✱_mĭnimāre_ ＞ mermar. n + n ＞ n + r, r + n; ? d + n: _canŏnĭcum_ ＞ canónegue canorgue, _venēnum_ ＞ verin; _nec ūnum_ ＞ negün degün? (cf. Andalusian and Asturian _dengun_, Catalan _dingu_, apparently from _nec ūnum_ + _nĭngŭlum_). r + r ＞ r + --, -- + r, l + r: ✱_Bernhardum_ ＞ Bernart Bernat, _marmor_ ＞ marbre marme, _prŏprium_ ＞ prǫpri prǫpi; _dīe Mércūrī_ (influenced by _dīe Vénĕris_) ＞ dimęrcres dimęcres, _grandem_ _rem_ ＞ granrẹ ganrẹ, _pr(eh)ĕndĕre_ ＞ prenre penre, _prĕsby̆ter_ ＞ pręstre pęstre; _arbĭtrium_ ＞ albire, ✱_Arvĕrnium_ ＞ Alvęrnhe, _peregrīnus_ ＞ _pele(g)rīnus_ ＞ peleris, _pŭrpŭra_ ＞ pọlpra. s + s ＞ -- + s: ✱_spasmāre_ ＞ (espasme) pasmar (cf. French _pâmer_), perhaps through confusion of the initial es- with the prefix ex-. t + t? ＞ -- + t: _statiōnem_? ＞ sazọ (cf. French _saison_, Spanish _sazon_). y + y ＞ y + --: ✱_disjejūnāre_ ＞ ✱_disjeunāre_ ＞ ✱_disy’nāre_ ＞ dis´nar disnar. III. MORPHOLOGY. 88. The most important morphological developments are common to all, or nearly all, the Romance languages. They may therefore be ascribed, in their early stages, to Vulgar Latin, although direct evidence of their beginnings is scanty. 1. DECLENSION. NOUNS. 89. (1) During the late Vulgar Latin and early Romance period neuter nouns gradually became masculine; this change was doubtless due in part to phonetic developments which obliterated distinctive endings: _dōnum_ ＞ dọn, m.; _nōmen_ ＞ nọm, m. _Mare_, however, became almost always feminine in Gaul: la mar. Some neuter plurals in _-a_, used mainly in a collective sense, were preserved and eventually became feminine singulars: _fŏlium_ _fŏlia_ ＞ fǫlha, f. sg.; _lĭgnum_ _lĭgna_ ＞ lẹnha, f. sg.; so luǫgua, pọma, prada, beside lǫc, pọm, prat (and, by analogy, grasa, beside gras ＜ _gradus_); similarly _labia_ ＞ lavias, f. pl. (2) Masculine and feminine nouns usually kept their original gender. Abstract nouns in _-or_, however, regularly became feminine in Gaul, other abstract nouns being mostly feminine in Latin: _honōrem_ ＞ onọr, f.; _sapōrem_ ＞ sabọr, f. With the exception of _manus_, which generally retained its gender, feminine nouns of the second and fourth declensions, unless they passed into the first declension (_pĭrus_ ＞ pẹra), became masculine, to conform to the usual _-us_ type: _fraxĭnus_ ＞ fraisnes, m.; _pīnus_ ＞ pins, m. Attracted by such words as these, _arbor_ became masculine. There were some other less important shifts. 1. _Juventus_, passing into the second declension, became masculine (_ioven_); but we find also _ioventut_, f. _Laus_ became masculine in Provençal; _fin_, on the other hand, is always feminine. _Mĕrŭla_ ＞ _merle_, m. _Correitz_, _linh_, both m., occur beside _correia_ ＜ _corrĭgia_, _linha_ ＜ _līnea_. Other similar changes might be noted. Pr. _dia_ (also _di_), like Latin _dīes_, is usually masculine. 90. Some nouns passed from the fourth to the second declension in the classic Latin period (_dŏmus_, _fīcus_); the rest doubtless followed in Vulgar Latin (_frūctus_,[82] _gradus_, _manus_). Fifth declension nouns in _-ies_ went over, for the most part, to the first declension:[83] _dīes_ ＞ dia, _facies_ ＞ fassa, _glacies_ ＞ glassa, _rabies_ ＞ rabia; but we find also di, fatz, glatz (ratge is probably French), following the third declension type. Fifth declension nouns which did not shift to the first came to be declined after the model of the third (_fides_, _res_, _spes_). The five declensions were therefore reduced to three, presumably in Vulgar Latin times. Among these there were some exchanges: polvera, vergena; cf. § 89, (1), (2), 1. 91. The use of cases became more and more restricted in Vulgar Latin, prepositional constructions taking the place of pure case distinction. At the beginning of the Romance period, nouns probably had, in unstudied speech, only two cases in constant use: a nominative and an accusative or accusative-ablative. These two cases were generally retained in Provençal, for the second and third declensions, until the literary period: we may call them _nominative_ and _objective_. (1) The locative, which had almost vanished in classic Latin, lingered in Vulgar Latin only in names of places. It has left no sure traces in Provençal. (2) The vocative, in classic Latin, was like the nominative for most words; in Vulgar Latin it probably disappeared, except in Church phrases, such as _mī dŏmĭne_. In Provençal we find the nominative regularly used in address (chanzọs, companh, emperaire, ioglars, Papiols), although the objective occasionally occurs in its stead (barọns pl., ioglar malastrüc, trachọr). (3) The genitive, in the popular language, was little by little replaced by other constructions--commonly by the ablative with _de_ or by the dative; the beginnings of this substitution may be observed as early as Plautus. Among Provençal nouns--aside from such learned forms as ancianọr, christianọr, companhọr, paianọr, parentọr--we find remnants of the genitive only in a few compound words, as diiǫus ＜ _dīe Jŏvis_, and in the standing phrase ẹs mestięr ＜ _est ministĕrii_. (4) The dative, which in most words had the same ending as the ablative, came to be replaced, in the greater part of the Empire, by the accusative with _ad_; this construction, too, goes back as far as Plautus. Provençal nouns retain no traces of the dative. (5) The ablative, after the fall of final m (§ 55, M) and the loss of quantitive distinctions in unstressed syllables (§ 21), differed little or not at all from the accusative in the singular of nearly all nouns: _causăm_ _causā_, _dōnŭm_ _dōnō_, _patrĕm_ _patrĕ_, _frūctŭm_ _frūctū_, _dīĕm_ _dīē_. Furthermore, some prepositions (especially _in_) were used both with the accusative and with the ablative. It was inevitable, then, that the two cases should be confounded in the singular, and we have evidence of such confusion as early as the first century of our era; this led gradually to a substitution of the accusative for the ablative in the plural, the accusative plural being somewhat commoner and frequently simpler than the ablative. We may, therefore, take the accusative as the basis of the Provençal objective, remembering, however, that this accusative has been more or less blended with the ablative. (6) The two-case declension remained theoretically in use in Provençal literature through the 14th century; but in texts later than the 12th, cases are often confused. From the spoken language the declension disappeared, in the west (as in Catalan), before the literary period; in the centre and east, probably in the 12th century; in the north, in the 13th. The case preserved was usually the objective, but sometimes the nominative. Some nouns in _-aire_ _-adọr_ kept both forms, with a differentiation of meaning. 92. In the discussion of declensions some phonetic peculiarities must not be overlooked:-- (1) In the nom. pl. of the 2d declension, a stressed ẹ, followed in the next syllable by final -ị, would regularly give ị (cf. § 27, 1); but the ẹ is preserved by the analogy of the nom. and obj. sg. and the obj. pl.: _capĭllī_ ＞ cabẹl, _mĭssī_ ＞ mẹs, _quētī_ ＞ quẹt, _sērī_ ＞ sẹr. We do, however, find cabil, and (perhaps by analogy) auzil ＜ _aucĕllī_. (2) In the nom. pl. of the 2d declension, a c or g before the final -ị would regularly be palatalized (cf. § 55, C, G); but it is preserved from palatalization by the analogy of the other three forms: _amīcī_ ＞ amic, _lŏngī_ ＞ lonc. (3) For the development of a t between a palatal or an n and a final s, see § 82, S: _annos_ ＞ anz, _fīlios_ ＞ filz. (4) For the simplification of final scs, sts to cs, ts, see § 78, 2: ✱_bŭscus?_ ＞ bǫcs, _trīstes_ ＞ tritz. (5) For the history of _-arius_ and _-tōrius_, see § 23, 1 and § 73, Ry, 1. 93. (1) Nouns whose objective singular ended in s were invariable in the earlier part of the literary period; _bracchium_ ＞ bratz, _cŏrpus_ ＞ cǫrs, _imperatrīcem_ ＞ emperairitz, _fascem_ ＞ fais, _latus_ ＞ latz, _lūcem_ ＞ lütz, _mĭssum_ ＞ mẹs, _nasum_ ＞ nas, _ŏpus_ ＞ ǫps, _ŭrsum_ ＞ ọrs, _pĭscem_ ＞ pẹis, _pĕctus_ ＞ pęitz, _prĕtium_ ＞ prętz, _tĕmpus_ ＞ tems, _vĕrsum_ ＞ vęrs, _vīsum_ ＞ vis, _vōcem_ ＞ vọtz. Later, however, a plural (originally obj. pl.) was made for such words by adding -es, generally at a time when final ts had been reduced to s (§ 64): brasses, cǫrses, mẹsses, pẹisses, vęrses; examples occur as early as the end of the 12th century. (2) Other invariable nouns are midons, sidons, and often laus and rẹs; the last two sometimes have an objective lau, rẹ. Midons comes from the Church Latin _mī dŏmĭne_, which was popularized by the substitution of the Provençal don for _dŏmĭne_ and the addition of the nom. -s; the term was transferred from religious to feudal, and thence to amatory use, and came to mean ‘my lady.’ _Mi domina_ was common in Church Latin. Sidons is formed on the model of midons. (3) For nouns in tš, see § 63, (1): ✱_disdūctum_ ＞ desdüg, _frūctum_ ＞ früch, _gaudium_ ＞ gaug, _nŏctem_ ＞ nuech. Such words were very often written in the plural with _-gz_, which was pronounced either ts or tš. The pronunciation ts is attested by such rhymes as _malfagz_: _alumenatz_. 94. Infinitives used substantively conformed to the 2d declension type: lauzars lauzar (like fǫcs fǫc), rire-s rire (like fabre-s fabre): see § 96. The same thing is true of masculine post-verbal nouns: (getar) gętz gęt, (guidar) guitz guit, (lansar) lans (invariable). FIRST DECLENSION. 95. This declension came to include a part of the fifth and also some neuter plurals of the second and third. With the exception of dia (nearly always masculine) and of a few learned words, it contained only feminine nouns. As the nominative, accusative, and ablative singular early became identical, leaving only one form in the singular, the plural forms were reduced to one, the accusative crowding out the nominative; this substitution, which must have been begun before the Provençal period, was doubtless helped by the identity of nominative and accusative plural in feminine nouns of the third declension. _Causa_ will serve as a model:-- _causa_ ＞ causa _causam_ ＞ causa _causæ_ ✱_causas_ ＞ causas _causas_ ＞ causas 1. _Dia_ sometimes has a nom. sg. _dias_, following the example of other masculine nouns. 2. Many feminine proper names, in Gaul and elsewhere, developed a Low Latin declension _-a_ _-āne(m)_ or _-a_ _-ēne(m)_, as _Anna_ _Annāne_. Provençal has few traces of this inflection. The word _putana_ ＜?_pūtĭda_ + _ānem_ + _a_ may be a remnant of it. Cf. Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, II, p. 27; E. Philipon, _Les accusatifs en_ -on _et en_ -ain, _Rom._, XXXI, 201. SECOND DECLENSION. 96. This declension came to include the fourth. With the exception of mas, ‘hand’ (generally feminine), it contained only masculine nouns. The different types may be illustrated by _fŏcus_, _dōnum_, _faber_:-- _fŏcus_ ＞ fǫcs _dōnum_ ✱_dōnus_ ＞ dọns _faber_ ＞ faure fabre fabres _fŏcum_ ＞ fǫc _dōnum_ ＞ dọn _fabrum_ ＞ fabre _fŏcī_ ＞ fǫc _dōna_ ✱_dōnī_ ＞ dọn _fabrī_ ＞ fabre _fŏcos_ ＞ fǫcs _dōna_ ✱_dōnos_ ＞ dọns _fabros_ ＞ fabres For the c of _fŏcī_, see § 92, (2). For ✱_dŏnus_, etc., see § 89 (1). Nom. fabre is due to the analogy of the other three cases; the s of fabres is borrowed from the prevailing fǫcs type. 1. Neuters which long preserved their gender often have no _-s_ in the nom. sg.: _segle_ or _segles_. Nouns in _-age_ from _-aticum_ commonly have no _-s_: _corage_, _damnage_, _message_, _senhorage_; but forms with _-s_ occur also. Learned nouns in _-i_ from _-ium_ regularly have no _-s_: _breviari_, _emperi_, _iuzizi_, _testimoni_. Post-verbal nouns, on the other hand, usually take the nom. -s: _albires_, _blasme-s_, _consires_, _desires_ (cf. § 94). By the analogy of the _fabre-s_, _segle-s_, _blasme-s_ types, many masculines in _-e_ sometimes drop the _-s_: _clergue-s_, _diable-s_, _morgue-s_, _oncle-s_, _poble-s_. _Maestre_, _prestre_ regularly have no _-s_. 2. Most proper names are declined like common nouns: _Arnautz_ _Arnaut_, _Boecis_ _Boeci_, _Enrics_ _Enric_, _Lozoics_ _Lozoic_, _Peire-s_ _Peire_. Many proper names, however, developed in Gaul and elsewhere, from the 9th century on, a Low Latin declension _-us_ _-ōne(m)_, as _Petrus_ _Petrōnis_ (cf. § 95, 2): hence _Carle-s_ _Carló_, _Peire-s_ _Peiró_, etc.; so _Bergonhs_ _Bergonhó_, etc. 3. _Mas_, being usually feminine, has a nom. pl. _mas_. 4. For _pagadi_, _salvi_, _soli_, etc., and _beill_, _peccah_, _efanh_, etc., see § 51, 1. THIRD DECLENSION. 97. This declension absorbed a part of the fifth: cf. § 90. 98. Nouns whose stem was different in the nominative and the accusative singular, reconstructed the nominative to correspond to the accusative, the new form being similar to the original genitive: _papĭlio_ _papiliōnem_ ＞ _papiliōnis_ _papiliōnem_, _pēs_ _pĕdem_ ＞ _pĕdis_ _pĕdem_. The change began in the Vulgar Latin period. Exceptions to the rule are names of persons, unless they ended in _-ans_ or _-ens_: _nĕpos_ _nepōtem_ ＞ nęps nebọt; but _amans_ _amantem_ ＞ ✱_amantis_ _amantem_ ＞ amáns amán. 1. _Carnis_ for _caro_ is used by classic writers. _Grūis_ for _grūs_ occurs in the _Appendix Probi_ III, belonging perhaps to the 3d century. _Papiliōnis_, _pĕdis_, _travis_ = _trabs_, and some others are found in the 8th century _Glossary of Reichenau_. 99. Masculine nouns of the third declension, early in the Provençal period, made their nominative plural conform to the second declension type, thus distinguishing it from the objective plural: _pater_ _patrem_ _patres_ _patres_ ＞ paire paire paire paires (cf. Old French and Italian). Feminines, on the other hand, kept the nominative plural in -s: _mater_ _matrem_ _matres_ _matres_ ＞ maire maire maires maires. 100. A few neuter nouns, becoming masculine in Vulgar Latin, developed distinctively masculine forms in the singular: _gĕnus_ _gĕnus_ ＞ ✱_gĕneris_ ✱_gĕnĕrem_ ＞ genres genre; so _fŭlgur_ (＞ _fŭlger_) ＞ ✱_fŭlgĕrem_ ＞ fọuzer. Most neuters, however, kept in the singular their original stem: _sēmen_ ＞ sẹm, _tĕmpus_ ＞ tems. But those in _-men_ regularly, and those in _-r_ sometimes, took an -s in the nominative singular: _flūmen_ _flūmen_ ＞ flüms flüm, _marmor_ _marmor_ ＞ marme-s marme; cǫr, in the literary language, usually has no nominative -s. In the plural most neuters brought their forms into harmony with the masculine type, but those in _-us_ kept the -s throughout: (_caput_ >) _capus_ ✱_capum_ _capĭta_ _capĭta_ ＞ caps cap cap caps, _cŏr_ _cŏr_ _cŏrda_ _cŏrda_ ＞ cǫr cǫr cǫr cǫrs, _nōmen_ _nōmen_ _nōmĭna_ _nōmĭna_ ＞ nọms nọm nọm nọms; but _cŏrpus_ _cŏrpus_ _cŏrpŏra_ _cŏrpŏra_ ＞ cǫrs cǫrs cǫrs cǫrs. _Mare_, becoming feminine, was declined thus: mars mar mars mars. 1. _Gĕnus_ also became _ges_, which was used as an adverb. 101. The third declension comprises three principal types: (1) nouns which in Latin had no difference of stem or of accent between the nominative and the accusative singular; (2) those which had a difference of stem but not of accent; (3) those which had a difference of accent. (1) Nouns with no difference of stem or of accent:-- MASCULINE _canis_ ＞ cas _pater_ ＞ paire-s _sōl_ ＞ sọ-s _canem_ ＞ ca _patrem_ ＞ paire _sōlem_ ＞ sọ _canes_ ＞ ca _patres_ ＞ paire _sōles_ ＞ sọl _canes_ ＞ cas _patres_ ＞ paires _sōles_ ＞ sọls FEMININE _fīnis_[84] ＞ fis _mater_ ＞ maire _fĭdes_ ＞ fẹs _fīnem_ ＞ fi _matrem_ ＞ maire _fĭdem_ ＞ fẹ _fīnes_ ＞ fis _matres_ ＞ maires _fĭdes_ ＞ fẹs _fīnes_ ＞ fis _matres_ ＞ maires _fĭdes_ ＞ fẹs 1. Masculine nouns of this type which etymologically had no -s in the nom. sg., often took one, even in the earliest times. 2. _Laus_ and _res_ were often invariable, but were sometimes declined like _sols_ and _fes_. (2) Nouns with a difference of stem but not of accent:-- MASCULINE FEMININE NEUTER _pōns_ ✱_pŏntis_ ＞ ponz _pars_ ✱_partis_ ＞ partz _lūmen_ ＞ lüm-s _pŏntem_ ＞ pon _partem_ ＞ part _lūmen_ ＞ lüm _pŏntes_ ＞ pon _partes_ ＞ partz _lūmĭna_ ＞ lüm _pŏntes_ ＞ ponz _partes_ ＞ partz _lūmĭna_ ＞ lüms NAMES OF PERSONS _cŏmes_ ＞ coms _hŏmo_ ＞ om _cŏmĭtem_ ＞ comte _hŏmĭnem_ ＞ ome omne[85] _cŏmĭtes_ ＞ comte _hŏmĭnes_ ＞ ome omne _cŏmĭtes_ ＞ comtes _hŏmĭnes_ ＞ omes omnes 1. For other neuter types, see § 100. 2. _Om_ later developed an inflection _oms_ _om_ _om_ _oms_. 3. _Lex_, _rex_ became _leis_ _lei_ _leis_ _leis_, _reis_ _rei_ _rei_ _reis_. (3) Nouns with a difference of accent:-- MASCULINE FEMININE _sĕrmo_ ✱_sermōnis_ ＞ sermọs _ratio_ ✱_ratiōnis_ ＞ razǫs _sermōnem_ ＞ sermọ _ratiōnem_ ＞ razọ _sermōnes_ ＞ sermọ _ratiōnes_ ＞ razọs _sermōnes_ ＞ sermọs _ratiōnes_ ＞ razọs NAMES OF PERSONS IN -ANS, -ENS _amans_ ✱_amantis_ ＞ amáns _parens_ ✱_parĕntis_ ＞ paréns _amantem_ ＞ amán _parĕntem_ ＞ parén _amantes_ ＞ amán (f. amáns) _parĕntes_ ＞ parén (f. paréns) _amantes_ ＞ amáns _parĕntes_ ＞ paréns NAMES OF PERSONS NOT IN -ANS, -ENS _amātor_ ＞ amaire _sĕnior_ ＞ sęnher _mŭlier_ ＞ mọler _amatōrem_ ＞ amadọr _seniōrem_ ＞ senhọr _muliĕ́rem_[86]＞ molhęr _amatōres_ ＞ amadọr _seniōres_ ＞ senhọr _muliĕ́res_ ＞ molhęrs _amatōres_ ＞ amadọrs _seniōres_ ＞ senhọrs _muliĕ́res_ ＞ molhęrs _servītor_ ＞ servire _baro_ ＞ bar _sŏror_ ＞ sǫrre sǫr[87] _servitōrem_ ＞ servidọr _barōnem_ ＞ barọ _sorōrem_ ＞ sorọr _servitōres_ ＞ servidọr _barōnes_ ＞ barọ _sorōres_ ＞ sorọrs _servitōres_ ＞ servidọrs _barōnes_ ＞ barọs _sorōres_ ＞ sorọrs 1. After the same pattern as _senher_, we have pastor _pastōrem_ ＞ _pastre_ _pastór_, etc.; after the _bar_ pattern, ✱_companio_ (_Einf._, § 43) ✱_companiōnem_ ＞ _companh_ _companhó_, ✱_fĭllo_ (Körting) ✱_fillōnem_? ＞ _fel_ _feló_, _glŭtto_ (= _glūto_) _gluttōnem_ ＞ _glot_ _glotó_, _latro_ _latrōnem_ ＞ _laire_ _lairó_, _lĕo_ (treated like the name of a person) _leōnem_ ＞ _leu_ _leó_, etc. On the model of _amaire_, _servire_, we find _trobaire_ _trobadór_, etc., _iauzire_ _iauzidór_, etc.; and, for the second and third conjugations, _teneire_ _tenedór_, etc., _beveire_ _bevedór_, etc. The inflection of such words became much confused, and some of them eventually developed double declensions: _bars_ _bar_ _bar_ _bars_, _barós_ _baró_ _baró_ _barós_; _emperaires_ _emperaire_ _emperaire_ _emperaires_, _emperadórs_ _emperadór_ _emperadór_ _emperadórs_. Some proper names follow the _bar_ model: _Bret_ _Bretó_, _Folc-s_ (_Folques_) _Folcó_ (later _Folcós_ _Folcó_), _Gasc_ _Gascó_, _Uc_ _Ugó_, (later _Ucs_ _Uc_); cf. § 96, 2. ADJECTIVES. 102. What has been said concerning the inflection of nouns applies also to adjectives: see §§ 91-101. For pronominal adjectives see §§ 114 ff. 1. The operation of phonetic laws sometimes results in a difference in stem between the m. and the f.: _bos_ _bona_, _larcs_ _larga_, _nutz_ _nuda_, _preon_ _preonda_; _mut_ _muda_, _prezat_ _prezada_. For _pauc_ _pauca_, _rauc_ _rauca_, see § 65, C, 1. For _-arius_ _-aria_, _-tōrius_ _-tōria_, see § 23, 1; § 73, Ry, 1. 2. Adjectives in -s or -š are undeclinable in the m. sg.: _glorios_, _perfieg_. Those in -s originally had no inflectional ending in the m. pl., but later they sometimes added -es: _divers_ _diverses_, _frances_ _franceses_. For the pl. of those in š, see § 93, (3). 103. We must recognize two classes of adjectives: (1) those which in Latin distinguish the feminine from the masculine; (2) those which do not. 1. Adjectives like _acer_, which, though inflected after the 3d declension type, could distinguish the m. from the f. in the nom. sg., fell into one or the other--usually the first--of the following classes (_agre_ _agra_, _alegre_ _alegra_; _terrestre_ _terrestre_). (1) Masculine and feminine different:-- MASCULINE FEMININE _bĕllus_ ＞ bęls _bĕlla_ ＞ bęlla _bĕllum_ ＞ bęl _bĕllam_ ＞ bęla _bĕlli_ ＞ bęl _bĕllæ_ ✱_beĕllas_ ＞ bęlas _bĕllos_ ＞ bęls _bĕllas_ ＞ bęlas _pauper_ ＞ paubre-s _paupĕra_ ＞ paubra _paupĕrum_ ＞ paubre _paupĕram_ ＞ paubra _paupĕi_ ＞ paubre _paupĕræas_ ＞ paubras _paupĕros_ ＞ paubres _paupĕras_ ＞ paubras (2) Masculine and feminine alike:-- MASCULINE FEMININE _gentīlis_ ＞ gentils _gentīlis_ ＞ gentils _gentīlem_ ＞ gentil _gentīlem_ ＞ gentil _gentīles_ ＞ gentil _gentīles_ ＞ gentils _gentīles_ ＞ gentils _gentīles_ ＞ gentils 1. Some adjectives of the second class were attracted into the first either in Vulgar Latin or in Provençal; this happened to all adjectives in _-és_, _-able_, _-ible_, and also to _comun_, _dous_, _fol_, _freble_, _graile_, _len_, _mol_, _noble_, _paubre_ (early), _rude_, _trist_: _cortes_ _cortesa_, _durable_ _durabla_; _comuna_, _doussa_, etc. Some kept both inflections: _dolens_, _dolens_ or _dolenta_; _grans_, _grans_ or _granda_, etc. 104. In impersonal constructions we frequently find a nominative singular without -s, which is apparently a survival of the Latin neuter: _m’es bel_ (_greu_, _parven_, _semblan_, etc.) _que_.… But the form with -s sometimes occurs in the same constructions: _m’es greus que_.… 1. For _es mestier_, see § 91, (3). 105. Most adverbs of manner were formed by adding -men (-ment, -mens, or -menz) to the feminine singular of the adjective: belamen. These adverbs were originally ablative phrases: _serēna mĕnte_, etc. In Provençal the specific meaning of the -men was forgotten, but the two parts might still be separated by an intervening word: ẹpsa… ment. When two adverbs in -men were used together, the ending was generally affixed to only one, oftener the first. Bona and mala could be used as adverbs without the suffix. 1. For the adverbial ending -s, see § 82, S, 3. COMPARISON. 106. Adjectives and adverbs regularly formed their comparative by prefixing plüs to the positive, and their superlative by prefixing the definite article to the comparative: cara, plüs cara, la plüs cara. This method of comparison goes back to Vulgar Latin times. 1. ‘Than’ is expressed by _que_ and _de_. 107. Some adjectives preserved their old comparative in _-ior_. These comparatives had an inflection similar to that of sęnher: cf. § 101, (3) and § 101, (3), 1. POSITIVE COMPARATIVE _altus_: aut ---- aussọr ✱_bellātus_ = _bĕllus_: ---- bellaire bellázer-s bellazọr _gĕnĭtus_: gen génser-s gensọr ✱_grĕvis_ = _gravis_: gręu gręuger ---- _grŏssus_: grǫs gruęysser ---- _laið_: lai láiger ---- _largus_: larc ---- largọr _lĕvis_: lęu lęuger ---- _lŏngus_: lonc ---- lonhọr (_grandis_): (gran) máier maiọr (_bŏnus_): (bon) męlher melhọr (_paucus_): (pauc) mẹnre-s menọr _nūgālis_: ---- ---- nüalhọr (_malus_): (mal) pęier peiọr (_mŭltus_): (mọlt) ---- plüsọr[88] _sŏrdĭdus_: sorde sordẹier sordeiọr 108. The following neuter comparatives were used as adverbs: gensẹis gensẹs gensẹtz (＜ génser influenced by longẹis, sordẹis); longẹis longẹitz ＜?✱longĭtius (＜ longĭter + lŏngius); mais ＜ _magis_; męlhs ＜ _mĕlius_; mẹns ＜ _mĭnus_; pęitz ＜ _pĕjus_; sordẹis ＜ _sordĭdius_; viatz ＜ _vivacius_. Mais, męlhs, mẹns, pęitz were used also as neuter pronouns. Viatz lost its comparative sense. 109. A few adjectives, most or all of them learned, preserved the old superlative form with an intensive sense: altisme, carisme, pęsme, prǫsme, santisme. NUMERALS. 110. The cardinal numerals are:-- ün dọs trẹs quatre cinc sęis sęt uęg nǫu dętz ọnze dọtze trẹtze quatọrze quinze sętze, sędze dętz e sęt dętz e uęg dętz e nǫu vint, vin vint e ün vint e dọs trẹnta quaranta cinquanta sessanta setanta quatre vint nonanta cent, cen dozent tresent quatre cen cinc cens (de) mil dọs milia trẹs melia quatre mila cinc millięrs (de) cent miria 111. The first two numbers were inflected as follows:-- ü(n)s üna düi dọi dọas dọs ü(n) üna dọs (düi) dọas dọs Düi dọi are from Vulgar Latin _dŭī_ = _dŭo_; dọs is from _dŭos_, dọas from _dŭas_. Trẹs has a form trẹi (originally nom. m.), patterned after düi, and a form trẹis, which seems to be a cross between trẹs and trẹi. For the dialect forms of ọnze--sętze, see § 76, (1), Ndc´, and § 80, Dc´. Cen, multiplied by another number, took a plural form when used substantively; when used adjectively, it generally did not, but we find dozentas with a feminine noun. Mil had four plurals, milia miria melia mila; millięrs is a noun. 1. As an example of a longer compound numeral, we have _cen e quatre vint e ueg_. 2. From _ambo_ we have the obj. forms, m. and f., _ams_, _ambas_. _Ambo_ combined with _dŭī_ (_dŭos_ _dŭas_), and perhaps influenced by Pr. _ab_ (§ 65, P, 2), had this inflection: _amdui_ _andui_ _abdui_ _ambedui_ _amdoas_ _amdos_ _andos_ _abdos_ _ambedos_ _amdoas_ 112. The ordinal numerals had separate forms for the two genders; the masculine forms followed the second declension type, the feminine forms, the first declension. After 5th, they were made by adding to the cardinal numeral the originally distributive ending _-ēnus_ _-ēna_. primięr, primięra segọn(t), segọnda tęrz, tęrza quart, quarta quint, quinta seizẹ(n), seizẹna setẹ(n), setẹna ochẹ(n), ochẹna novẹ(n), novẹna dezẹ(n), dezẹna onzẹ(n), onzẹna dozẹ(n), dozẹna vintẹ(n), vintẹna centẹ(n), centẹna milẹ(n), milẹna 113. Beside primięr we find premięr prümier promięr (§ 44, 1, 3), and also prim and primeiran; for the developments of the ending -ięr, see § 23, 1 and § 73, Ry, 1. Tęrz, tęrza regularly became tęrs, tęrsa (§ 73, Rty). Such forms as secọnda, tęrcia, sęxta, octava, nọna, dęcima are learned. 1. As an example of a compound ordinal numeral, we have _vintena tersa_. PRONOUNS. 114. Under this head will be treated not only pronouns and pronominal adjectives, but also articles. 115. In popular Latin the personal, possessive, and demonstrative pronouns and adjectives had two sets of forms, according as they were accented or unaccented (§ 19). _Ille_, when stressed and used pronominally, became a disjunctive personal pronoun of the third person; when unstressed and used pronominally, it furnished the conjunctive forms of the third person; when unstressed and used adjectively, it developed into a definite article. _Ipse_ had similar uses. These differentiations must have begun in Vulgar Latin times. 116. The declension of _ĭlle_ was considerably altered in Vulgar Latin. The neuter _ĭllud_ disappeared, being replaced by _ĭlium_. Through the influence of _quī_ _cūjus_ _cūī_, ✱_ĭllī_ _illūjus_[89] _illūī_[89] came to be used beside _ĭlle_ _illīus_ _ĭllī_. The feminine had, beside _illīus_ _ĭllī_, a genitive and dative _ĭllæ_; through the analogy of _illūjus_ _illūī_, _ĭllæ_ was expanded into _illæjus_[89] _illæi_.[89] _Illīus_ then went out of use. In the plural, _illōrum_ (which in some regions, by the analogy of _illūjus_ _illūī_, had a form ✱_illūrum_) crowded out _illārum_; this _illōrum_ came to be used also as a dative. _Ipse_ and _ĭste_ followed in the main the same course as _ĭlle_. ARTICLES. 117. The indefinite article comes from _ūnus_, which seems to have been occasionally so used even in classic Latin:-- ü(n)s üna ü(n) üna 118. (1) The definite article comes from unaccented _ĭlle_, which, being used as a proclitic, regularly lost its first syllable (§ 19). _Ille_ (✱_ĭllī_), _ĭllum_, _ĭllī_, _ĭllos_, _ĭlla_, _ĭllas_ became respectively le (li), lo, li or lhi,[90] los, la, las. Le, lo, li, lhi, la frequently elided their vowel before another vowel (l’an, l’arma), becoming l or lh. Furthermore, le, lo, li, lhi, los, in the intertonic position after a vowel (vé lo páire), regularly lost their vowel (vẹl páire)[91]; and, by analogy, la and las were sometimes reduced to l and ls. We have, then, beside the full forms, the proclitics l, lh, and the enclitics l, lh, ls. Inasmuch as l might be vocalized before a dental,[92] the enclitics l and ls sometimes became u and us (a͡u portęr, e͡uz dias antix). (2) The particles e and que, with the enclitic l, formed combinations ẹl and quẹl. Quẹl, being understood as _qu’el_, gave rise to a form ẹl. (3) In the f. nom. sg. there is a form li or lhi, which is hard to explain. The most likely theory is that when the masculine _quī_ took the place of the feminine _quæ_ (see § 133), the masculine ✱_ĭllī_ came to be used beside _ĭlla_,[93] for the feminine. The Provençal feminine li (lhi) which resulted was strongly supported by the analogy of a feminine possessive mi, beside ma (see § 127).[94] (4) The regular forms are, therefore, the following:-- MASCULINE FEMININE Sg. {_nom._: lẹ li l ẹl la li lhi l lh {_obj._: lọ l u ẹl la l Pl. {_nom._: li lhi l lh las {_obj._: lọs ls us las ls In many texts the objective forms lo, los, ls are used in the nominative. 1. The m. obj. sg. _le_, obj. pl. _les_, which occur in a few texts, are doubtless French. So is the enclitic form _s_ for _ls_ or _us_: _de s_, _entre s_, _e s_. 2. The enclitic forms combine as follows with the prepositions _a_, _con_, _de_, _en_, _entre_, _iosta_, _per_, _sus_, and with the conjunctions _e_, _ni_, _o_, _que_, _si_: _al_ _au_ _als_ _aus_, _col_, _del_ _deu_ _dels_ _deus_ (_des_), _enl_ _el_ _els_ _eus_, _entrels_, _iostal_, _pel_ _pels_, _sul_ _suls_; _eil_ (= _e lhi_) _el_ (= _e lo_), _nils_, _oill_ (= _o lhi_), _quel_, _sil_. They combine freely with other words: _eral_ (= _era le_), _fals_ (= _fa los_), etc. 119. In some southwestern and some southeastern dialects we find forms sọ, sọs, sa, sas, coming from _ĭpse_. PERSONAL PRONOUNS.[95] 120. In Vulgar Latin _ĕgo_ lost its g (§ 55, G). The dative, _mĭhi_, was preserved only in its contracted form, _mī_. After the pattern of _mī_, ✱_tī_ and ✱_sī_ were created for the other persons. 121. Provençal has no nominative forms that are regularly unaccented. In the conjunctive forms of the third person (not reflexive), the direct object is distinguished from the indirect; elsewhere there is no such distinction. CONJUNCTIVE FORMS. 122. Latin _mē_ ＞ mẹ, _mī_ ＞ mi, _nōs_ ＞ nọs; _tē_ ＞ tẹ, ✱_tī_ ＞ ti, _vōs_ ＞ vọs; _sē_ ＞ sẹ, ✱_sī_ ＞ si. Me mi, te ti, se si, used as proclitics before a vowel, or as enclitics after a vowel, were reduced to m, t, s: m’ama, t’apela, s’es; o͡m, be͡t, cosi͡s. Nọs and vọs, used as enclitics after a vowel, became respectively ns and us; que͡ns, no͡us; _sī vōs_ ＞ sius, later sieus (§ 32). The forms (all objective) for the first and second persons and for the third person reflexive are, then:-- FIRST PERSON SECOND PERSON THIRD PERSON (REFLEXIVE) _Sg._: mẹ mi m tẹ ti t sẹ si s _Pl._: nọs ns vọs us sẹ si s The pronouns of the first and second persons could, of course, be used reflexively. 123. The conjunctive forms of the third person (not reflexive) come in the main from the proclitic _ĭlle_: _ĭllī_, _ĭllum_, _illōrum_ (✱_illūrum_), _ĭllos_, _ĭlla_, _ĭllas_ became respectively li or lhi, lo, lọr (lür), lọs, la, las. When used proclitically or enclitically, under the conditions described in § 118, (1), li (lhi), lo, los were reduced to l (lh), l, ls; and l was sometimes vocalized. O ＜ _hŏc_ was employed also, meaning ‘it.’ The adverb _ĭnde_ became ẹnt ẹn n (and, through the analogy of me m, te t, se s, also ne), which was often used as a pronoun with the sense ‘of it’, ‘of them’, sometimes ‘of him’, ‘of her’; nọs ẹn ＞ nọn, vọs ẹn ＞ vọn. The adverb _hīc_ became i, meaning ‘here’ or ‘there,’ which served also as a dative pronoun, ‘to it,’ ‘to them’; it was then always an enclitic, forming a diphthong with a preceding vowel; it regularly took the place of li in the constructions lọi = lo li, lai = la li. The forms are:-- MASCULINE FEMININE NEUTER Sg. { _gen._: ẹnt ẹn n nẹ ẹnt ẹn n nẹ ẹnt ẹn n nẹ { _dat._: li lhi l lh i li lhi l lh i i { _acc._: lọ l u la lọ l ǫ Pl. { _gen._: ẹnt ẹn n nẹ ẹnt ẹn n nẹ { _dat._: lọr lür lọr lür { _acc._: lọs ls las 1. _Les_ for _los_ is doubtless French. _Los_, _ls_ were occasionally used for m. _lor_; _lors_, which occurs rarely for _lor_, looks like a cross between _lor_ and _los_. 2. The following combinations illustrate the use of the enclitic forms: _aura i_, _be i_, _e l_, _laissa n_, _no i_, _qui ll_, _si ls_. DISJUNCTIVE FORMS. 124. Vulgar Latin ✱_ĕo_ or ✱_ĕu_ ＞ ęu ięu (§ 30), which before an enclitic became ę ię (ę͡l, ię͡n). The other forms explain themselves. The nominative tü, from the beginning of the 13th century, was sometimes used for tẹ after prepositions; this use may have been suggested by the existence of lü = ‘him’; § 125, (1). Nọs + ẹn ＞ nọn, vọs + ẹn ＞ vọn. FIRST PERSON SECOND PERSON THIRD PERSON (REFLEXIVE) Sg. { _nom._: ęu ięu ę- ię- tü { _obj._: mẹ mi tẹ (ti?) tü sẹ si Pl. { _nom._: nọs vọs { _obj._: nọs vọs sẹ si 1. We find, besides, the French or borderland forms _ie_ _iou_ _iu_ _yo_ for _eu_ (_gi_ and _iey_ have been noted also), _mei_ _tei_ _sei_ for _me_ _te_ _se_. 125. The disjunctive pronouns of the third person (not reflexive) come from accented _ĭlle_, with the exception of ǫ from _hŏc_. _Illūi_, _illōrum_, _illæjus_, _illæi_ lost their first syllable, perhaps through elision after a vowel; _illūjus_ disappeared. _Ille_, ✱_ĭllī_ gave ẹl ẹlh, il ilh; ẹl sometimes vocalized its l. _Illūī_ became lüi, in some dialects reduced to lü. _Illum_ became ẹl ẹlh. _Illōrum_ (✱_illūrum_) gave lọr (lür). _Illos_ became ẹls (often ẹus) ẹlhs. _Illa_, _ĭllam_ both gave ẹla ẹlha. _Illæjus_ became lęis lięis (in some dialects reduced to lięs).[96] _Illæi_ gave lęi (dialectically lę) lięi. _Illas_ became ẹlas ẹlhas. (2) In the feminine singular nominative there is, beside ẹla ẹlha, a form ilh il. This is probably to be explained, like the feminine article lhi li, as coming from the masculine nominative ✱ĭllī introduced into the feminine, and supported by the feminine possessive mi: see § 118, (3). (3) Some dialects preserve the final -i of ẹli (m. pl. nom.) and ilhi ili (f. sg. nom.): see § 51, 1. (4) Occasionally the conjunctive li (f. sg. obj.) and lo (neuter sg. nom.) were used as disjunctive forms. And sometimes the masculine lüi lü was used for the feminine. (5) The forms are, therefore, the following:-- MASCULINE FEMININE NEUTER Sg. { _nom._: ẹl ẹu ẹlh il ilh ẹla ẹlha ilh il ilhi ili ẹl lọ { _obj._: lüi lü ẹl ẹlh lęis lięis lięs lęi lięi ǫ lę ẹla li lüi lü Pl. { _nom._: il ilh ẹl ẹlh ẹli ẹlas ẹlhas { _obj._: lọr lür ẹls ẹus ẹlhs lọr lür ẹlas ẹlhas In many texts the objective forms ẹls ẹlhs, lęis lęi are used in the nominative. We then find occasionally a new objective, ẹlses. POSSESSIVES. 126. Beside _mĕus_ _mĕa_, _tŭus_ _tŭa_, _sŭas_ _sŭa_, there existed in popular Latin the shorter forms ✱_mĕs_? ✱_ma_, ✱_tŭs_ ✱_ta_, _sŭs_ _sa_. Of the two forms _vĕster_ and _vŏster_, only the latter was used. To supply the lack of a third person possessive denoting a plural possessor, _illōrum_ came to be employed as a possessive. SINGULAR POSSESSIVE. 127. (1) The primarily atonic possessives come from the shorter Latin forms. The original masculine singular forms of the first person were displaced by mọs mọ, made on the analogy of tọs tọ, sọs sọ, which come regularly from ✱_tŭs_ ✱_tŭm_, _sŭs_, _sŭm_; so in the objective plural we find mọs, corresponding to tọs ＜ ✱_tōs_, sọs ＜ _sōs_. _Mĕī_, _tŭī_, _sŭī_ gave męi, tọi tüi, sọi süi (§ 34), which, however, were often replaced by the objective forms. ✱_Ma_ ✱_mam_ ✱_mas_, ✱_ta_ ✱_tam_ ✱_tas_, _sa_ _sam_ _sas_ became ma mas, ta tas, sa sas; ma, ta, sa often elided their a before a vowel. The formation of _midons_ has been explained in § 91, (2); § 93, (2); § 118, (3): from it came a feminine singular possessive mi, and, by analogy, ti and si. (2) The forms are:-- FIRST PERSON SECOND PERSON THIRD PERSON Sg. { _nom._: mọs ma mi tọs ta ti sọs sa si { _obj._: mọ mọn ma mi tọ tọn ta ti sọ sọn sa si Pl. { _nom._: me̯i mọs mas tọi tüi tọs tas sọi süi sọs sas { _obj._: mọs mas tọs tas sọs sas They are generally used only adjectively, and without the definite article. In some early texts, however, tọs and sọs, preceded by the article, are used substantively. 128. (1) The primarily tonic possessives come from the longer Latin forms. _Mĕus_ _mĕum_ _mĕi_ _mĕos_ ＞ męus męu męi męus, which regularly became mięus etc. (§ 30); an analogical form mięu is found beside mięi. In the feminine of the first person we have, instead of ✱męa, mięua and mia: the first of these two forms is evidently made up from the masculine; the second may be due partly to the analogy of mi, partly to a proclitic use of the word (§ 44, 4).[97] In the second and third persons the masculine forms are mainly, and the feminine forms partially, replaced by analogical formations based on the possessive of the first person; _tŭi_, _sŭi_, _tŭa_, _sŭa_, however, give regularly tọi tüi, sọi süi, tọa tua, sọa sua (§ 8). (2) The forms follow, those of the third person (which correspond exactly to those of the second) being omitted:-- FIRST PERSON SECOND PERSON Sg. {_nom._: męus mięus mia mięua tęus tięus tọa tua tięua tia {_obj._: męu mięu mia mięua tęu tięu tọa tua tięua tia Pl. {_nom._: męi mięi mięu mias mięuas tọi tüi tęi tọas tuas tięuas tięi tięu tias {_obj._: męus mięus mias mięuas tęus tięus tọas tuas tięuas tias They may be used adjectively or substantively, with or without the definite article. 1. We occasionally find a neuter sg. nom. form without final _-s_: _lo mieu_. PLURAL POSSESSOR. 129. _Nŏster_, _vŏster_ developed regularly after the _pauper_ model: § 103, (1). The masculine singular nominative often took an -s: cf. § 96; § 101, (1). Some southeastern dialects preserved the -i of nǫstri: cf. § 51, 1. Beside vǫstra we occasionally meet vǫstri, due to the analogy of feminine mi, ti, si. FIRST PERSON SECOND PERSON THIRD PERSON Sg. {_nom._: nǫstre-s nǫstra vǫstre-s vǫstra vǫstri lọr lür lọr lür {_obj._: nǫstre nǫstra vǫstre vǫstra vǫstri lọr lür lọr lür Pl. {_nom._: nǫstre nǫstri nǫstras vǫstre vǫstras lọr lür lọr lür {_obj._: nǫstres nǫstras vǫstres vǫstras lọr lür lọr lür These forms are used adjectively or substantively, with or without the definite article. 1. In later times _lor_ came to be inflected like a one-gender adjective: § 103, (2). DEMONSTRATIVES. 130. Latin _īdem_ went out of use. Latin _ĭs_ was preserved only in the phrase _ĭd ĭpsum_ (_ad ĭd ĭpsum_ ＞ adęs), and in the combination _ĕccum_, in which it ceased to be recognized, so that _ĕccu’_ was regarded as a synonym of _ĕcce_. 131. (1) The demonstrative particles _ĕcce_ and _ĕccu’_ were often prefixed to pronouns in Vulgar Latin. Being thus proclitically used, they frequently lost their first syllable (§ 19); sometimes, however, under the influence of _ac_ (as in _ac sīc_ ＞ aissi), they preserved it, assuming the vowel of _ac_: _ecce ĭlla_ ＞ aicẹla, _eccu’ ĭsta_ ＞ aquẹsta; cf. § 43, (2). (2) The suffix _-met_ was used in Vulgar Latin as an intensive prefix. Its change of place was probably due to such phrases as _sēmet ĭpsum_, understood as _sē metĭpsum_. The _-t_, before a vowel, regularly gives -d- (_met-ĭpsum_ ＞ mẹdes); but we find, besides, -z- (＜ Lat. _d_), introduced perhaps through the analogy of _ĭd_ in _ĭd ĭpsum_ (✱_medĭpsum_ ＞ mezẹis); and also -t- (＜ Lat. _tt_), which may be the result of a combination of _met-_ and _ĭd-_ (_met-ĭd-ĭpsum_ ＞ ✱_metdĭpsu_ ＞ metẹis). 132. The pronouns preserved, either in their simple form or combined with a prefix, are the following:-- (1) Of _hīc_ only the neuter, _hŏc_, was kept _Hŏc_ ＞ ǫ; _ecce hŏc_ ＞ aiçǫ aissǫ, and çǫ so; _eccu’ hŏc_ ＞ aquŏ acŏ. All of these are invariable. (2) _Ipse_ appears as ẹps ẹpsa, ẹus ẹussa, ẹis ẹissa (with a m. pl. ẹisses and a neuter ẹis); the last forms are the commonest; for the development of the _ps_, see § 79 and § 80, Ps. _Met-ĭpse_ gives (medips) medẹs, (metẹish) metẹis, and, more commonly, mezẹis (f. mezẹissa, neuter mezẹis); see § 131, (2). ✱_Met-ĭpsĭmus_ becomes medẹsme-s, mesẹsme-s, meẹsme-s (§ 65, D), with feminine forms in -a. Unaccented _ĭpsum_ is probably one source of the neuter sǫ: cf. § 132, (1). For the article (so, sa), see § 119. (3) _Ille_, uncombined, developed into an article (§ 118) and a personal pronoun (§§ 123, 125), but went out of use as a demonstrative. Combined with _ecce_ and _eccu’_ it gave: aicẹl aissẹl, cẹl, sẹl; aquẹl. Echẹl (pronounced ekẹl?) seems to come from _eccu’ ĭlle_ with its original initial vowel preserved. _Ipse ĭlle_ perhaps gave rise also to a sẹl, which ultimately coincided with the form coming from _ecce ĭlle_. There is a neuter aicelo, perhaps aicẹl + ǫ. Cẹl will illustrate the inflection of all these words; the forms are to be explained like those of the disjunctive personal pronoun (§ 125):-- MASCULINE FEMININE Sg. {_nom._: cẹl cẹu cẹlh cẹls[98] cẹla celha cil cilh cilha[99] cellüi {_obj._: cẹl cẹu cẹlh cellüi cẹla cẹlha celęi celęis celięis cilh Pl. {_nom._: cil cilh cẹlh cẹls[100] cẹlas cẹlhas {_obj._: cẹls cẹlhs[101] cẹlas cẹlhas (4) _Iste_ gave ẹst, ẹstz, ẹsta, ẹstas. _Ecce ĭste_ became aicẹst (not common) and cẹst sẹst; _eccu’ ĭste_ became aquẹst echẹst, and chẹst. Aquẹst will illustrate the inflection; the forms are to be explained like those of cẹl:-- MASCULINE FEMININE Sg. {_nom._: aquẹst aquẹsta aquist aquisti {_obj._: aquẹst aquẹsta Pl. {_nom._: aquist aquisti aquẹstas {_obj._: aquẹstz aquẹtz aquẹstas INTERROGATIVES AND RELATIVES. 133. The interrogative and relative pronouns were confused and combined in Vulgar Latin, _quī_ taking the place of _quĭs_, and _quĭd_ gradually encroaching on _quŏd_. Furthermore, the masculine forms were used instead of the feminine, which disappeared. We have in Provençal no evidence of the survival of any other cases than the nominative, dative, and accusative singular and the nominative plural:-- MASCULINE AND FEMININE NEUTER Sg. {_nom._: _quī_ ＞ qui _quĭd_ ＞ que, (_before vowel_) quez {_dat._: _cūī_ ＞ cüi _cūī_ ＞ cüi {_acc._: _quĕm_ ＞ que _quĭd_ ＞ que, (_before vowel_) quez Pl. _nom._: _quī_ ＞ qui _quæ_ ＞ que The distinction between que ＜ _quĕm_, que quez ＜ _quĭd_, and que ＜ _quæ_ could not be maintained; we have, then, simply three forms: a nom. sg. or pl. qui, a nom.-acc. sg. or pl. quẹ (quẹz), a dat. sg. or pl. cüi (sometimes written _qui_). 134. We have also _qualis_, which came to be inflected like fezẹls: see § 103, (2); the feminine singular, however, often dropped its -s, and sometimes took the ending -a (cal, cala). _Quīnam_ apparently became quina, which, understood as a feminine form, developed a masculine, quin. There seems to have been also a ✱_quīniam_ (cf. _quŏniam_?), which gave quinh, quinha. Cf. D. Behrens in the _Zeitschrift für französische Sprache_, XVII, ii, 67-8, footnote. The phrase _de ŭnde_ became dọnt, dọn, which was often used with the meaning ‘of which’, ‘of whom’. 135. (1) In Provençal the interrogative pronouns are: qui, ‘who’ or ‘whom’; que quez, ‘what’; cüi, ‘to whom’ or ‘whom’, ‘to what’ or ‘what’ (obj.); cals (either alone or preceded by the definite article, inflected as in § 134), ‘which’; quin quinh, quina quinha, ‘which’. Cals is used also as an adjective. (2) The relative pronouns are: qui, ‘one who’, indefinite (used also, in early texts and in southwestern Languedoc, as the regular relative pronoun for persons); que quez, ‘who’ or ‘whom’, ‘which’; cüi, ‘whom’, ‘which’ (generally used as indirect object of a verb, or after a preposition); lo cals (inflected as in § 134), ‘who’ (‘whom’), ‘which’; don dont, ‘of which’, ‘of whom’. INDEFINITE PRONOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 136. The following words call for special mention:-- (1) Alcüs ＜ ✱_alĭqu’ ūnus_ = _alĭquī ūnus_, ‘someone’. Inflection: alcüs, alcü(n); alcüna. (2) Alquant ＜ _aliquantum_, _aliquanti_, ‘somewhat’, ‘some’; diminutive, alquantet. (3) Alques alque ＜ _alĭquĭd_, used as an invariable neuter pronoun or adverb, ‘something’, ‘somewhat’. The -s form, which originally developed before a vowel, was preferred because of the analogy of other neuter pronouns and adverbs. The preservation of the e is due to association with quez que. Alque was sometimes used as an adjective. (4) Als al au, used as an invariable neuter pronoun, ‘something else’. Al (au) may have been detached from alques, understood as al ques. Meyer-Lübke, however, takes it, as well as Old French el, from ✱_alum_ = _aliud_: _Gram._, II, p. 649. Als owes its -s to the analogy of other neuter pronouns, such as alques, ẹis, mais, męlhs, mẹns, pęis, etc. (5) Altre autre ＜ _alter_, ‘other’, pronoun and adjective. A dative ✱_altrūī_, following _illūī_, goes back to Vulgar Latin. The Provençal forms autrüs, autrü show the influence of alcüs and negüs; autri belongs to the southeastern dialects (cf. aquẹli, ẹli, nǫstri, tüti, etc.). Inflection:-- MASCULINE FEMININE Sg. {_nom._: autre autres autrüs autra {_obj._: autre autrüi autrü autra Pl. {_nom._: autre autri autras {_obj._: autres autras (6) Altretals autretals ＜ _alter talis_; by dissimilation, atretals: by substitution of ai- (first syllable of aissi ＜ _ac sīc_) for atre-, aitals; by fusion of aitals and atretals, aitretals; through analogy of atressi, atrestals. Cf. § 74, 2. Inflection like that of cals (§ 134). (7) Altretan atretan aitan atrestan etc. ＜ _alter_ + _tantum_: see altretals. (8) Cada un ＜ κατά + _ūnum_,‘every one’. The Greek preposition κατά was introduced into the Latin territory, probably by Greek merchants, in stating prices: καθ᾽ἕνα = _cata ūnum_, κατά τρεῐς = _cata trēs_; hence cada ün, cada trẹi. Inflection: cada üs, cada ü(n); cada üna. (9) Calacom qualacom qualaquom, ‘something’, ‘a little’, seems to be a Provençal compound of cal and acǫ (§ 132), the last syllable of which was perhaps understood as cọm cọ ＜ _quōmŏ_(_do_). Cf. quezacom below. There is a diminutive calacomet, which helped to maintain the m of calacom. (10) Cals que quals que, cal que qual que, ‘whoever’, is a Provençal compound. (11) Cant quant can quan ＜ _quantum quanti_, ‘how much’, ‘how many’. Cant, inflected like bęl (§ 103), is used also as an adjective and as a masculine and feminine pronoun. (12) Cascüs chascüs, ‘everyone’, ‘every’, appears to be a fusion of cada üs and ✱cescüs ＜ ✱_cisqu’ ūnus_ = _quĭsque ūnus_ = _ūnus quĭsque_. Inflection: cascüs, cascü(n); cascüna. (13) Ent en n ne ＜ _ĭnde_,‘some’: cf. § 123. (14) Maint mant man manh ＜ Celtic ✱_mantî_, ‘many’, ‘many a’, ‘many a one’. Obj. pl. in -s, f. sg. in -a, f. pl. in -as. (15) Molt mout mot mul mon ＜ _mŭltum_, ‘much’. For mọt, mul, mọn, see § 74, (2) and § 74, 1. Mọlt, inflected like bęl (§ 103), is used also as an adjective and as a masculine and feminine pronoun. (16) Negüs ＜ _nĕc ūnus_, ‘no one’. Inflection: negüs, negü(n); negüna. Beside negün we find degün, apparently through dissimilation. (17) Nüls ＜ _nūllus_, ‘no’, ‘none’. Inflection: nüls, nül, nül, nülh, nüls; nüla, nülas. From nülh ＜ _nūllī_ comes a set of forms with lh: see § 67, (2). Hence, by metathesis suggested by the analogy of negün, lhün. A fusion of nülh and lhün results in lünh, whence a set of forms with nh. (18) Om ＜ _hŏmo_, ‘one’. (19) Pauc ＜ _paucum_, _pauci_, ‘little’, ‘few’. There is also a regular adjective, paucs, ‘small’. (20) Que que, ‘whatever’, is a Provençal compound. (21) Quecs ＜ _quĭsquis_ (§ 78, 2), ‘everyone’. From quẹcs were formed an objective quẹc and a feminine quẹga (cf. amics amic amiga). (22) Quesacom (diminutive quesacomet), ‘something’, ‘a little’, is formed like calacọm above, the first element in this case being either quẹs ＜ _quĭd_ or quẹ s = quẹ es. (23) Qui que, ‘whoever’, is a Provençal compound. (24) Res re, ‘anything’, ‘something’. (25) Tals ＜ _talis_, ‘such’, inflected like cals (§ 134). (26) Tamanh ＜ _tam magnum_, ‘so great’; f. tamanha. (27) Tant tan ta ＜ _tantum_, _tanti_, ‘so much’, ‘so many’. Tant, inflected like bęl (§ 103), is used also as an adjective and as a masculine and feminine pronoun. (28) Totz ＜ _tōttus_ = _tōtus_ (_Gram._, I, § 547), ‘all’, had a regular inflection: tọtz, tọt, tọt, tọtz; tọta, tọtas. In the masculine nominative plural, however, we find oftener the forms tüch tüich tüit tüt tüti, which point to a Latin ✱_tūctī_ (cf. Italian _tutti_); for this no satisfactory explanation has been discovered (see Nigra, _Rom._, XXXI, 525). Hence we occasionally have in the singular tütz, tüt, and in the objective plural tügz tütz; the last form occurs also as a nominative plural. Tọt is frequently used as a neuter pronoun and as an adverb. (29) Üs, ‘some’; from _ūnus_, used as an indefinite adjective or pronoun, we have the plural forms; ü(n), ü(n)s; ünas. 2. CONJUGATION. THE FOUR CONJUGATIONS. 137. (1) In Vulgar Latin there were some shifts, the verbs of the second and third conjugations being particularly unstable: _cadĕre_, _capĕre_, _sapĕre_, for instance, often passed into the second, while _mŏvēre_, _rīdēre_ frequently followed the third, and _mŏri_, _sĕqui_ usually went into the fourth. _Pŏsse_, _vĕlle_, with the new infinitives ✱_potēre_, ✱_volēre_, were made to conform with more or less regularity to the second conjugation type. Beside _do_, _dant_, _sto_, _stant_, there came into use the forms ✱_dao_, ✱_daunt_, ✱_stao_, ✱_staunt_. Beside _facĕre_ there doubtless existed a verb ✱_fare_,[102] strongly influenced by _dare_ and _stare_; the first suggestion of shortening probably came from the monosyllabic imperative singular _fac_ (or _fa_[103]), which must have led to a plural ✱_fate_ beside _facĭte_. _Habēre_ and _vadĕre_[103] also came under the influence of _dare_ and _stare_; the former adopted, beside _habeo_, _habes_, _habet_, _habent_, the forms ✱_ho_, ✱_has_, ✱_hat_, ✱_hant_ or ✱_haunt_. _Vadĕre_ generally lost its past tenses, which were replaced by _īre_ and, in southern Gaul, by _annare_.[104] (2) In Provençal the first conjugation was well preserved, and the fourth lost but little. The second and the third lost many verbs (especially learned words) to the fourth: delir, emplir, envazir, espandir, fugir, iauzir, merir, regir, relinquir, reluzir, vertir;[105] cọzer cozir ＜ _consuĕre_,[106] devire devezir ＜ _divīdĕre_, dire dir ＜ _dīcĕre_, lęire legir (also lire lir) ＜ _lĕgĕre_, quęrre querir ＜ _quærĕre_, sęgre seguir ＜ _sĕqui_, tenẹr tenir[107] ＜ _tenēre_. Moreover, the second and third conjugations, which in Provençal differed practically only in the infinitive, were much confused: cabẹr, cazẹr, mǫrdre, rire, sabẹr; cọrre accorrẹr, mentavẹr mentaure ＜ _mente habēre_, movẹr mǫure, quęrre querẹr, redẹbre rezemẹr ＜ _redĭmĕre_. Uc Faidit, a 13th century grammarian, enumerates about 500 verbs in -ar, about 100 in -er and -re, and a little over 100 in -ir. 138. The inchoative ending _-scĕre_ lost its original sense. The _-īsc-_ type, for verbs of the fourth conjugation, was very widely extended, the _-isc-_ becoming a part of the regular present stem of the fourth conjugation, and disappearing from the infinitive: _finīre_, ✱_finīsco_ ＞ finir, finisc. An obscure substitute for the Latin _-ēsc-_ type produced an ending -eissir -ezir -zir (_dis-pigrēscĕre_ = despereissir, _evanēscĕre_ = envanezir[108]), which was used in forming some new verbs: enfolezir[109] ＜ fǫl, envelhezir ＜ vęlh, envelzir ＜ vil, esclarzir ＜ clar, escürzir ＜ escür oscür, espaorzir ＜ paọr.[110] The _-āsc-_ and _-ōsc-_ types appear in old verbs: _irāscĕre_ ＞ iráisser, _co(g)nōscĕre_ ＞ conọisser.[111] 139. New verbs were formed, in late Vulgar Latin and in Provençal, only in the first and fourth conjugations. The commonest suffixes were _-āre_, _-iāre_, _-icāre_, _-idiāre_ (＜ -ίζειν: § 57, Z), _-īre_: ✱_oblītāre_ ＞ oblidar, ✱_altiāre_ ＞ aussar, ✱_carricāre_ ＞ cargar, ✱_werridiāre_ ＞ guerreiar, ✱_abbellīre_ ＞ abelir. Germanic verbs generally went into the first conjugation, except those in _-jan_, most of which entered the fourth: _roubôn_ ＞ raubar (also raubir), _wîtan_ ＞ guidar; _furbjan_ ＞ forbir. FUNDAMENTAL CHANGES IN INFLECTION. 140. The Latin perfect passive took the sense of a present; _amātus est_, for instance, under the influence of such phrases as _carus est_, came to mean ‘he _is_ loved’. This led to the establishment of an entire passive inflection made up of the perfect participle and the parts of the verb _ĕsse_; and the old passive forms were gradually abandoned, leaving no trace (save the perfect participle and possibly the gerundive) in the Romance languages. So the passive is constructed in Provençal as in French: ẹs amatz, ęra amatz, fọ amatz, será amatz, etc.; the participle regularly agrees with the subject in gender and number. Latin deponent verbs became active: _mŏri_ ＞ morir, _sĕqui_ ＞ seguir. 141. (1) Such phrases as _ĭd habeo factum_ shifted their meaning from ‘I have it done’, etc., to ‘I have done it’, etc. The Latin perfect came to be restricted to its aorist sense, and the perfect was expressed by compounds of _habēre_ with the perfect participle. In the Romance languages all compound tenses were eventually formed in this way: ai cantat, avia cantat, aurai cantat, etc. In Provençal the auxiliary is sometimes ęsser, instead of avẹr, if the main verb is reflexive, passive, or neuter; ęsser is particularly common with neuter verbs of motion: sọi vengütz.[112] A participle used with avẹr may agree in gender and number with the direct object, if there is one: ai cantat _or_ cantada la cansọ. (2) The Latin perfect indicative continued to be used as an aorist, and is the source of the preterit in Provençal, as in the other Romance languages: _vīdī_ ＞ vi, ‘I saw’. The pluperfect indicative survived in some regions; in Provençal it is used with the sense of a conditional: _fŭĕrat_ ＞ fọra,‘he would be’. The future perfect indicative and the perfect subjunctive did not remain in Provençal: _amavĕro_ = aurai amat, _amavĕrim_ = aia amat. The pluperfect subjunctive assumed the functions of the imperfect, which disappeared from nearly every part of the Romance territory: _audīssem_ (for _audīrem_) ＞ auzis. The perfect infinitive left no trace: _audīsse_ = avẹr auzit. 142. The Latin future, which was not uniform in the four conjugations, and, in the third and fourth, was liable to confusion with the present subjunctive, was gradually replaced by various periphrastic constructions: instead of _faciam_ people said _factūrus sum_, _dēbeo facĕre_, _vŏlo facĕre_, _habeo_ (_ad_) _facĕre_, etc. The construction that prevailed in the greater part of the Empire was _facĕre habeo_, a combination of the infinitive with the present indicative of _habēre_. The verb _ĕsse_ was the only one that ultimately retained the old future beside the new: Pr. ęr, ęrs, ęr, beside serái serás será; in the plural, only serẹm, serẹtz, serán. The new composite future was occasionally used by Tertullian, St. Jerome, and St. Augustine, and became common in Italy by the 6th century.[113] (2) As an imperfect of the future, there was evolved a combination of the infinitive and the imperfect or perfect indicative. To correspond to _dīcit quod venīre habet_, was constructed _dīxit quŏd venīre habēbat_ (or _habuit_); to match _sī pŏssum, venīre habeo_, was made _sī potuĭssem, venīre habēbam_ (or _habuī_). In Gaul, as in most of the Empire, only the imperfect of _habēre_ was used for this purpose. Traces of such a construction are found as early as the 3d century. This form is generally called the _conditional_, and it existed in Provençal side by side with the conditional described in § 141, (2): sería, serías, sería, etc., beside fọra, fọras, fọra, etc. The Romance languages developed also a perfect conditional: auría agüt = ‘I should have had’. 143. (1) The present participle remained in use as an adjective: _fīlias placentes_ ＞ filhas plazẹns; cf. § 101, (3). In its verbal function it was replaced by the ablative of the gerund: _vĕnit accŭrrens_ ＞ _vĕnit accŭrrendo_ ＞ ven acorrẹn. In most Provençal dialects, however, the present participle and the gerund coincided in form (_amantem_ and _amando_ both ＞ amán), the gerund being distinguished from the participle only by its lack of inflection: see § 76, (2). (2) The gerund retained only the ablative case, the use of which was considerably extended: see above. In its other cases it was replaced by the infinitive: _artem dīcendī_ ＞ _artem dīcĕre_ ＞ art de dire. The supine, too, was replaced by the infinitive: _vīsum vĕnit nōs_ ＞ _vĕnit nōs vĭdēre_ ＞ ven nọs (a) vezẹr. INFINITIVE, PRESENT PARTICIPLE, AND GERUND. 144. The infinitive endings _-āre_, _-ēre_, _-īre_ regularly became -ar, -ẹr, -ir; _-ĕre_ became -re or -er: see § 48, (1) and § 52, (1). Ex.: _amāre_ ＞ amár, _vĭdēre_ ＞ vezẹr, _audīre_ ＞ auzir; _tŏllĕre_ ＞ tǫlre, _nascĕre_ ＞ náisser, _dīcere_ ＞ dire dízer. For shifts of conjugation, see § 137. 1. The fourth conjugation verbs _enantir_, _gauzir_, _grazir_, _murir_, _servir_ sometimes took a final _e_ by the analogy of _devire_ (＜ _divīdĕre_), _dire_, _rire_. On the other hand, _dire_ occasionally lost its _-e_ by the analogy of the fourth conjugation. _Lire_ for _leire_ (＜ _lĕgĕre_) is probably French, and _lir_ is to be explained like _dir_. 2. _Far_ beside _faire_ doubtless comes from ✱_fare_ = _facĕre_: see § 137, (1). _Trar_ beside _traire_ (＜ ✱_tragĕre_) follows _far_. 3. _Escriure_ (＜ _scrībĕre_) sometimes became _escrire_ through the analogy of _dire_. 4. Some verbs that passed from the second to the third conjugation preserved the old infinitive as a noun: _debēre_ ＞ _deure_ _devér_, _placēre_ ＞ _plaire_ _plazér_. 145. The endings _-antem_ _-ando_, _-ĕntem_ _-ĕndo_ regularly became -an or -ant, -en or -ent: § 76, (2). See § 143, (1). The endings _-iĕntem_ _-iĕndo_ lost their i in Vulgar Latin (§ 40, 1), and were thus reduced to _-entem_ _-endo_. Ex.: _amantem_ _amando_ ＞ amán (or amánt), _vidĕntem_ _vidĕndo_ ＞ vezén (or vezént), _credĕntem_ _credĕndo_ ＞ crezén (or crezént); _sapiĕntem_ _sapiĕndo_ ＞ ✱_sapĕntem_ ✱_sapĕndo_ ＞ sabén (or sabént), _partiĕntem_ _partiĕndo_ ＞ ✱_partentem_ ✱_partendo_ ＞ partén (or partént). Fourth conjugation verbs which adopted the inchoative -sc- (§ 138), generally introduced it into the present participle and the gerund: florir, florissẹn. Cf. § 155. For the declension of the present participle, see § 101, (3). PAST PARTICIPLE. 146. The Provençal past participle comes from the Latin perfect participle. It is to be noted that verbs which originally had no perfect participle were obliged to create one in order to form their compound tenses: see § 141, (1). Past participles in Provençal, when inflected, were declined like bęl: §§ 102; 102, 1; 103, (1). See § 141, (1). 147. In the first and fourth conjugations the endings were _-ātum_ and _-ītum_, which regularly became -at and -it: _cantātum_ ＞ cantát, _finītum_ ＞ fenít. The first conjugation verbs which had a form in _-ĭtum_ discarded it for _-ātum_: _crepāre_ _crĕpĭtum_ = crebár crebát. On the other hand, _aperīre_ and _operīre_ preserved their participle in _-ĕrtum_: cubrir (＜ _cooperīre_), cubęrt (also cubrít); ubrír (＜ _aperīre_ + _cooperīre_), ubęrt. By the analogy of these, sufrir (＜ _suffĕrre_) and ufrir (＜ _offĕrre_) have sufęrt (also sufrít), ufęrt. Tenẹr tenir keeps its Provençal second conjugation ending, tengüt (see § 148); and venir, following the analogy of tenir, has vengüt. 148. (1) Most Latin verbs of the second and third conjugations had no accented ending, but a few had an ending _-ūtum_, which corresponded very well to the _-ātum_ and _-ītum_ of the first and fourth: _arguĕre_, _argūtum_; _consuĕre_, _consūtum_; _sĕqui_, _secūtum_; _solvĕre_, _solūtum_; _volvĕre_, _volūtum_. This ending was considerably extended in Vulgar Latin, especially to verbs having a perfect in _-ŭī_: _habēre_, _habŭī_, _habĭtum_ ✱_habūtum_. In Provençal it spread still further: cazẹr, cazęc, cazegüt. Inasmuch as it was closely associated with the perfect, it came to be attached, more and more frequently, to the stem of that tense. (2) Of the Provençal verbs of the second and third conjugations, about half adopted the ending -üt. In some the -üt is added to the stem of the infinitive: crezüt, defendüt, escondüt, molüt, perdüt, resemüt, respondüt, rompüt, vendüt, vezüt veüt. Most of the verbs, however, attach the -üt to the stem of the preterit: nasc, nascüt; pasc, pascüt; tems, temsüt; tesc, tescüt, venc, vencüt (from vẹnser); visc, viscüt. A few have both forms: agüt avüt; cazegüt cazüt; vengüt venüt. It is to be noted, in the case of verbs that add -üt to the preterit, that if the third person singular of the preterit ends in a voiceless consonant preceded by a vowel or l or n, that consonant is voiced in the participle: ac, agüt; bẹc, begüt; cazęc, cazegüt; conọc, conogüt; crẹc, cregüt; dẹc, degüt; elęc, elegüt; mǫc, mogüt; nǫc, nogüt; plac, plagüt, plǫc, plogüt; pǫc, pogüt; remas, remazüt; saup, saubüt; sęc, següt; tẹnc, tengüt; tǫlc, tolgüt; valc, valgüt; vẹnc, vengüt (from venir); vǫlc, volgüt. Exceptions are ceupüt, saupüt (beside saubüt), and vencüt (from vẹnser): for ceupüt, saupüt, cf. § 65, P, 3; in vencüt the c was perhaps kept to distinguish the word from vengüt (venir). (3) The other half of the second and third conjugation verbs generally preserved the old participle with no accented ending: ars, cẹing, claus, dich, düit, estrẹit, fach, iọinch, mẹs, ọnh, pǫst, prẹs, trach, etc. Some of these have also forms in -üt: defẹs defendüt, elig eslęit elegüt, escọs escondüt, mǫut molüt, nat nascüt, remas remazüt, rọt rompüt, vis vezüt. A few verbs made up new forms without a stressed ending: conquęrre, conquẹs conquis; redemer rezemer, redems (rezemüt); sọrger, sọrs; tǫlre, tǫlt tǫut; vezẹr, vist (vis vezüt veüt); vǫlvre, vǫut. _Mĭttĕre_ probably had beside _mĭssum_ a form ✱_mīsum_ (cf. _mīsī_); hence mẹtre, mẹs mis. By the analogy of this, prendre has beside prẹs a form pris. ęstre borrowed estát from estar ＜ _stare_. Escriut, from escriure, is probably influenced by the infinitive; escrich follows dich. So, probably, does elig = eslęit, from elegir eslire eslir. 1. For sọi agütz (= ai estat), which is found not only in some Provençal dialects, but also in southeastern France, French Switzerland, and parts of northern Italy, see § 141, (1), footnote 1. FUTURE AND NEW CONDITIONAL. 149. For the formation of these parts, see § 142, (1), (2). Ex.: amarái, creisserái, florirái. Verbs of the second conjugation regularly, and verbs of the fourth very often, syncopate the e or i of the infinitive: remanrái, volrás; partrái, venría. Third conjugation infinitives with final e drop this e before the ending; those in -er keep the e: vẹndre, vendrái; náisser, naisserái. First conjugation infinitives regularly keep the a (§ 45), but in a few texts (especially the _Girart_ and the _Rasos de trobar_) the a is changed to e: cantarái, sonaría, trobarẹm; blasmerán, comterá. 1. _Esser_ keeps the old future forms _er_, _ers_, _er_, beside _serái_, _serás_, _será_ (_serém_, _serétz_, _serán_). 150. For the phonetic changes exemplified in a_u_ría, de_u_rái, mo_u_rá; pla_i_ría; ca_i_rá, ve_i_rái; val_d_rái; reman_d_rém, ten_d_ría; po_i_ría, see § 70, βr, C´r, Dr, Lr, Nr, Tr. Anar (＜ _annāre_) has beside anarái a form irái from ir (＜ _īre_). ęsser drops its first syllable (serái), perhaps through elision (tu ’sserás, etc.), perhaps in accordance with the general principle stated in § 19. Faire far always makes its future and conditional from the latter form (farái). Sabẹr has beside sabrái a form saubrái, due no doubt to the combined influence of aurái and the preterit saup ＜ _sapuit_. Vezẹr, following the analogy of beurái, deurái, viurái, has veurái beside the regular veirái. 151. The composite nature of the future and conditional was still sufficiently felt, in the literary period, to admit of the separation of the component parts: amar vos ái, dar n’ẹtz, donar lo t’ái, tornar nos ẹm, tornar s’en ía. FUTURE ENDINGS. 152. For the 1st pers. sg., the Provençal verb used the form ✱_ayo_ ＞ ai (§ 73, βy); for the 2d and 3d pers. sg. and the 3d pers. pl., the forms ✱_has_ ＞ as, ✱_hat_ ＞ a (§ 82, T), ✱_hant_ ✱_haunt_ ＞ an aun (§ 83, Nt): see § 137, (1). In the 1st and 2d pers. pl., _habēmu’_(§ 82, S, 2), _habētis_ naturally gave avẹm, avẹtz (§ 64); but inasmuch as the other four terminations were monosyllabic, the av- was dropped when avẹm, avẹtz came to be understood merely as future endings. The future is, therefore, inflected as follows:-- cantar-ái cantar-ẹm cantar-ás cantar-ẹtz, -ẹs, -ẹt cantar-á cantar-án, -ánt, -áun, -áu 1. In Gascony and Languedoc we find -ęi for -ai: see §§ 23, 2; 162, (4). In Gascon and in the modern dialects of some other regions -am is used for ẹm. In some dialects of Béarn, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiné, -ẹm becomes -ẹn: cf. § 65, M, 1; also § 167, 2. CONDITIONAL ENDINGS. 153. _Habēbam_ ＞ aβẹβa ＞ (probably through dissimilation: § 87, β) aβẹa ＞ avía (§ 26); so avías, avía, aviám, aviátz, avían. But inasmuch as the conditional was formed in imitation of the future, and none of the future forms retained the av-, the conditional endings were reduced to -ía, -ías, -ía, -iám, -iátz, -ían. Some dialects, which substituted -on for -an, introduced -íon into the conditional: § 169. The conditional is, therefore, inflected as follows:-- cantar-ía cantar-iám cantar-ías cantar-iátz, -iás, -iát cantar-ía cantar-ían, -íon, -ío 1. In verse these endings are sometimes counted as monosyllabic: poiri͡a. Guiraut Riquier uses -íatz for -iátz. In some dialects of Béarn, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiné, -iám becomes -ián: cf. § 65, M, 1; also § 167, 2. PRESENT. 154. The personal endings will be discussed separately in §§ 164-169. 155. The Provençal present indicative and subjunctive come, in the main, directly from the corresponding parts of the Latin verb:-- _amo_ ＞ am _amāmu’_ ＞ amám _amas_ ＞ amas _amaātis_ ＞ amátz _amat_ ＞ ama _amant_ ＞ áman _faciam_ ＞ fassa _faciāmu’_ ＞ fassám _facias_ ＞ fassas _faciātis_ ＞ fassátz _faciat_ ＞ fassa _faciant_ ＞ fássan In the 4th conjugation, however, most verbs have adopted the originally inchoative -sc- (§ 138) and incorporated it into the inflection of the present, except in the 1st and 2d pers. pl. of the indicative:-- _florīsco_ ＞ florísc _florēmu’_ ＞ florẹm[114] _florīscis_ ＞ florís florísses _florētis_ ＞ florętz[114] _florīscit_ ＞ florís _florīscunt_ ＞ floríscon _florīscam_ ＞ florísca _floriscāmu’_ ＞ floriscám _florīscas_ ＞ floríscas _floriscātis_ ＞ floriscátz _florīscat_ ＞ florísca _florīscant_ ＞ floríscan We occasionally find such forms as florissẹm, florissętz, and florám, florátz. 1. The s coming from sc´ was of course originally palatal; it is sometimes written _sh_. The sc of the 1st pers. sg., the 3d pers. pl., and the whole pres. subjunctive was replaced, in some dialects, by s or sh: floris florish, florisson florishon, florissa florisha. 156. Of the Latin imperative forms, only the present active, 2d pers. sg. and pl., remained in use. The Provençal verb kept the sg., but substituted for the pl. the 2d pers. pl. of the present indicative:-- _ama_ ＞ ama _amāte_ _amātis_ ＞ amátz _tĕne_ ＞ ten _tenēte_ _tenētis_ ＞ tenętz _crēde_ ＞ crẹ _crēdĭte_ ✱_crēdĭ́tis_[115] ＞ crezętz _partī_ ＞ part _partīte_ _partītis_ ＞ partętz[115] _fīnīsce_ ＞ finís _finīte_ _finītis_ ＞ finętz[115] In negative commands the present subjunctive is generally used instead of the plural imperative, and sometimes the infinitive is employed instead of sg. or pl. The verbs auzir, avẹr, dire, ęsser, sabẹr, vezẹr, volẹr regularly took their imperative forms from the present subjunctive: áuias, digátz, veiátz, etc. 1. _Fait_ ＜ _facĭte_ (beside _faitz_) seems to come directly from the Latin form. 2. Before _vos_ the pl. drops final _-tz_ (or _-t_?): _departe vos_, _vene vos_. _Ve vos_ becomes _veus_; a fusion of _ve vos_ and _ec_ ＜ _eccum_ results in _vecvos_. DOUBLE STEMS. 157. Differences in accentuation and in the environment of vowels or consonants regularly developed different stems in different parts of some verbs. For instance, _ádjūtā́re_ ＞ aidar (§ 45), while _adjū́tat_ ＞ aiüda. 158. Sometimes, as above, an intertonic vowel disappeared: _mándūcā́re_ ＞ maniar, _mandūco_ ＞ ✱mandüc manüc; ✱_parabolāre_ ✱_páraulā́re_ ＞ parlar, ✱_parabŏlat_ ✱_paraulat_ ＞ paraula. In such cases the shortened stem usually prevailed: mania, parla. But in _adjutare_ the longer one was preferred: aiüdar. 159. (1) A vowel which breaks in one part of a verb may be unstressed, and therefore remain unbroken, in another part: _probāre_ ＞ proar, _prŏbat_ ＞ prueva,[116] ✱_sequīre_ ＞ sęguir, ✱_sĕquit_ ＞ sięc.[117] In such cases the phonetic development is generally undisturbed. (2) A vowel which breaks in one part of a verb may, with different environment, remain unbroken even in another part in which it is stressed: ✱_volēre_ ＞ volẹr, ✱_vŏleo_ ＞ vuelh, ✱_vŏlet_ ＞ vǫl. If the breaking occurs in the 1st pers. sg., the phonetic development is regularly undisturbed; if it occurs in the 2d and 3d pers. sg., it is generally carried into the other forms in which the vowel is stressed: _cŏllĭgit_ ＞ cuęlh, hence cuęlh = _collĭgo_; _ĕxit_ ＞ ięis, hence ięsc, ięscon, ięsca. 160. A consonant may be followed by e̯ or i̯, and so palatalized, in one part of the verb, and not in another: ✱_cadeo_ ＞ chai, ✱_cadēmu’_ ＞ chazẹm; _dēbeo_ ＞ dẹch dẹi (§ 73, βy), _dēbet_ ＞ dẹu; _faciat_ ＞ fassa, _facĕre_ ＞ faire; _fŭgio_ ＞ füi, _fugĕre_ ＞ fugir; _jaceam_ ＞ iassa, _jacēre_ ＞ iazẹr[118]; _placeāmu’_ ＞ plassám, _placēmu’_ ＞ plazẹm; _sapiam_ ＞ sapcha, _sapit_ ＞ sap; _tĕneo_ ＞ tenh, _tĕnet_ ＞ ten; _valeo_ ＞ valh, _vales_ ＞ vals; _vĕniat_ ＞ venha, _venīre_ ＞ venir; _vĭdeam_ ＞ vẹia, _vidētis_ ＞ vezẹtz; ✱_vŏleo_ ＞ vuęlh, ✱_vŏlet_ ＞ vǫl. Verbs in _-eo_ generally keep this distinction; but we find mǫva, somóna, tẹma = _mŏveam_, _submŏneam_, _tĭmeam_. Most verbs in _-io_, on the other hand, dropped the i̯ in Vulgar Latin: _partio_ ✱_parto_ ＞ part, _partiunt_ ✱_partunt_ ＞ parton, _partiam_ ✱_partam_ ＞ parta; sen, senton, senta; sięrf, sięrvon, sięrva; etc. A few verbs show forms both with and without the e̯ or i̯: _audio_ ＞ auch (_audiam_ ＞ auia), ✱_audo_ ＞ au; _crēdo_ ＞ crẹ, ✱_crēdeo_ ＞ crẹi[119]; _vĭdeo_ ＞ vẹi[119], ✱_vĭdo_ ＞ vẹ. 161. Verbs in -ng- naturally developed a palatal consonant before e or i (§ 73, Ng´), but not before other vowels: _cĭngĕre_ ＞ cẹnher, _cĭngo_ ＞ cẹnc, _cĭngit_ ＞ cẹnh, _cĭngam_ ＞ cẹnga; so fẹnher, ọnher, plánher, pọnher, etc. The palatal was carried by analogy into the parts that were originally without it: hence the double forms cẹnc cẹnh, cẹngon cẹnhon, cẹnga cẹnha, etc. These double forms led tenẹr, venir to adopt tenc, venc, tenga, venga, beside the regular tenh, venh, tenha, venha. Such forms as these, supported by dẹrc ＜ _de-ērĭgo_, dic ＜ _dīco_, pręc ＜ _prĕco_, sęc ＜ ✱_sequo_, trac ＜ ✱_trago_, etc., afforded a starting-point for an ending -c, adopted by some other verbs in the 1st pers. sg. of the present indicative: _pĕrdo_ ＞ pęrt pęrc, _pr(eh)ĕndo_ ＞ pren prenc, _remaneo_ ＞ remanh remanc, etc. PECULIAR FORMS. 162. The following verbs have individual peculiarities that call for special mention:-- (1) Anar (＜ _annāre_), ‘to go’, takes most of its present from _vadĕre_: indicative, _vau_ _vauc_ (analogy of _estau_ _estauc_), _vas_, _va_ _vai_ (analogy of _fai_), _anám_, _anátz_, _van_ _vaun_ (analogy of _estan_ _estaun_); subjunctive, _an_ or _vaza_ (＜ _vadam_) _vaia_ (analogy of _vai_ and of _traia_), _vaga_ (analogy of _traga_), etc.; imperative, _vai_ (analogy of _fai_), _anátz_. (2) Aucire (＜ _occīidĕre_: § 43) has in the pres. indicative 3d sg. _auci_ (＜ _occīdit_) and _aucis_ (analogy of _aucizém_, _aucizétz_). Cf. _auzir_, _caire_, _rire_, _traire_, _vezér_. These forms were doubtless helped by the analogy of _ditz_ (＜ _dīcit_), _dütz_, _fatz_, _iatz_, _letz_ (＜ _lĭcet_), _platz_, _tatz_. (3) Auzir (＜ _audīre_) has in the pres. indicative 3d sg. _au_ (＜ _audit_) and _aus_ (analogy of _auzém_, _auzétz_). Cf. _aucire_, _caire_, _rire_, _traire_, _vezér_. See also § 160. (4) Aver (＜ _habēre_) has in the pres. indicative: _ai_ (＜ _habeo_: § 73, βy), _as_, _a_, _avém_, _avétz_ (see §§ 167, 168), _an_ _aun_; see § 137, (1). There is no trace of ✱_ho_. Instead of _ai_, the dialects of Aude, Tarn, Tarn et Garonne, and Haute-Garonne have _ei_ (cf. _Gram._, II, p. 304), which probably developed first in the future (§ 152, 1) through the analogy of the preterit ending _-ei_ which took the place of _-ai_: _amāvi_ ✱_amai_ ＞ ✱_amai_ _amei_ (§ 175), then _amarai_ ＞ _amarei_, then _ai_ ＞ _ei_. The pres. subjunctive is _aia_ (＜ _habeam_: § 73, βy). For the imperative, see § 156. (5) Caire cazér (＜ _cadĕre_ ✱_cadēre_) has in the pres. indicative 3d sg. _ca_ (＜ _cadit_) _cai_ (analogy of _brai_ ＜ ✱_bragit_, _fai_, _trai_ ＜ ✱_tragit_, _vai_) _cas_ (analogy of _cazém_, _cazétz_: cf. _aucire_, _auzir_, _rire_, _traire_, _vezér_). (6) Conóisser (＜ _cognōscĕre_) has in the pres. indicative 1st sg. _conosc_ (＜ _cognōsco_) and _conóis_ (analogy of 2d and 3d sg., _conóisses_, _conóis_). (7) Creire (＜ _crēdĕre_): pres. subjunctive _creza_ (＜ _crēdam_) and _crega_ (analogy of _diga_, _sega_, _traga_). See also § 160. (8) Créisser (＜ _crēscĕre_): pres. subjunctive _cresca_ (＜ _crēscam_) and _crega_ (analogy of _diga_, _sega_, _traga_, and of the imperfect subjunctive _cregués_). (9) Dar (＜ _dare_): _dau_ (＜ ✱_dao_), _daun_ (＜ ✱_daunt_); see § 137, (1). (10) Destruire (＜ ✱_destrūgĕre_ = _destruĕre_): analogy of _agĕre_, _tĕgĕre_, etc. Cf. _traire_. ✱_Destrūgit_ ＞ _destrüi_. (11) Dever (＜ _debēre_) has in the pres. indicative 1st sg., beside _dech_ _dei_ (§ 160), _dec_ (analogy of _dic_, _prec_, _sec_, _trac_, and perhaps of the preterit _dec_). (12) Dire (＜ _dīcĕre_): _dic_ (＜ _dīco_) _diu_ (cf. § 51, 3; § 65, G, 1); _ditz_ (＜ _dīcit_) _di_ (analogy of _fai_, _trai_, and of imperative _di_ ＜ _dīc_); _dízon_ (analogy of _ditz_, _dizém_, _dizétz_); _diga_ _dia_ (both ＜ _dīcam_: § 65, G). For the imperative, see § 156. (13) Düire (＜ _dūcĕre_): _dütz_ (＜ _dūcit_) _düi_ (analogy of _destrüi_, _trai_). (14) Eissir (＜ _exīre_): _iesc_, _iescon_, _iesca_, analogy of _conosc_, _florisc_, etc.; for vowel, see § 159, (2). (15) Ésser estre (＜ ✱_ĕssĕre_ = _ĕsse_). Pres. indicative: _sŭm_ ＞ sọn sọ (§ 82, M), then, by the analogy of _ai_ and _füi_, sọi süi; _ĕs_ became ęst ięst, perhaps through _ĕs tu_ ＞ ęs-t-u ＞ ęst-tü, supported by the analogy of the preterit ending of the 2d sg. (vọs vendętz, tü vendęst or vendięst, so, to match vọs ętz, a form tü ęst or ięst); _ĕst_ became ẹs, probably through such combinations as quẹ’s (understood as qu’ẹs); _sīmu’_, which existed in Latin beside _sŭmus_ (Rom., XXI, 347), gave sẹm, while from _ĕstis_ there was constructed an ✱_ĕsmus_ ＞ ęsmes (rare), and from ętz a form ẹm (very common); _ĕstis_ ＞ ęstz ętz (§ 78, 2); _sŭnt_ ＞ sọn sǫ (§ 83, Nt). Pres. subjunctive: _sĭm_, _sīs_, etc., were replaced in V. L. by ✱_sĭam_, ✱_sĭas_, etc. (on the analogy of _fiam_, _faciam_, etc.), which gave sía sías sía siám siátz, sían síon; we find also sẹia, etc., formed apparently on _deia_, _veia_. Imperative borrowed from subjunctive. (16) Estar (＜ _stare_). Pres. indicative: _estáu_ (＜ ✱_stao_) _estáuc_ (§ 161); _estás_ (＜ _stas_); _está_ (＜ _stat_) _estái_ (analogy of _fai_, _trai_); _estám_ (＜ _stamu’_); _estátz_ (＜ _statis_) _estáitz_ (after _faitz_); _están_ (＜ _stant_) _estáun_ (＜ ✱_staunt_); see § 137 (1). Pres. subjunctive: _estía_, etc., _estéia_, etc., patterned on _sia_, _seia_; also _estéi_, perhaps a cross between _esteia_ and ✱_esté_ ＜ _stem_. Imperative: _está_, _estáitz_. (17) Faire far (＜ _facĕre_ ✱_fare_): § 137, (1). Pres. indicative: _fatz_ (＜ _facio_) _fau_ (analogy of _dau_, _estau_) _fac_ _fauc_ (§ 161); _fas_ (＜ ✱_fas_); _fatz_ (＜ _facit_) _fa_ (＜ ✱_fat_) _fai_ (influence of _faire_, _faim_, _faitz_, and of _trai_); _faim_ (＜ _facĭmu’_: § 167, 1) _fam_ (＜ ✱_famu’_) _fazém_ (see _fazétz_); _faitz_ (＜ _facĭtis_) _fatz_ (＜ ✱_fatis_) _fazétz_ (analogy of regular verbs, _crezétz_, etc.); _fan_ (＜ ✱_fant_) _faun_ (analogy of _daun_, _estaun_). Pres. subjunctive: _faça_ _fassa_, etc. (＜ _faciam_, etc.). Imperative: _fai_ (＜ _fac_); _fatz_ _faitz_ (borrowed from indicative) _fait_ (＜ _facĭte_). (18) Iazér (＜ _jacēre_), also _iassér_ (influence of _ias_ ＜ _iatz_ ＜ _jacet_, and of _iassa_?): _iatz_ (＜ _jacet_) _iai_ (analogy of _fai_, _trai_); _iassa_ (＜ _jaceam_) _iaia_ (analogy of _traia_, _vaia_). (19) Movér móure (＜ _movēre_ ✱_mŏvĕre_): _mova_ (＜ ✱_mŏvam_ = _mŏveam_) _moga_ (analogy of _traga_). (20) Partir (＜ _partīre_): _part_ (＜ ✱_parto_ = _partio_) _parc_ (§ 161); so _parta_ _parga_. (21) Perdre (＜ _pĕdĕre_): _pert_ _perc_, _perda_ _perga_; see § 161. (22) Plazér plaire (＜ _placēre_ ✱_placĕre_): _platz_ (＜ _placet_) _plai_ (analogy of _fai_, _trai_); _plassa_ (＜ _placeam_) _plaia_ (analogy of _traia_, _vaia_). (23) Podér (＜ ✱_potēre_ = _pŏsse_): see § 137, (1). Pres. indicative: _posc_ (＜ _pŏssum_ influenced by _cognōsco_) _puosc_ _puesc_ (analogy of _puoc_ _puec_ ＜ _pŏtui_), _puecs_ (? ＜ ✱_pots_ ＜ ✱_pŏtsum_ + _puesc_), _pois_ (＜ ✱_pŏsseo_); _potz_ (＜ _pŏtes_); _pot_ (＜ _pŏtet_ = _pŏtest_); _podém_ (＜ ✱_potēmu’_); _podétz_ (＜ ✱_potētis_); _póden_ (＜ ✱_potent_) _pódon_, _pon_ (analogy of _potz_, _pot_, and _son_ ＜ _sŭnt_). Pres. subjunctive: _posca_ _puosca_ _puesca_ (like _posc_ _puosc_ _puesc_), etc.; _poissa_ (＜ ✱_pŏsseam_), etc. (24) Prendre (_prĕndĕre_ = _prehĕndĕre_) penre (see § 71, end): _pren_ (＜ _prĕndo_) _prenh_ (analogy of _tenh_, _venh_) _prenc_ (§ 161); so _prenda_ _prenha_ _prenga_. (25) Rire (＜ ✱_rīdĕre_): _ri_ (＜ _rīdet_) _ritz_ (analogy of _rizém_, _rizétz_: cf. _aucire_, _auzir_, _caire_, _traire_, _vezér_); _ria_ (＜ _rīdeam_?). (26) Sabér (＜ ✱_sapēre_): see § 137, 1. Pres. indicative: _sai_ _sei_ (analogy of _ai_ _ei_ from _avér_); _saps_; _sap_; _sabém_ (＜ ✱_sapēmu’_); _sabétz_ (＜ ✱_sapētis_); _sáben_ (＜ ✱_sapent_) _sábon_. Pres. subjunctive: _sapcha_ (＜ _sapiam_). Imperative from subjunctive. (27) Tazér taire (＜ _tacēre_ ✱_tacĕre_): _tatz_ (＜ _tacet_) _tai_ (analogy of _taire_ and of _fai_, _trai_). (28) Tenér (＜ _tenēre_): _tenh_ (＜ _tĕneo_) _tenc_ (§ 161); so _tenha_ _tenga_. (29) Traire (＜ ✱_tragĕre_, perhaps also ✱_tracĕre_, = _trahĕre_): _trac_ (＜ ✱_trago_ or ✱_traco_) _trai_ (§ 63, 6)[120]; _trai_ (＜ ✱_tragit_) _tra_ (analogy of _da_, _esta_, _fa_, _va_) _tratz_ (＜ ✱_tracit_?: cf. _aucire_, _auzir_, _caire_, _rire_, _vezér_); _trázon_ (analogy of _tratz_); _traga_ _traia_ (both ＜ ✱_tragam_). (30) Vezér (＜ _vidēre_): _vei_ (＜ _vĭdeo_) _vec_ (§ 161); _ve_ (＜ _vĭdet_) _ves_ (analogy of _vezém_, _vezétz_: cf. _aucire_, _auzir_, _caire_, _rire_, _traire_). Imperative from subjunctive. (31) Volér (＜ ✱_volēre_ = _vĕlle_): see § 137, (1). Pres. indicative: _vuelh_ (＜ ✱_vŏleo_); _vols_ (＜ ✱_vŏles_); _vol_ (＜ ✱_vŏlet_); _volém_ (＜ ✱_volēmu’_)[121]; _volétz_ (＜ ✱_volētis_); _vólon_ (＜ ✱_vŏlent_). Pres. subjunctive: _vuelha_ (＜ ✱_vŏleam_), _vuelhas_, _vuelha_, _vulhám_, _vulhátz_, _vuelhan_. Imperative from subjunctive. 163. In verse the present subjunctive ending -ia sometimes counts as one syllable: si͡atz. Cf. § 153, 1. PERSONAL ENDINGS[122]. 164. (1) In the first person singular final _-o_ and _-em_ regularly disappeared: _amo_ ＞ am, _amem_ ＞ am. When, however, the _-o_ or _-em_ was preceded by a consonant group requiring a supporting vowel (§ 52), the ending was regularly retained as -e: _dŭbĭto_ ＞ dọpte, _sŭffĕro_ ＞ suffre, _trĕmŭlem_ ＞ tremble. Through the analogy of ai, crẹi, dẹi, sọi, vẹi, and the 1st pers. sg. of the preterit, this -e was in the indicative generally changed at an early date to -i: ✱_cŏpĕro_ ＞ cǫbre cǫbri, ✱_opĕro_ ＞ ǫbre ǫbri; so _ĭmpleo_ ✱_ĭmplo_ ＞ ompli. This -i (occasionally -e) was then taken as a distinctive ending of the 1st pers. sg., and was added to many verbs that needed no supporting vowel: auzir, au auze; azorar, azọr azọri; cantar, can canti; cọrre, cọr cọrri; mẹtre, mẹt mẹti; prezar, prętz pręzi; remirar, remir remire remiri; respondre, respon respondi; sentir, sen senti; vẹndre, vẹn vẹndi. In the subjunctive, when a final vowel was required, -e was usually kept; it was also extended to some verbs that did not need it: acabe, dọne, mire, plọre. Very rarely an unnecessary -i was added instead of -e: laissar, lais laissi. (2) The ending _-am_ regularly gave -a: _audiam_ ＞ auia. 165. In the second person singular final _-as_ regularly remained, and _-ēs_ and _-ī̆s_ became -s (or, when a supporting vowel was required, -es): _amas_ ＞ amas; _valēs_ ＞ vals, _sapĭs_ ＞ saps, _partīs_ ＞ partz; _dŭbĭtēs_ ＞ dọptes. Cf. § 82, S. Sometimes, especially in late texts, -s is expanded into -es: canz cantes, partz partes, saps sabes, vals vales; so floris florisses, etc. Final _-a_ remained, and _-ē̆_ and _-ī_ fell: _ama_ ＞ ama, _tĕne_ ＞ ten, _crēde_ ＞ crẹ, _partī_ ＞ part. 166. In the third person singular final _-at_ became -a, _-ĕt_ and _-ĭt_ fell (but remained as -e when a supporting vowel was needed): _amat_ ＞ ama, _amet_ ＞ am, _tĕnet_ ＞ ten te, _vĕnit_ ＞ ven ve; _trĕmŭlet_ ＞ tremble. Cf. § 82, T. 167. In the first person plural the final _-s_ disappeared early, _s_ being perhaps regarded as a distinctively second person ending[123]. The rare form ęsmes = _sŭmus_ is the only one that retains the _s_: cf. § 162, (15). Then _-āmu’_, _-ēmu’_ gave regularly -am, -ẹm: _cantāmus_ ＞ cantám, _habēmus_ ＞ avẹm. Likewise _-ĭmu’_, through the analogy of _-āmu’_, _-ēmu’_, came to take the accent on its penult, and then regularly developed into -ẹm: _crēdĭmus_ ✱_credĭ́mu’_ ＞ crezẹm. This -ẹm of the second and third conjugations passed into the fourth, and entirely displaced the -im that would have been the regular representative of _-īmu’_: _partīmus_ ＞ ✱partím partẹm. 1. In _faim_ ＜ _facĭmu’_ the old accentuation apparently survives: cf. § 52, (4), 1. 2. In some dialects of Béarn, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiné, _-m_ apparently becomes _-n_: _devén_, _havén_, _volén_; so _aurián_, _trobarén_, _segrián_ (cf. § 152, 1; § 153, 1). Cf. § 65, M, 1. 168. In the second person plural _-ātis_ regularly gave -atz: _amātis_ ＞ amatz, _audiātis_ ＞ auiatz. The regular form from _-ētis_ is -ẹtz, which we find kept in the future (veirẹtz) and in the present subjunctive (cantẹtz); in the present indicative it was replaced by -ętz, probably through the analogy of ętz ＜ _ĕstis_: _habētis_ ＞ avẹtz avętz, ✱_potētis_ ＞ podẹtz podętz, so sezętz, valętz, etc.; the rare avẹtz and podẹtz are the only forms that preserve ẹ. The ending _-ĭtis_, taking the accent on its penult (cf. § 167), became ✱-ẹtz, then -ętz: _crēdĭtis_ ＞ crezętz. This -ętz also displaced the -itz that would have been regular in the fourth conjugation: _partītis_ ＞ partętz. The final -tz was reduced, in some of the principal dialects, to -s (§ 64): cantás, sezęs, partęs. In other dialects it was replaced very early by -t (§ 64): auiát, avęt, passát, podęt; so partirẹt, etc. 1. In _faitz_ ＜ _facĭtis_ the old accentuation apparently survives. 169. In the third person plural _-ant_, _-ent_, _-unt_ gave respectively -an -ant, -en, -on -o (§ 83, Nt): _amant_ ＞ áman ámant, _audiant_ ＞ áuian áuiant; _valent_ ＞ válen, _ament_ ＞ ámen; _vēndunt_ ＞ vẹndon vẹndo. In Languedoc -an was replaced by -on or -o in the 13th century; in other regions, later: ámon, chanto ls, coménso l. The _Boeci_ has -en for -an: amen, monten. In Gascony and some of the Limousin territory -en partially displaced -on (floríssen, párten, vẹnden), elsewhere -on or -o displaced -en (válon). IMPERFECT INDICATIVE. 170. In the first conjugation _-abam_ regularly gave _-ava_. In the second, through the analogy of _aβéa_ ＜ _habēbam_ (§ 153), _-ēbam_ came to be replaced, in southern Gaul, by _-éa_, which regularly changed to _-ía_ (§ 26). In the third, _-iēbam_ regularly became _-ēbam_ (§ 40, 1); and this and original _-ēbam_ were replaced by the _-éa_ ＞ _-ía_ of the second conjugation. In the fourth, _-ībam_, which had in the accented syllable the characteristic vowel of the conjugation, crowded out _-iēbam_; _-ībam_ then lost its β through the analogy of the second and third conjugations. We have, then, in Provençal, only two sets of endings: _-áva_, etc., in the first conjugation; _-ía_, etc., in the second, third, and fourth. amáva vezía fazía partía amávas vezías fazías partías amáva vezía fazía partía amavám veziám faziám partiám amavátz veziátz faziátz partiátz amávan vezían fazían partían 1. In poetry _ía_ is sometimes counted as one syllable: _avi͡an_, _devi͡an_. 2. For some subsequent developments of western dialects, see Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, II, p. 326. 3. For the personal endings, see §§ 164-169. 4. _Esser_ has: ęra, ęras, ęra, erám, erátz erás, ęran ęron ęro. PRETERIT, OLD CONDITIONAL, AND IMPERFECT SUBJUNCTIVE. 171. These parts are all formed from the same stem, that of the Latin perfect: cf. § 141, (2). Ex.: cantęi, cantęra, cantęs; vendęi, vendęra, vendęs; partí, partíra, partís; vi, vira, vis; dẹc, dẹgra, deguẹs. PRETERIT. 172. Preterits which stress the ending throughout are called _weak_; those which do not stress the ending throughout are called _strong_: part_í_, part_íst_, part_í_, part_ím_, part_ítz_, part_íron_ is weak; saup, saub_íst_, saup, saub_ém_, saub_étz_, sáub_ron_ is strong. Verbs of the first and fourth conjugations regularly have weak preterits (amęi, finí). Verbs of the second and third, with very few exceptions, originally had strong preterits (_placuī_ ＞ plac, _fēcī_ ＞ fis): many of them, however, developed weak preterits either in Vulgar Latin or in Provençal (irasquęi, nasquęi, tessęi tesquęi, visquęi); some assumed a weak form in -í in the 1st pers. sg. (dis dissí, pris prenguí, remas remanguí, trais traguí: cf. §§ 173, 177); quęrre, on the other hand, substituted a strong preterit (quis, etc.) for a weak one. 173. (1) Final _-ī_, in the first pers. sg., doubtless remained through the earlier stages of Provençal (_habuī_ ＞ águi, _dīxī_ ＞ díssi): cf. § 51, (2). Before it fell, it changed an accented ẹ in the preceding syllable to i (_vēnī_ ✱_vēnuī_ ＞ ✱vẹngui vinc): cf. § 27; occasionally, however, the ẹ was kept, through the analogy of the other persons (pris prẹs). Sometimes, instead of falling, the -i took the accent (following the analogy of the fourth conjugation) and remained: águi ＞ ac or aguí, díssi ＞ dis or dissí (cf. § 177). When the -i was immediately preceded by an accented vowel, it regularly formed a diphthong with that vowel, and did not fall (_fuī_ ＞ füi): cf. § 51, (3); but -íi was simplified to -i (_partīvī_ _partīī_ ＞ partí). Before enclitic l, -ei -iei were often reduced to -e -ie: cantiel. (2) In the 2d pers. sg., _-stī_ became -st, a preceding ẹ being changed to i (§ 27): _partīstī_ ＞ partíst, _debuĭstī_ ＞ deguíst; sometimes, through the analogy of the 2d pers. pl., ẹ remains (venguẹst: cf. § 27, 2). Occasionally the final -t disappears: anięst anięs, fezíst fezís. (3) The _-t_ of the 3d pers. sg. was lost in strong preterits: _placuit_ ＞ plac, _vīdit_ ＞ vi. In weak preterits, it was retained by most dialects after é, and by many after í: donęt donę, vendęt vendę; partí partít. Cf. § 82, T. (4) In the 1st pers. pl., _-mus_ _-mu’_ (see § 167) was reduced to -m: _vīdĭmu’_ ＞ vim. (5) The _-stis_ of the 2d pers. pl. regularly became -tz (§ 78, 2), later in many dialects -s (§ 64): _debuĭstis_ ＞ deguẹtz deguẹs. (6) The _-runt_ of the 3d pers. pl. regularly gave -ron or -ro (§ 83, Nt): _partīrunt_ ＞ partíron partíro, _vīdĕrunt_ ＞ viron viro. In some dialects -en is substituted for -on: _fŭĕrunt_ ＞ fọron fọren (cf. § 169). The _e_ before _-runt_, which in classic Latin was usually long, was always short in Vulgar Latin when it was preserved at all: _amavĕrunt_ ＞ _amārunt_, _fēcĕrunt_. WEAK PRETERITS. 174. (1) In the first and fourth conjugations we find in Latin the following endings:-- _-āvī_ _-āī_ _-āvĭmus_ _-īvī_ _-īī_ _-īvĭmus_ _-āvĭstī_ _-āstī_ _-āvĭstis_ _-īvĭstī_ _-īstī_ _-īvĭstis_ _-īstis_ _-āstis_ _-āvit_ _-aut_ _-āvēre_ _-īvit_ _-īit_ _-īt_ _-īvēre_ _-īvē̆runt_ _-āvē̆runt_ _-ārunt_ _-īrunt_ The popular speech preferred in every case the shortened form, and generally reduced _-āvĭmus_, _-īvĭmus_ to _-āmus_, _-īmus_ (in southern Gaul _-āmu’_, _-īmu’_: § 167), on the analogy of the 2d pers. sg. and pl. (2) In the second conjugation a few verbs (_delēre_, _flēre_, _nēre_, _-olēre_, _-plēre_, _viēre_) had similar endings (_delēvī_, etc.), which were doubtless contracted in like fashion in so far as these words were in common use. Most verbs of this conjugation, however, had strong preterits (_tacēre_, _tacuī_; _vidēre_, _vīdī_; etc.). (3) The third conjugation had in classic Latin no weak endings corresponding to those of the first, second, and fourth; but the vulgar speech developed a set in the following manner. Compounds of _dare_ formed their perfect in _-dĭdī_ (_perdĭdī_); this _-dĭdī_, in accordance with the principle set forth in § 16, 3, came to be pronounced -dę́dị (_condédi_); and -dędị, probably through dissimilation[124], was shortened to -dęi (✱_credéi_). With this form as a starting-point, a weak preterit was created on the analogy of those of the other conjugations, the endings being something like -ęi, -ęstị, -ęt, -ęmus -ęmu’, -ęstis, -ęrunt. This inflection was probably extended to some verbs outside the _-dĕre_ class (✱_battéi_, etc.?). 175. (1) In Provençal the weak inflection disappeared from the second conjugation, _delēre_ and _-plēre_ passing into the fourth, and the other weak verbs going out of use. (2) Verbs of the fourth conjugation (except venir) all took the weak endings -í, -íst, -í, -ím, -ítz, -íron: partí, partíst, partí, partím, partítz, partíron. Irregular verbs either disappeared or became regular (_sensī_ = sentí), with the exception of _venīre_ ＞ venir (vinc).[125] (3) The new weak endings of the third conjugation developed into -ęi, -ęst, -ęt, -ém, -ętz, -ęron: vendęi, vendęst, vendęt, vendém, vendętz, vendęron. In the 1st pers. sg. the ę often broke (vendięi), and the diphthong was sometimes carried into the 2d pers. sg. (vendięst). These endings were considerably extended in Provençal (cazęt, etc.), and were occasionally attached to a strong preterit stem (nasquęt, tesquęt, venquęt, visquęt). Most verbs, however, kept their strong preterit (mis, conọc). The _-īvī_ perfect disappeared from the third conjugation: _quæsīvit_ ＞ ✱_quæsit_ ＞ quẹs. (4) The first conjugation discarded its own weak endings, and substituted those of the third: cantęi cantięi, cantęst cantięst, cantęt, cantém, cantętz, cantęron. This strange phenomenon seems to have originated as follows: _dare_, _dĕdī_ ＞ dar, dęi; from dar the ending -ęi was readily extended to estar (estęi); and from these two very common verbs it spread to the whole first conjugation. Irregular verbs (except _dare_, _stare_) either disappeared or became regular. 1. According to Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, II, p. 304, Latin _-ai_ became by phonetic process -ęi in Vulgar Latin, and -ęi or -ięi in Provençal. There seems to be no evidence to support this theory. Cf. § 23, 2. 2. In the dialects of Béarn and Catalonia the original _a_ remains in some parts of the preterit. 176. A final -c, which developed in the strong _-ui_ preterits (§ 184), often became attached to the 3d pers. sg. of weak preterits of the fourth conjugation: floríc, fugíc, iauzíc, partíc.[126] It was sometimes extended to other weak preterits: chantęc, entendęc, nasquęc,[127] paręc.[128] We find also a 3d pers. pl. cazęgron, etc., and even a 1st pers. sg. ameguí, etc. In some western dialects the final -c was adopted by the whole first conjugation: donęc, portęc, etc. 177. Some strong preterits occasionally assumed weak endings:-- (1) In the 1st pers. sg. several verbs in -s sometimes either added an -í or shifted the stress to an originally unaccented final -i (cf. §§ 172, 173): dis dissí, pris presí, quis quesí, respos respozí. A few verbs in -c did the same: aic aiguí, bẹc beguí, conọc conoguí, saup saubí, vinc venguí, vǫlc volguí. An ending -guí being thus established, this syllable was sometimes added to preterits not of the -c class: costrenguí, destrenguí, prenguí, remanguí, restrenguí, traguí. (2) In the 3d pers. sg. weak endings are rare: ac aguęt, vẹnc venguęt. (3) In the 3d pers. pl. the weak ending is not uncommon in -s preterits: diron dissęron, düistrent düissęron, mẹsdren mezęron, prẹson presęron, remastrent remazęron, traissęron. We probably have to deal here, as in (1), with a shift of accent--_dīxĕrunt_ ＞ ✱dísseron ＞ dissęron, etc.: see § 49, (2). The same thing may be true of such a form as aguęron, beside ágron, from ✱_áβwerunt_ = _habuĕrunt_; such a form as visquęron, on the other hand, is doubtless imitative. STRONG PRETERITS. 178. (1) The reduplicative perfects were discarded in Vulgar Latin, with the exception of _dĕdi_ (and its compounds) and _stĕti_, whose reduplicative character was no longer apparent. _Cecĭdī_ became ✱_cadui_ or ✱_cadéi_; the rest either disappeared or passed into the _-sī_ class: _cucŭrrī_ ＞ ✱_cŭrsī_, _momŏrdī_ ＞ ✱_mŏrsī_, _pepĕndī_ ＞ ✱_pē(n)sī_, _pupŭgī_ ＞ ✱_punxī_, _tetĕndī_ ＞ ✱_tē(n)sī_, _tetĕgī_ ＞ ✱_taxī_ ✱_tanxī_. (2) The _-i_ perfects were greatly reduced in number in Vulgar Latin. Some disappeared (_ēgī_), some became weak (_fūgī_ ＞ ✱_fugīī_ ＞ fügí); others passed into the _-sī_ or the _-uī_ class: _prehĕndī_ ＞ ✱_prē(n)sī_ ＞ pris; _bĭbit_ ＞ ✱_bĭbuit_ ＞ bẹc, _vēnit_ ＞ ✱_vēnuit_ ＞ vẹnc. In Provençal only three _-ī_ verbs remained: _fēcī_ ＞ fis, _fuī_ ＞ füi, _vīdī_ ＞ vi. (3) Of the _-sī_ class (including _-ssī_ and _-xī_) over twenty verbs were preserved in Vulgar Latin (_dīxī_, _excŭssī_, _mīsī_, _traxī_, etc.), and about the same number passed into this class from others (_absco(n)sī_, ✱_fraxī_ ✱_sŭrsī_, etc.): cf. (1) and (2) above. In Provençal nearly half the verbs of the second and third conjugations have _-sī_ preterits: _rema(n)sī_ ＞ remas, ✱_respō(n)sī_ ＞ respọs[129]. (4) The _-uī_ class held its own very well in Vulgar Latin (_placuī_, etc.) and received some additions (_natus sum_ ＞ ✱_nacuī_, _sustŭlī_ ＞ ✱_tŏluī_, _vēnī_ ＞ ✱_vēnuī_, _vīcī_ ＞ ✱_vĭncuī_, _vīxī_ ＞ ✱_vīscuī_, etc.)[130]. To this class belonged, in Vulgar Latin (and, according to Meyer-Lübke[131], in classic Latin also), all perfects in _-vī_, this ending being pronounced -wŭī, later -wwị or -βwị: _cognōvī_ ＞ ✱_conōvuī_ ＞ conọc, _crēvit_ ＞ ✱_crēvuit_ ＞ crẹc, _mōvī_ ＞ ✱_mŏvuī_ ＞ mǫc. Cf. § 148. In Provençal not far from half the verbs of the second and third conjugations have _-uī_ preterits. For a combination of a -c ＜ _-uī_ stem with a weak ending, see § 175, (3). For the extension of -c ＜ _-uī_ to other conjugations, see § 176. 179. In the 1st pers. pl. the accent was shifted to the ending, to make this form correspond to the 2d pers. sg. and pl.: _fēcĭmus_ ＞ ✱_fēcĭ́mu’_ ＞ fezẹm (cf. _fecĭstī_ ＞ fezist, _fecĭstis_ ＞ fezẹtz), ✱_prē(n)sĭmus_ ＞ ✱_presĭ́mu’_ ＞ prezẹm, _debŭĭmus_ ＞ _deβwĭ́mu’_ ＞ deguẹm. Exceptions are _fŭĭmus_ ＞ fọm, _vīdĭmus_ ＞ vim; in these verbs the 2d pers. forms also are monosyllabic (füst, fọtz; vist, vitz). 180. We find in some verbs an irregular 3d pers. pl. without -r-, made by adding -on or -en to the 3d pers. sg., the final consonant of which is voiced in all verbs in which it is voiced in the other persons of the plural: (aucire) aucis, aucíson; (plánher) plais, pláisson; (prenre) prẹs, prẹson; (remanre) remas, remáson; (venir) vẹnc, vẹnguen; (volẹr) vǫlc, vǫlgon. 1. _Prenre_ has _preiron_ (beside _preson_ _preseron_), probably through the analogy of _feiron_ ＜ _fēcĕrunt_. _Mairon_, from _maner_, is perhaps to be explained in the same way. 181. (1) Through the change of -e- to -i- by the influence of a final -ī, as described in § 173, (1), a distinction was established between the first and the third person singular of some preterits: _crēvī_ ＞ cric, _crēvit_ ＞ crẹc; _fēcī_ ＞ fis, _fēcit_ ＞ fẹs; ✱_prē(n)sī_ ＞ pris, ✱_prē(n)sit_ ＞ prẹs; _tĕnuī_ ✱_tēnuī_[132] ＞ tinc, _tĕnuit_ ✱_tēnuit_ ＞ tẹnc; _vēnī_ ✱_vēnuī_[132] ＞ vinc, _vēnit_ ✱_vēnuit_ ＞ vẹnc. Mẹtre, also, has mis, mẹs, which may come from ✱_mĭssī_ ✱_mĭssit_ (cf. _mĭssum_) = _mīsī_, _mīsit_; or perhaps mis comes from _mīsī_ and mẹs is analogical. Through the analogy of such forms, quęrre has quis, quẹs. In the preterit of podẹr, both _pŏtuī_ and _pŏtuit_ would regularly have given pǫc puǫc puęc (§ 37), but pǫc was kept for the 3d person, and puǫc puęc was used for the 1st. The preterit of volẹr differentiates the two persons similarly--vuęlc, vǫlc; here the diphthong (perhaps under the influence of puęc) is borrowed from the present, where we have ✱_vŏleo_ ＞ vuęlh, ✱_vŏlet_ ＞ vǫl (§ 37). Avẹr, likewise, borrows a distinction from the present: aic, ac reproduce the vowels of ai, a; aic + aguí ＞ aiguí. (2) For -í as a characteristic of the first person, see § 177, (1). (3) For -c as a distinctive mark of the third person, see § 176. 182. The three -ī perfects developed in Provençal as follows:-- (1) _Facĕre_ ＞ faire (✱_fare_ ＞ far) has: _fēcī_ ＞ fis, fezí _fēĭmus_ ✱_fēcĭ́mu’_ ＞ fezẹm _fēcĭ́stī_ ＞ fezíst fezís _fēcĭstis_ ＞ fezẹtz fezẹs _fēcit_ ＞ fẹtz fẹs _fēcĕrunt_ ＞ fẹiron fẹiro 1. We do not find, in the 1st pers. sg., as we should expect (§ 65, C´), _fitz_ beside _fis_; doubtless the form came early under the influence of _mis_, _pris_, _quis_, etc. For _fezí_, see § 177, (1). There is also a form _fi_, due, perhaps, to the analogy of _vi_ ＜ _vīdī_; corresponding to _fi_ are 3d pers. sg. _fe_, and pl. _fem_, _fes_, _feron_. A rare _figuí_ is evidently made on the model of _aiguí_, etc. In the 3d pers. sg. we find also _fei_, which seems to be patterned after _feiron_ or after the present _fai_. (2) _Esse_ (＞ ✱_ĕssĕre_ ＞ ęsser ęstre) had originally a long _u_ in the perfect. In literary Latin the _u_ was shortened, but the popular speech seems to have kept _ū_ beside _ŭ_. The Provençal 1st and 2d pers. sg. apparently come from _fūī_, ✱_fūstī_ = _fuĭstī_ (although Pr. füi might be taken from _fŭī_), while the other forms presuppose _ŭ_: _fūī_ ＞ füi _fŭĭmus_ ✱_fŭmu’_ ＞ fọm _fūĭstī_ ✱_fūstī_ ＞ füst füs _fŭĭstis_ ✱_fŭstis_ ＞ fọtz fọs _fŭit_ ✱_fŭt_ ＞ fọ, fọn, fọnc _fŭĕrunt_ ✱_fŭrunt_ ＞ fọron fọro, fọren 1. A rare _fo_ in the 1st pers. sg. seems to be simply borrowed from the 3d. In the 3d pers. sg., _fon_ beside _fo_ is due to the analogy of _-on_ _-o_ in the 3d pers. pl., and, in general, of such double forms as _bon_ _bo_, _mon_ _mo_, _son_ _so_, _ton_ _to_: cf. § 63, (5). _Fonc_ shows the influence of _tenc_, _venc_. (3) _Vidēre_ ＞ vezẹr has: _vīdī_ ＞✱viði ✱við vi, vic _vīdĭmus_ ✱_vīdĭmu’_ ＞✱viðmu ✱viim vim _vīdĭstī_ ＞vist vis _vīdĭstis_ ＞vitz vis _vīdit_ ＞✱við vi, vit, vic _vīdĕrunt_ ＞✱viðrun viron viro 1. The 1st pers. sg. _vic_ is patterned upon _aic_ ＜ _habuī_, _cric_ ＜ _crēvi_, etc. The 2d pers. forms are irregular, as we should expect ✱_vezist_, ✱_vezetz_: evidently the 2d pers. followed the analogy of the 1st and 3d. In the 3d pers. sg., _vit_ and _vic_ follow the model of _partit_, _partic_, etc.: see § 173, (3), and § 176. 183. In the -sī perfect the 3d pers. pl. presented difficulties. If the -e- of the penult fell, an s or z and an r were brought together. Most dialects apparently preserved the -e-, and shifted the accent to it (aucizęron, condüissęron, dissęron, prezęron, remazęron, traissęron), or else borrowed outright the weak ending (respondęron): cf. § 49, (2), and § 177, (3). Dialects which lost the -e- too early to follow this method, generally suppressed the sibilant (aucíron, diron, mẹron from mẹtre, remáron), or omitted the -r- and formed the 3d pers. pl. directly from the 3d pers. sg. (aucízon, pláisson, prẹzon, remázon: § 180), or else imitated a preterit of another class (mairon from manẹr, prẹiron from prenre, doubtless patterned after fẹiron ＜ _fēcĕrunt_); some borderland dialects kept the sibilant and the r, and developed a dental between them (düystrent ＜ _dūxĕrunt_, mẹsdren ＜ _mīsĕrunt_ + ✱_mĭssĕrunt_: § 70, Sr, Zr). As examples of the _-sī_ perfect we may take the preterit of dire ＜ _dīcĕre_ and penre prenre ＜ _pr(eh)ĕndĕre_:-- (1) _dīxī_ ＞ dis, dissí _dīxĭmus_ ✱_dīxĭ́mu’_ ＞ dissẹm _dīxĭstī_ ＞ dissíst _dīxĭstis_ ＞ dissẹtz dissẹs _dīxit_ ＞ dis _dīxĕrunt_ ＞ dissęron, diron diro (2) ✱_prē(n)sī_ ＞ pris, prẹs, presí ✱_prē(n)sĭmus_ ✱_prēsĭ́mu’_ ＞ presẹm ✱_prē(n)sĭstī_ ＞ presíst ✱_prē(n)sĭstis_ ＞ presẹtz presẹs ✱_prē(n)sit_ ＞ prẹs ✱_prē(n)sĕrunt_ ＞ presęron, prẹson, prẹiron (3) Escriure ＜ _scrībĕre_ has, beside escris ＜ _scrīpsī_, a preterit escrius (cf. p. p. escriut escrit escrich), in which the u is probably due to the influence of the infinitive. (4) For dissí, presí, quesí, respozí, see § 177, (1). For pris prẹs, etc., see § 173, (1). 184. In the -uī perfect the development depends somewhat upon the consonant preceding the _u_. The treatment of the various cons. + w groups, which was discussed in § 72, may be illustrated by _ha_bu_it_ ＞ ac[133], _crēvit_ ✱_crē_vu_it_ ＞ crẹc[134]; _nŏ_cu_it_ ＞ nǫc[135]; _sēdit_ ✱_sĕ_du_it_ ＞ sęc, _pŏ_tu_it_ ＞ pǫc; _va_lu_it_ ＞ valc[136], _tĕnuit_ ✱_tē_nu_it_ ＞ tẹnc[137], _mĕ_ru_it_ ＞ męrc; _sa_pu_it_ ＞ saup[138]: the noteworthy features are the change of _u_ to -c (through w, gw, g), the absorption of the preceding consonant unless it be a liquid, a nasal, or a _p_, the preservation of the liquid or nasal, and the metathesis of the _p_. Avẹr ＜ _habēre_, podẹr ＜ ✱_pŏtēre_ _pŏsse_, volẹr ＜ ✱_vŏlēre_ _vĕlle_, sabẹr ＜ ✱_sapēre_ _sapĕre_ will serve as examples (for the accentuation of the 3d pers. pl., see § 16, 2):-- (1) _habuī_ ＞ac, aguí, aic, aiguí _habuĭmus_ ✱_aβwĭ́mu’_ ＞ aguẹm _habuĭstī_ ＞aguíst _habuĭstis_ ＞aguẹtz aguẹs _habuit_ ＞ac _habuĕrunt_ ＞ágron ágro, aguęron 1. For _aguí_ (_beguí_, _conoguí_), see § 177, (1). For _aic_, _aiguí_, (_cric_), see § 181, (1). For _aguęron_ (_visquęron_), see § 177, (3). (2) _pŏtuī_ ＞ pǫc puǫc puęc _potuĭmus_ ✱_potwĭ́mu’_ ＞ poguẹm _potuĭstī_ ＞ poguíst _potuĭstis_ ＞ poguẹtz poguẹs _pŏtuit_ ＞ pǫc, pǫt _potuĕrunt_ ＞ pǫgron pǫgro 1. For _puoc_, see § 181, (1). _Pot_ is apparently due to the combined influence of weak preterits and the parts of _poder_ in which the dental is preserved. (3) _vŏluī_ ＞ vǫlc, vuęlc, volguí _voluĭmus_ ✱_volwĭ́mu’_ ＞ volguẹm _voluĭstī_ ＞ volguíst _voluĭstis_ ＞ volguẹtz volguẹs _vŏluit_ ＞ vǫlc _voluĕrunt_ ＞ vǫlgron vǫlgro 1. For _vuelc_ (_tinc_, _vinc_), see § 181, (1); for _volguí_ (_venguí_), § 177, (1). (4) _sapuī_ ＞ saup, saubí _sapuĭmus_ ✱_sapwĭ́mu’_ ＞ saubẹm _sapuĭstī_ ＞ saubíst _sapuĭstis_ ＞ saubẹtz saubẹs _sapuit_ ＞ saup _sapuĕrunt_ ＞ sáubron sáubro, sáupron 1. For _saubí_, see § 177, (1). For _sáupron_ (_sáupra_, _saupés_, _saupút_), see § 65, P, 3; cf. § 148, (2). OLD CONDITIONAL. 185. The old conditional came from the Latin pluperfect indicative, which had been supplanted in its pluperfect sense by a compound form, and was gradually restricted in its use to the functions of a preterit, a perfect conditional, and a simple conditional: see § 141, (2). In Provençal it had only the conditional meaning; and as the new conditional rendered it superfluous, it fell into disuse (with the exception of ágra and fọra) in the 13th and 14th centuries: see § 142, (2). 186. In the fourth conjugation the old conditional comes from the contracted form of the pluperfect (_audīram_ ＜ _audīvĕram_). Weak verbs of the third conjugation constructed a similar form (✱_vendęram_). First conjugation verbs started with the contracted pluperfect (_amāram_ ＜ _amāvĕram_), but in Provençal substituted ę for á, as in the preterit: § 175, (4). The Provençal types of the old conditional of weak verbs are, therefore, represented by: amęra, vendęra, auzíra. The inflection is as follows:-- amęra amerám amęras amerátz amęra amęran auzíra auzirám auzíras auzirátz auzíra auzíran 187. Strong verbs of the _-ī_ and the _-uī_ classes regularly took their old conditional directly from the Latin pluperfect: _fēcĕram_ ＞ fẹira, _fŭĕram_ ＞ fọra, _vīdĕram_ ＞ vira; _habŭĕram_ ✱_áβwĕram_ (§ 16, 2) ＞ ágra, _pŏtŭĕram_ ＞ pǫgra, _vŏlŭĕram_ ＞ vǫlgra, _sapŭĕram_ ＞ sáubra sáupra (§ 65, P, 3). Of course the Latin pluperfect, and therefore the Provençal conditional, followed the shift of the perfect if it changed from one class to another: _vēnī_ ＞ ✱_vēnuī_, hence ✱_vēnŭĕram_ ＞ vẹngra. The inflection is as follows:-- fọra forám ágra agrám fọras forátz forás ágras agrátz agrás fọra fọran ágra ágran 1. _Faire_ has _féra_ (cf. _feron_) beside _féira_. 2. For _sáupra_, cf. § 148, (2), and § 184, (4), 1, and § 192. 3. _Devér_ has beside _dégra_ a form _déura_, evidently influenced by the new conditional, _deuría_. 4. _Páisser_, _plazér_ have beside _págra_, _plágra_ the forms _paisséra_, _plazéra_. 188. Strong verbs of the _-sī_ class regularly form their old conditional on the same plan as the 3d pers. pl. of the preterit (§ 183): (_dīxĕram_) díra, cf. díron; (✱_prēsĕram_) prẹira, cf. prẹiron; (_arsĕram_) arsęra, cf. arsęron. 189. It will be noted that in all verbs, weak and strong, the old conditional may be constructed from the 3d pers. pl. of the preterit by changing -on to -a. IMPERFECT SUBJUNCTIVE. 190. The Provençal imperfect subjunctive came from the Latin pluperfect subjunctive, which in Vulgar Latin assumed the functions of the imperfect and generally displaced it, its own place having been taken by a compound form: see § 141, (2). 191. For weak verbs the basis was the contracted form of the first and fourth conjugations (_amāssem_ ＜ _amāvĭssem_, _audīssem_ ＜ _audīvĭssem_); weak verbs of third conjugation had a similar analogical form (✱_vēndęssem_). First conjugation verbs substituted ę for á, as in the perfect and the old conditional: § 175, (4); § 186. The Provençal types are: amęs, vendęs, auzís. The inflection is: amęs amessẹm auzís auzissẹm amęsses amessẹtz -ẹs auzísses auzissẹtz -ẹs amęs amęssen -on -o auzís auzíssen -on -o 192. Strong verbs regularly made their imperfect directly from the Vulgar Latin form of the pluperfect: _fecĭssem_ ＞ fezẹs, _fŭĭssem_ ✱_fŭssem_ ＞ fọs, _vidĭssem_ ＞ vezẹs, _venĭssem_ ✱_venuĭssem_ ＞ venguẹs; _dixĭssem_ ＞ dissẹs, ✱_pre(n)sĭssem_ ＞ prezẹs; _habuĭssem_ ＞ aguẹs, _potuĭssem_ ＞ poguẹs, _voluĭssem_ ＞ volguẹs, _sapuĭssem_ ＞ saubẹs saupẹs (§ 65, P, 3). The inflection is:-- fọs fossẹm aguẹs aguessẹm, acsẹm fọsses fossẹtz -ẹs aguẹsses aguessẹtz -ẹs, acsẹtz -ẹs fọs fọssen -on -o aguẹs aguẹssen -on -o 1. The syncopated forms in the 1st and 2d pers. pl. are common to the _-uī_ class: _decsém_, _iacsém_, _pocsém_, _saupsém_. 2. In the 3d pers. pl. _-an_ sometimes takes the place of _-en_ or _-on_: _mezéssan_, _saubéssan_. This ending is doubtless borrowed from the present subjunctive and the old conditional. 3. _Vezér_ has _vis_ beside _vezés_. From _faire_ we find in the 3d pers. pl. _fésson_. 4. _Metre_ has _mezés_, due, no doubt, to the analogy of _mes_ and of _prezés_. 193. Some dialects have an ending -a, -as, -a, -ám, -átz, an, borrowed from the present subjunctive and the old conditional, but added to the stem of the imperfect subjunctive: chantęssa, vendęssa, floríssa; fọssa. FOOTNOTES [1] There should now be added: J. B. Beck, _Die Melodien der Troubadours_, 1908. [2] See B. Schädel in _Rom._, XXXVII, 140. [3] See E. Bourciez, _Les Mots espagnols comparés aux mots gascons_. [4] See C. Chabaneau, _la Langue et la littérature du Limousin_, in the _Revue des langues romanes_, XXXV, 379. [5] See G. Paris, _Origines de la poésie lyrique en France au moyen âge_. [6] This h (coming from f) is peculiar to Gascon; the other dialects have no h. [7] _G_, _b_, _d_ are sounded k, p, t only at the end of a word or before a final s. [8] _G_, _b_, _d_ are sounded k, p, t only at the end of a word or before a final s. [9] Rr is generally distinguished from r, but there are a few examples of their confusion in rhyme. [10] Ts is usually written _c_ at the beginning of a word, _z_ or _tz_ at the end. [11] _G_ has the sound of tš only at the end of a word or combined with final _z_. [12] Cf. French. [13] Cf. Spanish. [14] For some exceptions see _Rom._, XXXII, 591; P. Marchot, _Phon._, p. 9. [15] Cf. R. Karch, _Die nordfranzösischen Elemente im Altprovenzalischen_, 1901. [16] See § 175, (4). [17] There is no diphthong in the preterit ending -ęc: cazęc, etc. [18] This view is a modification of the theory developed by C. Voretzsch in his admirable treatise, _Zur Geschichte der Diphthongierung im Altprovenzalischen_, Halle, 1900. That ę is not affected by an i in the following syllable is shown by such words as empęri, evangęli, saltęri, which must have been adopted fairly early. The same thing is true of ǫ: apostǫli, ǫli, etc. [19] The diphthong of ǫ occurs, however, in this text, v. 203, in _uel_ ＜ _ŏculi_. [20] _Derrier_ (_derer_, _dereer_), beside _dereire_, is manifestly due to the influence of _primier_. To the influence of the same ending _-ier_, as in _carr(i)eira_, is to be ascribed the diphthong in _cad(i)eira_ ＜ _cathĕdra_. [21] The things just said of ę are true of ǫ: there is no breaking before u ＜ l (tǫut = tǫlt) nor before ts, dz, s, z (_nŏcet_ ＞ nǫtz, ✱_nŏptias_ ＞ nǫssas). [22] The conditions are not quite the same as for e: an ę does not break before a labial (nęps) nor before n´ (vęnha). Breaking before g and k seems more general for ǫ than for ę. [23] So the second person forms _cuebres_, _uebres_, _uefres_, and the third person forms _cuebre_, _uebre_, _uefre_; cf. cǫbron, ǫbri, etc. [24] For a discussion of the date, see K. Nyrop, _Grammaire historique de la langue française_ (Copenhagen, 1899-1903), I, § 187. [25] For the accent, see § 16, 1. [26] Spelled _drictus_: see Schuchardt, _Vokalismus des Vulgärlateins_, II, 422. [27] The period of the fall of the intertonic vowel covers, in part, the period of the voicing of intervocalic surds (§ 65); sometimes the vowel fell too soon for the surd to be voiced, sometimes it did not. The relation of the fall of unstressed vowels to the development of intervocalic consonants, in French, has been examined by L. Clédat in the _Revue de philologie française_, in a series of articles beginning XVII, 122. Cf. P. Marchot, _Phon._, pp. 84-90. [28] Cf. H. Wendel, _Die Entwicklung der Nachtonvokale aus dem Lateinischen ins Provenzalische_, 1906. [29] _Domnus_ may be the older form. [30] The change of accent, in this verb and others, was due to the analogy of the first and fourth conjugations (cantęron, sentíron) and to the influence of the second person plural (dissętz). [31] The feminine forms _cobéza_, _tebéza_, etc., show a change of accent. [32] In most of the modern dialects (but not in Gascony and lower Languedoc) this a has become o: _rosa_ ＞ _roso_. But in the Limousin dialects and some others -as ＞ -a: _rosas_ ＞ _rosa_. [33] The _tg_ in this word is probably due to the influence of _iutiar_ ＜ _jūdĭcāre_. [34] The forms with _r_ may be due to dissimilation or to the influence of _clergue_. [35] Alvernia is attested: cf. _Zs._, XXVI, 123. The usual form is _Arvernicum_. [36] Compare, in English, the _c_ of _coo_ and the _k_ of _key_. [37] Compare the old-fashioned pronunciation of words like _card_, _kind_. [38] For final _-ci_, _-gi_ in plurals, see § 92, (2). [39] Before this, _frīgĭdus_ had become frįgdus in Italy and Gaul. [40] It is natural to suppose that the n, in falling, nasalized the vowel; but no trace of this nasality remains. [41] _Fes_, _nut_, which quite supplanted the regular forms, perhaps show the influence of _res_, _mut_. [42] By analogy of such double forms, n is sometimes added to a few words ending in a vowel: _fŭit_ ＞ _fo_ _fon_, _prō_ ＞ _pro_ _pron_. [43] Cf. § 63, (4). [44] Also _auvir_, probably a northern local development of _auir_; and _aurir_, doubtless from _auzir_ in a dialect that confuses r and z. See R, 2 and S, 2. [45] Cf. § 63, (3). [46] The i from ð fuses with the preceding i. [47] _Trachor_ has been influenced by _trach_, past participle of _traire_. [48] Intervocalic c and g have been studied by H. Sabersky, _Zur provenzalischen Lautlehre_, 1888, pp. 8-19. [49] _Mica_ _micha_ are from ✱_micca_ = _mīca_ + _cīccum_. [50] Original Latin g seems more prone to fall than g ＜ c. [51] For the reduction of _au_ to _a_ see § 41. [52] _Clerc_ is from ✱_clĕrcum_, which must have existed contemporaneously with _clĕrĭcum_. [53] Possibly it comes from N. Greek σράδη: cf. _Romanische Forschungen_, XV, 880. [54] See _Zs._, XXXII, 434. [55] _Magis_ was probably reduced to _mais_ in Vulgar Latin. [56] _Legir_ may have been reconstructed on the basis of _leg_ ＜ _lĕgit_. [57] For the groups ending in y, cf. L. J. Juroszek, _Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der jotazierten Konsonanten in Frankreich_, in _Zs._, XXVII, 550 ff. The groups ending in y and those containing c or g have been studied by H. Sabersky, _Zur provenzalischen Lautlehre_, 1888. [58] S is generally written _ss_ between vowels, to distinguish it from _s_ = _z_. [59] Most of the words in this category are semi-learned: cf. _fabla_ and _faula_. See § 55, B. [60] See § 47, (2). [61] See § 47, (2). [62] Also _faur_: cf. § 52, (1), 1. [63] _Sozer_ ＜ _sŏcĕrum_: cf. § 49, (1). [64] For the vowel of nęr nięr, see § 25, 1, (_e_). [65] _Enteir_, _neir_ seem to have lost final e under the influence of numerous adjectives in _-er_ _-ier_ _-ieir_ ＜ _-arium_. [66] In the modern dialects the d is probably commoner than it was in the old literary language; it occurs in Bordeaux, Languedoc, and Provence. [67] _Ratie_ is perhaps French. [68] After o, the u disappears. [69] _Glai_ is due perhaps to the analogy of _ney_ (§ 65, β, 3), perhaps to such double forms as _fatz fai_ = _facit_. [70] _Seti_ (pronounced with two syllables) seems to be an improperly constructed post-verbal noun from _assetiar_. For _metgue_, etc., see § 65, G, (3). [71] Apparently _maniar_, _escomeniar_ developed in the region where g became y before a: cf. § 65, G, (1). [72] The r remained palatal long enough to cause breaking: cf. §§ 30, 37. [73] These sounds lost their palatal quality too early to cause breaking: cf. §§ 30, 37. Cf. _Einf._, § 133. [74] _Palaitz_, however, is used by Marcabru, A. Daniel, and P. Vidal. _Poizon_ occurs in _Flamenca_ and in modern Limousin (beside _pozon_), _raizo_ is found in the _Boeci_ and other texts. [75] Cf. § 49, (3). [76] _Daun_, etc., are Gascon. [77] Such forms as _amda_ ＜ _amĭta_, _comde_ _conde_ ＜ _compŭtum_, show a late fall of the medial vowel. [78] The _i_ in _ueich_ seems to be merely graphic. [79] The _i_ in _voig_ seems to be merely graphic. [80] _Fret_, _freda_ occur also. [81] The phenomena of dissimilation have been well classified by M. Grammont in _La dissimilation consonantique dans les langues indo-européennes et dans les langues romanes_, 1895. For metathesis, see _Zs._, XXVIII, 1. [82] Cato uses _fructi_. [83] The process began in classic Latin: _materies_ _materia_, etc. [84] See § 89, 1. [85] See § 47, (3). [86] See § 16, 1. [87] See § 52, (1), 1. [88] Perhaps from a fusion of _plūs_ and _pluriōres_ = _plūres_. Cf. Fr. [89] These forms existed as early as the 1st century of our era. See _Zs._, XXVI, 600, 619. _Ejus_, _ei_ may have had some influence. [90] See § 67, (2). [91] § 45. [92] § 74, (2). [93] Cf. Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, II, p. 104. [94] See Suchier in _Grundriss_, I, p. 627. [95] Cf. A. von Elsner, _Ueber Form und Verwendung des Personalpronomens im Altprovenzalischen_, 1886. [96] Cf. Thomas in _Rom._, XII, 334; Meyer-Lübke in _Gram._, II, page 104. For a different explanation, see Ascoli in _Archivio glottologico italiano_, XV, 314, 396. [97] For a different explanation of _mia_, see _Gram._, I, pp. 246-248, also Horning in _Zs._, XXV, 341. Cf. Fr. _moie_. [98] _Cels_ shows the influence of masculine nouns and adjectives. [99] _Aquel_ has also _aquilli_. _Cilha_ is evidently a combination of _cilh_ and _celha_. [100] _Aquel_ has also _aqueli_. [101] _Aquel_ has also _aquelz_ and _aquelses_. [102] See G. Rydberg, _Le développement de_ facere _dans les langues romanes_, 1893. [103] See A. Zimmermann in _Zs._, XXV, 735. [104] See C. C. Rice in _Publications of the Modern Language Association of America_, XIX, 217. [105] Cf. § 138. [106] Cf. § 72, Sw. [107] According to Raimon Vidal, a 13th century grammarian, _tenir_ is French. [108] _Esvanuir_ seems to come from the perfect, _evanuī_. [109] _Enfolhetir_ shows the influence of _follet_. [110] For two different explanations of this ending, see A. Thomas, _Essais de philologie française_, 25, 281; E. Herzog, in _Bausteine zur romanischen Philologie_, 481. [111] See K. Sittl in _Archiv für lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik_, I, 465. [112] For _ai estat_ we sometimes find _soi agutz_. The confusion arises perhaps from the use of both _es_ and _a_ in the sense of ‘there is’: hence _es estat_ = _a agut_; and by a mixture of the two, _es agut_. Cf. L. Gauchat, _Sone avuto_, in _Scritti vari di filologia_ (dedicated to E. Monaci), 1901, p. 61. [113] Cf. P. Thielmann, _Archiv für lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik_, II, 48 and 157. [114] For the accented vowels in these forms, see §§ 167, 168. [115] See § 168. [116] See § 37. [117] See § 30. [118] Also, by analogy, _iassér_. [119] Raimon Vidal says that _crei_, _vei_ are the proper forms for the 1st pers. sg. of the pres. indicative. [120] According to Raimon Vidal, _trac_ is the only correct form. [121] _Volemus_ occurs repeatedly in 7th century Latin. [122] Cf. O. Schmidt, _Ueber die Endungen des Præsens im Altprovenzalischen_, 1887. [123] The loss of _-s_ is not confined to the Provençal territory: it occurs also in western France, Catalonia, and the Engadine. [124] Cf. the reduction of _habēbam_ to _aβea_: § 153. [125] _Tenér_ _tenír_ really belongs to the second conjugation. [126] According to Raimon Vidal, this is the regular ending of the 3d pers. sg. of the fourth conjugation. [127] In _nasquec_ the _ui_ ending occurs twice. [128] Beside parẹc, coming perhaps from a V. L. ✱_parēvit_ ✱_parēvuit_. [129] All verbs in _-ndĕre_ took the perfect in _-sī_: _ascos_, _defes_, _pris_, _respos_, etc. _Lĕgĕre_ took ✱_lĕxī_ ＞ _leis_ through the analogy of the p. p. _lĕctum_. So _fĭngĕre_ took ✱_fĭxī_ ＞ _feis_ through _fĭctum_; _frangĕre_, _pĭngĕre_, _tangĕre_ did likewise (_frais_, _peis_, _tais_); and in Provençal _cénher_ ＜ _cĭngĕre_, _esténher_ ＜ _exstĭnguĕre_, _plánher_ ＜ _plangĕre_ followed the example of these (_ceis_, _esteis_, _plais_): hence all verbs in _-nher_ have the preterit in _-s_. [130] See _Zs._, XXVIII, 97. [131] _Gram._, II, p. 357. [132] _Tĕnuī_ and _vēnī_ influenced each other. [133] So _bĭbuit_ ＞ _bec_, _debuit_ ＞ _dec_. [134] So _cognōvit_ ＞ _conoc_, _mōvit_ ＞ _moc_. [135] So ✱_cŏcuit_ ＞ _coc_, _jacuit_ ＞ _iac_, ✱_nascuit_ ＞ _nasc_, ✱_pa(s)cuit_ ＞ _pac_, _placuit_ ＞ _plac_, _tacuit_ ＞ _tac_, ✱_tescuit_ ＞ _tesc_, ✱_vĭncuit_ ＞ _venc_, ✱_vīscuit_ ＞ _visc_. [136] So _caluit_ ＞ _calc_, ✱_tŏluit_ ＞ _tolc_, _vŏluit_ ＞ _volc_. [137] So ✱_vēnuit_ ＞ _venc_. [138] So _erĭpuit_ ＞ _ereup_, _recĭpuit_ ＞ _receup_. INDEX N.B.--The references are to paragraphs. a: 23-24. --ạ: 24. --Unaccented a: 40, (1); 45; 48, 1; 51, (1). _-a_ _-anem_: 95, 2. _ab_: 65, P, 2. _abans_: 65, β, 2. Abbreviations: p. VI. _abet_: 65, β, 2. Ablative: 91, (5). _abora_: 65, β, 2. _aβea_: 87, β. _ac_ (Lat.): 43, 2. Accent: --Primary: 16-17. --Secondary: 18; 45, 1. Accented Vowels: see Vowels. Accusative: 91, (5). _ad_: see _az_. _ad-_: 66, 1. _ades_: 25, 1, (_e_). Adjectives, 102-109. --Comparison: 106-109. --Declension: 102-104; 107. --Neuter: 104; 108; 128, 1. --Numeral: 110-113. --Pronominal: see Pronouns. _adoutz_: 33, 4. Adverbial _-s_: 82, S, 3. Adverbs: 82, S, 3; 105; 108. æ: 22. --Unaccented æ: 41. _-age_: see _-aticum_. _ai_ ＜ _habeo_: 73, βy. _aigla_: 72, Kw, 1. _aiglentina_: 72, Kw, 1. _aigua_: 72, Kw, 1. _aire_: 51, 4. _-aire_ _-ador_: 91, (6); 101, (3); 101, (3), 1. _aital_: 74, 2; 136, (6). _aitan_: 74, 2; 136, (7). _albire_: 87, 1. _alcun_: 136, (1). Alphabet: --Phonetic: p. VII. --Provençal: 7; 9. _alquant_: 136, (2). _alques_: 136, (3). _als_: 136, (4). _altre_: 136, (5). _altretal_: 136, (6). _altretan_: 136, (7). _aluc_: 65, C, 2. _Alvernhe_: 87, 1. _amdui_: 111, 2. _amiu_: 51, 3; 65, G, 1. _ams_: 111, 2. Analogy: --Initial Syllable: 42. --Intertonic Syllable: 46. _anar_: 137, (1); 150; 162, (1). _anedier_: 45, 3. _anet_: 48, 1. _anta_: 39, 2. _apud_: see _ab_. _aquestos_: 51, 2. _ar_, _ara_: 33, 3. _-arius_: 23, 1; 73, Ry, 1. _arma_: 87, n + m. _arnei_: 25, 3. Articles: 116-119. --Definite: 116; 118-119. --Indefinite: 117. _asabentar_: 73, Py. _-aticum_: 49, (4); 52, (3); 65, G, 3; 73, Tg. _atressi_: 74, 2. _atretal_: 74, 2; 136, (6). _atretan_: 74, 2; 136, (7). au: --Accented: 39. --Unaccented: 41. _auca_: 65, C, 1; 80, βc. _aucel_: 65, C´, 1; 80, βc´. _aucire_: 43; 162, (2). _aurir_: 65, D, footnote; 65, R, 2. _auvent_: 65, S, 2. _auvir_: 65, D, footnote; 65, S, 2. Auxiliary Verbs: 140-141. _auzil_: 28. _auzir_: 160; 162, (3); 164, (1); 168; 169; 186; 191. _aver_: 73, βy; 87, β; 137, (1); 148, (1), (2), 1; 150; 152; 162, (4); 167; 168; 170; 173, (1); 177, (1), (2), (3); 181, (1); 184, (1); 187; 192. _avia_: 87, β. _avinen_: 46, 1. _az_: 82, D. _azaut_: 52, (2), 1. b ＞ β: 55, B. _bat_: 72, Tw, 1. _berbitz_: 25, 2, (_a_). _Bernat_: 87, r. _bisbes_: 41, 1. _borgues_: 73, Rg´. _brey_: 65, β, 3. _briu_: 28, 3. _broc_: 37, 1. c palatalized: 55; 61; 62, (3); 65, G; 67, (1); 70, C´r; 73, C´y, Dg, Lc´y, Nc´y, Ndg, Ng, Rc´y, Rg, Rrg, Rtg, Tg; 74; 76; 77; 78; 80, Ksc, Ppc; 92, (2). _cabil_: 27, 1. _cabirol_: 86. _cada_: 136, (8). _caire_: see _cazer_. _caitiu_: 80, Pt. _calacom_: 136, (9). _calmelh_: 45, 3. _cal que_: 136, (10). _camisa_: 25, 2, (_a_). _can_: 136, (11). _canorgue_: 65, N, 1; 87, n + n. _cap_: 100. _caramel_: 87, 1. _caresma_: 45, 3. _cascun_: 136, (12). Case: 91. _cazer_: 137, (1); 148, (2); 150; 162, (5); 176; 178, (1). ch (Greek): 57, θ. _chastiu_: 51, 3; 65, G, 1. _cibdat_: 80, βd. _cieutat_: 44, 2. _cilh_: 25, 2, (_b_). _cinc_: 72, Nw; 87, kw. _ciptat_: 80, βt. _ciri_: 25, 2, (_c_). _ciutat_: 80, βt. _clerc_: 47, (3). _clerge_: 52, (3). _clergue_: 47, (3); 52, (3). _cobra_: 33, 1. _cointe_: 47, 1, 80, Gnt. _colbe_: 48, 1. _colp_: 22, 48, 1. _coma_: 51, 5. _comensar_: 45, 1. _comergar_: 87, m + n. Comparative: 106-108. Comparison: 106-109. _comprar_: 45, 3. Conditional: --New: 142, (2); 149-151. Endings: 153. --Old: 141, (2); 185-189. Strong: 187-188. Weak: 186. _conge_: 47, 1; 80, Gnd. Conjugation: 137-193. --Auxiliary Verbs: 140-141. --Change of Conj.: 137. --Compound Tenses: 141. --Conditional: see Conditional. --Deponent Verbs: 140. --Future: 142, (1), 149-152. Endings: 152. --Gerund: 143; 145. --Imperative: 156. --Imperfect Indicative: 170. --Imperfect Subjunctive: 141, (2); 190-193. Strong: 192. Weak: 191. --Inchoative: 138, 145. --Infinitive: 144. Used as noun: 94; 144, 4. --New verbs: 139. --Passive: 140. --Participle: see Participle. --Perfect Tenses: 141. --Pluperfect: 141. --Present: see Present. --Preterit: see Preterit. _conois_ = _conosc_: 78, 3. _conoisser_: 78, 3; 80, Gn; 148, (2); 162, (6); 175, (3); 177, (1); 178, (4). _consi_: 85. Consonants: --Dissimilation: 87. --Final: 81-83. Groups: 83. Single: 82. --Germanic: 56. --Greek: 57. --Initial: 59-62. Groups: 62. Single: 60-61. --Insertion: 85. --Latin: 54-55. --Medial: 63-80. Contiguous to _-s_ in Pr.: 63-64; 65, L, R; 78, 2. Final in Pr.: 63-64; 65, L; 65, M, 1; 65, R, 1; 76, (2). _Groups_: 66-80: Cons. + l, 68-69; Cons. + r, 70-71; Cons. + w, 72; Cons. + y, 73; Ct, gd, gn, ks, 79-80; Double Cons., 67; L + cons., 74; M + cons., 75; Miscellaneous, 79-80; N + cons., 76; Ps, pt, 79-80; R + cons., 77; S + cons., 78. _Single_: 65. --Metathesis: 86. --Sporadic Change: 84-87. _contranher_: 25, 4. _cor_: 100. _cors_: 100. _cossint_: 28, 2. _costa_: 33, 1. _costum_: 72, Sw; 80, Dn. _covinen_: 46, 1. _coyre_: 73, Pry. _cozer_ ＜ _consuere_: 72, Sw; 137, (2). _cozer_ ＜ _coquere_: 49, (1); 72, Kw, 2. _creire_: 145; 148, (2); 160; 162, (7); 167; 168. _creisser_: 49, (1); 162, (8). _cremedar_: 60, 1. _criar_: 44, 4. _cridar_: 41, 2. _crollar_: 41, 2; 68, Tl. _cruzel_: 25, 1, (_b_). _cuende_: 47, 1; 80, Gnd. _cug_: 80, Yd. _cuit_: 80, Yd. _-culus_: 47, (2); 68, Cl. _dalgat_: 44, 6. _dar_: 137, (1); 162, (9); 175, (4). Dative: 91, (4); 116; 120; 133. _daus_: 44, 6. _dec_: 27, 2. _dech_ ＜ _debeo_: 162, (11). Declension: 89-136. --Adjectives: 102-104; 107. --Articles: 116-119. --Change of Decl.: Nouns, 90; Adj., 103, 1. --Disappearance of Decl.: 91, (6). --Fifth Decl.: 90; 97. --Final _-ci_, _-gi_: 92, (2). --Final _-i_: 92, (1). --First Decl.: 95. --Fourth Decl.: 90; 96. --Infinitives: 94. --Inflection -o -onem: 101, (3); 101, (3), 1. --Invariable Nouns and Adj.: 93. --New Inflections: -a -anem, 95, 2; -us -onem, 96, 2. --New nom. sg.: 98. --New plural: 93; 99; 102, 2. --Numerals: 111; 112. --Pronouns: 116; 120-136. --Second Decl.: 96. --Third Decl.: 97-101. Definite Article: 116; 118-119. _degun_: 87, n + n. _dei_ ＜ _debeo_: 73, βy _-dei_: 174, (3). _deime_: 80, C´m. _dementre_: 43. Demonstratives: 130-132. _demora_: 35, 1. Deponent Verbs: 140. _depte_: 47, (3); 80, βt. _derrier_: 30, footnote. _desme_: 80, C´m. _destruire_: 162, (10). _deude_: 47, (3); 80, βd. _deute_: 47, (3); 80, βt _dever_: 27, 2; 73, βy; 144, 4; 148, (2); 150; 160; 162, (11); 167, (2); 171; 173, (2), (5); 179; 187, (3); 192, 1. _dia_: 90; 95; 95, 1. Dialects: 3-8, 10-13. _-didi_: 174, (3). _diious_: 91, (3). _diman_: 43. _dimecres_: 87, r. _dimenge_: 43. _dimercres_: 17, 2. _dimergue_: 65, N, 1. _dins_: 25, 2, (_d_). _dintre_: 25, 2, (_d_). Diphthongs: see æ, au, œ. --Final Diphthongs: 51, (3). _dire_: 49, (1); 137, (2); 144, (1); 148, (3); 162, (12); 172; 177, (1), (3); 183; 183, 1; 188; 192. _disnar_: 49, 3; 87, y. Dissimilation: 87. _dit_ = _det_: 25, 2, (_a_); 65, Y, 1. _dizer_: 49, (1); see _dire_. _don_: 134; 135, (2). _dos_ = _dous_: 74, (2). _dotze_: 40, 1; 80, Dc´. Double Consonants: see Consonants. _dreit_: 41, 2. _duire_: 148, (3); 162, (13); 177, (3); 183. Duration of Pr. Language: 1; 14. Duration of Pr. Literature: 1. ẹ: 25-27; 29; 41. --Before Nasal: 29. --Unaccented: 41; see Vowels. ę: 28-30; 41. --Breaking: 30. --Unaccented: 41; see Vowels. e̯: 40, (2); 55, Y; 61, Y; 65, Y; 73. e- before initial s + cons.: 62, (3). -e in 1st. pers. sg. of present: 52, (6); 164, (1). _ecce_: 131, (1); 132, (3), (4). _eccu_: 43, 2; 131, (1); 132, (3), (4). eé ＞ e: 40, 1. _ei_ = _ai_: 23, 2; 152, 1; 162, (4); 175, (4). _-ei_ in pret.: 174, (3); 175, (3), (4). _eigal_: 72, Kw, 1. _-eire_ _-edor_: 101, (3), 1. _eis_: 80, Ps; 132, (2). _eissi_ ＜ _ecce hīc_: 80, Cc´; 82, C. _eissi_ ＜ _et sīc_: 80, Ts. _eissir_: 30, 2; 44, 3; 159, (2); 162, (14). _elig_: 28, 3. _emblar_: 69, 1. _empastre_: 69, 1. _en_ ＜ _domine_: 41, 3. _en_ ＜ _in_: 82, N. _en_ ＜ _inde_: 123. Enclitics: 19; 118, (1), (2), 2; 122; 123; 123, 2. _enclutge_: 52, (4); 80, Dn; 85. Endings: see Personal Endings. _engal_: 72, Kw; 85. _engoissa_: 33, 1; 43. _enteir_: 70, Gr, footnote. _envanezir_: 43. _er_, _era_: 33, 3. _er_ ＜ _ero_: 149, 1. _es_ ＜ _est_: 28, 5; 83, St. _escoisson_: 73, Ty, 3. _escremir_: 86. _escrich_: 148, (3). _escrire_: 144, (3). _escrit_: 52, (2), 1. _escrius_: 183, (3). _escriut_: 148, (3). _escur_: 43. _espaza_: 65, T, 3. _espelh_: 28, 5. _esper_: 25, 1, (_d_). _esprit_: 17, 1. _essem_: 82, L. _esser_: 49, (2); 148, (3); 148, 1; 149, 1; 150; 162, (15); 167; 170, 4; 173, (1); 179; 182, (2); 182, (2), 1; 187; 192; 193. _estanc_: 80, Gn; 86. _estar_: 137, (1); 162, (16); 175, (4). _estela_: 28, 5. _Esteve_: 48, 1. _estraniar_: 73, Ny. _estre_: see _esser_. _esturmen_: 86. _-ētis_ ＞ _etz_: 25, 1, (_a_). Euphonic Vowel: 52; 164, (1); 165; 166. Extent of Pr. Territory: 2; p. VIII. _ez_: 65, T, 3; 82, T. _faim_: 52, (4), 1; 80, C´m. _faire_: 137, (1); 150; 148, (3); 156, 1; 160; 162, (17); 168, 1; 170; 173, (2); 179; 181, 1; 182, (1); 182, (1), 2; 187; 187, 1; 192; 192, 3. _faitz_: 80, C´t. _far_: 137, (1); 144, 2; see _faire_. _fau_ ＜ _fagum_: 65, G, 1. _feble_: 47, (3); 87, l; 103, 1. _fei_ = _fe_: 25, 3. _ferre_ = _fer_: 52, (1), 2. _fetge_: 52, (3), 2. _fier_: 30, 1. Final Consonants: see Consonants. _fizel_: 25, 1, (_b_). _Folco_: 101, (3), 1. _fontaina_: 23, 4. _fores_: 51, 4. _formir_: 86. _fouzer_: 74, (4); 100. _fragel_: 47, (3). _frair_: 52, (1), 1. _freble_: 47, (3); 87, l; 103, 1. _freg_: 31, 1; 80, Gd. _freit_: 31, 1; 80, Gd. _frevol_: 47, (3). Future: 142, (1); 149-152. --Endings: 152. g palatalized: 55; 61; 65, G, Y; 73, Lg´, Llg´, Ng´, Ng´y, Rg´; 77; 92, (2). _ganre_: 87, r. _garensa_: 44, 5. Gascon: 3; 10; 23, 2; 38; 62, (2); 152, 1. _Gasconha_: 61, 1. _gazardo_: 42, 1. _gen_ = _genh_: 73, Ny. Gender: 89. Genitive: 91, (3); 116. Germanic Consonants: 56. Germanic Verbs: 139. Gerund: 143; 145. _ges_: 100, 1. _ginh_: 28, 3. _ginhol_: 86, 1. _gisar_: 65, R, 2. _gitar_: 44, 3; 80, Ct. _glai_ = _glatz_: 73, C´y, footnote. _glavi_: 65, Y, 2. _glieza_: 30; 41, 1. _granolha_: 60, 1. _grau_: 51, 3; 65, D, 2. _grazal_: 65, T, 3. _grazir_: 65, T, 3. Greek Consonants: 57. Greek Verbs: 139. Greek Vowels: 22. _greug_: 65, β, 3. _greuga_: 28, 8. _grey_: 65, β, 3. _gua_: 61, 1. _guaina_: 61, 1. _guastar_: 61, 1. _habebam_: 87, β. _hic_: 132, (1). i: 31-32; 41. --Unaccented: 41; see Vowels. i̯: 40, (2); 55, Y, 61, Y; 65, Y; 73. i ＜ d, t: 65, D; 70, Dr, Tr. -ī: 27; 51, (2), (3); 92, (1); 125, (1); 131, (3), (4); 173, (1). -i, 1st pers. sg. of present: 52, (6); 164, (1). -i ＜ _-ium_: 53; 96, 1. _ia_ ＜ _jam_: 82, M. _Iacme_: 80, Cm. _iai_: 39, 1. _iasser_: 65, C´, 2; see _iazer_. _iassey_: 65, N, 2. _iazer_: 65, C´, 2; 160; 162, (18); 192, 1. ie ＜ ę: 30. ié ＞ e: 40, 1. _ier_: 30, 1. _-ier_: see _-arius_. ieu: 32; 44, 2. _ilha_: 65, S, 1. _illac_: 16, 4. _ille_: 115; 116, 118; 132, (3). _illic_: 16, 4. Imperative: 156; 165; 168. Imperfect Indicative: 170. Imperfect Subjunctive: 141, (2); 190-193. --Strong: 192. --Weak: 191. Impersonal Construction: 104. Inchoative: 138; 145. Indefinite Article: 117. Indefinite Pronouns and Adjectives: 136. Indicative: see Conjugation. Inflection: see Conjugation and Declension. Initial Consonants: see Consonants. _ins_: 25, 2, (_d_). Insertion of Consonant: 85. Interrogatives: 133-135. Intervocalic Consonants: see Consonants, Medial, Single. Invariable Nouns: 93. _invern_: 85. _ioi_: 39, 1. _ióve_: 47, (3); 49, (3). _iovén_: 89, 1. _ipse_: 132, (2). _-ire_ _-idor_: 101, (3), 1. _-isc-_: 138; 145; 155; 156. _isme_: 28, 3. _isnel_: 44, 3. _issarnit_: 46, 1. _issir_: 44, 3; see _eissir_. _iste_: 132, (4). iu: 32. _iure_: 25, 2, (_c_). _ius_: 33, 2. _ivern_: 44, 3. -ίζειν: 57, 2; 139. j: see y. k: 57, K; 62, (1). l ＞ u: 65, L; 67, (2); 73, Lc´y, Lty; 74, (2). Latin: 14; see Consonants and Vowels. _laus_: 89, 1; 93, (2); 101, (1), (2). _lauzeta_: 41, 1. Learned Words: 15. --Cf. also: 17, 1; 25, 1, (_c_); 25, 2, (_b_); 45, 4; 50; 65, β, 6; 65, C, 2; 65, C´, 4; 65, D, 4; 65, F, 1; 65, G, 2; 65, G´, 1; 65, P, 4; 65, T, 5; 65, Y, 4; 68, Bl, Pl; 70, Cr, Dr, Gr, Pr, Tr; 72, Nw, 1; 73, βy, Cty, C´y, Ly, Nty, Py, Ry, Ty; 80, Bs; 82, B, L, M; 83, Ks; 84; 91, (3); 109; 113. _legir_: 65, Y, (3), footnote. _lei_: 101, (2), 3. _leis_: 125, (1). _leo_: 101, (3), 1. _lhun_: 86. Limousin: 5-6; 13, (1); 24. _lire_: 28, 1; 137, (2); 144, 1. ll ＞ lh: 67, (2). Locative: 91, (1). _luenh_: 36, 1; 37. _lunh_: 86, 1. _lur_: 33, 2. _maint_: 136, (14). _mais_: 65, Y, (2), footnote; 82, S, 1, 4. _malapte_: 47, (3); 80, βt. _malaude_: 47, (3); 80, βd. _malaut_: 52, (2), 1. _malaute_: 47, (3); 80, βt. _man_: 96; 96, 3. _maneira_: 72, Nw, 1. _maniar_: 73, Ndg. _mar_: 100. _marbre_: 71. _margue_: 52, (3); 87, m + n. _marme_: 87, r; 100. _marsip_: 87, m + n. _massis_: 65, β, 4. Medial Consonants: see Consonants. _meesmes_: 65, T, 3. _mege_: 49, (4); 73, Dg. _melhura_: 33, 2. _-men_: 105. _menhs_: 65, N, 2. _meravilha_: 25, 2, (_b_). _mercey_: 65, D, 1. _mermar_: 87, n + m. _mes-_: 45, 2. _messer_: 65, Y, 3. _mestier_: 91, (3). _met-_: 131, (2). Metathesis: 86. _metre_: 148, (3); 181, (1); 183; 192, 2, 4. _mezeis_: 65, T, 3. _mezesmes_: 65, T, 3. _mica_: 65, G, footnote. _midons_: 91, (2); 93, (2). _mier_: 30, 1. _mint_: 28, 2. _molt_: 136, (15); see _mon_, _mot_, _mul_. _mon_ = _molt_: 74, 1. _monge_: 52, (3). _mongue_: 52, (3). Mood: see Conjugation. _morgue_: 52, (3); 65, N, 1; 87, m + n. _morir_: 137, (1). _mostier_: 25, 1, (e); 45, 3. _mot_ = _molt_: 74, (2). _mou_: 37, 1. _moure_: see _mover_. _mover_: 137, (2); 150; 159, (1); 160-162, (19); 178, (4). _mul_ = _molt_: 74, 1. _mulierem_: 16, 1; 40, 1. _-mus_ ＞ _-mu’_: 167. _natiz_: 65, β, 4. _nebla_: 28, 4. _nede_: 47, (1), (3). _negun_: 136, (16); see _degun_. _neir_: 70, Gr, footnote. _nembrar_: 87, m + m. _nemes_: 51, 4. _ner_: 25, 1, (_e_). _net_: 47, (1), (3); 80, Td. _neu_: 25, 1, (_e_) Neuter Adjectives: 104; 108; 128, 1. Neuter Nouns: 89; 96; 96, 1; 100. _ney_: 65, β, 3. _nible_: 28, 4. _niu_: 51, 3; 65, D, 2. _niula_: 28, 4. Nominative: 91, (6). _non_: 82, N. _nora_: 33, 1. _nossas_: 38, 2. _nou_: 37, 1. Nouns: 89-101; see Case, Declension, Gender. _nul_: 136, (17); see _lhun_, _lunh_. Numerals: --Cardinal: 110-111. --Ordinal: 112-113. ọ: 33-34; 36; 41. --Before Nasal: 36. --Unaccented: 41; see Vowels. ǫ: 33, 1; 35-37; 41. --Irregular: 33, 1. --Unaccented: 41; see Vowels. _o_ ＜ _hoc_: 82, C; 132, (1). _o_ ＜ _aut_: 41, 4. _-o_ _-onem_: 101, (3); 101, (3), 1. _oc_: 82, C. œ: 22,41. --Unaccented: 41. _olifan_: 42, 1. _om_: 101, (2), 2; 136, (18). _ome_: 47, (3); 49, (3). _omne_: 47, (3); 49, (3). _onze_: 38, 1; 76, (1) oó ＞ o: 40, 1. _orzol_: 73, Rc´y. _ou_: 33, 1. _oz_: 82, T. p between m and s: 63, (8); 75. _pair_: 52, (1), 1. _pais_: 25, 2, (_c_). _palafrei_: 25, 3. _palai_: 73, Ty, 1. Palatalization: 55, C, G, Y; 67, (2); 73. _palle_: 74, 3. Participle: --Past (= Perfect): 140; 141, (1); 146-148. --Present: 143, (1); 145. Particles: 19; see Enclitics, Proclitics. _partir_: 145; 160; 162, (20); 165; 167; 168; 169; 170; 171; 172; 173, (2), (3); 175, (2); 176. _parven_: 85. _pasmar_: 87, s. Passive: 140. Past Participle: see Participle. _pauc_: 136, (19). _paziment_: 65, β, 5. _pege_: 52, (3), 2. _Peire_: 96, 2. _peiura_: 33, 2. _peleri_: 87, r. _penchenar_: 85. _penre_: 71; 87, r; see _prendre_. _perdre_: 162, (21); 174, (3). _perdris_: 85. Perfect: 141; see Preterit. Perfect Participle: see Participle. _perilh_: 25, 2, (_b_). _perquei_: 25, 3. _perri_: 70, (1). Personal Endings: --Conditional: New, 153; Old, 186-187. --Future: 152. --Imperfect: Indicative, 164-169; Subjunctive, 191-193. --Present: 164-169. --Preterit: 173. Personal Pronouns: 116; 120-125. ph: 57, φ. Phonetic Alphabet: p. VII. _piion_: 73, Py. _piucela_: 42, 1; 44, 2. _plach_: 80, C´t. _plaire_: see _plazer_. _plais_: 28, 6. _plait_: 80, C´t. _plazer_: 144, 4; 148, (2); 150; 160; 162, (22); 173, (3); 187, (4). _ploia_: 33, 1. _plou_: 37, 1. Pluperfect: 141. Plural: 93. _poder_: 137, (1); 148, (2); 150; 162, (23); 168; 181, (1); 184, (2); 184, (2), 1; 187; 192, 1. _polpra_: 87, r. Popular Words: 15. Possessives: 126-129. Post-verbal Nouns: 96, 1. _poutz_: 52, (3), 1. _pouzer_: 85. Prefix, Change of: 43. _preire_: 78, 1. _prendre_: 71; 87, r; 148, (3); 161; 162, (24); 172; 173, (1); 177, (1), (3); 179; 180; 180, 1; 181, (1); 183; 183, (1); 188; 192. _preon_: 43; 44, 4. Preposition + Article; 118, 2. Present: 154-169. --Double Stems: 155-161; -c, 161; Diphthong, 159; -nc -nh, 161; Palatal, 160-161; -sc-, 155-156. --Peculiar Forms: 162. --Personal Endings: 164-169. _presseguier_: 86. _prestre_: 71, 1; 87, r. Preterit: 141, (2); 171-184. --Personal Endings: 173. --Strong: 178-184. Accent in 1st pers. pl.: 179. Stem vowel change in 1st pers. sg.: 181, (1). Third pers. pl. without _r_: 180. Types: _-i_, 178, (2) and 182; reduplicative, 178, (1); _-si_, 178, (3) and 183; _-ui_, 178, (4) and 184. --Strong and Weak: 172-177. Strong stems with weak endings, 177. --Weak: 174-177. Conjugations: 1st, 174, (1) and 175, (4); 2d, 174, (2) and 175, (1); 3d, 174, (3) and 175, (3); 4th, 174, (1) and 175, (2). Ending _-c_: 176. _preu_: 65, G, 1. _preveire_: 78, 1. _prever_: 71, 1. _proa_: 35, 1. Proclitics: 19; 118, (1); 122; 123. _profich_: 28, 1. _pron_: 63, (5), footnote. Pronominal Adjectives: see Pronouns. Pronouns: 114-136. --Demonstrative: 130-132. --Indefinite: 136. --Interrogative: 133-135. --Personal: 116, 120-125. --Conjunctive: 122-123. --Disjunctive: 124-125. --Possessive: 126-129. Plural possessor: 129. Singular possessor: 127-128. --Relative: 133-135. Pronunciation: 8-9. _propi_: 87, r. Provençal: --Language: Dialects, 3-8, 10-13; Extent, p. VIII, 2-4; Sounds, 8-9; Spelling, 7 and 9. --Literature: 1. _puosc_: 37, 2. _pus_: 87, 1. _put_: 47, (1); 80, Td. _putana_: 95, 2. qu: 55, W; 62, (2); 72, Kw, Nw. _qual que_: 136, (10). _quan_: 136, (10). Quantity: 20-21. _quatre_: 72, Tw, 1. _quec_: 136, (21). _que que_: 136, (20). _quesacom_: 136, (22). _quet_: 25, 1, (d); 40, 1. _qui_: 133. _quier_: 30, 1. _qui que_: 136, (23). _quis_ (Lat.): 133. _quis_ (from _querre_): 28, 3; 181, (1). _rancura_: 33, 2. _randola_: 46, 1. _ratge_: 52, (5). _re_ (_ren_, _res_): 82, M; 93, (2); 101, (1), 2. _rede_: 51, 4; 80, Yd. _redebre_: 70, 1. _redobla_: 33, 1. _redon_: 43. _refreitor_: 85. _rege_: 49, (1). _rei_: 101, (2), 3. _reide_: 51, 4; 80, Yd. Relative Pronouns: 133-135. _renc_: 80, Gn; 86. _renha_: 80, Tn. _renlinquir_: 85. _rire_: 137, (2); 162, (25). Romance Languages: 14. rs ＞ s: Latin, 55, R; Provençal, 65, R. s + nasal: 65, S, 1. _-s_ in adverbs: 82, S, 3. _saber_: 65, P, 3; 137, (1), (2); 145; 148, (2); 150; 160; 162, (26); 165; 172; 177, (1); 184; 184, (4); 187; 192; 192, 1, 2. _sauma_: 80, Gm. _sautz_: 52, (3), 1. _saver_: 65, P, 1; see _saber_. _sazo_: 87, t. _seguir_: 137, (1), (2); 148, (2); 159, (1); 167, (2). _selcle_: 69, 1. _sembrar_: 68, Ml. _senes_: 51, 4. _senestre_: 25, 1, (e). _sereisa_: 23, 3. _seror_: 43, 1. _set_: 52, (2), 1; 80, Pt. _seti_: 73, Dg, footnote. _seze_: 25, 1, (e); 80, Dc´. _sierf_: 30, 1. _sint_: 28, 2. _sobra_: 33, 1. _sogre_: 70, Cr. _soi agutz_: 141, (1), footnote; 148, 1. _somni_: 73, Mny. _son_ ＜ _sum_: 82, M; 162, (15). _son_ ＜ _suum_: 82, M; 126-127. _sor_ = _sobre_: 70, 1. _sor_ = _sorre_: 52, (1), 1. _sosrire_: 66, 1. _sosterrar_: 66, 1. _sostraire_: 66, 1. _sotran_: 73, Ny. _sozer_: 49, (1). Spelling: 7, 9. _sub_: 66, 1. Subjunctive: see Conjugation. _suefre_: 33, 1; 37, 2. _suenh_: 36, 1; 37; 73, Mny. Superlative: 106; 109. Supporting Vowel: 52; 164, (1); 165; 166. t between dental or palatal and s: 82, S. _taire_: see _tazer_. _tal_: 136, (25). _tamanh_: 136, (26). _tan_: 136, (27). _tapit_: 25, 2, (_e_). _tazer_: 162, (27). _tems_: 63, (8); 100. _tener_: 137, (2); 148, (2); 150; 160; 161; 162, (28); 166; 181, (1); 184. _tenir_: 137, (2); see _tener_. Tense: see Conjugation. _teula_: 68, Gl. _teun_; 72, Nw, 1. _tey_: 65, N, 3. th: 57, θ. _tinc_: 28, (3). _ton_ ＜ _tuum_: 82, M; 126-127. _tonleu_: 33, 5. _torser_: 49, (1); 72, Kw, 2. _tot_: 65, T, 2; 136, (28). _trabalh_: 43. _trachor_: 65, D, footnote. _traire_: 148, (3); 162, (29); 172; 177, (1), (3). _trap_: 65, β, 2. _tres_ = _tras_: 23, 4; 43, 3. _treva_: 72, βw. _troba_: 33, 1; 86. _tronar_: 86. _trop_: 37, 1. _truoill_: 86. _-tulus_: 47, (2). ü: 34, 38, 41. --From ǫ: 34. --From ū: 38. --Unaccented: 41; see Vowels. u ＜ l: see l ＞ u. u̯: 40, (2); 55, W; 72. ue: 37. _uebre_: 23, 3. _Ugo_: 101, (3), 1. _uis_: 33, 2. _umplir_: 44, 1. _un_: 117; 136, (29). Unaccented Vowels: see Vowels. uo ＜ ǫ: 37. uó ＞ o: 40, 1; 55, W. _upa_: 33, 2. _-us_ -_onem_; 96, 2. _-ut_ in Past Participle: 148. uu ＞ u: 55, W. v ＞ β: 55, V. _vair_: 73, Ry, 1. _vaire_: 51, 4. _vas_: 42, 1. _vaus_: 42, 1. _vecvos_: 156, 2. _vei_: 160. _vendanha_: 25, 2, (_e_). Verbs: see Conjugation. _verin_: 25, 2, (_e_); 87, n + n. _veus_: 156, 2. _veuva_: 72, Dw, 1. _vezer_: 145; 148, (2), (3); 150; 156, 2; 160; 162, (30); 170; 171; 173, (3), (4); 179; 182, (3); 182, (3), 1; 187; 192; 192, 3. _vezoa_: 72, Dw, 1. _vianda_: 28, 6; 87, β. _viatz_: 87, β; 108. _vint_: 27. Vocative: 91, (2). _voig_: 23, 3; 49, (1); 80, C´t. _volentiers_: 46, 1. _voler_: 137, (1); 148, (2); 159, (2); 160; 162, (31); 167, 2; 177, (1); 180; 181, (1); 184, (3); 187; 192. _volon_: 28, 7. Vowels: --Accented: 23-39; see a, ẹ, ę, i, ọ, ǫ, ü. --Greek: 22. --Latin: 20-22. --Prefixed to s + cons.: 62, (3). --Provençal: 8-9. --Unaccented: 40-53. _Final Syllable_: 51-53; learned words, 53; supporting vowel, 52. _Initial Syllable_: 41-44; analogy, 42; dialect, 44; false etymology, 43. _Intertonic Syllable_: 45-46; analogy, 46. _Penult_: 47-50; learned words, 50; Provençal, 48; vowel kept, 49; Vulgar Latin, 47. _vuech_: 23, 3; 49, (1); 80, C´t. _vuelc_: 37, 2; 181, (1). Vulgar Latin: 14. w: 55, W; 56, W; 62, (2); 72, βw; see u̯. x: 55, X. y ＜ j: 55; 61, Y; 65, Y; 68, Yl. y ＜ e, i: see ḙ, i̭. y ＜ c, g: 55; 65, G, Y; 68, C´l; 70, C´r, Gr, Yr. z: 57, Z; 61, Y; 65, Y. End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Outline of the Phonology and Morphology of Old Provençal, by C. H. Grandgent *** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OUTLINE PHONOLOGY OLD PROVENCAL *** ***** This file should be named 49692-0.txt or 49692-0.zip ***** This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: http://www.gutenberg.org/4/9/6/9/49692/ Produced by Charlene Taylor, David Starner and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will be renamed. 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