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         LIBRARY
           OF
    ABORIGINAL AMERICAN
       LITERATURE.

         No. V.

       EDITED BY
   D. G. BRINTON, M.D.

     PHILADELPHIA
         1885




               THE LENÂPÉ AND THEIR LEGENDS;

            WITH THE COMPLETE TEXT AND SYMBOLS
                   OF THE WALAM OLUM,

  A NEW TRANSLATION, AND AN INQUIRY INTO ITS AUTHENTICITY.

                            BY
                 DANIEL G. BRINTON, A.M., M.D.,

       PROFESSOR OF ETHNOLOGY AND ARCHÆOLOGY AT THE
        ACADEMY OF NATURAL SCIENCES, PHILADELPHIA.

    President of the Numismatic and Antiquarian; Society of
   Philadelphia; Member of the American Philosophical Society,
   the American Antiquarian Society, the Pennsylvania Historical
   Society, etc.; Membre de la Société Royale des Antiquaires
   du Nord; Délégné Général de l'Institution Ethnographique;
   Vice-President du Congrés International des Americanistes;
   Corresponding Member of the Anthropological Society of
   Washington, etc.

                      D. G. BRINTON.
                      PHILADELPHIA.
                          1885.

    Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1885, by
                      D. G. BRINTON,
  In the Office of the Librarian of Congress. All rights reserved.


Transcriber's Notes:
 Words or phrases with an underscore(_) before and after are italicized.
 Words or phrases with an equal sign(=) before and after are in bold.
 Obvious spelling and punctuation mistakes have been corrected.
 The use of the digit 8 to represent a 'whistled' letter w has been
   retained as in the original.




PREFACE.


In the present volume I have grouped a series of ethnological studies
of the Indians of Eastern Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Maryland, around
what is asserted to be one of the most curious records of ancient
American history.

For a long time this record--the WALAM OLUM, or Red Score--was supposed
to have been lost. Having obtained the original text complete about
a year ago, I printed a few copies and sent them to several educated
native Delawares with a request for aid in its translation and opinions
on its authenticity. The results will be found in the following pages.

The interest in the subject thus excited prompted me to a general
review of our knowledge of the Lenape or Delawares, their history and
traditions, their language and customs. This disclosed the existence
of a number of MSS. not mentioned in bibliographies, some in the first
rank of importance, especially in the field of linguistics. Of these I
have made free use.

In the course of these studies I have received suggestions and
assistance from a number of obliging friends, among whom I would
mention the native Delawares, the Rev. Albert Anthony, and the Rev.
John Kilbuck; Mr. Horatio Hale and the Right Rev. E. de Schweinitz; Dr.
J. Hammond Trambull, Prof. A. M. Elliott and Gen. John Mason Brown.

Not without hesitation do I send forth this volume to the learned
world. Regarded as an authentic memorial, the original text of the
WALAM OLUM will require a more accurate rendering than I have been able
to give it; while the possibility that a more searching criticism will
demonstrate it to have been a fabrication may condemn as labor lost the
pains that I have bestowed upon it. Yet even in the latter case my work
will not have been in vain. There is, I trust, sufficient in the volume
to justify its appearance, apart from the Red Score; and the latter,
by means of this complete presentation, can now be assigned its true
position in American archaeology, whatever that may be.




                                CONTENTS.

                                                                   PAGE
  CHAPTER I.--§ 1. THE ALGONKIN STOCK                                9
      Scheme of its Dialects.--Probable Primitive Location.
              § 2. THE IROQUIS STOCK                                13
      The Susquehannocks--The Hurons--The Cherokees.

  CHAPTER II.--THE WAPANACHKI OR EASTERN ALGONKIN CONFEDERACY       19
      The Confederated Tribes--The Mohegans--The Nanticokes.--The
      Conoys.--The Shawnees.--The Saponies.--The Assiwikalees.

  CHAPTER III.--THE LENAPE OR DELAWARES                             33
      Derivation of the Name Lenape.--The Three Sub-Tribes:
      the Minsi or Wolf, the Unami or Turtle, and the Unalachtgo
      or Turkey Tribes.--Their Totems.--The New Jersey Tribes:
      the Wapings, Sanhicans and Mantas.--Political Constitution
      of the Lenape.--Vegetable Food Resources.--Domestic
      Architecture.--Manufactures.--Paints and Dyes.--Dogs.--
      Interments.--Computation of Time.--Picture Writing.--
      Record Sticks.--Moral and Mental Character.--Religious
      Belief.--Doctrine of the Soul.--The Native Priests.--
      Religious Ceremonies.

  CHAPTER IV.--THE LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE OF THE LENAPE            74
      § 1. Literature of the Lenape Tongue.--
             Campanius; Penn; Thomas; Zeisberger; Heckewelder;
             Roth; Ettwem; Grube; Dencke; Luckenbach; Henry;
             Vocabularies; a Native Letter.
      § 2. General Remarks on the Lenape.
      § 3. Dialects of the Lenape.
      § 4. Special Structure of the Lenape.--The Root and the Theme;
             Prefixes; Suffixes; Derivatives; Grammatical Notes.

  CHAPTER V.--HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF THE LENAPE                    109
      § 1. The Lenape as "Women."
      § 2. Recent Migrations of the Lenape.
      § 3. Missionary Efforts in the Provinces of Pennsylvania
             and New Jersey.

  CHAPTER VI.--MYTHS AND TRADITIONS OF THE LENAPE                  130

      Cosmogonical and Culture Myths.--The Culture-hero,
           Michabo.--Myths from Lindstrom, Ettwein, Jasper
           Donkers, Zeisberger.--Native Symbolism--The Saturnian
           Age.--Mohegan Cosmogony and Migration Myth.
      National Traditions.--Beatty's Account.--The Number Seven.--
           Heckewelder's Account.--Prehistoric Migrations.--Shawnee
           Legend.--Lenape Legend of the Naked Bear.

  CHAPTER VII.--THE WALAM OLUM:
                 ITS ORIGIN, AUTHENTICITY AND CONTENTS             148

      Biographical Sketch of Rafinesque.--Value of his Writings.--
           His account of the WALUM OLUM.--Was it a Forgery?--
           Rafinesque's Character.--The Text Pronounced Genuine
           by Native Delawares.--Conclusion Reached.

      Phonetic System of the WALUM OLUM.--Metrical Form.--
           Pictographic System--Derivation and Precise Meaning
           of WALUM OLUM.--The MS of the WALUM OLUM.--General
           Synopsis of the WALUM OLUM--Synopsis of its Parts.

  THE WALUM OLUM.--ORIGINAL TEXT AND TRANSLATION                   169

  NOTES                                                            219
  VOCABULARY                                                       233
  APPENDIX                                                         255
  INDEX                                                            257




THE LENAPE AND THEIR LEGENDS.




CHAPTER I.

§ 1. THE ALGONKIN STOCK.

Scheme of its Dialects--Probable Primitive Location

§ 2. THE IROQUIS STOCK.

The Susquehannocks--The Hurons--The Cherokees


§ 1. _The Algonkin Stock_.

About the period 1500-1600, those related tribes whom we now know by
the name of Algonkins were at the height of their prosperity. They
occupied the Atlantic coast from the Savannah river on the south to the
strait of Belle Isle on the north. The whole of Newfoundland was in
their possession; in Labrador they were neighbors to the Eskimos; their
northernmost branch, the Crees, dwelt along the southern shores of
Hudson Bay, and followed the streams which flow into it from the west,
until they met the Chipeways, closely akin to themselves, who roamed
over the water shed of Lake Superior. The Blackfeet carried a remote
dialect of their tongue quite to the Rocky Mountains; while the fertile
prairies of Illinois and Indiana were the homes of the Miamis. The area
of Ohio and Kentucky was very thinly peopled by a few of their roving
bands; but east of the Alleghanies, in the valleys of the Delaware,
the Potomac and the Hudson, over the barren hills of New England and
Nova Scotia, and throughout the swamps and forests of Virginia and the
Carolinas, their osier cabins and palisadoed strongholds, their maize
fields and workshops of stone implements, were numerously located.

It is needless for my purpose to enumerate the many small tribes which
made up this great group. The more prominent were the Micmacs of Nova
Scotia, the Abnakis of Maine, the Pequots and Narragansets, in New
England, the Mohegans of the Hudson, the Lenape on the Delaware, the
Nanticokes around Chesapeake Bay, the Pascataway on the Potomac, and
the Powhatans and Shawnees further south; while between the Great Lakes
and the Ohio river were the Ottawas, the Illinois, the Pottawatomies,
the Kikapoos, Piankishaws, etc.

The dialects of all these were related, and evidently at some distant
day had been derived from the same primitive tongue. Which of them had
preserved the ancient forms most closely, it may be premature to decide
positively, but the tendency of modern studies has been to assign that
place to the Cree--the northernmost of all.

We cannot erect a genealogical tree of these dialects. It is not
probable that they branched off, one after another, from a common
stock. The ancient tribes each took their several ways from a common
centre, and formed nuclei for subsequent development. We may, however,
group them in such a manner as roughly to indicate their relationship.
This I do on the following page:--

  Cree,
  Old Algonkin,
  Montagnais.
              Chipeway,
              Ottawa,
              Pottawattomie,
              Miami,
              Peoria,
              Pea,
              Piankishaw,
              Kaskaskia,
              Menominee,
              Sac,
              Fox,
              Kikapoo.
                      Sheshatapoosh,
                      Secoffee,
                      Micmac,
                      Melisceet,
                      Etchemin,
                      Abnaki.
                               Mohegan,
                               Massachusetts,
                               Shawnee,
                               Minsi,      }
                               Unami,      }
                               Unalachtigo,}
                               Nanticoke,
                               Powhatan,
                               Pampticoke.
                                            Blackfoot,
                                            Gros Ventre,
                                            Sheyenne.


Granting, as we must, some common geographical centre for these many
dialects, the question where this was located becomes an interesting
one.

More than one attempt to answer it has been made. Mr. Lewis H. Morgan
thought there was evidence to show that the valley of the Columbia
river, Oregon, "was the initial point from which the Algonkin stock
emigrated to the great lake region and thence to the Atlantic
coast."[1] This is in direct conflict with the evidence of language,
as the Blackfoot or Satsika is the most corrupt and altered of the
Algonkin dialects. Basing his argument on this evidence, Mr. Horatio
Hale reaches a conclusion precisely the reverse of that of Morgan. "The
course of migration of the Indian tribes," writes Mr. Hale, "has been
from the Atlantic coast westward and southward. The traditions of the
Algonkins seem to point to Hudson's Bay and the coast of Labrador."[2]
This latter view is certainly that which accords best with the
testimony of language and of history.

We know that both Chipeways and Crees have been steadily pressing
westward since their country was first explored, driving before them
the Blackfeet and Dakotas.[3]

The Cree language is built up on a few simple, unchangeable radicals
and elementary words, denoting being, relation, energy, etc.; it
has extreme regularity of construction, a single negative, is
almost wholly verbal and markedly incorporative, has its grammatical
elements better defined than its neighbors, and a more consistent
phonetic system.[4] For these and similar reasons we are justified
in considering it the nearest representative we possess of the
pristine Algonkin tongue, and unless strong grounds to the contrary
are advanced, it is proper to assume that the purest dialect is found
nearest the primeval home of the stock.


§2. _The Iroquois Stock_.

Surrounded on all sides by the Algonkins were the _Iroquois_, once
called the Five or Six Nations. When first discovered they were on the
St. Lawrence, near Montreal, and in the Lake Region of Central New
York. Various other, tribes, not in their confederacy, and generally
at war with them, spoke dialects of the same language. Such were the
Hurons or Wyandots, between the Georgian Bay and Lake Erie, the Neutral
Nation on the Niagara river, the Eries on the southern shore of the
lake of that name, the Nottoways in Virginia, and the Tuscaroras in
North Carolina. The Cherokees, found by the whites in East Tennessee,
but whose national legend, carefully preserved for generations, located
them originally on the head waters of the Ohio, were a remote offshoot
of this same stem.


_The Susquehannocks_.

The valley of the Susquehanna river was occupied by a tribe of Iroquois
lineage and language, known as the _Susquehannocks, Conestogas_ and
_Andastes_. The last name is Iroquois, from _andasta_, a cabin pole.
By some, "Susquehannock" has also been explained as an Iroquois word,
but its form is certainly Algonkin. The terminal _k_ is the place-sign,
_hanna_ denotes a flowing stream, while the adjectival prefix has been
identified by Heckewelder with _schachage_, straight, from the direct
course of the river near its mouth, and by Mr. Guss with _woski_, new,
which, he thinks, referred to fresh or spring water.

Of these the former will appear the preferable, if we allow for the
softening of the gutturals, which was a phonetic trait of the Unami
dialect of the Lenape.

The Susquehannocks were always at deadly feud with the Iroquois,
and between wars, the smallpox and the whites, they were finally
exterminated. The particulars of their short and sad history have
been presented with his characteristic thoroughness by Dr. John G.
Shea,[5] and later by Prof. N. L. Guss.[6] They were usually called
by the Delawares _Mengwe_, which was the term they applied to all
the Iroquois-speaking tribes.[7] The English corrupted it to Minqua
and Mingo, and as the eastern trail of the Susquehannocks lay up the
Conestoga Creek, and down the Christina, both those streams were called
"Mingo Creek" by the early settlers.

It is important for the ethnology of Pennsylvania, to understand that
at the time of the first settlement the whole of the Susquehanna
Valley, from the Chesapeake to the New York lakes, was owned and
controlled by Iroquois-speaking tribes. A different and erroneous
opinion was expressed by Heckewelder, and has been generally received.
He speaks of the Lenape Minsi as occupying the head waters of the
Susquehanna. This was not so in the historic period.

The claims of the Susquehannocks extended down the Chesapeake Bay on
the east shore, as far as the Choptank River, and on the west shore as
far as the Patuxent. In 1654 they ceded to the government of Maryland
their southern territory to these boundaries.[8] The first English
explorers met them on the Potomac, about the Falls, and the Pascatoways
were deserting their villages and fleeing before them, when, in 1634,
Calvert founded his colony at St. Mary's.

Their subjection to the Five Nations took place about 1680, and
it was through the rights obtained by this conquest that, at the
treaty of Lancaster, 1744, Canassatego, the Onondaga speaker for the
Nation, claimed pay from the government of Maryland for the lands
on the Potomac, or, as that river was called in his tongue, the
_Cohongorontas_.


_The Hurons._

The Hurons, Wyandots, or Wendats, were another Iroquois people, who
seem, at some remote epoch, to have come into contact with the Lenape.
The latter called them _Delamattenos_[9] and claimed to have driven
them out of a portion of their possessions. A Chipeway tradition also
states that the Hurons were driven north from the lake shores by
Algonkin tribes.[10] We know, from the early accounts of the Jesuits,
that there was commercial intercourse between them and the tribes
south of the lakes, the materials of trade being principally fish and
corn.[11] The Jesuit _Relations_ of 1648 contain quite a full account
of a Huron convert who, in that year, visited the Lenape on the
Delaware River, and had an interview with the Swedish Governor, whom he
took to task for neglecting the morals of his men.


_The Cherokees._

The Cherokees were called by the Delawares _Kittuwa_ (_Kuttoowauw_, in
the spelling of the native Aupaumut). This word I suppose to be derived
from the prefix, _kit_, great, and the root _tawa_ (Cree, _yette_,
_tawa_), to open, whence tawatawik, an open, _i.e._, uninhabited place,
a wilderness (Zeisberger).

The designation is geographical. According to the tradition of the
Cherokees, they once lived (probably about the fourteenth century)
in the Ohio Valley, and claimed to have been the constructors of the
Grave Creek and other earthworks there.[12] Some support is given to
this claim by the recent linguistic investigations of Mr. Horatio
Hale,[13] and the archaeological researches of Prof. Cyrus Thomas.[14]
They were driven southward by their warlike neighbors, locating their
council fire first near Monticello, Va., and the main body reaching
East Tennessee about the close of the fifteenth century. As late as
1730 some of them continued to live east of the Alleghanies, while, on
the other hand, it is evident, from the proper names preserved by the
chroniclers of De Soto's expedition (1542), that at that period others
held the mountains of Northern Georgia. To the Delawares they remained
_kit-tawa-wi_, inhabitants of the great wilderness of Southern Ohio and
Kentucky.

Delaware traditions distinctly recalled the period when portions of the
Cherokees were on the Ohio, and recounted long wars with them.[15] When
the Lenape assumed the office of peacemaker, this feud ceased, and
was not renewed until the general turmoil of the French-Indian wars,
1750-60. After this closed, in 1768, the Cherokees sought and effected
a renewal of their peaceful relations with the Delawares, and in 1779
they even sent a deputation of "condolence" to their "grandfather," the
Lenape, on the death of the head chief, White Eyes.[16]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Lewis H. Morgan, _Indian Migrations_, in Beach's _Indian Miscellany_,
p. 218.

[2] H. Hale, _Indian Migrations as Evidenced by Language_, p. 24.
(Chicago, 1883.)

[3] See the R. P. A. Lacombe _Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris.
Introd._, p. xi. (Montreal, 1874.)

[4] See Joseph Howse, _A grammar of the Cree Language_, p. 13, et al.
(London, 1842)

[5] In a note to Mr. Gowan's edition of George Alsop's _Province
of Maryland_, pp. 117-121 (New York, 1869); also, in 1858, in an
article "On the Identity of the Adastas, Minquas, Susquehannocks, and
Conestogas," in the _Amer. Hist. Mag._, Vol. II, p. 294.

[6] _Early Indian History on the Susquehanna_, p. 31.
(Harrisburg, 1883).

[7] _Megnwe_ is the Onondaga _yenkwe_, males, or men, _viri_, and was
borrowed from that dialect by the Delawares, as a general term. Bishop
Ettwein states that the Iroquois called the Delawares, Mohegans, and
all the New England Indians _Agozhagduta_.

[8] Bozman, _History of Maryland_, Vol. I, p. 167.

[9] Heckewelder, _History of the Indian Nations_, p. 80.

[10] Peter Jones, _History of the Ojibway Nation_, p. 32.

[11] _Relation da Jesuites_, 1637, p. 154. The Hurons, at that time,
are stated to have had reliable traditions running back more than two
hundred years. _Relation de 1639_, p. 50.

[12] "The Cherokees had an oration, in which was contained the history
of their migrations, which was lengthy." This tradition related "that
they came from the upper part of the Ohio, where they erected the
mounds on Grave Creek, and that they removed hither [to East Tennessee]
from the country where Monticello is situated." This memory of their
migrations was preserved and handed down by official orators, who
repeated it annually, in public, at the national festival of the green
corn dance. J. Haywood, _Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee_,
pp. 224-237. (Nashville, 1823.) Haywood adds: "It is now nearly
forgotten." I have made vain attempts to recover some fragments of it
from the present residents of the Cherokee Nation.

[13] _Indian Migrations as Evidenced by Language_, p. 22.

[14] Prof. Thomas has shown beyond reasonable doubt that the Cherokees
were mound builders within the historic period.

[15] Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission_, etc., p. 160; Heckewelder,
_History of the Indian Nations_, p. 54. Bishop Ettwein states that the
last Cherokees were driven from the upper Ohio river about 1700-10. His
essay on the "Traditions and Languages of the Indian Nations," written
for General Washington, in 1788, was first published in the _Bulletin
of the Pa. Hist. Soc._, 1844.

[16] Heckewelder, _Indian Nations_, pp. 88, 327. Mr. H. Hale, in _The
Iroquois Book of Rites_, has fully explained the meaning and importance
of the custom of "condolence." The Stockbridge Indian, Aupaumut, in
his Journal, writes of the Delawares, that when they lose a relative,
"according to ancient custom, long as they are not comforted, they are
not to speak in public, and this ceremonie of comforting each other is
highly esteemed among these nations." _Narrative of Hendrick Aupaumut_,
in _Mems. Hist. Soc. Pa._, Vol. II, p. 99.




CHAPTER II.

THE WAPANACHKI OR EASTERN ALGONKIN CONFEDERACY.

The Confederated Tribes--The Mohegans--The Nanticokes--The Conoys--The
Shawnees--The Saponies--The Assiwikalees


_The Confederated Tribes._

All the Algonkin nations who dwelt north of the Potomac, on the east
shore of Chesapeake Bay, and in the basins of the Delaware and Hudson
rivers, claimed near kinship and an identical origin, and were at times
united into a loose, defensive confederacy.

By the western and southern tribes they were collectively known as
_Wapanachkik_--"those of the eastern region"--which in the form
_Abnaki_ is now confined to the remnant of a tribe in Maine. The
Delawares in the far West retain traditionally the ancient confederate
name, and still speak of themselves as "Eastlanders"--_O-puh-narke_.
(Morgan.)

The members of the confederacy were the Mohegans (Mahicanni) of the
Hudson, who occupied the valley of that river to the falls above the
site of Albany, the various New Jersey tribes, the Delawares proper on
the Delaware river and its branches, including the Minsi or Monseys,
among the mountains, the Nanticokes, between Chesapeake Bay and the
Atlantic, and the small tribe called Canai, Kanawhas or Ganawese, whose
towns were on tributaries of the Potomac and Patuxent.

That all these were united in some sort of an alliance, with the
Delawares at its head, is not only proved by the traditions of this
tribe itself, but by the distinct assertion of the Mohegans and
others, and by events within historical times, as the reunion of the
Nanticokes, New Jersey and Eastern Indians with the Delawares as with
the parent stem.[17]


_The Mohegans._

The Mohegans, _Mo-hé-kun-ne-uk_, dwelt on the tide-waters of the
Hudson, and from this their name was derived. Dr. Trumbull, indeed,
following Schoolcraft, thinks that they "took their tribal name from
_maingan_, a wolf, and _Moheganick_ = Chip. _maniganikan_, 'country
of wolves.'"[18] They, themselves, however, translate it, "seaside
people," or more fully, "people of the great waters which are
constantly ebbing or flowing."[19] The compound is _machaak_, great,
_hickan_, tide ("ebbing tide," Zeis; "tide of flood," Campanius) and
_ik_, animate plural termination.

The Mohegans on the Hudson are said to have been divided into three
phratries, the Bear, the Wolf and the Turtle, of whom the Bear had
the primacy.[20] Mr. Morgan, however, who examined, in 1860, the
representatives of the nation in Kansas,[21] discovered that they had
precisely the same phratries as the Delawares, that is the Wolf, the
Turtle, and the Turkey, each subdivided into three or four gentes. He
justly observes that this "proves their immediate connection with the
Delawares and Munsees by descent," and thus renders their myths and
traditions of the more import in the present study.

Linguistically, the Mohegans were more closely allied to the tribes of
New England than to those of the Delaware Valley. Evidently, most of
the tribes of Massachusetts and Connecticut were comparatively recent
offshoots of the parent stem on the Hudson, supposing the course of
migration had been eastward.

In some of his unpublished notes Mr. Heckewelder identifies the
_Wampanos_, who lived in Connecticut, along the shore of Long Island
Sound, and whose council fire was where New Haven now stands, as
Mohegans, while the _Wapings_ or _Opings_ of the Northern Jersey shore
were a mixed clan derived from intermarriages between Mohegans and
Monseys.[22]


_The Nanticokes_.

The Nanticokes occupied the territory between Chesapeake Bay and the
ocean, except its southern extremity, which appears to have been under
the control of the Powhatan tribe of Virginia.

The derivation of Nanticoke is from the Delaware _Unéchtgo_,
"tide-water people," and is merely another form of _Unalachtgo_, the
name of one of the Lenape sub-tribes. In both cases it is a mere
geographical term, and not a national eponym.

In the records of the treaty at Fort Johnston, 1757, the Nanticokes are
also named _Tiawco_. This is their Mohegan name, _Otayãchgo_, which
means "bridge people," or bridge makers, the reference being to the
skill with which the Nanticokes could fasten floating logs together to
construct a bridge across a stream. In the Delaware dialect this was
_Tawachguáno_, from _taiachquoan_, a bridge. The latter enables us to
identify the Tockwhoghs, whom Captain John Smith met on the Chesapeake,
in 1608, with the Nanticokes. The _Kuscarawocks_, whom he also visited,
have been conclusively shown by Mr. Bozman[23] to have been also
Nanticokes.

By ancient traditions, they looked up to the Lenape as their
"grandfather," and considered the Mohegans their "brethren."[24] That
is, they were, as occasion required, attached to the same confederacy.

In manners and customs they differed little from their northern
relatives. The only peculiarity in this respect which is noted of
them was the extravagant consideration they bestowed on the bones of
the dead. The corpse was buried for some months, then exhumed and the
bones carefully cleaned and placed in an ossuary called _man-to-kump_
(= _manito_, with the locative termination, place of the mystery or
spirit).

When they removed from one place to another these bones were carried
with them. Even those who migrated to northern Pennsylvania, about
the middle of the last century, piously brought along these venerable
relics, and finally interred them near the present site of Towanda,
whence its name, _Tawundeunk_, "where we bury our dead."[25]

Their dialect varied considerably from the Delaware; of which it is
clearly a deteriorated form. It is characterized by abbreviated words
and strongly expirated accents, as _tah! quah! quak! su_, short; _quah!
nah! qut_, long.

Our knowledge of it is limited to a few vocabularies. The earliest
was taken down by Captain John Smith, during his exploration of the
Chesapeake. The most valuable is one obtained by Mr. William Vans
Murray, in 1792, from the remnant in Maryland. It is in the library of
the American Philosophical Society, and has never been correctly or
completely printed.

The Nanticokes broke up early. Between the steady encroachments of the
whites and the attacks of the Iroquois they found themselves between
the upper and the nether millstones.

According to their own statement to Governor Evans, at a conference
in 1707, they had at that time been tributary to the latter for
twenty-seven years, _i.e._, since 1680. Their last head chief, or
"crowned king," Winicaco, died about 1720. A few years after this
occurrence bands of them began to remove to Pennsylvania, and at the
middle of the century were living at the mouth of the Juniata, under
the immediate control of the Iroquois. Thence they removed to Wyoming,
and in 1753, "in a fleet of twenty-five canoes," to the Iroquois lands
in western New York. Others of their nation were brought there by the
Iroquois in 1767; but by the close of the century only five families
survived in that region.[26]

A small band called the _Wiwash_ remained on Goose creek, Dorchester
county, Maryland, to the same date.


_The Conoys._

The fourth member of the Wapanachki was that nation variously called in
the old records _Conoys_, _Ganawese_ or _Canaways_, the proper form of
which Mr. Heckewelder states to be _Canai_.[27]

Considerable obscurity has rested on the early location and affiliation
of this people. Mr. Heckewelder vaguely places them "at a distance
on the Potomac," and supposes them to have been the Kanawhas of West
Virginia.[28] This is a loose guess. They were, in fact, none other
than the Piscataways of Southern Maryland, who occupied the area
between Chesapeake Bay and the lower Potomac, about St. Mary's, and
along the Piscataway creek and Patuxent river.

Proof of this is furnished by the speech of their venerable head chief,
"Old Sack," at a conference in Philadelphia in 1743.[29] His words
were: "Our forefathers came from Piscatua to an island in Potowmeck;
and from thence down to Philadelphia, in old Proprietor Penn's time,
to show their friendship to the Proprietor. After their return they
brought down all their brothers from Potowmeck to Conejoholo, on the
east side Sasquehannah, and built a town there."

This interesting identification shows that they were the people whom
Captain John Smith found (1608) in numerous villages along the Patuxent
and the left bank of the lower Potomac. The local names show them to
have been of Algonkin stock and akin to the Nanticokes.

Conoy, Ganawese, Kanawha, are all various spellings of a derivative
from an Algonkin root, meaning "it is long" (Del. _guneu_, long, Cree
_kinowaw_, it is long,) and is found applied to various streams in
Algonkin territory.[30]

Piscataway, or Pascatoway, as it is spelled in the early narratives,
also recurs as a local name in various parts of the Northern States.
It is from, the root _pashk_, which means to separate, to divide. Many
derivatives from it are in use in the Delaware tongue. In the Cree
we have the impersonal form, _pakestikweyaw_, or the active animate
_pasketiwa_, in the sense of "the division or branch of a river."[31]
The site of Kittamaquindi (_kittamaque-ink_, Great Beaver Place,) the
so-called "metropolis of Pascatoe,"[32] was where Tinker's creek and
Piscataway creek branch off from their common estuary, about fifteen
miles south of Washington city.

The "emperor" Chitomachen, Strong Bear (_chitani_, strong, _macha_,
bear), who bore the title _Tayac_ (Nanticoke, _tallak_, head chief)
ruled over a dominion which extended about 130 miles from east to west.

The district was thinly peopled. On the upper shores of the west side
of the Chesapeake Captain John Smith and the other early explorers
found scarcely any inhabitants. In 1631 Captain Henry Fleet estimated
the total number of natives "in Potomack and places adjacent," at not
over 5000 persons.[33] This included both sides of the river as high up
as the Falls, and the shores of Chesapeake Bay.

Chitomachen, with his family, was converted to the Catholic faith
in 1640, by the exertions of the Jesuit missionary, Father Andrew
White, but died the year after. When the English first settled at St.
Mary's, the tribe was deserting its ancient seats, through fear of the
Susquehannocks, and diminished rapidly after that date.

Father White was among them from 1634 to 1642, and composed a grammar,
dictionary and catechism of their tongue. Of these, the catechism is
yet preserved in manuscript, in the library of the Domus Professa
of the Jesuits, in Rome. It would be a great benefit to students
of Algonkin dialects to have his linguistic works sought out and
published. How far his knowledge of the language extended is uncertain.
In a letter from one of the missionaries, dated 1642, who speaks
of White, the writer adds: "The difficulty of the language is so
great that none of us can yet converse with the Indians without an
interpreter."[34]

That it was an Algonkin dialect, closely akin to the Nanticoke, is
clear from the words and proper names preserved in the early records
and locally to this day. The only word which has created doubts has
been the name of "a certain imaginary spirit called _Ochre_."[35]
It has been supposed that this was the Huron _oki_. But it is pure
Algonkin. It is the Cree _oki-sikow_ (_être du ciel_, _ange_, Lacombe),
the Abnaki _ooskoo_ (_katini ooskoo_, Bon Esprit, _matsini ooskoo_,
Mauvais Esprit, Rasles).

It was nearly allied to that spoken in Virginia among Powhatan's
subjects, as an English boy who had lived with that chieftain served as
an interpreter between the settlers and the Patuxent and neighboring
Indians.[36]

The Conoys were removed, before 1743, from Conejoholo to Conoy town,
further up the Susquehanna, and in 1744 they joined several other
fragmentary bands at Shamokin (where Sunbury, Pa., now stands). Later,
they became merged with the Nanticokes.[37]


_The Shawnees_.

The wanderings of the unstable and migratory Shawnees have occupied the
attention of several writers, but it cannot be said that either their
history or their affiliations have been satisfactorily worked out.[38]

Their dialect is more akin to the Mohegan than to the Delaware, and
when, in 1692, they first appeared in the area of the Eastern Algonkin
Confederacy, they came as the friends and relatives of the former.[39]

They were divided into four bands, as follows:--

1. _Piqua_, properly _Pikoweu_, "he comes from the ashes."

2. _Mequachake_, "a fat man filled," signifying completion or
perfection. This band held the privilege of the hereditary priesthood.

3. Kiscapocoke.

4. Chilicothe.[40]

Of these, that which settled in Pennsylvania was the _Pikoweu_,
who occupied and gave their name to the Pequa valley in Lancaster
county.[41]

According to ancient Mohegan tradition, the New England _Pequods_ were
members of this band. These moved eastwardly from the Hudson river,
and extended their conquests over the greater part of the area of
Connecticut. Dr. Trumbull, however,[42] assigns a different meaning to
their name, and a more appropriate one--_Peguitóog_, the Destroyers.
Some countenance is given to the tradition by the similarity of the
Shawnee to the Mohegan, standing, as it does, more closely related to
it than to the Unami Delaware.

It has been argued that a band of the Shawnees lived in Southern New
Jersey when that territory first came to the knowledge of the whites.
On a Dutch map, drawn in 1614 or thereabouts, a tribe called _Saw
wanew_ is located on the left bank of the Delaware river, near the
Bay;[43] and DeLaet speaks of the _Sawanoos_ as living there.

I am inclined to believe that, in both these cases, the term was used
by the natives around New York Bay in its simple geographical sense of
"south" or "southern," and not as a tribal designation. It frequently
appears with this original meaning in the WALUAM OLUM.


_The Sapoonees_.

A tribe called the Sapoonees, or Saponies, is mentioned as living in
Pennsylvania, attached to the Delawares, about the middle of the last
century.[44]

They are no doubt the Saponas who once dwelt on a branch of the Great
Pedee river in North Carolina, and who moved north about the year
1720.[45]

They were said to have joined the Tuscaroras, but the Pennsylvania
records class them with the Delawares. Others, impressed by the
similarity of _Sa-po-nees_ to _Pa-nis_, have imagined they were the
Pawnees, now of the west. There is not the slightest importance to be
attached to this casual similarity of names.

They were called, by the Iroquois, _Tadirighrones_, and were distinctly
identified by them with the nation known to the English as the
Catawbas.[46] For a long time the two nations carried on a bitter
warfare.


_The Assiwikales_.

This band of about fifty families, or one hundred men (about three
hundred souls), are stated to have come from South Carolina to the
Potomac late in the seventeenth century, and in 1731 were settled
partly on the Susquehanna and partly on the upper Ohio or Alleghany.
Their chief was named Aqueioma, or Achequeloma.

Their name appears to be a compound of _assin_, stone; and _wikwam_,
house, and they were probably Algonkin neighbors of the Shawnees
in their southern homes, and united with them in their northern
migration.[47]

FOOTNOTES:

[17] Heckewelder, _History of the Indian Nations_, p. 60, and
_Narrative of Hendrick Aupaumut_, 1791, in _Mems. Hist. Soc. Pa._,
Vol. II. The latter, himself a native Mohegan, repeatedly refers to
"the ancient covenant of our ancestors," by which this confederacy
was instituted, which included the "Wenaumeew (Unami), the Wemintheew
(Minsi), the Wenuhtokowuk (Nanticokes) and Kuhnauwantheew (Kanawha)."
From old Pennsylvania documents, Proud gives the members of the
confederacy or league as "the Chiholacki or Delawares, the Wanami, the
Munsi, the Mohicans and Wappingers." _History of Penna._, Vol. II,
p. 297, note. Compare J. Long, _Voyages and Travels_, p. 10 (London,
1791), who gives the same list. Mr. Ruttenber writes: "In considering
the political relations of the Lenapes, they should be considered as
the most formidable of the Indian confederacies at the time of the
discovery of America, and as having maintained for many years the
position which subsequently fell to the Iroquois."--_Indian Tribes on
Hudson River_, p. 64.

[18] Trumbull, _Indian Names in Connecticut_, p. 31. Schoolcraft had
already given the same derivation in his _History and Statistics of the
Indian Tribes_.

[19] Capt. Hendricks, in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls._, Vol. IX, p. 101.
Lewis H. Morgan, _Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity_, p. 289.

[20] Ruttenber, _History of the Indian Tribes of Hudson's River_, p. 50.

[21] Morgan, _Ancient Society_, pp. 173-4.

[22] These opinions are from a MS. in the library of the American
Philosophical Society, in the handwriting of Mr. Heckewelder, entitled
_Notes, Amendments and Additions to Heckewelder's History of the
Indians_ (8vo, pp. 38.) Unfortunately, this MS. was not placed in
the hands of Mr. Reichel when he prepared the second edition of
Heckewelder's work for the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

An unpublished and hitherto unknown work on the Mohegan language is
the _Miscellanea Lingua Nationis Indica Mahikan dicta, curà scepta à
Joh. Jac. Schmick_, 2 vols., small 8vo.; MS. in the possession of the
American Philosophical Society. Schmick was a Moravian missionary, born
in 1714, died 1778. He acquired the Mohegan dialect among the converts
at Gnadenhütten. His work is without date, but may be placed at about
1765. It is grammatical rather than lexicographical, and offers
numerous verbal forms and familiar phrases.

[23] J. Bozman, _History of Maryland_, Vol. I, pp. 112, 114, 121,
177. This laborious writer still remains the best authority on the
aboriginal inhabitants of Maryland.

[24] "The We nuh tok o wuk are our brothers according to ancient
agreement," _Journal of Hendrick Aupaumut_, _Mems. Hist, Soc. Pa._, Vol.
II, P. 77.

[25] Charles Beatty, _Journal of a Journey_, etc., p. 87. Heckewelder,
_Indian Nations_, pp. 90, et seq. Ibid. _Trans. Am. Phil. Soc._, Vol.
IV, p. 362.

[26] The authorities for these facts are Bozman, _History of Maryland_,
Vol. I, pp. 175-180; Heckewelder, _Indian Nations_, pp. 93, sqq.; E.
de Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, pp. 208, 322, etc.; the Treaty
Records, and MSS. in the library of the American Philosophical Society.

That the Nanticokes came from the South into Maryland has been
maintained, on the ground that as late as 1770 they claimed land in
North Carolina. _New York Colonial Documents_, Vol. VIII, p. 243. But
the term "Carolina" was, I think, used erroneously in the document
referred to, instead of Maryland, where at that date there were still
many of the tribe.

[27] _History of the Indian Nations_, Introduction, p. xlii.

[28] Ibid., pp. 90-122.

[29] _Minutes of the Provincial Council of Penna._, Vol. IV, p. 657.
Further proof of this in a Treaty of Peace concluded in 1682 by the New
York colonial government, between the Senecas and Maryland Indians. In
this instrument we find this tribe referred to as "the Canowes alias
Piscatowayes," and elsewhere as the "Piscatoway of Cachnawayes." _New
York Colonial Documents_, Vol. III, pp. 322, 323.

[30] I am aware that Mr. Johnston, deriving his information from
Shawnee interpreters, translated the name Kanawha, as "having
whirlpools." (_Trans. of the Amer. Antiq. Soc._, Vol. I, p. 297.) But I
prefer the derivation given in the text.

[31] Lacombe, _Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris_, s. v. In Delaware
the root takes the form _pach_, from which are derived, by suffixes,
the words _pach-at_, to split, _pachgeechen_, where the road branches
off, _pachshican_, a knife = something that divides, etc.

[32] _Relatio Itineris in Marylandiam_, p. 63. (Edition of the Md.
Hist. Soc. 1874.)

[33] See his _Journal_, published in Neill's _Founders of Maryland_
(Albany, 1876). Fleet was a prisoner among the Pascatoways for five
years, and served as an interpreter to Calvert's colony.

[34] _Relatio Itineris in Marylandiam_, p. 84. The Rev. Mr. Kampman,
at one time Moravian missionary among the Delawares, told me that
even with the modern aids of grammars, dictionaries and educated
native instructors, it is considered to require five years to obtain a
sufficient knowledge of their language to preach in it. The slowness of
the early Maryland priests to master its intricacies, therefore, need
not surprise us.

[35] "Omni vero ratione placare conantur phantasticum quemdam spiritum
quem Ochre nominant, ut ne noceat." _Relatio Itineris in Marylandiam_,
p. 40.

[36] Bozman, _History of Maryland_, Vol. I, p. 166.

[37] "The Nanticokes and Conoys are now one nation." _Minutes of the
Provincial Council of Penna._, 1759, Vol. VIII, p. 176.

[38] On this tribe see "The Shawnees and Their Migrations," by Dr. D. G.
Brinton, in the _American Historical Magazine_, 1866; M. F. Force, _Some
Early Notices of the Indians of Ohio_, Cincinnati, 1879.

[39] See _Colonial History of New York_, Vol. IV. Index. Loskiel,
_Geschichte der Mission_, etc., p. 25.

[40] These names are as given by John Johnston, Indian agent, in 1819.
_Archæologia Americana_, Vol. I, p. 275. Heckewelder says they had four
divisions, but mentions only two, the _Pecuwési_ and _Woketamósi_.
(MSS. in Lib. Am. Philos. Soc.)

[41] "That branch of Shawanos which had settled part in Pennsylvania
and part in New England were of the tribe of Shawanos then and ever
since called _Pi'coweu_ or _Pe'koweu_, and after emigrating to the
westward settled on and near the Scioto river, where, to this day, the
extensive flats go under the name of 'Pickoway Plains.'" Heckewelder
MSS. in Lib. Am. Phil. Soc.

[42] In a note to Roger Williams, _Key into the Language of America_,
p. 22. The tradition referred to is mentioned in the Heckewelder MSS.

[43] Printed in the _Colonial History of New York_, Vol. I. Compare
Force, _ubi suprá_, pp. 16, 17.

[44] Rev. J. Morse, _Report on Indian Affairs_, p. 362.

[45] See Gallatin, _Synopsis of the Indian Tribes_, pp. 85, 86.

[46] See _New York Colonial Documents_, Vol. V, pp. 660, 673, etc.

[47] _Pennsylvania Archives_, Vol. I, pp. 299, 300, 302. Gov. Gordon
writes to the "Chiefs of ye Shawanese and Assekelaes," under date
December, 1731, "I find by our Records that about 34 Years since some
Numbers of your Nation came to Sasquehannah," etc. Ibid., p. 302.




CHAPTER III

THE LENAPE OR DELAWARES.

Derivation of the Name Lenape.--The Three Sub-Tribes the Minsi
or Wolf, the Unami or Turtle, and the Unalachtgo or Turkey
Tribes--Their Totems--The New Jersey Tribes the Wapings, Sanhicans
and Mantas--Political Constitution of the Lenape--Vegetable Food
Resources--Domestic Architecture--Manufactures.--Paints and Dyes.--
Dogs--Interments--Computation of Time--Picture Writing--Record Sticks--
Moral and Mental Character--Religious Belief.--Doctrine of the Soul.--
The Native Priests.--Religious Ceremonies.


_Derivation of Lenni Lenape_.

The proper name of the Delaware Indians was and is _Lenapé_, (a as in
father, é as a in mate). Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull[48] is quite wide of
the mark both in calling this a "misnomer," and in attributing its
introduction to Mr. Heckewelder.

Long before that worthy missionary was born, the name was in use in the
official documents of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania as the synonym
in the native tongue for the Delaware Indians,[49] and it is still
retained by their remnant in Kansas as the proper term to designate
their collective nation, embracing its sub-tribes.[50]

The derivation of _Lenape_ has been discussed with no little learning,
as well as the adjective _lenni_, which often precedes it (Lenni
Lenape). Mr. Heckewelder stated that _lenni_ means "original, pure,"
and that _Lenape_ signifies "people."[51] Dr. Trumbull, in the course
of a long examination of the words for "man" in the Algonkin dialects,
reaches the conclusion that "Len-âpé" denotes "a common adult male,"
_i. e._, an Indian man; _lenno lenâpé_, an Indian of _our_ tribe or
nation, and, consequently, _vir_, "a man of men."[52] He derives these
two words from the roots _len_ (= _nen_), a pronominal possessive, and
_ape_, an inseparable generic particle, "denoting an adult male."

I differ, with hesitation, from such an eminent authority; but this
explanation does not, to my mind, give the precise meaning of the term.
No doubt, both _lenno_, which in Delaware means _man_, and _len_, in
Lenape, are from the pronominal radicle of the first person _né_, I,
we, mine, our. As the native considered his tribe the oldest, as well
as the most important of created beings, "ours" with him came to be
synonymous with what was esteemed ancient, indigenous, primeval, as
well as human, man-like, _par excellence_. "We" and "men" were to
him the same. The initial _l_ is but a slight modification of the _n_
sound, and is given by Campanius as an _r_, "_rhenus_, homo."

_Lenape_, therefore, does not mean "a common adult male," but rather "a
male of our kind," or "our men."[53]

The termination _apé_ is said by Heckewelder to convey the idea of
"walking or being in an erect posture." A comparison of the various
Algonkin dialects indicates that it was originally a locative,
signifying staying in a place, abiding or sitting. Thus, in Cree,
_apú_, he is there; in Chipeway, _abi_, he is at home; in Delaware,
_n'dappin_, I am here. The transfer of this idea to the male sex is
seen in the Cree, _ap_, to sit upon, to place oneself on top, _apa_, to
cover (animate and active); Chipeway, _nabe_, the male of quadrupeds.
Baraga says that for a Chipeway woman to call her husband _nin nabem_
(lit. my coverer, comp. French, _femme couverte_), is coarse.


_The Lenape Sub-Tribes._

The Lenape were divided into three sub-tribes:--

1. The Minsi, Monseys, Montheys, Munsees, or Minisinks.

2. The Unami, or Wonameys.

3. The Unalachtigo.

No explanation of these designations will be found in Heckewelder or
the older writers. From investigations among living Delawares, carried
out at my request by Mr. Horatio Hale, it is evident that they are
wholly geographical, and refer to the locations of these sub-tribes on
the Delaware river.

_Minsi_, properly _Minsiu_, and formerly _Minassiniu_, means "people of
the stony country," or briefly, "mountaineers." It is a synthesis of
_minthiu_, to be scattered, and _achsin_, stone, according to the best
living native authorities.[54]

_Unami_, or _W'nãmiu_, means "people down the river," from _naheu_,
down-stream.

_Unalachtigo_, properly _W'nalãchtko_, means "people who live near the
ocean," from _wunalawat_, to go towards, and _t'kow_ or _t'kou_, wave.

Historically, such were the positions of these sub-tribes when they
first came to the knowledge of Europeans.

The Minsi lived in the mountainous region at the head waters of the
Delaware, above the Forks, or junction of the Lehigh river. One of
their principal fires was on the Minisink plains, above the Water Gap,
and another on the East Branch of the Delaware, which they called
_Namaes Sipu_, Fish River. Their hunting grounds embraced lands now
in the three colonies of Pennsylvania, New York and New Jersey. The
last mentioned extinguished their title in 1758, by the payment of one
thousand pounds.

That, at any time, as Heckewelder asserts, their territory extended
up the Hudson as far as tide-water, and westward "far beyond the
Susquehannah," is surely incorrect. Only after the beginning of the
eighteenth century, when they had been long subject to the Iroquois,
have we any historic evidence that they had a settlement on the last
named river.

The Unamis' territory on the right bank of the Delaware river extended
from the Lehigh valley southward. It was with them and their southern
neighbors, the Unalachtigos, that Penn dealt for the land ceded him
in the Indian Deed of 1682. The Minsis did not take part in the
transaction, and it was not until 1737 that the Colonial authorities
treated directly with the latter for the cession of their territory.[55]

The Unalachtigo or Turkey totem had its principal seat on the affluents
of the Delaware near where Wilmington now stands. About this point,
Captain John Smith, on his map (1609,) locates the _Chikahokin_. In
later writers this name is spelled _Chihohockies_, _Chiholacki_ and
_Chikolacki_, and is stated by the historians Proud and Smith to be
synonymous with Delawares.[56] The correct form is _Chikelaki_, from
_chik'eno_, turkey, the modern form as given by Whipple,[57] and _aki_
land. The _n_, _l_ and _r_ were alternating letters in this dialect.

The population was, however, very sparse, owing to the predatory
incursions of the Susquehannocks, whose trails, leading up the Octorara
and Conestoga, and down the Christina and Brandywine Creeks, were
followed by war parties annually, and desolated the west shores of the
Bay and lower river. When, in 1634, Captain Thomas Young explored the
river, the few natives he found on the west side told him (through the
medium of his Algonkin Virginian interpreter) that the "Minquaos" had
killed their people, burnt their villages, and destroyed their crops,
so that "the Indians had wholly left that side of the river which was
next their enemies, and had retired themselves on the other side farre
up into the woods."[58]

North of the Chikelaki, Smith's map locates the _Macovks_. This name
does not appear in later authors, but near that site were the _Okahoki_
band, who occupied the shores of Ridley and Crum creeks and the land
between them. There they remained until 1703, when they were removed to
a small reservation of 500 acres in what is now Willistown township,
Chester county.[59]


_The Totemic Animals._

These three sub-tribes had each its totemic animal, from which it
claimed a mystical descent. The Minsi had the Wolf, the Unami the
Turtle, and the Unalachtigo the Turkey. The Unamis claimed and were
conceded the precedence of the others, because their ancestor, the
Turtle, was not the common animal, so-called, but the great original
tortoise which bears the world on its back, and was the first of living
beings, as I shall explain on a later page.

In referring to the totemic animals the common names were not used, but
metaphorical expressions. Thus the Wolf was referred to as _Ptuksit_,
Round Foot (_ptuk_, round, _sit_, foot, from the shape of its paws;)
the turtle was _Pakoango_, the Crawler; and the turkey was _Pullaeu_,
he does not chew,[60] referring to the bird's manner of swallowing food.

The signs of these animals were employed in their picture writing,
painted on their houses or inscribed on rocks, to designate the
respective sub-tribes. But only in the case of the Unamis was the whole
animal represented. The Turkey tribe painted only one foot of their
totemic bird, and the Minsi the extended foot of the wolf, though they
sometimes added an outline of the rest of the animal.[61]

These three divisions of the Lenape were neither "gentes" nor
"phratries," though Mr. Morgan has endeavored to force them into his
system by stating that they were "of the nature of phratries."[62]
Each was divided into twelve families bearing female names, and hence
probably referring to some unexplained matriarchal system. They were,
as I have called them, sub-tribes. In their own orations they referred
to each other as "playmates." (Heckewelder.)


_The New Jersey Lenape._

The native name of New Jersey is given as Shã'akbee (English
orthography: ã as in fate); or as the German missionaries wrote it,
_Sche'jachbi_. It is a compound of _bi_, water, _aki_, land, and
the adjective prefix _schey_, which means something long and narrow
(_scheyek_, a string of wampum; _schajelinquall_, the edge of the eyes,
the eyelids, etc.) This would be equivalent to "long-land water," and,
according to the rules of Delaware grammar, which place the noun used
in the genitive sense before the noun which governs it, the term would
be more suitable to some body of water, Delaware bay or the ocean, than
to the main land.

The Lenape distinctly claimed the whole of the present area of New
Jersey. Their great chief, Tedyuscung, stated at the Conference at
Easton (1757), that their lands reached eastward to the shore of the
sea. The New Jersey tribes fully recognized their unity. As early as
1694, at an interview with Governor Markham at Philadelphia, when the
famous Tamany and other Lenape chieftains were present, Mohocksey, a
chief of the Jersey Indians, said: "Though we live on the other side
of the water (_i.e._, the Delaware river), yet we reckon ourselves all
one, because," he added, giving a characteristically native reason,
"because we drink one water."[63]

The names, number and position of the Jersey tribes have not been very
clearly made out. A pamphlet published in London, in 1648, states
that there were twenty-three Indian kinglets in its area, with about
2000 warriors in all. Of these, Master Robert Evelin, a surveyor, who
spent several years in the Province about 1635, names nine on the left
bank of the Delaware, between Cape May and the Falls. The names are
extremely corrupt, but it may be worth while giving them.[64]

1. Kechemeches, 500 men, five miles above Cape May.

2. Manteses, 100 bowmen, twelve leagues above the former.

3. Sikonesses.

4. Asomoches, 100 men.

5. Eriwoneck, 40 men.

6. Ramcock, 100 men.

7. Axion, 200 men.

8. Calcefar, 150 men.

9. Mosilian, 200 men, at the Falls.

Of these, the Mantes lived on Salem creek; _Ramcock_ is Rancocas creek;
the _Eriwoneck_ are evidently the _Ermomex_ of Van der Donck's map of
1656; _Axion_ may be for Assiscunk creek, above Burlington, from Del.
_assiscu_, mud; _assiscunk_, a muddy place. Lindstrom and Van der Donck
name the most Southern tribe in New Jersey _Naraticons_. They were on
and near Raccoon creek, which on Lindstrom's map is _Narraticon Sipu_,
the Naraticon river. Probably the English name is simply a translation
of the Del. _nachenum_, raccoon.

In 1675 the number of sachems in Jersey of sufficient importance for
the then Governor Andros to treat with were four. It is noted that when
he had made them the presents customary on such occasions, "They return
thanks and fall a kintacoying, singing _kenon, kenon_."[65] This was
the Delaware _genan_ (_genama_, thank ye him. Zeis).

The total number in New Jersey a few years before this (1671) were
estimated by the authorities at "about a thousand persons, besides
women and children."[66]

The "_Wakings, Opings_ or _Pomptons_," as they are named in the old
records, were the tribe which dwelt on the west shore of New York
harbor and southwardly, or, more exactly, "from Roeloff Jansen's Kill
to the sea."[67] They were of the Minsi totem, and were the earliest of
the Lenape who saw white men, when, in 1524, the keel of Verrazano was
the first to plough the waters of New York harbor.

The name Waping or Oping is derived from _Wapan_, east, and was applied
to them as the easternmost of the Lenape nation.[68] Their other name,
Pompton, Mr Heckewelder identifies with _pihm-tom_, crooked-mouthed,
though its applicability is not obvious.[69]

In the middle of the eighteenth century the remains of the Pompton
Indians resided on the Raritan river. The boundaries of their territory
were defined in 1756, at the Treaty of Crosswicks.

The _Sanhicans_ occupied the Delaware shore at the Falls, near where
Trenton now stands, and extended eastward along the upper Indian path
quite to New York bay. Heckewelder says that this name, _Sankhicani_,
means a gun lock, and was applied by the Lenape to the Mohawks who
were first furnished with muskets by the Europeans. This has led some
writers to locate a band of Mohawks at the Falls.

The Sanhicans were, however, undoubtedly Lenape. Campanius, who quotes
the name of the place in 1642, classes them as such. In Van der
Donck's map, of 1656, they are marked as possessing the land at the
Falls and Manhattan Bay; and De Laet gives the numerals and a number of
words from their dialect, which are all pure Delaware, as:--

             _Sanhican._           _Delaware._
  Deer,        atto,                 achtu.
  Bear,        machquoyuo,           machquak.
  Wolf,        metumnu,              metemmeu.
  Turkey,      sickenum,             tschickenum.

Their name has lost its first syllable. It should be _assanhican_.
This means not merely and not originally a gun-flint, but any stone
implement, from _achsin_, or, in the New Jersey dialect, _assun_,
a stone, and _hican_, an instrument. They were distinctively "the
stone-implement people."

This is plainly with reference to their manufactures near Trenton.
The great deposit of post-glacial gravels at this point abound with
quartzite fragments suitable for working into stone implements, and to
what extent they were utilized by the natives is shown by the enormous
collection, numbering over thirty thousand specimens, which Dr. Charles
C. Abbott, of Trenton, has made in that immediate vicinity. A horde of
over 125 beautifully chipped lance heads of quartz and jasper, and the
remains of a workshop of remarkable magnitude, were evidences of the
extensive manufacture that once prevailed there.

The left bank of the Delaware, from the vicinity of Burlington quite
to and below Salem, was held by a warlike tribe known to the settlers
as the _Mantas_, or _Mantos_, or _Mandes_, otherwise named the Frog
Indians. They extended eastward along the main or southern Indian
path, which led from the Delaware, below the mouth of Rancocas Creek,
to the extensive Indian plantations or corn fields near Sandy Hook,
mentioned by Campanius and Lindstrom.[70]

Mr. Henry has derived their name from _mangi_, great,[71] and others
have suggested _menatey_, an island; but I do not think either of these
is tenable. I have no doubt that _mante_ is simply a mis-spelling of
_monthee_, which is the form given by the East Jersey and Stockbridge
Indians to the name of the Minsi or Monsey sub-tribe of the
Delawares.[72] This is further indicated by the fact that toward the
beginning of the eighteenth century they incorporated themselves wholly
with the two other Lenape sub-tribes.[73] We thus find that the Minsis
were not confined to the North and Northwest, as Heckewelder and others
wrote, but had pressed southward in New Jersey, quite to the shores of
Delaware Bay.

The New Jersey Indians disappeared rapidly. As early as 1721 an
official document states that they were "but few, and very innocent and
friendly."[74] When, in 1745, the missionary Brainerd visited their
settlement at Crosweeksung, Burlington county, he found some "who
had lived with the white people under gospel light, had learned to
read, were civil, etc."[75] Those with whom he labored at this place
subsequently removed to New Stockbridge, Mass., and united with the
Mohegans and others there.[76]

The Swedish traveler, Peter Kalm, who spent about a year in New Jersey
in 1749, observes that the disappearance of the native population
was principally due to two agencies. Smallpox destroyed "incredible
numbers", "but brandy has killed most of the Indians."[77]

The dialect of the New Jersey Indians was soft and vocalic, avoiding
the gutturals of their northern relatives, and without the frequent
unpleasant forcible expirations of the Nanticoke. A vocabulary of
it, obtained for Mr. Thomas Jefferson, in 1792, at the village of
Edgpiihik, West New Jersey, is in MS. in the library of the American
Philosophical Society.


_Political Constitution_.

Each totem of the Lenape recognized a chieftain, called sachem,
_sakima_, a word found in most Algonkin dialects, with slight
variations (Chip. _ogima_, Cree, _okimaw_, Pequot, _sachimma_), and
derived from a root _ôki_, signifying above in space, and by a transfer
frequent in all languages, above in power. Thus, in Cree,[78] we
have _sâkamow_, "il projecte, il montre la tête," and in Delaware,
_w'ochgitschi_, the part above, the upper part (Zeisberger), etc.

It appears from Mr. Morgan's inquiries, that at present and of later
years, "the office of sachem is hereditary in the gens, but elective
among its members."[79] Loskiel, however, writing on the excellent
authority of Zeisberger, states explicitly that the chief of each totem
was selected and inaugurated by those of the remaining two.[80] By
common and ancient consent, the chief selected from the Turtle totem
was head chief of the whole Lenape nation.

These chieftains were the "peace chiefs." They could neither go to war
themselves, nor send nor receive the war belt--the ominous string of
dark wampum, which indicated that the tempest of strife was to be let
loose. Their proper badge was the wampum belt, with a diamond-shaped
figure in the centre, worked in white beads, which was the symbol of
the peaceful council fire, and was called by that name.

War was declared by the people at the instigation of the "war
captains," valorous braves of any birth or family who had distinguished
themselves by personal prowess, and especially by good success in
forays against the enemy.[81]

Nor did the authority of the chiefs extend to any infringement on
the traditional rights of the gens, as, for instance, that of blood
revenge. The ignorance of this limitation of the central power led to
various misunderstandings at the time, on the part of the colonial
authorities, and since then, by later historians. Thus, in 1728, "the
Delaware Indians on Brandywine" were summoned by the Governor to answer
about a murder. Their chief, Civility, answered that it was committed
by the Minisinks, "over whom they had no authority."[82] This did not
mean but that in some matters authority could be exerted, but not in a
question relating to a feud of blood.


_Agriculture and Food Resources_.

The Lenape did not depend solely on the chase for subsistence. They
were largely agricultural, and raised a variety of edible plants.
Indian corn was, as usual, the staple; but in addition to that, they
had extensive fields of squashes, beans and sweet potatoes.[83] The
hardy variety of tobacco was also freely cultivated.

The value of Indian corn, the _Zea mais_, must have been known to
the Algonkin tribes while they still formed one nation, as the same
name is applied to it by tribes geographically the widest apart.
Thus the Micmacs of Nova Scotia call it _pe-ãs'kumun-ul_ whose
theme _ãs'ku-mun_ reappears in the _wuskannem_ (Elliott) and the
_scannemeneash_ (Roger Williams) of New England, in the Delaware
_jesquem_ (Campanius), and _chasquem_ (Zeis.), and even in the Piegan
Blackfoot _esko-tope_.

The first radical _ask_, Chip. _ashk_, Del. _aski_, means "green." The
application is to the green waving plant, so conspicuous in the fields
during the summer months. The second _mün_ or _min_ is a generic suffix
applied to all sorts of small edible fruits. In the Blackfoot its place
is supplied by another, and in the Unami Delaware it is abbreviated to
the letter _m_.

On the other hand, in the Chipeway word for corn, _mandamin_, Ottawa
_mindamin_, Cree _mattamin_, the second radical is retained in full,
while for the first is substituted an abbreviation of _manito_, divine
("it is divine, supernatural, or mysterious"); if we may accept the
opinion of Mr. Schoolcraft, and I know of no more plausible etymology.

Tobacco was called by the Delawares _kscha-tey_, Zeis., _seka-ta_,
Camp., or in the English orthography _shuate_ (Vocab. N. J. Inds.),
and _koshãhtahe_ (Cummmings). I am inclined to think that these are but
dialectic variations and different orthographies of the root _'ta_
or _'dam_ (_a_ nasal) found in the New England _wuttãm-anog_, Micmac
_tùmawa_, Abnaki _wh'dãman_ (Rasle), Cree _tchistémaw_, Chip. _assema_
(= _asté-maw_), Blackfoot _pi-stã-kan_; a root which Dr. J. H. Trumbull
has satisfactorily identified as meaning "to drink," the smoke being
swallowed and likened to water. "To drink tobacco" was the usual old
English expression for "to smoke."

If this etymology is correct, it leads to the inference that tobacco
also was known to the ancient Algonkins before they split up into the
many nations which we now know, and furthermore that they must have
lived in a region where these two semi-tropical or wholly tropical
plants, Indian corn and tobacco, had been already introduced and
cultivated by some more ancient race. To conclude that they themselves
brought them from a tropical land, would be too hazardous.

The pipes in which the tobacco was smoked were called _appooke_ (modern
Delaware _o'pahokun'_, Cumings' Vocab.) They were of earthenware and
of stone; sometimes, it is said, of copper. According to Kalm, the
ceremonial pipes were of a red stone, possibly the western pipe stone,
and were very highly prized.[84]

Of wild fruits and plants they consumed the esculent and nutritious
tubers on the roots of the Wild Bean, _Apios tuberosa_, the large,
oval, fleshy roots of the arrow-leaved _Sagittaria_, the former
of which the Indians called _hobbenis_, and the latter _katniss_,
names which they subsequently applied to the European turnip. They
also roasted and ate the acrid cormus of the Indian turnip, _Arum
triphyllum_, in Delaware _taw-ho_, _taw-hin_ or _tuck-ah_, and
collected for food the seeds of the Golden Club, _Orontium aquaticum_,
common in the pools along the creeks and rivers. Its native name was
_taw-kee_.[85]


_House Building._

In their domestic architecture they differed noticeably from the
Iroquois and even the Mohegans. Their houses were not communal, but
each family had its separate residence, a wattled hut, with rounded
top, thatched with mats woven of the long leaves of the Indian corn
or the stalks of the sweet flag (_Acorus calamus_,) or of the bark of
trees (_anacon_, a mat, Z.) These were built in groups and surrounded
with a palisade to protect the inhabitants from sudden inroads.[86]

In the centre was sometimes erected a mound of earth, both as a place
of observation and as a location to place the children and women. The
remains of these circular ramparts enclosing a central mound were seen
by the early settlers at the Falls of the Delaware and up the Lehigh
valley.


_Manufactures_.

The art of the potter was known and extensively practiced, but did not
indicate any unusual proficiency, either in the process of manufacture
or in the methods of decoration, although the late Mr. F. Peale thought
that, in the latter respect, the Delaware pottery had some claims to a
high rank.[87] The representation of animal forms was quite unusual,
only some few and inferior examples having been found.

Their skill in manufacturing bead work and feather mantles, and in
dressing deer skins, excited the admiration of the early voyagers.
Although their weapons and utensils were mostly of stone, there was a
considerable supply of native copper among them, in use as ornaments,
for arrow heads and pipes. Some specimens of it have been found by
Dr. Abbott near Trenton, and by other collectors in Pennsylvania,[88]
and its scarcity in modern collections is to be attributed to its
being bought up and melted by the whites rather than to its limited
employment.

Soap stone was hollowed out with considerable skill, to form bowls, and
the wood of the sassafras tree was highly esteemed for the same purpose
(Kalm).

The maize was broken up in wooden or stone mortars with a stone pestle,
the native name of which was _pocohaac_, a word signifying also the
virile member.

Their arms were the war club or tomahawk, _tomhickan_, the bow,
_hattape_, and arrow, _alluns_, the spear, _tanganaoun_, and for
defence Bishop Ettwein states they carried a round shield of thick,
dried hide.

The spear was also used for spearing fish, which they, moreover, knew
how to catch with "brush nets," and with fish hooks made of bone and
the dried claws of birds (Kalm).[89]


_Paints and Dyes_.

The paints and dyes used by the Lenape and neighboring Indians were
derived both from the vegetable and mineral realms. From the former
they obtained red, white and blue clays, which were in such extensive
demand that the vicinity of those streams in New Castle county,
Delaware, which are now called White Clay Creek and Red Clay Creek, was
widely known to the natives as _Walamink_, the Place of Paint.

The vegetable world supplied a variety of dyes in the colored juices of
plants. These were mixed with the acid juice of the wild, sweet-scented
crab apple (_Pyrus coronaria_; in Lenape, _tombic'anall_), to fix the
dye.

A red was yielded by the root of the _Sanguinaria Canadensis_, still
called "Indian paint root;" an orange by the root of _Phytolacca
decandra_, the poke or pocoon; a yellow by the root of _Hydrastis
Canadensis_; a black by a mixture of sumac and white walnut bark,
etc.[90]


_Dogs_.

The only domestic animal they possessed was a small species of dogs
with pointed ears. These were called _allum_, and were preserved less
for protection or for use in hunting than for food, and especially for
ceremonial purposes.[91]


_Interments_.

The custom of common ossuaries for each gens appears to have prevailed
among the Lenape. Gabriel Thomas states that: "If a person of Note dies
very far away from his place of residence, they will convey his Bones
home some considerable Time after, to be buried there."[92] Bishop
Ettwein speaks of mounds for common burial, though he appears to limit
their use to times of war.[93]

One of these communal graveyards of the Minsis covers an area of
six acres on the Neversink creek,[94] while, according to tradition,
another of great antiquity and extent was located on the islands in the
Delaware river, above the Water-Gap.[95]


_Computation of Time._

The accuracy with which the natives computed time becomes a subject of
prime consideration in a study of their annals. It would appear that
the Eastern Algonkins were not deficient in astronomical knowledge.
Roger Williams remarks, "they much observe the Starres, and their very
children can give names to many of them;"[96] and the same testimony is
borne by Wassenaer. The latter, speaking of the tribes around New York
Harbor, in 1630, says that their year began with the first moon after
the February moon; and that the time for planting was calculated by the
rising of the constellation Taurus in a certain quarter. They named
this constellation the horned head of some great fictitious animal.[97]

Zeisberger observes that, in his day, the Lenape did not have a fixed
beginning to their year, but reckoned from one seeding time to another,
or from when the corn was ripe, etc.[98] Nevertheless, they had a word
for year, _gachtin_, and counted their ages and the sequence of events
by yearly periods. The Chipeways count by winters (_pipun-agak_, in
which the first word means winter, and the second is a plural form
similar to the Del. _gachtin_); but the Lenape did not apparently
follow them in this. They recognized only twelve moons in the year
and not thirteen, as did the New England nations; at least, the names
of but twelve months have been preserved.[99] The day periods were
reckoned usually by nights, but it was not improper to count by "suns"
or days.


_Pictographic Signs_.

The picture writing of the Delawares has been quite fully described
by Zeisberger, Loskiel and Heckewelder. It was scratched upon stone
(Loskiel), or more frequently cut in or painted upon the bark of trees
or pieces of wood. The colors were chiefly black and red. The system
was highly conventionalized, so that it could readily be understood by
all their tribes, and also by others with whom they came in contact,
the Shawnees, Wyandots, Chipeways, etc.

The subjects had reference not merely to matters of present interest,
but to the former history of their nation, and were directed "to the
preservation of the memory of famous men, and to the recollection
of events and actions of note." Therefore, their Agamemnons felt no
anxiety for the absence of a Homer, but "confidently reckoned that
their noble deeds would be held in memory long after their bodies had
perished."[100]

The material on which the drawings were made was generally so
perishable that few examples have been left to us. One, a stone about
seven inches long, found in central New Jersey, has been described and
figured by Dr. Abbott.[101] It represents an arrow crossing certain
straight lines. Several "gorgets" (smooth stone tablets pierced with
holes for suspension, and probably used for ceremonial purposes),
stone knives and pebbles, showing inscribed marks and lines, and rude
figures, are engraved in Dr. Abbott's book; others similar have been
seen in Bucks and Berks counties, Pa.

There was a remarkable series of hieroglyphics, some eighty in
number, on a rock at Safe Harbor, on the Susquehanna. They have been
photographed and described by Prof. T. C. Porter, of Lancaster, but
have yet to be carefully analyzed.[102] From its location, it was
probably the work of the Susquehannocks, and did not belong to the
general system of Algonkin pictography.

If the rude drawings appended to the early treatises as signatures
of native sachems be taken as a guide, little or no uniformity
prevailed in the personal signs. The same chieftain would, on various
occasions, employ symbols differing so widely that they have no visible
relation.[103]

An interesting incident is recorded by Friend John Richardson when
on a visit to William Penn, at his manor of Pennsburg, in 1701. Penn
asked the Indian interpreter to give him some idea of what the native
notion of God was. The interpreter, at a loss for words, had recourse
to picture writing, and describing a number of circles, one inside the
other, he pointed to the centre of the innermost and smallest one,
and there, "placed, as he said, by way of representation, the Great
Man."[104] The explanation was striking and suggestive, and hints at
the meaning of the not infrequent symbol of the concentric circles.

An alleged piece of Delaware pictography is copied by Schoolcraft[105]
from the London _Archæologia_, Vol. IV. It purports to be an inscription
found on the Muskingum river in 1780, and the interpretation is said to
have been supplied by the celebrated Delaware chief, Captain White Eyes
(Coquethagechton). As interpreted, it relates to massacres of the whites
by the Delaware chief, Wingenund, in the border war of 1763.

There is a tissue of errors here. The pictograph, "drawn with charcoal
and oil on a tree," must have been quite recent, and is not likely
to have referred to events seventeen years antecedent. There is no
evidence that Wingenund took part in Pontiac's conspiracy, and he was
the consistent friend of the whites.[106] Several of the characters
are not like Indian pictographs. And finally, White Eyes, the alleged
interpreter in 1780, had died at Tuscarawas, two years before, Nov.
10th, 1778![107]


_Record Sticks_.

The Algonkin nations very generally preserved their myths, their
chronicles, and the memory of events, speeches, etc., by means of
marked sticks. As early as 1646, the Jesuit missionaries in Canada made
use of these to teach their converts the prayers of the Church and
their sermons.[108]

The name applied to these record or tally-sticks was, among the Crees
and Chipeways, _massinahigan_, which is the common word now for book,
but which originally meant "a piece of wood marked with fire," from
the verb _masinákisan_, I imprint a mark upon it with fire, I burn
a mark upon it,[109] thus indicating the rude beginning of a system
of mnemonic aids. The Lenape words for book, _malackhickan_, Camp.,
_mamalekhican_ Zeis., were probably from the same root.

In later days, instead of burning the marks upon the sticks, they were
painted, the colors as well as the figures having certain conventional
meanings.[110]

These sticks are described as about six inches in length, slender,
though varying in shape, and tied up in bundles.[111] Such bundles are
mentioned by the interpreter Conrad Weiser, as in use in 1748 when he
was on his embassy in the Indian country.[112] The expression, "we tied
up in bundles," is translated by Mr. Heckewelder, _olumapisid_, and a
head chief of the Lenape, usually called _Olomipees_, was thus named,
apparently as preserver of such records.[113] I shall return on a later
page to the precise meaning of this term.

The word signifying to paint was _walamén_, which does not appear
in western dialects, but is found precisely the same in the Abnaki,
where it is given by Rasles, _8ramann_[114], which, transliterated
into Delaware (where the _l_ is substituted for the _r_), would be
_w'lam'an_. From this word came _Wallamünk_, the name applied by the
natives to a tract in New Castle county, Delaware, since at that
locality they procured supplies of colored earth, which they employed
in painting. It means "the place of paint."[115]

Roger Williams, describing the New England Indians, speaks of
"_Wunnam_, their red painting, which they most delight in, and is both
the Barke of the Fine, as also a red Earth."[116]

The word is derived from Narr. _wunne_, Del. _wulit_, Chip. _gwanatsch_
= beautiful, handsome, good, pretty, etc.

The Indian who had artistically bedaubed his skin with red, ochreous
clay, was esteemed In full dress, and delightful to look upon. Hence
the term _wulit_, fine, pretty, came to be applied to the paint itself.

The custom of using such sticks, painted or notched, was by no means
peculiar to the Delawares. They were familiar to the Iroquois, and the
early travelers found them in common employment among the southern
tribes.[117]

As the art advanced, in place of simple sticks, painted or notched,
wooden tablets came into use, on which the symbols were scratched or
engraved with a sharp flint or knife. Such are those still in use among
the Chipeway, described by Dr. James as "rude pictures carved on a flat
piece of wood;"[118] by the native Copway, as "board plates;"[119]
and more precisely by Mr. Schoolcraft, as "a tabular piece of wood,
covered on both sides with a series of devices cut between parallel
lines."[120]

The Chipeway terms applied to these devices or symbols are, according
to Mr. Schoolcraft, _kekeewin_, for those in ordinary and common use,
and _kekeenowin_, for those connected with the mysteries, the "meda
worship" and the "great medicine." Both words are evidently from a
radical signifying a mark or sign, appearing in the words given in
Baraga's "Otchipwe Dictionary," _kikinawadjiton_, I mark it, I put a
certain mark on it, and _kikinoamawa_, I teach, instruct him.


_Moral and Mental Character._

The character of the Delawares was estimated very differently, even by
those who had the best opportunities of judging. The missionaries are
severe upon them. Brainerd described them as "unspeakably indolent and
slothful. They have little or no ambition or resolution; not one in a
thousand of them that has the spirit of a man."[121] No more favorable
was the opinion of Zeisberger. He speaks of their alleged bravery
with the utmost contempt, and morally he puts them down as "the most
ordinary and the vilest of savages."[122]

Perhaps these worthy missionaries measured them by the standard of the
Christian ideal, by which, alas, we all fall wofully short.

Certainly, other competent observers report much more cheerfully. One
of the first explorers of the Delaware, Captain Thomas Young (1634),
describes them as "very well proportioned, well featured, gentle,
tractable and docile."[123]

Of their domestic affections, Mr. Heckewelder writes: "I do not believe
that there are any people on earth who are more attached to their
relatives and offspring than these Indians are."[124]

Their action toward the Society of Friends in Pennsylvania indicates
a sense of honor and a respect for pledges which we might not
expect. They had learned and well understood that the Friends were
non-combatants, and as such they never forgot to spare them, even in
the bloody scenes of border warfare.

"Amidst all the devastating incursions of the Indians in North America,
it is a remarkable fact that no Friend who stood faithful to his
principles in the disuse of all weapons of war, the cause of which
was generally well understood by the Indians, ever suffered personal
molestation from them."[125]

The fact that for more than forty years after the founding of Penn's
colony there was not a single murder committed on a settler by an
Indian, itself speaks volumes for their self-control and moral
character. So far from seeking quarrels with the whites they extended
them friendly aid and comfort.[126]

Even after they had become embittered and corrupted by the gross
knavery of the whites (for example, the notorious "long walk,") and
the debasing influence of alcohol, such an authority as Gen. Wm. H.
Harrison could write these words about the Delawares: "A long and
intimate knowledge of them, in peace and war, as enemies and friends,
has left upon my mind the most favorable impression of their character
for bravery, generosity and fidelity to their engagements."[127] More
than this, and from a higher source, could scarcely be asked.

That intellectually they were by no means deficient is acknowledged by
Brainerd himself. "The children," he writes, "learn with surprising
readiness; their master tells me he never had an English school that
learned, in general, so fast."[128]


_Religious Beliefs_.

With the hints given us in various authors, it is not difficult to
reconstruct the primitive religious notions of the Delawares. They
resembled closely those of the other Algonkin nations, and were founded
on those general mythical principles which, in my "Myths of the New
World," I have shown existed widely throughout America. These are, the
worship of Light, especially in its concrete manifestations of fire and
the sun; of the Four Winds, as typical of the cardinal points, and as
the rain bringers; and of the Totemic Animal.

As the embodiment of Light, some spoke of the sun as a deity,[129]
while their fifth and greatest festival was held in honor of Fire,
which they personified, and called the Grandfather of all Indian
nations. They assigned to it twelve divine assistants, who were
represented by so many actors in the ceremony, with evident reference
to the twelve moons or months of the year, the fire being a type of the
heavenly blaze, the sun.[130]

But both Sun and Fire were only material emblems of the mystery of
Light. This was the "body or fountain of deity," which Brainerd said
they described to him in terms that he could not clearly understand;
something "all light;" a being "_in_ whom the earth, and all things
in it, may be seen;" a "great man, clothed with the day, yea, with
the brightest day, a day of many years, yea, a day of everlasting
continuance." From him proceeded, in him were, to him returned, all
things and the souls of all things.

Such was the extraordinary doctrine which a converted priest of the
native religion informed Brainerd was the teaching of the medicine
men.[131]

The familiar Algonkin myth of the "Great Hare," which I have elsewhere
shown to be distinctively a myth of Light,[132] was also well known to
the Delawares, and they applied to this animal, also, the appellation
of the "Grandfather of the Indians."[133] Like the fire, the hare was
considered their ancestor, and in both instances the Light was meant,
fire being its symbol, and the word for hare being identical with that
of brightness and light.

As in Mexico and elsewhere, this light or bright ancestor was the
culture hero of their mythology, their pristine instructor in the
arts, and figured in some of their legends as a white man, who, in
some remote time, visited them from the east, and brought them their
civilization.[134]

I desire to lay especial stress on these proofs of Light worship among
the Delawares, for it has an immediate bearing on several points in the
WALAM OLUM. There are no compounds more frequent in that document than
those with the root signifying "light," "brightness," etc., and this is
one of the evidences of its authenticity.

Next in order, or rather, parallel with and a part of the worship of
Light, was that of the Four Cardinal Points, always identified with
the Four Winds, the bringers of rain and sunshine, the rulers of the
weather.

"After the strictest inquiry respecting their notions of the Deity,"
says David Brainerd, "I find that in ancient times, before the coming
of the white people, some supposed there were four invisible powers,
who presided over the four corners of the earth."[135]

The Montauk Indians of Long Island, a branch of the Mohegans, also
worshiped these four deities, as we are informed by the Rev Sampson
Occum;[136] and Captain Argoll found them again in 1616 among the
accolents of the Potomac, close relatives of the Delawares. Their chief
told him: "We have five gods in all, our chief god appears often unto
us in the form of a mighty great hare, the other four have no visible
shape, but are indeed the four winds, which keep the four corners of
the earth."[137]

These are the fundamental doctrines, the universal _credo_, of not only
all the Algonkin faiths, but of all or nearly all primitive American
religions.

This is very far from the popular conception of Indian religion, with
its "Good Spirit" and "Bad Spirit." Such ideas were not familiar to
the native mind. Heckewelder, Brainerd and Loskiel all assure us in
positive terms that the notion of a bad spirit, a "Devil," was wholly
unknown to the aborigines, and entirely borrowed from the whites.
Nor was the Divinity of Light looked upon as a beneficent father, or
anything of that kind. The Indian did not appeal to him for assistance,
as to his _totemic and personal gods_.

These were conceived to be in the form of animals, and various acts
of propitiation to them were performed. Such acts were not a worship
of the animals themselves. Brainerd explains this very correctly when
he says: "They do not suppose a divine power essential to or inhering
in these creatures, but that some invisible beings, not distinguished
from each other by certain names, but only notionally, communicate to
these animals a great power, and so make these creatures the immediate
authors of good to certain persons. Hence such a creature becomes
_sacred_ to the person to whom he is supposed to be the immediate
author of good, and through him they must worship the invisible powers,
though to others he is no more than another creature."[138]

They rarely attempted to set forth the divinity in image. The rude
representation of a human head, cut in wood, small enough to be carried
on the person, or life size on a post, was their only idol. This was
called _wsinkhoalican_. They also drew and perhaps carved emblems of
their totemic guardian. Mr. Beatty describes the head chief's home as a
long building of wood: "Over the door a turtle is drawn, which is the
ensign of this particular tribe. On each door post was cut the face of
a grave old man."[139]

Occasionally, rude representations of the human head, chipped out of
stone, are exhumed in those parts of Pennsylvania and New Jersey once
inhabited by the Lenape.[140] These are doubtless the _wsinkhoalican_
above mentioned.


_Doctrine of the Soul_.

There was a general belief in a soul, spirit or immaterial part of
man. For this the native words were _tschipey_ and _tschitschank_ (in
Brainerd, _chichuny_). The former is derived from a root signifying to
be separate or apart, while the latter means "the shadow."[141]

Their doctrine was that after death the soul went _south_, where it
would enjoy a happy life for a certain term, and then could return and
be born again into the world. In moments of spiritual illumination it
was deemed possible to recall past existences, and even to remember
the happy epoch passed in the realm of bliss.[142]

The path to this abode of the blessed was by the Milky Way, wherein the
opinion of the Delawares coincided with that of various other American
nations, as the Eskimos, on the north, and the Guaranis of Paraguay, on
the south.

The ordinary euphemism to inform a person that his death was at hand
was: "You are about to visit your ancestors;"[143] but most observers
agree that they were a timorous people, with none of that contempt of
death sometimes assigned them.[144]


_The Native Priests._

An important class among the Lenape were those called by the whites
doctors, conjurers, or medicine men, who were really the native
priests. They appear to have been of two schools, the one devoting
themselves mainly to divination, the other to healing.

According to Brainerd, the title of the former among the Delawares,
as among the New England Indians, was _powwow_, a word meaning "a
dreamer;" Chip., _bawadjagan_, a dream; _nind apawe_, I dream; Cree,
_pawa-miwin_, a dream. They were the interpreters of the dreams of
others, and themselves claimed the power of dreaming truthfully of the
future and the absent.[145] In their visions their guardian spirit
visited them; they became, in their own words, "all light," and they
"could see through men, and knew the thoughts of their hearts."[146]
At such times they were also instructed at what spot the hunters could
successfully seek game.

The other school of the priestly class was called, as we are informed
by Mr. Heckewelder, _medeu_.[147] This is the same term which we
find in Chipeway as _mide_ (_medaween_, Schoolcraft), and in Cree as
_mitew_, meaning a conjurer, a member of the Great Medicine Lodge.[148]
I suspect the word is from _m'iteh_, heart (Chip. _k'ide_, thy heart),
as this organ was considered the source and centre of life and the
emotions, and is constantly spoken of in a figurative sense in Indian
conversation and oratory.

Among the natives around New York Bay there was a body of conjurers who
professed great austerity of life. They had no fixed homes, pretended
to absolute continence, and both exorcised sickness and officiated
at the funeral rites. Their name, as reported by the Dutch, was
_kitzinacka_, which is evidently Great Snake (_gitschi_, _achkook_).
The interesting fact is added, that at certain periodical festivals a
sacrifice was prepared, which it was believed was carried off by a
huge serpent.[149]

When the missionaries came among the Indians, the shrewd and able
natives who had been accustomed to practice on the credulity of their
fellows recognized that the new faith would destroy their power, and
therefore they attacked it vigorously. Preachers arose among them, and
claimed to have had communications from the Great Spirit about all the
matters which the Christian teachers talked of. These native exhorters
fabricated visions and revelations, and displayed symbolic drawings on
deerskins, showing the journey of the soul after death, the path to
heaven, the twelve emetics and purges which would clean a man of sin,
etc.

Such were the famed prophets Papunhank and Wangomen, who set up as
rivals in opposition to David Zeisberger; and such those who so
constantly frustrated the efforts of the pious Brainerd. Often do both
of these self-sacrificing apostles to the Indians complain of the evil
influence which such false teachers exerted among the Delawares.[150]

The existence of this class of impostors is significant for the
appreciation of such a document as the WALAM OLUM. They were partially
acquainted with the Bible history of creation; some had learned to
read and write in the mission schools; they were eager to imitate
the wisdom of the whites, while at the same time they were intent on
claiming authentic antiquity and originality for all their sayings.


_Religious Ceremonies._

The principal sacred ceremony was the dance and accompanying song.
This was called _kanti kanti_, from a verbal found in most Algonkin
dialects with the primary meaning to sing (Abnaki, _skan_, je danse et
chante en même temps, Rasles; Cree, _nikam_; Chip., _nigam_, I sing).
From this noisy rite, which seems to have formed a part of all the
native celebrations, the settlers coined the word _cantico_, which has
survived and become incorporated into the English tongue.

Zeisberger describes other festivals, some five in number. The most
interesting is that called _Machtoga_, which he translates "to sweat."
This was held in honor of "their Grandfather, the Fire." The number
twelve appears in it frequently as regulating the actions and numbers
of the performers. This had evident reference to the twelve months of
the year, but his description is too vague to allow a satisfactory
analysis of the rite.

FOOTNOTES:

[48] See his remarks in the Transactions of the _American Philological
Association_, 1872, p. 157.

[49] For instance, in Governor Patrick Gordon's Letter to the Friends,
1728, where he speaks of "Our Lenappys or Delaware Indians," in
_Penna. Archives_, Vol. I, p. 230. At the treaty of Easton, 1756,
Tedyuscung, head chief of the Delawares, is stated to have represented
the "Lenopi" Indians (_Minutes of the Council_, Phila., 1757), and in
the "Conference of Eleven Nations living West of Allegheny," held at
Philadelphia, 1759, the Delawares are included under the tribal name
"Leonopy." See _Minutes of the Provincial Council of Penna._, Vol.
VIII, p. 418.

[50] So Mr. Lewis H. Morgan says, and he obtained the facts on the
spot. "Len-ã'-pe was their former name, and is still used." _Systems of
Consanguinity and Affinity_, p. 289 (Washington, 1871).

[51] _History of the Indian Nations_, p. 401.

[52] _Transactions of the American Philological Association_, 1871, p.
144.

[53] Zeisberger's translation of Lenni Lenape as "people of the same
nation," would be more literal if it were put "men of our nation."

President Stiles, in his _Itinerary_, makes the statement: "The
Delaware tribe is called _Poh-he-gan_ or _Mo-hee-gan_ by themselves,
and _Auquitsaukon_." I have not been able to reach a satisfactory
solution of the first and third of these names.

That the Delawares did use the term Lenape as their own designation, is
shown by the refrain of one of their chants, preserved by Heckewelder.

It was--"_Husca n'lenape-win_," Truly I--a Lenape--am.

Or: "I am a true man of our people." _Trans. Amer. Philos. Soc._, Vol.
IV, N. Ser., p. 381.

[54] Mr. Eager, in his _History of Orange County_, quotes the old
surveyor, Nicolas Scull (1730), in favor of translating _minisink_ "the
water is gone," and Ruttenber, in his _History of the Native Tribes
of the Hudson River_, supposes that it is derived from _menatey_, an
island. Neither of these commends itself to modern Delawares.

[55] See _Penna. Archives_, Vol. I, pp. 540-1.

[56] Proud, _History of Penna_, Vol. II, p. 297, S Smith, _Hist of New
Jersey_, p. 456; Henry, _Dict. of the Delaware Lang._, MS., p. 539.

[57] Delaware Vocabulary in Whipple, Ewbank & Turner's _Report_, 1855.
The German form is _tsickenum_.

[58] _A Brief Relation of the Voyage of Captayne Thomas Yong_, in
_Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls._, 4th series, Vol. IX, p. 119.

[59] See the original Warrant of Survey and Minutes relating thereto,
in Dr. George Smith's _History of Delaware County, Pa._, pp. 209, 210
(Phila., 1862). The derivation is uncertain. Captain John Smith gives
_mahcawq_ for pumpkin, and this appears to be the word in the native
name of Chester Creek, _Macopanackhan_, which is also seen in _Marcus_
Hook. (See Smith's _Hist. Del. Co._, pp. 145, 381.) I am inclined to
identify the _Macocks_ with the _M'okahoka_ as "the people of the
pumpkin place," or where those vegetables were cultivated.

[60] The Shawnee word is the same, _pellewaa_, whence their name for
the Ohio River, _Pellewaa seepee_, Turkey River. (Rev. David Jones,
_Journal of Two Visits Made to Some Nations of Indians on the West
Side of the River Ohio in 1772 and 1773_, p. 20.) From this is derived
the shortened form _Plaen_, seen in _Playwickey_, or _Planwikit_, the
town of those of the Turkey Tribe, in Berks county, Pa. (Heckewelder,
_Indian Names_, p, 355.)

[61] Heckewelder, _Hist. Indian Nations_, pp. 253-4.

[62] Lewis H. Morgan, _Ancient Society_, pp. 171-2.

[63] _Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania_, July 6th,
1694.

[64] Master Evelin's Letter is printed in Smith's _History of New
Jersey_, 2d ed. Some doubt has been cast on his letter, because of
its connection with the mythical "New Albion," but his personality
and presence on the river have been vindicated. See _The American
Historical Magazine_, Vol. I, 2d series, pp. 75, 76.

[65] _New Jersey Archives_, Vol. I, p. 183.

[66] Ibid, Vol. I, p. 73.

[67] Ruttenber, _Hist. of the Indian Tribes of Hudson River_, s. v.

[68] Heckewelder, in his unpublished MSS, asserts that both these names
mean "Opossum". It is true that the name of this animal in Lenape is
_woapink_, in the New Jersey dialect _opiing_, and in the Nanticoke of
Smith _oposon_, but all these are derived from the root _wab_, which
originally meant "white," and was applied to the East as the place of
the dawn and the light. The reference is to the light gray, or whitish,
color of the animal's hair. Compare the Cree, _wapiskowes_, cendré, il
a le poil blafard Lacombe, _Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris_ s v.

[69] _On Indian Names_, p. 375, in _Trans American Philosophical
Society_, Vol. III, n. ser.

[70] Proud, _History of Pennsylvania_, Vol. I, 144, II, p. 295.
Heckewelder, _Tran. Am. Philo. Soc._, Vol. IV, p. 376.

[71] Matthew G. Henry, _Delaware Indian Dictionary_, p. 709. (MS in the
Library of the Am. Phil. Soc.)

[72] "The Monthees who we called Wemintheuw," etc. _Journal of Hendrick
Aupaumut_, _Mems. Hist. Soc. Pa._, Vol. II, p. 77.

[73] Heckewelder, _ubi supra_.

[74] _New Jersey Archives_, Vol. V, p. 22.

[75] _The Rise and Progress of a Remarkable Work of Grace Among the
Indians_. By David Brainerd, in _Works_, p. 304.

[76] E de Schweimtz, _Life of Zeisberger_, p. 660, note.

[77] _Travels into North America_, Vol. II, pp. 93-94 (London, 1771).

[78] Lacombe, _Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris_, p. 711. Dr.
Trumbull, however, maintains that it is derived from _sohkau-au_, he
prevails over (note to Roger Williams' _Key_, p. 162). If there is a
genetic connection, the latter is the derivative. The word _sakima_ is
not known among the Minsi. In place of it they say _K'htai_, the great
one, from _kehtan_, great. From this comes the corrupted forms _tayach_
or _tallach_ of the Nanticokes, and the _tayac_ of the Pascatoways.

[79] Lewis H. Morgan, _Ancient Society_, p. 172.

[80] Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission_, p. 168.

[81] For these particulars see Ettwein, _Traditions and Language of the
Indians_, in _Bulletin of the Pa. Hist. Soc._, Vol. I; Charles Beatty,
_Journal of a Tour, etc._, p. 51.

[82] C. Thompson, _Inquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the
Delaware and Shawnee Indians_, p. 16.

[83] I assign them the sweet potato on the excellent authority of Dr.
C. Thompson, _Essay on Indian Affairs_, in _Colls. of the Hist. Soc. of
Penna._, Vol. I, p. 81.

[84] Peter Kalm, _Travels in North America_, Vol. II, p. 42.

[85] See Peter Kalm, _Travels in North America_, Vol. II, pp. 110-115;
William Darlington, _Flora Cestrica_. (West Chester, Pa., 1837.)

[86] For these facts, see Bishop Ettwem's article on the Traditions
and Languages of the Indians, _Bulletin of the Pa. Hist. Soc._, 1848,
p. 32. Van der Donck (1656) describes these palisaded strongholds, and
Campanius (1642-48) gives a picture of one. See also E. de Schweimtz,
_Life of Zeisberger_, p. 83. The Mohegan houses were sometimes 180 feet
long, by about 20 feet wide, and occupied by numerous families. Van der
Donck, _Descrip. of the New Netherlands_, pp. 196-7. _Coll. N. Y. Hist.
Soc._, Ser. II, Vol. I.

The native name of these wooden forts was _menachk_, derived from
_manachen_, to cut wood (Cree, _manikka_, to cut with a hatchet). Roger
Williams calls them _aumansk_, a form of the same word.

[87] See the communication on "Pottery on the Delaware," by him, in
the Proceedings of the _Am. Phil. Soc._, 1868. The whole subject of
the archæology of the Delaware valley and New Jersey has been treated
in the most satisfactory manner by the distinguished antiquary, Dr.
Charles C. Abbott, in his work, _Primitive Industry_ (Salem, Mass.,
1881), and his _Stone Age in New Jersey_ (1877).

[88] Four specimens are reported from Berks Co., Pa., by Prof. D. P.
Brunner, in his volume, _The Indians of Berks Co., Pa._, pp. 94, 95
(Reading, 1881). These were an axe, a chisel, a knife and a gouge. The
metal was probably in part obtained in New Jersey, in part imported
from the Lake Superior region. See further, Abbott, _Primitive
Industry_, chap. xxviii. Peter Kalm, the Swedish naturalist, who
visited New Jersey in 1748, says that when the copper mines "upon the
second river between Elizabeth Town and New York" were discovered, old
mining holes were found and tools which the Indians had made use of.
_Travels in North America_, Vol. I, p. 384.

[89] Some antiquaries appear to have doubted whether the spear was in
use as a weapon of war among the Pennsylvania Indians. (See Abbott,
_Primitive Industry_, p. 248.) But the Susquehannocks are distinctly
reported as employing as a weapon "a strong and light spear of locust
wood." _Relatio Itineris in Marylandiam_, p. 85.

[90] For further information on this subject, an article may be
consulted in the _Transactions of the American Philosophical Society_,
1st Ser., Vol. III, pp. 222, et seq., by Mr. Hugh Martin, entitled "An
Account of the Principal Dies employed by the American Indians."

[91] The Delawares had three words for dog. One was _allum_, which
recurs in many Algonkin dialects, and is derived by Mr. Trumbull from
a root signifying "to lay hold of," or "to hold fast." The second was
_lennochum_ or _lenchum_, which means "the quadruped belonging to man;"
_lenno_, man; _chum_, a four-footed beast. The third was _moekaneu_, a
name derived from a general Algonkin root, in Cree, _mokku_, meaning
"to tear in pieces," from which the Delaware word for bear, _machque_,
has its origin, and also, significantly enough, the verb "to eat" in
some dialects.

[92] _History of West New Jersey_, p. 3 (London, 1698).

[93] _Bulletin Hist. Soc. of Penna._, 1848, p. 32.

[94] E. M. Ruttenber, _History of the Indian Tribes of Hudson River_,
p. 96, note.

[95] Maximilian, Prince of Wied, _Travels in America_, p. 35.

[96] _A Key into the Language of America_, p. 105.

[97] _Documentary History of New York_, Vol. III, pp. 29, 32.

[98] _Grammar of the Language of the Lenni Lenape_, pp 108-109.

[99] They are given, with translations, in Zeisberger's _Grammar_, p.
109.

[100] See Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission_, etc., pp. 32, 33;
Heckewelder, _History of the Indian Nations_, chap. X.

[101] Dr. Charles C. Abbott, _Primitive Industry_, pp. 71, 207, 347,
379, 384, 390, 391. Dr. Abbott's suggestion that the bird's head seen
on several specimens might represent the totem of the Turkey gens of
the Lenape cannot be well founded, if Heckewelder is correct in saying
that their totemic mark was only the foot of the fowl. _Ind. Nations_,
p. 253.

[102] See _Proceedings Amer. Philos. Soc._, Vol. X.

[103] The subject is discussed, and comparative drawings of the native
signatures reproduced, by Prof. D. B. Brunner, in his useful work, _The
Indians of Berks County, Pa._, p. 68 (Reading, 1881).

[104] John Richardson's Diary, quoted in _An Account of the Conduct of
the Society of Friends toward the Indian Tribes_, pp. 61, 62 (London,
1844).

[105] _History and Statistics of the Indian Tribes_, Vol. I, plate 47,
B, and pages 353, 354.

[106] "Amiable and benevolent," says Heckewelder, whose life he aided
in saving on one occasion. _Indian Nations_, p. 285.

[107] E. de Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, p. 469.

[108] _Relation des Jesuites_, 1646, p. 33.

[109] Baraga, _A Dictionary of the Otchipwe Language_, s. v.

[110] For an example, see de Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, p. 342.

[111] _Documentary History of New York_, Vol. IV, p. 437.

[112] _Journal of Conrad Weiser_; in _Early History of Western Penna._,
p. 16.

[113] _Tran. Am. Phil. Soc._, Vol. IV, p. 384.

[114] _A Dictionary of the Abnaki Language_, s. v. _Peinture_.

[115] See anté p. 53. Mr. Francis Vincent, in his _History of the State
of Delaware_, p. 36 (Phila., 1870), says of the colored earth of that
locality, that it is "a highly argillaceous loam, interspersed with
large and frequent masses of yellow, ochrey clay, some of which are
remarkable for fineness of texture, not unlike lithomarge, and consists
of white, yellow, red and dark blue clay in detached spots."

The Shawnees applied the same word to Paint Creek, which falls into the
Scioto, close to Chilicothe. They named it _Alamonee sepee_, of which
Paint Creek is a literal rendering. Rev. David Jones, _A Journal of Two
Visits to the West Side of the Ohio in 1772 and 1773_, p. 50.

[116] _Key into the Language of America_, p. 206.

[117] Lawson, in his _New Account of Carolina_, p. 180, says that the
natives there bore in mind their traditions by means of a "Parcel of
Reeds of different Lengths, with several distinct Marks, known to none
but themselves." James Adair writes of the Southern Indians "They count
certain very remarkable things by notched square sticks, which are
distributed among the head warriors and other chieftains of different
towns." _History of the Indians_, p. 75.

[118] Dr Edwin James, _Narrative of John Tanner_, p. 341.

[119] George Copway, _Traditional History of the Ojibway Nation_, pp
130, 131.

[120] Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, Vol. I, p. 339.

[121] Brainerd, _Life and Journal_, p. 410.

[122] E. de Schweinitz, _Life and Times of Zeisberger_, p. 92.

[123] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls_., 4th series, Vol. IX, where Captain
Young's journal is printed.

[124] _Heckewelder MSS_. in Amer Phil. Soc. Lib.

[125] _An Account of the Conduct of the Society of Friends toward the
Indian Tribes_, p. 72 (London, 1844).

[126] The records of my own family furnish an example of this. My
ancestor, William Brinton, arrived in the fall of 1684, and, with
his wife and children, immediately took possession of a grant in the
unbroken wilderness, about twenty miles from Philadelphia. A severe
winter set in; their food supply was exhausted, and they would probably
have perished but for the assistance of some neighboring lodges of
Lenape, who provided them with food and shelter. It is, therefore, a
debt of gratitude which I owe to this nation to gather its legends, its
language, and its memories, so that they,

      "in books recorded.
    May, like hoarded
    Household words, no more depart!"

[127] _A Discourse on the Aborigines of the Valley of the Ohio_,
p. 25 (Cinn., 1838). I add the further testimony of John Brickell,
who was a captive among them from 1791 to 1796. He speaks of them
as fairly virtuous and temperate, and adds: "Honesty, bravery and
hospitality are cardinal virtues among them." _Narrative of Captivity
among the Delaware Indians_, in the _American Pioneer_, Vol. I, p. 48
(Cincinnati, 1844).

[128] Life and Journal, p. 381.

[129] "Others imagined the Sun to be the only deity, and that all
things were made by him." David Brainerd, _Life and Journal_, p. 395.

[130] Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission_, p. 55.

[131] David Brainerd, _Life and Journal_, pp. 395, 399.

[132] D. G. Brinton, _The Myths of the New World_, chap. vi; _American
Hero Myths_, chap ii.

[133] Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission_, p. 53.

[134] He is thus spoken of in Campanius, _Account of New Sweden_, Book
III, chap. xi. Compare my _Myths of the New World_, p. 190.

[135] Brainerd, _Life and Journal_, p. 395.

[136] His statements are in the _Calls of the Mass Hist Soc_, Vol. X
(1st Series), p. 108.

[137] Wm Strachey, _Historie of Travaile into Virginia_, p. 98.

[138] Brainerd, _Life and Travels_, p. 394.

[139] Charles Beatty, _Journal_, p. 44.

[140] One, about five inches in height, of a tough, argillaceous
stone, is figured and described by Dr. C. C. Abbott, in the _American
Naturalist_, October, 1882. It was found in New Jersey.

[141] From the same root, _tschip_, are derived the Lenape
_tschipilek_, something strange or wonderful; _tschepsit_, a stranger
or foreigner; and _tschapiet_, the invocation of spirits. Among the
rules agreed upon by Zeisberger's converted Indians was this: "We will
use no _tschapiet_, or witchcraft, when hunting." (De Schweinitz, _Life
of Zeisberger_, p. 379.)

The root _tschitsch_ indicates repetition, and applied to the shadow or
spint of man means as much as his double or counterpart.

A third word for soul was the verbal form _w'tellenapewoagan_,
"man--his substance;" but this looks as if it had been manufactured by
the missionaries.

[142] Compare Loskiel, _Geschichte_, pp. 48, 49; Brainerd, _Life and
Journal_, pp. 314, 396, 399, 400.

[143] Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, p. 472.

[144] Heckewelder, MSS., says that he has often heard the lamentable
cry, _matta wingi angeln_, "I do not want to die."

[145] "As for the Powaws," says the native Mohegan, the Rev. Sampson
Occum, in his account of the Montauk Indians of Long Island, "they say
they get their art from dreams." _Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls_., Vol. X, p.
109. Dr. Trumbull's suggested affinity of powaw with Cree _tàp-wayoo_,
he speaks the truth; Nar, _taupowauog_, wise speakers, is, I think,
correct, but the latter are secondary senses. They were wise, and
gave true counsel, who could correctly interpret dreams. Compare the
Iroquois _katetsens_, to dream; _katetsiens_, to practice medicine,
Indian fashion. Cuoq, _Lexique de la Langue Iroquoise_.

[146] David Brainerd, _Life and Journal_, pp. 400, 401.

[147] _Hist. Ind. Nations_, p. 280.

[148] _Hist. and Statistics of the Indian Tribes_, Vol. I, p. 358, seq.

[149] Wassenaer's _Description of the New Netherlands_ (1631), in _Doc.
Hist of New York_, Vol. III, pp 28, 40. Other signs of serpent worship
were common among the Lenape. Loskiel states that their cast-off skins
were treasured as possessing wonderful curative powers (_Geschichte_,
p. 147), and Brainerd saw an Indian offering supplications to one
(_Life and Journal_, p. 395).

[150] See Brainerd, _Life and Journal_, pp. 310, 312, 364, 398, 425,
etc., and E. de Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, pp. 265, 332, etc.




CHAPTER IV.


THE LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE OF THE LENAPE.

§ 1. Literature of the Lenape Tongue--Campanius; Penn; Thomas,
Zeisberger; Heckeweider, Roth, Ettwein; Grube, Dencke; Luckenbach;
Henry; Vocabularies, a native letter.

§ 2. General Remarks on the Lenape.

§ 3. Dialects of the Lenape.

§ 4. Special Structure of the Lenape.--The Root and the Theme;
Prefixes; Suffixes; Derivatives, Grammatical Notes.


§ 1. _Literature of the Lenape Tongue._

The first study of the Delaware language was undertaken by the Rev.
Thomas Campanius (Holm), who was chaplain to the Swedish settlements,
1642-1649. He collected a vocabulary, wrote out a number of dialogues
in Delaware and Swedish, and even completed a translation of the
Lutheran catechism into the tongue. The last mentioned was published
in Stockholm, in 1696, through the efforts of his grandson, under the
title, LUTHERI CATECHISMUS, _Ofwersatt pä American-Virginiske Spräket_,
1 vol., sm. 8vo, pp. 160. On pages 133-154 it has a _Vocabularium
Barbaro-Virgineorum_, and on pages 155-160, _Vocabula Mahakuassica_.
The first is the Delaware as then current on the lower river, the
second the dialect of the Susquehannocks or Minquas, who frequently
visited the Swedish settlements.

Although he managed to render all the Catechism into something which
looks like Delaware, Campanius' knowledge of the tongue was exceedingly
superficial. Dr. Trumbull says of his work: "The translator had not
learned even so much of the grammar as to distinguish the plural of a
noun or verb from the singular, and knew nothing of the "transitions"
by which the pronouns of the subject and object are blended with the
verb."[151]

At the close of his "History of New Sweden," Campanius adds further
linguistic material, including an imaginary conversation in Lenape, and
the oration of a sachem. It is of the same character as that found in
the Catechism.

After the English occupation very little attention was given to the
tongue beyond what was indispensable to trading. William Penn, indeed,
professed to have acquired a mastery of it. He writes: "I have made it
my business to understand it, that I might not want an interpreter on
any occasion."[152] But it is evident, from the specimens he gives,
that all he studied was the trader's jargon, which scorned etymology,
syntax and prosody, and was about as near pure Lenape as pigeon English
is to the periods of Macaulay.

An ample specimen of this jargon is furnished us by Gabriel Thomas, in
his "Historical and Geographical Account of the Province and Country
of Pensilvania; and of West-New-Jersey in America," London, 1698,
dedicated to Penn. Thomas tells us that he lived in the country fifteen
years, and supplies, for the convenience of those who propose visiting
the province, some forms of conversation, Indian and English. I subjoin
a short specimen, with a brief commentary:--

  1. _Hitah takoman?_                 Friend, from whence com'st?
  2. _Andogowa nee weekin._           Yonder.
  3. _Tony andogowa kee weekin?_      Where Yonder?
  4. _Arwaymouse._                    At Arwaymouse.
  5. _Keco kee hatah weekin?_         What hast got in thy house?
  6. _Nee hatah huska weesyouse og_   I have very fat venison and
     _huska chetena chase og huska_   good strong skins, with very
     _orit chekenip._                 good turkeys.
  7. _Chingo kee beto nee chasa ag_   When wilt thou bring me skins
     _yousa elka chekenip?_           and venison, with turkeys?
  8. _Haiapa etka nisha kishquicka._  To morrow, or two days hence.

1. _Hitah_ for _n'ischu_ (Mohegan, _nitap_), my friend; _takoman_,
   Zeis. _takomun_, from _ta_, where, _k_, 2d pers. sing.

2. _Andogowa_, similar to _undachwe_, he comes, Heck.; _nee_, pron.
   possess. 1st person; _weekin_ = _wikwam_, or wigwam. "I come from
   my house."

3. _Tony_, = Zeis. _tani_, where? _kee_, pron. possess. 2d person.

4. _Arwaymouse_ was the name of an Indian village,
   near Burlington, N.J.

5. _Keco_, Zeis. _koecu_, what? _hatah_, Zeis. _hattin_, to have.

6. _Huska_, Zeis. _husca_, "very, truly;" _wees_, Zeis. _wisu_,
   fatty flesh, _youse_, R. W. _jous_, deer meat; _og_, Camp. _ock_,
   Zeis. _woak_ and; _chetena_, Zeis. _tschitani_, strong; _chase_, Z.
   _chessak_, deerskin; _orit_, Zeis. _wulit_, good; _chekenip_, Z.
   _tschekenum_, turkey.

7. _Chingo_, Zeis. _tschingatsch_, when; _beto_, Z. _peten_, to bring;
   _etka_, R. W., _ka_, and.

8. _Halapa_, Z. _alappa_, to-morrow; _nisha_, two; _kishquicka_,
   Z. _gischgu_, day, _gischguik_, by day.

The principal authority on the Delaware language is the Rev. David
Zeisberger, the eminent Moravian missionary, whose long and devoted
labors may be accepted as fixing the standard of the tongue.

Before him, no one had seriously set to work to master the structure
of the language, and reduce it to a uniform orthography. With him, it
was almost a lifelong study, as for more than sixty years it engaged
his attention. To his devotion to the cause in which he was engaged, he
added considerable natural talent for languages, and learned to speak,
with almost equal fluency, English, German, Delaware and the Onondaga
and Mohawk dialects of the Iroquois.

The first work he gave to the press was a "Delaware Indian and
English Spelling Book for the Schools of the Mission of the United
Brethren," printed in Philadelphia, 1776. As he did not himself see the
proofs, he complained that both in its arrangement and typographical
accuracy it was disappointing. Shortly before his death, in 1806, the
second edition appeared, amended in these respects. A "Hymn Book,"
in Delaware, which he finished in 1802, was printed the following
year, and the last work of his life, a translation into Delaware of
Lieberkuhn's "History of Christ," was published at New York in 1821.

These, however, formed but a small part of the manuscript materials he
had prepared on and in the language. The most important of these were
his Delaware Grammar, and his Dictionary in four languages, English,
German, Onondaga and Delaware.

The MS. of the Grammar was deposited in the Archives of the Moravian
Society at Bethlehem, Pa. A translation of it was prepared by Mr. Peter
Stephen Duponceau, and published in the "Transactions of the American
Philosophical Society," in 1827.

The quadrilingual dictionary has never been printed. The MS. was
presented, along with others, in 1850, to the library of Harvard
College, where it now is. The volume is an oblong octavo of 362 pages,
containing about 9000 words in the English and German columns, but not
more than half that number in the Delaware.

A number of other MSS. of Zeisberger are also in that library, received
from the same source. Among these are a German-Delaware Glossary,
containing 51 pages and about 600 words; a Delaware-German Phrase
Book of about 200 pages; Sermons in Delaware, etc., mostly incomplete
studies, but of considerable value to the student of the tongue.[153]

Associated with Zeisberger for many years was the genial Rev. John
Heckewelder, so well known for his pleasant "History of the Indian
Nations of Pennsylvania," his interpretations of the Indian names of
the State, and his correspondence with Mr. Duponceau. He certainly had
a fluent, practical knowledge of the Delaware, but it has repeatedly
been shown that he lacked analytical power in it, and that many of his
etymologies as well as some of his grammatical statements are erroneous.

Another competent Lenapist was the Rev. Johannes Roth. He was born in
Prussia in 1726, and educated a Catholic. Joining the Moravians in
1748, he emigrated to America in 1756, and in 1759 took charge of the
missionary station called Schechschiquanuk, on the west bank of the
Susquehanna, opposite and a little below Shesequin, in Bradford county,
Pennsylvania. There he remained until 1772, when, with his flock,
fifty-three in number, he proceeded to the new Gnadenhütten, in Ohio.
There a son was born to him, the first white child in the area of the
present State of Ohio. In 1774 he returned to Pennsylvania, and after
occupying various pastorates, he died at York, July 22d, 1791.

Roth has left us a most important work, and one hitherto entirely
unknown to bibliographers. He made an especial study of the _Unami
dialect_ of the Lenape, and composed in it an extensive religious work,
of which only the fifth part remains. It is now in the possession of
the American Philosophical Society, and bears the title:--

                     EIN VERSUCH!
              der Geschichte unsers Herrn u. Heylandes
                     JESU CHRISTI
           in dass Delawarische übersetzt der _Unami_
                 _von der Marter Woche an_
                             bis zur
                    Himmelfahrt unsers Herrn
                              im
            Yahr 1770 u. 72 zu Tschechschequanüng
                              an
                        der Susquehanna.
    Wuntschi mesettschawi tipatta lammowewoagan sekauchsianup.
    Wulapensuhalinen, Woehowaolan Nihillalijeng mPatamauwoss.

The next page begins, "Der fünfte Theil," and § 86, and proceeds to §
139. It forms a quarto volume, of title, 9 pages of contents in German
and English, and 268 pages of text in Unami, written in a clear hand,
with many corrections and interlineations.

This is the only work known to me as composed distinctively in the
Unami, and its value is proportionately great as providing the means
of studying this, the acknowledged most cultivated and admired of the
Lenape dialects.

It will be the task of some future Lenape scholar to edit its text and
analyze its grammatical forms. But I believe that Algonkin students
will be glad to see at this time an extract from its pages.

I select § 96, which is the parable of the marriage feast of the king's
son, as given in Matthew xxii, 1-14.

  1. Woak  Jesus   wtabptonalawoll     woak   lapi   nuwuntschi
      And  Jesus  he-spoke-with-them   and    again   he-began

   Enendhackewoagannall   nelih    woak      wtellawoll.
          parables       them-to    and    he-said-to-them.

  2.  Ne   Wusakimawoagan   Patamauwoss      wtellgigui}
                                              mallaschi}
     The     his-kingdom         God         it-is-like

    mejauchsid   Sakima,  na Quisall    mall'mtauwan
       certain     king,     his-son    be-made-for-him

    Witachpungewiwuladtpoàgan.
        marriage.

  3. Woak  wtellallocàlan  wtallocacannall,   wentschitsch  nek
      And   he-sent-out      his-servants     the-bidding   the

    Elendpannik   lih Witachpungewiwuladtpoàgannung
    those-bidden   to             marriage

    wentschimcussowoak;
     those-who-were-bidden,

    tschuk    necamawa   schingipawak.
       but     they     they-were-unwilling.

  4. Woak   lapi   wtellallocàlan   pih   wtallocacannall   woak
      And   again    he-sent-out   other      servants       and

   wtella {panni}    Mauwnoh nen   Elendpanmk,  {penna }
          {wolli};                              {schita}
   he-said-to-them         those  the-bidden

   Nolachtuppoágan  'nkischachtuppui,    nihillalachkik   Wisuhengpannik
  The-feast    I-have-made-the-feast, they-are-killed they-fattened-them

   auwessissak  nemætschi   nhillapannick   woak  weemi
     beasts     the-whole   I-killed-them   and    all

  ktakocku 'ngischachtuppui, peeltik  lih
      I-have-finished         come     to

   Witachpungkewiwuladtpoàgannung.
           marriage.

  5. Tschuk   necamawa  mattelemawoawollnenni,  woak  ewak
      But       they    they-esteemed-it-not    and   went

    ika,  mejauchsid enda       wtakihàcannung,     napilli nihillatschi
    away   certain   thither  to-his-plantation-place      other

   {M'hallamawachtowoagannung}
   {   Nundauchsowoagannung  }.
       to-merchandise-place

  6. Tschuk  allende    wtahunnawoawoll   neca     allocacannall
      But     some     they-seized-them   those     servants

    { quochkikimawoawoll }
    {popochpoalimawoawoll}     woak  wumhillawoawoll   necamawa.
         they-beat-them         and  they-killed-them    they.

  7. Elinenni  na   Sakima  pentanke,   nannen       lachxu,
       When    the   king    heard     therefore    he-was-angry,

    woak    wtellallokalan   Ndopaluwinuwak,  woak   wumhillawunga
     and     he-sent-them        warriors      and      he-slew

    jok    Nehhillowetschik,  woak    wulusumen     Wtutèn'nejuwaowoll.
   these       murderers,      and   he-destroyed      their-cities.

                     {woll }
  8. Nannen   wtella {panni}    nelih   wtallocacannall:   Ne
     Then     he-said-to-them     to      his-servants     The

    Witachpungkewiwuladtpoagan   khella    nkischachtuppui,    tschuk
           marriage               truly   I-have-prepared-it     but

                           {attacu uchtàpsiwunewo       }
     nek    Elendpannick   {       wtopielgique juwunewo}.
     the    those-bidden     are-not-to-sit-down-worthy.

  9. Nowentschi   allmussin    ikali    mengichungi    Ansijall,  woak
     Therefore    go-ye-away  thither  to-some-places   roads      and

    winawammoh    lih    Witachpungkewiwuladtpoagan;   na natta
    ask-ye-them    to           marriage                 those

    aween    _kiluwa_    mechkaweek (oh).
     whom         ye             find.

  10. Woak   nek   Allocacannak     iwak       ikali    menggichüngi
      And    the     servants     they-went   thither  to-some-places

    Aneijall,   woak       mawehawoawoll peschuwoawak   na  natta
      roads     and        they-brought-them-together     those

    aween   machkawoachtid, Memannungsitschik  woak  Wewulilossitschik,
     whom   they-found-them     the-bad-ones    and     the good-ones

    woak   nel   Ehendachpuingkill   weemi   tæphikkawachtinewo.
     and   the      at-the-tables      all       they-seated.

  11. Nannen   mattemikæùh    na   Sakima,   nek   Elendpannik
       Then   he-entered-in   the   king     the   those-bidden

    mauwi   pennawoawoll,   woak   wunewoawoll   uchtenda   mejauchsid
            he-saw-them     and    he-saw-him    there       certain

    Lenno,   na   matta   uchtellachquiwon   witachpungkewi
      man    the   not        wearing          a marriage

    Schakhokquiwan.
        coat.

  12. Woak     wtellawoll     neli,   Elanggomêllen,   ktelgiquiki
      And    he-said-to-him   to-him       Friend         like

    matte   attemikēn    jun   (_or_ tá   elinàquo   wentschi    jun
     not     ashamed     here        not    like    therefore   here

    k'mattîmikeen,);   woak   {müngachsa}   mattacu   witachpungkewi
   thou-art-ashamed    and    {  ilik   }     not        marriage

   Schakhokquiwan   ktellachquiwon?   Necama   tschuk    k'pettúneù.
       coat          thou wearest      He       but     He-mouth-shuts.

  13. Nannen    w'tellawoll      na   Sakima   nelih    Wtallocacannüng;
      Then    he-said-to-them   the    king    to-them     his-servants

    Kachpiluh nan/woan   Wunachkall   woak    W'sittall,   woak
      Fasten-ye-him       his-hands    and     his-feet    and

    lannéhewik quatschemung  enda       achwipegnunk,     nitschlenda
          throw-him          where    in pitch-darkness    even-some

    Lipackcuwoagan   woak      Tschætschak koalochinen.
        weeping       and          teeth-gnashing

  14. Ntitechquoh   macheli     moetschi     wentschimcussuwak,
        Because      many                      they-are-called

       tschuk      tatthiluwak      achnaeknuksitschik.
         but       they-are-few         the-chosen

The asterisk occurs in the original apparently to indicate that a word
is superfluous or doubtful. The interlined translation I have supplied
from the materials in the mission-Delaware dialect, but my resources
have not been sufficient to analyze each word; and this, indeed, is not
necessary for my purpose, which is merely to present an example of the
true Unami dialect.

The Moravian Bishop, John Ettwein, was another of their fraternity
who applied himself to the study of the Delaware. Born in Europe in
1712, he came to the New World in 1754, and died at the great age of
ninety years in 1802. He prepared a small dictionary and phrase book,
especially rich in verbal forms. It is an octavo MS. of 88 pages,
without title, and comprises about 1300 entries. This manuscript exists
in one copy only, in the Moravian Archives at Bethlehem.

Bishop Ettwein also prepared for General Washington, in 1788, an
account of the traditions and language of the natives, including a
vocabulary. This was found among the Washington papers by Mr. Jared
Sparks, and was published in the "Bulletin of the Pennsylvania
Historical Society," 1848.

One of the most laborious of the Moravian missionaries was the Rev.
Adam Grube. His life spanned nearly a century, from 1715, when he was
born in Germany, until 1808, when he died in Bethlehem, Pa. Many years
of this were spent among the Delawares in Pennsylvania and Ohio. He
was familiar with their language, but the only evidence of his study
of it that has come to my knowledge is a MS. in the Harvard College
Library, entitled, "Einige Delawarische Redensarten und Worte." It has
seventy-five useful leaves, the entries without alphabetic arrangement,
some of the verbs accompanied by partial inflections. The only date
it bears is "Oct. 10, 1800," when he presented it to the Rev. Mr.
Luckenbach, soon to be mentioned.

After the War of 1812 the Moravian brother, Rev. C. F. Dencke, who,
ten years before had attempted to teach the Gospel to the Chipeways,
gathered together the scattered converts among the Delawares at New
Fairfield, Canada West. In 1818 he completed and forwarded to the
Publication Board of the American Bible Society a translation of the
Epistles of John, which was published the same year.

He also stated to the Board that at that time he had finished a
translation of John's Gospel and commenced that of Matthew, both of
which he expected to send to the Board in that year. A donation of
one hundred dollars was made to him to encourage him in his work, but
for some reason the prosecution of his labors was suspended, and the
translation of the Gospels never appeared (contrary to the statements
in some bibliographies).

It is probable that Mr. Dencke was the compiler of the Delaware
Dictionary which is preserved in the Moravian Archives at Bethlehem.
The MS. is an oblong octavo, in a fine, but beautifully clear hand,
and comprises about 3700 words. The handwriting is that of the late
Rev. Mr. Kampman, from 1840 to 1842 missionary to the Delawares on the
Canada Reservation. On inquiring the circumstances connected with this
MS., he stated to me that it was written at the period named, and was a
copy of some older work, probably by Mr. Dencke, but of this he was not
certain.

While the greater part of this dictionary is identical in words and
rendering with the second edition of Zeisberger's "Spelling Book" (with
which I have carefully compared it), it also includes a number of other
words, and the whole is arranged in accurate alphabetical order.

Mr. Dencke also prepared a grammar of the Delaware, as I am informed
by his old personal friend, Rev. F. R. Holland, of Hope, Indiana; but
the most persistent inquiry through residents at Salem, N. C., where
he died in 1839, and at the Missionary Archives at Bethlehem, Pa.,
and Moraviantown, Canada, have failed to furnish me a clue to its
whereabouts. I fear that this precious document was "sold as paper
stock," as I am informed were most of the MSS. which he left at his
decease! A sad instance of the total absence of intelligent interest in
such subjects in our country.

The Rev. Abraham Luckenbach may be called the last of the Moravian
Lenapists. With him, in 1854, died out the traditions of native
philology. Born in 1777, in Lehigh county, Pennsylvania, he became
a missionary among the Indians in 1800, and until his retirement,
forty-three years later, was a zealous pastor to his flock on the White
river, Indiana, and later, on the Canada Reservation. His published
work is entitled "Forty-six Select Scripture Narratives from the Old
Testament, embellished with Engravings, for the Use of Indian Youth.
Translated into Delaware Indian, by A. Luckenbach. New York. Printed
by Daniel Fanshaw, 1838." 8vo, pp. xvi, 304.

After his retirement in Bethlehem, he edited, in 1847, the second
edition of Zeisberger's "Collection of Hymns," the first of which has
already been mentioned.

A short MS. vocabulary, in German and Delaware, is in the possession of
his family, in Bethlehem, and some loose papers in the language.

One of the most recent students of the Delaware was Mr. Matthew G.
Henry, of Philadelphia. In 1859 and 1860 he compiled, with no little
labor, a "Delaware Indian Dictionary," the MS. of which, in the library
of the American Philosophical Society, forms a thick quarto volume of
843 pages, with a number of maps. It is in three parts; 1, English and
Delaware; 2, Delaware and English; 3, Delaware Proper Names and their
Translations.

It includes, without analysis or correction, the words in Zeisberger's
"Spelling Book," Roger William's "Key," Companius' Vocabulary, those in
Smith's and Strachey's "Virginia" and various Nanticoke, Mohegan, Minsi
and other vocabularies. The derivations of the proper names are chiefly
from Heckewelder, and in other cases are venturesome. The compilation,
therefore, while often useful, lacks the salutary check of a critical,
grammatical erudition, and in its present form is of limited value.

Some of the later vocabularies collected by various travelers offer
points for comparison, and may be mentioned here.

In 1786 Major Denny[154] at Fort McIntosh, Ohio, collected a number of
Delaware words, principally from Shawnee Indians. A comparison shows
many of them to be in a corrupt form, owing either to the ignorance of
the Shawnee authority, or to the inaccuracy of Major Denny in catching
the sounds.

While engaged on the Pacific Railroad survey, in 1853, Lieut.
Whipple[155] collected a vocabulary of a little over 200 words from
a Delaware chief, named Black Beaver, in the Indian Territory, which
was edited, in 1856, by Prof. Turner. It is evidently a pure specimen,
and, as the editor observes, "agrees remarkably" with earlier authentic
vocabularies.

In the second volume of Schoolcraft's large work[156] is a vocabulary
of about 350 words, obtained by Mr. Cummings, U. S. Indian Agent. The
precise source, date and locality are not given, but it is evidently
from some trustworthy native, and is quite correct.

Some small works for the schools of the Baptist missions among the
Delawares in Kansas were prepared by the Rev. J. Meeker. They appear to
be entirely elementary in character.

It will be observed that in this list not a single native writer is
named. So far as I have ascertained, though many learned to write their
native tongue, not one attempted any composition in it beyond the needs
of daily life.

To make some amends for this, and as I wished to obtain an example of
the Lenape of to-day, I asked Chief Gottlieb Tobias, an educated native
on the Moravian Reservation in Canada, to give me in writing his
opinion of the Delaware text of the WALUM OLUM, which I had sent him.
This he obligingly did, and added a translation of his letter. The two
are as follows, without alteration:--

                              MORAVIANTOWN, Sept. 26, 1884.

   I, GOTTLIEB TOBIAS,

    Nanne ni ngutschi nachguttemin, jun awen eet ma elekhigetup.
   Woak alende nenostamen woak alende taku eli wtallichsin
   elewondasik wiwonalatokowo pachsi wonamii lichsu woak pachsi
   pilli lichsoagan. Taku ni nenostamowin. Lamoe nemochomsinga
   achpami eet newinachke woak chash tichi kachtin nbibindameneb
   nin lichsoagan. Mauchso lenno woak mauchso chauchshissis woak
   juque mauchso chauchshissis achpo pomauchsu igabtshi lue
   wiwonallatokowo won bambil alachshe. Woak lue lamoe ni enda.
   Mimensiane ntelsitam alowi ayachichson won elhagewit woak ehelop
   ne likhiqui. Gichgi wonami lichso shuk tatcamse woak gichgi
   minsiwi lichso.

   TRANSLATION.

    Then I will try to answer this (which) some one at some time
   wrote. And some I understand, and some not, because his language
   is called Wonalatoko, half Unami and half another language. I
   do not understand it. Long ago my grandfather about 48 years
   ago I heard it that language. One man and one old woman and
   now another old woman here lives yet who uses this Wonalatoko
   language just like this book and she said, I of old time when
   I was a child heard more difficult dialect than the present,
   and many at that time partly Unami he speak, but sometimes also
   partly Minsi he speak.

The drift of Chief Tobias' letter is highly important to this
present work, though his expressions are not couched in the most
perfect English. It will be noted that he recognizes the text of the
WALUM OLUM to be a native production composed in one of the ancient
southern dialects of the tongue, the Unami (Wonami) or the Unalachtgo
(Wonalatoko). I shall recur to this when discussing the authenticity of
that document on a later page.


§ 2. _General Remarks on the Lenape._

The Lenape language is a well-defined and quite pure member of the
great Algonkin stock, revealing markedly the linguistic traits of this
group, and standing philologically, as well as geographically, between
the Micmac of the extreme east and the Chipeway of the far West.

These linguistic traits, common to the whole stock, I may briefly
enumerate as follows:--

1. All words are derived from simple, monosyllabic roots, by means of
affixes and suffixes.

2. The words do not come within the grammatical categories of the Aryan
language, as nouns, adjectives, verbs and other "parts of speech,"
but are "indifferent themes," which may be used at will as one or the
other. To this there appear to be a few exceptions.

3. Expressions of being (_i.e._, nominal themes) undergo modifications
depending on the ontological conception as to whether the thing spoken
of is a living or a lifeless object. This forms the "animate and
inanimate," or the "noble and ignoble" declensions and conjugations.
The distinction is not strictly logical, but largely grammatical, many
lifeless objects being considered living, and the reverse. This is
the only modification of the kind known, true grammatical gender not
appearing in any of these tongues.

4. Expressions of action (_i. e._, verbal themes) undergo modifications
depending on the abstract assumption as to whether the action is real
or conjectural. If the latter, it is indicated by a change in the vowel
of the root. This leads to a fundamental division of verbal modes into
_positive_ and _suppositive_ modes.

5. The expression of action is subordinate to that of being, so that
the verbal elements of a proposition are secondary to the nominal or
pronominal elements, and the subjective relation becomes closely akin
to, or identical with, that of possession.[157]

6. The conception of number is feebly developed in its application
to inanimate objects, which often have no grammatical plurals. The
inclusive and exclusive plurals are used in the first person.

7. The genius of the language is _holophrastic_--that is, its effort is
to express the relationship of several ideas by combining them in one
word. This is displayed: 1, in nominal themes, by _polysynthesis_, by
which several such themes are welded into one, according to fixed laws
of elision and euphony; and 2, by _incorporation_, where the object (or
a pronoun representing it) and the subject are united with the verb,
forming the so-called "transitions," or "objective conjugations."

8. There is no relative pronoun, so that the relation of minor to major
clauses is left to be indicated either by position or the offices of a
simple connective.

9. The language of both sexes is identical, those differences of speech
between the males and females, so frequently observed in other American
tongues, finding no place in the Algonkin.

10. No independent verb-substantive is found, and, as might be
anticipated, no means of predicating existence apart from quality and
attribute.


§ 3. _Dialects of the Lenape._

Two slightly different dialects prevailed among the Delawares
themselves, the one spoken by the Unami and Unalachtgo, the other by
the Minsi. The former is stated by the Moravian missionaries to have
had an uncommonly soft and pleasant sound to the ear[158], and William
Penn made the same remark. It was also considered to be the purer and
more elegant dialect, and was preferred by the missionaries as the
vehicle for their translations.

The Minsi was harsher and more difficult to learn, but would seem to
have been the more archaic branch, as it is stated to be a key to the
other, and to preserve many words in their integrity and original form,
which in the Unami were abbreviated or altogether dropped. The Minsi
dialect was closely akin to the Mohegan.

How far the separation of the Delaware dialects had extended may be
judged from the subjoined list of words. They are selected, as showing
the greatest variation, from a list of over one hundred, prepared by
Mr. Heckewelder for the American Philosophical Society, and preserved
in MS. in its library.

The comparison proves that the differences are far from extensive, and
chiefly result from a greater use of gutturals.

  COMPARISON OF THE UNAMI AND MINSI DIALECTS.

               _Unami_.        _Minsi_.
   God         Patamawos       Pachtamawos
   Earth       hacki           achgi
   Valley      pasaeck         pachsajech
   Beard       wuttoney        wuchtoney
   Tooth       wipit           wichpit
   Blood       mocum           mochcum
   Night       ipocu           ipochcu
   Pretty      schiki          pschickki
   Small       tangeto         tschankschisu
   Stone       assinn          achsun
   The Sea     kithanne        gichthanne
   Light       woacheu         woashe´jeek
   Black       süksit          neesachgissit
   Chief       saki´ma         wajauwe
   Green       asgask          asgasku
   No, not     matta           machta


What differences there were have been retained and perhaps accentuated
in modern times, if we may judge from the names of consanguinity
obtained by Mr. Lewis H. Morgan on the Kansas Reservation in 1860.
These are given in part in the annexed table, and the Mohegan is added
for the sake of extending the comparison.

                       _Delaware._      _Minsi._         _Mohegan._

  My grandfather       no mohómus       na māhomis´      nuh māhome´
  My grandmother       noo home´        na nóhome        no ome´
  My father            noh´h            na no´uh         noh
  My mother            ugā´hase         nain guk´        n'guk
  My son               n'kweese´        nain gwase´      n'diome´
  My daughter          n´dānuss         nain dāness´     ne chune´
  My grandchild        noh whese´       nain no whasé    nā hise´
  My elder brother     nah hāns         nain n´hans      n tā kun´
  My elder sister      na mese´         nain nawesé      nā mees
  My younger brother   nah eese umiss   nain hisesamus´  nhisum

A noteworthy difference in the Northern and Southern Lenape dialects
was that the latter possessed the three phonetic elements _n_, _l_ and
_r_, while the former could not pronounce the _r_, and their neighbors,
the Mohegans, neither the _l_ nor the _r_.

The dialect studied by Campanius and Penn, and that in southern New
Jersey presented the _r_ sound where the Upper Unami and Minsi had the
_l_. Thus Campanius gives _rhenus_, for _lenno_, man; and Penn _oret_,
for the Unami _wulit_, good.

The dialectic substitution of one of these elements for another is a
widespread characteristic of Algonkin phonology. Roger Williams early
called attention to it among the tribes of New England.[159]

Tracing it to its origin, it clearly arises from the use of
"alternating consonants," so extensive in American languages. In very
many of them it is optional with the speaker to employ any one of
several sounds of the same class. This is the case with these letters
in Cree, which, for various reasons, may be considered the most archaic
of all the Algonkin dialects. In its phonetics, the _th_, _y_, _l_, _n_
and _r_ are "permuting" or "alternating" letters.[160]

Often, too, the sound falls between these letters, so that the foreign
ear is left in doubt which to write.

That this is the case with the Delaware is evident from some of the
more recent vocabularies where the _r_ is not infrequent. The following
words, from the vocabulary in Major Denny's _Memoir_, illustrate this:--

  Stone      _seegriana_
  Buffalo    _serelea_
  Beaver     _thomagru_
  Above      _hoqrunog_, etc.

Even Mr. Lewis A. Morgan, who had considerable practice in writing the
sounds of the Indian languages, inserts the _r_ in a number of pure
Delaware words he collected in Kansas.[161]

Another difficulty presents itself in the sibilants. They are not
always distinguished.

Mr. Horatio Hale writes me on this point: "In Minsi, and perhaps in all
the Lenape dialects, the sound written _s_ is intermediate between _s_
and _th_ (the Greek _Θ_). This element is pronounced by placing the
tongue and teeth in the position of the theta, and then endeavoring to
utter _s_".

The guttural, represented in the Moravian vocabularies by _ch_, was
softened by the English likewise to the _s_ sound, as it appears also
to have been by the New Jersey tribes.[162]

In connection with dialectic variation, the interesting question arises
as to the rapidity of change in language. With regard to the Lenape
we are enabled to compare this for a period covering more than two
centuries. To test it, I have arranged the subjoined table of words
culled from three writers at about equidistant points in this period.
Each wrote in the orthography of his own tongue, and this I have not
altered. The words from Campanius are from the southern dialect, which
preferred the _r_ to the _l_, and this substitution should be allowed
for in a fair comparison.

  COMPARISON OF THE DELAWARE AT INTERVALS DURING 210 YEARS.

          _Campanius._      _Zeisberger_      _Whipple._
             1645.             1778.            1855.
            Swedish           German          English
          Orthography.     Orthography.     Orthography.

  Man        rhenus          lenno            lenno
  Woman      âquaeo          ochque           h'que'i
  Father     nωk             nooch (my)       nuuh
  Mother     kahaess         gahowes          gaiez
  Head       kwijl           wil              wil
  Hair       mijrack         milach           milakh
  Ear        hittaock        w'hittawak (pl.) howitow
  Eye        schinck         w'ushgink        tukque´ling
  Nose       wiküwan         w'ikiwan         ouiki´o
  Mouth      tωn             w'doon           ouitun
  Tongue     hijrano         w'ilano          ouilano
  Tooth      wippit          w'epit           ouipita
  Hand       alænskan        w'anach          puck-alenge
  Foot       zijt            sit              zit
  Heart      chitto, kitte   ktee (thy)       huté
  House      wickωmen        wiquoam          ouigwam
  Pipe       hopockan        hopenican        haboca
  Sun        chisogh         gischuch         kishu'h
  Star       aranck          alank            alanq'
  Fire       taenda          tindey           tundaih
  Water      bij             mbi              bih
  Snow       kuun            guhn             ku´no

              COMPARISON OF DELAWARE NUMERALS.

    _Campanius._   _Thomas._  _Zeisberger._  _Whipple._
        1645.        1695.        1750.         1855.

   1  Ciútte       Kooty        Ngutti        Co´te
   2  Nissa        Nisha        Nischa        Ni´sha
   3  Náha         Natcha       Nacha         Naha´
   4  Nævvo        Neo          Newo          Ne´ewah
   5  Pareenach    Pelenach     Palenach      Pahle´nah'k
   6  Ciuttas      Kootash      Guttasch      Cot´tasch
   7  Nissas       Nishash      Nischasch     Ni´shasch
   8  Haas         Choesh       Chasch        Hasch
   9  Paeschum     Peshonk      Peschkonk     Pes´co
  10  Thæren       Telen        Tellen        Te´len


I have no doubt that if a Swede, a German and an Englishman were
to-day to take down these words from the mouth of a Delaware Indian,
each writing them in the orthography of his own tongue, the variations
would be as numerous as in the above list, except, perhaps, the ancient
and now disused _r_ sound. The comparison goes to show that there has
probably been but a very slight change in the Delaware, in spite of the
many migrations and disturbances they have undergone. They speak the
language of their forefathers as closely as do the English, although
no written documents have aided them in keeping it alive. This is but
another proof added to an already long list, showing that the belief
that American languages undergo rapid changes is an error.

The dialect which the Moravian missionaries learned, and in which
they composed their works, was that of the Lehigh Valley. That it
was not an impure Minsi mixed with Mohegan, as Dr. Trumbull seems to
think[163], is evident from the direct statements of the missionaries
themselves, as well as from Heckewelder's Minsi vocabularies, which
show many points of divergence from the printed books. Moreover, among
the first converts from the Delaware nation were members of the Unami
or Turtle tribe, and Zeisberger was brought into immediate contact with
them[164]. We may fairly consider it to have been the upper or inland
Unami, which, as I have said, was recognized by the nation as the
purest, or at least the most polished dialect of their tongue. It stood
midway between the Unalachtgo and Southern Unami and the true Minsi.




FOOTNOTES:

[151] _Transactions of the American Philological Association_, 1872, p.
158.

[152] Penn, Letter to the Free Society of Traders, 1683, Sec. xii.

[153] On the literary works of Zeisberger, see Rev. E. de Schweinitz,
_Life of Zeisberger_, chap, xlviii, who gives a full account of all the
printed works, but does not describe the MSS.

[154] Major Ebenezer Denny's "Journal" in _Memoirs of the Hist. Soc. of
Penna_., Vol. VII, pp. 481-86.

[155] _Report upon the Indian Tribes_, by Whipple, Ewbank and Turner,
p. 56 (Washington, 1855).

[156] _History and Statistics of the Indian Tribes_, Vol. II, p. 470.

[157] I am aware that in this proposition I am following the German
and French linguists, Steinthal, F. Müller, Adam, Henry, etc., and
not our own distinguished authority on Algonkin grammar, Dr J Hammond
Trumbull, who, in his essay "On the Algonkin Verb," has learnedly
maintained another opinion (_Transactions of the American Philological
Association_, 1876, p. 146). I have not been able, however, to convince
myself that his position is correct. The formative elements of the
Algonkin paradigms appear to me simply attached particles, and not true
inflections Their real character is obscured by phonetic laws, just as
in the Finnish when compared with the Hungarian.

[158] "Ungemein wohlkhngend." Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission_, p.
24. An early traveler of English nationality pronounced it "sweet, of
noble sound and accent." Gabriel Thomas, _Hist. and Geog. Account of
Pensilvania and West New Jersey_, p. 47 (London, 1698).

[159] _Key into the Language of North America_, p. 129. See, also, Mr.
Bickering's remarks on the same subject, in his Appendix to Rasles'
_Dictionary of the Abnaki_.

[160] Howse, _Grammar of the Cree Language_, p. 316.

[161] See his _Ancient Society_, pp. 172-73.

[162] The native name of William Penn offers an instance of this
phonetic alteration. It is given as _Onas_. The proper form is
_Wonach_. It literally means the tip or extremity of anything; as
_wonach-sitall_, the tips of the toes; _wonach-gulinschall_, the tips
of the fingers. The inanimate plural form _wolanniall_, means the
tail feathers of a bird. To explain the name _Penn_ to the Indians a
feather was shown them, probably a quill pen, and hence they gave the
translation _Wonach_, corrupted into _Onas_.

[163] _Trans. Am. Philol. Assoc._, 1872, p. 157.

[164] De Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, p. 131.


§ 4. _Special Structure of the Lenape._

_The Root and the Formation of the Theme._--As they appear in the
language of to-day, the Lenape radicals are chiefly monosyllables,
which undergo more or less modifications in composition. They
cannot be used alone, the tongue having long since passed from that
interjectional condition where each of these roots conveyed a whole
sentence in itself.

Whether they can be resolved back into a few elementary sounds,
primitive elements of speech, I shall not discuss. This has been done
for the Cree roots by Mr. Joseph Howse[165], and most of the radicals
of that tongue are identical with those of the Lenape. Some of his
conclusions appear to me hazardous and hypothetical; and certainly many
of his supposed analogies drawn from European tongues are extravagant.

As in other idioms, so in Lenape, two or more radicals may be
compounded to form a combination, which, in turn, performs the offices
of a radical in the construction of themes.

This combination is formed either by prefixes or suffixes. The prefixes
are generally adjectival in signification, while the suffixes are
usually classificatory. A number of these are secondary roots, which
are themselves capable of further analysis.

As so much of the strength of the languages depends on this plan of
word building, I have drawn off a list of a few of the more frequent
affixes of the Lenape, with their signification:--

              _Lenape Prefixes._

  _awoss-_,     beyond, the other side of.
  _eluwi-_,     most, a superlative form.
  _gisch-_,     see page 102.
  _kit-_,       great, large.
  _lappi-_,     again, indicates repetition.
  _lenno-_,     male, man.
  _lippoe-_,    wise, shrewd; as _lippoeweno_, a shrewd man.
  _mach-_,      evil, bad, hurt.
  _matt-_,      negative and depreciatory;
                           as _mattaptonen_, to speak uncivilly.
  _ni-_,        see page 101.
  _ochque-_,    she, female.
  _pach-_,      division, separation; _pachican_, a knife;
                                           _pachat_, to split.
  _pal-_,       negative, as dis- or in-,
                           from _palli_ otherwheres.
  _tach-_,      pairs or doubles.
  _tschitsch-_, indicates repetition.
  _wit-_,       with or in common.
  _wul-_,
    or _wel-_,  see page 104.

Many of these are abbreviated to the extent that a single significant
letter is all that remains, as _min_ in _msim_, hickory nut; _pakihm_,
cranberry; and so _acki_ to _k_, _hanne_ to _an_, as _kitanink_
(Kittanning), from _gitschi_, great; _hanne_, flowing river; _ink_,
locative, "at the place of the great river."

                         _Lenape Suffixes._

  _-ak_,        wood, from _tachan_;
                                _kuwenchak_, pine wood.
  _-aki_,       place, land.
  _-ammen_,     acceptance, adoption; _wulistamen_,
                       I accept it as good, I believe it. See page 104.
  _-ape_,       male, man. From a root _ap_, to cover
                    (carnally). In Chipeway applied only to
                    lower animals.
  _-atton_,
   or _hatton_, to have, to put somewhere. The radical is
                     _ãt_.  Also a prefix, as, _hattape_,
                                 the bow; lit., what the man has.
  _-bi_,        tree; _machtschibi_, papaw tree.
  _-chum_,      a quadruped.
  _-elendam_,   a verbal termination, signifying a disposition
                          of mind. The root is _en, ne, ni_,
                          I; "it is to me so."
  _-goot_,      a snake; from _achgook_, a serpent.
  _-hanna_,     properly _hannek_, a river; from the root,
                        which appears in Cree as _anask_, to
                        stretch out along the ground; _mechhannek_,
                        a large stream.

   Heckewelder derives this from _amkamme_, a river. The terminal
   _k_ is, however, part of the root, and not the locative
   termination. The word is allied to Del. _quenek_, long.

  _-hikan_,     tidal water; _kittahikan_, the ocean;
                                  _shajahikan_, the sea shore.
  _-hilleu_,    it is so, it is true; impersonal form from _lissin_.
  _-hittuck_,   river, water in motion.
  _-igan_,      instrumental; also _shican_ and _can_.
                            A participial termination used with
                            inanimate objects.
  _-in_
    or _ini_,   of the kind; like; predicative form of the
                                        demonstrative pronoun.
  _-ink_
    or _unk_,   place where.
  _-is_
    or _-it_,   diminutive termination.
  _-leu_,       it is so, it is true.
  _-meek_,      a fish; _maschilamek_, a trout.
  _-min_,       a fruit.
  _-peek_,      a body of still water; _menuppek_, a lake.
  _-sacunk_,    an outlet of a stream into another;
                                    also _saquik_.
  _-sipu_,      stream; lit., stretched, extended.
  _-tin_,       with, or in common.
  _-tit_,       diminutive termination; _amentit_, a babe.
  _-wagan_,     abstract verbal termination; _machelemuxowagan_,
                                                   the being honored.
  _-wehelleu_,  a bird.
  _-wi_,        the verb-substantive termination, predicating
                           being; _tehek_, cold; _tehekwi_,
                           he or it is cold.
  _-wi_,        negative termination in certain verbal forms.
  _-xit_,       indicates the passive recipient of the action;
                          _machelemuxit_, the one who is honored.

The analysis of a series of derivatives from the same root offers a
most instructive subject for investigation in the Lenape. Not only
does it reveal the linguistic processes adapted, but it discloses the
psychology of the native mind, and teaches us the associations of its
ideas, and the range of its imaginative powers. By no other avenue can
we gain access to the intimate thought-life of this people. Here it is
unfolded to us by evidence which is irrefragable.

These considerations lead me to present a few examples of the
derivatives from roots of different classes.

          EXAMPLES OF LENAPE DERIVATIVES.

  _Subjective Root_ NI, _I, mine_.

   1. In a good sense.
     _Nihilleu_, it is I, _or_, mine.
     _Nihillatschi_, self, oneself.
     _Nihillapewi_, free (_ape_, man = I am my own man).
     _Nihillapewit_, a freeman.
     _Nihillasowagan_, freedom, liberty.
     _Nihillapeuhen_, to make free, to redeem.
     _Nihillapeuhoalid_, the Redeemer, the Saviour.

   2. In a bad sense.
     _Ni´hillan_, he is mine to beat, I beat him.
     _Nihil´lan_, I beat him to death, I kill him.
     _Nihillowen_, I put him to death, I murder him.
     _Nihillowet_, a murderer.
     _Nihillowewi_, murderous.

   3. In a demonstrative sense.
     _Ne_, pl. _nek_, or _nell_, this, that, the.
     _Nall, nan, nanne, nanni_, this one, that one.
     _Nill_, these.
     _Naninga_, those gone, with reference to the dead.

   4. In a possessive sense.
     _Nitaton_, in-my-having, I can, I am able, I know how.
     _Nitaus_, of-my-family, sister-in-law.
     _Nitis_, of-mine, a friend, a companion.
     _Nitsch!_ my child! exclamation of fondness.

The strangely conflicting ideas evolved from this root already
attracted the attention of Mr. Duponceau[166]. That the notions for
freedom and servitude, murderer and Saviour, should be expressed
by modifications of the same radical is indeed striking! But the
psychological process through which it came about is evident on
studying the above arrangement.

_Objective-intensive root_ GISCH _or_ KICH (_Cree_, KIS or KIK).

    Signification--successful action.

  1. Applied to persons.

    A. Initial successful action.
      _Gischigin_, to begin life, to be born.
      _Gischihan_, to form, to make with the hands.
      _Gischiton_, to make ready, to prepare.
      _Gischeleman_, to create with the mind, to fancy.
      _Gischelendam_, to meditate a plan, to lie.

    B. Continuous successful action.
      _Gischikenamen_, to increase, to produce fruit.
      _Giken_, to grow better in health.
      _Gikeowagan_, life, health.
      _Gikey_, long-living, old, aged,

    C. Final successful action.
      _Gischatten_, finished, ready, done, cooked.
      _Gischiton_, to make ready, to finish.
      _Gischpuen_, to have eaten enough.
      _Gischileu_, it has proved true.
      _Gischatschimolsin_, to have resolved, to have decreed.
      _Gischachpoanhe_, baked, cooked (the bread is).

  2. Applied to things.

    A. Initial successful action.
      _Gischuch_, sun, moon, day, month. The idea appears
             to be the beginning of a period of time with the
             collateral notion of prosperous activity. The
             correctness of the derivation is shown by the next word.
      _Gischapan_, day-break, beginning day-light.
                        From _wapan_, the east, or light.
      _Gischuchwipall_, the rays of the sun.
      _Gischcu_, or _Gisckquik_, day.

    B. Continuous successful action.
      _Gischten_, clear, light, shining.
      _Gischachsummen_, to shine, to enlighten.
      _Gischuten_, warm, tepid.

Numerous other derivatives could be added, but the above are sufficient
to show the direction of thoughts flowing from this root. Howse
considers it identical with the root _kitch_, great, large[167]. This
would greatly increase its derivatives. They certainly appear allied.
In Cree, Lacombe gives _kitchi_, great, and _kije_, finished, perfect,
both being terms applied to divinity[168].

                            {L}
  _General Algonkin root_ 8 {N} I. _Abnaki_, 8RI; _Micmac_, 8E´LI,
                            {R}

    _Chippeway_, GWAN-; _Del., two forms_, WUL _and_ WIN.
       _It conveys the idea of pleasurable sensation._

    A. First form, _wul_.
      _Wulit_, well, good, handsome, fine.
      _Wullihilleu_, it is good, etc.
      _Wuliken_, it grows well.
      _Wulamoe_, he truth-speaks.
      _Wulamoewagan_, truth.
      _Wulistamen_, to believe, to accept as truth.
      _Wulenensin_, to be fine in appearance, to dress.
      _Wulenensen_, to be fine to oneself, to be proud.

    B. Second form, _won_ or _win_.
      _Winu_, ripe, good to eat.
      _Wonita_, he is ripe for it, he can, he is able.
      _Wingan_, sweet, savory.
      _Winktek_, done, boiled, fit to eat.
      _Winak_, sassafras. From its sweet leaves.
      _Wingi_, gladly, willingly.
      _Winginamen_, to delight in.

The figure 8 in the above represents the "whistled _w_," like the _wh_
in "which," when strongly pronounced.

From this root, as I have already said, is derived also the word WALAM,
red paint, from the sense "to be fine in appearance, to dress," as the
Indian accomplished that object by painting himself.


_Grammatical Structure of the Lenape._

It would not be worth while for me to enter into the intricacies of
Lenape grammar, particularly as I can add little to what is already
known.

The Delaware Grammar of Zeisberger remains our only authority, and
in spite of its manifest shortcomings and state of incompletion, the
unprejudiced student must acknowledge, with Albert Gallatin[169], that
it is "most honestly done," and showed the Delaware as it actually was
spoken, though perhaps not as scientific linguists think it ought to
have been spoken.

A few general observations will be sufficient.

As in other languages of the class, the theme is indifferently nominal,
verbal or adjectival; that is, it performs the functions of either of
these grammatical categories, according to its connection.

Nominal themes are either animate or inanimate. The characteristic of
all animate plurals is _k_ (_ak_, _ik_, _ek_). Inanimate plurals are
in _al_, _wall_ or _a_. As usual, the distinction between animate and
inanimate nouns is partly logical, partly grammatical, various objects
being conceived as animate which are in fact not so.

The possessive relation is generally indicated by placement alone, the
possessor preceding the thing possessed, as _lenno quisall_, the man's
son; but one could also say _lenno w'quisall_, the man his son.

Adjectives precede nouns, and when used attributively assume a verbal
form by adding the termination _wi_, which indicates objective
existence (like the Chip. _-win_). Thus, _scattek_, burning; _scattewi
w'dehin_, a burning-heart--literally, it-is-a-burning-thing his-heart.

The degrees of comparison are formed by prefixing _allowiwi_, more,
and _eluwi_, most. Both of these are from the same radical _ala_
which may perhaps come from the _admirationis particula_, _ala'_
(Abnaki, _ara'_) found in the northern dialects as expressive of
astonishment[170].

There being no relative pronoun in Delaware, dependent clauses are
either included in the verbal of the major clause, or include it as a
secondary.

The scheme of the simple sentence is usually subject-verb-object; but
emphasis allows departures from this, as in the following sentence from
Bishop Ettwein's MSS.:--

  _Jesus  wemi amemensall   w'taholawak._

     Jesus  all   children     he-loved-them.

Of the formal affixes, the inseparable pronouns are the most prominent.
They are the same for nouns and verbs, and are--

  1st. _n_, I, my, we, our.
  2d.  _k_, thou, thy, you, your.
  3d.  _w_ or _o_, he, she, it, his, their.


Past time is indicated by the terminal _p_, with a connective vowel,
and future time by _tsch_, which may be either a prefix or suffix, as--

    _N'dellsin_,     I am thus.
    _N'dellsineep_,  I was thus.
    _N'dellsintschi_,   }
  or                    }  I shall be thus.
    _Nantsch n'dellsin_,}

The change or "flattening" of the vowel of the root in suppositive
propositions, was recognized as a fact of speech, but not grammatically
analyzed by Zeisberger.

Its effect on verbal forms may be seen from the following examples from
his _Grammar_:--

           _Examples of Vowel Change in Lenape._

  _N'dappin_, I am there.           _Achpiya_, if I am there.
                                         _Epia_, where I am.
  _N'dellsin_, I am so.             _Lissiye_, if I am so.
  _N'gauwi_, I sleep.               _Gewi_, he who sleeps.
  _N'pommauchsi_, I walk or live.   _Pemauchsit_, living.
  _N'da_, I go.                     _Eyaya_, when I go.
                                         _Eyat_, going.

Another omission in his Grammar is that of the "obviative" and
"super-obviative" forms of nouns. These are used in the Algonkin
dialects to define the relations of third persons. They prevent such
obscurity as appears in the following English sentence: "John's brother
called at Robert's, to see his wife." Whose wife is referred to is left
ambiguous; but in Algonkin these third persons would have different
forms, and there would be no room for ambiguity. In his writings in
Lenape, Zeisberger makes use of obviatives, with the terminations _al_
and _l_, but does not treat of them in his Grammar.

As a question in philosophical grammar, it may be doubted whether the
Lenape has any true passive voice. Cardinal Mezzofanti was accustomed
to deny the presence of any real passives in American languages; and he
had studied the Delaware among others.

The sign of the Delaware passive is the suffix _gussu_ or _cusso_. In
the Cree dialect, which, as I have already said, preserves the ancient
forms most closely, this is _k-ussu_, and is a particle expressing
likeness or similarity in animate objects[171]. Hence, probably, the
original sense of the Lenape word translated, "I am loved," is "I am
like the object of the action of loving."

FOOTNOTES:

[165] _A Grammar of the Cree Language, with which is combined an
Analysis of the Chippeway Dialect_, by Joseph Howse, Esq. (London,
1844).

[166] In a note to Zeisberger's _Grammar of the Delaware_, p. 141.

[167] _A Grammar of the Cree Language_, p. 175.

[168] _Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris_, sub voce.

[169] In _Trans. Amer. Antiq. Society_, Vol. II, p. 223. Zeisberger's
statements were criticised by Joseph Howse, _Grammar of the Cree
Language_, pp. 109, 310, 313. His strictures and those of the Abbé
Cuoq, in his _Etudes Philologiques sur Quelques Langues Sauvages_,
Chap. I, were collected and extended by Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, in his
paper on "Some Mistaken Notions of Algonquin Grammar," _Trans. of the
American Philological Association_, 1874. There is a needless degree of
severity in both these last named productions.

[170] Rasles, _Dictionary of the Abnaki_, p. 550. Dr. Trumbull
compares the Mass. _anue_, more than. _Trans. American Philological
Association_, 1872, p. 168.

[171] J. Howse: _Grammar of the Cree Language_, p. 111.




CHAPTER V.

HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF THE LENAPE.

§ 1. The Lenape as "Women"

§ 2. Recent Migrations of the Lenape

§ 3. Missionary Efforts in the Provinces of Pennsylvania and New Jersey.


§ 1. _The Lenape as "Women."_

A unique peculiarity of the political condition of the Lenape was
that for a certain time they occupied a recognized position as
non-combatants--as "women," as they were called by the Iroquois.

Indian customs and phraseology attached a two-fold significance to this
term.

The more honorable was that of peace-makers. Among the Five Nations and
Susquehannocks, certain grave matrons of the tribe had the right to sit
in the councils, and, among other privileges, had that of proposing
a cessation of hostilities in time of war. A proposition from them
to drop the war club could be entertained without compromising the
reputation of the tribe for bravery. There was an official orator and
messenger, whose appointed duty it was to convey such a pacific message
from the matrons, and to negotiate for peace[172].

Another and less honorable sense of the term arose from a custom
prevalent throughout America, and known also among the ancient
Scythians. Its precise purpose remains obscure, although it has
been made the subject of a careful study by one of our most eminent
surgeons, who had facilities of observation among the Western
tribes[173]. Certain young men of the tribe, apparently vigorous and of
normal development, were deprived of the accoutrements of the male sex,
clothed like women, and assigned women's work to do. They neither went
out to hunt nor on the war-path, and were treated as inferiors by their
male associates. Whether this degradation arose from superstitious
rites or sodomitic practices, it certainly carried to its victims the
contempt of both sexes.

In their account of the transaction the Delawares claimed that they
were appointed as peace-makers in an honorable manner, although the
Iroquois deceived them as to their object.

The Lenape account is as follows:--

"The Iroquois sent messengers to the Delawares with the following
speech:--

"'It is not well that all nations should war; for that will finally
bring about the destruction of the Indians. We have thought of a means
to prevent this before it is too late. Let one nation be The Woman. We
will place her in the middle, and the war nations shall be the Men and
dwell around the Woman. No one shall harm the Woman; and if one does,
we shall speak to him and say, 'Why strikest thou the Woman?' Then all
the Men shall attack him who has struck the Woman. The Woman shall
not go to war, but shall do her best to keep the peace. When the Men
around her fight one another, and the strife waxes hot, the Woman shall
have power to say: 'Ye Men! what do ye that ye thus strike one another?
Remember that your wives and children must perish, if ye do not cease.
Will ye perish from the face of the earth?' Then the Men shall listen
to the Woman and obey her.'

"The Delawares did not at once perceive the aim of the Iroquois, and
were pleased to take this position of the Woman.

"Then the Iroquois made a great feast, and invited the Delawares, and
spoke to their envoys an address in three parts.

"First, they declared the Delaware nation to be the Woman in these
words:--

"'We place upon you the long gown of a woman, and adorn you with
earrings.'

"This was as much as to say that thenceforward they were not to bear
arms.

"The second sentence was in these words:--

"'We hang on your arm a calabash of oil and medicine. With the oil you
shall cleanse the ears of other nations that they listen to good and
not to evil. The medicine you shall use for those nations who have been
foolish, that they may return to their senses, and turn their hearts to
peace.'

"The third sentence intimated that the Delawares should make
agriculture their chief occupation. It was:--

"'We give herewith into your hands a corn pestle and a hoe.'

"Each sentence was accompanied with a belt of wampum. These belts have
ever since been carefully preserved and their meanings from time to
time recalled."[174]

Opinions of historians about this tradition have been various. It has
generally been considered a fabrication of the Delawares, to explain
their subjection in a manner consoling to their national vanity.
Gen. Harrison dismisses it as impossible;[175] Albert Gallatin says,
"it is too incredible to require serious discussion;"[176] Mr. Hale
characterizes it as "preposterous;"[177] and Bishop de Schweinitz as
"fabulous and absurd"[178].

On the other hand, it is vouched for by Zeisberger, who furnished the
account to Loskiel, and who would not have said that the wampum belts
with their meaning were still preserved unless he knew it to be a
fact. It is repeated emphatically by Heckewelder, who adds that his
informants were not only Delawares but Mohegans as well, who could not
have shared the motive suggested above[179].

There can be no question but that the neutral position of the Delawares
was something different from that of a conquered nation, and that
it meant a great deal more. They undoubtedly were the acknowledged
peace-makers over a wide area, and this in consequence of some formal
ancient treaty. This is distinctly stated by the Stockbridge Indian,
Hendrick Aupaumut, in his curious Narrative:--[180]

"The Delawares, who we called _Wenaumeen_, are our Grandfathers,
according to the ancient covenant of their and our ancestors, to which
we adhere without any deviation in these near 200 years, to which
nation the 5 nations and British have commit the whole business. For
this nation has the greatest influence with the southern, western and
northern nations."

Hence Aupaumut undertook his embassy directly to them, so as to secure
their influence for peace in 1791.

To the fact that they exerted this influence during the Revolutionary
War, may very plausibly be attributed the success of the Federal cause
in the dark days of 1777 and 1778; for, as David Zeisberger wrote: "If
the Delawares had taken part against the Americans in the present war,
America would have had terrible experiences; for the neutrality of
the Delawares kept all the many nations that are their grandchildren
neutral also, except the Shawanese, who are no longer in close union
with their grandfathers."[181]

When at the close of the French War, in 1758, the treaty of Easton
put a stop to the bloody feuds of the border, "the _peace-belt_ was
sent to our brethren, the Delawares, that they might send it to all the
nations living toward the setting sun,"[182] and they carried it as the
recognized pacific envoys.

The Iroquois, however, assumed a most arrogant and contemptuous tone
toward the Delawares, about the middle of the eighteenth century. In
1756 they sent a belt to them, with a most insulting message:[183] "You
will remember that you are our women; our forefathers made you so, and
put a petticoat on you, and charged you to be true to us, and lie with
no other man; but now you have become a common bawd," etc.

Two years later, the Cayuga chief, John Hudson, said, at a council at
Burlington,[184] "The Munseys are women, and cannot make treaties for
themselves."

These were but repetitions of the famous diatribe of the Onondaga
chieftain, Canassatego, at a council at Philadelphia, in 1742. Turning
to the representatives of the Lenape, he broke out upon them with the
words:--

"How came you to take upon you to sell land? We conquered you. We made
women of you. You know you are women, and can no more sell land than
women. * * * We charge you to remove instantly. We don't give you the
liberty to think about it. We assign you two places to go to, either
Wyoming or Shamokin. Don't deliberate, but remove away; and take this
belt of wampum."

And as he handed the belt to the Lenape head chief he seized him by his
long hair and pushed him out of the door of the council room!

It was notorious at the time, however, that this was a scene arranged
between the Governor of the Province, Mr. George Thomas, and the
Iroquois deputation. The Lenape had been grossly cheated out of their
lands by the trick of the so-called "Long Walk," in 1735, and they
refused to vacate their hunting grounds. The Governor sent secret
messengers to the powerful and dreaded Six Nations to exert their
pretended rights, and paid them well for it.[185]

What could the Lenape do? They were feeble, and undoubtedly had been
brought under the authority of their warlike northern neighbors. They
found themselves in the position of the Persian chieftain Harmosar,
as he stood before the caliph Omar, and heard the latter revile the
patriot cause:

  "In deinen Händen ist die Macht,
  Wer einem Sieger widerspricht, der widerspricht mit Unbedacht."
                                    --_Van Platen-Hallermunde_.

Such were the respective claims of the Lenape and Iroquois. Instead
of discussing the antecedent probability of one or the other being
true, I shall endeavor to ascertain from the early records the precise
facts about this curious transaction. It is certain that toward
the close of the sixteenth century the unending wars between the
Delaware confederacy and the Iroquois had reduced the latter almost
to destruction. The Jesuit missionaries tell us this.[186] The turning
point in their affairs was the settlement of the Dutch on the Hudson.
Quick to appreciate the value of firearms, they bought guns and powder
at any price, and soon had rendered themselves formidable to all their
neighbors.[187] About 1670 they attacked successfully that family of
the Minsi called the _Minisink_.

This was probably the victory to which the Five Nations referred at a
treaty at Philadelphia, in 1727, when they stated that their conquest
of the Delawares was about the time William Penn first landed, and
that he sent congratulations to them on their success--an obvious
falsehood.[188]

They were certainly at that period pressing hard on the Susquehannocks
and destroying their remnant in the valley of that river. Mr. William
P. Foulke is quite correct in his conclusion that, "Upon the whole we
may conclude that the Lancaster lands fell into the power of the Five
Nations at some time between 1677 and 1684."[189]

Yet their conquest of the Minsi was not complete. The latter had the
mind and the will to renew the combat. In 1692 they appealed to the
government of Pennsylvania to aid them in an attack on the Senecas,
but the Quakers declined the foray. The next year the Minsi asked
Governor Benjamin Fletcher at least to protect them against these
Senecas, adding that with assistance they were ready to attack them,
for "although wee are a small number of Indians, wee are Men, and know
fighting."[190]

Evidently there was neither subjection nor womanhood with the Minsi at
that date.

There is also positive evidence that the Five Nations at that time
regarded the Delawares as a combatant nation, and worthy of an
invitation to join a war. On July 6th, 1694, Governor Wm. Markham met
in conference the famous chief Tamany and others; and the Delaware
orator, Hithquoquean, laid down a belt of wampum, and said:--[191]

"This belt is sent us by the Onondagas and Senecas, who say: 'You
Delaware Indians do nothing but stay at home and boil your pots, and
are like women; while we, Onondagas and Senecas, go abroad and fight
the enemy.'"

"The Senecas would have us Delaware Indians to be partners with them,
and fight against the French, but we, having always been a peaceful
people, and resolving to live so; and being but weak and verie few in
number, cannot assist them, and having resolved among ourselves not to
go, doe intend to send back, this their Belt of Wampum."

The Lenape, therefore, did not, at that date, occupy any degrading
position, although they were under the general domination of the
Iroquois League.

Both these points are proved yet more conclusively by the proceedings
at a conference at White Marsh, May 19th, 1712, between Governor C.
Gookin and the Delaware chiefs. Gollitchy, orator of the latter,
exhibited thirty-two belts of wampum, which they were on their way to
deliver to the Five Nations, adding "that many years ago they had been
made tributaries to the Mingoes." He also shewed "a long Indian pipe,
with a stone head, a wooden shaft, and feathers fixt to it like wings.
This pipe, they said, upon making their submission to the Five Nations,
who had subdued them, and obliged them to be their tributaries, those
Nations had given to these Indians, to be kept by them." All the
tribute belts, however, were sent by the women and children, as the
speaker explained at length, "as the Indian reckons the paying of
tribute becomes none but women and children."[192]

Fortunately, however, we are able to fix the exact date and
circumstances of the political transformation of the Delawares into
women. It is by no means so remote as Mr. Heckewelder thought, who
located the occurrence at Norman's Kill, on the Hudson, between 1609
and 1620;[193] and it was long after 1670, which is the date assigned
by Mr. Ruttenber,[194] from a study of the New York records.

It was in the year 1725, and was in consequence of the Delawares
refusing to join the Iroquois in an attack on the English settlements.

These data come to light in a message of the Shawnee chiefs, in 1732,
to Governor Gordon, who had inquired their reasons for migrating to the
Ohio Valley.

Their reply was as follows:--

"About nine years agoe the 5 nations told us att Shallyschohking, wee
Did nott Do well to Setle there, for there was a Greatt noise In the
Greatt house and thatt in three years time, all Should know whatt they
had to Say, as far as there was any Setlements or the Sun Sett."

"About ye Expiration of 3 years affore S^{d}, the 5 nations Came and
Said our Land is goeing to bee taken from us, Come brothers assistt us
Lett us fall upon and fightt with the English. Wee answered them no,
wee Came here for peace and have Leave to Setle here, and wee are In
League with them and Canott break itt."

"Aboutt a year after they, ye 5 nations, Told the Delawares and us,
Since you have nott hearkened to us, nor Regarded whatt we have said,
now wee will pettycoatts on you, and Look upon you as women for the
future, and nott as men. Therefore, you Shawanese Look back toward
Ohioh, The place from whence you Came, and Return thitherward, for now
wee Shall Take pitty on the English and Lett them have all this Land."

"And further Said now Since you are Become women, He Take
Peahohquelloman, and putt itt on Meheahoaming and He Take Meheahoaming
and putt itt on Ohioh, and Ohioh He putt on Woabach, and thatt shall
bee the warriours Road for the future." (_Penna Archives_, Vol. I.)

The circumstances attending the ceremony were probably pretty much as
Loskiel relates.

The correctness of this account is borne out by an examination of law
titles.

That the river tribes at the time of Penn's treaties (1680-1700)
could not sell their lands without the permission of the Iroquois
has never been established. Mr. Gallatin states that William Penn
"always purchased the right of possession from the Delawares, and that
of sovereignty from the Five Nations."[195] This may have been the
case in some later treaties of the colony, but certainly there is no
intimation of it in the celebrated "First Indian Deed" to Penn, July
15th, 1682.[196] Furthermore, in the Release which the Iroquois did
give of their Pennsylvania lands in 1736, the boundaries are defined
as "Westward to the Setting of the Sun, and Eastward to the furthest
springs of the Waters running into the said River," _i. e._, the
Susquehannah;[197] and to do away with any doubt that the tract thus
defined included all the land in this part to which they had a claim,
the Release goes on to recite that "our true intent and meaning was
and is to release all our Right, Claim and Pretensions whatsoever to
all and every the Lands lying within the Bounds and Limits of the
Government of Pennsylvania, Beginning Eastward on the River Delaware,
as far Northward as the s^{d} Ridge or Chain of Endless Mountains." In
other words, although the Six Nations advanced no claim to land east
of the Susquehanna watershed, the Proprietors chose to include the
Delaware watershed so as to avoid any future complication. It seems
to me this Release does away with any "right of sovereignty" of the
Iroquois over the Delaware Valley south of the mountains, and brands
Canassatego's remarks above quoted as braggart falsehoods.

As for land east of the Delaware river, Mr. Ruttenber correctly
observes: "The Iroquois never questioned the sales made by the Lenapes
or Minsis east of that river. * * The findings of Gallatin in this
particular are confirmed by all the title deeds in New York and New
Jersey."[198]

It was only to the Susquehannock lands, purchased by Penn in 1699, that
the confirmation of the Iroquois was required.[199]

The close of this condition of subjection was in 1756. In that year
Sir William Johnson formally "took off the petticoat" from the Lenape,
and "handed them the war belt."[200] The year subsequent they made the
public declaration that "they would not acknowledge but the Senecas as
their superiors."[201]

Even their supremacy was soon rejected. At the Treaty of Fort Pitt,
October, 1778, Captain White Eyes, when reminded by the Senecas that
the petticoats were still on his people, scornfully repudiated the
imputation, and made good his words by leading a war party against them
the following year.

The Iroquois, however, released their hold unwillingly, and it was
not until 1794, shortly before the Treaty of Greenville, that their
delegates came forward and "officially declared that the Lenape were no
longer women, but _men_," and the famous chief, Joseph Brant, placed in
their hands the war club.[202]


§ 2. _Historic Migrations of the Lenape_.

It does not form part of my plan to detail the later history of the
Lenape. But some account of their number and migrations will aid in the
examination of the origin and claims of the WALUM OLUM.

The first estimate of the whole number of native inhabitants of the
province was by William Penn. He stated that there were ten different
nations, with a total population of about 6000 souls.[203]

This was in 1683. Very soon after this they began to diminish by
disease and migration. As early as 1690, a band of the Minsi left for
the far West, to unite with the Ottawas.[204] In 1721 the Frenchman
Durant speaks of them as "exceedingly decreased."[205] Already they had
yielded to the pressure of the whites, and were seeking homes on the
head-waters of the Ohio, in Western Pennsylvania. Their first cabins
are said to have been built there in 1724.[206]

All that remained in the Delaware valley were ordered by the Iroquois,
at the treaty of Lancaster, 1744, to leave the waters of their river,
and remove to Shamokin (now Sunbury) and Wyoming, on the Susquehanna,
and most of them obeyed. The former was their chief town, and the
residence of their "king," Allemœbi.

When the interpreter, Conrad Weiser, visited their Ohio settlements, in
1748, he reported their warriors there at 165, which was probably about
one-fourth of the nation.

In the "French War," 1755, the Delawares united with the French against
the Iroquois and English, and suffered considerable losses. At its
close they were estimated to have, both on the Susquehanna and in Ohio,
a total of 600 available fighting men.[207]

After this date they steadily migrated from the Susquehannah to the
streams in central and eastern Ohio, establishing their chief fire
on the Tuscarawas river, at Gekelemukpechunk, and hunting on the
Muskingum, the Licking, etc.[208]

When the war of the Revolution broke out, Zeisberger used all his
efforts to have them remain neutral, and at least prevented them from
joining in a general attack on the settlements. Their distinguished
war-chief, Koquethagachton, known to the settlers as "Captain White
Eyes," declared, in 1775, in favor of the Federal cause, and renounced
for himself and his people all dependence on the Iroquois. These
friendly relations were confirmed at the treaty of Fort Pitt (1778),
and the next year a number of Delawares accompanied Col. Brodhead in an
expedition against the Senecas.

The massacre of the unoffending Christian natives of Gnadenhütten, in
1788, was but one event in the murderous war between the races that
continued in Ohio from 1782 to the treaty of peace at Greenville, in
1795.

To escape its direful scenes, a part of the Delawares removed south,
to upper Louisiana, in 1789, where they received official permission
from Governor Carondelet, in 1793, to locate permanent homes.[209]
Zeisberger also, in 1791, conducted his colony of Christian Indians
to Canada, and founded the town of Fairfield, on the Retrenche river.
Thus, in both directions the Delawares were driven off the soil of the
United States. Yet those that remained in Ohio, if we may accept the
account of John Brickell, who was a captive among them from 1791 to
1796, attempted to live a peaceable and agricultural life.[210]

Peace restored, the Delawares made their next remove to the valley
of White Water river, Indiana, where they attempted to rekindle the
national council fire, under the head chief Tedpachxit. They founded
six towns, the largest of which was _Woapikamikunk_ or _Wapeminskink_,
"Place of Chestnut Trees." This tract was guaranteed them "in
perpetuity" by the treaty of Vincennes, 1808.[211] Nevertheless, just
ten years later, at the treaty of St. Mary's, they released the whole
of their land, "without reserve," to the United States, the government
agreeing to remove them west of the Mississippi, and grant them land
there.

At this time they numbered about 1000 souls, of whom 800 were
Delawares, the others being Mohegans and Nanticokes.[212] Their head
chief was Thahutoowelent, of the Turkey tribe, Tedpachxit having been
assassinated, at the instigation of Tecumseh.

They are described as "having a peculiar aversion to white people,"
and "more opposed to the Gospel and the whites than any other
Indians,"[213] which is small matter of wonder, when they had seen the
peaceful Christian converts of their nation massacred three times, in
cold blood, once at Gnadenhütten, in Pennsylvania (1756); again at
Gnadenhütten, in Ohio (1788), and finally at Fairfield, Canada (1813).

The Rev. Isaac McCoy, who visited them on the White Water, in the
winter of 1818-19, states that they lived in log huts and bark
shanties, and were fearfully deteriorated by whisky drinking.[214]

The last band of the Delawares that appeared in Ohio was in 1822.[215]

The location assigned to the Delawares was near the mouth of the
Kansas river, Kansas. They were reported, in 1850, as possessing there
375,000 acres and numbering about 1500 souls. Four years later they
"ceded" this land, and were moved to various reservations in the Indian
Territory.

There still remain about sixty natives at New Westfield, near Ottawa,
Kansas, under the charge of the Moravian Church. The same denomination
has about 300 of the tribe on the reservation at Moraviantown, in the
province of Ontario, Canada. A second reservation in Canada is under
the charge of the Anglican Church. The majority of the tribe are
scattered in different agencies in the Indian Territory.


§ 3. _Missionary Efforts in the Provinces of New Jersey and
Pennsylvania_.

None of the American colonies enjoyed a more favorable opportunity to
introduce the Christian religion to the natives than that located on
the Delaware river. What use was made of it?

The Rev. Thomas Campanius, of Stockholm, a Lutheran clergyman, attached
to the Swedish settlement from 1642 to 1649, made a creditable effort
to acquire the native tongue and preach Christianity to the savages
about him. He translated the Catechism into the traders' dialect of
Lenape, but we have no record that he succeeded in his attempts at
conversion.

One might suppose that so very religious a body as the early Friends
would have taken some positive steps in this direction. Such was not
the case. I have not found the record of any one of them who set
seriously to work to learn the native tongue, without which all effort
would have been fruitless.

William Penn was not wholly unmindful of the spiritual condition of
his native wards. In 1699 he offered to provide the Friends' Meeting
at Philadelphia with interpreters to convey religious instruction
to the Indians. But the Meeting took no steps in this direction. He
himself, when in the colony in 1701, made some attempts to address
them on religious subjects, as did also Friend John Richardson, who
was with him, availing themselves of interpreters. The latter reports
a satisfactory response to his words, but not being followed up, their
effect was ephemeral.[216]

Nothing further was done for nearly half a century, and when the
enthusiastic young David Brainerd began his mission in 1742, he
distinctly states that there was not another missionary in either
province.[217] His labors extended over four years, and were productive
of some permanent good results among the New Jersey Indians, and this
in spite of the suspicions, opposition and evil example of the whites
around him. The little society of Christian Indians which he gathered
in Burlington County, New Jersey, was even reported as a congregation
of rioters and enemies of the State![218]

Nor was the province of Penn inclined to greater favors toward
Christianized natives. When the Indians were cheated out of their lands
by the "Long Walk," a few who had been converted, among others the
chief Moses Tatemy, petitioned the Council to remain on their lands,
some of which were direct personal gifts from the Proprietaries. Their
request was refused, and Moses Tatemy, who did remain, was shot down
like a dog, in the road, by a white man.[219]

Unknown to Brainerd, however, the seeds of a Christian harvest had
already been sown, in 1742, in the wilderness of Pennsylvania, by the
ardent Moravian leader, Count Nicholas Lewis Zinzendorf; already, in
1744, the fervent Zeisberger, prescient of his long and marvelous
service in the church militant, had registered himself as _destinirter
Heidenbote_--"appointed messenger to the heathen"--in the corner-stone
of the Brethren's House, at Bethlehem; already the pious Rauch had
collected a small but earnest congregation of Mohegans at Shekomeko,
who soon removed to the Lehigh valley, and pitched the first of those
five _Gnadenhütten_, "Tents of Grace," destined successively to
mark the unwearied efforts of the Moravian missionaries, and their
frustration through the treachery of the conquering whites.[220]

It is not my purpose to tell the story of this long struggle. Its
thrilling events are recounted, with all desirable fullness, in the
vivid narrative of Bishop Edmund de Schweinitz, grouped around the
marked individuality of the devoted Zeisberger--pages which none can
read without amazement at the undaunted courage of these Christian
heroes, without sorrow at the sparse harvest gleaned from such
devotion.[221]

When, after sixty-two years of missionary labors, the venerable
Zeisberger closed his eyes in death (1808), the huts of barely a score
of converted Indians clustered around his little chapel. His aspiration
that the Lenape would form a native Christian State, their ancient
supremacy revived and applied to the dissemination of peace, piety and
civilization among their fellow-tribes--this cherished hope of his life
had forever disappeared. He had lived to see the Lenape, a mere broken
remnant, "steeped in all the abominations of heathenism, eke out their
existence far away from their former council fires."

FOOTNOTES:

[172] H R Schoolcraft, _Notes on the Iroquois_, pp. 135-36.

[173] _The Disease of the Scythians (Morbus Feminarum) and Certain
Analogous Conditions._ By William A. Hammond, M. D. (New York, 1882).
Dr. Hammond found that the _hombre mujerado_ of the Pueblo Indians "is
the chief passive agent in the pederastic ceremonies which form so
important a part in their religious performances," p. 9.

[174] Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission, etc._, s. 161-2.

[175] Wm. Henry Harrison, _A Discourse on the Aborigines of the Valley
of the Ohio_, pp. 24, 25 (Cincinnati, 1838).

[176] Gallatin, _Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc._, Vol. II, p. 46.

[177] Horatio Hale, _The Iroquois Book of Rites_, p. 92.

[178] Edmund de Schweinitz, _Life and Times of David Zeisberger_, p. 46.

[179] Heckewelder, _Indian Nations_, pp. xxxii and 60.

[180] _Narrative of Hendrick Aupaumut, Mems. Hist. Soc. Pa._, Vol. II,
pp. 76-77. Wenaumeen for Unami, the Mohegan form of the name. This
seems to limit the peace making power to that gens. He may mean, "Those
of the Delawares who are called the Unamis are our Grandfathers," etc.

The Chipeways, Ottawas, Shawnees, Pottawattomies, Sacs, Foxes and
Kikapoos, all called the Delawares "Grandfather", J. Morse, _Report
on Indian Affairs_, pp. 122, 123, 142. The term was not intended in a
genealogical, but solely in a political, sense. Its origin and precise
meaning are alike obscure.

[181] _History of the Indians_, MS., quoted by Bishop Schweinitz, _Life
of Zeisberger_, p. 444, note.

[182] The words are those of George Croghan, Esq., at the treaty of
Pittsburgh, 1759, with the Six Nations and Wyandots. _History of
Western Penna._, App. p. 135.

[183] _Records of the Council at Easton_, 1756, in Lib. Amer. Philos.
Soc.

[184] Smith, _History of New Jersey_, p. 451 (2d ed.)

[185] See the _Narrative of the Long Walk_, by John Watson, father
and son, in Hazard's _Register of Penna_, 1830, reprinted in Beach's
_Indian Miscellany_, pp 90-94; also the able discussion of the question
in Dr. Charles Thompson's _Inquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of
the Delaware and Shawnee Indians_, pp. 30-34 and 42-46. (London, 1759.)

[186] _Relations des Jesuites_, 1660, p. 6. Some confusion has arisen
in this matter, from confounding the Susquehannocks with the Iroquois,
both of whom were called "Mengwe" by the Delawares, corrupted into
"Mingoes." Thus, a writer in the first half of the 17th century says of
the "Mingoes" that the river tribes "are afraid of them, so that they
dare not stir, much less go to war against them." Thomas Campanius,
_Description of the Province of New Sweden_, p. 158.

[187] See Mr. E. M. Ruttenber's able discussion of the subject in his
_History of the Indian Tribes of Hudson's River_, p. 66 (Albany, 1872).

[188] Dr. Charles Thompson, _An Inquiry into the Causes of the
Alienation of the Delaware and Shawnee Indians_, pp. 11, 12. (London,
1759.)

[189] See his "Notes Respecting the Indians of Lancaster County,
Penna.," in the _Collections of the Historical Society of Penna._, Vol.
IV, Part p. 198.

[190] _Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania_, Vol. I, p.
333.

[191] Ibid, Vol. I, p. 410-11.

[192] _Minutes of the Provincial Council_, Vol. II, pp 572-73.

[193] _History of the Indian Nations_, p. xxix.

[194] _The Indian Tribes of Hudson's River_, p. 69.

[195] _Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc._, Vol. II, p. 46.

[196] _Pennsylvania Archives_, Vol. II, p. 47.

[197] _Pennsylvania Archives_, Vol. I, p. 498.

[198] _The Indian Tribes of Hudson's River_, p. 69.

[199] See _Penna. Archives_, Vol. I, p. 144, and Du Ponceau, _Memoir on
the Treaty at Shackamaxon, Collections of the Penna. Hist. Soc._, Vol.
III, Part II, p. 73.

[200] _New York Colonial Documents_, Vol. VII, p. 119.

[201] Thompson, _Inquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the
Delaware and Shawnee Indians_, p. 107.

[202] Heckewelder, _Indian Nations_, p. 70; E. de Schweinitz, _Life of
Zeisberger_, pp. 430, 641.

[203] Janney, _Life of Penn_, p. 247.

[204] Ruttenber, _Indians of the Hudson River_, p. 177.

[205] Durant's _Memorial_, in _New York Colonial Documents_, Vol. V, p.
623.

[206] _Early History of Western Pennsylvania_, p. 31 (Pittsburgh, 1846);
and see _Penna. Archives_, Vol. I, pp. 322, 330.

[207] Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission_, p. 54. The treaty of
Lancaster, 1762, was the last treaty held with the Indians in eastern
Pennsylvania.

[208] Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, p. 90.

[209] _New York Colonial Documents_, Vol. VII, p. 583.

[210] On the locations of the Delawares in Ohio, and the boundaries of
their tract, see Ed. de Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, p. 374, and
an article by the Rev. Stephen D. Peet, entitled "The Delaware Indians
in Ohio," in the _American Antiquarian_, Vol. II.

[211] The position of the Delawares in Indiana is roughly shown on
Hough's Map of the Tribal Districts of Indiana, in the _Report on the
Geology and Natural History of Indiana_, 1882.

[212] J. Morse, _Report on the Indian Tribes_, p. 110.

[213] Mr. John Johnston, Indian Agent, in _Trans. of the Amer.
Antiquarian Society_, Vol. I, p. 271.

[214] _History of the Baptist Indian Missions_, p. 53, etc.

[215] _Captivity of Christian Fast_, in Beach, _Indian Miscellany_, p.
63.

[216] See the work entitled, _Account of the Conduct of the Society of
Friends toward the Indian Tribes_, pp. 55 seq. (London, 1844.)

[217] "I have likewise been wholly alone in my work, there being no
other missionary among the Indians, in either of these Provinces." He
wrote this in 1746. _Life of David Brainerd_, p. 409.

[218] See "A State of Facts about the Riots," in _New Jersey Archives_,
Vol. VI, pp. 406-7, where the writer speaks with great suspicion of
"the cause pretended for such a number of Indians coming to live
there is that they are to be taught the Christian religion by one
Mr. _Braniard_." Well he might! Any such occurrence was totally
unprecedented in the annals of the colony.

[219] See _Minutes of the Provincial Council of Penna._, Nov., 1742,
Vol. IV, 624-5, Further, on Tatemy who had been converted by Brainerd
and served him as interpreter, see Heckewelder, _Indian Nations_,
second edition, p. 302, note of the editor.

[220] The Heckewelder MSS., in the library of the Am. Philos Society,
give the results of the first twenty years, 1741-61, of the labors of
the Moravian brethren. In that period 525 Indians were converted and
baptized. Of these--163 were Connecticut Wampanos; 111 were Mahicanni
proper; 251 were Lenape. Some of the latter were of the New Jersey
Wapings.

[221] _The Life and Times of David Zeisberger, the Western Pioneer and
Apostle of the Indians_. By Edmund de Schweinitz, Philadelphia, 1871.




CHAPTER VI.

MYTHS AND TRADITIONS OF THE LENAPE.

   Cosmogonical and Culture Myths.--The Culture-hero,
   Michabo.--Myths from Lindstrom, Ettwein, Jasper Donkers,
   Zeisberger.--Native Symbolism.--The Saturnian Age.--Mohegan
   Cosmogony and Migration Myth. National Traditions.--Beatty's
   Account.--The Number Seven.--Heckewelder's Account.--Prehistoric
   Migrations.--Shawnee Legend.--Lenape Legend of the Naked Bear.


_Cosmogonical and Culture Myths._

The Algonkins, as a stock, had a well developed creation-myth and
a culture legend, found in more or less completeness in all their
branches.

Their culture hero, their ancestor and creator, he who made the earth
and stocked it with animals, who taught them the arts of war and the
chase, and gave them the Indian corn, beans and squashes, was generally
called _Michabo_, The Great Light, but was also known among the
Narragansetts of New England as _Wetucks_, The Common Father; among the
Cree as _Wisakketjâk_, the Trickster; by the Chippeways as Nanabozho
(_Nenâboj_), the Cheat; by the Black Feet as _Natose_, Our Father, or
_Napiw_; and by the Micmacs and Penobscots as _Glus-Kap_, the Liar.

I have given the details of this myth and analyzed them in previous
works;[222] here it is sufficient to say that it is a Light-myth, and
one of noble proportion and circumstance, quite worthy of comparison
with those of the Oriental world.

Traces of it are reported among the Lenape, and I doubt not that had
we their ancient stories in their completeness, we should find that
they had preserved it as wholly as the Chipeways. These related of
their Nanabozho that he was the son of a maiden who had descended from
heaven. She conceived without knowledge of man, and having given birth
to twins, she disappeared. One of these twins was Nanabozho. Having
formed the earth by his miraculous powers, and done many wonderful
things, he disappeared toward the east, where he still dwells beyond
the sunrise.

It was undoubtedly a fragment of this legend that the Swedish engineer,
Lindstrom heard among the Lenape, on the Delaware, about 1650. They
told him, or rather he understood them, as follows:--

"Once, one of your women (_i.e._, a white woman) came among us, and
she became pregnant, in consequence of drinking out of a creek; an
Indian had connection with her, and she became pregnant, and brought
forth a son, who, when he came to a certain size, was so sensible and
clever, that there never was one who could be compared to him, so much
and so well he spoke, which excited great wonder; he also performed
many miracles. When he was quite grown up, he left us, and went up to
heaven, and promised to come again, but has never returned."[223]

This is but a mistranslation of the general Algonkin legend, in which
the virgin mother bears a white and dark twin, the former of whom
becomes the tribal culture hero and demiurgic deity.

Its interpretation is, that the virgin is the Dawn, who brings forth
the Day, which assures safety and knowledge, and the Night, which
departs with her. The Day leaves us, and in its personified form
returns no more, though ever expected.

That such were the original form and significance of the myth, we have
the testimony of Bishop Ettwein,[224] himself a Delaware scholar, and
who drew his information from the natives as well as the missionaries.
He tells us that their legend ran, that in the beginning the first
woman fell from heaven and bore twins; that it was toward the east that
they directed their children to turn their faces when they prayed to
the spirits; and that their old men had said that it was an ancient
belief that from that quarter some one would come to them to benefit
them. Therefore, said they, when our ancestors saw the first white men,
they looked upon them as divine, and adored them.

The Dutch travelers, Jasper Donkers and Peter Sluyter, relate a part
of this myth as they heard it from New Jersey Indians in 1679. These
informed them that all things came from a tortoise. It had brought
forth the world, and from the middle of its back had sprung up a tree,
upon whose branches men had grown.

This tortoise "had a power and a nature to produce all things, such as
earth, trees and the like." But it was not the _primum mobile_, not the
ultimate energy of the universe. "The first and great beginning of all
things was _Kickeron_ or _Kickerom_, who is the original of all, who
has not only once produced or made all things, but produces every day."
The tortoise brought forth what this primal divinity "wished through it
to produce."[225]

This is a very interesting statement. It reveals a depth of thought
on the part of the native philosophers for which we were scarcely
prepared. The worthy Dutch travelers do not pretend to explain the
myth. But its sense can be clearly interpreted.

The turtle or tortoise is everywhere in Algonkin pictography the symbol
of the earth.[226] From the earth, from the soil, all organic life, the
whole realm of animate existence--ever sharply defined in Algonkin
grammar and thought from inanimate existence--proceeds, directly
as vegetable life, or indirectly as animal life. The earth is the
All-Mother, ever-producing, inexhaustible.

As for _Kikeron_, the eternally active, hidden spirit of the universe,
I have but to refer the reader to the list of ideas associated around
this root _kik_, which I have given on a previous page (p. 102) to
reveal the significance of this word. We may, with equal correctness,
translate it Life, Light, Action or Energy. It is the abstract
conception back of all these.

The distinction was the same as that established by the scholastic
philosophers between the _mundus_ and the _anima mundi_; between the
_essentia_ and the _existentia;_ between _natura naturans_ and _natura
naturata_. But who expected to find it among the Lenape?

This creation myth of the Delawares is also given in brief by
Zeisberger. It dated back to that marvelous overflow which is heard
of in many mythologies. The whole earth was submerged, and but a few
persons survived. They had taken refuge on the back of a turtle, who
had reached so great an age that his shell was mossy, like the bank of
a rivulet. In this forlorn condition a loon flew that way, which they
asked to dive and bring up land. He complied, but found no bottom. Then
he flew far away, and returned with a small quantity of earth in his
bill. Guided by him, the turtle swam to the place, where a spot of dry
land was found. There the survivors settled and repeopled the land.[227]

This is more a tale of reconstruction than a creation myth. It is that
which has generally been supposed to refer to the Deluge. But, as I
have explained in my "Myths of the New World," all these so-called
Deluge Myths are but developments of crude cosmogonical theories.

To understand the significance of this myth we must examine the Indian
notion of the earth. This is the more germane to my theme, as the
meaning of the original text which is printed in this volume can only
be grasped by one acquainted with this notion.

The Indians almost universally believed the dry land they knew to be
a part of a great island, everywhere surrounded by wide waters whose
limits were unknown.[228] Many tribes had vague myths of a journey
from beyond this sea; many placed beyond it the home of the Sun and
of Light, and the happy hunting grounds of the departed souls. The
Delawares believed that the whole was supported by a fabled turtle,
whose movements caused earthquakes and who had been their first
preserver.[229] As above mentioned, the turtle in its amphibious
character and rounded back represented the earth or the land itself,
as distinguished from water. Like the turtle, the land lies at times
under the water and at times above it. The spirit of the earth was the
practical and visible developmental energy of nature.

The medicine men, or conjurers, who professed to be in personal
relations with this power, made their "medicine rattle" of a turtle
shell (Loskiel), and when they died, such a shell was suspended from
their tomb posts (Zeisberger).

The Delawares also shared the belief, common to so many nations the
world over, that the pristine age was one of unalloyed prosperity,
peace and happiness, an Age of Gold, a Saturnian Reign. Their legends
asseverated that at that time "the killing of a man was unknown,
neither had there been instances of their dying before they had
attained to that age which causes the hair to become white, the eyes
dim, and the teeth to be worn away."

This happy time was brought to a close by the advent of certain evil
beings who taught men how to kill each other by sorcery.[230]

Their kinsmen, the Mohegans, varied this cosmogonical tradition, though
retaining some of its main features. They taught that in the beginning
there was nought but water and sky. At length from the sky a woman
descended, our common mother. As she approached the boundless ocean,
a small point of land rose above the watery surface, and supplied her
with firm footing. She was pregnant by some mysterious power, and she
brought forth on this island animal triplets--a bear, a deer and a
wolf. From these all men and animals are descended. The island grew to
a main land, and the mother of all, her mission accomplished, returned
to her home in the sky.[231]

This creation-myth, obtained from the Indians around New York harbor in
the first generation after the advent of the whites, has every mark of
a genuine native production, and coincides closely with that generally
believed by the early Algonkins.

It is followed by a migration myth, which ran to the effect that their
early forefathers came out of the northwest, forsaking a tide-water
country, and crossing over a great watery tract, called _ukhkok-pek_,
"snake water, or water where snakes are abundant," (_âkhgook_, snake,
and _pek_, standing water, probably from _n'pey_, water, _akek_, place
or country). They crossed many streams, but none in which the water
ebbed and flowed, until they reached the Hudson. "Then they said,
one to another, 'This is like the Muhheakunnuck (tidal ocean) of our
nativity.' Therefore they agreed to kindle a fire there and hang a
kettle, whereof they and their children after them might dip out their
daily refreshment." Hence came their name, the Tide-water People (see
ante, p. 20).


_National Traditions._

Many early writers attest the passionate fondness of the Delawares for
their ancestral traditions and the memory of their ancient heroes.
The missionary, David Brainerd, mentions this as one of the leading
difficulties in the way of "evangelizing the Indians." "They are
likewise much attached," he writes, "to the traditions and fabulous
notions of their fathers, which they firmly believe, and thence look
upon their ancestors to have been the best of men."[232]

To the same effect, Loskiel informs us that the Delawares "love to
relate what great warriors their ancestors had been, and how many
heroic deeds they had performed. It is a pleasure to them to rehearse
their genealogies. They are so skilled at it that they can repeat the
chief and collateral lines with the utmost readiness. At the same time,
they characterize their ancestors, by describing this one as a wise or
skillful man, as a great chieftain, a renowned warrior, a rich man,
and the like. This they teach to their children, and _embody it in
pictures, so as to make it more readily remembered."_[233]

The earliest writer who gives us any detailed description of what these
traditions were, is the Rev. Charles Beatty, who visited the Delaware
settlements in Ohio in 1767. On his way there, he met a white man,
Benjamin Button, who for years had been a captive among the natives. He
related to Beatty the following tradition, which he had heard recited
by some old men among the Delawares:--

"That of old time their people were divided by a river, nine parts
of ten passing over the river, and one part remaining behind; that
they knew not, for certainty, how they came to this continent; but
account thus for their first coming into these parts where they are now
settled; that a king of their nation, where they formerly lived, far to
the west, left his kingdom to his two sons; that the one son making war
upon the other, the latter thereupon determined to depart and seek some
new habitation; that accordingly he sat out, accompanied by a number
of his people, and that, after wandering to and fro for the space of
forty years, they at length came to Delaware river, where they settled
370 years ago. The way, he says, they keep an account of this is by
putting on a black bead of wampum every year on a belt they keep for
that purpose."[234]

From another source Mr. Beatty obtained the traditions of the
Nanticokes, which is apparently a version of that of their relatives,
the Delawares. It ran to this effect: At some remote age, while on
their way to their present homes, "They came to a great water. One of
the Indians that went before them tried the depth of it by a long pole
or reed, which he had in his hand, and found it too deep for them to
wade. Upon their being non-plussed, and not knowing how to get over
it, their God made a bridge over the water in one night, and the next
morning, after they were all over, God took away the bridge."[235]

A curious addition to this story is mentioned by Loskiel.[236] The
number of the mythical ancestors of their race who thus were left on
the shore of the great water was _seven_. This at once recalls the
seven caves (_Chicomoztoc_) or primitive stirpes of the Mexican tribes,
the seven clans (_vuk amag_) of the Cakchiquels, the seven ancestors
of the Qquechuas, etc., and strongly intimates that there must be some
common natural occurrence to give rise to this widespread legend.[237]

Some peculiar sacredness must have attached to this number among the
Delawares also, as we are informed that the period of isolation of
their women at the catamenial period was seven days.[238]

The lunar month of 28 days, if divided and assigned equally to
each of the four cardinal points, would give a week of seven days
to each. Something of this kind seems to have been done by another
Algonkin tribe, the Ottawas, who declared that the winds are caused
(alternately?) by seven genii or gods who dwelt in the air.[239]

The seven day period is also a natural, physical one, whose influence
is felt widely by vertebrate and invertebrate animals, as Darwin has
pointed out,[240] and hence its appearance among these people, who
lived entirely subject to the operation of their physical surroundings,
is not so surprising.

The most complete account of the Delaware tradition is that preserved
by Heckewelder. In his pages it appears, not as a reminiscence of
tribal history, but as the tradition of the whole eastern Algonkin
race, and it claims for the three Delaware tribes an antiquity of
organization surpassing that of any of their neighbors.

It holds such an important place that I quote all the essential
passages:--

"The Lenni Lenape (according to the traditions handed down to them
by their ancestors) resided many hundred years ago in a very distant
country in the western part of the American continent. For some reason,
which I do not find accounted for, they determined on migrating to the
eastward, and accordingly set out together in a body. After a very
long journey, and many nights' encampments by the way, they at length
arrived on the _Namoesi Sipu_, where they fell in with the Mengwe, who
had likewise emigrated from a distant country, and had struck upon this
river somewhat higher up. Their object was the same with that of the
Delawares; they were proceeding on to the eastward, until they should
find a country that pleased them. The spies which the Lenape had sent
forward for the purpose of reconnoitring, had long before their arrival
discovered that the country east of the Mississippi was inhabited by
a very powerful nation, who had many large towns built on the great
rivers flowing through their land. Those people (as I was told) called
themselves Talligeu or Talligewi. Colonel John Gibson, however, a
gentleman who has a thorough knowledge of the Indians, and speaks
several of their languages, is of opinion that they were not called
Talligewi, but Alligewi. * * *

"Many wonderful things are told of this famous people. They are said
to have been remarkably tall, and stout, and there is a tradition that
there were giants among them, people of a much larger size than the
tallest of the Lenape. It is related that they had built to themselves
regular fortifications or entrenchments, from whence they would sally
out, but were generally repulsed. * * *

"When the Lenape arrived on the banks of the Mississippi, they sent a
message to the Alligewi to request permission to settle themselves in
their neighbourhood. This was refused them, but they obtained leave
to pass through the country and seek a settlement farther to the
eastward. They accordingly began to cross the Namaesi Sipu, when the
Alligewi, seeing that their numbers were so very great, and in fact
they consisted of many thousands, made a furious attack on those who
had crossed, threatening them all with destruction, if they dared to
persist in coming over to their side of the river. * * *

"Having united their forces, the Lenape and Mengwe declared war against
the Alligewi, and great battles were fought, in which many warriors
fell on both sides. The enemy fortified their large towns and erected
fortifications, especially on large rivers and near lakes, where they
were successively attacked and sometimes stormed by the allies. An
engagement took place in which hundreds fell, who were afterwards
buried in holes or laid together in heaps and covered over with earth.
No quarter was given, so that the Alligewi, at last, finding that
their destruction was inevitable if they persisted in their obstinacy,
abandoned the country to the conquerors, and fled down the Mississippi
river, from whence they never returned. * * *

"In the end the conquerors divided the country between themselves; the
Mengwe made choice of the lands in the vicinity of the great lakes
and on their tributary streams, and the Lenape took possession of
the country to the south. For a long period of time--some say many
hundred years--the two nations resided peaceably in this country, and
increased very fast; some of their most enterprising huntsmen and
warriors crossed the great swamps, and falling on streams running to
the eastward, followed them down to the great Bay river, thence into
the Bay itself, which we call Chesapeak. As they pursued their travels,
partly by land and partly by water, sometimes near and at other times
on the great Salt-water Lake, as they call the sea, they discovered
the great river, which we call the Delaware; and thence exploring still
eastward, the _Scheyichbi_ country, now named New Jersey, they arrived
at another great stream, that which we call the Hudson or
North river. * * *

"At last they settled on the four great rivers (which we call Delaware,
Hudson, Susquehannah, Potomack), making the Delaware, to which they
gave the name of _'Lenape-wihittuck'_ (the river or stream of the
Lenape), the centre of their possessions.

"They say, however, that the whole of their nation did not reach this
country; that many remained behind, in order to aid and assist that
great body of their people which had not crossed the Namaesi Sipu, but
had retreated into the interior of the country on the other
side. * * *

"Their nation finally became divided into three separate bodies; the
larger body, which they suppose to have been one-half the whole, was
settled on the Atlantic, and the other half was again divided into two
parts, one of which, the strongest, as they suppose, remained beyond
the Mississippi, and the remainder where they left them, on this side
of that river.

"Those of the Delawares who fixed their abodes on the shores of
the Atlantic divided themselves into three tribes. Two of them,
distinguished by the names of the _Turtle_ and the _Turkey_, the
former calling themselves _Unâmi_, and the other _Unalâchtgo_, chose
those grounds to settle on which lay nearest to the sea, between the
coast and the high mountains. As they multiplied, their settlements
extended from the _Mohicanittuck_ (river of the Mohicans, which we
call the North or Hudson river) to the Potomack." * * * "The third
tribe, the _Wolf_, commonly called the _Minsi_, which we have corrupted
into _Monseys_, had chosen to live back of the other two." * * * They
extended their settlements from the Minisink, a place named after them,
where they had their council seat and fire, quite up to the Hudson, on
the east; and to the west or southward far beyond the Susquehannah.

"From the above three tribes, the _Unami, Unalachtgo_ and the _Minsi_,
had, in the course of time, sprung many others, * * * the Mahicanni,
or Mohicans, who spread themselves over all that country which now
composes the Eastern States, * * * and the _Nanticokes_, who proceeded
far to the south, in Maryland and Virginia."

On their conquests during the period of their western migrations, the
Delawares based a claim for hunting grounds in the Ohio valley. It
is stated that when they had decided to remove to the valley of the
Muskingum, their chief, Netawatwes, presented this claim to the Hurons
and Miamis, and had it allowed.[241] They also claimed lands on White
River, Indiana, and their settlement in that region at the close of the
last century was regarded as a return to their ancient seats.

Nevertheless, in the earliest historic times, when the whites first
came in contact with the Lenape tribes, none of them dwelt west of the
mountains, nor, apparently, had they any towns in the valley of the
west branch of the Susquehanna or of its main stream.

Although the above mentioned facts point to a migration in prehistoric
times from the West toward the East, there are indications of a yet
older movement from the northeast westward and southward to the upper
Mississippi valley. A legend common to the western Algonkin tribes,
the Kikapoos, Sacs, Foxes, Ottawas and Pottawatomies, located their
original home north of the St. Lawrence river, near or below where
Montreal now stands. In that distant land their ancestors were created
by the Great Spirit, and they dwelt there, "all of one nation." Only
when they removed or were driven west did they separate into tribes
speaking different dialects.[242]

The Shawnees, who at various times were in close relation with the
Delawares, also possessed a vague migration myth, according to which,
at some indefinitely remote past, they had arrived at the main land
after crossing a wide water. Their ancestors succeeded in this by their
great control of magic arts, their occult power enabling them to walk
over the water as if it had been land. Until within the present century
this legend was repeated annually, and a yearly sacrifice offered up in
memory of their safe arrival.[243] It is evidently a version of that
which appears in the third part of the WALAM OLUM.

One of the curious legends of the Lenape was that of the Great
Naked or Hairless Bear. It is told by the Rev. John Heckewelder, in
a letter to Dr. B. S. Barton.[244] The missionary had heard it both
among the Delawares and the Mohicans. By the former, it was spoken
of as _amangachktiátmachque_, and in the dialect of the latter,
_ahamagachktiât mechqua_.[245]

The story told of it was that it was immense in size and the most
ferocious of animals. Its skin was bare, except a tuft of white hair on
its back. It attacked and ate the natives, and the only means of escape
from it was to take to the water. Its sense of smell was remarkably
keen, but its sight was defective. As its heart was very small, it
could not be easily killed. The surest plan was to break its back-bone;
but so dangerous was an encounter with it, that those hunters who went
in pursuit of it bade their families and friends farewell, as if they
never expected to return.

Fortunately, there were few of these beasts. The last one known was to
the east, somewhere beyond the left bank of the Mahicanni Sipu (the
Hudson river). When its presence was learned a number of bold hunters
went there, and mounted a rock with precipitous sides. They then made
a noise, and attracted the bear's attention, who rushed to the attack
with great fury. As he could not climb the rock, he tore at it with
his teeth, while the hunters above shot him with arrows and threw upon
him great stones, and thus killed him.

Though this was the last of the species, the Indian mothers still used
his name to frighten their children into obedience, threatening them
with the words, "The Naked Bear will eat you."


FOOTNOTES:

[222] D. G. Brinton, _Myths of the New World_, Chap. VI. (N.Y., 1876),
and _American Hero Myths_, Chap. II (Phila., 1882). The seeming
incongruity of applying such terms as Trickster, Cheat and Liar to
the highest divinity I have explained in a paper in the _American
Antiquarian_ for the current year (1885) and will recur to later.

[223] Thomas Campanius, _Account of New Sweden_, Book III, cap. xi.

[224] _Traditions and Language of the Indians_, in _Bulletin Hist. Soc.
Pa._, Vol. I, pp. 30-31.

[225] _Journal of a Voyage to New York in 1679-80_. By Jasper Donkers
and Peter Sluyter, p. 268. Translation in Vol. I of the _Transactions
of the Long Island Historical Society_ (Brooklyn, 1867).

[226] Schoolcraft says of the Chipeway pictographic symbols: "The
turtle is believed to be, in all instances, a symbol of the earth, and
is addressed as mother." _History and Statistics of the Indian Tribes_,
Vol. I, p. 390.

[227] Zeisberger, MSS, in E. de Schweinitz, _Life and Times of
Zeisberger_, pp. 218, 219; Heckewelder, _Indian Nations_, p. 253.

[228] "The Indians call the American continent an island, believing
it to be entirely surrounded by water." Heckewelder, _Hist. Indian
Nations_, p. 250.

[229] Ibid, p. 308.

[230] Heckewelder, MSS in the Library of the American Philosophical
Society. It is one of the points in favor of the authenticity of the
WALAM OLUM that this halcyon epoch is mentioned in its lines, though no
reference to it is contained in printed books relating to the Lenape
legends.

[231] Van der Donck, _Description of the New Netherlands_, _Coll. N. Y.
Hist. Soc._, Ser. II, Vol. I, pp. 217-18.

[232] _Life and Journal of the Rev. David Brainerd_, pp. 397, 425
(Edinburgh, 1826).

[233] So we may understand Loskiel to mean when he says, "Das bringen
sie ihren Kindern ebenfalls bey, und kleiden es in Bllder ein, um es
noch eindrücklicher zu machen." _Geschichte der Mission_, etc., s. 32.
I think Zeisberger, who was Loskiel's authority, meant _Bilder_ in its
literal, not rhetorical, sense.

[234] Charles Beatty, _Journal of a Two Months' Tour: with a View of
Promoting Religion among the Frontier Inhabitants of Pennsylvania, and
of Introducing Christianity among the Indians to the Westward of the
Alleghgeny Mountains_, p. 27 (London, 1768).

[235] Ibid, p. 91.

[236] _Geschichte der Mission_, etc., p. 31.

[237] The Mohegans seem also to have at one time had a sevenfold
division. At least a writer speaks of the "seven tribes" into which
those in Connecticut were divided. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls._, Vol. IX
(I ser.), p. 90.

[238] Charles Beatty, _Journal_, etc., p. 84.

[239] _Relation des Jesuites_, 1648, p. 77.

[240] _The Descent of Man_, p. 165, note.

[241] Heckewelder, _Tran. Amer. Philos. Soc._, Vol. III, p. 388.

[242] This legend was told by the Sac Chief Masco, to Major Marston,
about 1819. See J. Morse, _Report on Indian Affairs_, p. 138.

[243] This myth was obtained in 1812, from the Shawnees in Missouri
(Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, Vol. IV, p. 254), and independently in
1819, from those in Ohio (Mr. John Johnston, in _Trans. of the Amer.
Antiq. Soc._, Vol. I, p. 273). Those of the tribe who now live on
the Quapaw Reservation, Indian Territory, repeat every year a long,
probably mythical and historical, chant, the words of which I have
tried, in vain, to obtain. They say that to repeat it to a white man
would bring disasters on their nation. I mention it as a piece of
aboriginal composition most desirable to secure.

[244] Published in the _Transactions of the American Philosophical
Society_, 1st ser., Vol. IV, pp. 260, sqq.

[245] From _amangi_, great or big (in composition _amangach_), with
the accessory notion of terrible, or frightful; Cree, _amansis_, to
frighten; _tiât_, an abbreviated form of _tawa_, naked, whence the name
_Tawatawas_, or Twightees, applied to the Miami Indians in the old
records. (See _Minutes of the Provincial Council of Penna._, Vol. VIII,
p. 418).




CHAPTER VII.

THE WALAM OLUM: ITS ORIGIN, AUTHENTICITY AND CONTENTS.

      Biographical Sketch of Rafinesque--Value of his Writings--His
           Account of the WALAM OLUM.--Was it a Forgery?--Rafinesque's
           Character--The Text pronounced Genuine by Native
           Delawares--Conclusion Reached

      Phonetic System of the WALAM OLUM--Metrical Form--Pictographic
           System--Derivation and Precise Meaning of WALAM OLUM.--The
           MS of the WALAM OLUM--General Synopsis of the WALAM
           OLUM--Synopsis of its Parts.


_Rafinesque and his Writings._

Constantine Samuel Rafinesque-Schmaltz, to whom we owe the preservation
and first translation of the WALAM OLUM, was born in Galata, a
suburb of Constantinople, Oct. 22d, 1783, and died in Philadelphia, of
cancer of the stomach, Sept. 18th, 1840.

His first visit to this country was in 1802. He remained until 1804,
when he went to Sicily, where he commenced business. As the French
were unpopular there, he added "Schmaltz" to his name, for "prudent
considerations," that being the surname of his mother's family.

In 1815 he returned to America, but had the misfortune to be
shipwrecked on the coast, losing his manuscripts and much of his
property. On his arrival, he supported himself by teaching, occupying
his leisure time in scientific pursuits and travel. In 1819 he
was appointed "Professor of Historical and Natural Sciences," in
Transylvania University, Kentucky. This position he was obliged
to resign, for technical reasons, in 1826, when he returned to
Philadelphia, which city he made his home during the rest of his life.

From his early youth he was an indefatigable student, collector
and writer in various branches of knowledge, especially in natural
history. On the title-page of the last work that he published, "The
Good Book and Amenities of Nature" (Philadelphia, 1840), he claims to
be the author of "220 books, pamphlets, essays and tracts." Including
his contributions to periodicals, there is no reason to doubt the
correctness of this estimate. They began when he was nineteen, and were
composed in English, French, Italian and Latin, all of which he wrote
with facility.

His earlier essays were principally on botanical subjects; later, he
included zoölogy and conchology; and during the last fifteen years of
his life the history and antiquities of America appear to have occupied
his most earnest attention.

The value of his writings in these various branches has been canvassed
by several eminent critics in their respective lines.

First in point of time was Prof. Asa Gray, who in the year following
Rafinesque's death published in the "American Journal of Science and
Arts," Vol. XI, an analysis of his botanical writings. He awards him
considerable credit for his earlier investigations, but much less for
his later ones. To quote Dr. Gray's words: "A gradual deterioration
will be observed in Rafinesque's botanical writings from 1819 to 1830,
when the passion for establishing new genera and species appears to
have become a complete _monomania_."[246] But modern believers in
the doctrine of the evolution of plant forms and the development of
botanical species will incline to think that there was a method in
this madness, when they read the passage from Rafinesque's writings,
about 1836, which Dr. Gray quotes as conclusively proving that, in
things botanical, Rafinesque had lost his wits. It is this: "But
it is needless to dispute about new genera, species and varieties.
Every variety is a deviation, which becomes a species as soon as it
is permanent by reproduction. Deviations in essential organs may
thus gradually become new genera." This is really an anticipation of
Darwinianism in botany.

The next year, in the same journal, appeared a "Notice of the
Zoölogical Writings of the late C. S. Rafinesque," by Prof. S. S.
Haldeman. It is, on the whole, depreciatory, and convicts Rafinesque
of errors of observation as well as of inference; at the same time,
not denying his enthusiasm and his occasional quickness to appreciate
zoölogical facts.

In 1864 the conchological writings of Rafinesque were collected and
published, in Philadelphia, by A. G. Binney and Geo. W. Tryon, Jr.,
without comments. One of the editors informs me that they have positive
merit, although the author was too credulous and too desirous of
novelties.

The antiquarian productions of Rafinesque, which interest us most in
this connection, were reviewed with caustic severity by Dr. S. F.
Haven,[247] especially the "Ancient Annals of Kentucky", which was
printed as an introduction to Marshall's History of that State, in
1824. It is, indeed, an absurd production, a reconstruction of alleged
history on the flimsiest foundations; but, alas! not a whit more absurd
than the laborious card houses of many a subsequent antiquary of
renown.

His principal work in this branch appeared in Philadelphia in 1836,
entitled: "The American Nations; or, Outlines of a National History;
of the Ancient and Modern Nations of North and South America." It was
printed for the author, and is in two parts. Others were announced but
never appeared, nor did the maps and illustrations which the title page
promised. Its pages are filled with extravagant theories and baseless
analogies. In the first part he prints with notes his translation of
the THE WALAM OLUM, and his explanation of its significance.


_History of the Walam Olum._

Rafinesque's account of the origin of the THE WALAM OLUM may be
introduced by a passage in the last work he published, "The Good Book."
In that erratic volume he tells us that he had long been collecting the
signs and pictographs current among the North American Indians, and
adds:--

"Of these I have now 60 used by the Southern or Floridian Tribes of
Louisiana to Florida, based upon their language of Signs--40 used by
the Osages and Arkanzas, based on the same--74 used by the Lenàpian
(Delaware and akin) tribes in their THE WALAMOLUM or Records--besides
30 simple signs that can be traced out of the NEOBAGUN or Delineation
of the Chipwas or Ninniwas, a branch of the last."[248]

In these lines Rafinesque makes an important statement, which has been
amply verified by the investigations of Col. Garrick Mallery, Dr. W.
J. Hoffman and Capt. W. P. Clark, within the last decade, and that is,
that the Indian pictographic system was based on their gesture speech.

So far as I remember, he was the first to perceive this suggestive
fact; and he had announced it some time before 1840. Already, in "The
American Nations" (1836), he wrote, "the Graphic Signs correspond to
these Manual Signs."[249]

Here he anticipates a leading result of the latest archaeological
research; and I give his words the greater prominence, because they
seem to have been overlooked by all the recent writers on Indian
Gesture-speech and Sign-language.

The _Neobagun_, the Chipeway medicine song to which he alludes, is
likewise spoken of in "The American Nations," where he says: "The
Ninniwas or Chipiwas * * have such painted tales or annals, called
Neobagun (male tool) by the former."[250] I suspect he derived his
knowledge of this from the Shawnee "Song for Medicine Hunting," called
"Nah-o-bah-e-gun-num," or, The Four Sticks, the words and figures of
which were appended by Dr. James to Tanner's _Narrative_, published in
1830.[251]




_Discovery of the Walam Olum._

As for the Lenape records, he gives this not very clear account of his
acquisition of them:--

"Having obtained, through the late Dr. Ward, of Indiana, some of the
original Wallam-Olum (painted record) of the Linàpi Tribe of Wapihani
or White River, the translation will be given of the songs annexed to
each."[252]

On a later page he wrote:--[253]

"_Olum_ implies _a record, a notched stick_, an engraved piece of wood
or bark. It comes from _ol_, hollow or graved record. * * * These
actual _olum_ were at first obtained in 1820, as a reward for a medical
cure, deemed a curiosity; and were unexplicable. In 1822 were obtained
from another individual the songs annexed thereto in the original
language; but no one could be found by me able to translate them. I
had therefore to learn the language since, by the help of Zeisberger,
Heckewelder and a manuscript dictionary, on purpose to translate them,
which I only accomplished in 1833. The contents were totally unknown to
me in 1824, when I published my 'Annals of Kentucky.'"

I have attempted to identify this "Dr. Ward, of Indiana;" but no such
person is known in the early medical annals of that State. There is,
however, an old and well-known Kentucky family of that name, who, about
1820, resided, and still do reside, in the neighborhood of Cynthiana.
One of these, in 1824-25, was a friend of Rafinesque, invited him
to his house, and shared his archaeological tastes, as Rafinesque
mentions in his autobiography.[254] It was there, no doubt, that he
copied the signs and the original text of the Walam Olum. My efforts
to learn further about the originals from living members of the family
have been unsuccessful. From a note in Rafinesque's handwriting, on the
title page of his MS. of 1833, it would appear that he had at least
seen the wooden tablets. This note reads:--

"This Mpt & the wooden original was (_sic_) procured in 1822 in
Kentucky--but was inexplicable till a deep study of the Linapi enabled
me to translate them with explanations. (Dr. Ward.)"

The name of Dr. Ward added in brackets is, I judge, merely a note, and
is not intended to imply that the sentence is a quotation.


_Was it a Forgery?_

The crucial question arises: Was the WALAM OLUM a forgery by Rafinesque?

It is necessary to ask and to answer this question, though it seems, at
first sight, an insult to the memory of the man to do so. No one has
ever felt it requisite to propound such an inquiry about the pieces of
the celebrated Mexican collection of the Chevalier Boturini, who, as an
antiquary, was scarcely less visionary than Rafinesque.

But, unquestionably, an air of distrust and doubt shadowed Rafinesque's
scientific reputation during his life, and he was not admitted on a
favorable footing to the learned circles of the city where he spent
the last fifteen years of his life. His articles were declined a
hearing in its societies; and the learned linguist, Mr. Peter Stephen
Duponceau, whose specialty was the Delaware language, wholly and
deliberately ignored everything by the author of "The American Nations."

Why was this?

Rafinesque was poor, eccentric, negligent of his person, full of
impractical schemes and extravagant theories, and manufactured and sold
in a small way a secret nostrum which he called "pulmel," for the cure
of consumption. All these were traits calculated to lower him in the
respect of the citizens of Philadelphia, and the consequence was, that
although a member of some scientific societies, he seems to have taken
no part in their proceedings, and was looked upon as an undesirable
acquaintance, and as a sort of scientific outcast.

As early as 1819 Prof. Benjamin Silliman declined to publish
contributions from him in the "American Journal of Science,"[255] and
returned him his MSS. Dr. Gray strongly intimates that Rafinesque's
assertions on scientific matters were at times intentionally false, as
when he said that he had seen Robin's collection of Louisiana plants in
France, whereas that botanist never prepared dried specimens; and the
like.

I felt early in this investigation that Rafinesque's assertions were,
therefore, an insufficient warranty for the authenticity of this
document.

As I failed in my efforts to substantiate them by local researches in
Kentucky and Indiana, I saw that the evidence must come from the text
itself. Nor would it be sufficient to prove that the words of the text
were in the Lenape dialect. With Zeisberger and Heckewelder at hand,
both of whose works had been years in print, it were easy to string
together Lenape words.

But what Rafinesque certainly had not the ability to do, was to write
a sentence in Lenape, to compose lines which an educated native
would recognize as in the syntax of his own speech, though perhaps
dialectically different.

This was the test that I determined to apply. I therefore communicated
my doubts to my friend, the distinguished linguist, Mr. Horatio Hale,
and asked him to state them to the Rev. Albert Anthony, a well educated
native Delaware, equally conversant with his own tongue and with
English.

Mr. Anthony considered the subject fully, and concluded by expressing
the positive opinion that the text as given was a genuine _oral_
composition of a Delaware Indian. In many lines the etymology and
syntax are correct; in others there are grammatical defects, which
consist chiefly in the omission of terminal inflections.

The suggestion he offered to explain these defects is extremely
natural. The person who wrote down this oral explanation of the signs,
or, to speak more accurately, these chants which the signs were
intended to keep in memory, was imperfectly acquainted with the native
tongue, and did not always catch terminal sounds. The speaker also may
have used here and there parts of that clipped language, or "white
man's Indian," which I have before referred to as serving for the
trading tongue between the two races.

This was also the opinion of the Moravian natives who examined the
text. They all agreed that it impressed them as being of aboriginal
origin, though the difference of the forms of words left them often in
the dark as to the meaning.

This very obscurity is in fact a proof that Rafinesque did not
manufacture it. Had he done so, he would have used the "Mission
Delaware" words which he found in Zeisberger. But the text has quite a
number not in that dialect, nor in any of the mission dictionaries.

Moreover, had he taken the words from such sources, he would in his
translation have given their correct meanings; but in many instances he
is absurdly far from their sense. Thus he writes: "The word for angels,
_angelatawiwak_, is not borrowed, but real Linapi, and is the same as
the Greek word _angelos_;"[256] whereas it is a verbal with a future
sense from the very common Delaware verb _angeln_, to die. Many such
examples will be noted in the vocabulary on a later page.

In several cases the figures or symbols appear to me to bear out the
corrected translations which I have given of the lines, and not that of
Rafinesque. This, it will be observed, is an evidence, not merely that
he must have received this text from other hands, but the figures also,
and weighs heavily in favor of the authentic character of both.

That it is a copy is also evident from some manifest mistakes in
transcription, which Rafinesque preserves in his printed version, and
endeavored to translate, not perceiving their erroneous form. Thus,
in the fourth line of the first chant, he wrote _owak_, translating
it "much air or clouds," when it is clearly a mere transposition for
_woak_, the Unami form of the conjunction "and," as the sense requires.
No such blunder would appear if he had forged the document. It is
true that a goodly share of the words in the earlier chants occur in
Zeisberger. Thus it seems, at first sight, suspicious to find the
three or four superlatives in III, 5, all given under examples of the
superlatives, in Zeisberger's _Grammar_, p. 105. It looks as if they
had been bodily transferred into the song. So I thought; but afterwards
I found these same superlatives in Heckewelder, who added specifically
that "the Delawares had formed them to address or designate the Supreme
being."[257]

If we assume that this song is genuine, then Zeisberger was undoubtedly
familiar with some version of it; had learned it probably, and placed
most of its words in his vocabulary.

Some other collateral evidences of authenticity I have referred to on
previous pages (pp. 67, 89, 136).

From these considerations, and from a study of the text, the opinion I
have formed of the WALAM OLUM is as follows:--

It is a genuine native production, which was repeated orally to some
one indifferently conversant with the Delaware language, who wrote
it down to the best of his ability. In its present form it can, as a
whole, lay no claim either to antiquity, or to purity of linguistic
form. Yet, as an authentic modern version, slightly colored by
European teachings, of the ancient tribal traditions, it is well worth
preservation, and will repay more study in the future than is given it
in this volume. The narrator was probably one of the native chiefs or
priests, who had spent his life in the Ohio and Indiana towns of the
Lenape, and who, though with some knowledge of Christian instruction,
preferred the pagan rites, legends and myths of his ancestors. Probably
certain lines and passages were repeated in the archaic form in which
they had been handed down for generations.


_Phonetic System._

The phonetic system adopted by the writer, whoever he was, is not that
of the Moravian brethren. They employed the German alphabet, which does
not obtain in the present text. On this point Rafinesque says: "The
orthography of the Linapi names is reduced to the Spanish or French
pronunciation, except _sh_, as in English; _u_, as in French; _w_, as
in _how_."[258] A comparison of the words with their equivalents in
Zeisberger's spelling shows that this is generally true.

It is obvious that the gutturals are few and soft, and that the process
of synthesis is carried further than in the Minsi dialect. For this
reason, from the introduction of peculiar words, and from the loss of
certain grammatical terminations, the Minsi Delawares of to-day, to
whom I have submitted it, are of the opinion that it belongs to one of
the southern dialects of their nation; perhaps to the Unalachtgo, as
suggested by Chief Gabriel Tobias, in his letter printed on a preceding
page (p. 88).


_Metrical Form._

Even to an ear not acquainted with the language, the chants of the
WALAM OLUM are obviously in metrical arrangement. The rhythm is
syllabic and accentual, with frequent effort to select homophones
(to which the correct form of the words is occasionally sacrificed),
and sometimes alliteration. Iteration is also called in aid, and the
metrical scheme is varied in the different chants.

All these rhythmical devices appear in the native American songs of
many tribes, though I cannot point to any other strictly aboriginal
production in Algonkin, where a tendency toward rhyme is as prominent
as in the WALAM OLUM. It is well to remember, however, that our
material for comparison is exceedingly scanty, and also that for
nearly three fourths of a century before this song was obtained, the
music-loving Moravian missionaries had made the Delawares familiar with
numerous hymns in their own tongue, correctly framed and rhymed.


_Pictographic System_

The pictographic system which the WALAM OLUM presents is clearly that
of the Western Algonkins, most familiar to us through examples from the
Chipeways and Shawnees. It is quite likely, indeed, that it was the work
of a Shawnee, as we know that they supplied such songs, with symbols,
to the Chipeways, and were intimately associated with the Delawares.

At the time Rafinesque wrote, Tanner's _Narrative_ had been in print
several years, and the numerous examples of Algonkin pictography it
contains were before him. Yet it must be said that the pictographs of
the WALAM OLUM have less resemblance to these than to those published
by the Chipeway chief, George Copway, in 1850, and by Schoolcraft, in
his "History and Statistics of the Indian Tribes." There is generally
a distinct, obvious connection between the symbol and the sense of
the text, sufficient to recall the latter to one who has made himself
once thoroughly familiar with it. I have not undertaken a study of
the symbols; but have confined myself to a careful reproduction of
them, and the suggestion of their more obvious meanings, and their
correspondences with the pictographs furnished by later writers. I
shall leave it for others to determine to what extent they should be
accepted as a pure specimen of Algonkin pictographic writing.


_Derivation of Walam Olum._

The derivation of the name WALAM OLUM has been largely anticipated on
previous pages. I have shown that _wâlâm_ (in modern Minsi, _wâlumin_)
means "painted," especially "painted _red_." This is a secondary
meaning, as the root wuli conveys the idea of something pleasant, in
this connection, pleasant to the eye, fine, pretty. (See ante p. 104.)

_Olum_ was the name of the scores, marks, or figures in use on the
tally-sticks or record-boards. The native Delaware missionary, Mr.
Albert Anthony says that the knowledge of these ancient signs has been
lost, but that the word _olum_ is still preserved by the Delaware boys
in their games when they keep the score by notches on a stick. These
notches--not the sticks--are called to this day _olum_--an interesting
example of the preservation of an archaic form in the language of
children.

The name _Wâlâm Olum_ is therefore a highly appropriate one for the
record, and may be translated "RED SCORE."


_The MS. of the_ WALAM OLUM.

The MS. from which I have printed the WALAM OLUM is a small quarto of
forty unnumbered leaves, in the handwriting of Rafinesque. It is in two
parts with separate titles. The first reads:--

             WALAMOLUM

  First Part of the painted-engraved ║ traditions of the Linni
  linapi,&c ║ containing ║ the 3 original traditional poems ║ 1 on the
  Creation and Ontogony, 24 verses ║ 2 on the Deluge, &c. 16 v ║ 3 on
  the passage to America, 20 v ║ Signs and Verses, 60 ║ with the
  original glyphs or signs ║ for each verse of the poems or songs
  ║ translated word for word ║ by C S Rafinesque ║ 1833

The title of the second part is:--

             WALAM-OLUM

  First and Second Parts of the ║ Painted and engraved
  traditions ║ of the Linni linapi

                  II Part

Historical Chronicles or Annals ║ in two Chronicles

1 From arrival in America to settlement in Ohio, &c 4 chapters each of
16 verses, each of 4 words, 64 signs

2d From Ohio to Atlantic States and back to Missouri, a mere succession
of names in 3 chapters of 20 verses--60 signs

Translated word for word by means of Zeisberger and Linapi Dictionary.
With explanations, &c.

By C S Rafinesque 1833


When Rafinesque died, his MSS. were scattered and passed into various
hands. Prof. Haldeman, in his notice above referred to (p. 150), stated
that he and "Mr. Poulson of Philadelphia" had a large part of them.

This particular one, and also others descriptive of Rafinesque's
archaeological explorations in the southwest, his surveys of the
earthworks of Kentucky and the neighboring states, and the draft of a
work on "The Ancient Monuments of North and South America," came into
the possession of the Hon. Brantz Mayer, of Baltimore, distinguished as
an able public man and writer on American subjects, from whose family
I obtained them.

He loaned them all to Mr. E. G. Squier, who made extensive use of
Rafinesque's surveys, in the "Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi
Valley," giving due credit.

In June, 1848, Mr. Squier read before the New York Historical Society
a paper entitled, "Historical and Mythological Traditions of the
Algonquins; with a translation of the 'Walum-Olum,' or Bark Record
of the Linni-Lenape." This was published in the "American Review,"
February, 1849, and has been reprinted by Mr. W. W. Beach, in his
"Indian Miscellany" (Albany, 1877), and in the fifteenth edition of Mr.
S. G. Drake's "Aboriginal Races of North America."

This paper gave the symbols, original text and Rafinesque's translation
of the first two songs, and a free translation only, of the remainder.
The text was carelessly copied, whole words being omitted, and no
attempt was made to examine the accuracy of the translation; the
symbols were also imperfect, several being reversed. Hence, as material
for a critical study of the document, Squier's essay is of little value.

At the close of the second part of the MS. there are four pages,
closely written, with the title:--

"Fragment on the History of the Linapis since abt 1600 when the
_Wallamolum_ closes translated from the Linapi by John Burns."

This was printed by Rafinesque and Squier, but as it has no original
text, as nothing is known of "John Burns," and as the document itself,
even if reasonably authentic, has no historic value, I omit it.


_General Synopsis of the Walam Olum._

The myths embodied in the earlier portion of the WALAM OLUM are
perfectly familiar to one acquainted with Algonkin mythology. They are
not of foreign origin, but are wholly within the cycle of the most
ancient legends of that stock. Although they are not found elsewhere
in the precise form here presented, all the figures and all the
leading incidents recur in the native tales picked up by the Jesuit
missionaries in the seventeenth century, and by Schoolcraft, McKinney,
Tanner and others in later days.

In an earlier chapter I have collected the imperfect fragments of these
which we hear of among the Delawares, and these are sufficient to
show that they had substantially the same mythology as their western
relatives.

The cosmogony describes the formation of the world by the Great Manito,
and its subsequent despoliation by the spirit of the waters, under the
form of a serpent. The happy days are depicted, when men lived without
wars or sickness, and food was at all times abundant. Evil beings, of
mysterious power, introduced cold and war and sickness and premature
death. Then began strife and long wanderings.

However similar this general outline may be to European and Oriental
myths, it is neither derived originally from them, nor was it acquired
later by missionary influence. This similarity is due wholly to the
identity of psychological action, the same ideas and fancies arising
from similar impressions in New as well as Old World tribes. No sound
ethnologist, no thorough student in comparative mythology, would seek
to maintain a genealogical relation of cultures on the strength of
such identities. They are proofs of the oneness of the human mind, and
nothing more.

As to the historical portion of the document, it must be judged by
such corroborative evidence as we can glean from other sources. I have
quoted, in an earlier chapter, sufficient testimony to show that the
Lenape had traditions similar to these, extending back for centuries,
or at least believed by their narrators to reach that far. What trust
can be reposed in them is for the archaeologist to judge.

Authentic history tells us nothing about the migrations of the Lenape
before we find them in the valley of the Delaware. There is no positive
evidence that they arrived there from the west; still less concerning
their earlier wanderings.

Were I to reconstruct their ancient history from the WALAM OLUM, as I
understand it, the result would read as follows:--

At some remote period their ancestors dwelt far to the northeast, on
tide-water, probably at Labrador (Compare ante, p. 145). They journeyed
south and west, till they reached a broad water, full of islands and
abounding in fish, perhaps the St. Lawrence about the Thousand Isles.
They crossed and dwelt for some generations in the pine and hemlock
regions of New York, fighting more or less with the Snake people, and
the Talega, agricultural nations, living in stationary villages to the
southeast of them, in the area of Ohio and Indiana. They drove out the
former, but the latter remained on the upper Ohio and its branches.
The Lenape, now settled on the streams in Indiana, wished to remove
to the East to join the Mohegans and other of their kin who had moved
there directly from northern New York. They, therefore, united with the
Hurons (Talamatans) to drive out the Talega (Tsalaki, Cherokees) from
the upper Ohio. This they only succeeded in accomplishing finally in
the historic period (see ante p. 17). But they did clear the road and
reached the Delaware valley, though neither forgetting nor giving up
their claims to their western territories (see ante p. 144).

In the sixteenth century the Iroquois tribes seized and occupied the
whole of the Susquehanna valley, thus cutting off the eastern from the
western Algonkins, and ended by driving many of the Lenape from the
west to the east bank of the Delaware (ante p. 38,).


_Synopsis of the separate parts._

  I.

The formation of the universe by the Great Manito is described. In the
primal fog and watery waste he formed land and sky, and the heavens
cleared. He then created men and animals. These lived in peace and joy
until a certain evil manito came, and sowed discord and misery.

This canto is a version of the Delaware tradition mentioned in the
Heckewelder MSS. which I have given previously, p. 135. The notion
of the earth rising from the primal waters is strictly a part of
the earliest Algonkin mythology, as I have amply shown in previous
discussions of the subject. See my _Myths of the New World_, p. 213,
and _American Hero Myths_, Chap. II.

  II.

The Evil Manito, who now appears under the guise of a gigantic serpent,
determines to destroy the human race, and for that purpose brings upon
them a flood of water. Many perish, but a certain number escape to the
turtle, that is, to solid land, and are there protected by Nanabush
(Manibozho or Michabo). They pray to him for assistance, and he caused
the water to disappear, and the great serpent to depart.

This canto is a brief reference to the conflict between the Algonkin
hero god and the serpent of the waters, originally, doubtless, a
meteorological myth. It is an ancient and authentic aboriginal legend,
shared both by Iroquois and Algonkins, under slightly different forms.
In one aspect, it is the Flood or Deluge Myth. For the general form
of this myth, see my _Myths of the New World_, pp. 119, 143, 182, and
_American Hero Myths_, p. 50, and authorities there quoted; also, E. G.
Squier, "Manabozho and the Great Serpent; an Algonquin Tradition," in
the _American Review_, Vol. II, Oct., 1848.

  III.

The waters having disappeared, the home of the tribe is described as in
a cold northern clime. This they concluded to leave in search of warmer
lands. Having divided their people into a warrior and a peaceful class,
they journeyed southward, toward what is called the "Snake land." They
approached this land in winter, over a frozen river. Their number was
large, but all had not joined in the expedition with equal willingness,
their members at the west preferring their ancient seats in the north
to the uncertainty of southern conquests. They, however, finally united
with the other bands, and they all moved south to the land of spruce
pines.

  IV.

The first sixteen verses record the gradual conquest of most of the
Snake land. It seems to have required the successive efforts of six or
seven head chiefs, one after another, to bring this about, probably
but a small portion at a time yielding to the attacks of these enemies.
Its position is described as being to the southwest, and in the
interior of the country. Here they first learned to cultivate maize.

The remainder of the canto is taken up with a long list of chiefs,
and with the removal of the tribe, in separate bands and at different
times, to the east. In this journey from the Snake land to the east,
they encountered and had long wars with the Talega. These lived in
strong towns, but by the aid of the Hurons (Talamatans), they overcame
them and drove them to the south.

  V.

Having conquered the Talegas, the Lenape possessed their land and
that of the Snake people, and for a certain time enjoyed peace
and abundance. Then occurred a division of their people, some, as
Nanticokes and Shawnees, going to the south, others to the west, and
later, the majority toward the east, arriving finally at the Salt
sea, the Atlantic ocean. Thence a portion turned north and east, and
encountered the Iroquois. Still later, the three sub-tribes of the
Lenape settled themselves definitely along the Delaware river, and
received the geographical names by which they were known, as Minsi,
Unami and Unalachtgo (see ante, p. 36). They were often at war with
the Iroquois, generally successfully. Rumors of the whites had reached
them, and finally these strangers approached the river, both from the
north (New York bay) and the south. Here the song closes.

FOOTNOTES:

[246] _American Journal of Science_, Vol. XL, p. 237.

[247] Samuel F. Haven, _Archaeology of the United States_, p. 40.

[248] _The Good Book; or the Amenities of Nature. Printed for the
Eleutherium of Knowledge_. Philadelphia, 1840, pp. 77, 78. This
"Eleutherium," so far as I can learn, consisted of nobody but Monsieur
Rafinesque himself. Among his manifold projects was a "Divitial
System", by which all interested could soon become large capitalists.
He published a book on it (of course), which might be worth the
attention of a financial economist. The solid men of Philadelphia,
however, like its scholars, turned a deaf ear to the words of the
eccentric foreigner.

[249] _The American Nations_, etc., p. 78.

[250] Ibid, p. 123.

[251] Tanner's _Narrative_, p. 359.

[252] _American Nations_, p. 122.

[253] Ibid, p. 151.

[254] "My friend, Mr. Ward, took me to Cynthiana in a gig, where I
surveyed other ancient monuments." Rafinesque, _A Life of Travels and
Researches_, p. 74. (Phila., 1836.)

[255] _American Journal of Science_, Vol. XL, p. 237, note.

[256] The American Nations, p. 151.

[257] _Correspondence between the Rev. John Heckewelder and Peter S
Duponceau, Esq._, p. 410.

[258] _The American Nations_, p. 125.




  THE WALUM OLUM
        or
    RED SCORE,
      of the
      LENÂPÉ.


  I.

[Illustration: 1. Sayewi talli wemiguma wokgetaki,

2. Hackung kwelik owanaku wak yutali Kitanitowit-essop.

3. Sayewis hallemiwis nolemiwi elemamik Kitanitowit-es-sop.

4. Sohalawak kwelik hakik owak[259] awasagamak.

5. Sohalawak gishuk nipahum alankwak.

6. Wemi-sohalawak yulik yuchaan.

7. Wich-owagan kshakan moshakwat[260] kwelik kshipe-helep.

8. Opeleken mani-menak delsin-epit.]


1. At first, in that place, at all times, above the earth,

2. On the earth, [was] an extended fog, and there the great Manito was.

3. At first, forever, lost in space, everywhere, the great Manito was.

4. He made the extended land and the sky.

5. He made the sun, the moon, the stars.

6. He made them all to move evenly.

7. Then the wind blew violently, and it cleared, and the water flowed
off far and strong.

8. And groups of islands grew newly, and there remained


[Illustration: 9. Lappinup Kitanitowit manito manitoak.

10. Owiniwak angelatawiwak chichankwak wemiwak.

11. Wtenk manito jinwis lennowak mukom.

12. Milap netami gaho owini gaho.

13. Namesik milap, tulpewik milap, awesik milap, cholensak milap.

14. Makimani shak sohalawak makowini nakowak amangamek.]


9. Anew spoke the great Manito, a manito to manitos,

10. To beings, mortals, souls and all,

11. And ever after he was a manito to men, and their grandfather.

12. He gave the first mother, the mother of beings.

13. He gave the fish, he gave the turtles, he gave the beasts,
he gave the birds.

14. But an evil Manito made evil beings only, monsters,


[Illustration: 15. Sohalawak uchewak, sohala-wak pungusak.

16. Nitisak wemi owini w delsinewuap.

17. Kiwis, wunand wishimanitoak essopak

18. Nijini netami lennowak, ni goha netami okwewi nan tinewak.

19. Gattamin netami mitzi nijini nantine.

20. Wemi wingi-namenep, wemi ksin-elendamep, wemi wullatemanuwi.

21. Shukand eli-kimi mekenikink wakon powako init'ako.]


15. He made the flies, he made the gnats.

16. All beings were then friendly.

17. Truly the manitos were active and kindly

18. To those very first men, and to those first mothers;
fetched them wives,

19. And fetched them food, when first they desired it.

20. All had cheerful knowledge, all had leisure,
all thought in gladness.

21. But very secretly an evil being, a mighty magician, came on earth,


[Illustration: 22. Mattalogas pallalogas maktaton owagan
payat-chik yutali.

23. Maktapan payat, wihillan payat, mboagan payat.

24. Won wemi wiwunch kamik atak kitahikan netamaki epit.]


  II.

[Illustration: 1. Wulamo maskanako anup lennowak makowini essopak.

2. Maskanako shingalusit nijini essopak shawelendamep eken shingalan.

3. Nishawi palliton, nishawi machiton, nishawi matta lungundowin.

4. Mattapewi wiki nihanlowit mekwazoan.]


22. And with him brought badness, quarreling, unhappiness,

23. Brought bad weather, brought sickness, brought death.

24. All this took place of old on the earth, beyond the great
tide-water, at the first.


1. Long ago there was a mighty snake and beings evil to men.

2. This mighty snake hated those who were there (and) greatly
disquieted those whom he hated.

3. They both did harm, they both injured each other, both were not in
peace.

4. Driven from their homes they fought with this murderer.


[Illustration: 5. Maskanako gishi penauwelendamep lennowak owini
palliton.

6. Nakowa petonep, amangam petonep, akopehella petonep.

7. Pehella pehella, pohoka pohoka, eshohok eshohok, palliton palliton.

8. Tulapit menapit Nanaboush maskaboush owinimokom linowimokom.

9. Gishikin-pommixin tulagis-hatten-lohxin.

10. Owini linowi wemoltin, Pehella gahani pommixin,
Nahiwi tatalli tulapin.]


5. The mighty snake firmly resolved to harm the men.

6. He brought three persons, he brought a monster,
he brought a rushing water.

7. Between the hills the water rushed and rushed, dashing through
and through, destroying much.

8. Nanabush, the Strong White One, grandfather of beings, grandfather
of men, was on the Turtle Island.

9. There he was walking and creating, as he passed by and created the
turtle.

10. Beings and men all go forth, they walk in the floods and shallow
waters, down stream thither to the Turtle Island.


[Illustration: 11. Amanganek makdopannek alendyuwek metzipannek.

12. Manito-dasin mokol-wichemap, Palpal payat payat wemichemap.

13. Nanaboush Nanaboush wemimokom, Winimokom linnimokom tulamokom.

14. Linapi-ma tulapi-ma tulapewi tapitawi.

15. Wishanem tulpewi pataman tulpewi poniton wuliton.

16. Kshipehelen penkwihilen, Kwamipokho sitwalikho,
Maskan wagan palliwi palliwi.]


  III.

[Illustration: 1. Pehella wtenk lennapewi tulapewini psakwiken
woliwikgun wittank talli.

2. Topan-akpinep, wineu-akpinep, kshakan-akpinep,
thupin akpinep.]


11. There were many monster fishes, which ate some of them.

12. The Manito daughter, coming, helped with her canoe, helped all, as
they came and came.

13. [And also] Nanabush, Nanabush, the grandfather of all, the
grandfather of beings, the grandfather of men, the grandfather of the
turtle.

14. The men then were together on the turtle, like to turtles.

15. Frightened on the turtle, they prayed on the turtle that what was
spoiled should be restored.

16. The water ran off, the earth dried, the lakes were at rest, all was
silent, and the mighty snake departed.


1. After the rushing waters (had subsided) the Lenape of the turtle
were close together, in hollow houses, living together there.

2. It freezes where they abode, it snows where they abode, it storms
where they abode, it is cold where they abode.


[Illustration: 3. Lowankwamink wulaton wtakan tihill kelik meshautang
sili ewak.

4. Chintanes-sin powalessin peyachik wikhichik pokwihil.

5. Eluwi-chitanesit eluwi takau wesit, elowi chiksit,
elowichik delsinewo.

6. Lowaniwi, wapaniwi shawaniwi, wunkeniwi, elowichik apakachik.

7. Lumowaki, lowanaki tulpenaki elowaki tulapiwi lina-piwi.

8. Wemiako yagawan tendki lakkawelendam nakopowa wemi owenluen atam.

9. Akhokink wapaneu wemoltin palliaal kitelendam aptelendam.]


3. At this northern place they speak favorably of mild, cool (lands),
with many deer and buffaloes.

4. As they journeyed, some being strong, some rich, they separated into
house-builders and hunters;

5. The strongest, the most united, the purest, were the hunters.

6. The hunters showed themselves at the north, at the east, at the
south, at the west.

7. In that ancient country, in that northern country, in that turtle
country, the best of the Lenape were the Turtle men.

8. All the cabin fires of that land were disquieted, and all said to
their priest, "Let us go".

9. To the Snake land to the east they went forth, going away, earnestly
grieving.


[Illustration: 10. Pechimuin shakowen[261] nungihillan lusasaki pikihil
pokwihil akomenaki.

11. Nihillapewin komelendam lowaniwi wemiten chihillen winiaken.

12. Namesuagipek pokhapockhapek guneunga waplanewa ouken waptumewi
ouken.

13. Amokolon nallahemen agunouken pawasinep wapasinep akomenep.[262]

14. Wihlamokkicholenluchundi, Wematam akomen luchundi.

15. Witehen wemiluen wemaken nihillen.

16. Nguttichin lowaniwi,
    Nguttichin wapaniwi,
    Agamunk topanpek
    Wulliton epannek.

17. Wulelemil w'shakuppek,
    Wemopannek hakhsinipek,
    Kitahikan pokhakhopek.]


10. Split asunder, weak, trembling, their land burned, they went, torn
and broken, to the Snake Island.

11. Those from the north being free, without care, went forth from the
land of snow, in different directions.

12. The fathers of the Bald Eagle and the White Wolf remain along the
sea, rich in fish and muscles.

13. Floating up the streams in their canoes, our fathers were rich,
they were in the light, when they were at those islands.

14. Head Beaver and Big Bird said, "Let us go to Snake Island,"
they said.

15. All say they will go along to destroy all the land.

16. Those of the north agreed,
    Those of the east agreed.
    Over the water, the frozen sea,
    They went to enjoy it.

17. On the wonderful, slippery water,
    On the stone-hard water all went,
    On the great Tidal Sea, the muscle-bearing sea.


[Illustration:
18. Tellenchen kittapakki nillawi,
    Wemoltin gutikuni nillawi,
    Akomen wapanawaki nillawi,
    Ponskan, ponskan, wemiwi olini.

19. Lowanapi, wapanapi, shawa-napi,
    Lanewapi, tamakwapi, tume-wapi,
    Elowapi, powatapi, wilawapi,
    Okwisapi, danisapi, allumapi,

20. Wemipayat gunéunga shinaking,
    Wunkenapi chanelendam payaking,
    Allowelendam kowiyey tulpaking.]


  IV.

[Illustration: 1. Wulamo linapioken manup shinaking.

2. Wapallanewa sittamaganat yukepechi wemima,

3. Akhomenis michihaki wellaki kundokanup.]


    18. Ten thousand at night,
        All in one night,
        To the Snake Island, to the east, at night,
        They walk and walk, all of them.

    19. The men from the north, the east, the south,
        The Eagle clan, the Beaver clan, the Wolf clan,
        The best men, the rich men, the head men,
        Those with wives, those with daughters, those with dogs,

    20. They all come, they tarry at the land of the spruce pines;
        Those from the west come with hesitation,
        Esteeming highly their old home at the Turtle land.


1. Long ago the fathers of the Lenape were at the land of spruce pines.

2. Hitherto the Bald Eagle band had been the pipe bearer,

3. While they were searching for the Snake Island, that great and
fine land.


[Illustration: 4. Angomelchik elowichik elmusichik menalting.

5. Wemilo kolawil sakima lissilma.

6. Akhopayat kihillalend akhopokho askiwaal.

7. Showihilla akhowemi gandhaton mashkipokhing.

8. Wtenkolawil shinaking sakimanep wapagokhos.

9. Wtenk nekama sakimanep janotowi enolowin.

10. Wtenk nekama sakimanep chilili shawaniluen.]


4. They having died, the hunters, about to depart, met together.

5. All say to Beautiful Head, "Be thou chief."

6. "Coming to the Snakes, slaughter at that Snake hill,
that they leave it."

7. All of the Snake tribe were weak, and hid themselves
in the Swampy Vales.

8. After Beautiful Head, White Owl was chief at Spruce Pine land.

9. After him, Keeping-Guard was chief of that people.

10. After him, Snow Bird was chief, he spoke of the south,


[Illustration: 11. Wokenapi nitaton wullaton apakchikton.

12. Shawaniwaen chilili, wapaniwaen tamakwi.

13. Akolaki shawanaki, kitshinaki shabiyaki.

14. Wapanaki namesaki, pemapaki sisilaki.

15. Wtenk chilili sakimanep ayamek weminilluk.

16. Chikonapi akhonapi makatapi assinapi.

17. Wtenk ayamek tellen sakimak machi tonanup shawapama.]


11. That our fathers should possess it by scattering abroad.

12. Snow Bird went south, White Beaver went east.

13. The Snake land was at the south, the great Spruce Pine land
was toward the shore;

14. To the east was the Fish land, toward the lakes was
the buffalo land.

15. After Snow Bird, the Seizer was chief, and all were killed,

16. The robbers, the snakes, the evil men, the stone men.

       *       *       *       *       *

17. After the Seizer there were ten chiefs, and there was much warfare
south and east.


[Illustration: 18. Wtenk nellamawa sakimanep langundowi akolaking.

19. Wtenk nekama sakimanep tasukamend shakagapipi.

20. Wtenk nekama sakimanep pemaholend wuhtowin.

21. Sagimawtenk matemik, sagimawtenk pilsohalm.

22. Sagimawtenk gunokeni, sagimawtenk mangipitak.

23. Sagimawtenk olumapi, leksahowen sohalawak.

24. Sagimawtenk taguachi shawamwaen mmihaking.

25. Sakimawtenk huminiend mimgeman sohalgol.]


18. After them, the Peaceable was chief at Snake land.

19. After him, Not-Black was chief, who was a straight man.

20. After him, Much-Loved was chief, a good man.

21. After him, No-Blood was chief, who walked in cleanliness.

22. After him, Snow-Father was chief, he of the big teeth.

23. After him, Tally-Maker was chief, who made records.

24. After him, Shiverer-with-Cold was chief, who went south
to the corn land.

25. After him, Corn-Breaker was chief, who brought about
the planting of corn.


[Illustration: 26. Sakimawtenk alkosohit sakimachik apendawi.

27. Sawkima tenk shiwapi, sakimatenk penkwonwi.

28. Attasokelan attaminin wapaniwaen italissipek.

29. Oligonunk sisilaking nallimetzin kolakwammg.

30. Wtenk penkwonwi wekwochella, wtenk nekama chingalsuwi.

31. Wtenk nekama kwitikwond, slangelendam attagatta,

32. Wundanuksm wapanickam[263] allendyachick kimimikwi.

33. Gunehunga wetatamowi wakaholend sakimalanop.]


26. After him, the Strong-Man was chief, who was useful
to the chieftains.

27. After him, the Salt-Man was chief; after him the
Little-One was chief.

28. There was no rain, and no corn, so they moved further seaward.

29. At the place of caves, in the buffalo land, they at last had food,
on a pleasant plain.

30. After the Little-One (came) the Fatigued; after him, the Stiff-One.

31. After him, the Reprover; disliking him, and unwilling (to remain),

32. Being angry, some went off secretly, moving east.

33. The wise ones who remained made the Loving-One chief.


[Illustration: 34. Wisawana lappi wittank michi mini madawasim.

35. Weminitis tamenend sakimanep nekohatami.

36. Eluwiwulit matemenend wemi linapi nitis payat.

37. Wtenk wulitma maskansisil sakimanep w'tamaganat.

38. Machigokloos sakimanep, wapkicholen sakimanep.

39. Wingenund sakimanep powatanep gentikalanep.

40. Lapawin sakimanep, waliama sakimanep.

41. Waptipatit sakimanep, lappi mahuk lowashawa.]


34. They settled again on the Yellow river, and had much
corn on stoneless soil.

35. All being friendly, the Affable was chief, the first of that name.

36. He was very good, this Affable, and came as a friend
to all the Lenape.

37. After this good one, Strong-Buffalo was chief and pipe-bearer.

38. Big-Owl was chief; White-Bird was chief.

39. The Willing-One was chief and priest, he made festivals.

40. Rich-Again was chief, the Painted-One was chief.

41. White-Fowl was chief; again there was war, north and south.


[Illustration: 42. Wewoattan menatting tumaokan sakimanep.

43. Nitatonep wemi palliton maskansim nihillanep.

44. Messissuwi sakimanep akowmi pallitonep.

45. Chitanwulit sakimanep lowanuski pallitonep.

46. Alokuwi sakimanep towakon pallitonep.

47. Opekasit sakimanep sakhelendam pallitonepit.

48. Wapagishik yuknohokluen makeluhuk wapaneken.

49. Tsehepieken nemassipi[264] nolandowak gunehunga.]


42. The Wolf-wise-in-Counsel was chief.

43. He knew how to make war on all; he slew Strong-Stone.

44. The Always-Ready-One was chief; he fought against the Snakes.

45. The Strong-Good-One was chief; he fought against the northerners.

46. The Lean-One was chief; he fought against the Tawa people.

47. The Opossum-Like was chief; he fought in sadness,

48. And said, "They are many; let us go together to the east,
to the sunrise."

49. They separated at Fish river; the lazy ones remained there.


[Illustration: 50. Yagawanend sakimanep talligewi wapawullaton.

51. Chitanitis sakimanep wapawaki gotatamen.

52. Wapallendi pomismep talegawil allendhilla.

53. Mayoksuwi wemilowi palliton palliton.

54. Talamatan nitilowan payatchik wemiten.

55. Kinehepend sakimanep tamaganat sipakgamen.

56. Wulatonwi makelima pallihilla talegawik.

57. Pimokhasuwi sakimanep wsamimaskan talegawik.

58. Tenchekentit sakimanep wemilat makelinik.]


50. Cabin-Man was chief; the Talligewi possessed the east.

51. Strong-Friend was chief; he desired the eastern land.

52. Some passed on east; the Talega ruler killed some of them.

53. All say, in unison, "War, war".

54. The Talamatan, friends from the north, come, and all go together.

55. The Sharp-One was chief; he was the pipe-bearer beyond the river.

56. They rejoiced greatly that they should fight and slay
the Talega towns.

57. The Starrer was chief, the Talega towns were too strong.

58. The Fire-Builder was chief; they all gave to him many towns.


[Illustration: 59. Pagan chihilla sakimanep shawanewak wemi talega.

60. Hattan wulaton sakimanep, wingelendam wemi lennowak.

61. Shawanipekis gunehungind lowanipekis talamatanitis.

62. Attabchinitis gishelendam gunitakan sakimanep.

63. Linniwulamen sakimanep pallitonep talamatan.

64. Shakagapewi sakimanep nungiwi talamatan.]


  V.

[Illustration: 1. Wemilangundo wulamo talli talegaking.

2. Tamaganend sakimanep wapalaneng.

3. Wapushuwi sakimanep kelitgeman.]


59. The Breaker-in-Pieces was chief; all the Talega go south.

60. He-has-Pleasure was chief; all the people rejoice.

61. They stay south of the lakes; the Talamatan friends north
of the lakes.

62. When Long-and-Mild was chief, those who were not his friends
conspired.

63. Truthful-Man was chief; the Talamatans made war.

64. Just-and-True was chief; the Talamatans trembled.


1. All were peaceful, long ago, there at the Talega land.

2. The Pipe-Bearer was chief at the White river.

3. White-Lynx was chief; much corn was planted.


[Illustration: 4. Wulitshinik sakimanep makdopannik.

5. Lekhihitin sakimanep wallamolumin.

6. Kolachuisen sakimanep makeliming.

7. Pematalli sakimanep makelinik.

8. Pepomahenem sakimanep makelaning.

9. Tankawon sakimanep makeleyachik.

10. Nentegowi shawanowi shawanaking.

11. Kichitamak sakimanep wapahoning.

12. Onowutok awolagan wunkenahep.

13. Wunpakitonis wunshawononis wunkiwikwotank.]


4. Good-and-Strong was chief, the people were many.

5. The Recorder was chief, he painted the records.

6. Pretty-Blue-Bird was chief, there was much fruit.

7. Always-There was chief, the towns were many.

8. Paddler-up-Stream was chief, he was much on the rivers.

9. Little-Cloud was chief, many departed,

10. The Nanticokes and the Shawnees going to the south.

11. Big-Beaver was chief, at the White Salt Lick.

12. The Seer, the praised one, went to the west.

13. He went to the west, to the southwest, to the western villages.


[Illustration: 14. Pawanami sakimanep taleganah.

15. Lokwelend sakimanep makpalliton.

16. Lappi towako lappi sinako lappi lowako.

17. Mokolmokom sakimanep mokolakolin.

18. Winelowich sakimanep lowushkakiang.

19. Linkwekinuk sakimanep talegachukang.

20. Wapalawikwan sakimanep waptalegawing.

       *       *       *       *       *

21. Amangaki amigaki wapakisinep.

22. Mattakohaki mapawaki mawulitenol.]


14. The Rich-Down-River-Man was chief, at Talega river.

15. The Walker was chief; there was much War.

16. Again with the Tawa people, again with the Stone people,
again with the northern people.

17. Grandfather-of-Boats was chief, he went to lands in boats.

18. Snow-Hunter was chief; he went to the north land.

19. Look-About was chief; he went to the Talega mound-mountains.

20. East-Villager was chief; he was east of Talega.

       *       *       *       *       *

21. A great land and a wide land was the east land,

22. A land without snakes, a rich land, a pleasant land.


[Illustration: 23. Gikenopalat sakimanep pekochilowan.

24. Saskwihanang hanaholend sakimanep.

25. Gattawisi sakimanep winakaking.

26. Wemi lowichik gishikshawipek lappi kichipek.

27. Makhiawip sakimanep lapihaneng.

28. Wolomenap sakimanep maskekitong.

29. Wapanand tumewand waplowaan.

30. Wulitpallat sakimanep piskwilowan.

31. Mahongwi pungelika wemi nungwi.]


23. Great Fighter was chief, toward the north.

24. At the Straight river, River-Loving was chief.

25. Becoming-Fat was chief at Sassafras land.

26. All the hunters made wampum again at the great sea.

27. Red-Arrow was chief at the stream again.

28. The Painted-Man was chief at the Mighty Water.

29. The Easterners and the Wolves go northeast.

30. Good-Fighter was chief, and went to the north.

31. The Mengwe, the Lynxes, all trembled.


[Illustration: 32. Lappi tamenend sakimanepit wemi langundit.

33. Wemi nitis wemi takwicken sakima kichwon.

36. Kichitamak sakimanep winakununda.

37. Wapahakey sakimanep sheybian.

38. Elangomel sakimanep makeliwulit.

39. Pitenumen sakimanep unchihillen.

40. Wonwihil wapekunchi wapsipayat.

       *       *       *       *       *

41. Makelomush sakimanep wulatenamen.]


32. Again an Affable was chief, and made peace with all,

33. All were friends, all were united, under this great chief.

36. Great-Beaver was chief, remaining in Sassafras land.

37. White-Body was chief on the sea shore.

38. Peace-Maker was chief, friendly to all.

39. He-Makes-Mistakes was chief, hurriedly coming.

40. At this time whites came on the Eastern sea.

       *       *       *       *       *

41. Much-Honored was chief; he was prosperous.


[Illustration: 42. Wulakeningus sakimanep shawanipalat.

43. Otaliwako akowetako ashkipalliton.

44. Wapagamoshki sakimanep lamatanitis.

45. Wapashum sakimanep talegawunkik.

46. Mahiliniki mashawoniki makonowiki.

47. Nitispayat sakimanep kipemapekan,

48. Wemiamik weminitik kiwikhotan.

49. Pakimitzin sakimanep tawanitip.]


42. Well-Praised was chief; he fought at the south.

43. He fought in the land of the Talega and Koweta.

44. White-Otter was chief; a friend of the Talamatans.

45. White-Horn was chief; he went to the Talega,

46. To the Hilini, to the Shawnees, to the Kanawhas.

47. Coming-as-a-Friend was chief; he went to the Great Lakes,

48. Visiting all his children, all his friends.

49. Cranberry-Eater was chief, friend of the Ottawas.


[Illustration: 50. Lowaponskan sakimanep ganshowemk.

51. Tashawinso sakimanep shayabing.

52. Nakhagatfamen nakhalissin wenchikit,

52. _bis._ Unamini minsimini chikimini.

53. Epallahchund sakimanep mahongwipallat.

54. Langomuwi sakimanep mahongwichamen.

55. Wangomend sakimanep ikalawit,

56. Otahwi wasiotowi shingalusit.]


50. North-Walker was chief; he made festivals.

51. Slow-Gatherer was chief at the shore.

52. As three were desired, three those were who grew forth,

52. _bis._ The Unami, the Minsi, the Chikini.

53. Man-Who-Fails was chief; he fought the Mengwe.

54. He-is-Friendly was chief; he scared the Mengwe.

55. Saluted was chief; thither,

56. Over there, on the Scioto, he had foes.


[Illustration: 57. Wapachikis sakimanep shayabinitis.

58. Ncnachihat sakimanep peklinkwekin.

59. Wonwihil lowashawa wapayachik.

60. Langomuwak kitohatewa ewenikiktit?]


57. White-Crab was chief, a friend of the shore.

58. Watcher was chief, he looked toward the sea.

59. At this time, from north and south, the whites came.

60. They are peaceful, they have great things, who are they?


FOOTNOTES:

[259] Read, _woak_.

[260] Var _moshalguat_.

[261] Var. _showoken_.

[262] Var. _menakinep_.

[263] Var _wapanahan_.

[264] Var _mixtisipi_.




NOTES

The references to authorities on Algonkin picture-writing are the
Appendix to _Tanner's Narrative of Captivity and Adventures_, Copway's
_Traditional History of the Ojibway Nation_, and Schoolcraft's
_Synopsis of Indian Symbols_, in Vol. I of his _History and Statistics
of the Indian Tribes_. I have not pursued an investigation of the
symbols beyond the first chant.

1. Rafinesque translates _wemiguna_ "all sea water." The proper form
is _wemmguna_, "at all times" (Anthony). The symbol is that of the
sky and clouds above the earth. Compare Copway, p. 134; Schoolcraft,
_Synopsis_, Fig. 17.

2. _Kwelik_, a dialectic form of _quenek_, Z. long, stretched out.
_Kitanito_, a compound of _kehtan_, great, and _manito_, mysterious
being, is rendered by Raf. as Creator; _wit_ is the substantive
verbaffix.

Heckewelder (MSS.) distinguishes between the synthetic form,
_ketanittowit_, which he translates "Majestic Being," and the analytic
form, _kitschi manito_, which he renders "Supreme Wonder-doer." In
the latter, the sense of _manito_ is brought out. In the Delaware and
related dialects it conveys the idea of making, or doing (_maniton_, to
make, Zeisberger, _Gram._, p. 222; _maranito taendo_, make a fire,
Campamus; Chipeway, _win ma-nitawito_ he himself makes it, or, can make
it).

The idea of making or creating is at the bottom of many native titles
to supernatural powers, as the Shawnee _We-shellaqua_, "he that made us
all." (Rev. David Jones, Journal of Two Visits, etc., p. 62.) See notes
to line four. The Algonkin root, _etu_, he does, he acts, he makes,
would therefore seem to be a radical of the word. (See Howse,
_Gram. of the Cree Lang_., p. 160.)

Dr. Trumbull, on the other hand, believes the only radical to be _an_,
= _el_ or _al_, in the sense of "to be more than," "to surpass," "to
exceed;" and maintains that the syllable _it_, of the theme _manit_, is
a formative suffix. (In _Old and New_, March, 1870.)

Heckewelder, in his translation "wonder-doer," recognizes the force
of both elements, and from the analogous expressions I have quoted,
is probably correct. The element _an_ is thus an intensive prefix
to the real root _it_, and the compound radical thus formed in the
third person, singular, _månito_, means "he or it does or acts in a
surpassing or extraordinary manner."

_Essop_, pl. _essopak_, frequently recurring words, are suppositive
(see p. 90) forms of the verb _lissin_, "to be or do so, to be so
situated, disposed, _or_ acting" (Zeisberger, _Gram._ p. 117). The
terminal _p_ is the sign of the preterite. They are dialectic for
_elsitup_ and _elsichtitup_.

The symbol of a head with rays represents a manito. Schoolcraft,
_Synopsis_, Fig. 10.

3. Squier omits the word _elumamek_. These terms are formal epithets
applied to the highest divinity. See page 158.

Squier also adds that Fig. 3 represents the sun, and is the symbol of
the Great Spirit. Both these statements are incorrect. The oval is the
earth-plain, with its four cardinal points, and the dot in the centre
signifies the spirit. See Copway, p. 135.

4. _Sohalawak_ is not a Delaware form, but is a true Algonkin word, as
seen in the Cree _ooseh-ayoo_, animate, _ooseh-taw_, inanimate, he, it,
makes, produces. (Howse, _Cree Grammar_, p. 166.) It appears in the
Shawnee _w'shellaqua_, quoted in notes to verse 2; in the Minsi dialect
the corresponding word is _kwishelmawak_; _owak_ is a mistake for
_woak_, and Rafinesque translates it "much air." _Awasagamak_, heaven,
sky, literally, "the land or place beyond," from _awossi_, beyond; but
Dr. Trumbull prefers a derivation from a root signifying "light," _Del.
waseleu_, it is clear or bright (Trans. Am. Philol. Soc., 1872, p.
164); this latter appears to me overstrained. The symbol is the earth
surmounted by the sky.

5. The symbol represents the sun, moon and stars in the sky, which is
repeated with change of relative positions in the next verse. In Minsi,
the fifth line would read, _Kwishelmawak kischohk nipahenk alankwewak_.

7. On the termination _wagan_ see page 101. The prefix _ksh_, properly
_k'sch_, is intensive, as it is an abbreviation of _kitschi_, great,
large. Thus _sokelan_, it rains, _k'schilan_, it rains very hard.

The symbol seems to indicate the waters flowing off.

8. Mr. Anthony renders this line in Minsi:--

  _Pilikin_          _ameni-menayen_        _epit_,
  Grew-clean         groups of islands     where they are,

That is, that the islands rose dry and clean from the water, as they
now are found.

_Delsin-epit_; the first part of this compound, properly
_w'dell-sinewo_, is the indicative present, 3d p. pi., of _lissin_, to
be thus, or so situated; _epit_ is what Zeisberger (_Gram._ p. 115)
calls the "adverbial" form of _achpin_, to be there, in a particular
place. This adverbial is really the suppositive form of the verb, after
the vowel-change has taken place. (See above, page 107.)

Former renderings of the line are: "It looks bright, and islands stood
there" (Rafinesque). "All was made bright, and the islands were brought
into being" (Squier).

The symbol is a three cornered point of land, rising above the water
under the sky.

9. _Manito manitoak_, "made the makers'," Raf.; "made the Great
Spirits," Squier. Either of these renderings is defensible, as will
appear from the senses of _manito_, above given.

This line can be read in Minsi, _Lapi-up Kehtanitowit man'ito
mani'towak_, Again-he-spake, Great-Spirit, a spirit, spirits. The
symbol represents the communion of the spirits. Compare Tanner,
_Narrative_, p. 359, fig. 24.

10. Raf. and Squier absurdly translate _angelatawiwak_, angels.
It is from a familiar Del. verb, _angeln_, to die. Compare Abnaki
_8anangmes8ak_, "revenants," Rasles, and _w'tanglowagan_, his death,
Zeis. The form in the text, according to Mr. Anthony, has the sense,
"things destined to die," mortal, perishable. He gives the line in
Minsi as follows:--

  _Aweniwak_    _angelatawawak_    _wtschitsch'wankwak_    _wemiwak_,
     Beings       mortals              souls               and all

The _wak_ of the last word is not the plural but the conjunction "and;"
as in the Latin, _omniaque_.

11. Raf. translates _jinwis_ as "man-being," and Squier thinks it the
Chipeway _inini_, men; but it appears to be the adverb _janwi_, ever,
always. The symbol is apparently that of birth, or being born. Compare
Tanner, _Narr._, p. 351, fig. 1, with that meaning, an armless figure
with wide spread legs.

12. The pictograph is a woman, with breasts, but armless. The
"first mother" here represented was an important personage in the
mythology of the Chipeways and neighboring tribes. She was called
"the grandmother of mankind" (_Me-suk-kum-me-go-kwa_, in Dr. James'
orthography), and it was to her that Nanabush (Manibozho), imparted the
secrets of all roots, herbs and plants. Hence, the medicine men direct
their songs and addresses to her whenever they take anything from the
earth which is to be used as a medicine. Tanner's _Narrative_, p. 355.

13. The figure of a square, the world, with the four varieties of
animals named.

14. The bad spirit was, in Algonkin mythology, the water god, and
was represented as a serpent-like figure. See Copway, pp. 134, 135.
Schoolcraft, _Synopsis_, figs. 93, 100.

_Amangamek_, plural form of the compound _amangi_, great; _namaes_
fish; but _amangi_ has the associate idea of terrifying, frightful,
hence the reference is to some mythical water monster (Cree, _am_,
faire peur, Lacombe).

Raf. translates both _nakowak_ in this line, and _nakowa_, in II, 6, as
"black snake." They can have no such meaning, black, in Lenape, being
_suckeu_, and in none of the Algonkin dialects does _nak_ mean black.

16. The figure represents the earth-plain under the form of the
area of a lodge, with central fire and the people in it, typifying
friendliness. Comp. Tanner, _Narr._, p. 348, fig. I.

V. 16 pursues the topic of v. 13, and it looks as if v. 14 and 15
should be transposed to follow v. 20.

17. The former renderings are.--

"Thou being Kiwis, good God Wunand, and the good makers were
such."--_Rafinesque._

"There being a good god, all spirits were good."--_Squier._

Rafinesque mistook the adverb _kiwis_ for a proper name.

18. Raf. translates _nijini_, the Jins, and _nantinewak_, fairies,
and Squier follows him in the latter, but could not go as far as the
former! As seen in the vocabulary, I attach wholly different notions
to these words. The two figures united refer to the sexual relation.
Compare Tanner, _Narr._, pp. 371, figs. 8, 9.

19. _Gattamin_ cannot mean "fat fruit," as Raf. translates it. He has
evidently mistaken the explanation given by Heckewelder, of Catawissa,
_Gattawisu_, becoming fat, and thought that _gatta_, was fat, whereas
_wisu_ is "fat." (Zeis. _Gram._, p. 229.) _Wakon_ is understood by
Rafinesque as the proper name of the evil spirit, connecting it with
the Dakota _wakan_, divine, supernatural.

20. The dream of "the good old times," the happy epoch of yore, when
men dwelt in peace and prosperity, was, as I have shown, page 135, a
myth of the Delawares, and George Copway tells us that the Chipeway
legends also recalled it with delight. (_Traditional History of the
Ojibway Nation_, pp. 98 and 169-175.)

21. The symbol is the same as that of the "bad spirit under the earth,"
given by Copway, p. 135.

A similar figure is given by Copway to signify "bad," p. 135. I do not
understand its allusion.

22. _Mattalogas_; the prefix is the negative _matta_, no, not, and
generally conveys a bad sense, as _matteleman_, to despise one,
_mattelendam_, to be uneasy. Zeis.

_Pallalogasin_, to sin, from _palli_, elsewhere, other than, hence
_pallhiken_, to shoot amiss, to miss the mark, to go wrong.

_Maktaton_, unhappiness. There is a relation in Lenape between the
negative _matta_, in Minsi, _machta_, and the words for bad, ugly, evil,
and the like; _machtisisu_, here it is bad, or ugly. _Zeisb._ It would
seem to be an intuitive recognition of the profound philosophical maxim
that evil is ever a negation; that Mephistopheles is, as he says in
Faust--

          "Der Geist der stets vernemt"

23. The symbol is apparently trees on hills, bent by a storm, and
beneath a death's head.

24. The picture seems to be two countries connected by a bridge.

_Atak kitahican_, = _attach_, beyond, above; _kitahican_, the ocean,
literally "the great tidal sea." It is possible this has reference
to the deluge, which is described in the next section; but usually
_kitahican_ meant the ocean.


  II.

1. _Maskanako_; the Lenape words would be _mechek_, great, _achgook_,
snake; but _maska_ is more allied to the Cree _maskaw_, strong,
hard, solid. Raf. translates the close of the line "when men had
become bad."

2. _Schingalan_, to hate; from the adjective _schingi_,
disliking, unwilling. This is the contrary of _wingi_, liking, willing.
Both are from the subjective radical _n_ or _ni_, I, _Ego_, the latter
with the prefix _wĕl_, signifying pleasurable sensation (see page 104).

_Shawelendamep_, preterite form, strengthened by the prefix _ksch_,
of the verb _acquiwelendam_, Zeis., to disquiet, to trouble; it has
not the passive sense given in Rafinesque's translation. All verbs
terminating in _elendam_ signify a disposition of mind, the root being
again the subjective _n_, ego. Raf. translates: "This strong snake
had become the foe of the Jins, and they became troubled, hating each
other."

3. _Palliton_, from _palli_, elsewhere (from what was intended), hence
"to spoil something, to do it wrong," and later "to fall out, to fight."

_Lungundowin_, from _langan_, easy, light to do, Chipeway, _nin
nangan_, I find it light, of no trouble; hence, "_peace_" as being
a time free from trouble; and by a third application of the idea,
_elangomellan_, friends, those who are at peace with us.

4. Raf. translates this line: "Less men with dead-keeper fighting,"
which is a total misunderstanding of the words. On the derivation of
_nihanlowit_ see _ante_, page 102.

6. On _nakowa_, see I, line 14. Here I consider it a derivative from
_nacha_, three, and both the sense of the line and the symbol, with
three marks to the right of the figure, indicate this meaning. The
three antagonists are the monster, the waters, and the Great Snake
himself.

7. The repetition of the words is to add force to the phrase.

8. This is an important line, as indicating the origin of the Walam
Olum. _Nanaboush_ is not the Delaware form of the name of the Algonkin
hero-god, so far as known, but the Chipeway _Nanabooshoo_, Tanner,
_Nanibajou_, McKinney, properly _Nānâboj_, the Trickster, the Cheater,
allied to Chip. _nin nanabanis_, I am cheated. This term, like the
Cree _Wisakketjâk_, which has the same meaning (_fourbe_, _trompeur_,
Lacombe), was applied to the hero-god of these nations on account of
his exhaustless ingenuity in devising tricks, ruses, disguises and
transformations, to overcome the various other divine powers with
whom he came in conflict. This seemingly depreciatory term arose from
the same admiration of versatility of powers which has imparted such
universal popularity to the story of the wily (πολυτροπος) Ulysses,
and the trickery of Master Reynard.

The appearance of this form of the name indicates that the version of
the legend here given has been influenced by Chipeway associations, as,
indeed, we might expect, since it was obtained in Indiana, where the
Delawares were in constant intercourse with their Chipeway neighbors.

_Tulapit menapit = tulpe epit, menatey epit_, "it was then at the
turtle, it was then at the island." The form _Tula_ has given rise
to the strangest theorizing about this line, as, of course, the
antiquaries could not resist the temptation to see in it a reference to
the Tula or Tollan of Aztec mythology, the capital city of the Toltecs
and the home of Quetzalcoatl.

The similarity of the words is purely fortuitous. The Lenape word
_tulpe_ means turtle or tortoise, especially, says Zeisberger, a water
or sea turtle. In their mythology, as I have already shown (ante, p.
134) the earth was supposed to be floating on a boundless ocean, as a
turtle floats on the surface of a pond. Hence, symbolically, the turtle
represents the dry land.

_Maskaboush_ = Chip. _mashka_, strong, _wabos_, usually translated hare
or rabbit, but really "White One." I have fully explained this mistaken
sense of the word in _American Hero Myths_, pp. 41, 42, and elsewhere.

9. The Algonkin myth relates that Michabo or Nanaboj after having
formed the earth on the primal ocean, walked round and round it, and by
this act increased it constantly in size.

Rafinesque's translation is:--"Being born creeping, he is ready to move
and dwell at _Tula_;" and in his note to the line he adds, "_Tula_
is the ancient seat of the Toltecas and Mexican nations in Asia; the
_Tulan_ or _Turan_ of Central Tartary."

The entire absence of connected meaning in this and other lines of
Rafinesque's translation is strong evidence that he did not fabricate
the text; otherwise he would certainly have assigned it some coherent
sense.

The turtle is, as usual, the symbol of the land or earth (see page 133).

12. _Manito-dasin_, the Divine Maiden, or the Daughter of the Gods, as
it might be freely translated. The reference is to the Virgin who at
the beginning of things descended from heaven, and alighting on the
back of the turtle became the mother of Nanaboj and his brothers. She
was well known in Eastern Algonkin mythology, as I have already shown.
(See above, p. 131.)

13. This and the three following verses form, observes Rafinesque, a
rhymed hymn to Nanabush.

14. In this line the men are referred to as _Linapi_, not _lennowak_ as
before. Here then begins the particular history of the Lenape tribe,
whose chief sub-tribe was the Turtle clan.

The meaning of the line is very obscure. It seems to refer to the
origin of the Unami, or Turtle sub-tribe of the Delawares.

16. _Kwamipokho_, translated by Raf. "plain and mountain," does
not appear to me to bear any such rendering. I take it as a form
of _champeecheneu_, Z. "it is still or stagnant water," the
appropriateness of which to the context is evident.

_Sitwalikho_, Raf. renders "path of cave," deriving it obviously from
_tsit_, foot, and _woalheu_, a hole. It has no sort of meaning in
this rendering, and I assume, therefore, that it is a derivative from
_tschitqui_, silent.

_Maskan wagan_, probably an error for _maskanakon_, as in v. I.

_Palliwi, palliwi_, "is elsewhere, is elsewhere," or, "is foiled, is
overcome."


  III.

1. _Wittank talli_: in the MS. these words are first translated
"dwelling town there," but the last two words are erased and "of Talli"
substituted. This is one of a number of instances where Rafinesque
altered his first translations, which is further evidence that he did
not manufacture the text. In this instance, as frequently, he altered
it for the worse. _Wittank_ is from _witen_, to go with or be with,
Zeis., and _talli_ is the adverb "there."

3. _Meshautang_, "many deer" (see Vocabulary), translated by
Rafinesque, "game."

_Siliewak_, rendered by Rafinesque _sili_, cattle, _ewak_, they go. The
_wak_ is the terminal "and" (see notes to I. v. 10). The word _sisile_,
in modern Delaware _sizil'ia_ (Whipple's Vocabulary), means "buffalo."
Its older form is seen in the MS. vocab. of the New Jersey Indians,
1792, where it is _sisiliamuus_. This is a compound of the generic
termination _muus_, Cree, _mustus_ (whence our word "moose"), meaning
any large quadruped, and probably the prefix _tschilani_ strong
powerful with an intensive reduplication

4. _Powalessin_ from the same root as _powwow_ (see page 70). The course
of thought was that the dreamer (_powwow_) became wise beyond his
followers and hence obtained power and riches though not of a martial
character.

_Elowichil_ hunters _allowin_ to hunt, doubtless connected with
_alluns_ an arrow.

5, 6. A note in the MS states that the symbols of these two verses were
united together in the original drawings.

7. In this verse the pre-eminence of the Turtle sub-tribe the Unami is
asserted to have obtained from the most ancient times.

8. The verses 8, 9, 10 are referred in Rafinesque's free translation to
the Snake people. They seem to me to be descriptive of the grief of the
Lenape on leaving their ancient home.

12. _Pokhapokhapek_, Gaping Sea, Raf. Both this and the preceding word
are descriptive of the sea referred to as offering means of subsistence
_namaes_ fish _pocqueu_ muscles or clams being the two main food
products of the water for the Indians.

The location of this productive spot I leave for future investigators
to determine. The Detroit River and the Thousand Isles in the St.
Lawrence are the most appropriate localities to my mind.

13. The last word of the line is given in the MS. both as _menakinep_
and _akomenep_ the latter a later interlineation. I prefer the former.

_Wapasinep_, may mean 'at the East' as well as 'in the light.' The
latter is a metaphor, common in the native tongues for prosperity.

Verses 13 to 20 inclusive were printed by Rafinesque in the original and
called by him, the poem on the passage to America, as he understood
this narrative to refer to the period when the ancestors of the Lenape
crossed Behring straits from Asia to America on the ice.

17. _Kitahican_, This is the term given by Zeisberger to the Ocean.
The prefix _Kit_ is "great" and the termination _hican_ appears to
have been confined to tidal waters (see above p. 21). Elsewhere this
termination signifies an instrument. Probably it was applicable to all
large bodies of water. On _pokhakhopek_, doubtless a carelessness for
_pokhapokhapek_, line 12, see note to the latter.

18. Squier does not give the numerals, but says simply "in vast
numbers." No doubt this is the intention of the expression.

20. _Shiwaking_, "the place of spruce firs" (see Vocab). They crossed
in mid-winter a broad stream, rich in fish and shell-fish, and arrived
at a land covered with forests of spruce. For a long time this appears
to have remained their home.


  IV.

2. _Sittamaganat_, Raf. translates "Path Leader." The word _tamaganat_
appears in other verses, as _w'tamaganat_, IV, 37; _tamaganat_, IV,
55; _tamaganend_, V, 2. I derive it from the root _tam_, literally
to drink, but generally, to smoke tobacco, as in Roger Williams' Key
_wut-tammagon_, a pipe (see above, page 49). Hence I take _tamagamat_
to be the pipe-bearer, he who had charge of the Sacred Calumet. If it
is objected that this puts the use of tobacco by the Lenape too remote,
I reply that we do not know when they began to use it, and moreover,
this may be an anachronism of tradition.

13, 14. The lands toward the four cardinal points are described from a
centre where the tribe was then located. Neither Rafinesque nor Squier
understood this, and their renderings do not mention the territories
North and West. From the description, I should place the then location
of the tribe in Western New York and Northern Ohio.

16. The four names seem to be appellatives of different tribes.
One of the extinct tribes remembered in Chipeway tradition was the
_Assigunaik_, Stone People (Schoolcraft, _History and Statistics of the
Ind. Tribes_, Vol. I, p. 305).

25. The legend here relates that the cultivation of maize began after
they had reached a low latitude, presumably Southern Indiana or Ohio.
The legend of the New England Indians was that a crow flew down from
the great God Kitantowit, bringing in one ear a grain of corn, in the
other a bean, and taught them the cultivation of these plants. (Roger
Williams, _Key into the Language of America_, p. 114.) See further,
ante, p. 48.

34. _Wisawana_, the Yellow River. There is a small river, so-called,
in the State of Indiana, a branch of the Kankakee, called on Hough's
"Map of the Indian Names of Indiana" _We-tho-gan_, a corruption of
_wisawanna_. (See Hough's map, in _Twelfth Annual Report of the Geology
and Natural History of Indiana_, 1883.) When the Minsi made their first
migration west, about 1690, they directed their course to this spot,
where they were found by Charlevoix in 1721.

36. _Tamenend_, the name of the celebrated chief now better known to us
as Tammany, who dealt with William Penn. Heckewelder translates it as
"Affable." This is the first of the name. A second is mentioned, V, 32.
The friend of Penn was the third.

46. _Towakon pallitonep_, Raf. translates "father snake, he was mad!"

48. Perhaps this line should be translated: "They speak well of the
east; many go to the east."

49. _Nemassipi_, Fish River. In the MS. this name was first written
_mixtu sipi_. The name "Fish River" was applied to various streams by
the Delawares, but never, so far as I know, to the Mississippi. In the
present connection it seems to refer either to the St. Lawrence, about
the Thousand Isles, or else its upper stream, the Detroit River, both
of which were famous fishing spots.

50. _Talligewi_. No name in the Lenape legends has given rise to more
extensive discussion than this. It is usually connected with _Alligewi_
and this again with _Alleghany_. This seems supported by Loskiel, who,
writing on the authority of Zeisberger, says, "Nun nennen die Delawaren
die ganze Gegend, so weit die Gewässer reichen, die in dem Ohio fallen,
Alligewinengk, welches so viel bedeutet, als das Land, in welches
sie sich aus weit entfernten Orten begeben haben." (_Geschichte der
Mission_, etc., p. 164.)

The meaning here assigned to Alligewinengk, "land where they arrived
from distant places," is evidently based on the resolution of the
compound into _talli_, there, _icku_, to that place, _ewak_, they go,
with a locative final. The initial _t_ is often omitted in adverbial
compounds of _talli_ (itself a compound of _ta_, locative particle, and
_li_, to), as _allamunk_, in there.

Bishop Ettwein gives to the word a different meaning. He writes: "The
Delawares call the western country _Alligewenork_, which signifies a
War-Path; the river itself they call _Alligewi Sipo_." (_Legends and
Traditions_, etc., in _Bull. of the Pa. Hist. Soc._ p. 34.) Here the
derivation would be from _palliton_, to fight, _ewak_, they go, and a
locative, "they go there to fight." The omission of the initial _p_
was not uncommon, as Campanius gives _ayuta = alliton_, to make war.
(_Catechismus_, p. 141.)

Basing his opinion on an expression in the Journal of C. F. Post,
to the effect that Alleghany means "fine or fair river," Dr. J. H.
Trumbull analyzes it into _wulik, hanne, sipu_, which he translates
"best, rapid-stream, long-river" (_Connect. Hist. Soc. Colls._ Vol. II).

Rafinesque, in the MS. of the Walum Olum, gives Talligewi the
translation "there found," from _talli_, there, and I know not what
word for "found."

There have not been wanting those who would derive the name Alleghany
from Iroquois roots, as the Seneca _De-o-na-ga-no_, "cold water"
(_Amer. Hist. Mag._ Vol. IV, p. 184). But there is no probability that
the word is Iroquois.

Whatever its origin, the name was not confined to the Alleghany river,
but included the whole of the Upper Ohio, as the interpreter Post
distinctly says.

The Rev. Mr. Heckewelder was of opinion that _Talligewi_ was a word
foreign to the Algonkin, a _nomen gentile_ of another tribe, adopted
by the Delawares, just as they adopted _Mengwe_ for the Iroquois from
the Onondaga _Yenkwe_, men (see above, page 14). It is not necessarily
connected with Alleghany, which may be pure Algonkin. He says, "Those
people called themselves _Talligeu_ or _Talligewi_." (_Indian Nations_
p. 48.) The accent, as he gives it, _Tallige'wi_, shows that the
word is, _Talliké_, with the substantive verb termination, so that
_Talligewi_ means, "He is a _Talliké_" or, "It is of (belongs to) the
Talliké."

This appears to me the most probable supposition of any I have quoted,
and it reduces our quest to that of a nation who called themselves
by a name which, to Lenape ears, would sound like _Talliké_. Such a
nation presents itself at once in the Cherokees, who call themselves
_Tsa'laki_. Moreover, they fill the requirements in other particulars.
Their ancient traditions assign them a residence precisely where the
Delaware legends locate the Tallike, to wit, on the upper waters of
the Ohio (see above, page 17). Fragments of them continued there until
within the historic period, and the persistent hostility between them
and the Delawares points to some ancient and important contest.

Name, location and legends, therefore, combine to identify the
Cherokees or Tsalaki with the Tallike, and this is as much evidence
as we can expect to produce in such researches. I can see no reason
whatever for Dr. Shea's opinion that the Lenape "in their progress
eastward drove out of Ohio the Quappas, called by the Algonkins,
Alkanzas or Alligewi, who retreated down the Ohio and Mississippi."
(Shea, Notes to Alsop's _Maryland_, p. 118.)

The question remains, whether the Tallike were the "Mound Builders."
It is not so stated in the WALUM OLUM. The inference rather is that
the "Snake people," _Akowini_ or _Akonapi_, dwelt in the river valleys
north of the Ohio river, in the area of Western Ohio and Indiana, where
the most important earthworks are found--and singularly enough none
more remarkable than the immense effigy of the serpent in Adams County,
Ohio, which winds its gigantic coils over 700 feet in length on the
summit of a bold bluff overlooking Brush Creek.

According to the RED SCORE, the Snake people were conquered by the
Algonkins long before the contest with the Tallike began. These latter
lay between the position then occupied by the Lenape and the eastern
territory where they were found by the whites. In other words, the
Tallike were on the Upper Ohio and its tributaries, and they had to be
driven south before the path across the mountains was open. For this
reason they are called _wapawullaton_, "possessing the East," that is,
with reference to the then position of the Lenape in southwestern Ohio.

54. _Talamatan_. This was the Lenape name of the Huron-Iroquois or
Wyandots. It is found in the form _Telamatinos_ in a "List of 11
Nations living West of Allegheny" present by deputy at a Conference in
Philadelphia, 1759 (_Minutes of the Prov Council of Penna._, Vol. VIII,
p. 418). Heckewelder gives _Delamattenos_ (_Ind. Nations_, p. 80).

Rafinesque translates the name in one place by "not Talas," and in
another by "not of us," from Len. _matta_, not, Latin _nos_, us. That
the Lenape did not speak Latin made no difference in his linguistic
theory, as he held all languages to be at core the same! On the Hurons,
see above, p. 16.


  V.

2. _Wapalaneng_, apparently the White River, Indiana, or else the
Wabash.

16. In this line the three tribes are mentioned which were previously
named in IV, 44, 45, 46, and the difference in the spelling shows that
the chant was written down by one unacquainted with the forms of the
language. The correspondent names are:--

     IV.              V.
  Akowini,          Sinako.
  Towakon,          Towako.
  Lowanuski,        Lowako.

The termination _ako_, uniformly rendered by Rafinesque _snake_,
appears to be either the animate plural in _ak_, or the locative _aki_,
place or land.

The _Towako_ are probably the Ot-tawa called by the Delaware _Taway_;
or the Twightees, called by them _Tawatatwee_ (see "List of 11
Nations," etc., in _Minutes of the Prov. Council of Pa._, Vol. VIII, p.
418).

There is difficulty in reconciling _Akowini_ and _Sinako_. In the
former, the prefix _ako_ may be from _achgook_, snake, as Rafinesque
and Squier rendered it.

The word _Lowanuski_ appears again in v. 18, where Raf. inserts the
note, "Lowushkis are Esquimaux." It means simply "winter land," or
"Northern people," and is not likely to have any reference to the
Eskimo.

22. "Without snakes," _i. e._, free from enemies.

24. On the derivation of Susquehannah, see page 14.

25. _Winakaking_, Sassafras Land, the native name of eastern
Pennsylvania.

29. The Wapings and the Minsi seem to be referred to.

33, 36. The omission of the numbers 34 and 35 is in the original MS.

50. _Ganshowenik_; Raf. translates this "the noisy place, or Niagara."
It is a derivative from the root _kan_. See Vocab.

60. _Ewenikiktit_, may be translated "whites" or "Europeans." See
Vocabulary.




VOCABULARY.

In the following Vocabulary the meaning placed immediately after the
word is that assigned to it in Rafinesque's original MS, the probable
composition of it is then added, with its correct rendering. The
standard of the language adopted is that of the Moravian missionaries
(see above, p. 97). The initials referring to authorities are Z.,
for Zeisberger, K., for Kampman, H., for Heckewelder, R. W., Roger
Williams, C. or Camp., Campamus, etc.

Aan. I, 6. To move; to go; Z. conjugated, _Gram._, p. 142. Chip _am_,
he goes; _aunj-eh_, he moves. Cf. _Payat._

Agamunk. III, 16. Over water. _Acawenuck_, over the water. R. W.
_Acawmenoakit_, land on the other side of the water, _i. e._ England.
R. W. The proper names Accomac, Algonkin, etc., are from the same roots.

Agunouken. III, 13. Always our fathers. _Nooch_, my father, Z. in which
_n_ is the possessive _our_ or _my_.

Akhokink. III, 9. Snake land at. Derivatives beginning with _akho_, and
some with _ako_ appear to be compounds of _achgook_, Mohegan _ukkok_,
the generic name for snake.

Akhomenis. IV, 3. Snake Island. _Menatey_, island, and _achgook_, snake.

Akhonapi. IV, 16. Snaking man. _Achgook_, and _ape_, man, a _nomen
gentile_.

Akhopayat. IV, 6. Snake coming. _Achgook_, snake; _payat_, he comes.

Akhopokho. IV, 6. Snake hill. _Achgook_, snake. _Pockhepokink_, a river
between hills. Heck.

Akhowemi. IV, 7. Snake all. _Achgook_, snake, and _wemi_, all.

Ako. II, 1, 2. Snake. _Achgook_, snake. See _Akhokink_.

Akolaki. IV, 13, and Akolaking. IV, 18. At beautiful land. _Achgook_,
snake; _aki_, land. A form of _Akhokink_, q. v.

Akomen. III, 14, 18. Island snake. _Achgook_, snake; _menatey_, island.

Akomenaki. III, 10. Snake fortified island. _Akomen_, q. v., and _aki_,
land.

Akomenep. III, 13. Snake island was. _Akomen_, with the preterit
termination.

Akopehella. II, 6. Snake water rushing. _Kschippehellan_, strong stream
in a river. Z. See _Pehella_.

Akowetako. V, 43. Coweta snakes. _Weta_,
a house, H., and _aki_, land; the Coweta land.

Akowini. IV, 44. Snake beings _or_ like. The Snake people; a _nomen
gentile_.

Akpinep. III, 2. Was there. _Achpil_, to stay, abide; _achpiney_, a
sleeping place.

Alankwak. I, 5. Stars. _Alank_, star.

Alkosohit. IV, 26. Keeper and preserver. _Allouchsit_, strong and
mighty. K.

Allendyachick. IV, 32. Some going. _Alende_, some.

Allendhilla. IV, 52. Some kill. _Alende_, some, and _nihillan_, to kill.

Allendyumek. II, 11. Some of them.

Allowelendam. III, 20. Preferring above all. _Allowelendamen_, to
esteem highly. Z.

Allumapi. III, 19. With dogs of man. _Allum_, dog; _ape_, man; men
having dogs.

Alokuwi. IV, 46. Lean he. _Alocuwoagan_, leanness. Z.

Amangaki. V, 21. Large land. _Amangi_, great, large. See p. 146, note.

Amangam. II, 6. Monster. _Amangi_. See p. 146, note.

Amangamek. I, 14. Manitos or large reptiles. II, 11. Waters of sea.
_Amangemek_, a large fish.

Amokolen. III, 13. Boating. _Amochol_, canoe or boat.

Amigaki. V, 21. Long land. _Amangi_, great; _aki_, land.

Angelotawiwak. I, 10. Angels also. From _angeln_, to die. See note to
the passage.

Angomelchik. IV, 4. The friends _or_ friendly souls. _Melechitschant_,
soul. Z.; _melih_, corruption, Z., and _angeln_, to die; "the souls
departed."

Anup. II, 1. When. _Aanup_, when _or_ if I went. Zeis. _Gram._, p. 143.
Doubtful.

Apakachik. III, 6. Spreaders. _Apach tschiechton_, to display, to
attach oneself to or upon. K.

Apakchikton. IV, 11. Spreading. See _Apakachik_.

Apendawi. IV, 26. Useful he. _Apendamen_, to make use of; _apensuwi_,
useful, enjoyable.

Aptèlendam. III, 9. Grieving. To grieve to death. Zeis.

Askipalliton. V, 43. Must make war. _Aski_, must, obliged, and
_palliton_.

Askiwaal. IV. They must go. _Aski_, must, and _aan_ or _aal_, to go.

Assinapi. IV, 16. Stone man. _Assin_, a stone; _ape_, a man; a _nomen
gentile._

Atak. I, 24. Beyond. _Attach_, beyond, above. Zeis.

Atam. III, 8. Let us go. _Atam_, let us go. Z. _Gram._

Attagatta. IV, 31. Unwilling. _Atta_, or _matta_, negative prefix;
_gatta_, to want, or wish.

Attalchinitis. IV, 62. Not always friend. _Atta_, neg. prefix; _nitap_,
friend, or our friend.

Attaminin. IV, 28. No corn. _Atta_, neg. prefix; _min_, berry or corn.

Attasokelan. IV, 28. No raining. _Atta_, neg. prefix; _sokelan_, rain.

Awasagamek. I, 4. Much heaven. _Awosegame_, heaven. Z.

Awesik. I, 13. Beasts. _Awessis_, a beast.

Awolagan. V, 12. Heavenly. _Awullakenim_, to praise. K.

Ayamak. IV, 15, 17. The great warrior. _Ajummen_, to buy, purchase. K.;
from _aji_, take it! hence "the Buyer," or "the Seizer".

Chanelendam. III, 20. Doubting. _Tschannelendam_, to consider, to be in
doubt. K.

Chichankwak. I, 10. Souls also. _Tschitschank_, soul.

Chihillen. III, 11. Separating. _Tschitschpihieleu_, to split asunder;
cf. _chipeu_, it separates.

Chikimini. V, 52. Turkey tribe. See above, p. 37.

Chikonapi. IV, 16. Robbing man, _Cheche_, to rob, R. W., _Key_, p. 102.

Chiksit. III, 5. Holy. _Kschiechek_, clean; _kschiechanchsopannik_,
holy. Z.

Chilili. IV, 10, 12, 15. Snow-bird. _Chilili_, snow-bird, Heck. _Ind.
Names_, p. 363.

Chingalsuwi. IV, 30. Stiffened he. _Tschingalsu_, stiff.

Chintanes. III, 4. Strong. _Tschintamen_, strong. Z.

Chitanesit. III, 5. Strong. _Tschitani_, strong. K.

Chitanitis. IV, 51. Strong friend. _Tschitani_, strong; _nitis_, friend.

Chitanwulit. IV, 45. Strong and good. _Tschitani_, strong; _wulit_,
good.

Cholensak. I, 13. Birds. _Tscholens_, bird.

Dasin. II, 12. Daughter. _N'danūss_, my daughter.

Danisapi. III, 19. Daughters of man. _N'danūss_, my daughter; _ape_,
man.

Delsin. I, 8. Is there. _W'dellsin_, he is _or_ does so. Zeis. _Gram._,
p. 117.

Delsinewo. III, 5. They are. _W'dellsinewo_, they are or do so. Zeis.
_Gram._, p. 117.

Eken. II, 2. Together. Probably an error for _nekama_, those.

Elangomel. V, 38. Friendly to all. _Elangomellan_, my friend. Z.

Elemamik. I, 3. Everywhere, _Elemamek_, everywhere. Z.

Elendamep. I, 20. Thinking. On _elendam_, see above, p. 100.

Eli. I, 21. While. _Eli_, because, then, so, that. K. Also a
superlative prefix, as _eli kimi_ very privately.

Elmusichik. IV, 4. The goers. _Elemussit_, he who goes away. Z.

Elowaki. III, 17. Hunting country. _Eluwak_, most powerful. Z. In this
word and in _elowapi_, Rafinesque mistook the meaning of the prefix.
Compare _elowichik_.

Elowapi. III, 19. Hunting manly. _Eli_, intensive, best or most, and
_ape_, man, or perhaps _wapi_, knowing.

Elowichik. III, 4, 5, 6. Hunters. From _allauwin_, to hunt. Z.;
_allauwitaa_, let us go hunting. H.

Eluwi. III, 5. Most. The superlative form _eli_, with the substantive
verb suffix, _wi_.

Eluwiwulit. IV, 36. The best. From _eluwi_, and _wulit_, good.

Enolowin. IV, 9. Things who. Doubtful, perhaps, _nanne_, those;
_owini_, beings, people.

Epallahchund. V, 53. Failer, who fails. _Pallikiken_, to shoot amiss;
_palliaan_, to go away.

Epit. I, 8. Being there. I, 24. At. This is a suppositive form
from _achpin_, called the "adverbial" by Zeis., _Gram._, p. 115,
who translates it "where he is." It may also be translated by the
preposition "at." See Heckewelder, _Correspondence with Duponceau_,
Letter XXI.

Eshohok. II, 7. Much penetrate. _Eschoochwen_, to go through. Z.

Essop. I, 2, 3. He was.

Essopak. I, 17. Were. II, i, 2. Had become. A form from _lissin_, to be
_or_ do so.

Ewak. III, 3. They go. _Ewak_, they go. Z.; from _aan_, to go.

Ewenikiktit. V, 60. Who are they? _Auwenik_, who are they? Z. _Gram._,
116. The term _Awanuts_ was that applied to the whites in general by
the New England Indians. The Abbé Maurault derives it from _a8eni_,
who, _uji_, whence; = whence come they? _Histoire des Abénakis_, p. 10.


Gahani. II, 10. Shallow water. _Gahan_, shallow. K.

Gaho. I, 12. Mother. See _Nigoha_.

Gandhaton. IV, 7. Concealing or hiding themselves. _Gandhatton_, to
hide, to conceal. K.

Ganshowenik. V, 50. Noisy place (Niagara). _Ganschewen_, to roar, to
make a great noise, Z.; or from _kanti_. See above, p. 73.

Gattamin. 1, 19. Fat fruits. _N'gattamen_, I wish, desire. Z. See note
to passage.

Gattawisi. V, 25. Becoming fat. _Gatta_, do you want? Z.; _gattawisi_,
becoming fat, proper form of Catawissa. Heck., _Ind. Names_, p. 360.
See note.

Gentikalanep. IV, 39. Festivals he made. _Kanti_, to sing
and dance. See p. 73.

Gichi. II, 5. Ready. See the root _kich_, p. 102.

Gikenopalat. V, 23. Great warrior. _Gischigin_, to be born;
_netopalisak_ = warrior. Z.

Gishelendam. IV, 62. Conspiring. _Gischelendam_, to hatch or meditate
something good or bad. See p. 103.

Gishikin. II, 9. Being born. _Gischigin_, to be born. See pp. 102-3.

Gishikshawipek. V, 26. Sun salt sea. _Gischihan_, to make; _schejek_,
wampum.

Gishuk. I, 5. Sun. See p. 103.

Gotatamen. IV, 51. He desires. _N'gattamen_, I want, _or_ wish. Z.

Gunehunga. IV, 33. They tarry. _Guneúnga_, they stay long. Heck., _Ind.
Names_, p. 365.

Gunehungtit. IV, 61. They settle. _Gunehunga_, they stay.

Guneunga. III, 12, 20. They tarry. See _Gunehunga_.

Gunitakan. IV, 62. Long-and-mild. _Guneu_, long.

Gunokim. IV, 22. Long while fatherly. _Guno_, snow. Z. _Ooch_, father.

Gutikuni. III, 18. Single night. _Gutti_, one; _nuktogunak_, one night.
R. W.

Hackung. I, 2. Above. _Hacki_, the earth. Z. _Hackunk_, on or at the
earth. Raf. translates it as _hockung_, the place above, the sky,
heaven. Camp.

Hakhsinipek. III, 17. On hard, stony sea. _Achsin_, a stone; _pek_,
a sea. It may mean "stony sea;" but in the connection I think it is
metaphorical "stone-hard," _i. e._, frozen sea.

Hakik. I, 4. Much land. _Hacki_, the earth. Z.

Hallemiwis. I, 3. Eternal being. _Hallemiwi_, eternally. Z.

Hanaholend. V, 24. River loving. _Amhanne_, river. H. _Ahoala_, to love.

Hattanwulaton. IV, 60. He-has-possession. _Hattan_, to have; _wulaton_
to own, to possess.

Huminiend. IV, 25. Corn eater. _Pach-hamineu_, parched and beaten corn,
R. W., whence our word _hominy_.

Ikalawit. V, 55. Yonder between. _Ikali_, thither.

Init'ako. I, 21. Worship snake. _Aan_, to come; _aki_, earth. Raf.
derives the suffix from _achgook_, snake.

Italissipek. IV, 28. Far from the sea. _Ikalissi_, further, more;
_pek_, standing water, or sea.

Janotowi. IV, 9. True-maker. _W'nutikowi_, he keeps watch. Z. Doubtful.

Jinwis. I, 11. Man-being. See note to passage.

Kamik. I, 24. Age or foretime. "_Kamig_, at the end of words, alludes
to the ground." Baraga, _Otch. Dic. Gamunk_, on the other side of the
water. Z.

Kelik. III, 3. Much. Comp. _Kwelik._ An intensive prefix.

Kelitgeman. V, 3. Much planting corn. Comp. _kelik_; _min_, corn or
berry.

Kichipek. V, 26. Big sea. _Kitschi_, great; _pek_, a body of still
water. See p. 100.

Kichitamak. V, 11, 36. Big Beaver. _Kitschi_, great; _tamaque_, beaver.

Kicholen. III, 14. Big bird. _Kitchi_, great; _tscholens_, bird.

Kihillalend. IV, 6. Thou killest some. _Nihillan_, to kill, _k'_, thou.

Kimi. I, 21. Secretly. _Kimi_, privately. Z.

Kiminikwi. IV, 32. Secretly far off. _Kimi_, privately.

Kinchepend. IV, 55. Sharp he was. _Kineu_, sharp.

Kipemapekan. V, 47. Big Lake going. _Kitschi_, great; _pek_, lake;
_aan_, to go.

Kitahikan. I, 21. Great ocean. III, 17. Of great ocean. _Kitahican_,
the sea, ocean. Z.

Kitanitowit. I, 2, 3, 9. God-Creator. See p. 218.

Kitelendam. III, 9. Earnestly. To be in earnest. Z.

Kitohatewa. V, 60. Big ships or birds. _Kito_, great; _haten_, he has.

Kitshinaki. IV, 13. Big firland. _Kitschi_, great, and _shinaki_.

Kiwis. I, 17. Thou being. _Kitschiwi_, truly, verily. Z.

Kiwikhotan. V, 48. Visiting. _Kiwiken_, to visit.

Kolachusien. V, 6. Pretty bluebird. _Kola_ = _wulit_, pretty. Doubtful.

Kolakwaming. IV, 29. Fine plain at. _Wulit_, fine, beautiful. The sense
is doubtful.

Kolawil. Beautiful head. IV, 5, 8. _Wulit_, fine; _wil_, head.

Komelendam. III, 11. Having no trouble. To be free from trouble or
care. K.

Kowiyey-tulpaking. III, 20. Old turtle land at. _Kikey_, old. K.
_Tulpe_, turtle. Doubtful.

Kshakan. I, 7. It blows hard. III, 2. It storms. _Kschachan_, the wind
blows hard. K.

Kshipehelen. II, 16. Water running off. _Kschippehellan_, the water
flows rapidly, a strong current. Z. Z. also uses _higih hilleu_, the
waterfalls. _Spelling Book_, p. 122.

Kshipehelep. I, 7. It ran off. _K'schippehelleup_, the water ran off.
Zeis. _Gram._, p. 224.

Ksin. I, 20. Easy. _Ksinachpo_, he is at leisure.

Kundokanup. IV, 3. Searching when. _N'doniken_, I seek, or, _n'donam_.
Z.

Kwamipokho. II, 16. Plain and mountain. _Klampeecheneu_, it is still or
stagnant water. Z.

Kwelik. I, 2, 4. Much water. I, 7. Deep water. _Quenek_ = _kwelek_,
long, extended. Z. Compare _kelik_.

Kwitikwond. IV, 31. Reprover. _Quittel_, to reprove. Z.

Lakka welendam. III, 8. Troubled _or_ afraid. _Lachan welendam_, to be
troubled in mind. K.

Lamatanitis. V, 44. _Lamatan_ (Huron), friends. See above, p. 16.

Lanewapi. III, 19. Eagle manly. _Woapalanne_, bald eagle. Z.

Langomuwak. V, 60. Friendly they. _Langamu winaxu_. he looks friendly.
Z.

Langomuwi. V, 54. Friendly he. _Langundo_, peaceful, Z. From _langan_,
light, easy.

Langundit. V, 32. Made peace. _Langundo_, peaceful.

Langundo. V, 1. Peaceful. _Langundo_, peaceful. Z.

Langundowi. IV, 18. Peaceful he. See above.

Lapawin. IV, 40. Whitened. _Lappi_, again; _pawa_, rich.

Lappimahuk. IV, 41. Again there is war. _Lappi_, again; _machtagewak_,
they are at war. Z.

Lappinup. I, 9. Again when. Mr. Anthony translates this "again he
spoke;" _aptonen_, to speak. Zeis.

Lapihaneng. V, 27. Tide water at. _Lappi_, again; _amhanne_, flowing
water. H.

Lekhihitin. V, 5. Writer writing. _Lekhiket_, writer; _lekhiken_, to
write. K.

Leksahowen. IV, 23. Writing who. _Lekhasik_, written. K.

Lennowak. I, 11, 18. Men. II, 1, 5. Men also. _Lenno_, man.

Lessin. III, 4. To be. _Lissin_, to be _or_ do so.

Linapi-ma. II, 14. Men there. _Lenape_, with suffix _ma_, there.

Linapioken. IV, 1. Men fathers. Qy. "The fathers of the Linapi."

Linkwekinuk. V, 19. Looking well about. _Linquechin_, to look, behold;
_linquechinock_ Look here, behold! Z.

Linnapewi. III, 1. True manly. III, 7. True men. "They are Lenape."

Linni wulamen. IV, 63. Man of truth. _Lenno_, man; _wulamen_. See p.
104.

Linowi. II, 10. Men. _Lenno-wi_, he is a man.

Linowimokom. II, 8, 13. Of men grandfather. _Lenno_, man; _mohomus_,
grandfather.

Lissilma. IV, 5. Be thou there. _Lissil_, imperative of _lissin_. Zeis.
_Gram._, p. 118.

Lohxin. II, 9. To move and dwell. _Lowin_, to pass by. K. _Lauchsin_,
to walk, to live. Zeis. _Gram._, p. 132.

Lokwelend. V, 15. Walker. _Lauchsin_, to live, to walk.

Lowako. V, 16. North snake. _Lowan_, winter; _aki_, land.

Lowaniwi. III, 6, II, 16. Northerlings _Lowan_, winter; _lowaneu_,
north. Z.

Lowanaki. III, 7. North country _Lowan_, winter; _aki_, land.

Lowanapi. III, 19. Northern manly. _Lowan_, winter; _ape_, man, a _nomen
gentile_.

Lowanipekis. IV, 61. North of the lakes _Lowan_, winter; _pek_, lake;
or _lowan, ape_, man; _aki_, land, "the land of the Northern men."

Lowankwamink. III, 3. In northerly plain. _Lowan_, winter or north;
_wemenque_, as we came from. Z; with the locative suffix _nk_.

Lowanuski. IV, 45. Northern foes. _Lowan_, north or winter.

Lowaponskan. V, 50. North walker. _Lowan_, winter; north; _pomsin_, to
walk. Z.

Lowashawa. IV, 41; V, 59. North and south, _Lowan_, north; _shawano_,
south.

Lowushkaking. V, 18. North land going. _Lowan_, north; _aki_, land.
Doubtful.

Luchundi. III, 14. They saying. _Luchundi_, they say, or, it is said. Z.
_Gram_, p. 175.

Lumowaki. III, 7. White country. _Loamoe_, long ago, ancient; _aki_,
land.

Lungundowin. II, 3. Peaceful or keeping peace. _Langundowi_, peaceful.

Lusasaki. III, 10. Burned land. _Lussin_, to burn; _lusasu_, burnt. Z.

Machelinik. IV, 58. Many places or towns. _Macheh_, much. K.

Machigoklos. IV, 38. Big owl. _Macheu_, great; _goklos_, owl.

Machiton. II, 3. Spoiling. _Matschihilleu_, spoiled. K. _Matschiton_,
to spoil something, to make mischief. Z _Gram._, p. 222.

Machitonanep. IV, 17. Much warfare then. Made mischief. See _Ante._

Madawasim. IV, 34. Great meadow. _Matta_, no, not; _assin_, stone.

Mahiliniki. V, 46. There was Hilinis. Perhaps "Illini," the Chipeways
or Illinois.

Mahongwi. V, 31. There Hong (Mengui) _or_ lickings. Mengwe? See p. 14.

Mahongwipallat. V, 53. Mengwi was. See last word.

Mahongwichamen. V, 54. Mengwi frightened.

Makatapi. IV, 16. Blacking man. _Machit_, bad, evil; _ape_, man.

Makdopannik. V, 4, and Makdupannek, II, 11. They were many. _Macheh_,
many.

Makeleyachick. V, 9. Many going. See above.

Makelohok. IV, 48. They are many. See above.

Makeliming. V, 6. Much fruits at. _Machelemuwi_, honorable, precious K.
Or _macheli_, much; _min_, fruits.

Makelining. V, 8. Much river at. _Machelensin_, to be proud or
high-minded. K. Or, _macheli_, much or many; _amhanne_, rivers, "the
place of many streams."

Makelima. IV, 56. Much there is. _Macheli_, much or many.

Makelinik. V, 7. Many towns. _Macheli_, many; _wik_, houses.

Makeliwulit. V, 38. Much good done. _Macheli_, much; _wulit_, good.

Makelomush. V, 41. Much honored. _Machelemuxit_, he that is honored. Z.

Makhiawip. V, 27. Red arrow. _Machke_, red.

Makimani. I, 14. Bad spirit. _Machi manito_, the bad manito.

Makonowiki. V, 46. There was Konowis. Qy. _Achgunnan_, he is clothed.
Z. _Mach_, = red; _mecaneu_, dog.

Makowini. I, 14; II, 1. Bad beings. _Mach_, from _machtit_, bad;
_owini_, q. v.

Makpalliton. V, 15. Much warfare. _Macheli_, much, and _palliton_, q. v.

Maktapan. I, 23. Bad weather. _Machtapan_, stormy weather. K.

Maktaton. I, 22. Unhappiness. _Machtatemamoagan_, unhappiness. K.

Mangipitak. IV, 22. Big teeth. _Amangi_, big, great; _wipit_, his teeth.

Mani. I, 8. Made. _Maniton_, to make.

Manito. I, 9, 10. He made. II, 12. Spirit. See notes.

Manitoak. I, 9, 17. The spirits or makers.

Manup. IV, 1. There were then. Doubtful. Comp. _anup_.

Mapawaki. V, 22. There is rich land. _Pawa_, rich; _aki_, land.
Doubtful.

Mashawoniki. V, 46. There was Shawonis. _Meshe_, great, in comp.

Mashkipokhing. IV, 7. Bear hills at. _Machk_, bear; but probably
from _maskiek_, Chip. _mashkig_, swamp or marsh, and _pachkink_, the
division or valley between the mountains.

Maskaboush. II, 8. Strong hare. _Maskan_ and _wabos_, hare. See anté,
p. 130.

Maskan. II, 1, 2, 5, 16. Powerful or dire. _Meckek_, great, large;
_mangain_, Nant. _mashka_, Chip. strong. _Màskane_, strong, rapid.
Heck., _Ind. Names_, p. 355.

Maskanako. II, 1, 2, 5. Strong snake. _Maskan_, large or strong;
_achgook_, snake.

Maskansisil. IV, 37. Strong buffalo. _Maskan_, and _sisil_.

Maskansini. IV, 43. Strong stone. _Maskan_, and _assin_, a stone.

Maskekitong. V, 28. Strong falls at (Trenton). _Maskan_, and
_kithanne_, main stream. See Heck. _Ind. Names_, p. 355, where this
word is given and analyzed.

Matemik. IV, 20. Builder of towns. _Matta_, not; _mequik_, blood. Z.

Matta. II, 3. Not. _Matta_, no, not.

Mattakohaki. V, 22. Without snake land. _Matta_, not; _achgook_, snake;
_aki_, land.

Mattalogas. I, 22. Wickedness. _Machtit_, bad, evil;
_mattalogasowagon_, a sinful act. Zeis _Gram_, p. 103.

Mattapewi. II, 4. Less man. _Mattapeu_, he is not at home. Z.

Matemenend. IV, 36 There _or_ now Tamenend.

Mawuhtenal. V, 22 There is good thing. _Wuht_, good.

Mayoksuwi. IV, 53. Of one mind. _Mawat_, one, only one. K.

Mboagan. I, 23. Death. _M'boagan_, death. Z.

Mekemkink. I, 21. On earth. _Mach_, prefix indicating evil or
misfortune, from _machtit_.

Mekwazoan. II, 4. Fighting. _Mechtagan_, to fight. K.

Menak. I, 8 Islands. _Menatey_, an island.

Menalting. IV, 4, 42 In assembly met. Menachtin, to drink together. K,
_Menaltink_, the place where we drank H _Ind. Names_, p. 371.

Menapit. II, 8. At that island. _Menatey_, island, _epit_, at.

Meshautang. III, 3. Game. _Mechtit_, much, _achtu_, deer Z. In the N.
J. dialect, deer is _aatu_; hence the meaning is "many deer."

Messisuwi. IV, 44. Whole he. _Metschi schawi_, very, ready Z.

Metzipannek. II, 11. They did eat. _Mitzopannik_, they have eaten.
Zeis. _Gram_, p. 124.

Michihaki. IV, 3. Big land. _Mechti_, much, _aki_, land.

Michimini. IV, 34. Much corn. _Mechtil_, much, _min_, edible fruit.

Milap. I, 12, 13 He gave him. _Mil_ or _miltin_, to give. The terminal
_p_ marks the pretent.

Minigeman. IV, 25. Corn planting. _Min_, edible fruit; for corn, see p.
48.

Minihaking. IV, 24 Corn land at. _Min_, edible fruit; _aki_, land.

Minsimini. V, 52. Wolf tribe. See p. 36.

Mitzi. I, 19. Food. _Mitzin_, to eat.

Mokol. II, 12 Boat. _Amochol_, a boat Zeis. _Gram_, p. 101

Mokolakolin. V, 17. In boats he snaking. See above. _Aki_, land.

Mokom. V, 17. Grandfather. _Muchomsena_, our grandfather Z.

Mokolmokom. V, 17. Boats grandfather. _Amochol_, boat; _muchom_,
ancestor.

Moshakwat. I, 7. It clears up. _Moschkakquat_, clear weather. K.

Mukum. I, 11. Ancestor. _Muchomes_, grandfather. K.

Nahiwi. II, 10. Above water or afloat. _Nahiwi_, down the water, down
stream. K.

Nakhagattamen. V, 52. 3 desiring. _Nacha_, three; _gattamen_, to wish.

Nakkalisin. V, 52. 3 to be. _Nacha_, three; _lissin_, to be _or_ do so.

Nakopowa. III, 8. The snake priest. _Pawa_, priest. See above, p. 70.
The prefix doubtful.

Nakowa. II, 6. Black snake. _Nachoak_, three persons. Z.

Nakowak. I, 14. Black snakes. _Nachohaneu_, he is alone. Z.
_Sukachgook_, black snake. Z. Doubtful.

Nallahemen. III, 13. Navigating. _Nallahemen_, to boat up the stream. K.

Nallimetzin. IV, 29. At last to eat. _Nall_, that, at last; _mitzin_,
to eat.

Namenep. I, 20. Pleased. _Namen_, to know, understand.

Namesaki. IV, 14. Fish land; _Namaes_, fish; _aki_, land.

Namesik. I, 13. Fishes. _Namessall_, fishes. Zeis. _Gram._, p. 101.

Namesuagipek. III, 12. Fish resort sea. _Namaes_, fish; _pek_, lake.

Nanaboush. II, 8, 13. Nana-hare. See p. 130.

Nantiné. I, 19. The fairies. _Naten_, to fetch. Z.

Nantinewak. I, 18. Fairies also. Pl. form from _naten_, to fetch.

Nekama. IV, 9, 10, 19. Him. Him, them.

Nekohatami. IV, 35. Alone the first. _Netami_, the first.

Nemassipi. IV, 49. Fish river. _Namaes_, fish; _sipi_, river.

Nenachihat. V, 58. Watcher. _Nenachgistawachtin_, to listen to one
another, to hear one. K. Hence _hearer_.

Nentegowi. V, 16. The Nentegos. _Nentégo_ is the proper name of the
Nanticokes, who inhabited the eastern shore of Maryland. See p. 22.

Netamaki. I, 24. First land. _Netami_, first; _aki_, land.

Netami. I, 12, 18, 19. The first. _Netami_, the first. Z. _Gram._, p.
108.

Nguttichin. III, 16. All agreed. _'Nguttitehen_, to be of one heart and
mind. Z.

Nigoha. I, 18. Mother. _Ngahomes_, my mother. See Zeis. _Gram._, p. 100.

Nihantowit. II, 4. Dead keeper. _'Nihillowet_, murderer
(_nihillanowet_). See p. 102.

Nihillanep. IV, 43. He killed. See p. 102.

Nihillapewin. III, 11. Being free. _Nihillapewi_, free. Z. See p. 101.

Nihillen. III, 15. To kill _or_ annihilate. _Nihilla_, I kill. Z. See
p. 101.

Nijini. I, 10, 19; II, 2. The Jins. _Nik_, these, those. K. _Nigani_,
the first, the foremost. Z. See notes.

Nillawi. III, 18. By night or in the dark. _Nipahwi_, by night. Z.

Nipahum. I, 5. Moon. _Nipahump_, moon, _Min_.

Nishawi. II, 3. Both, _Nischa_, two.

Nitaton. IV, 11. To be able. To know how to do it. Z.

Nitatonep. IV, 43. He was able. See above. Preterit.

Nitisak. I, 16. Friends. _Nitis_, confidential friend. (Heck, p. 438.)

Nitilowan. IV, 54. Friends of north. _Nitis_, and _lowan_, north.

Nolandowak. IV, 49. Lazy they. _Nolhand_, lazy. K.

Nolemiwi. I, 3. Invisible. Invisible. Z.

Nungihillan. III, 10. By trembling. _Nungihillan_, to tremble. K.

Nungiwi. IV, 64. Trembling he. See above.

Okwewi. I, 18. Wives. _Ochquewak_, women. Z.

Okwisapi. III, 19 With wives or women of man. _Ochque_, woman; _ape_,
man.

Oligonunk. IV, 29. Hollow mountain over. _Wahlo_, a cavern _or_ a
hollow between hills. _Oley_, in Berks county, Pa., the name of a
Moravian settlement, is from this root.

Olini. III, 18. The men _or_ people. From root _ni_, p. 101.

Olumapi. IV, 23. Bundler of written sticks. See p. 161.

Onowutok. V, 12. Prophet. _Owoatan_, to know. K.

Opannek. III, 16. They went. From _aan_, to go, and perhaps with prefix
_wab_ or _op_, east.

Opekasit. IV, 47. Easterly looking. _Waopink_ or _opūnk_, opossum. From
the root _wab_, white. See p. 43.

Opeleken. I, 8. It looks bright. Root _wab_ or _op_. See last word.

Otaliwako. V, 43. There snake _or_ Otalis (Cherokis).

Otaliwi. V, 56. Cherokees of Mts.

Ouken. III, 12. Fathers. _Ochwall_, his father. Zeis. _Gram_, p. 100.

Owagan. I, 22, or Owagon, I, 7. Deeds, action. A verbal suffix. See p.
101.

Owak. I, 4. Much air or clouds. An error for _woak_, and. Comp. Zeis.
_Spelling Book_, p. 122.

Owanaku. I, 2. Foggy. _Awonn_. Z. _Auan_, N. J., fog.

Owini. I, 12. First beings I, 16; II, 5, 9. Beings. Rafinesque says
of this word, that it "may be analyzed _o-wi-ni_, 'such they men' or
beings." It would seem to be a form of the substantive verb termination
_wi_.

Owinkwak. I, 10. First beings also. _Owini_, and _wak_, and.

Paganchihilla. IV, 59. Great fulfiller. _Pachgihillan_, to break, break
asunder. K.

Pakimitzin. V, 49. Cranberry eating. _Pakihm_, cranberries; _mitzin_,
to eat.

Pallalogas. I, 22. Crime. _Pallalogosawagan_, crime, evil deed. Zeis.
_Gram._, p. 103.

Palliaal. III, 9. Go away. The same. Zeis. _Gram._, p. 243. An
imperative; but not so used in the text.

Pailihilla. IV, 56. Spoil and killing. From _pallilissin_, to do wrong.
Zeis. _Gram._, p. 243.

Palliton. II, 3. Fighting. II, 5. To destroy or spoil. II, 7. Much
spoiling or destroying. _Palliton_, to do ill, to spoil. Zeis. _Gram._,
p. 222.

Pallitonep. IV, 44, 46. He war made. It is the imperfect of _palliton_,
to despoil, fight.

Pallitonepit. IV, 47. At the warfare. Preterit of the above.

Palliwi. II, 16. Elsewhere. Ibid. Z.

Palpal. II, 12. Come, come. _Palite_, when he comes. Z.

Paniton. II, 15. Let it be. _Paliton_, to spoil, injure. Z.

Pataman. II, 15. Praying. _Pataman_, to pray. K.

Pawanami. V, 14. Rich water turtle. _Pawalessin_, to be rich.

Pawasinep. III, 13. Rich was. _Pawa_, rich.

Payat. I, 23. Coming. _Paan_, to come. Conjugated in Zeis. _Gram._, p.
148. _Payat_, he who comes _or_ is coming. From the root _an_, to move.
Cf. _Aan_.

Payat-chik. I, 22. Coming them. See above.

Payaking. III, 20. Coming at. See above.

Payat payat. II, 12. Coming, coming. See above.

Pechimin. III, 10. Thus escaping. _Pach-_, to separate, divide, to
split asunder.

Pehella. II, 7. Much water rushing. II, 10. Flood. See
_Kschippehellen_.

Peklinkwekin. V, 59. Sea looking. _Pek_, still water, lake, sea.

Pekochilowan. V, 23. Near north. _Lowan_, north.

Pemaholend. IV, 20. Constantly beloved. _Ahoala_, to love.

Pemapaki. IV, 14. Lake land. Apparently for _menuppekink_, at the lake.

Pematalli. V, 17. Constant those. _Talli_, there.

Penauwelendamep. II, 5. Resolved. _Penauwelendam_, to consider about
something. Z.

Penkwihilen. II, 16. It is drying. _Penquihillen_, dried. K.

Pepomahemen. V, 8. Navigator up. Doubtful.

Petonep. II, 6. He brought. _Peton_, to bring. Z.

Peyachik. III, 4. Comers. See _Payat_.

Pikihil. III, 10. Is torn. _Pikihillen_, torn, rent in pieces. K.

Pilwhalin. IV, 21. Holy goer. _Pilhik_, clean, pure.

Pimikhasuwi. IV, 57. Stirring about he.

Piskwilowan. V, 31. Against north. _Tipisqui_, against. Z. _Lowan_,
north.

Pitenumen. V, 39. Mistaken. _Pitenummen_, to make a mistake. Z.

Pohoka. II, 7. Much go to hills. _Pokawachne_, creek between two hills.
The word does not refer to hills, but to the division, cleft or valley
between hills.

Pokhapokhapek. III, 12. Gaping sea, _Pocqueu_, a muscle, clam. Z. An
important article of food to the natives; _pek_, a lake or sea.

Pokhakhopak. III, 17. At gap snake sea. See above.

Pokwihil. III, 4. Divided or broken. III, 10. Is broken. _Poquihilleu_
or _poquiecheu_, broken. K. The root is _pach_, to split, divide.

Pomisinep. IV, 52. Went _or_ passed. _Pomsin_, to walk. K.

Pommixin. II, 9, 10. Creeping. _Pommisgen_, to begin to walk;
_pommixin_, to creep. K.

Ponskan. III, 18. Much walking. _Pommauchsin_, to walk.

Powa. III, 4. Rich, for _Pawa_, rich, etc. See p. 70. See words under
_pawa_.

Powako. I, 21. Priest snake. See above.

Powatanep. IV, 39. Pontiff was. See above.

Powatapi. III, 19. Priest manly. See above.

Psakwiken. III, 1. Close together. _Psakquiechen_, close together. K.

Pungelika. V, 31. Lynx well like (Eries). _Pongus_, sand fly. K.
Doubtful.

Pungusak. I, 15. Gnats. _Pongus_, sand fly, K.

Sakelendam. IV, 47. Being sad. _Sakquelendam_, to be sad. K.

Sakima. IV, 5. King. See p. 46.

Sakimachik. IV, 26. See above.

Sakimak. IV, 17. Kings. See above.

Sakimakichwon. V, 33. With this great king. See above.

Sakimalanop. IV, 33. King was made. See above.

Sakimanep. IV, 8, 9, 15, 18. King was. See above. Preterite form.

Saskwihanang. V, 24. Susquehanah (branchy R.) at. See p. 14.

Sayewis. I, 3. First being. _Schawi_, immediately, directly. Z.

Shabigaki. IV, 13. Shore land. This seems a more correct form than
Heckewelder's _scheyichbi_. See p. 40.

Shak. I, 14. But. _Schuk_, but.

Shakagapewi. IV, 64. Just and upright he. _Schachachgapewi_, he is
honest, righteous. K.

Shakagapip. IV, 19. A just man he was. _Schachach_, straight; here used
in a metaphorical sense for just.

Shawaniwaen. IV, 12, 24. South he goes. _Shawano_, south.

Shawanaki. IV, 13. South land. _Shawano_, south; _aki_, land. Zeis.
gives _schawenneu_ for south.

Shawanaking. V, 10. South land at. See above.

Shawanapi. III, 19. Southern manly. _Shawano_, and _ape_, man.

Shawaniluen. IV, 10. South he saying. _Shawano_, and _luen_, to say.

Shawaniwak. IV, 59. South they go. _Shawano_, and _ewak_.

Shawanipalat. V, 42. South warrior. _Shawano_, and _itapalat_.

Shawanipekis. IV, 60. South of the lakes. _Shawano_, and _pek_, lake.

Shawaniwi. III, 6. Southerlings. _Shawano_, with suffix _wi_.

Shawanowi. V, 10. The Shawani. See above.

Shawapama. IV, 17. South and east there. _Shawano_, _wapan_, east, and
_ma_, there.

Shawelendamep. II, 2. Become troubled. _Acquiwelendam_, to disquiet. Z.
With intensive prefix _ksch_.

Shawoken. III, 10. So far going. _Schewak_, weak?

Shayabinitis. V, 57. Shore friend. See next words. _Nitis_, friend.

Shayabian. V, 37. Shore (or Jersey) going. _Schejek_, a string of
wampum. Z.

Sheyabing. V, 51. At New Jersey _or_ shore. _Scheyichbi_, Indian name
of New Jersey. (Heck., p. 51.) See p. 40.

Shinaking. III, 20; IV, 1, 5. At fir-land. Chip. _jin-goh_, spruce fir.
Bar. _Schind_, spruce. Z. _Aki_, land; _nk_, locative termination, "the
place of spruce firs."

Shingalan. II, 2. Hating. _Schingalan_, to hate somebody. K.

Shingalusit. II, 2; V, 56. Foe, foes. _Schingalusit_, enemy, adversary.
K.

Shiwapi. IV, 27. Salt man. _Schwewak_, salt meat; _sikey_, salt.

Showihilla. IV, 7. Weak. _Schawek_, weak.

Shukand. I, 20. But then. _Schukund_, only, but then.

Sili. III, 3. Cattle. _Sisili_, a buffalo. See note to verse.

Sin. III, 4. To be. _Lissin_, to be _or_ do so.

Sinako. V, 16. Strong snake. _Assin_, stone; _aki_, land.

Sipakgamen. IV, 55. River over against. _Sipi_, river. See _Agamunk_.

Sisilaki. IV, 14. Cattle land. _Sisiliamuus_, a buffalo, N. J.

Sisilaking. IV, 29. Cattle land at. _Sisili_, buffalo; _aki_, land.

Sittamaganat. V, 2. Path leader. Pipe-bearer. See note to IV, 2.

Sitwahikho. II, 16. Path of cave. _Tschitqui_, silent;
_tschitquihillewak_, they are silent. Z.

Slangelendam. IV, 31. Disliking. _Skattelendam_, to loathe, to hate.

Sohalawak. I, 4, 5, 6, 14, 15; IV, 23. He causes them. See note.

Sohalgol. IV, 25. He causes it. See last word.

Taquachi. IV, 24. Shiverer with cold. _Tachquatten_, frozen. K.

Takauwesit. III, 5. The best. _Tach_, together, to tie, etc. Hence
united, harmonious.

Talamatan. IV, 54, 61, 63, 64. Hurons. See p. 16.

Talamatanitis. IV, 61. Huron friends. See _Lamatanitis_.

Talegachukang. V, 19. Allegheny Mts going. Doubtful.

Talegaking. V, 1. Talega land at. See p. 230.

Taleganah. V, 14. Talega R, at. See p. 230.

Talegawik. IV, 56. Talega they. See p. 230.

Talegawil. IV, 52. Talega head _or_ emperor. See p. 230. _Wil_, head.

Talegawunkik. V, 45. Talegas west visitor. See p. 230. _Wunken_, west;
_kiwiken_, to visit.

Talligewi. IV, 50. Talegas _or_ there found. See p. 229.

Tamaganat. IV, 55. Leader. _Gelelemend_ = the leader. Heck. _Ind.
Names_, p. 392. See note to IV, 2.

Tamaganena. V, 2. Chieftain such _or_ Beaver leader. Pipe-bearer. See
note to IV, 2.

Tamakwapi. III, 19. Beaver manly. _Tamaque_. Camp. _Ktemaque_. Zeis. A
beaver. Mohegan, _amuchke_, Schmick.

Tamakwi. IV, 12. Beaver he. See last word.

Tamenend. IV, 35; Tamanend, V, 32. Affable (beaver like). _Temenend_,
affable. Heck.

Tankawun. V, 9. Little cloud. _Tangelensuwi_, modest, humble;
_tangitti_, small.

Tapitawi. II, 14. Altogether. _Tachguiwi_, together. Z.

Tashawinso. V, 51. At leisure gatherer.

Tasukamend. IV, 19. Never black _or_ bad. _Ta_, not, _suckeu_, black. Z.

Tatalli. II, 10. Which way _or_ shall there. _Tatalli_, whitherwards. K.

Tawanitip. V, 49. Ottawas made friends; _nitis_, friend.

Tellen. IV, 17. Ten.

Tellenchen kittapakki. III, 18. 10,000.

Tenche kentit. IV, 58. Opening path. _Tenk_, _titit_, little. K.
Doubtful.

Tendki. III, 8. Being there. _Tindey_, fire. Z. _Tenden_, _Min_.;
_yawagan tendki_, the cabin-fires.

Tenk wonwi. IV, 27, 30. Dry-he. _Teng_- or _tenk_- = little. K.

Thupin. III, 2. It is cold. _Teu_, it is cold. K.

Tihill. III, 3. Coolness. _Tillihan_, it is cool. K.

Topan. III, 2. It freezes. _Tepan_, white frost.

Topanpek. III, 16. Frozen sea. _Tepan_, and; _pek_, lake.

Towakon. IV, 46. Towako. V, 16. Father snake. _Tawa_ and _aki_, the
Ottawas or Twightees. See note to V, 16.

Tsehepicken. IV, 49. Separated. _Tschetschpiechen_, to separate. K.

Tulagishatten. II, 9. At Tula he is ready. _Tulpe_, turtle;
_gischatten_, it is ready, done, finished.

Tulamokom. II, 13. A turtle's grandfather. _Tulpe_, turtle. See _Mokom_.

Tulapewi. II, 14. Turtle there. _Tulpe_, a water turtle. K.

Tulapewini. III, 1. Turtle being. See above.

Tulapima. II, 14. Turtle there. _Tulpe_, and _ma_, there.

Tulapin. II, 10. Turtle-back. _Tulpe_, turtle.

Tulapit. II, 8. At Tula or turtle land. _Tulpe_, and _epit_, q. v.

Tulapiwi. III, 7. The turtling. _Tulpe_, and suffix _wi_.

Tulpenaki. III, 7. Turtle country. _Tulpe_, and _aki_, land.

Tulpewi. II, 15. Turtle he. See above. _Tulapewi_.

Tulpewik. I, 13. Turtles. See above.

Tumaskan. IV, 42. Wolf strong. _Temmeu_, wolf, Z.

Tumewand. V, 29. The wolfers (mohican). _Temmeu_, wolf, _anit_ = the
wolf god, or magician.

Tumewapi. III, 19. Wolf manly. _Temmeu_, and _ape_ man; a _nomen
gentile_.

Uchewak. I, 15. Flies. _Utschewak_, flies. Z.

Unamini. V, 52. Turtle tribe. See p. 36.

Unchihillen. V, 39. Coming from somewhere. _Untschihilleu_ it comes
from somewhere rapidly, to flow out.

Wagan. II, 16. Action. See _Owagan_.

Wak. I, 2. And. Id.

Wakaholend. IV, 33. Loving, beloved. _Ahoalan_, to love. _Woakaholend_.
Heck. _Ind. Names_, p. 395.

Wakon. I, 21. Snake god. _Wachunk_, high (Min.) Perhaps a form of
_akiuk_, earthward.

Wallama. IV, 40. Painted. See p. 161.

Wallamolumin. V, 5. Painted-booking. See p. 161.

Wangomend. V, 55. Saluted. Id. Heck. _Ind. Names_, p. 395.

Wapachikis. V. 57. White crab. _Woapeu_, white. Z. The root _wab, wap_,
or _op_, white, light, the east, etc., occurs in numerous words.

Wapagumoshki. V, 44. White otter. See above.

Wapagishik. IV, 48. East sun or sunrise. _Wap_, and _gischuch_.

Wapagokhos. IV, 8. White owl. _Wap_, and _gokhos_, owl. Z.

Wapahacki. V, 37. White body. _Wap_, and _hackey_, body.

Wapahoning. V, 11. White Lick at. _Wap_, and _mahoning_. Z. At the deer
lick.

Wapakisinep. V, 21. East land was. _Wap_, and _aki_, land, with
preterit suffix.

Wapalaneng. V, 2. White river at. _Wap_, and _amkannink_ at the river.

Wapala wikwan. V, 20. East settling place. _Wap_, and _wikwam_, house.

Wapallanewa. IV, 2. White eagle. _Woaplanne_, the bald eagle. Z.

Wapallendi. IV, 52. East some. _Wap_, east; _allende_, some.

Wapanaki. III, 18. Eastern land. _Wap_, east; _aki_, land.

Wapanapi. III, 19. Eastern manly. _Wap_, east or white; _ape_, man.

Wapaneken. IV, 48. East going together. _Wap_, east; see _Eken_.

Wapanen. III, 9. Easterly. _Wap_, east.

Wapanand. V, 29. The easters. _Wap_, east.

Wapanichan. IV, 32. East moving. _Wap_, east.

Wapaniwaen. IV, 12, 28. East he goes. _Wap_, east; _aan_, to go.

Wapaniwi. III, 6, 16. Easterlings. _Wap_, east; _wi_, substantive verb
suffix.

Wapashum. V, 45. White big horn. _Wap_, white; _wschummo_, horn. Z.

Wapasinep. III, 13. East was _or_ bright. _Wap_, east; preterit
termination.

Wapawaki. IV, 51. East rich land.

Wapawullaton. IV, 50. East possessing. _Wap_, east; _wullaton_, to
possess.

Wapayachik. V, 59. White or east coming. _Wap_, east; _payat_, q. v.

Wapekunchi. V, 40. East sea from. _Wap_, east; doubtful.

Wapkicholan. IV, 38. White crane _or_ big bird. _Wap_, white;
_tscholen_, bird.

Waplanowa. III, 12. White eagle. _Woaplanne_, a bald eagle. Z.

Waplowaan. V, 29. East, north, do go. _Wap_, east; _lowan_, north,
_aan_, to go.

Wapsipayat. V, 40. Whites coming. _Wap_, white; _payat_, q. v.

Waptalegawing. V, 20. East of Talega at. _Wap_ east; _talega_, q. v.

Waptipatit. IV, 41. White chicken. _Wap_, white; _tipatit_, chicken.

Waptumewi. III, 12. White wolf. _Wap_, white; _temmeu_, wolf.

Wapushuwi. V, 3. White lynx he. _Wap_, white.

Wasiotowi. V. 56. Wasioto. Doubtful.

W'delsinewap. I, 16. Were there. Preterit of _lissin_, to be so.

Wekwochella. IV, 30. Much fatigued. _Wiquehilla_, to be tired. Z.

Wellaki. IV, 3. Fine land. _Wulit_, fine; _aki_, land.

Wemaken. III, 15. All snaking. _Wemi_, all; _aki_, land, earth; the
whole land.

Wematan. III, 14. All let us go. _Wemi_, and _atam_, q. v.

Wemelowichik. V, 26. All hunters. _Wemi_, all; _elauwitschik_, hunters.

Wemi. I, 7, 6, 16, 20. All. Id. Wemiako. III, 8. All the snakes.
_Wemi_, all; _achgook_, snake; or, _aki_, land.

Wemiamik. V. 48. All children (Miamis). Doubtful.

Wemichemap. II, 12. All helped. _Wemi_, all; _mitschemuk_, he helps me.
Z.

Wemiguma. I, 1. _Wemi_, all; _guma_, sea water. See note to passage.

Wemiluen. III, 15. All saying. _Wemi_, all; _luen_, to say.

Wemimokom. II, 13. Of all grandfather. _Wemi_, and _mokom_, q. v.

Wemilowi. IV, 53. All say. _Wemi_, all; _luen_, to say.

Weminitis. IV, 35. All being friends. V, 33. All friendly. _Wemi_, all;
_nitis_, friends.

Wemipalliton. IV, 43. To war on all. _Wemi_, and _palliton_, q. v.

Wemima. IV, 2. All there. _Wemi_, all; _ma_, there.

Wemilat. IV, 58. All given to him. _Wemi_, and _miltin_, q. v.

Wemilo. IV, 5. All say to him. _Wemi_, and _luen_, to say.

Weminilluk. IV, 15. All warred. _Wemi_, and _nihillan_, q. v.

Weminitik. V, 48. All friends _or_ allies. _Wemi_, and _nitis_.

Weminungwi. V, 31. All trembling. _Wemi_ and _nungihillan_, to tremble.

Wemi owenluen. III, 8. To all saying. _Wemi_, and _luen_, to say.

Wemi tackwicken. V, 33. All united. _Tachquiwi_, together.

Wemiten. III, 11. All go out. IV, 54. To go all united. _Wemiten_
(infin), to go all forth or abroad. Z. _Gr._ 244.

Wemoltin. II, 10. All go forth. III, 9, 18. They go forth. They are all
going forth. Z. _Gr._ p. 244.

Wemopannek. III, 17. All went. _Wemi_, with past preterit suffix.

Wenchikit. V, 52. Offspring. _Wentschiken_, to descend, to grow out of.
Z.

Wetamalowi. IV, 33. The wise they. _Wewoatamamine_, wise man. Z.

Wewoattan. IV, 42. To be wise _or_ by wise. _Woaton_, to know. Z.

Wich. I, 7. With. _Witschi_, with.

Wichemap. II, 12. Helped. _Witscheman_, to help somebody.

Wihillan. I, 23. Destroying or distemper. _Nihillan_, to destroy.

Wiblamok. III, 14. Head beaver. _Wil_, head; _amuchke_, beaver. Moh.

Wikhichik. III, 4. Tillers. _Wikhetschik_, cultivators of the earth. Z.

Wiki. II, 4. With. _Witschi_, with.

Wikwan. V, 20. _Wikwam_, house.

Wilawapi. III, 19. Rich manly. _Wil_, head; _ape_, man.

Winakicking. V, 25, 27. Sassafras land at or Penna. _Winak_, sassafras.
Z.

Winakununda. V, 36. Sassafras tarry. _Winak_, sassafras, _guneunga_, q.
v.

Winelowich. V, 18. Snow hunter. _Wineu_, snow; _elauwitsch_, hunter.

Wineu. III, 2. It snows. _Wineu_, it snows.

Wingelendam. IV, 60. _Wingelendam_, to approve, to like. Z.

Wingenund. IV, 39. Mindful.

Wingi. I, 20. Willingly. _Wingi_, fain, gladly, willing.

Winiaken. III, 11. At the land of snow. _Wineu_, it snows; _aki_, land.

Winimokom. II, 13. Of beings grandfather. _Owini_ and _Mokom_, q. v.

Wisawana. IV, 34. Yellow River. _Wisaweu_, yellow; _amhanne_, river.

Wishanem. II, 15. Frightened. _Wischaleu_, he is frightened. Z.

Wishi. I, 17. Good. Probably for _mesitche_ = Chip. _mitcha,
etc._, great.

Witchen. III, 15. Going with. _Witen_, to go with. K.

Wittank. IV, 34. Town. _Witen_, to go or dwell with.

Wittanktalli. III, 1. Dwelling of Talli. _Witen_, to go with. Z.
_talli_, there. Z.

Wiwunch. I, 24. Very long. _Wiwuntschi_, before now, of old. K.

Wokenapi. IV, 11. Fathers men. _Woaklappi_ repeatedly, again. K.

Wokgetaki. I, 1. _Wokget_, on the top; _aki_, land. _Wochgitschi_,
above, on top; _aki_, land, earth.

Woliwikgun. III, 1. Cane house. _Walak_, hole; _walkeu_, he is digging
a hole. Z.

Wolomenap. V, 28. Hollow men. _Wahhillemato_, wide, far. K.

Won. I, 24. This. _Won_, this, this one. K.

Wonwihil. V, 40, 59. At this time. _Won_, this, _wil_, head.

Wsamimaskan. IV, 57. Too much strong. _Maskan_, great.

W'shakuppek. III, 17. Smooth deep water. _Wschacheu_, it is slippery,
smooth, glossy; _pek_, lake, sea.

Wtakan. III, 3. Mild. _Wtakeu_, soft, tender. Z.

W'tamaganat. IV, 37. And chieftain. The smoker or pipe bearer. See note
to IV, 2.

Wtenk. I, 11. After. Ibid.

Wulakeningus. V, 42. Well praised. _Wulakenimgussin_, to be praised. K.

Wulamo. II, 1; IV, 1; V, 1. Long ago. _Wulamoe_, long ago.

Wulaton. III, 3; IV, 11. To possess.

Wulliton. III, 16. _Wulaton_, to save, to put up. K. _Wuliton_, to make
well. K.

Wulatenamen. V, 41. To be happy. Ibid.

Wulelemil. III, 17. Wonderful. _Wulelemi_, wonderful.

Wuliton. II, 15. To make well, to do well. Z. _Gr._ p. 222.

Wulitowin. IV, 20. Good who (did). See last word.

Wulitshinik. V, 4. Good stony _or_ well, hardy. _Wulit_, good; _assin_,
stone.

Wulitpallat. V, 30. Good warrior. _Wulit_, good; _itopallat_, warrior.

Wunand. I, 17. A good god. Root _Wun_. See p. 104.

Wundanuksin. IV, 32. Being angry. _Wundanuxin_, to be angry at or for.
K.

Wunkenahep. V, 12. West he went. _Wundcheneu_, it is west.

Wunkenapi. III, 20. Western man. _Wundchen_, west; _ape_, man.

Wunkeniwi. III, 6. Westerlings. See above.

Wunkiwikwotank. V, 13. West he visited. See above. _Kiwichen_, to visit.

Wunpakitonis. V, 13. West abandoned. _Pakiton_, to throw away.

Wunshawononis. V, 13. West southerners. _Shawano_, south.

Yagawan. III, 8. (In the) huts. Ibid.

Yagawanend. IV, 50. Hut maker. See last word.

Yuch. I, 6. Well. _Yuh_. H. _Yuch_. K. _Yuk_, these. K.

Yukepechi. IV, 1. Till there. _Yukepetschi_, till now, hitherto. K.

Yuknohokluen. IV, 48. Let us go saying. Doubtful.

Yulik. I, 6. These. _Yukik_, these. K.

Yutali. I, 2, 22. There. _Jutalli_, just here. K.




APPENDIX.

AGOZHAGÀUTA. (_page_ 14. _Note_.)

With reference to this word I have been favored with the opinions
of Gen. Clark, Mr. Horatio Hale, and the Rev. J. A. Cuoq, all able
Iroquois scholars.

Gen. Clark and Mr. Hale believe that it is a dialectic or corrupt form
for _agotsaganha_, which is a derivature from _atsagannen_ (Bruyas,
_Radices Verborum Iroquaeorum_, p. 42). This verbal means, in one
conjugation, "to speak a foreign language," and in another, "to be of a
different language, to be a foreigner." The prefix _ago_ or _ako_ is an
indefinite pronoun, having the same form in both singular and plural,
and is used with national or tribal appellations, as in _akononsionni_,
"People of the Long House," the general name of the Five Nations. Gen.
Clark notes that the term _agotsaganens_, or _agotsaganes_, was the
term applied by the Iroquois to the Mohegans, = "People who speak a
foreign tongue." (Jogues, _Novum Belgium_ (1646), and _Pa. Colonial
Records_, vol. vi, p. 183.)

The Rev. Mr. Cuoq believes that the proper form is _akotsakannha_,
which in his alphabet is the same as _agotsaganha_, but he limits its
meaning to "on est Abnaquis," from _aktsakann_, "être Abnaquis." (See
his _Lexique de la Langue Iroquoise_, pp. 1, 155.) The general name
applied by the Iroquois to the Algonkins he gives as _Ratirontaks_,
from _karonta_, tree, and _ikeks_, to eat, "Tree-eaters" (_Lexique_, p.
88); probably they were so called from their love of the product of the
sugar maple.


DIALECT OF THE NEW JERSEY LENAPE. (_p. 46_)

An interesting specimen of the South Jersey dialect of the Lenape is
preserved in the office of the Secretary of State, Trenton, N.J. It is
a list of 237 words and phrases obtained in 1684, at Salem, N.J. It was
published in the _American Historical Record_, vol. I, pp. 308-311,
1872. The orthography is English, and it is evidently the same trader's
jargon which Gabriel Thomas gives. (See p. 76.) The _r_ is frequent;
man is _renus leno_; devil is _manitto_; God is _hockung tappin_
(literally, "he who is above"). There are several typographical errors
in the printed vocabulary.


REV. ADAM GRUBE. (_p. 84._)

His full name was Bernhard Adam Grube. Between 1760-63 he was
missionary in charge of the Moravian mission at Wechquetank, Monroe
County, Pa., and there translated into Delaware, with the aid of a
native named Anton, a "Harmony of the Gospels," and prepared an "Essay
of a Delaware Hymn Book." Both these were printed by J. Brandmüller, at
Friedensthal, Pa., and issued in 1763; but no copy of either is known
to exist.


EASTERN ORIGIN OF THE ALGONKINS. (_pp. 12_ and _145._)

Quite recently M. Emile Petitot, in an article entitled, "_De la
pretendue Origine Orientale des Algonquins_" (_Bulletin de la Société
d'Anthropologie_, 1884, p. 248), has attacked the theory that the
Algonkin migrations were from the northeasterly portions of the
American continent, toward the west and south. His arguments are based
on two Cree legends which he relates, one of which is certainly and
the other probably of modern date, as the incidents show; and on his
criticism of the derivation of the name "Abnaki". Of this he says:
"_Wabang_ signifie plutôt detroit que orient; et quant au mot _askiy_
ou _ahkiy_, il vent dire _terre_, et non pas _peuple_".

Now, no one ever claimed that _abnaki_ meant eastern people. The Abbé
Maurault translates the form _Abanki_ by "terre au Levant." (_Histoire
des Abénakis_, Introd. p. ii, Quebec, 1866.) In Cree _wapaw_, in
Chipeway _wabi_, mean narrows or strait; but they are derivatives from
the root _wab_, and mean a light or open place between two approaching
shores, as Chip. _wabigama_, or _wabimagad_, "there is a strait between
the two shores." (Baraga, _Otchipwe Dictionary_.) The name Abnaki is,
moreover, no argument either for or against the eastern origin of the
Algonkin stock, as it was merely a local term applied to a very small
branch of it by the French. Hence M. Petitot's criticisms on the theory
under consideration are misplaced and of no weight.

To what has been said in the text I may add that the Algonkins who
visited Montreal early in the 17th century retained distinct traditions
that they had once possessed the land to the east of that city, and
had been driven south and west by the Huron-Iroquois. See the Abbé
Maurault, _Histoire des Abénakis_, p. 111, and Wm. W. Warren, _Hist. of
the Ojibways_, Chap. IV (Minnesota, Hist. Colls., 1885).




INDEX OF AUTHORS

(_The principal references are in full-faced type._)

  Abbott, C. C., 44, 52, 57, 69.
  Adair, J., 61.
  Alsop, G., 14.
  Anthony, A., 156, 161, 219.
  Aupaumut, H., 18, 20, 23, 45, 113.

  Baraga, J., 35, 59, 62.
  Barton, B. S., 146.
  Beach, W. W., 115, 125.
  Beatty, C., 23, 47, 69, 138.
  Bozman, J., 15, 23, 29.
  Brainerd, D., 46, 62, 65, 127, 137.
  Brickell, J., 64.
  Brunner, D. F., 52, 57.

  Campanius, T., 66, =75=, 96, 116, 126, 131.
  Clark, W. P., 152.
  Copway, G., 61, 160, 219.
  Cummings, A., 87.
  Cuoq, F. H., 71, 105.

  Darlington, W., 50.
  Darwin, C., 140.
  De Laet, 31.
  Dencke, C. F., 84.
  Denny, E., 86, 94.
  Donkers, J., 132.
  Drake, S. G., 163.
  Duponceau, P. S., 77, 102,  121, 155.
  Durant, M., 122.

  Eager, 36.
  Ettwein, J., 14, 18, 47, 51, =83=, 132, 229, etc.
  Evelin, R., 41.

  Fast, C., 125.
  Fleet, H., 27.
  Force, M. J., 29, 31.
  Foulke, W. P., 116.

  Gallatin, A., 31, 112, 120.
  Gray, A., 149, 155.
  Grube, B. A., 83, 256.
  Guss, N. L., 14.

  Haldeman, S. S., 150, 162.
  Hale, H., 12, 17, 18, 36, 95, 112, 156.
  Hammond, W. A., 110.
  Harrison, W. H., 64, 112.
  Haven, S. F., 150.
  Haywood, J., 17.
  Heckewelder, J., 15-16, 18, 20-23, 30, 35, 43, 78, 92, 128,
                   136, 140, 146, 219, etc.
  Hendricks, Capt., 21.
  Henry, M. J., 37, 45, =86=.
  Hoffman, W. J., 152.
  Holland, F. R., 85.
  Hough, 125, 229.
  Howse, J., 13, 94, 98, 103, 105.

  James, E., 61, 152.
  Jogues, I., 225.
  Jones, D., 60.
  Jones, P., 16.
  Johnston, J., 26, 30, 125, 145.

  Kalm, P., 46, 50, 52.
  Kampman, Rev., 28, 84.

  Lacombe, A., 12, 26, 43, 103, etc.
  Lawson, J., 61.
  Lindstrom, 131.
  Long, J., 20.
  Loskiel, G. H., 18, 29, 47, 70, 91, 137, 229, etc.
  Luckenbach, A., 85.

  McCoy, I., 125.
  McKenney, T. L., 224.
  Mallery, G., 152.
  Martin, H., 54.
  Maurault, J. A., 256.
  Mayer, B., 162.
  Meeker, J., 87.
  Mezzofanti, Cardinal, 108.
  Morgan, L. H., 12, 19, 21, 34, 40, 47, 93.
  Morse, J., 31, 113, 145.
  Murray, W. V., 24.

  Neill, E. D., 27.

  Occum, S., 67, 70.

  Peale, F., 51.
  Peet, S. D., 124.
  Penn, Wm., 58, 75, 122.
  Petitot, E., 256.
  Pickering, J., 94.
  Porter, T. C., 57.
  Proud, R., 20, 37, 45.

  Rafinesque, C. S., =148=, etc.
  Rasles, S., 60, 94, etc.
  Reichel, W. C., 22.
  Richardson, J., 58.
  Roth, J., =78=.
  Ruttenber, E. M., 20, 21, 36, 42, 55, 116, 119.

  Schmick, J. J., 22.
  Schoolcraft, H. R., 20, 58, 62, 87, 109, 133, 160, 129, etc.
  Schweinitz, E. de, 25, 62, 129, etc.
  Scull, N., 36.
  Shea, J. G., 14, 231.
  Silliman, B., 155.
  Sluyter, Peter, 132.
  Smith, G., 38.
  Smith, J., 23, 26, 114.
  Smith, S., 37.
  Squier, E. G., 163, 167, 219, etc.
  Stiles, Pres., 35.
  Strachey, W., 67.

  Tanner, J., 152, 160, 219.
  Thomas, C., 17.
  Thomas, G., 54, =75=, 91, 96.
  Thompson, C., 48, 115, 121.
  Tobias, G., 87, 88.
  Trumbull, J. H., 20, 30, 33, 46, 49, 71,
                   74, 90, 97, 105, 219, etc.
  Tryon, G. W., 150.

  Van der Donck, 44, 51, 136.
  Vincent, F., 60.

  Ward, Dr., 153-4.
  Wassenaer, 55, 72.
  Watson, J.,
  Weiser, Conrad, 60, 123.
  Whipple, Lt., 87, 96.
  White, A., 27, 28.
  Wied, Prince of, 55.
  Williams, R., 30, 55, 61, 94.

  Young, T., 38, 63.

  Zeisberger, 35, 55, 62, 69, =76=, 105,
              113, 129, 134, etc.




INDEX OF SUBJECTS

(_The principal references are in full-faced type_.)

  Abnaki, 11, 19.
   derivation of name, 256.
  Age of Gold, 135, 222.
  Agozhagauta, 14, 255.
    derivation of, 255
  Algonkins, location, 9.
    dialects, 11, 89, 93.
    dialects, traits of, 89.
    myths, 67, 130, 164, 167.
    legends, 145.
    eastern origin of, 14, 145, 256.
  Allemœbi, chief, 123.
  Alligewi, 141-2, 229-31.
  Alleghany, derivation, 229-31.
  Alternating consonants, 94.
  Andastes, 14.
  Arms, native, 53.
  Assigunaik, 228.
  Assiwikales, 32.
  Auquitsaukon, 35.

  Bear, Naked, legend of, 146.
  Blackfeet, 9, 49, 130.
  Bones, preservation of, 25, 54.
  Book, Lenape word for, 59.
  Brandywine creek, Indians on, 48.
  Brant, Joseph, 122.
  Brush nets, 53.
  Buffalo, the, 226.

  Cachnawayes, 26.
  Canai. See _Conoys_.
  Canassatego, 15, 114, 121.
  Canaways. See _Conoys_.
  Cantico, derivation, 73.
  Cape May, tribes at, 41.
  Cardinal Points, the, 67.
  Carolina, tribes from, 25, 31, 32.
  Catawbas, 31.
  Cherokees, 13, =16=, 166, 230.
  Chesapeake Bay, Indians on, 15, 23-5.
  Chicomoztoc, 139.
  Chihohockies, 37.
  Chiholacki, the, 20, 37.
  Chilicothe, 30.
  Chipeways, 9, 56, 62, 113, 130-1, 151-2, 222.
  Christina Creek, 15.
  Civility, chief, 48.
  Cohongorontas, 15.
  Condolence, custom of, 18.
  Conestoga Creek, 15.
  Conestogas, 14.
  Confederacy, Algonkin, 19.
  Conoys, =25=.
  Conoy town, 29.
  Copper, use of, 50, 52.
  Cree dialect, 10, 12, 98.
  Crees, 9.
  Crosweeksung, _or_ Crosswicks, 45.

  Dance, sacred, 73.
  Deed, First Indian, 120.
  Delamattenos, 16. See _Talamatans_ and _Hurons_.
  Delawares. See _Lenape_.
  Deluge, Myth of, 134, 167.
  Dialects of the Lenni Lenape, 91.
  Dogs, 54.
  Dreams, belief in, 70.
  Dyes, use of, 53.

  Eastlanders, 19.
  Eries, 13.
  Ermomex, 42.
  Eskimos, 70, 232.

  Fairfield, founding of, 124.
  Fire worship, 65, 73.
  Fish River, 229.
  Five Nations. See _Iroquois_.
  "Four Sticks," the, 152.
  Four winds as deities, 65, 67.
  Foxes, tribe, 11, 113.
  Friends, their relations to the Indians, 63, 126.
  Frog Indians, 44.

  Ganawese. See _Conoys_.
  Gekelemukpechunk, town, 123.
  Gesture-speech, native, 152.
  Glus-kap, Micmac god, 130.
  Gnadenhütten, 124-5, 128.
  Gollitchy, chief, 118.
  Gookin, Governor, 118.
  Gordon, Governor, 119.
  Grave Creek Mounds, 17.
  Grandfathers, Delawares as, 23, 113.
  Grandfathers, Fire as, 65, 73.
  Guaranis, the, 70.

  Hare, the Great, 66.
  Head, idols of, 68.
  Heart, symbolic meaning of, 71.
  Hieroglyphics, native, 57.
  Hithquoquean, chief, 117.
  Hurons, 13, =16=, 144, 165, 168, 231.

  Idols, 68.
  Indian corn. See _Maize_.
  Indian paths, the, 45.
  Inscribed stones, 57.
  Interments, 54.
  Iroquois, location, 13.
    history, 110, 114, 120.

  Kanawha, derivation, 26.
  Kanawhas. See _Conoys_.
  Kansas, Delawares in, 126.
  Kikeron, 132-3.
  Kittawa-Cherokees, 16.
  Koquethagachton, chief. See _White Eyes_.
  Kuscarawocks, 23.

  Lenape, the, =33=.
    myths of, 130.
  Lenape dialects, 91, sqq.
    prefixes, 99.
    grammatical structure, 105.
    derivation, 33.
  Light, worship of, 65, 130, 132.
  Long Island, Indians of, 67, 70.
  Long Walk, the, 115, 128.

  Machtoga, a festival, 73.
  Macocks, 38.
  Mahicanni. See _Mohegans_.
  Maize, native name of, 48.
    origin of, 228.
  Manabozho, See _Michabo_.
  Manito, derivation of, 219.
  Mantes, 42, =44=.
  Manufactures, 51.
  Marcus Hook, derivation, 39.
  Masco, chief, 145.
  Meday worship, 71.
  Medicine men, 71, 135.
    rattle, 135.
    lodge, 71.
  Mengwe, derivation, 14, 116, 141.
  Mesukkummegokwa, 222.
  Miamis, 9, 144, 146.
  Michabo, 130, 167.
  Micmacs, 10, 48, 130.
  Milky Way, myth of, 70.
  Mingo, 15, 116, 118.
  Mingo Creek, 15.
  Minisink. See _Minsi_.
  Minquas, 14.
  Minsi, 19, 36, 114, 116-7, 122.
    dialect, 92.
  Mission Delaware dialect, 97.
  Mohegan dialect, 22, 93.
  Mohegans, 19, =20=, 165.
    myths of, 136, 139.
  Monsey. See _Minsi_.
  Montauk Indians, 67.
  Mounds, building of, 17, 51.
    builders, 231.
  Munsees. See _Minsi_,
  Myths of Lenapes, 130.

  Namaes sipu, 141, 143.
  Nanabozho, 130-1, 166, 224.
  Nanticoke dialect, 24.
  Nanticokes, =22=, 145.
    traditions of, 139.
  Narraticons, 42.
  Neobagun, the, 151-2.
  Neutral Nation, 13.
  New Albion, 41.
  New Jersey Lenape, =40=, 127, 256.
  New Jersey Lenape, their dialect, 46, 93, 95.
  Ninniwas, 151.
  Nottoways, 13.

  Obviative, in Lenape, 107.
  Ohio, Delawares in, 124-5.
  Okahokis, 38.
  Old Sack, 25
  OLUM, derivation of, 153.
  Onas, name of Penn, derivation, 95.
  Onondagas, 117.
  Opings, 21, 42.
  Opossum, the, 43.
  Opuhnarke, the, 19.
  Osages, 151, 161.
  Ossuaries, 23, 54.
  Otayachgo, tribe, 22.
  Ottawas, 113, 122, 140, 145, 232.

  Paint, word for, 60.
  Paints, use of, 53.
  Paint Creek, 60.
  Palisades, 51.
  Pascatoway, derivation, 26.
  Pascatoways, 15, =26=, 47.
  Passive voice, in American languages, 108.
  Peace-belt, the, 47, 114.
  Peace chiefs, 47.
  Penn, Wm., 75, 116, 122, 127.
    his Indian name, 95.
    his treaties, 120.
  Pequods, 30.
  Pictographs, 56.
  Pipes, 40, 118.
  Piquas, 29.
  Piscatoways. See _Pascatoways_.
  Playwickey, derivation, 39.
  Pohhegan, the, 35.
  Pomptons, 42-3.
  Potomac, Indians near, 25, 67.
    Iroquois name of, 15.
  Pottawatomies, 11, 113.
  Pottery, native, 51.
  Powwow, derivation, 70, 227.
  Priests, native, 70.
  Pueblo Indians, 110.

  Record Sticks, 59.
  RED SCORE, the, 161.

  Sachem, derivation, 46.
  Sacs _or_ Sauks, 11, 113.
  Safe Harbor, inscription, 57.
  Sanhicans, 43.
  Sapoonies, the, 31.
  Scheyichbi, 40, 143.
  Scythians, disease of, 110.
  Senecas, 117, 121.
  Serpent worship, 71-2, 167, 222, 231.
  Seven, as a sacred number, 139.
  Shamokin, 29, 115, 123.
  Shawnees, =29=, 39, 113, 119, 145, 219.
    sacred song of, 145, note.
  Shekomeko, 128.
  Sign-language, native, 152.
  Snake, the Great, 71, 167.
  Snake people, the, 165, 227, 231.
    land, the, 167, 231.
    water, 136.
  Soap-stone, use of, 52.
  Soul, doctrine of, 69.
  Spears, use of, 53.
  Stars, knowledge of, 55.
  Stockbridge Indians, 45, 113.
  Sun worship, 65.
  Susquehanna, derivation of, 14.
    lands, 120.
  Susquehannocks, =13=, 53, 116, 121.

  Tadirighrones, 31.
  Talamatans, 165, 168, 231.
  Talega, the, 165-6.
  Talligewi, 141-2, 229, 231.
  Tamany, 41, 117, 229.
  Tatemy, Moses, 128.
  Taurus, constellation of, 55.
  Tawatawas, 146.
  Taway _or_ Tawas, 232.
  Tedpachxit, chief, 124-5.
  Tedyuscung, 33, 40.
  Thahutoolent, chief, 125.
  Thousand Isles, the, 165.
  Tiawoo, the, 22.
  Time, computation of, 55.
  Tobacco, name and culture, 49, 228.
  Tockwhoghs, 23.
  Tollan, 225.
  Totemic animals, the, 39, 68.
    marks, 39, 57.
  Towanda, derivation,23.
  Tsalaki, 166, 230.
  Tula, 225.
  Turkey River = Ohio, 39.
  Turkey sub-tribe. See _Unalachtgos._
  Turtle, symbol of, 132-5.
  Turtle sub tribe. See _Unamis_,
  Twelve, a sacred number, 73.
  Twightees, 146, 232.

  Unalachtgo, derivation, 36.
  Unalachtgos, 37.
  Unami, derivation, 36.
      dialect, 79-80, 91.
  Unamis, 37.

  Virgin-mother, myth of, 131.
  Vowel change in Lenape, 107.

  WALAM, derivation, 60, 104, 161.
  WALAM OLUM.
      evidences of its authenticity, 67, 89, 155-8, 225.
      history of, 151.
      phonetic system, 159.
      metrical form, 159.
      pictographic system, 160.
      MS. of, 162.
      synopsis of, 164.
  Wallamünk, 53, 60.
  Wampanos, 21, 128.
  Wampum belts, 47, 138.
  Wapanachki, the, =19=.
  Wapemmskmk, town, 124.
  Wapings, 21, 24, 128.
  Wappingers, the, 20.
  War captains, 47.
  Water god, the, 222.
  Wendats. See _Hurons._
  We-shellaqua, 219-20.
  White Eyes, chief, 58, 121, 123.
  White River, the, 124, 144, 153.
  Winicaco, 24.
  Wingenund, chief, 58.
  Wiwash, the, 25.
  Women, the Lenape as, 109.
  Wonameys, 36.
  Wolf sub-tribe. See _Minsis_.
  Wyandots, 13, =16=, 231.

  Year, the native, 55.

  Zanzendorf, Count, 128.




            LIBRARY
             --OF--
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   GENERAL EDITOR AND PUBLISHER:
         D. G. BRINTON, M.D.

The aim of this series of publications is to put within the reach of
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End of Project Gutenberg's The Lenâpé and their Legends, by Daniel G. Brinton