DIVISION 1914-1918***


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THE HISTORY OF THE 51ST (HIGHLAND) DIVISION


[Illustration: LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR G. M. HARPER, K.C.B., D.S.O.]


THE HISTORY OF THE 51ST (HIGHLAND) DIVISION

1914-1918

by

MAJOR F. W. BEWSHER
D.S.O., M.C.

Formerly Brigade Major, 152nd Infantry Brigade,
and General Staff Officer, 2nd Grade,
51st (Highland) Division







William Blackwood and Sons
Edinburgh and London
1921




                             Dedicated

                    _TO THE YOUTH OF SCOTLAND_.

        _In the hope that this record of the courage, skill, and
        endurance of a Highland Division may strengthen
        their purpose, when their time comes, to uphold in no
        lesser degree the great traditions of their forebears._




                             FOREWORD.


If it were possible for the General who for three years commanded all
the British Divisions in France, and was served with equal gallantry,
devotion, and success by each, to admit a predilection for any of them,
my affection would naturally turn to the Division that drew so many of
its recruits from the same part of Scotland where my boyhood was spent
and my own people lived. Those who read the pages of this book will find
therein a tale of patient endeavour and glorious achievement of which I
claim a good right to be as proud as any of my fellow-countrymen. The
51st Division does not need to boast of its prowess or its record. It
can point to the story of its deeds, plainly and simply told, and leave
the world to judge.

                                                           HAIG
                                                       OF BEMERSYDE,
                                                           F.M.
  _8th August 1920._




                              PREFACE.


In compiling the 'History of the 51st (Highland) Division' I have been
beset by various difficulties, which have contributed towards the long
delay in its publication.

In the first place, it has been written in circumstances in which
military duties have afforded little leisure for continuous effort;
secondly, the work has been carried out in many places, most of them
highly unsuitable for research, such as the desert of Sinai, native
villages and the deserts of Lower Egypt, Jerusalem, Bir Salem, and at
sea.

Not only had the difficulty of transporting from station to station the
large mass of available material to be overcome, but also the conditions
of life in huts and under canvas in an eastern climate are seldom
conducive to clear and consecutive thinking.

Further, the material available has been unequal. Up to the conclusion
of the battle of Arras, no completed narratives of the operations
carried out by the Division were compiled. To this point, therefore, the
only resources were the bald and rather incomplete entries in the
official war diaries and personal diaries, which threw little light on
the operations in their broader aspects.

From the third battle of Ypres onwards a detailed account of all
engagements was published by Divisional Headquarters shortly after the
conclusion of each operation. These have rendered the compiling of the
'History' from this point considerably less laborious, and have allowed
it to be carried out in greater and more accurate detail.

It has been necessary, owing to the increased and increasing cost of
production, to keep the size of this book within certain bounds, and to
reduce as far as possible the number of maps. On this account there has
been no alternative but to restrict the detail in which actions are
described. It is regretted that in consequence much material which
officers and men of the Division and their relatives have submitted,
often at my request, has been necessarily omitted.

It was only thus that the book could be kept sufficiently reduced in
size to prevent its price prohibiting the circulation desired.

The 'History' is now presented with every consciousness on the part of
the author that full justice has not been done to its great subject.
Indeed, it is doubtful if full justice can be done to the part played by
the British Army in the Great War until a generation not intimately
involved in it has arisen and has come to regard the burdens sustained
for over four years by the British soldier in the true perspective.

My thanks are due to all those who have assisted me in the compilation
of this work by the loan of diaries, maps, documents, &c., and in
particular to Lieut.-General Sir G. M. Harper, K.C.B., D.S.O.;
Major-General R. Bannatine-Allason, C.B.; Brigadier-General L. Oldfield,
C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O.; and Colonel Ian Stewart, C.M.G., D.S.O.

General Bannatine-Allason kindly wrote for me the first chapter, and
spared himself no pains in assisting to procure for me information
concerning the early days of the Division in France. Had it not been for
him and Colonel Ian Stewart, information would have been so scanty that
it is doubtful if the earlier chapters could have been written.

To Captain A. Scott, D.S.O., M.C., 7th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders, late staff-captain 154th Infantry Brigade, I am
particularly indebted. Captain Scott has kindly relieved me of the
labour of reading through the proofs and of completing the final
arrangements for the publication of this book, a labour which residence
in the Near East would have made it difficult for me to perform.

Lastly, I am indebted to Mr James Blackwood, in no small degree, for
taking upon himself, while I have been abroad, much of the burden of the
preparation of this book for the Press, which would normally have fallen
upon the author.

                                                            F. W. B.
  HEADQUARTERS, 3RD (LAHORE) DIVISION,
         BIR SALEM, PALESTINE.




                             CONTENTS.


  CHAP.                                                             PAGE
      I. MOBILISATION                                                  1

     II. ARRIVAL IN FRANCE--FESTUBERT                                 10

    III. THE PERIOD OF APPRENTICESHIP                                 28

     IV. TRAINING AND REORGANISATION--THE LABYRINTH.                  51

      V. THE BATTLE OF THE SOMME--HIGH WOOD                           73

     VI. ARMENTIÈRES AND HEBUTERNE                                    87

    VII. THE BATTLE OF THE ANCRE--BEAUMONT HAMEL                     100

   VIII. COURCELETTE                                                 127

     IX. THE BATTLE OF ARRAS                                         138

      X. THE BATTLE OF ARRAS (_Contd._)--ROEUX AND
           THE CHEMICAL WORKS                                        160

     XI. THE THIRD BATTLE OF YPRES                                   192

    XII. POELCAPPELLE                                                216

   XIII. THE BATTLE of CAMBRAI                                       233

    XIV. THE GERMAN OFFENSIVE                                        263

     XV. THE GERMAN OFFENSIVE (_Contd._)--THE BATTLE
           OF THE LYS                                                296

    XVI. WITH THE FRENCH IN CHAMPAGNE                                321

   XVII. THE CAPTURE OF GREENLAND HILL                               356

  XVIII. THE OPERATIONS TOWARDS VALENCIENNES                         372

    XIX. CONCLUSION                                                  408




                           ILLUSTRATIONS.


                             PORTRAITS.

  LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR G. M. HARPER,
  K.C.B., D.S.O                                          _Frontispiece_

  MAJOR-GENERAL R. BANNATINE-ALLASON, C.B.               _Facing p._ 46

  T/MAJOR-GENERAL G. T. C. CARTER-CAMPBELL,
  C.B., D.S.O.                                                 "    274


                               MAPS.

     I. ATTACK NEAR FESTUBERT, 15TH JUNE
        1915                                                    "    18

    II. HIGH WOOD, JULY 1916                                    "    74

   III. BEAUMONT HAMEL, 13TH NOVEMBER
        1916                                                     "   114

    IV. CAPTURE OF VIMY RIDGE, 9TH APRIL
        1917                                                     "   150

     V. THE CHEMICAL WORKS, ROEUX                                "   162

    VI. THIRD BATTLE OF YPRES: ADVANCE
        TO THE STEENBEEK, 31ST JULY 1917                         "   200

   VII. POELCAPPELLE, 20TH SEPTEMBER 1917                        "   222

  VIII. THE BATTLE OF CAMBRAI: POSITION
        AT 7 P.M., 21ST NOVEMBER 1917                            "   252

    IX. THE GERMAN OFFENSIVE: DISPOSITION
        OF 51ST (HIGHLAND) DIVISION,
        MORNING, 21ST MARCH 1918                                 "   274

     X. THE GERMAN OFFENSIVE: POSITIONS
        OF 51ST (HIGHLAND) DIVISION,
        24-26TH MARCH 1918                                       "   292

    XI. THE GERMAN OFFENSIVE. (THE BATTLE
        OF THE RIVER LAWE): DISPOSITIONS
        OF 51ST (HIGHLAND) DIVISION,
        DAWN, 12TH APRIL 1918                                    "   310

   XII. THE COUNTER-ATTACK IN CHAMPAGNE:
        THE ADVANCE ON 27TH AND 28TH
        JULY 1918                                                "   330

  XIII. THE FINAL ADVANCE: DISPOSITIONS
        OF 51ST (HIGHLAND) DIVISION,
        5 P.M., 28TH OCTOBER 1918                                "   402




            The History of the 51st (Highland) Division.




                             CHAPTER I.

                           MOBILISATION.

           (By Major-General R. BANNATINE-ALLASON, C.B.)


The Highland Division arrived at its War Station, Bedford, about 15th
August 1914, and was billeted in and near that town. The farthest off
unit was the 1st Highland Brigade R.F.A., which was at St Neots. The
billeting had been previously arranged, with a view, as far as possible,
to training facilities.

The units were, many of them, considerably below strength, and,
generally speaking, horses and transport (locally acquired in Scotland)
inferior in quality, though many animals actually went overseas and did
good work.

The Division moved under General Colin Mackenzie, but he was almost
immediately transferred to command a New Army Division, and
Major-General Bannatine-Allason took over about the 24th August. The
Division, having been scattered over the north of Scotland, would and
did naturally benefit by concentration, and the work of Divisional and
other staffs immediately began to make itself felt. The movement to
Bedford was extremely well managed, and gave a foretaste of the good
staff work which was to follow.

The country round Bedford can only be called a moderate training-ground
for the larger units. The absence of ranges, the particularly obnoxious
clay soil, and generally small enclosures were obstacles to overcome.
Ranges were at once commenced; but two sites, which were under water in
winter, required a lot of pumping to make them serviceable. As a matter
of fact, the Division was never really abreast with the necessary
musketry training, though, owing to the excellent work of the Divisional
sappers, particularly of their Adjutant, Captain Wedd, and to the really
strenuous efforts of the units themselves, it is possible, even
probable, that the Division left for France with average "Territorial"
efficiency in this respect. Shortage of ammunition was, of course,
common to all.

It may be guessed that the arrival in the peaceful city of Bedford of
20,000 Highlanders would occasion some sensation, if not misgivings, in
minds of the local authorities and townspeople. Be that as it may, it
must be recorded that the best feeling soon became pronounced between
the troops and the inhabitants; and, as will be shown later, the
Highland Division left Bedford with the blessing of the "City Fathers."

Very naturally some at least of the people benefited considerably by the
invasion, but, generally speaking, the Division was treated with the
greatest kindness, and the survivors of those times will ever be
grateful for the generosity and helpfulness accorded. It may be invidious
to mention names, but when it is said that the "Chief Citizen," then
Mr Browning, set the example, the great majority of the people very
naturally followed suit. The Entertainment Committee--chairman,
Mr Henry Tebbs, with its secretary, Mr Machin, himself a born
organiser--was a boon to every man. To them, assisted by hundreds of
ladies and gentlemen, was due the New Year's dinner (appropriate to
Scotsmen), the Highland games, and innumerable concerts and other
entertainments which materially helped to enliven the few spare moments
of a strenuous existence. The clergy of all denominations gave over
their churches; schools were given up for hospitals; V.A.D. women
vied with each other in helping in the field ambulances. Each field
ambulance was opened out for training purposes as well as for care of
the sick.

A Mrs Thomson was the first V.A.D. worker, and took charge at once of
our reception hospital with much success. The G.O.C. was glad to be able
to help to obtain some recognition of her good work.

The police, both town and county, were ever sympathetic; and Major
Stevens, Chief Constable of Bedfordshire, laid himself out to smooth out
rough ground--in fact, he was a sort of voluntary chief A.P.M. and
police adviser to the G.O.C.

The Division kept New Year's "nicht," much to the amusement of the
people. Dinners were given at most messes, reels were danced in the
market square at midnight, in which, it was said, the Chief Constable
assisted. Then "Auld Lang Syne" was sung, and the men of various units
played to their billets by their pipers. The whole proceeding was most
orderly, and witnessed by many of the leading townspeople in evening
dress, while the men were under complete control by the A.P.M.

A swimming-bath--with hot and cold water--was started for the men of the
Division, the ground being given by the Midland Railway. The bath was
opened with much ceremony, and the little daughter of the Town Clerk (Mr
Stimson) gallantly took the first "header" into the tepid water. She was
presented at the time with a box of chocolates, but later with a gold
watch with a suitable inscription from the Highland Division, which may
serve in after life to remind her of her connection with that now rather
celebrated fighting unit.

There were, of course, some amusing incidents connected with our stay at
Bedford. On one occasion some one wrote to the papers complaining of the
behaviour of certain training divisions. His Majesty inquired, through
his private secretary, about the Highland Division. The G.O.C. was able
to reply, after consultations with the local authorities, that there was
far less crime in Bedford than in ordinary times of peace. On this his
Majesty was pleased to congratulate the Highlanders on their exemplary
behaviour.

To show the sort of feeling existing in the town many stories might be
told. But the following rather pathetic one is an example of the many
acts of kindness, some anonymous, that actually occurred. During the
severe epidemic of measles the G.O.C. was visiting one of the hospitals,
and seeing a poor man inside the gates and sentries, asked what business
brought him there. The man replied, "I am a working man, but I saw in
the papers that the hospitals wanted fruit, so I bring a few oranges
twice a week."

It is quite natural that imaginary evils were invented by outsiders, and
the work of the staff unnecessarily increased. But at that time, the
beginning of the war, every one wanted to do something, sometimes for
personal advertisement, sometimes to obtain congenial occupation. Two
instances may be quoted. Some one, it doesn't matter who, discovered
that the water supply of the town came from the river, and that the
health of the troops must suffer from some imaginary germ. It was
useless for the G.O.C., the Mayor, the Medical Officers of Health, and
others to protest that the people of Bedford had drunk the same water
for years, and its many thousand inhabitants were robust and healthy.
The correspondence went on for weeks, much useless scribbling resulted,
and much valuable time wasted. But the troops drank the water.

Again, there was a serious outbreak of measles among the men. Everything
possible under the circumstances was done by the Divisional medical
officers and local authorities. But people wrote to the papers, with the
best intentions, that the men were being killed almost deliberately, and
the result was a good deal of confusion, some useless correspondence,
and, again, much valuable time wasted. However, great credit is due to
the Divisional medical officers, their assistants, and the V.A.D.
ladies, for grappling with the epidemic during the bad months of
November and December. The disease worked itself out by the end of
January, and by the end of February the Division was practically sound
again.

It is an interesting fact that the epidemic was far more deadly in the
case of men from the extreme north and the islands. This is shown by the
following table, and bears out the opinion of the medical officers as to
the probable incidence of the disease in units from different
localities.

Taking the southern boundaries of Banff, Inverness, and Argyll, and
including the western islands, Scotland is roughly divided into two
fairly equal areas. Calling the northern area A, and the southern B, we
find that

  A supplied 5,200: Cases of Measles, 477: Deaths, 59.
  B    "    13,000:   "         "      52:    "     6.

The percentage of deaths from measles worked out to 10·8 per cent of the
cases, as seven deaths were from scarlet fever and one from diphtheria.

It will be easily understood that the rapid preparation for war of a
Territorial Division presents numerous difficulties. It was originally
laid down that Territorial troops would require, and have, six months to
complete training. Even with a very complete elementary training this is
not an over-estimation, assuming that equipment is up to date and
complete. But when it is stated that most of the equipment, guns,
rifles, technical stores, &c., were quite out of date, besides being
ridiculously inadequate, some, at least, of the difficulties are
obvious. One of the first troubles was the removal of most of the
permanent staff. Only those who know the importance of these instructors
can realise what it meant. They were, however, required elsewhere on
more important duties, and had to go. Later, the regular adjutants of
infantry were taken, also a great blow, but some eventually came back.
Such difficulties were, of course, common to all Territorial Divisions.
The Highland Division was not singular, but it had, and was able to
keep, some very excellent staff officers, both Divisional and Brigade,
who did splendid work. Here it may be recorded, and it is due to the
General Staff, War Office, and other high formations to say, that so far
from interfering with training, we received every assistance, and any
reference to that body met with prompt and sympathetic attention. So
with the Q.M.G.'s department, and it is obvious that some of those in
high places realised the wisdom of trusting the man on the spot, and
have therefore earned our gratitude.

The War Office issued a special "syllabus" for training, necessarily
modified as experience was gained, and a good deal was left to local
commanders; but, as a matter of fact, it was in most cases necessary to
begin with the "goose-step." The "barrack" discipline was excellent, but
the field discipline left much to be desired. It was some time before
some C.O.'s even could be made to understand that an order in the field
did not admit of heated argument before execution; and the rank and file
had to learn that training was not a recreation to stop when they got
tired. But all this gradually wore off, and in less than three months
units began to assume a workmanlike and even serviceable appearance on
parade.

What has been said applies to all units more or less, but while
technical units, such as ambulances, transport companies, signal
company, and engineers came on very fast, the artillery moved slowly in
the direction of preparedness for war. They had ancient "pieces," poor
and ill-fitting harness, while only in a few cases was any knowledge of
"horse management" evident. Thus, care of horses, riding and driving,
had to be instilled from the beginning. Added to this, the horses of all
mounted units, and the vehicles of transport, had been commandeered in a
great hurry on mobilisation, and were consequently rather a handicap.
New vehicles came necessarily very slowly, but with drastic castings and
the ever-ready assistance of the Remount Department, the horse question
rapidly improved. It is interesting here to record, in connection with
remounting, that a hundred polo ponies were sent to England as a present
from the "Zemindars" of Madras. They were not looked on with favour by
other units; but the G.O.C., with considerable experience of such
animals, gladly accepted the offer of them by the Director of Remounts,
with the result that the company commanders and staffs of the Highland
Division went to France better mounted than any other.

There were two notable exceptions regarding "horse management." One was
the Highland Mountain Brigade, which came down with a splendid lot of
pack ponies, and made a very creditable turn-out from the first. The
other was one of the transport companies, which showed considerable
knowledge and good work in respect of its animals. It must, however, be
common knowledge that the Highlands is not the best place from which to
obtain, in a hurry, four or five thousand good army horses, nor are
Highlanders, as a rule, "horsey" people. But in spite of all this the
improvement was wonderful, the interest taken in their animals was most
creditable to the various units, and the Division was fortunate in
digging out a lot of very useful transport officers.

So training went on in its various branches, units gradually completing
in personnel, and by December Divisional exercises were attempted.
Inspections by the Commander of the Central Force, and later by his
Majesty the King, gave a useful fillip to the proceedings, and if there
was one thing more than another which made successful training possible
under adverse circumstances, it was the grand spirit of all ranks, and
the determination of all to "play the game"--a spirit common to all
Territorial units of the kingdom. No praise can be too great for the
regimental officers and men.

Towards the end of 1914 certain units were taken from Territorial
Divisions to complete the field army, and the first "bomb-shell" came
when a field ambulance and a field company were called for. The 1/1
Highland Field Ambulance and the 1/2 Highland Field Company were sent.
Then three battalions of infantry were ordered to France. There was not
much to choose between the various battalions, so the chief
consideration was given to numerical strength. One battalion was
selected from each brigade, and 4th Seaforths, 6th Gordons, and 7th
Argylls went off. In the same way, shortly afterwards, 4th Camerons, 4th
Gordons, and 9th Argylls were sent. To replace these the 2nd line
battalions were sent from Scotland, but it was obvious that they would
not be ready to accompany the Division abroad. The 2nd line medical and
engineer units, however, came on very quickly, and soon took the place
of their front line. The mobile veterinary section--a very well-run
unit--was also depleted, and replaced by degrees.

The next and last act of depletion was the ordering of the Mountain
Artillery Brigade to the East to take part in the Gallipoli expedition.
Two batteries only were sent, and the third kept as a training unit for
mountain artillery--the only one at home. The health of Lieut.-Colonel
Robertson was doubtful, and the G.O.C. decided to retain him, and he was
afterwards given the billet of organising and commanding the Divisional
Ammunition Column. He was, as a sort of comment to the G.O.C.'s
decision, the only Colonel who served with the Division from start to
finish.

The winter of 1914-15 was a wet one, and the state of the country round
Bedford was all against training. Horse lines and the few hutments were
a sea of mud, and movement off the roads for wheeled vehicles was
difficult, in some cases impossible. However, such operations as were
possible under these conditions were very useful, judged by later
experience.

Towards the end of March 1915 it became known for certain that
Territorial Divisions would go overseas as complete units, though the
exact order of movement was undecided. There had been continual changes
in the staff, both Divisional and Brigade. Fortunately, the G.S.O. 1,
then Major Moir, Royal Scots, was retained, and to him, both in that
capacity and as, later, A.Q.M.G., the Division generally and the G.O.C.
in particular is deeply indebted. Several Brigadiers were changed, while
commanders of battalions, &c., were also weeded out, chiefly for age.
Thus, before leaving for France, the C.R.E., A.D.M.S., A.D.V.S.,
A.Q.M.G., and various other commanders, were replaced, of whom Colonel
Cook of 6th Argylls was nominated as Base Commandant in France.

At last the order came to prepare for embarkation, and there was much to
do. To begin with, the Division was six battalions short. So to complete
it a whole Lancashire brigade was sent under command of
Brigadier-General Hibbert, and two battalions of the Black Watch (6th
and 7th), which regiment was not included in the Highland Divisional
organisation.

The Lancashire brigade was a very fine one, but, of course, quite
unknown to the G.O.C. and staff, and there was little time to get to
know them. It is unnecessary to say, however, that they were received
with open arms, and still less necessary to say they "played the game,"
and at once became an integral and very useful part of the Division.

The Black Watch battalions were splendid in physique and appearance on
parade, and though they had not been trained with other troops, they
very soon proved their value, and vied with the other units in adding to
their brilliant regimental records.

So, after about twelve days of the ceaseless work of final equipment,
completion in stores, clothing, animals, and every sort of war-like
implement, eventually the Division commenced entraining for France with,
perhaps, some misgivings as to thorough training, but none whatever as
to the determination to uphold the honour of the land of its birth!

In looking back on those last days at Bedford, one can hardly understand
how the final touches were given to a unit so incomplete in nearly
everything. It seems nothing short of a miracle that Territorial
Divisions generally were completely equipped in the short space of ten
or eleven days. And it may not be out of place to record the obligations
such units are under to the ordnance, remount, and other departments,
for the ceaseless work, with depleted staffs, which was necessary, and
which was so successfully accomplished. Nor will it be out of place to
pay a final tribute to the good people of Bedford, who certainly evinced
a quite unexpected sincerity in the "send-off" of the "invaders."
Shortly before leaving, the G.O.C. sent the usual short letter of thanks
to the Town Council, through the Mayor, for the assistance, general
kindness, and consideration accorded during the Division's stay in the
town. The following letter was received in reply:--

                                      BUSHMEAD, THE EMBANKMENT,
                                      BEDFORD, _29th April 1915_.

      Major-General ALLASON.

      DEAR SIR,--Please accept on behalf of the Town and myself
      our many and sincere thanks for your kind letter of
      yesterday.

      The people of this Borough will never forget the visit of
      the Highland Division, and the desire of all concerned to
      cause as little inconvenience as possible, leaving alone the
      material benefits that have accrued to the inhabitants
      generally through your visit.

      I need hardly say how much we shall miss you. The
      friendships formed during the last nine months will last for
      many years to come.

      We shall watch for news of the Division as if they were our
      own people.

      I will have your letter read at the next Council meeting.

      May God grant you all a safe return to the friends you leave
      behind.--Yours very truly,

                                          (Signed) HARRY BROWNING.




                            CHAPTER II.

                   ARRIVAL IN FRANCE--FESTUBERT.


On 13th April 1915 telephone instructions were received from the War
Office that the 1/1 Highland Division was at once to be prepared for
service overseas. The following day information was received that the
battalions which had already been sent overseas would be replaced by the
6th and 7th Black Watch, and by four Lancashire battalions--the 1/4
Battalion King's Own Royal Lancashire Regiment, 1/8 Battalion the King's
Liverpool Regiment, 1/4 the Loyal North Lancashire Regiment, and the 2/5
Battalion Lancashire Fusiliers.

By 18th April these battalions had all joined the Division. On 29th
April orders were received that the Division would entrain to
Southampton and Folkestone for Havre and Boulogne during the next few
days.

By 5th May the journey had been completed without any unusual incidents,
and the Division was concentrated in billets in the area Busnes, Robecq,
and Lillers, and formed part of the Indian Corps (Sir James Willcocks)
of the First Army (Sir Douglas Haig).

As soon as the Division had completed its concentration in the First
Army area, General Sir Douglas Haig paid it his first of many visits.
The assistance which the Division received from Sir Douglas Haig and the
First Army Headquarters Staff while finding its legs during its first
days in France was invaluable.

At this period the general situation on the Western Front was as
follows: The second battle of Ypres, prepared by the first discharge of
asphyxiating gases, had begun on 22nd April, and was to continue with
great intensity for over a month.

During the early part of this period the French were preparing an attack
to be launched on 9th May between Arras and the right of the British
lines. The First British Army, having been ordered to support this
operation by an attack, had issued instructions directing the IVth Corps
against the German position in the neighbourhood of Richebourg
(south-west of Fromelles), and the Ist and Indian Corps against the
German trenches between Givenchy and Neuve Chapelle. These attacks as
planned were accordingly delivered on 8th, 9th, and 10th May 1915. They,
however, met with little success. It was therefore decided that the
First Army should concentrate on the southern point of attack, and renew
the operations on 12th May. This attack was subsequently postponed until
the 15th owing to low visibility.

In the attack on the 15th the Indian Corps, owing to the strength of the
enemy's defences in the neighbourhood of Richebourg l'Avoue, again
failed to make progress. The 2nd Division of the Ist Corps, however,
captured the enemy's first and support lines. On the following day, the
7th Division on the right of the 2nd Division successfully captured
several second lines of enemy trenches, and these two Divisions
continued the advance on the day after as far as the Le Quinque
Rue-Bethune road.

On 19th May the 2nd Division was relieved on this front by the 51st
Division.[1]

On the 25th, the object of these operations having been attained, orders
were given for Divisions in the line to act defensively and consolidate
the ground won.

These operations were attended by serious casualties, but, to quote Sir
John French's despatch, they assisted in securing the brilliant
successes attained by the French forces on the right, not only by
holding the enemy on this front, but by drawing off a part of the German
reinforcements which were coming up to support their forces east of
Arras. In this battle of Festubert the enemy was driven from a
strongly-fortified position, and ground was won on a front of four miles
to an average depth of 600 yards.

From the above summary it will be seen that the 51st Division was
initiated to the ways of war in the midst of a great battle. On 9th May
it remained in reserve to the Indian Corps, and was held in readiness to
move at short notice until 11th May. By this date it had become clear
that the progress of the Indian Corps had not been such as to render the
employment of its reserve at all probable.

On 14th May the 51st Division, less two brigades R.F.A. temporarily
attached to the Lahore and 49th Division, moved to the area Caestre,
Borre, Merris, Meteren, and came into G.H.Q. reserve.[2]

On 18th May the Division moved into the area La Gorgue-Vieille Chapelle.
On the night 19-20th May the 152nd Infantry Battalion began the relief
of the 2nd Division (General Horne), south of Neuve Chapelle, and on
20-21st the 153rd Infantry Brigade relieved a Canadian brigade in the
Richebourg sector.

The Highland Division during its first tour of duty in the line was thus
employed in the particularly trying operation of consolidating a
newly-won position. Few operations call for more resource and more
tactical skill on the part of junior officers and N.C.O.'s, or for more
detailed planning and arrangement on the part of commanders and staffs.
Order has immediately to be evolved from chaos. Covered approaches are
non-existent, and must be constructed before movement during daylight
becomes possible; sniping with rifles and, in some cases, field-guns is
constant; the protection afforded by barbed-wire entanglements is
wanting; arrangements for sanitation and cooking have not been planned.
In fact, the amount of work required to make the position defensible and
habitable appears overwhelming.

To make confusion worse confounded, officers, runners, reliefs, ration
parties, &c., as long as movement is restricted to the hours of
darkness, find the greatest difficulty in acquiring a working knowledge
of the geography of the defences.

Moreover the Germans, in those days of short advances, were quick at
recovering from the confusion in their artillery arrangements created
by a successful attack. They were therefore always liable to bombard a
newly-captured position heavily before the men had time to construct
sufficient field-works to protect themselves from shell splinters.

In the case of the front taken over by the Division on this occasion,
the normal difficulties were accentuated by the fact that digging-in was
only possible to a depth of from two to three feet. Everywhere in the
Flanders mud, below that level water is encountered. It is therefore
necessary to erect above ground double rows of traversed breastworks,
between which the men must live and have their being.

The difficulty of consolidation in this mud country requires to have
been experienced to be fully appreciated.

The work of maintaining breastworks, when completed, in a state of
repair is considerable, as they cannot withstand a bombardment by
artillery or trench-mortars. In consequence sections of the trenches are
frequently levelled to the ground, and have to be reconstructed. The
labour of maintaining them when once erected is, however, a small
problem when compared with the difficulty of erecting them _de novo_
during active operations.

In the first place, owing to the flatness and absence of cover from
view, which is characteristic of Flanders, the work of construction is
in the initial stages almost entirely confined to night work. As
breastworks will only stand if their sides are graded at the proper
slope, darkness makes this work infinitely more difficult. Moreover,
breastworks during their construction and before they have reached their
full thickness can be demolished by light field-guns, and be seriously
damaged even by machine-gun fire. Of these two facts the enemy used to
take full advantage. He also knew well that much of the work had to be
done by men standing in the open on his side of the breastworks, and so
made considerable use of machine-guns to inflict casualties on working
parties thus engaged.

There are other serious drawbacks to garrisoning breastwork trenches.
Deep dug-outs cannot be mined in the clay in the normal way, again on
account of water. Concrete shelters, which take a considerable time to
erect, are therefore the only alternative form of shell-proof cover.
Even these have a marked tendency to fill with water.

There was a good example of a concrete dug-out in the right sector at
Armentières in September 1916. Some simple-minded soldier, finding that
it was gradually filling with water, made a hole through the concrete
floor to let the water out. In consequence the dug-out filled with water
up to the level of the ground surface in a few hours, driving its
occupants out. A battalion medical officer subsequently visiting the
trenches came across this dug-out, and thinking it was a storage tank
for water, tested the water and caused a notice-board to be placed on
it, saying, "For ablution purposes only; not fit for drinking."

Breastwork parapets, even when they are not subjected to bombardment,
require constant attention. They have in particular a disconcerting
habit of settling down and losing height, particularly after rain. In
consequence it sometimes happens that by the gradual subsidence of the
parapet men may unwittingly expose themselves to enemy snipers in places
where a day or two previously they were completely hidden from view.

Apart from the amount of labour the upkeep of breastworks requires,
there are other reasons which make them unpleasant to live in on an
active front. During a bombardment, for instance, when a shell hits the
trench, men are constantly being buried in a heap of sandbags and earth.
They have then to be dug out immediately to save them from suffocation.
In these circumstances the rescue parties often have to work while the
bombardment continues, and with enemy snipers and machine-gunners ready
to engage them whenever they expose themselves in the breach.

German machine-gunners were also expert at firing a series of bursts
into a particular portion of breastwork until it became
non-bullet-proof. They would then continue firing bursts at irregular
intervals at the same spot, with the result that the bullets penetrated
the parapet and came through into the trench. Casualties were often
caused in this manner.

The Highland Division, thus having arrived in France with its training
only partially completed, was called upon to undertake a difficult and
unpleasant task--namely, the holding and consolidation of a
newly-captured position in Flanders. Moreover, the circumstances were
such that the Division could not carry out a period of attachment in
the line to an experienced Division for instruction.

Thus no opportunity was vouchsafed to officers and men of being "put
wise" before the full responsibility of holding a captured position was
thrust upon them. The significance of this statement is that troops on
the first occasion that they enter the battle zone are liable to be
"gobrowed" by their new circumstances. They require, as it were, a
chaperon to assist them to assess things at their true value, and teach
them what not to fear but to respect, and what they may disregard.

Discussing this question, a Brigadier-General once related how when he
first arrived in France as a company commander he saw a "woolly bear"
burst over a wood in which his company was lying in mass. He turned and
galloped back to the wood _ventre à terre_ in a frenzied state of mind,
certain that he would find numbers of his men dead and dying. He was
amazed to find that, on the contrary, not a single man had been touched.
A veteran would, of course, have regarded the woolly bear in its true
light--as a vulgar and ostentatious beast that usually burst too high
and seldom took any effect on the ground.

In the other direction one remembers the novice who, during his period
of initiation, cut up a duck-board (a most impious act in itself) in a
forward sap and kindled a smoking bonfire on which to boil a mess-tin of
water, and his indignant astonishment at the shower of rifle grenades
which he unwittingly but naturally provoked.

Indeed, the debutante Division entering its first theatre of battle may
well be excused a certain amount of shyness concerning its behaviour,
however well prompted it may have been before it left home.

General Davies, commanding the 8th Division, however, gave the 51st
every possible assistance, even lending them his own instructors to help
to complete their training. His assistance proved most valuable.

On 26th May Divisional Headquarters was shelled out of Lacouture. This
bombardment was attributed to an article which had appeared in the
press, and which disclosed the location of units about Lacouture,
including Divisional Headquarters and a Canadian 60-pounder battery. The
Germans appear to have taken full advantage of this information, as
both the Divisional Headquarters and the 60-pounder battery were heavily
shelled. Several of the Divisional Headquarters signal section were
killed or wounded, and General Bannatine-Allason had a narrow escape,
the wind screen of his car being shattered. After this episode it was
noticed that the censorship of articles appearing in the press became
more rigorous.

On taking over the line, the clearing of the battlefield had to be
undertaken in addition to the work of consolidation. The bodies of men
who had been killed in the recent operations lay thick throughout the
whole area. Even the wounded had not all been brought in. The men were
thus quickly introduced to war in its worst aspects, in a manner which
clearly revealed to them the power of modern destructive weapons.
Officers and men still speak of the depressing effect which the
spectacle of so many dead had on them. This feeling was augmented by the
unpleasant duty of searching for the bodies in the polluted atmosphere
and burying them, which had to be undertaken during their first few days
in the line.

The whole country-side was further littered with arms, equipment,
clothing, tools, and ammunition. Considerable exertions were therefore
required to save even a portion of the serviceable stores which had been
left on the ground during the preceding operations.

On 30th May the Division was transferred to the IVth Corps, being
relieved by the Indian Corps. The following day the 153rd Infantry
Brigade relieved the Canadians between Festubert and Le Quinque Rue.
This sector was subsequently divided, the 152nd Infantry Brigade taking
over the line on the left.

On 7th June orders were issued from the IVth Corps to attack the enemy's
positions about Rue d'Ouvert and Chapelle St Roch and farther south on
the morning of the 11th, with the object of gaining ground towards
Violaines. Later this attack was postponed until the 15th. On the 12th
the operation order for this attack was issued. The objective of the
IVth Corps was "the German positions from Chapelle St Roch along the Rue
d'Ouvert to L12.

"The Canadian Division was to attack on the right and form a defensive
flank; the 7th Division was allotted the Chapelle St Roch and the
southern end of the Rue d'Ouvert as its objective; and the 51st Division
the extreme end.

"The actual objective given to the 51st Division were the houses at L11,
L12, L13, and K7. At the last-named they were to join hands with the 7th
Division.

"The 154th Infantry Brigade were detailed for the attack, their right
being directed on the south-west corner of the German salient--that is,
a point about 150 yards east by south of L8. The left of this attack was
to be directed through L9."

One section of the 1/1 Highland Field Company, R.E., and "C" Company of
the 5th Seaforth Highlanders, were ordered to assemble in the D line
towards the left flank, in readiness to construct and occupy a
fire-trench between M6 and L12 after that point had been gained.

One section 2/2 Highland Field Company, R.E., with two platoons of the
154th Infantry Brigade, were ordered to assemble in B line near the
right flank. Their purpose was "to protect the right flank of the attack
and to construct a _point d'appui_ on a suitable site between L8 and
L10."

It was arranged that sufficient infantry bombing parties should be
detailed from the bombers of the Division to carry out various tasks,
according to the progress made by the assaulting infantry.

In these days the bomb commonly used was the Bethune bomb. These were
made of cast-iron, and were exploded by means of time-fuses fixed into
detonators, with patent lighters attached to the fuse. They were but
clumsy and dangerous weapons when compared with the modern Mills bomb.

Bombing and its tactics was then an art which could only be acquired by
a course of specialist training, which, with the facilities that then
existed, lasted a considerable time.

The result was that the output of bombers was small, and it was
therefore considered necessary, if full value was to be obtained from
them, to amalgamate all the bombers of each brigade into brigade
grenadier companies.

On this occasion all three brigade grenadier companies detailed bombing
squads to take part in the operations.

The artillery available for this attack was, both as regards the number
of guns and the amount of ammunition, insignificant in the light of more
recent experience. The Divisional artillery, it is true, had been
reinforced by a group of French 75's. The 15-pounders, with which the
Divisional artillery was armed, had, however, such faulty ammunition and
so little of it that effective co-operation with the infantry was,
according to modern standards, out of the question. The artillery
programme included wire-cutting, a two days' continuous bombardment, and
a final intensive bombardment. The first bombardment was to continue up
to the moment of the infantry assault. At 6 P.M., the hour of the
assault, the guns firing on the enemy's front line were to lift on to
the line L9-L10. At 6.15 P.M. there was a further lift on to the Rue
d'Orient.

The general plan can be summed up as being an attempt to straighten out
a re-entrant in our line by pinching off a salient in the enemy's.

The artillery began wire-cutting on 13th June, the deliberate
bombardment beginning on the 14th. On the 15th it continued, becoming
intensive between 5.30 P.M. and 6 P.M. Mountain-guns and trench-mortars
also joined in the bombardment.

At 6 P.M., 15th June, the attack was launched by the 4th Loyal North
Lancashires and the 6th Scottish Rifles[3] of the 154th Brigade.

The attack was at first successful; the west end of the German salient
was carried, and the attack pushed on to the main German line near the
Rue d'Ouvert, and for a time the third German trench line was occupied
and held. Three companies of the 4th King's Own Royal Lancaster Regiment
were accordingly sent forward to reinforce the Scottish Rifles.

Meanwhile "C" Company of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders had advanced to
the attack at 6.45 P.M.

[Illustration: MAP 1.--ATTACK NEAR FESTUBERT, 15TH JUNE 1915.]

The action of this company of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders is amply
described by the following extracts from a letter written by a platoon
sergeant who took part in the attack:--

"On the night of the 14th we went into the front line, the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders having eased away to the left of the Divisional sector
towards the Orchard, to make room for our company.

"Communications from reserve trenches to front line were very bad;
movement had mostly to be carried out in the open under direct German
observation. Daylight movement had therefore to be restricted as much
as possible.

"On the 15th we had a most uncomfortable day. The Boche rose early,
having apparently known our plans. In fact, some of them were heard to
call across No Man's Land, 'Come along, Jocks; we are waiting for you.'
And undoubtedly they were. From early morning we were subjected to
continual shell-fire, causing many casualties to us. As the afternoon
drew on the Boche became still more lively, but we still had great
hopes. These, however, became fainter as each occasional look over the
top showed the German wire unbroken.

"At 5 o'clock we began to make our final preparations. The adjutant
and C.O. arrived and took up a point of vantage in the trench where a
view of the 6th Scottish Rifles could be got during their advance. It
was only by this means that the C.O. could judge as to the failure or
success of the Scottish Rifles.

"Thus we awaited our further orders. From this time onwards an
occasional bark from a field-gun could be heard, and a small shrapnel
burst could be seen over the German lines.

"At last the hour had come for the 6th Scottish Rifles. Over they
went. Then the Germans showed to advantage the quantity and quality of
their munitions. Machine-guns swept over the parapets and tore them to
pieces; the 154th Infantry Brigade were seen to be advancing gloriously
in front of the most colossal artillery and machine-gun fire--their
ranks thinned considerably before they were many yards from their own
trenches. But on they went and entered the German front line, where
they were lost to view.

"Our time had now come. Nothing for it but to go over. The order was
passed along, 'Get ready.' At 6.45 P.M. the order came 'Advance!' The
place was a perfect hell. Just one solid sheet of bullets. Over we
went. Many were hit on the top of the parapet; before a distance of
thirty yards was traversed all the officers of our company were hit,
as well as the brigade bombing officer (Lieutenants Mowatt and Dunnet
killed, Captains Robertson, Ritson, and Lieutenant Fraser-Campbell
wounded). On we went; but men were falling in all directions, and by
the time we were within reach of the German wire, not more than fifteen
of the company were still on the move. The outlook was hopeless, the
wire was an insurmountable obstacle, and the few who remained had to
take cover in the nearest shell-hole until darkness allowed us to make
our own lines again--a sad dejected remnant of a company."

So much for the subsidiary attack of the 5th Seaforths.

The attack of the 7th Division on the right of the 154th Infantry
Brigade had failed to develop substantially, and no progress was made.
Farther back the 1st Canadian Brigade captured the German front line
trenches.

Night thus fell with the 154th Infantry Brigade having penetrated the
German positions on a narrow front, but with both its flanks "in the
air." The situation, however, remained too obscure to enable the salient
thus made in the German lines to be utilised for developing flank
attacks against the German front and support line trenches.

The nature of the country, as has been pointed out above, made it
impossible for the men to dig themselves in, and they were thus
dependent for protection on the slender breastworks that they had been
enabled to improvise during the night amongst the débris of the German
trenches. In this exposed position they were counter attacked in the
early hours of the morning. Engaged with bombs and machine-gun fire,
both from their front and flanks, they were unable to hold their
position, and were finally forced back to their original front line
trenches. They had suffered considerable casualties, the 1/4 Loyal North
Lancashires alone having lost 19 killed, 255 wounded, and 145 missing,
amongst them 5 officers being killed and 8 wounded.

During the night the remnants of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders and the
sappers who accompanied them crawled back from the shell-holes or long
grass in which they had been lying to our own trenches. In a similar way
the Canadians, also unable to hold their exposed position on the German
trenches, had returned to their own lines.

The failure of the attack was thus complete. Great credit is, however,
due to the 154th Infantry Brigade for their advance in the face of heavy
artillery and close-range rifle and machine-gun fire. There is little
doubt but that, had the operations on their flanks been successful, they
would have had every prospect of holding their gains. "C" Company of the
5th Seaforths did all that could have been expected of them in
circumstances in which success, as it turned out, was out of the
question.

General Ross, commanding 152nd Infantry Brigade, says of them in his
report of the operations: "I am glad to say that both officers and men
behaved very well indeed, and all went into the attack with the full
intention of getting through. The company had been somewhat shaken
during bombardment, as they had had several casualties from shell-fire,
mainly from our own shells, and the German shells had fallen amongst
them more steadily than usual. The casualties are not known yet
exactly, but are heavy, being over a hundred in one company."

Results were undoubtedly discouraging in the first attack carried out by
troops of the Highland Division, but it is doubtful if, in the
circumstances, any troops could have done better.

They had within a few days of arriving in France played a principal part
in the deepest tragedy that attacking infantry can assist in--the
tragedy of uncut wire.

After a gallant advance across No Man's Land, through which nothing but
their determination to close with the enemy could have carried them, the
survivors had been suddenly halted by an intact entanglement covered at
close range by rifles and machine-guns.

In cases such as this the whole impetus of the attack collapses, skill
and initiation are no longer of avail, the brain can no longer help the
body. Some men plunge into the entanglement, tearing at it with their
wire-cutters, and lacerating their flesh on the barbs until they fall.

Others double up and down the belt looking for a gap through which they
may make their way. Odd heroes may find such a gap, and, if they live to
reach the German trenches, leap into them, subsequently to be posted as
missing. Their story is never told.

Others, with a disregard for death born of despair, may stand for a
moment or two and return the enemy's fire until they are shot down.

Only those survive to answer the roll who either fall wounded and have
strength subsequently to regain their own lines under cover of darkness,
or who with quick perception see that the obstacle is impenetrable, and
instantly seek cover in which they may be hid until nightfall.

Uncut wire might be written as the epitaph on the grave of many a
British infantryman, and equally well in later days, when air
reconnaissance was perfected, on the grave of many a commander's
reputation.

During the following night the 6th Scottish Rifles, the 4th Loyal North
Lancashires, and the 4th King's Own Royal Lancashire Regiment were
withdrawn, and were replaced by the 8th Liverpools and the 7th Black
Watch. The latter had been sent up from the 153rd Infantry Brigade to
take over the reserve trenches.

On the morning of the 16th orders were received from the IVth Corps to
renew the attack at 4.45 P.M. after an artillery bombardment. The 5th
and 7th Gordons from the 153rd Brigade were therefore temporarily
attached to the 154th Brigade to replace the battalions which had been
withdrawn.

The attack met with no more success than its predecessor. The 8th
Liverpools, supported by the 7th Black Watch, carried out the advance.
It was, however, impeded from the start by a heavy bombardment opened on
our trenches by the enemy. The 8th Liverpools managed to get forward in
small parties, and passed the west end of the German salient. The troops
on their right flanks were, however, unable to make progress, and about
8 P.M. the Liverpools were forced back to our trenches.

It had been intended that, if the 154th Brigade was successful, the
152nd Brigade should continue the attack. These orders were therefore
cancelled, and during the night the 5th and 7th Gordon Highlanders
replaced the 7th Black Watch and 8th Liverpools.

In view of the failure of the first attack, it is doubtful if the
second, which at best could only be hastily improvised, had any prospect
of success. However, at 5 P.M., 17th June, further orders were received
by the Divisional commander to renew the attack on the German salient at
3 A.M. on the night 17-18th after a short intense artillery preparation.

At 2.30 A.M., to the relief of all concerned, this attack was postponed
and subsequently cancelled.

The failure of these attacks can be attributed to the inadequacy of the
artillery preparation. Subsequent battles proved that the number of guns
and the allotment of ammunition per gun required is far in excess of
those allotted to the Division for the battle of Festubert, if infantry
are to have a reasonable chance of success in attacking organised
resistance, protected by strong wire entanglements.

In addition to the inadequacy in the number of guns, the 15-pounders
again proved themselves highly unsatisfactory. As evidence of the
unreliability of their ammunition, it is worth recording that Captain
Duncan of the 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders had an eye knocked
out by a shrapnel bullet half a mile behind the British front line.

On the day after the launching of the first attack, the following
message had been received from Lieut.-General Sir James Rawlinson:
"The Corps commander wishes you to convey his appreciation to the
troops of the 51st Division for their gallant conduct of yesterday and
to-day, particularly to the assaulting battalions--_viz._, the 6th
Scottish Rifles, the 4th Loyal North Lancashire Regiment, and the 8th
King's Liverpool Regiment."

On the nights 18-19th and 19-20th June the 7th Division took over the
right sector, leaving only the 153rd Brigade in the line.

On the 24th orders were received for the 51st Division to rejoin the
Indian Corps, and to take over the line from the Lahore Division south
of Laventie. On the 27th June, this relief having been completed, the
G.O.C. took over command of the new sector.

All ranks experienced a sense of relief on leaving the Festubert area.
Not only on account of the serious casualties suffered by many units
during the attacks and the retaliation provoked by them, but also for
other reasons, it was rightly regarded as an unpleasant sector.

Communications had been almost non-existent, so that movement by day was
very restricted. The trenches, where they existed, were very open, and
sniping was rife. The ill-famed "Orchard," which it was hoped might be
consolidated and incorporated into the defences, had an evil reputation.
Breastworks were no sooner erected there by night than they were knocked
down by day. The Germans were, in fact, so opposed to the consolidation
of the Orchard that they introduced trench-mortars to check it.

The large calibre trench-mortars, or "Yon Minnie Wafers," as the Jocks
styled them, do not so much damage breastworks as remove them. They
frequently leave in a place where breastworks once stood nothing but a
deep crater, with two feet of water in it. In this case the result was
that, in spite of a vast amount of work carried out on the
consolidation, the sector was still far from completed when the Division
was relieved.

In those days there was little with which to reply to trench-mortars.
Appeals to the artillery for retaliatory shoots would seldom be
answered, owing to the restrictions placed on the use of ammunition on
account of its scarcity. Mountain-guns, manned by the R.G.A., were,
however, employed, and also a form of trench howitzer; but these were
inferior weapons when compared with the formidable mortars of the
Germans.

The Laventie front was in character similar to the Festubert front. When
the Division took over the line, the defences consisted of little more
than a single line of breastworks. Behind this, some 200 to 400 yards in
rear, lay a series of detached supporting posts at intervals of from 300
to 500 yards. A reserve line composed of similar posts lay 1000 to 1500
yards in rear of the supporting posts.

The enemy was occupying the lower slopes of the Aubers Ridge, from which
he overlooked all the country in which the British defences were
situated.

Each sector has, as a rule, its particular "unhealthy spot." In the
Laventie sector Red Lamp Corner occupied this rôle.

The front line ended in a butt-end, some 100 yards from the German line
at Red Lamp Corner (Point B on the diagram); 300 yards west of Red Lamp
Corner the front line started from another butt-end (Point C). These two
butt-ends were connected by a fire-stepped communication trench (C--E).
See diagram.

[Illustration: Trench Layout]

The corner took its name from a red lamp which was lit at dusk and
placed at B to prevent the troops garrisoning CD from shooting into
those garrisoning AB in the dark. The trench from E to C was
continuously subjected to close-range rifle and machine-gun fire in
direct enfilade, and both it and the corner itself were places to be
avoided.

In these days the red lamp was a necessary precaution, as a form of
activity which came later to be known as "wind fights" frequently
occurred. A post would see or imagine it saw an enemy patrol, which it
took to be a prelude to an attack. It in consequence opened rapid fire.
This fire was taken up by posts on its right and left. Subsequently the
alarm travelled for several miles, and rapid fire was opened all along
the line. The fight, often occasioned by Private X., just out from home,
mistaking a pollarded willow for a German, involved an enormous
expenditure of ammunition, in which the shooting was not always under
complete control.

It will be easily understood that, without the red lamp, CD might have
made things very unpleasant for AB in these circumstances.

This sector presented many difficulties. The defences that had been
constructed were so limited that the troops in the line were far too
congested. They were therefore liable to suffer undue casualties in the
event of bombardment. Moreover, the supporting posts being isolated
sections of trenches clearly visible, particularly in air photographs,
were in consequence liable to attract a considerable volume of artillery
fire. Further, communicating trenches, as usual, were quite inadequate
to meet the requirements of the garrison.

General Bannatine-Allason therefore at once decided that the whole
scheme of defence must be recast and largely augmented. Accordingly work
was begun on a continuous support line, and on increasing the number of
communication trenches. In fact, a considerable effort was demanded from
the ranks to render the sector reasonably defensible.

When the Division was relieved in July much progress had been made,
General Willcocks expressing himself to the Divisional commander as very
satisfied with the great improvements that had been effected in the
defences.

In this period the Division learnt many lessons in trench craft.

On taking over the line enemy sniping was continuous. The hostile
snipers were masters of the situation, and inflicted serious casualties.
However, every effort was made to check the enemy's activities in this
respect, with excellent results. Towards the end of the Division's tour
in this sector, the Highlanders were at least on equal terms, if not
superior to the enemy as snipers. In some cases telescopic rifles were
bought by private enterprise. The men who were entrusted with these
rifles were carefully selected from amongst the gamekeepers and stalkers
in the infantry, and on several days they were able to register good
bags.

On 1st July the Division saw the first British mine exploded. At 3 A.M.
two rounds were fired by the artillery as a signal; a moment later the
mine exploded. The artillery and machine-guns then opened on the enemy's
trenches for fifteen minutes. The German retaliation was slight. When
day broke it was reported that about fifty yards of the German parapet
was blown in. Later the Germans were seen with stretchers on and about
the crater. The blow, therefore, appeared to have been successful. After
daybreak, however, the enemy snipers killed several of our men who
exposed themselves in trying to see the results of the explosion.

As in the last sector, work in the defences was considerably hampered by
the enemy's artillery and trench-mortars, which were constantly
levelling the British trenches. As usual, appeals for artillery
retaliation could seldom be met, owing to the paucity of ammunition. It
became most discouraging to the men to see their breastworks being
damaged and destroyed in this manner, their labours of the previous
night often being undone in a few minutes, without it being possible to
fire a round in retaliation. In this sector life in the trenches was
made more uncertain than ever by the introduction of the rifle grenade
by the Germans.

In the early part of July, Colonel Ian Stewart, D.S.O., Scottish Rifles,
who had joined the Division as G.S.O. 1 in June, formulated a scheme of
training every man in the use of the bomb. Bombing, before this
innovation, had been regarded as the duty of specialists. The new scheme
was that every man should be trained to be able to light and throw a
bomb in the case of an emergency. At the same time the brigade grenadier
companies were put through a longer and more thorough course of
instruction than had been the case in the past. The introduction of this
scheme marked a big advance in the practice of bombing.

On 20th July orders were received that the Division was to join the Xth
Corps under the command of General Morland, in the area of the
newly-formed Third Army. The Xth Corps was then to consist of the 5th
Regular Division, the 51st Territorial Division, and the 18th Service
Division. Accordingly during the nights 22-23rd and 23-24th July the
Division was relieved in the line by the Lahore and 8th Divisions.

On the 26th, 27th, 28th, and 29th of July the Division proceeded by
train to the Neuilly area east of Amiens.




                            CHAPTER III.

                   THE PERIOD OF APPRENTICESHIP.


It was some ten weeks since the Division had heard its first shot fired.
Up to the present it had, indeed, experienced war. It had, however, been
employed throughout either in actual battle or in consolidating a battle
front in particularly trying circumstances. It had, therefore, had
little time or opportunity to collect its thoughts and profit by its
experiences.

During the next few months it was given the opportunity it required, and
it will be seen that these months were profitably employed by all ranks.

This period may be called the Division's apprenticeship to war.

In this connection it must not be forgotten that, in spite of its late
successes, there was a time when the Highland Division was what can best
be described as "green." That this was the case is no reflection on the
spirit which animated the men or the manner in which the troops had been
trained by their commanders. Under the conditions of modern warfare it
could not have been otherwise.

Lord French writes of the newly-arrived Territorial Divisions: "At
first certainly they were crude and untrained, but every day they
improved under instruction, and developed great intelligence under a
thorough and practical exposition of the objects to be aimed at."

The manner in which the Division "trained on" and developed from
apprentices into skilled tradesmen was most creditable, both to the men
and to those responsible for their education in the ways of war.

One difficulty that must always exist with inexperienced troops,
particularly non-regular troops, is the question of discipline. To
maintain discipline in the circumstances of peace does not present a
tithe of the difficulties which are encountered in times of war. The ill
effects of the lack of discipline in peace conditions are evident to
all. War, on the other hand, produces fresh and unexpected
circumstances, in which experience alone can teach how efficiency is
dependent on rigorous adherence to discipline, often in apparently
trivial matters. This was felt by the Highland Division, in common with
many others, in numerous ways.

In a Division in which the officers and men of the various companies and
battalions are recruited from the same villages or towns, and are known
to one another intimately in civil life, the enforcement of the rigid
discipline demanded by war will always be a difficult matter, until
experience has shown the necessity for it.

Officers and N.C.O.'s have first to appreciate the degree to which they
must exercise command over their men, if the military machine is to
stand the test. They must also learn that the efficiency of the troops
under their command is dependent on the manner in which they supervise
the daily life and actions of their men, and on the amount of
forethought they exercise on their behalf.

Owing to inexperience, delay in reliefs, entailing much fatigue to the
men, the miscarrying of working parties, entailing the loss of valuable
time, were in the early stages frequent. Further, in spite of continual
warnings, men light-heartedly ignored the enemy, and were constantly
being killed by enemy snipers through wilful exposure. There were cases
of men asphyxiating themselves in their dug-outs with the fumes of their
own coke fires through want of the necessary precautions.

The diaries of senior officers contain frequent references to instances
in which they found the enemy working in daylight in full view,
unmolested, through want of initiative on the part of local commanders.
Occasions were not unknown when troops in the line evinced what has
since become known as "wind."

However, the Division recognised from the first that it had much to
learn, and an organised effort was made to help the men to profit by
experience in the shortest possible time. To this effort the men
responded admirably.

Junior officers and N.C.O.'s gradually acquired the necessary habit of
true command over their men. The men were quick and ready to discover
that the better disciplined a unit is, the more efficient it is, the
less it suffers from the actions of the enemy and the conditions of war.
They learnt, too, that the best-disciplined battalion is the most
comfortable and the most contented.

As Lord French writes: "Each unit learned by degrees its own relative
place and position in the great Divisional machine. Enthusiasm was
raised in the idea engendered in all ranks that they formed part of
a great engine of war, furnished by their own country and immediate
neighbourhood."

In the early stages of its apprenticeship the Division first took part
in a series of unsuccessful attacks. Subsequently it passed many weeks
in areas in which trench-mortaring and mining--the two forms of trench
warfare most trying to men's nerves--were considerably in evidence.
Nevertheless, in spite of their inexperience and of this unfortunate
beginning, the men at all times remained in good heart and retained a
high standard of morale.

By August 1915 the Division had so successfully overcome its earlier
difficulties that it was selected to instruct the 18th Division, newly
arrived from England, in trench warfare. Subsequently the 22nd Division,
32nd Division, and afterwards the 36th Division, were also attached to
the Highland Division for tours of instruction in the line.

Throughout this period the rivalry between the Territorial and New Army
Divisions was acute. The men had a strong impression, further
accentuated by the fact that the Division did not take part in the
battle of Loos, that since they were a Territorial Division, the higher
command would never employ them as a complete Division in a major
operation. In this belief, after General Harper had taken over command
of the Division, they began to call themselves Harper's Duds, asserting
that the Divisional sign, H.D., was formed from the initial letters of
these two words.

On 27th July 1915, orders were issued by the Xth Corps for the 51st
Division to take over the lines from near Becourt to the river Ancre
near Hamel, relieving the 22nd Division of the XIth French Corps.

On the night 30-31st the 152nd Brigade took over the left sector from
the 116th French Regiment. On the following night the right sector was
taken over by the 154th Infantry Brigade, who relieved the 22nd French
Territorial Regiment, and by the 153rd Brigade, who took over a portion
of the right sector from the 44th French Brigade.

The Divisional artillery, with six batteries of the 18th Division
attached for instruction, moved into the line in relief of the French
artillery on the nights 2-3rd, 3-4th, 4-5th August.

The taking over from the French, both from a military and from a social
point of view, was satisfactory in every way. The details of the handing
over were complete, and the arrangements made by the French commands and
staffs excellent.

It was a considerable relief to all to find trenches cut deep in the
chalk or loam, in place of the hated breastworks. The French system was
also extensive, and contained numerous communication trenches and trench
shelters. There was not, in consequence, the same exposed feeling which
was attached to the Festubert and Laventie trenches.

The French troops were Bretons. Their great traditions as fighters
produced immediately a bond of sympathy between them and the
Highlanders. The Highland dress and the pipes evoked great interest and
admiration in the French soldiers and in the inhabitants of the
neighbouring villages, which lost nothing from the fact that the
Highland Division was the first British Division to serve in that part
of the country.

During the relief the French officers and men did their utmost to help
our troops. Their hospitality was unbounded. Indeed, the excellent
manner in which the French officers messed, even in the line, was the
cause of considerable surprise to the British officers.

When the relief of the French troops was complete and they were marching
away to take their place in the line in Champagne, the pipers and
drummers of various units accompanied them for several miles of their
first day's march. The Bretons, having themselves pipes of a kind, were
delighted, and the manner in which they refreshed the pipers during the
march clearly showed their gratitude.

Willie Lawrie, the famous pipe-major of the 8th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders, composed a pipe tune in honour of this event, known as the
"Pipers of Bouzincourt," and another called "The 8th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders farewell to the 116th De Ligne."

A copy of the tune was sent to Lieut.-Colonel V. Arnoux, commanding the
116th, from whom the following reply was received:--

      11^e CORPS D'ARMÉE, 22ND DIVISION,
             43RD BRIGADE.
                                                    AU BIVOUAC,
                                              _le 10 Novembre 1915_.

      Le Lieut.-Colonel ARNOUX, Commandant le 116th Regiment
      d'Infanterie à Monsieur le Lieut.-Colonel DOUGLAS BAIRD,
      Commandant le 1/8 Argyllshire Highlanders.

        No. 1 Objet au sujet
        d'une marche militaire.

      MON CHER CAMARADE,--J'ai l'honneur de vous accuser reception
      de la marche pour cornemutes composée par le corne-musier
      major de votre bataillon, et jouée par vos cornemutes et
      tambours le matin de la relève du 116th de Ligne dans le
      secteur de Thiepval Authuile.

      Au nom de tous mes officiers et soldats je vous prie
      d'agréer mes vifs remerciements. Tous ont gardé au 116th le
      meilleurs souvenirs de cette marche dont le rhythme et
      l'harmonie melancolique evoquaient les mélodies du pays
      natal.

      Je l'ai confiée à mon chef de musique qui s'occupe de vous
      composer une marche appropriée à notre musique sur la thème
      de la vôtre.

      Cette harmonie de nos deux marches militaires sera un
      souvenir et un gage de plus de la bonne amitié qui unit nos
      deux regiments et nos deux armées dans la même ardeur vers
      la victoire commune.

      Veuillez agréer, mon cher Camarade, l'expression de mes
      souvenirs les meilleurs et les plus devoués.

                                                       V. ARNOUX.

General Baumgarten, commanding the XIth French Corps d'Armée, remained
in command until 5th August, when General Bannatine-Allason took over
from him, with his headquarters at Senlis. General Baumgarten
subsequently called on General Bannatine-Allason to express his delight
with the manner in which the taking over had been carried out without
any hitch in spite of the difficulties which arose from the difference
of language.

The new sector proved to be both interesting and instructive. Many
problems arose while the Division held this portion of the line which
required solution, and which, as it turned out, were all solved
satisfactorily.

The front was looked upon by the French as a quiet one, with the
exception of a section of the line adjacent to the Albert-Bapaume road
known as the Ilot. This ground had been captured by the French in a
brilliant advance, and on this account, though of little tactical
importance, continued to be held. Subsequently, after the Division had
been relieved in this portion of the line, the troops were withdrawn
from it. There can have been few places on the Western front where the
distance separating the Allied and the German lines was less, as in the
Ilot the breadth of the No Man's Land was in some places no more than
ten yards. The opposing trenches were thus well within bombing range,
and the locality was a running sore to both sides.

The sector did not remain a quiet one for long, and throughout the
Division's occupation of it every effort was required to prevent the
enemy from gaining the upper hand.

The most acute problem was the enemy's activity in mining. When the
sector was taken over from the French, the situation in this respect was
anything but good. No British tunnelling companies being available,
French engineers remained in charge of mining operations. This was an
unsatisfactory arrangement, and the work of countermining made little
progress, while the efforts of the enemy were fully maintained.

On the 22nd August the 179th Tunnelling Company, R.E., arrived in the
area and relieved the French engineers. It had by this time become
evident that a very considerable effort would be necessary to check the
enemy's mining if it was to continue possible to hold the existing
front-line trenches. The 179th Tunnelling Company had only a strength of
300 men with which to take over from the 500 men which the French had
employed in the sector. It was therefore decided to reinforce the
tunnellers by attaching to them infantry who in civil life had been
skilled miners.

Sixty miners from each infantry brigade were accordingly added to the
tunnellers. The efforts of the tunnelling company thus reinforced, by
dint of working continuous shifts day and night, proved equal to the
task, with the result that superiority as regards the mining situation
ultimately passed to the British.

It was, however, only after a severe struggle that this result was
obtained. The discharging of mines and of camouflets--small discharges
used for blowing in the opponent's galleries--were almost of daily
occurrence.

Mine warfare played so large a part in the trench warfare of 1915, 1916,
and 1917, and so affected the daily life of the soldier in the trenches,
that a description of what it means to those engaged in it may not be
out of place.

In the first instance, success in mine warfare is dependent on the
tunnelling company. By their efforts it is determined whether our troops
are to be blown up by the enemy, or whether it is the enemy who is to
meet this fate. To secure protection for the troops listening galleries
have to be driven at various points along the front, so that the enemy's
galleries can be located by sound, and the element of surprise can then
be eliminated. The tunnellers who listen in these galleries are equipped
with instruments by which the enemy can be heard working. If he is
close, he can be heard by the ear alone. In chalk, a good medium for the
carrying of sound, he can be heard working, without the aid of
instruments, many feet away. If he is heard still using picks or
shovels, it is known that he has not driven his gallery as far as he
intends, and that there is therefore no immediate prospect of his
blowing. If, on the other hand, he is heard tamping--_i.e._, packing in
his explosive--it is known that his work is nearly completed, and that
his mine will in a few hours be ready for exploding. In the latter case
two alternatives are available, either of which may be adopted to
protect the troops from the effect of his blowing. First, if we have a
gallery sufficiently close to his, we may blow a small mine or
camouflet, designed either to destroy his gallery or so to disintegrate
the soil by the explosion as to make further tunnelling impossible. If a
camouflet is impracticable, the only other alternative is to evacuate
the area which it is estimated will be affected by the explosion.

In some cases the tunnelling company were able to destroy his galleries
by camouflets when they were actually being worked, and thus bury the
tunnellers and their spoiling parties. On these occasions the tunnelling
company were always highly elated, as they took a professional pride in
scoring off their real opponents the tunnellers, and considered this a
far finer achievement than blowing up a trench full of mere infantrymen.

The Germans also adopted the same tactics, and continuous warfare
between the tunnellers of both sides raged underground. Though the
tunnellers, when once in their galleries, were free from the attentions
of snipers, trench-mortars, and shells, yet their own form of warfare
was hazardous and dangerous enough. When the galleries of the opposing
sides were close, it was never known whether a gallery had not been
located and might not at any moment be blown in, all the men working in
it being crushed or suffocated.

On occasions a British and German gallery would meet, and hand-to-hand
fights with picks and crowbars underground would ensue, which had to be
fought out in darkness in the narrow tunnels.

The danger from natural gases, with all the attendant difficulties of
rescuing men overcome by the fumes, was constant. Falls of earth and
chalk, possibly due to some heavy explosion above ground, might also
occur, which might bury the worker or cut him off from the exit of the
gallery.

It must be remembered that the tunnellers were not highly trained
soldiers in their early manhood, but professional miners, often men of
middle age, who had in many cases come to France straight from the pits
at home. They were, indeed, a splendid breed of men, and the infantry
owed much to them. There is little question but that they were far
superior to the German tunneller. The latter was often a cunning worker,
but the British tunneller could always be relied on to beat him for
pace. It may also be added that the tunnelling companies all contained
an appreciable number of Scottish miners.

Mine warfare affects the infantry in several ways. First, it
necessitates their finding an enormous number of carrying parties to
assist in getting rid of the spoil, as the excavated earth or chalk is
called. The infantryman never liked this work, as, among other things,
it made his clothing, particularly his kilt, extremely dirty. It also
appeared unending. However, he was reasonably contented with it if he
had the satisfaction of occasionally seeing the German trenches and
dug-outs hoisted into the air.

The question of finding working parties is, however, a minor
consideration for the infantry when compared with the possible effects
of the explosion of a German mine. This usually occurred either as
darkness fell or during the night. Though warning might have been given
by the tunnellers that a mine was to be expected, yet the explosion
always appeared to come as a surprise. To a man standing up in the
vicinity of an explosion the first sensation was a feeling that he had
been struck on the soles of the feet by a heavy beam. This was
immediately followed by the opening up of the earth and the issuing
forth of a belch of flame, capped with a great rolling cloud of smoke
and followed instantaneously by a deep muffled roar.

Huge fragments of earth and chalk, some weighing a ton or more, with
wire entanglements, trench-boards, dug-out timbers--all were hurled many
feet into the air. There followed a sensible pause, and then for some
seconds the falling débris would come pouring down. This in turn was
followed by a mist of dust which continued to float in the air for many
minutes.

If the explosion had occurred under an occupied portion of the trench,
the men in the area which was transferred into the crater were either
immediately buried or else hurled many feet into the air in the sheet of
flame and smoke, often to descend back into the crater crushed, bruised,
burnt, and almost invariably dead. Others in the immediate vicinity of
the explosion were crushed in their shelters or buried in the trenches
by the collapse of their sides. Men further away, in their turn, were in
danger of being killed or mutilated by the falling débris of stones and
chalk which whirled down from a great height into the trenches. The
result was a scene of horrible desolation. Nothing remained intact.
Trenches with their garrisons were obliterated. The positions where
posts had once been could only be determined by rifles or limbs
projecting through the upturned earth. At times, the heaving of the
earth showed where some buried man, still alive, was struggling to
extricate himself. The whole air was fetid with the sickly stench of
high explosive.

Mine warfare was, indeed, the most trying ordeal to which troops holding
trenches were exposed.

Next to mining, the most nerve-racking form of trench warfare was
provided by the trench-mortar. Towards the latter end of August the
enemy began to make a considerable use of these weapons. In consequence
the trenches were frequently severely damaged, and many casualties were
sustained. The British trench-mortars were in these days only in their
early experimental stages; moreover, difficulty always existed in
obtaining sufficient ammunition for them to be of any real service.

The enemy, on the other hand, appears to have had an unlimited supply of
ammunition for mortars of a considerably heavier calibre and longer
range than ours. At this time his commonest types were those that
discharged the "oil can" or "rum jar" and the aerial torpedo. The "oil
can" was little more than a tin canister about nine inches in diameter,
filled with high explosive, and fitted with a time fuze. In those days
it was fired from a smooth-bored wooden mortar, and in consequence
turned over and over in its flight, and was therefore not particularly
accurate. The explosion was, however, terrific, devastating to wire or
trenches, and most trying to the nerves of any one who had to live in an
area in which they habitually burst.

The aerial torpedoes had a fixed propeller which kept them from turning
over in the air, and were in consequence a more accurate projectile.
Their effects were if anything worse than those of the "oil can."

The Division had attached to it one 1-1/2-inch mortar battery and a
4-inch mortar battery for which ammunition was available only in small
quantities. On 2nd September, a 2-inch trench-mortar battery arrived,
though its ammunition did not join it till 7th October.

The 2-inch trench-mortar fired a bomb exactly similar in shape to the
hammer used in Highland games in "throwing the hammer." For this reason
it was known to the troops as "Donald Dinnie." It was also known as the
"Plum Pudding" or "Football." It was on this account that an English
brigade-major was once heard to confess that he had always thought
"Donald Dinnie" was Scots for plum pudding.

The "Donald Dinnie" was an excellent projectile when it burst in the
right place. Sometimes, however, it did not burst at all, while at
others it burst within a few feet of the mortar. Again, the mortar
frequently misfired. Trench-mortaring was rather a game of chance in
those days, with the odds slightly against the man firing the mortar.

In the early days of the "Donald Dinnie" its long iron handle, with a
diameter of two inches, was firmly fixed to the bomb. On occasions this
handle was blown tremendous distances by the explosion, and more than
once fell in the British trenches, causing casualties to the garrison.

There was thus no adequate weapon with which to counter the German
trench-mortars. He was therefore able to do considerable damage to our
trenches and troops, more or less, with impunity.

It was in consequence necessary to institute a system of artillery
retaliation, by which a certain number of rounds were fired back at the
enemy by howitzers for every trench-mortar round he fired. Howitzers of
various calibres up to 6-inch as well as the field-guns took part in
these retaliatory shoots, according to the ammunition supply. As this
became more liberal, this system tended to check the enemy's
trench-mortar activity, particularly when, by careful observation, the
positions of his trench-mortar emplacements were located, and the
retaliation was brought to bear actually on the offending mortars.

The enemy could, however, bombard certain sections of trenches so
systematically that he was able to obliterate them. This was
particularly the case opposite La Boisselle and in an area known as the
Salient. The latter received so much attention as to become untenable,
and on 1st December it was evacuated, a retrenchment being dug and
occupied behind it.

During these trench-mortar bombardments, it had been discovered that
the French shelters, having only three or four feet of cover, were not
shell-proof. They were, in fact, death-traps, as they gave the men a
false sense of security. In consequence, during a bombardment men would
crowd into them to take cover, and should a trench-mortar bomb then
strike one of them, it was blown in and all its occupants were killed.

On 21st October it was therefore decided to provide fresh dug-out
accommodation for the whole garrison. The tunnelling company, as has
been explained, was strained to its utmost to keep pace with the mining
situation. The construction of the dug-outs was therefore entrusted to
the 8th Royal Scots, who had joined the Division as the Divisional
Pioneer Battalion on 25th August 1915. Fresh calls were made on the
infantry for skilled miners, who were attached to the 8th Royal Scots.
Work was carried on day and night, and the greatest exertions were made
to provide the Division with shell-proof shelters with the minimum of
delay.

These dug-outs were designed to give 10 to 12 feet of head cover.
Charges of 60 lb. and 100 lb. of gun-cotton were exploded on the roofs
of dug-outs of this depth, and the shock of the explosion was
successfully resisted.[4]

Attempts were made to construct dug-outs by digging deep pits and then
roofing them in with layers of material calculated to burst shells; but
this was found to take more time than was required to construct a
dug-out by tunnelling.

While the mining and the construction of dug-outs was being carried on
as intensively as possible, an enormous amount of spoil (excavated earth
and chalk) was accumulated. The disposal of this spoil became a very
serious problem. Chalk cannot be scattered broadcast except at a
distance from the shaft-heads, as its presence would disclose to the
enemy that work was in progress and draw shell-fire. The accumulation of
spoil was thus very difficult to dispose of, and frequently the trenches
became almost impassable owing to the heaps of sandbags full of chalk
stacked against their sides waiting to be emptied. The usual method of
disposing of this spoil was to dump it into disused trenches and
shell-holes. These, however, were soon filled, and it became evident
that elaborate arrangements must be made beforehand for dealing with the
spoil whenever operations entailing excavations on a large scale are
planned, otherwise vast accumulations will be formed.

In this sector it was therefore necessary to establish a
carefully-organised system of spoiling parties to keep pace with the
output of the tunnellers and pioneers. It was only thus that it could be
ensured that the intensive mining and dug-out construction would not be
checked owing to delays in dealing with the excavated earth.

Large numbers of men had thus to be found daily for this work, with the
result that there was little labour available for the ordinary duties of
trench maintenance. As long as the weather remained fine, difficulty was
not experienced on this account. Subsequently, however, when the weather
changed, the whole Division was taxed to its utmost to keep the trenches
in a condition which rendered them passable to troops.

This was particularly difficult in the sector between La Boisselle and
Thiepval. Here above the chalk was a deep overlay of clay. Thus, when
towards the end of the year there was a heavy fall of rain and
subsequently of snow, the country in this area became water-logged, and
in consequence the sides of the trenches were continually collapsing.
This was partly due to the fact that the trenches constructed by the
French were cut with perpendicular sides. Trenches of this pattern stood
well enough in fine weather or where cut in chalk, but when cut in clay
could not withstand the additional pressure which the weight of absorbed
rain-water brought into play. The result was that throughout this
portion of the sector the sides of the trenches fell in, and they became
merely shapeless ditches knee- or waist-deep in mud and water. Water and
mud, too, flowed down the stairs of the dug-outs unless dams were
carefully made, while the "Bairnsfather" type of shelter collapsed on to
its occupants at least once with fatal results.

The nature of the soil was such that revetment was of little avail. Even
machine-gun pits revetted with close-lagged timbers--that is to say,
with their walls supported by a continuous lining of thick
planking--caved in. The result was that the struggle with the elements
almost took precedence over the struggle with the enemy. The carrying
out of reliefs became a question of many hours, and entailed great
exhaustion to the troops. The labour required for trench maintenance was
far in excess of the resources of the Division. Attempts were made to
dig out the trenches with their sides at a slope of 6/1, which would
enable them to stand in spite of the incessant pressure on their sides
due to the absorbed water. The soil was, however, of such a nature that
digging in its sodden state imposed an immense physical strain on the
men. Not only was the weight of the mud on the shovel considerable, but
the mud adhered to the face of the shovel and could not be flung clear
of the trench. In consequence, the men often had to hoist the shovel
with its load out of the trench, leaving the earth to be scraped from
the shovel by a man working above ground.

In spite of the increasing labours of the men, as long as the wet
weather continued it was only possible to keep the trenches sufficiently
open to enable troops to pass along them with difficulty. In some cases,
notably in Campbell Avenue, even this was not possible, and the trench
became temporarily unfit for use. Subsequently the frost came, and the
labours of trench maintenance, to the delight of all, suddenly ceased.
The sides of the trenches stood as though they had been carved out of
wood. Officers and men began to take a fresh outlook on life. For the
first time for many days they went dry-shod, and began to forget the
unpleasant feeling of a mud-sodden kilt chafing the back of the knees,
and of muddy water oozing between the toes at every step.

But this short-lived return to dry trenches only accentuated the
miseries of the inevitable thaw, for the last state became worse than
the first. Not only did the clay trenches on which so much labour had
been expended collapse _en bloc_, but the action of the frost on the
chalk made it crumble. In consequence the chalk trenches collapsed
universally. The entire trench area became a ruin. The situation was
such that strong measures alone could deal with it. The mining could not
be discontinued, as this would involve too serious a risk. All other
work was, however, stopped, and the 8th Royal Scots and the Reserve
Brigade were all employed on restoring order out of this most appalling
chaos. Even with this amount of labour available, as long as wet weather
with short intermittent periods of frost alternated, more earth and
chalk fell into the trenches day by day than could be cleared out in a
day by the available working parties.

Apart from the mining operations, the construction of dug-outs, and the
creation of entanglements, little new work was carried out in this
sector. The French had already begun a system of defence in depth. This
was worked upon and improved. The only important new work undertaken was
the construction of the corps reserve lines, known as the Bouzincourt
Switch, which ran from Martinsart to Bouzincourt and across the river
Ancre to Albert.

In this reserve line there were constructed what are believed to be the
first concrete "pill-boxes" made either by the Allies or the Germans on
the Western Front. These were formed of walls of reinforced concrete
five feet thick, with loopholes through which machine-guns could fire.

After the British lines had been driven back by the great German
offensive in March 1918, these pill-boxes were situated in or about No
Man's Land, and were on several occasions struck by direct hits. They
were, however, undamaged, and, it is hoped, played the part with success
for which they were intended.

During the period in which the Division was in this sector, great
progress towards efficiency was made by the Divisional artillery. By the
time they had arrived in France mobile warfare was for the time being in
abeyance. This was a distinct advantage to Territorial gunners, as the
conditions of service in peace time afforded them few opportunities for
training for warfare of movement. They had, however, devoted a
considerable amount of study to technical gunnery. Consequently, they
had less ground to make up than would have been the case if they had
been engaged in a war of movement.

Their training at home had, however, been carried out under difficult
conditions, and when they arrived they still required considerable
training as units. This was mostly carried out in the line, as from
the time of its arrival in France the artillery was practically
continuously in action until early in 1916. In spite of this they
made great progress. An artillery brigade commander describes them as
follows: "By the end of their first year they were good; by the end of
their second year they were better; and by the end of their third year
they were first-class field artillery,--very mobile, very quick, and
full of initiative."

On the 31st August the 15-pounders were replaced by 18-pounders, to the
great relief of all concerned. The 15-pounders had always suffered from
a very restricted supply of ammunition. What ammunition they had was so
erratic as to be a positive danger to our own troops. The gunners also
had not had the opportunities at home of becoming complete masters of
their weapons. The result was that the artillery, working in these
adverse circumstances, did not at first enjoy the confidence of the
infantry. However, their work in this sector went far towards inspiring
in the infantry full confidence in their gunners.

Preparations for the battle of Loos brought to the Division for the
first time a fairly liberal supply of ammunition. This was to be
employed for the purpose of wire-cutting and bombardment as a feint to
the big attack farther north.

On 23rd September 600 rounds (18-pounder) were issued, and on 25th
September a further 1200 rounds, an unheard-of amount in those days.

The use of the artillery became less rigid than had been the case during
the first few months at the front. On 8th November an 18-pounder gun was
run up during the night to Coniston Street, about 800 yards behind the
front line. From this position, as soon as there was sufficient light,
thirty-six rounds were fired at an enemy sap, on which work was in
progress, at a range of 1200 yards.

On 15th December experiments were made in wire-cutting with 4·5
howitzers. One howitzer fired at a range of 800 yards with percussion
shrapnel and was most successful, a lane being cut right through the
belt of wire.

The following extract from the Divisional war diary for 28th August may
be quoted as a typical instance of the enterprise shown by the Division
as regards the use of artillery during this period:--

"The repair of the parapets damaged by our mines of the 28th had been
constantly hindered by enemy rifle grenades, large trench-mortar
bombs, and aerial torpedoes. The last two sorts of bombs, having a
very large charge, had reduced the front and support line trenches
opposite La Boisselle (where most of our mine shafts are) to such an
extent that passage along them had been dangerous. Only one 1-1/2-inch
mortar battery was available to reply, as the 4-inch battery had no
ammunition. Sanction was obtained for the expenditure of 5-inch and
6-inch howitzer and 18-pounder ammunition to keep down the enemy's
fire, and enable a day working party to work on the demolished
trenches. Work was continued all day with only eight casualties."

On 28th November 1915 three 18-pounder batteries of the Lowland Brigade
were brought into action, bringing the Divisional artillery up to
establishment.

An advance was also made in this sector in machine gunnery. Eight
machine-gun emplacements were made, fitted with traversing mountings for
indirect fire. These mountings were designed by Captain S. J. L. Hardie,
machine-gun officer of the 152nd Brigade, and made by the Divisional
Supply Column.

By this means aimed indirect fire was brought to bear by day or night on
localities known to be constantly used by the enemy.

In this period few events occurred which call for detailed description.
The explosion of mines was of frequent occurrence, and in several cases
the trenches sustained damage and losses were incurred. On the 12th and
20th August the French tunnellers were successful in destroying sections
of the enemy's trenches with mines, but on the latter date the mine also
did considerable damage to the British trenches.

In September preparations for the battle of Loos began. The Third Army
was not involved in this attack. Efforts were, however, made to lead the
enemy to anticipate an offensive in this sector, so as to make him
unwilling to transfer reserves from this front to the scene of the
actual operations.

Accordingly on 21st September work was begun on preparing the sector for
attack. Sap-heads and forming-up places were constructed, while the
artillery carried out wire-cutting and bombardment.

On 25th September the combined British and French attack was launched at
Loos. On the 26th preparations for attack were discontinued in the
Divisional sector. On the 27th the allowance of ammunition was reduced
to the minimum requirements necessary for retaliation.

During the sojourn of the Division in this part of France bombardments
of villages in the back areas occurred fairly frequently--Henencourt
(Corps Headquarters), Aveluy, Authuille, Albert, and Martinsart all
receiving attention.

The enemy was particularly lucky with one heavy shell which he fired
into Authuille on 29th November. It burst close to a working party of
the 5th Seaforths, who had just fallen in to draw tools from a dump, and
wounded 26 of them, including 2 officers.

On 18th September Martinsart was bombed by a hostile aeroplane, in those
days a most unusual occurrence.

On Christmas Day a curious exchange of compliments took place with the
enemy. On Christmas Eve he sang carols; this was at once stopped by the
Divisional artillery. He then came out of his trenches to fraternise;
this was also stopped by the Divisional artillery. He retaliated by
shelling Albert; the Division on the right immediately shelled
Courcelette. The enemy then shelled Aveluy; the gunners replied by
shelling Pozières. The enemy had the last word, for he then shelled
Martinsart, where he hit a horse, a mule, and a limber loaded with
grenades, which fortunately did not burst.

While the Division was in this sector various other New Army Divisions,
as has been mentioned, were attached to it for periods of instruction in
the line. The men did not fail to make the most of the fact that they
had been selected as instructors for the rival organisation, the New
Armies, and it was a matter of great satisfaction to them to find that
they had been chosen for the work.

On 2nd August the Divisional artillery had taken over from the French,
and taken into the line six batteries of the 18th Division, who were
attached for instruction. The artillery were particularly jealous of the
18-pounders with which their pupils were armed, while they were still
equipped with the obsolete 15-pounder. The same night the 53rd Infantry
Brigade Group, 18th Division, also moved into the line to begin a period
of attachment to the 51st Division for instruction in trench warfare.
Other units of the 18th Division followed, and carried out similar
periods of instruction in the line.

On conclusion of this attachment, when the 18th Division took over
a section of the line from the 51st, Major-General F. I. Maxse,
commanding the 18th Division, wrote the following appreciative letter
to General Bannatine-Allason: "I must write you a line to say how
grateful my Division is for the great assistance we have received from
yours. General Ross has done more to help us than I have experienced
from any other G.O.C. He not only left officers behind to put us up
to local tips on his sector, but he told off his best snipers to put
our snipers on to the Huns, which they successfully did. My people all
swear by the 51st Division. May we long soldier together."

General Maxse became a great friend of the 51st Division, particularly
when, in 1917, the Division carried out two most successful operations
under his command as Corps commander in the third battle of Ypres.

In September the 65th Infantry Brigade Group and a brigade of artillery
of the 22nd Division carried out its period of instruction in trench
warfare attached to the 51st. Later in the same month officers of the
36th (Ulster) Division were similarly attached. In December the 32nd
Division was instructed in the same manner, and finally relieved the
51st in this sector.

On 24th September 1915 General Bannatine-Allason gave up command of the
Highland Division. He had for some time been in indifferent health. The
strain of the past four months, in which he had commanded the Division
during its first experiences of war, had been severe, and the General
therefore felt that he could not either with justice to himself or to
his Division continue in so responsible a position until his health was
sufficiently recovered.

[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL R. BANNATINE-ALLASON, C.B.]

He therefore returned to England, and was given command of the 61st (2nd
Line South Midland) Territorial Division. During the period of his
command of the 2nd Line Highland Division, the General despatched over
15,000 men and over 3000 horses to the front. Most of these men were
sent as reinforcements to the 51st Division, so that he still materially
contributed towards the successes of the Division. From this fact, and
from the fact that under his command the Division was first initiated
into the ways of war, General Bannatine-Allason is still known in the
Highlands as the "nurse" of the 51st Division.

General Bannatine-Allason was succeeded by Major-General G. M. Harper,
C.B., D.S.O., who was promoted from the command of the 17th Brigade, 6th
Division, to the command of the Highland Division.

General Harper, during his period of command, inspired all ranks with
such confidence that it is difficult to express the high regard in which
he was held by the Division.

The success and consequent reputation gained by the Highland Division
can be attributed to the happy combination of the particular qualities
of the commander and his troops, and to the brilliant manner in which
the directing genius of the former was seconded by the genius for
fighting of the latter.

No better selection of a commander could have been made for the
Division, and no Division could have better suited the particular
qualities possessed by the new commander. Experience has since proved
that General Harper understood the ways and means of defeating the
German in a manner which was probably unequalled, and certainly never
surpassed on the Western Front. Further, he possessed such gifts as an
instructor as enabled him to train his Division in these ways and means
in a manner which set a standard to the British armies in France.

On their part, under General Harper's command, the Highlanders proved
that they possessed qualities which enabled them to respond to training
in a degree which few other troops could equal.

The result was that General Harper, having formulated principles
applicable to every phase of attack and defence, was able to imbue his
whole Division in their training with these principles. In consequence,
during active operations, officers and N.C.O.'s could be relied on to
lead their men intelligently in any circumstances in accordance with
tactical methods in which they had already been exercised in their
training.

The relief of the Division by the 32nd Division began on 23rd December,
and was completed by 2nd January 1916. After the relief, the Division
moved to the Flesselles area, coming under orders of the Ist Corps.
Their time in the line, beginning as it had done on 30th July 1915, had
been long and arduous. The men were in consequence beginning to show
signs of becoming stale. Though there had been no infantry action beyond
a few encounters between patrols and a small bombing raid carried out by
the 154th Infantry Brigade on 2nd January 1916, yet the conditions had
been far from pleasant.

Great strides had been made by the enemy in trench weapons, the range,
calibre, and accuracy of his trench-mortars, and the numbers in which
they were employed, having considerably increased. His rifle grenades
had also been improved, and were used with increasing frequency. The
mining situation, as has already been pointed out, had at one time been
serious, though it never led to the same serious infantry fighting which
occurred later in the Labyrinth. The want of shell-proof cover had been
considerably felt; the burden of work imposed on the Division when the
trenches collapsed had been almost insupportable. The general conditions
of trench life during this period are admirably summed up in Sir Douglas
Haig's despatch, dated 29th May 1916, as follows:--

"Although the struggle in a general sense has not been intense, it has
been everywhere continuous....

"The maintenance and repair of our defences alone, especially in
winter, entails constant heavy work. Bad weather and the enemy combine
to flood and destroy trenches, dug-outs, and communications; all such
damages must be repaired promptly under fire, and almost certainly by
night.

"Artillery and snipers are practically never silent, patrols are out in
front of the lines every night, and heavy bombardments by the artillery
of one or both sides take place daily in various parts of the line.
Below ground there is continual mining and counter-mining, which, by
the ever-present threat of sudden explosion and the uncertainty as
to where and when it will take place, causes perhaps a more constant
strain than any other form of warfare.... In short, a steady and
continuous fight has gone on day and night above ground and below it."

It will be appreciated from the above that, though many of the days
under review were described in the official communiqués as "quiet days
on the Western Front," the quietude was not always apparent to those who
lived within the range of the enemy's activities.

The absence of depression amongst the men in these adverse circumstances
was, however, constantly remarked on, and throughout the Division
remained in good spirits.

Colonel Ian Stewart reports an incident which bears witness to the
imperturbability of the men even in the Ilot, the storm centre of the
mining activity. Colonel Stewart was crawling round the front line with
General Ross, in such close contact to the enemy that they dare speak
only in whispers for fear of provoking a shower of rifle- or
hand-grenades. As they came round a sandbagged traverse they found a
Jock sitting on his fire-step, smoking the inevitable cigarette and
reading 'Pearson's Magazine,' quite oblivious to his proximity to the
enemy.

Colonel Stewart, shortly after arriving back at Divisional Headquarters,
received a telephone message from General Ross informing him that he was
just going up to the line to investigate a mine which had been exploded
almost in the exact spot where the Jock had been reading 'Pearson's.'
The fate of the said Jock was not recorded.

The Division had profited considerably by their prolonged tour in the
same sector, and had completed its education in trench warfare in a most
thorough manner. The men had learnt trench-craft, that art which enables
them to keep the enemy constantly on the alert and at the same time to
protect themselves by their wits from avoidable casualties and
discomforts.

They had also had time to acquire that sixth sense which a short spell
of the war gave to all the fighting troops, of working, walking, and
fighting in the dark. They had become good snipers, and experienced
trench workers. They had learnt valuable lessons regarding such
questions as the influence of the nature of the soil on trench
construction, the organisation of working parties, the disposal of mine
spoil, &c.

In fact, the Division was most fortunately placed. After a long
experience of close contact with the enemy, it was now to be given a
period in which time would be available to collect and crystallise its
thoughts on the problems of defence and to be trained by General Harper
in the principles of the attack.




                            CHAPTER IV.

            TRAINING AND REORGANISATION--THE LABYRINTH.


The Division was now out of the line for the first time under General
Harper's command, and the latter lost no time in instructing officers
and men in a form of attack which at the time was employed by no other
Division.

Past experience, emphasised by the battle of Loos, had made it evident
that to hold captured ground against the inevitable counter-attack, the
attackers have not only to compete with the enemy actually manning the
assaulted trenches. They must, in addition, dispose themselves at the
end of the advance in a manner which enables them to resist the
counter-attacks which will inevitably be delivered by the enemy's
reserves. In the past, the objectives of the attack had not been
sufficiently clearly defined, with the result that the forward movement
frequently came to an end with some bodies of troops far in advance of
others, and all in a state of disorganisation. The foremost troops were
thus left exposed, holding insufficiently consolidated salients, and
disposed in a manner which prevented command being adequately exercised
over them. The result was that the enemy was able to employ his fresh
reserves against the tired and disorganised troops holding these
salients. His counter-attacks, organised so as to be delivered both
frontally and from the flanks, were in consequence frequently
successful.

It thus followed that Divisions which in the early phases of an attack
had carried out a brilliant advance, were subsequently in the later
stages often overwhelmed and severely cut up.

It had, further, been the custom in the past for the same body of troops
to be ordered to fight its way through a succession of trench lines or
defended localities. Thus, as the action progressed, the attack became
weaker and more disorganised through casualties, and so increasingly
lost its driving power. At the same time, when the forward movement came
to a standstill, no organised bodies of troops were left suitably
disposed to hold the ground gained.

The plan of attack adopted by the 51st Division was designed to
eradicate both these sources of failure. It was realised that if
counter-attacks were to be defeated, the advance must be made in a
series of clearly-defined bounds. Each bound was to be made good before
the operations for the capture of the next began.

Further, the idea was to employ a fresh body of troops for each bound.
Thus, when the troops detailed for a particular bound had reached their
objective, they remained on it, and disposed themselves in the most
suitable manner to hold the ground they had gained against
counter-attacks. A fresh body of troops then passed through them and
made good the next bound, consolidating in their turn the ground gained.

This form of attack became the sealed pattern for all attacks carried
out by the Highland Division, and was largely responsible for the many
outstanding successes of the Division.

Gradually as the war progressed and the Division achieved one success
after another, its value became apparent, and it eventually became the
stereotyped form of attack in the majority of the Divisions in France.

During this period, apart from the training of units under their own
commanders, Divisional schools of instruction were formed to give
individual training to officers and N.C.O.'s. A Divisional grenade
school was formed, at which 13 officers and 260 other ranks were put
through a course every week. At this course instruction was given in the
Mills bomb, which had now replaced the former types of improvised bomb.

A Divisional school for infantry was also opened at Villers-Bocage under
Lieut.-Colonel D. Baird, commanding the 8th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders. At this school 20 officers and 40 N.C.O.'s attended a
series of fourteen-day courses. The object of this school was to
increase the powers of command of the senior officers and N.C.O.'s, and
to improve their knowledge of tactics.

A show-ground was also laid out, where the best methods to be adopted in
trench warfare could be demonstrated. Here also types of trenches
suitable to the varying natures and conditions of ground were
constructed for purposes of instruction.

On 8th February the course of training was interrupted by the move of
the Division to the Daours area, with a view to taking over from the
30th Division, on the sector on the north bank of the Somme. The orders
for this relief were, however, cancelled on the 18th February, and the
Division moved back to the Flesselles area.

During this period the composition of the Division underwent
considerable alteration. The three Lancashire battalions left the
Division on 3rd January 1916 to join the 55th (West Lancashire)
Division.

The 6th Scottish Rifles joined the 33rd Division. They were met again
later by many of their former comrades of the Highland Division in High
Wood in July and August 1916.

These four battalions were replaced by the 4th and 5th Black Watch, the
4th Seaforths and 4th Camerons. Brigadier-General C. E. Stewart, Black
Watch, was placed in command of this brigade, and it retained the title
154th Infantry Brigade.

In February 1916 further changes took place; the 4th and 5th Black Watch
were posted to General Headquarters, and the 4th Camerons to the Base.
These three battalions were replaced in the 154th Infantry Brigade by
the 9th Royal Scots, the 4th Gordon Highlanders, and the 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders.

All the battalions in the reconstituted 154th Infantry Brigade had
landed in France some months before the remainder of the Division, being
posted to various regular brigades as an additional battalion.

Thus, as regards the infantry, the original composition of the Highland
Division was restored, with the exception of the 4th Cameron
Highlanders, the 6th Gordon Highlanders, and the 9th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders.

During the same month changes were also made as regards the organisation
of machine-guns. The infantry battalions had joined the Expeditionary
Force each equipped with two machine-guns under the command of the
battalion machine-gun officer. In July 1915 the battalion machine-gun
section was increased by an additional two guns.

In January 1916 a machine-gun company of sixteen guns was affiliated to
each brigade. These companies were formed by the amalgamation of the
four battalion machine-gun sections in each brigade, Captains Hardie,
Calder, and Board commanding the companies of the 152nd, 153rd, and
154th Infantry Brigades respectively.

In the early part of 1916 the trench-mortar situation was greatly
improved. Three 2-inch trench-mortar batteries were formed by the
Divisional artillery. These mortars fired the 60-pound bomb already
described known as the "Donald Dinnie." They were still considerably
inferior to the German trench-mortars in range, but they constituted a
considerable advance on all previous experiments. Their chief faults lay
in their liability to misfire, and in their frequent inaccuracy, due to
the boxes containing the component parts not being water-tight.

When the "Donald Dinnie" did burst on its target, the effect was
gratifying. The retaliation they almost invariably drew from the enemy
was the best evidence of their efficacy, and made the duty of serving
the mortars an extremely hazardous one.

In May 1916 a light trench-mortar battery, consisting of four Stokes
mortars, was formed for each brigade. The Stokes gun proved the most
satisfactory British light trench-mortar invented, and remained the
weapon of the light trench-mortar batteries throughout the war.

On 1st March 1916 orders were received for the Division to march
northwards and take over from the 23rd French Division of the XII^{me}
Corps d'Armée in a sector north of Arras, now known to history as the
Labyrinth. This move was due to the necessity for the British to take
over more line from the French. The object was to free as many French
Divisions as possible for the defence of Verdun, against which the
German was delivering his great attack.

Preliminary reconnaissances of the new line by senior commanders and
their staffs began on 3rd March. The first troops moved off to the new
area on 6th March. During the march, the Division staged in the
Beauval-Candas area and the Frevent area. Finally, Divisional
headquarters opened on 12th March at Duisans, General Harper taking over
command of the line at 8 A.M. on that date.

The march to the new area is chiefly memorable to those who took part in
it from the fact that much of it was carried out in a blinding
snowstorm, with all its attendant discomforts.

The cold was intense, and was severely felt by parties proceeding to
carry out preliminary reconnaissances in motor lorries and by the troops
as they arrived each night in new billets.

The Division, after its six weeks period of rest and training, was at
the top of its form, and presented a most soldierly appearance. It had
profited considerably from its training, in spite of the fact that it
had been handicapped by spells of bad weather.

This was the last period of rest of more than ten days' duration which
the Division was to have until the following January.

The new sector extended roughly from the ruined village of Roclincourt
on the right to the ruined village of Neuville St Vaast (exclusive) on
the left. The front line trenches were some thousand yards east of these
two villages.

This country had been the scene of tremendous fighting when the French
had advanced along the Lorette ridge and attacked the Vimy heights in
conjunction with the British operations at Loos.

Here the French had made considerable progress, much of it yard by yard,
after bitter fighting. Their gains, however, had not all been held. The
fighting had been of so desperate and stubborn a nature that French and
Germans had repeatedly dug themselves in close proximity to each
other. As a result, the whole sector consisted of an unintelligible maze
of trenches, aptly called by the French the Labyrinth.

The country in rear of the lines contained many villages now well known
to the Highland Division--the ruins of Ecurie, Anzin, Marœuil, Bray,
Ecoivres, Mont St Eloi. This area can almost be called the spiritual
home of the Highland Division in France, since it occupied it for three
months in 1916, five months in 1917 during the battle of Arras, and
returned there in May 1918. From May onwards it remained in that part of
the world, with the exception of a brief interlude in Champagne, and
from it began its victorious advance which culminated with the
Armistice.

In this sector the whole country-side was overlooked by the enemy in an
astonishing degree. He occupied the famous feature known as the Vimy
Ridge, of which the highest point just north of Thelus reached the
height of 135 metres. His foremost trenches were on the outlying spurs
of the Ridge, while the trenches taken over from the French were in the
low-lying ground at the foot of these spurs.

The enemy thus possessed all the advantages of close observation over
our lines; while, in addition, from the upper slopes of the Ridge, he
obtained a magnificent panoramic view of the whole of the areas in rear
of the British trench systems. On a clear day he could see from Thelus
as far westwards as the road running from Habarcq to the
Hermaville-Arras road.

Moreover, south of the Scarpe, Observatory Ridge stared down at
Roclincourt and Ecurie.

The French, to neutralise his facilities for observation, had
constructed communication trenches of what seemed interminable length.
These ran from Anzin, Marœuil, and Mont St Eloi to the fire trenches,
none of these villages being within two miles of the front line. The
labour of walking along these trenches, all cut on a very winding
pattern, was severe. It, however, fortunately transpired that the French
in constructing trenches of this length had either flattered the enemy's
vigilance, or that his vigilance had subsequently diminished, as it
proved unnecessary to walk inside the trenches, certainly for the first
three-quarters of a mile.

The enemy did, however, keep a sharp look-out for movement on the roads
within range of his artillery. He had, shortly before the Division
arrived, killed a French regimental commander who took the liberty of
riding on horse-back along the Arras-Bethune road.

These long communication trenches were admirably dug by the French
Territorials, who had constructed them, and were still standing and in
daily use when the Division returned to this sector in February of the
following year.

In the British lines the defended village of Ecurie, about 100 metres
above sea-level, afforded a good view of Thelus and of the enemy's
defences at a distance of from 400 to 500 yards behind his front line.
Observation of his front-line trenches could in most places only be
obtained from observation posts in the forward area.

The relief of the French 23rd and 24th Divisions of the XII^{me} Corps
d'Armée was completed by 14th March. It was carried out during a
blizzard of great severity, which continued for forty-eight hours.
During this period the troops could do no more than remain where they
had been placed by their guides, or misplaced as the case might be.
During the relief and, in fact, until the blizzard abated, officers and
men had only a hazy idea as to where they actually were. Similarly
commanders were ignorant of the position of their troops. All three
infantry brigades were in the line--the 154th Brigade on the right in
the vicinity of Roclincourt, the 152nd in the centre, and the 153rd on
the left.

When the weather cleared, it was found that the Division had taken over
from the French an unintelligible tangle of trenches dug in what can
only be described as a vast cemetery, in which the earth in many places
barely covered the dead.

The sector was also honeycombed with mines from end to end, the enemy
apparently being complete masters of the mining situation. In fact, his
supremacy in mining had become so complete that, immediately prior to
the relief, the French had drawn up a scheme for evacuating the front
line except for lightly-held outposts. The plan they had intended to
adopt was to recast the scheme of defence and construct amidst the
existing network of derelict trenches a new support and reserve line.
The scheme had been completed, and was on the point of being put into
execution when the Highland Division took over the sector. The
Divisional commander decided to continue with this policy. The
construction of the new scheme of defences necessitated a vast amount of
work, and was only fairly complete three months later when the Division
left the sector.

This alteration in the siting of the trenches demanded the construction
of an enormous number of dug-outs. It soon became evident that without
these the daily casualty list must be heavy. Not only was the artillery
activity considerable, but the German had also concentrated in this
sector every type of trench-mortar which had been evolved, and was
extremely free in his use of them.

The mining was of a more savage nature than had been the case in La
Boisselle, and in many instances resulted in serious infantry fighting.
The mines were, as a rule, blown by the enemy with two objects. If the
breadth of No Man's Land was not considerable, they were frequently
blown with a view to destroying our trenches with their garrisons. If,
however, the breadth of No Man's Land was great, or his system of
defensive galleries were good, he would blow his mines in No Man's Land
with a view to occupying them as a line of observation and snipers'
posts. By the frequent blowing of this type of mine, he was able to
cover his front with a screen of craters which denied the British
observation of his front line, and created for him a chain of commanding
mounds along our front.

In some cases, if the crater formed by a mine explosion was some
distance from the British front line, no infantry action would follow.
If, however, a mine was blown under a British trench, it was usually
accompanied by an enemy raid, which was planned to enter our trenches
during the confusion caused by the mine and surprise the surviving
garrison. If, on the other hand, it was blown in No Man's Land close to
the British front line, it was necessary at all costs to prevent the
enemy from occupying it. Thus in the two last cases heavy infantry
fighting often occurred. In the latter case, the object of these actions
was to prevent the enemy from establishing himself on the crater. If he
did so the position was serious, for the crater became a permanent
menace to the security of our lines. Where the ground might have been
flat, a large hollow mound had now arisen. If the enemy established
himself on the British side of the mound (_i.e._, the near lip, as it
was called), he might construct sniping-posts which would dominate the
trenches. Should he only establish himself on the far lip, he still was
able, by working around the lip of the crater towards the flank, to
shoot down into our trenches in enfilade.

It was suggested that the Germans, by some peculiar method of tamping
(_i.e._, packing the explosive in the chamber), used to blow his craters
with the far lip higher than the near lip. Thus, if he only established
himself on the far lip, the near lip, being lower, did not obscure his
view to the front; conversely the view from the near lip, if occupied by
the British, was obscured to the front by the higher far lip. Whether
his craters were formed in this manner from accident (_i.e._, the lie of
the ground) or from design is not clear. The fact remained that an
examination of many craters in the Neuville St Vaast area proved this to
be the case.

These crater fights often developed into considerable minor operations
involving many casualties. They almost always took place in the dark,
and were an unpleasant ordeal for all concerned.

The crater, still smoking from its base like a miniature volcano; the
stench of the fumes; the whiteness of the freshly-turned chalk standing
out in the darkness, produced a setting which intensified the normal
horrors of battle.

When the German blew a mine he, of course, knew the hour and the place
at which the explosion would occur. He knew also from the depth of his
gallery and from the amount of explosive used how close to the spot his
assaulting troops might assemble without fear from the falling débris.
He was also able to assemble dumps of loophole plates, prepared and
portable obstacles, bombs, &c., close to the scene of operations. The
troops might or might not have been warned that a mine was to be
expected in a certain area.

In these circumstances he therefore started with the odds considerably
in his favour; and yet, as will be seen, as far as the Highland Division
was concerned, he seldom met with the success he anticipated.

His plan was to form up his consolidating party as close to the place
where the crater was to be blown as was safe. He then blew the mine, and
simultaneously opened a barrage of artillery, trench-mortars, and rifle
grenades, &c., on the two flanks and on the British side of the crater.
He thus hoped to deny to our troops access to it. Under cover of this
barrage he then rushed his assaulting parties up to the crater, and
attempted to consolidate posts both on the near and far lips.

Immediately, therefore, that a mine was blown, parties had to be
organised to rush to the crater and seize at least the near lip. These
parties had, of course, no previous knowledge as to the time at which
the mine was to be exploded. They were also liable to be temporarily
disorganised in the general confusion caused by the explosion. Thus, as
a rule, when the crater fighting began, the enemy was already on the
near lip before our parties were fairly on the scene.

A closely-contested fight would then ensue with bombs, Lewis guns, and
rifles, and would continue until the enemy had been ejected at all
events from the near lip. Posts would then be established on it, and a
sap would be dug connecting the posts to the foremost British trench.

In these encounters casualties were frequently heavy, as the parties had
often to pass through a heavy barrage, followed by their bomb carriers.
The latter were employed in large numbers, as in this form of warfare
several hundred bombs were often thrown in one night.

On first taking over, the mining situation was obscure. The French
tunnellers had been withdrawn, leaving only old French Territorials to
man the listening galleries. These veterans considered this duty _très
dangereux_, as indeed it was.

In consequence, the period was marked by a constant state of anxiety as
to what portions of the line were safe from the possibility of being
blown up at any moment.

However, on the arrival of the British tunnelling companies, which were
again largely reinforced by the coal miners in the Division, accurate
information was soon obtained as regards the enemy's underground
activity. The defensive galleries were first perfected, so that timely
warning could be given of any mine that he was likely to explode. By
this means camouflets could be used to hinder his progress. Subsequently
it became possible to take the offensive, and mines were blown to
destroy his crater positions and trenches.

Later, when heavy calls were made upon the German troops to sustain the
fighting on the Somme, they were compelled to relax their efforts in
this sector, with the result that the British tunnellers established a
marked superiority over them.

As soon as the aforementioned blizzard had cleared and commanders could
find out the disposition of the men, it became evident that the ground
in the forward area was far too thickly held. Orders were in consequence
issued for the line to be thinned immediately. Small sectors of disused
trenches were dug out to accommodate the surplus men temporarily while a
more detailed scheme of defence could be formulated.

The advisability of this measure was soon proved, as from 24th March
mines were continually being exploded under or in close proximity to the
front line. A typical case occurred on 26th March, when at 2.30 A.M. the
enemy fired two mines simultaneously, one on the left of the 152nd
Brigade, the other on the right of the 153rd.

These explosions were followed by a heavy bombardment of our front and
support trenches with shrapnel, all types of trench-mortar bombs, and
rifle and machine-gun fire. A party of about eight Germans then advanced
towards the crater in the 153rd Brigade area, but were driven back by
two officers and a party of grenadiers. Our losses were severe: 4
officers (1 killed, 2 wounded, and 1 missing) and 74 other ranks (14
killed, 24 wounded, and 36 missing). In addition, there were 24 other
ranks suffering from shock. Of these, one company of the 6th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders lost 2nd Lieutenant M'Neil and 4 men killed, 5
wounded, and 15 missing. The missing were those unfortunate men who were
buried by the falling earth. Of these two craters, the one on the right
proved to be seventy yards in length.

On 31st March another mine was fired by the Germans on the front of the
153rd Brigade, with the loss of 1 officer wounded, 6 other ranks killed
and 3 wounded. The explosion of this mine was also followed by an
intense bombardment by weapons of all natures. A party of Germans then
entered a sap. Of these one approached a Jock who had survived the
explosion, and pointing his rifle at him, said, "Hands up, Englishman!"
The infuriated Jock threw a Mills bomb at the German, having failed to
remove the safety-pin, and shouted, "Scotsman, you ---- bastard." The
bomb struck the German full on the forehead and felled him. He was
captured, and subsequently died in the casualty clearing station from a
fractured skull.

The 6th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders were particularly unfortunate
as regards mines, and by the 10th April had already experienced six
mines on their fronts.

On 28th April four mines were exploded in front of the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders and 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders. The resultant
casualties to these two battalions were 6 officers wounded at duty, 12
other ranks killed, 75 wounded, and 30 missing, believed buried. The
explosions of these mines were followed by a forty-five minutes' intense
bombardment. The Divisional artillery, however, opened a barrage on the
enemy's lines opposite the newly-formed craters with such rapidity that
he was unable to employ his infantry. Throughout the whole period the
manner in which the artillery supported the infantry in this form of
warfare was admirable, and gave the latter great encouragement.

The explosion of mines became of such frequent occurrence that the
troops became very expert in rapidly seizing and consolidating craters.
Dumps were made at frequent intervals along the front containing all the
materials required for consolidation. In a short time the troops could
be relied on to establish themselves on the near lip, however
unexpectedly a crater might be blown. This was largely due to the
gallantry and initiative of the junior officers, on whose skill and
leading success in these enterprises was dependent.

Demonstrations were given in consolidation, and a platoon for each
front-line battalion was ear-marked for the consolidation of any mine
crater which might be blown on the battalion's front.

A natural concomitant to mining was sniping. The lip of a crater affords
an excellent post from which to snipe, particularly when, as was the
case in this sector, the ground sloped from the German position towards
the British. The trenches on this sector were also particularly open.

After the enemy positions in this sector had been captured by the
Division in April 1917, an examination was made of the German crater
posts. It was astonishing to see to what an extent he could look down
into the British trenches. It was realised at the time that men walking
along the trenches were often under observation, and, indeed, the
casualties from sniping proved that this was so. It was not, however,
appreciated till later to what a degree men in the trenches,
particularly the communication trenches, were visible to the Germans. In
some places even the duck-boards at the bottom of the trenches were in
enemy view.

The result of this situation was that at first the enemy made a
considerable bag by sniping; Colonel Campbell, commanding the 4th
Seaforth Highlanders, was killed by a sniper the day after the Division
had taken over the line. Within a fortnight his successor was killed in
a similar way.

However, the Highland Division, with a number of stalkers and gillies in
its ranks, had probably the best material the country produced from
which to make snipers. After a short period devoted to organisation and
training, the snipers of the Division soon obtained a superiority over
the enemy. It, however, always remained a sector in which the greatest
care had to be exercised in looking over the parapet or in moving
amongst the saps and forward boyaux. Enemy snipers were continually
shattering periscopes with rifle shots.

In the Labyrinth the Division made its first organised raids. These
raids consisted in heavily barraging a certain area, then at a given
moment the barrage lifted off certain portions of this area and allowed
the assaulting infantry to enter it. The barrage remained down on three
sides of the area to protect the attackers who entered it from the
fourth side from interference from without while they were destroying
the Germans within. This form of barrage, originally first employed by
the Germans, was known as the Box Barrage.

The two most successful raids which took place during this period were
those carried out by Lieutenant E. A. Mackintosh of the 5th Seaforth
Highlanders (since killed in action), and Captain Herd of the 6th Black
Watch. The former was in consequence awarded the Military Cross, and the
latter the D.S.O.

Raids subsequently became of such frequent occurrence that want of
space forbids description of them all. Certain raids have, however, been
selected for description, which will be dealt with later.

These raids in particular brought to light certain facts concerning
German trench construction. The German trenches did not resemble the
small ditch-like trenches commonly seen at schools of instruction and
training grounds. They can better be compared to the marker's gallery in
a rifle range. They were ten to eleven feet deep, with the sides for the
most part revetted with planks. To get into them was not easy; to get
out of them still less easy; while evacuating the wounded from them was
a matter of very considerable difficulty. In fact, in the case of
Mackintosh's raid, it is doubtful if his wounded could have been brought
back to our lines at all had not a sally-port through which the more
severely wounded were carried been discovered.

On 21st May the enemy became extremely active. The Divisional artillery
were heavily bombarded during the afternoon and evening with
lachrymatory shells, as also were the communication trenches. At the
same time the trenches of the 25th Division on the left of the Highland
Division, and of the 47th Division, were intensely bombarded. Marœuil,
Anzin, and Mont St Eloi were also shelled during the night, as well as
several villages in rear of the 25th and 47th Divisional areas. At
Marœuil an 8-inch shell burst in the 152nd Brigade headquarter office
within a few seconds of the clerks having left it for the cellar,
completely wrecking it, and killing the staff captain's two horses,
which were tethered outside it.

This bombardment culminated in a successful hostile attack, the enemy,
with apparently little difficulty, attaining his object and establishing
himself firmly on the western slopes of the Vimy Ridge.

The cause of his success was due to the fact that he succeeded in
secretly concentrating a large force of artillery with which to support
his attack. He then subjected all the trenches involved to a bombardment
of an intensity which in those days was considered unparalleled. The
garrisons of the trenches attacked were almost completely without the
protection of shell-proof dug-outs, and the defenders were thus for the
most part killed or wounded by the bombardment before the infantry
attack was launched.

At this juncture the Divisional sector was considerably increased; in
fact, the Division took over the whole front of the XVIIth Corps. This
extension was caused by the necessity of withdrawing troops from this
part of the line preparatory to the Somme battle.

The 152nd Brigade was withdrawn on 23rd May, the 153rd and 154th
Brigades extending their brigade sectors so as to include the area
previously held by the 152nd. On the nights 1-2nd June and 2-3rd the
152nd Brigade moved northwards and relieved troops of the 25th Division
in the Neuville St Vaast sector.

To conceal from the enemy the fact that the whole Corps front was held
by the Highland Division alone, the kilt was no longer worn by the
troops in the line, khaki trousers being issued instead.

The situation in the new sector taken over by the 152nd Brigade was a
curious one. The extreme left of the enemy's attack on the Vimy Ridge
rested on the left boundary of the new sector. Thus on the brigade left
boundary in the front and support lines the British and the Germans
occupied the same trenches, sandbag bombing-stops alone separating them.
In some cases the British held communication trenches while the Germans
occupied the trench into which the communication trench led,
bombing-blocks again separating the two forces.

Across these blocks lively exchanges of bombs and rifle grenades
spasmodically occurred. The distance separating the opposing sides was,
however, so small that artillery and trench-mortars could be used by
neither owing to the danger of short rounds inflicting casualties on
friends as well as foes.

In these circumstances the left flank in the front and support lines was
very unprotected and presented to the enemy a "raw edge." It was an
uncomfortable situation, as there appeared to be every prospect of the
enemy's developing his initial success by a flank attack delivered
southwards from the area into which he had penetrated.

The feeling of apprehension on this score was accentuated by the fact
that if he supported this attack with a similar concentration of
artillery, the absence of shell-proof dug-outs in the Neuville St Vaast
sector would ensure for him success. In these circumstances the
artillery would have had an easy task, as this sector was completely
overlooked by a high crater called Broadmarsh, from which the Germans
obtained magnificent observation of the whole Divisional left front.
Broadmarsh crater was an awe-inspiring feature that appeared to follow
one with its eyes wherever one went. It was like a volcano that might
erupt at any moment, and played a prominent part in every minor
enterprise which took place in its vicinity.

In these adverse circumstances it became clear that the only way a
hostile attack against the Neuville St Vaast sector could be defeated
was by employing to the full every day's grace which the enemy gave.

A defensive flank was therefore sited and its construction begun, so as
to round off the defences where the troops were in closest contact to
the enemy and present to him a continuous front rather than an edge. The
digging of a reserve line was also put in hand, and the construction of
a large number of shell-proof dug-outs begun.

In actual fact the enemy made no further attacks, but he maintained a
continuous activity with artillery and trench-mortars. Later, after the
Somme battle had begun, the calls made on the German troops compelled
him to relax his efforts considerably. The feeling of tension was thus
appreciably lessened, though the sector could at no time be described as
a quiet one.

During this period of anxiety the situation was made still more
difficult by a snap of bitterly cold weather in June, which had followed
a period of violent rain-storms. The result was that a number of cases
of trench-feet occurred in midsummer, when all materials and stores used
for the prevention of this complaint had been handed in as no longer
required.

The weather, combined with the constant work on trench construction and
the continual mine explosions and bombardments, proved very wearing to
the men. At this period, with all three brigades employed in holding the
line, the men were in the trench area for twenty-one days and at rest
only for seven every month. The result was that, when the Division was
ordered to the Somme, they had, owing to the constant strain, become
thoroughly tired and stale. Indeed, in the Labyrinth and Neuville St
Vaast sectors, trench warfare, as far as the Highland Division was
concerned, reached its zenith of intensity. A great effort was required
from all ranks, first to reduce the superiority which the enemy had
established, later to reduce the balance so that the superiority
gradually passed to the British. There was no feature in trench warfare
in which, during the period immediately following the relief of the
French, the enemy did not hold the advantage. The mining situation, the
sniping, the absence of dug-outs, all produced acute problems which
demanded immediate solution if disaster were to be avoided.

His observation of our lines in this sector was probably unparalleled in
the British zone. He employed in large numbers rifle grenades and
trench-mortars of every calibre with astonishing accuracy. Finally, he
added to the troops an additional embarrassment by his capture of the
Vimy Ridge.

The enemy, the 2nd Guards Reserve Division, proved themselves throughout
worthy opponents, ready and eager to profit by any weakness displayed
opposite to them. This Division is remembered for an act of courtesy of
a kind seldom associated with the German people.

A certain Private Robertson of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders was captured
in a sap-head after having made a gallant attempt to defend himself, in
spite of a fractured skull. The following day a number of undetonated
rifle grenades were fired into the British lines stating in English that
the gallant soldier Private Robertson, Seaforth Highlanders, had died of
his wounds and had been buried with full military honours in the
cemetery at Rouvroy.

In spite of the strength of the opposition the men showed excellent
spirit throughout, having carried out many good raids, and having
repulsed with losses numerous hostile raids, nor was a square yard of
ground lost.

On Saturday, 24th June, an intense bombardment started at some distance
to the south, and lasted throughout the day and night. This was the
opening of the preliminary bombardment of the great Somme offensive. It
continued incessantly until 1st July, when the attack was launched.
Rumours of every kind began to circulate round the trenches, and much
speculation arose as to whether and when the Division would be given an
opportunity of taking part in the battle.

During this period the artillery carried out periodical bombardments of
the enemy's trenches, with the idea of making him think that an attack
in this sector was imminent. In this they seem to have been successful,
for each night the Germans fired intermittent short hurricane
bombardments on the front and support and communication trenches,
presumably with a view to preventing the assembly of attacking troops.
These bombardments were extremely heavy while they lasted; but, thanks
to the large number of dug-outs which had by this time been completed,
they inflicted little loss on the trench garrisons.

On 27th June arrangements were begun for the attachment of the 60th (2nd
Line London Territorial) Division to the Highland Division for a period
of instruction in the line. The news of the arrival of the 60th Division
was welcomed by all ranks, as it was looked on as a sure indication that
the Division would be relieved and would move to the Somme battle.

It had been arranged that as soon as the 60th Division were ready to
take over the line, the Highland Division should be moved to the back
areas for a period of much-needed rest and training before proceeding
southwards.

Possibly, with its later experiences of battle fighting the Division
might not have been so anxious to hurry off to take part in a great
attack. In these days, however, apart from the battle of Festubert, it
had not been employed in an offensive. Officers and men were therefore
anxious that the Division should be given an opportunity of operating in
an attack as a complete unit.

The 60th Division began their attachment on 30th June. This was carried
out first by individual officers and N.C.O.'s, then by sections, by
platoons, by companies, and finally by battalions. On 13th July the
brigades of the 60th Division began taking over from the brigades of the
Highland Division. On 14th July General Bultin, G.O.C. 60th Division,
assumed command of the sector.

This system of instruction meant that there were reliefs of some kind
being carried out every night. These were greatly hampered by the
sudden intense bombardments to which the enemy subjected the British
trenches. In consequence, casualties were frequently heavy. In one
brigade sector alone over sixty casualties were sustained during a
single night.

As a parting gift to the Germans on the last day the Division was in the
line, the 5th Gordon Highlanders raided the enemy's trenches, bombed his
dug-outs, and killed several of the garrison.

On 14th July the Division moved by motor lorry to the
Doullens-Lucheux-Baudricourt area. The popular supposition amongst the
troops was that they were bound for a rest area. On the 15th the move
was continued by march south to the area Bernaville-Candas-Hem.

All doubts were dispelled on the 20th, for the Division then entrained
at Candas and detrained at Mericourt. While passing through Amiens, it
was interesting to pass several trains going westwards, packed with
battle-soiled soldiers, all in the very best of spirits. They were a
Division coming out of the Somme battle to rest and refit. Many of them
wore captured German pickelhaubers. Apart from the raggedness of their
appearance and their stubbly beards, they looked at the top of their
form. One always felt that it was spectacles such as these which gave
the war correspondent that erroneous theory to which he adhered so
fixedly throughout the war, that soldiers like "going over the top," and
do so full of jests and wreathed in smiles.

From Mericourt the Division marched to the Ribemont-Meaulte area,
parties being sent in advance to reconnoitre the line.

On 21st July orders were received that the Highland Division would
relieve the 33rd Division in the line north-east of Fricourt during the
coming night.

Just prior to the arrival of the Division on the Somme, two officers
joined it who, second only to General Harper, were most responsible for
the high standard of efficiency which it attained. These were
Brigadier-General L. Oldfield, D.S.O., R.A., and Brigadier-General H.
Pelham Burn, D.S.O., Gordon Highlanders. The former was appointed C.R.A.
in place of Brigadier-General M. J. MacCarthy, C.M.G., who left to take
up a new appointment. The latter assumed command of the 152nd Infantry
Brigade in place of Brigadier-General W. C. Ross, C.B., who took up an
appointment at home, and later commanded a brigade in Salonika.

General Ross's departure from the 152nd Infantry Brigade caused the
deepest regret to all ranks. He had been intimately known in peace time
to many of the officers, N.C.O.'s, and men whom he now commanded in war.
He was secretary of the Territorial Force Association for his county,
and he had commanded his brigade since November 1914. General Ross had a
personality which won for him the friendship of all who came in contact
with him. The Highland soldier had become one of his first interests,
and he possessed a great knowledge and understanding of him. Further, no
one could fail to admire his natural courage. General Bannatine-Allason
has described him as spending many hours, both by day and night, in
crawling round the most exposed saps and dangerous places in his sector.
General Ross spent so much of his time amongst his men that he was a
familiar figure to them all, while he knew numbers of them by name, and
in many cases knew also their parents, families, homes, and employers.

General Oldfield was not only a scientific gunner of the first order,
but also rapidly developed a commanding knowledge of infantry tactics.

This knowledge enabled him, in conjunction with General Harper, to draw
up the artillery plans for attack and defence, so that in all operations
the infantry were directly supported by the maximum energy of his
artillery covering them. The successes of the Division were in no small
measure due to the effective manner in which the two arms co-operated.

General Oldfield was continually moving towards artillery perfection. He
set a very high standard to his officers, to which they admirably
responded. In the later stages of the war, his energy as a commander had
resulted in the Divisional artillery having reached a high degree of
efficiency. They could improvise a barrage in a shortness of time which
surprised many artillery commanders from other Divisions. They had,
further, become extremely mobile, and were possessed of extraordinary
initiative. Later chapters in this book will show how General Oldfield's
officers not only handled their guns with great skill, but also, as a
result of his teaching, were able in emergencies to take command of
disorganised detachments of men and fight equally skilfully as infantry
officers. During General Oldfield's command, all infantry commanders had
complete confidence both in the artillery and in the artillery
arrangements.

General Burn was at the time of his appointment the youngest Brigadier
in the British Army, being thirty-four years of age. Later in the war
there were several younger, but prior to the Somme fighting the day of
the young Brigadier had hardly come.

He is perhaps best described by a Jock, who said, in speaking of him,
"They a' have their fads, and his fad is effeeciency."

General Burn had abundant experience of warfare in the front line. He
had served as Adjutant, Staff-Captain, and Brigade-Major, and had
commanded three separate battalions.

It can safely be asserted that he spent every moment of the day, and
much of the night, in thinking how he could increase the efficiency of
his command and how he could do damage to the enemy.

His vast experience enabled him to grasp details which actually were
far-reaching in effect, but which to a man of less experience might have
appeared trivial or have passed unnoticed.

In every direction, even in the smallest points, he accepted only one
standard--namely, the highest; nothing less was tolerated. He spared
himself no pains to attain this standard. Holding these principles as
strongly as he did, it is natural that he found it frequently necessary
to check officers and N.C.O.'s. They, however, bore him no ill-will for
this, and officers were frequently heard to say, "You can't argue with
P.B. when he strafes, because he's always right."

To those who served with General Burn he will always stand out as a man
who possessed in full the essential qualities of the perfect soldier.

While the Division was in this sector the 6th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders left the 152nd Brigade, being posted to the 5th Division as
pioneer battalion, their place being taken by the 6th Gordon
Highlanders, who had landed in France in 1914, and had seen considerable
service with the 7th Division.




                             CHAPTER V.

                THE BATTLE OF THE SOMME--HIGH WOOD.


The Division entered the area of the Somme battle under bad auspices. It
undoubtedly required a rest before it could be expected to reproduce its
true form. On the 21st of July it received orders to take over the line
on the same evening. On the 22nd it received orders to carry out an
attack. Moreover, this attack, for which the Division was given less
than twenty-four hours to prepare, was to be delivered from the point of
a salient. There was, in fact, a general impression throughout the
Division when they left the Somme area that their efforts had not been
attended by a reasonable chance of success.

As far as the Highland Division is concerned, the tactical feature with
which this phase of the Somme operations is primarily associated is High
Wood. This wood, the highest point in Picardy, is perched on the summit
of a large upland flanking the road, which, passing between the two
Bazentins, leads from Contalmaison to Longueval.

Between the two Bazentins is the road junction where the road through
the Mametz valley strikes the Contalmaison-Longueval road.

During previous operations, in which the 7th Dragoon Guards and the
Deccan Horse had participated, the whole of High Wood had been captured.
The enemy had, however, regained a footing in it. When the Division
arrived in this area the German line ran through Guillemont, through
Delville Wood north-east of Longueval, through High Wood, but on the
reverse slope of this aforementioned upland, north of Bazentin-le-Petit,
and between Contalmaison and Pozières.

The enemy did not, however, hold sufficient of High Wood to secure
observation of the country south-west of it, with which the Division was
primarily concerned.

Of this section of the front the portion taken over by the Division at
one time or another during its tour at duty in the line ran from a point
about half-way between Longueval and High Wood to Bazentin-le-Petit
exclusive.

The Divisional area was traversed throughout its length by the road
which ran from Becourt-Becordel-Fricourt, south of Mametz Wood-Bazentin,
and on to Longueval.

The Mametz Valley, through which this road ran, was familiarly called
the Happy Valley. The valley, with the possible exception of the
Chemical Works at Roeux, has probably stamped itself more on men's minds
than any other topographical feature with which the Division came in
contact. In Happy Valley was situated the headquarters of the brigade in
the line, and of the supporting brigade itself. In addition, the
advanced dressing station and many batteries were also located in it.

Running as it did towards the apex of a salient the enemy could
concentrate a tremendous weight of artillery against it. Thus, when he
was bombarding it with his maximum intensity, shells used to arrive from
the direction of Leuze Wood in the right rear, and from Gueudecourt and
Courcelette frontally, and from behind Pozières on the left.

This valley was the only line of communication through which every
relief, every round of ammunition, and every ration had to pass on their
way to the line, not only for the Highland Division but for several
neighbouring Divisions.

Portions of the valley were under observation from balloons, while
throughout its whole length the clouds of dust raised by the continual
stream of wheeled traffic disclosed to the enemy any considerable
movement that was taking place in it.

The enemy shelled Happy Valley mercilessly day and night, an intense
barrage of high explosive, air bursts and gas shells being placed
completely across it at irregular intervals, and moved backwards and
forwards, up and down it.

[Illustration: MAP II.--HIGH WOOD, JULY 1916.]

For the most part the only protection the residents in the valley had
against shell-fire were slits cut in the ground covered with
waterproof sheets or corrugated iron. By degrees, however, more and more
German dug-outs were discovered, until shell-proof accommodation was
ultimately found for almost all.

The valley was traversed day and night by a constant stream of traffic.
The infantry used overland tracks well clear of the road, and marched in
platoon or section groups. All wheeled traffic was, however, restricted
to the single road, so that periods of great congestion often occurred.

When the German barrage opened, men, animals, and motor vehicles broke
into their best speed. Great columns of white dust, due to the intensity
of the summer heat, rose up, choked everything, and made seeing a matter
of difficulty. Guns and limbers moved at a stretch gallop, lorries
bounded from shell-hole to shell-hole, and every effort was concentrated
on getting out of the zone involved in the barrage with as little delay
as possible.

The heavily-burdened infantryman on his way to and from the line,
however, carried too much on his back to make him think of doubling. He
used to plod along at his regulation three miles an hour, trusting that
his luck would take him through.

It was no uncommon sight to see direct hits scored on gun-teams,
limbers, and groups of infantry. When the barrage ceased and it was
possible to take stock of the result, appalling scenes were often
disclosed. Teams with their riders lying in a heap, ammunition dumps on
fire, riderless and driverless horses and waggons bolting in all
directions, and coming down in the midst of old wire entanglements, were
daily spectacles in the Happy Valley.

At each pause in the barrage all haste was made to complete the work of
succouring the wounded and collecting the dead, and filling in the
latest shell-holes in the road before it reopened.

In this valley the conduct of the Royal Army Medical Corps was superb.
Other troops could at least make some effort to make their way out of
the danger zone as fast as possible, but the bearers of the field
ambulances and the regimental stretcher-bearers could not. They slowly
pushed their wheeled stretchers from the Crucifix at Bazentin to the
dressing station, heedless of the shell-fire and their own security,
and careful only to evacuate the wounded with the minimum of discomfort
to them.

Similarly ambulance car-drivers could not join in the helter-skelter for
security on the road to Fricourt. Day and night they plied slowly along
the damaged road with their burden of wounded, returning again and again
through the valley as soon as their cars had been cleared.

Had the Germans in those days been in possession of the instantaneous
fuze which bursts its shell before it has had time to bury itself in the
earth and thus lose much of its missile effect, this road could have
been made almost impassable. Happy Valley, with its dust and its flies
and its stench of half-buried animals and men, will remain to all who
knew it an ineffaceable memory.

The trench lines taken over by the Division consisted of odd, narrow,
and shallow trenches which had gradually evolved from the connecting of
posts in which troops had dug themselves in during previous engagements.

By means of saps running into High Wood from the trench dug along its
southern and western edge, a footing was held in the wood. Between High
Wood and Delville Wood the British trenches were hidden from the Germans
opposite them and _vice versa_ by the crest line of the upland.

To the left of the wood the trench lines, which were not continuously
connected up, curved in a south-westerly direction towards
Bazentin-le-Petit, leaving the wood as the apex of an acute salient. In
this section of the front the trenches seemed to fulfil no tactical
requirements. There was no depth to the defensive system; the trenches
were little more than knee-deep, and were choked with dead. Work on a
single communication trench--High Alley, running from the Crucifix at
Bazentin to High Wood--had been begun. The Germans held a strong redoubt
in the eastern corner of High Wood. In this corner the contours were
such that there was a depression in the ground similar in shape to a
saucer. The Germans had fortified this saucer, and garrisoned it with
machine-guns, mostly sited so as to fire to a flank. They could thus, by
firing eastwards from this redoubt, rake No Man's Land in direct
enfilade. By firing westwards, they could place an enfilade barrage of
low trajectory bullets which swept the rides through the wood. This
redoubt was surmounted by wire entanglements, the tops of the pickets
being just visible when looked at frontally and from our foremost saps.

Passing through the north-east corner of the wood was a strong switch
line, which ran from Flers through High Wood towards Martinpuich. This
was a well-dug, heavily-traversed trench protected by wire, but during
this period had no completed dug-outs in it. Air photos, however, showed
where work on the shafts of several dug-outs had been begun.

The whole of this area had been the scene of repeated encounters, as the
ground amply testified. In the undergrowth of the wood, and in the
standing corn which covered the whole area, lay the dead of many
different regiments.

The result was that, owing to the scorching summer weather, the troops
in the line lived in an atmosphere of pollution and in a positive
torment of bluebottle flies. In one sap in particular, as one moved
along it the flies rose in such clouds that their buzzing sounded as the
noise of a threshing-machine. In this sap the sentries could only
tolerate the conditions by standing with their handkerchiefs tied over
their mouths and nostrils.

By 3 A.M. on 22nd July, the 154th Infantry Brigade had completed the
relief of the 33rd Division. The 13th Brigade of the 5th Division were
on their right, and the 57th Brigade of the 19th Division on their left.

Of the 154th Brigade two battalions held the line, the remaining two
being in support and reserve in Bazentin-le-Grand Wood and
Bazentin-le-Grand.

The Divisional artillery were in position in the open, the personnel for
the most part living under tarpaulin shelters. Some batteries were in
the Mametz Valley, while others were on the high ground south of
Bazentin-le-Grand. It is difficult to determine who were most to be
sympathised with--the gunners who lived alongside their guns, or the
drivers who had to pass two or three times a day through the Happy
Valley with ammunition. The batteries in positions in the valley itself
probably lived in circumstances which could not have been more hazardous
and unpleasant.

The 153rd Brigade in support occupied the area about the south-east
corner of Mametz Wood and Caterpillar Wood. The 152nd Brigade in
reserve bivouacked between Fricourt Wood and Mametz Wood.

At dawn on the 23rd the Happy Valley barrage, about which the Division
had received no information, opened with great intensity. The 153rd and
152nd Brigades were seriously involved in it, and suffered considerable
casualties. The 152nd Brigade was immediately fallen-in and marched
westwards towards Fricourt, ultimately moving to bivouac in the vicinity
of Becourt-Becordel. The 153rd Brigade extended its area so as to
diminish the number of casualties.

It was later discovered that numerous shell-proof dug-outs existed in
and about Mametz and Fricourt Woods. Apparently no organised
reconnaissances of this area had been made, for had this been the case,
and had the location of these dug-outs been made known to the Division
on its arrival in the area, many unnecessary casualties would have been
avoided.

The day on which the relief was concluded, 22nd July, the Division
received orders to carry out an attack during the coming night. The
objectives given were the north-east and north-west edges of High Wood
and the switch trench from the north-east of High Wood to a point five
hundred yards north-west of it.

The 154th Brigade was detailed to carry out this operation. As a
preliminary the redoubt at the eastern corner of High Wood was to be
seized at 10 P.M. in conjunction with the left brigade, 5th Division.
The main attack on the German switch line was timed to take place at
1.30 P.M.

The troops engaged in this attack had little or no knowledge of the
enemy's dispositions. They had barely completed the relief by dawn on
the previous night. During the day movement was restricted and
patrolling impossible. Thus when the attack was launched at 10 P.M.,
circumstances had afforded the attackers no opportunity of studying the
ground, or of forming any detailed plan of action. Added to this the
wood was such that the trees prevented a shrapnel barrage from being
effective. Further, the "going" within the wood, owing to shell-holes,
brambles, dense undergrowth, and wire entanglements, was extremely
bad--so bad, in fact, that even many weeks after its capture, to walk
from one end of the wood to the other was a laborious process demanding
considerable physical effort.

The attack was therefore delivered with an ineffective barrage with
which the men were unable to keep up. The result was that the enemy had
little inducement to take cover. He was thus able with his machine-guns
and riflemen, whom he posted at night in the woods in advance of his
trench lines, to defeat the attack completely and inflict heavy losses
on the 4th Gordon Highlanders, and the 9th Royal Scots.

At 1.30 A.M. the main attack was delivered, but it met with no better
fate. The volume of fire, particularly from the machine-guns in the
redoubt, was so intense that no progress could be made. The men had
advanced to the attack with great gallantry, but the cross-fire opposed
to them rendered success impossible. Morning found them back in their
original line, but seriously depleted in numbers.

The day was spent in improving the trenches and in connecting by a
trench the southern edge of High Wood with the Windmill north of
Bazentin-le-Grand. Both the troops in the line and the brigade in
support were heavily shelled during the day, lachrymatory shells and 5·9
howitzers being used profusely.

During the night work was continued on the trench joining High Wood and
the Windmill, and in High Alley. By the end of the night the latter was
negotiable for traffic to within sixty yards of the wood. The following
day the former of these two trenches was heavily and accurately
bombarded.

At 7.30 P.M., 24th July, the enemy launched a surprise attack against
High Wood and against the left company of the 154th Brigade. For some
time the situation was obscure, but by 10 P.M. the artillery had been
asked to slacken. It subsequently transpired that our line remained
intact, and that the German attackers were falling back.

During the attack the enemy again barraged the new trench mentioned
above extremely heavily. He also bombarded High Wood and set it on fire.

By 11.30 P.M. the situation was completely in hand, and work in the
trenches was resumed.

Meanwhile orders had been received that the 154th Brigade was to relieve
the left battalion of the 5th Division, and thus extend its front
towards Longueval. This relief was completed by 6 A.M., and gave the
brigade a frontage of some 2500 yards to hold.

On 25th July the enemy bombarded Mametz Valley and Fricourt Wood in a
most savage fashion with guns of all calibres. This bombardment opened
at noon, and continued until 6 P.M. It was the worst experience of
shell-fire which the residents in Happy Valley encountered during the
Division's sojourn in the Somme area. Much material damage and many
casualties resulted.

At 9.20 P.M. the 4th Seaforth Highlanders delivered another attack
against the German redoubt. It, however, met a worse fate than its
predecessor. An intense machine-gun fire was opened on the British
trenches at the moment when the attackers were mounting the parapet. The
troops suffered such losses from this fire that the attack never
materialised.

This operation roused the enemy considerably, and he shelled the forward
area throughout the night. In this bombardment he used a considerable
number of shells containing phosgene gas. This was one of the earliest
occasions on which this form of gas was used. It was particularly
insidious, as at first it did not cause any inconvenience, and its smell
was not offensive, being similar to that of sweet apples.

Meanwhile the brigade in support had been kept fully occupied. The
intense heat created a great demand for water for the first-line troops.
The water supply in the forward area was, however, non-existent, so that
a dump of petrol tins of water had to be formed in the Happy Valley.
From this dump all the water used in the forward area was carried by the
supporting brigade. Similarly, with no light railways in repair, every
round of S.A.A. bombs, trench-mortar ammunition, Very lights, barbed
wire, screw pickets, &c., had to be carried forward by man power. The
result was that practically every man in the supporting brigade made at
least one journey daily from the dumps at the south-east corner of
Mametz Wood to the forward dumps in rear of High Wood. The labour thus
entailed, coupled with the fact that the supporting brigade lived in a
heavily-shelled area with insufficient dug-out accommodation, meant that
the troops had lost much of their fighting efficiency before they went
into the line. In the circumstances there was, however, no alternative.

On the 26th July the 153rd Brigade relieved the 154th Brigade, and the
152nd Brigade moved forward to the support position. This relief was
considerably interrupted by a further lavish use of phosgene by the
Germans.

The work of consolidating and digging more trenches south and south-west
of the wood was continued, as until touch in the front line could be
obtained on the left, that flank was in the air.

On the 27th the forward area and the supporting brigade (152nd) in
Mametz Valley were heavily shelled all night. This shelling was intense,
it being estimated that two shells per minute burst in the area close to
brigade headquarters alone throughout the night; 77 mm. gas shells were
primarily used, but 5·9's were also from time to time employed freely.
As a result of this bombardment the 8th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders alone sustained eighty gas casualties.

During the following day the 153rd Brigade co-operated in an attack on
Longueval by rifle and machine-gun and Stokes mortar fire. They,
however, took no part in the infantry action.

During the night 27-28th July, connection in the front line was
established about 200 yards north-east of the Bazentin Windmill by the
6th Black Watch with the 29th Division. For the first time in this
sector a continuous line of defence was presented to the enemy.

The 153rd Infantry Brigade had carried out a number of patrols. They had
already had three days in which to reconnoitre the enemy's position and
study the lie of the land when they received orders to attack the
enemy's line from half-way between Delville and High Woods to the
western edge of High Wood.

Patrols had located the enemy as occupying various positions, and these
were subjected to bombardments during the forty-eight hours previous to
the attack. At this stage in the war the shooting of the heavy howitzers
had not reached that pitch of accuracy to which it afterwards attained.
Nor was the liaison between the infantry and the Corps artillery as
close as it became later. These causes and faulty observation made the
shooting somewhat erratic at a place where very exact shooting was
necessary. To these bombardments the enemy usually replied by shelling
the Mametz Valley and the infantry in the line.

The attack was launched at 6.10 P.M., and to the east of the wood
proceeded some distance. However, on topping the rise in the middle of
No Man's Land, the troops came under a very severe machine-gun fire, in
which the accursed redoubt on the eastern corner of the wood, as usual,
played a prominent part.

In the wood itself the advance was again checked by enfilade machine-gun
fire, and the result of the action was much the same as it had been in
the case of the 154th Brigade.

The net gains were, however, an advance of 200 yards on the right and
centre, and of 70 yards in the wood. The men maintained themselves in
their new positions in the wood for some time. Finally, however, owing
to the intensity of the enemy's bombardment, they withdrew to their
original positions.

The right and centre consolidated their new position in posts, and held
their gains.

Orders were meanwhile issued for the attack to be resumed at 9.45 P.M.
These orders were, however, not received at Divisional headquarters in
sufficient time to enable them to be transmitted to the attacking
companies before the attack was due to start. No further action
therefore took place.

The 31st July was remarkable for a violent bombardment of the country
between Bazentin-le-Grand and Mametz Wood, which was practically
continuous throughout the day.

On 1st August, the 152nd Infantry Brigade relieved the 153rd, and the
154th Brigade moved forward to the support brigade area. It had now
become quite clear that no good purpose could be served by ordering the
Division to carry out any further local attacks. There was no reason to
suppose that such attacks would meet with any more success than their
predecessors. The 152nd Infantry Brigade was therefore instructed to
adopt a vigorous policy of peaceful penetration. By that is meant that
the policy was to be the acquisition of more ground by digging and by
minor operations, without the delivery of any set piece attack involving
a large number of troops.

Orders were thus issued for as much ground as possible to be gained in
High Wood by sapping forward. Progress was also to be made between High
Wood and the Divisional right boundary, by digging-in posts in advance
of the existing front line during the night, and ultimately connecting
them up into continuous trenches.

The actual labour of digging in the wood was considerable, as beneath
the soil there lay a tangled mass of thick roots, in many cases too
stout to be severed by a spade. The work, therefore, was slow and
arduous, axes and billhooks having to be employed as well as picks and
shovels. The enemy, however, paid little attention to the working
parties.

On the right it was considered likely that, as there was no cover, the
enemy would interfere considerably with digging operations. An apparatus
was therefore employed, known as the Bartlett Forcing Jack. The Bartlett
Jack was designed to drive iron pipes loaded with tin canisters of
ammonal (containing two lb. of ammonal per foot run) through the ground
at a depth of from four to five feet. When a sufficient length of pipe
had been driven into the ground in the required direction, the charge
was exploded. The explosion blew a fissure in the ground which served as
a trench. In this instance the labour of carrying the pipes and ammonal
up to the line, and of working the task, proved incommensurate with the
results obtained. This was particularly so when it became evident that
considerable liberties could be taken by working parties without
interference from the Boche.

On the night 3-4th August General Burn decided to employ a considerable
working party and boldly "jump" a trench some 200 yards in front of the
existing front line. That is to say, instead of sapping forwards and
digging "T" heads at the ends of the saps for the posts to occupy, and
finally connecting the "T" heads together so as to form a continuous
trench, a continuous fire trench was dug in the first instance during
the night, and occupied by a garrison at dawn. Subsequently
communication trenches were cut to connect this trench with the support
line, Seaforth Trench.

The Germans thus on 4th August woke to find that the whole of the
Divisional front line, exclusive of the wood, had advanced some 200
yards towards them.

When the Division was relieved on 7th August, more than half High Wood
was in our hands and consolidated. The redoubt in the eastern corner
was, however, as formidable as ever. To the right of the wood the line
had been advanced some 300 yards, while to the left the position had
been so consolidated that there was no gap in the lines, and the flank
was properly secured.

In addition, High Alley, 1000 yards in length, had been cleared out and
made into a first-class communication trench by the 8th Royal Scots.
Further east they had also dug a completely new communication trench
called Thistle Alley. The digging of these trenches was a considerable
task, as the soil for the most part consisted of chalk containing
countless large flints or gravel, so that every spadeful had to be
loosened by the pick before it could be thrown out of the trench.

On 7th August the 152nd Brigade was relieved by the 100th Brigade, 33rd
Division. Owing to the intensity of the enemy's shelling of the valley
at night, it was decided for the first time to carry out the relief in
daylight. In spite of some apprehension caused by three German
aeroplanes flying low over the lines while the relief was in progress,
the experiment proved highly successful. The 152nd Brigade, in fact, did
not sustain a single casualty during the operation.

On 8th August the Division remained in bivouacs near Meaulte, in
glorious weather. In the evening the "Balmorals," the Divisional troupe,
using the tail-board of a lorry as a stage, gave a performance in the
open air, which was attended by practically the entire infantry of the
Division. It is doubtful if, in the whole of their highly successful
career, any performance given by the "Balmorals" was more appreciated
than this one.

The Division had passed from sixteen days of continuous and
unsatisfactory strife to an unexpected haven of rest, set in the midst
of corn-lands during harvest-time.

It was a real refreshment for the men to sit in the cool of a
delightful summer evening and listen to "Stanley" and "Gertie," both of
whom rose to the occasion admirably.

So ended the first offensive operations in which the Division had been
employed as a whole unit. The results had been disappointing and
dispiriting to all. Over 3500 casualties, including more than 150
officers, had been sustained in two fruitless attempts to carry a German
position which remained intact, in spite of many attacks by a succession
of Divisions, until 15th September. The Germans had shown that High Wood
could not be taken hurriedly by a direct frontal attack.

Three months later General Harper was able to show that the much
stronger position of Beaumont Hamel could be stormed frontally after
careful preparations and with adequate artillery support.

High Wood was finally overcome by a mine, which shattered the redoubt,
and by tanks, which on this occasion were employed for the first time in
the Great War.

The mine referred to above was suggested by General Pelham Burn on the
morning of 5th August as being the least costly means of subduing the
redoubt. His suggestion was at once adopted. Tunnelling officers
reported at brigade headquarters the same evening, the actual mining
operations beginning on the following morning.

It was most satisfactory to those engaged in High Wood to visit it after
the German withdrawal in the Somme area, and see in place of the saucer
in which the German redoubt was situated a vast crater. Many graves were
in it and round it, and arms, equipment, and ammunition lay scattered
about it. In fact, it had all the appearance of having admirably served
its purpose.

On the 9th August the Division, less the artillery, which remained in
the line, entrained at Edgehill and Mericourt, and was moved to the area
Longpré-Pont Remy. The following day it again entrained, and began to
move into the Blaringham area.

High Wood now stands in the centre of a vast cemetery. There is barely a
portion of ground of the size of a tennis court in all that country-side
which does not contain the graves of one or more British soldiers. In
the wood itself stand memorials erected to the memory of the fallen of
many Divisions which were shattered there. The Highland Division was not
by any means the only Division which failed to capture a natural
fortress situated at the apex of a salient.




                            CHAPTER VI.

                     ARMENTIÈRES AND HEBUTERNE.


On 15th and 16th August the 153rd and 154th Brigades relieved the 1st
New Zealand Division in the line. The new front extended from Chapelle
d'Armentières on the right to the river Lys on the left. The 152nd
Brigade in reserve was billeted in Armentières. Divisional headquarters
opened at 98 Rue Sadi Carnot.

By 19th August the Divisional artillery had arrived from the Somme, and
completed the relief of the New Zealand artillery.

The tour of duty in the Armentières sector was remarkable for its
tranquillity. The weather was excellent, the breastwork trenches
reasonably comfortable, and the enemy's activity slight. The town of
Armentières itself provided many excellent billets for the troops in
reserve, and for all three brigade headquarters. The batteries were also
for the most part comfortable, some of them being in the unique position
of occupying houses for quarters, with their guns in the gardens and
conservatories.

Armentières was indeed fairly described by the Jocks as _bon_. In these
days it was still occupied by civilian inhabitants in large numbers.
There were in consequence plenty of the beloved "estaminets," as they
were usually called, and numerous shops. The latter all appeared to keep
the same articles in stock--"vin blonk," "oofs"--either to be consumed
on the premises or taken home; chips and those wonderful post-cards on
which patriotic designs were embroidered in alarmingly coloured silks,
and on which were superscribed such mottoes as "To my dear sweetheart,"
"To my darling wife."

The officers were equally well catered for, considering that
Armentières was within range of the lightest field-guns. There were a
few naturally expensive and equally naturally indifferent tea-shops.
There were one or two restaurants where dinner could be obtained, in
which the French cooking afforded a relief from the normal efforts of
the company's mess cook. And there was the famous Lucienne's.

Lucienne lived at a corner house in the Rue Sadi Carnot, and had
assisted in the management of a restaurant there since the early days of
the war. The majority of the neighbouring houses, including the large
church some fifty yards from the restaurant, had at one time or another
been struck by shells. Most of Lucienne's windows had been broken during
these bombardments. She, however, still possessed the most buoyant
spirits. She had ready wits, and in any form of badinage usually had the
last word. She, in fact, resembled a character from a light opera rather
than a player in the real drama of war. After the German offensive in
April 1918 she was driven out of Armentières, but remained undaunted;
and subsequently, after the tide had turned, opened a similar
establishment in Amiens. The officers of the Division had to thank
Lucienne's courage for many a pleasant evening spent in Armentières.

The sector, in fact, acted as a tonic to the Division, and with its
quiet trenches, wonderful weather, and good billets soon effaced all the
bitter memories of the Somme and the weariness of the Labyrinth.

The enemy's activity, such as it was, was directed chiefly against the
town and the suburbs of Houplines, both places being intermittently
shelled, particularly the latter. At times the bombardments were severe,
Divisional headquarters being ultimately shelled out of their house in
Rue Sadi Carnot, and being in consequence moved to Steenwerk.

On 11th September the Division sustained a considerable loss in the
death of Brigadier-General C. E. Stewart, C.M.G., commanding the 154th
Infantry Brigade. General Stewart and his intelligence officer were
walking through Houplines when a chance shell burst within a few feet of
them, killing them both. It was a case of the cruellest bad luck, as
this was the only shell which fell in that vicinity during the day.
General Stewart had commanded the 154th Brigade since its reconstitution
as a Highland brigade. His troops were considerably attached to him, and
his loss was much felt by them.

On 17th September, Brigadier-General J. G. H. Hamilton, D.S.O., Black
Watch, assumed command of the 154th Brigade.

Operations at this sector were for the most part confined on the part of
the enemy to a fairly consistent but only moderate activity with the
Minenwerfer. At times, too, he was active with his Grenatenwerfer,
known to the troops as the "Pineapples" or "Fishtail." "Yon
minnie-wafers" were fortunately clearly visible in the air, and so with
a little judgment could be avoided. They had, however, a most
devastating effect on breastwork trenches, with the result that, as a
rule, more damage was done in a day than could be repaired in
twenty-four hours by the troops available. Minenwerfer sentries were
posted who, whenever they saw or heard a "minnie" fired, blew a whistle.
The troops in the trenches then at once looked into the air to locate
the bomb. As soon as they had judged where it was going to fall, they
took the necessary steps not to be there at the time of its arrival.
Watching the "minnies" in the air rather resembled waiting for a high
catch in the deep field at cricket. If there was no wind it was
comparatively easy to judge them. If, however, there was a strong breeze
blowing, the wind would catch them and alter their flight considerably.
The men, however, soon learnt their idiosyncrasies, and it was a rare
occurrence for casualties to be inflicted by them.

The Grenatenwerfer was quite a different proposition. This form of
projectile was fired from a machine of about the same size and weight as
a typewriter, and in consequence it could be moved with ease from place
to place after every few rounds. It was thus difficult to locate the
position from which it was fired. Further, it was most unusual to be
able to see the projectile in the air, so that no steps could be taken
to avoid it.

As regards British operations, a discharge of gas from cylinders took
place on 31st August. The preparations for this discharge involved a
considerable amount of work. The cylinders of gas had to be carried the
full length of the communication trenches, each one being supported by
two men. The weight of these cylinders was so great that a second pair
of men were also required for each cylinder to act as reliefs.

Enormous carrying parties were therefore required to carry the cylinders
to the fire-bays in the front line into which they were to be installed
by the gas companies. This was always an unpleasant task, as the danger
of a bullet or fragment of shell striking a cylinder and causing a
leakage of gas in the midst of the carrying party was ever present.

The discharge on this night was followed by a raid half an hour later.
The enemy, however, was found to be alert, and he met the raiders with
such a heavy machine-gun fire that they were unable to reach the hostile
wire.

Subsequently raids became a frequent occurrence. On 15th September four
raids were carried out. In each case Bangalore torpedoes--_i.e._, long
tubes of ammonal with a time fuse--were used to destroy the enemy's
wire.

These raids were carried out by the 6th Gordon Highlanders, the 6th
Seaforth Highlanders, the 7th Gordon Highlanders, and the 7th Black
Watch.

Of these, the first and third failed owing to the torpedoes not
bursting; the second was an unqualified success, and is described in
detail later. The fourth was successful, but only two Germans were found
in the trench.

The following night two more raids took place. Of these, one carried out
by the 5th Gordon Highlanders was completely successful, and twenty-five
Germans are reported to have been killed. The second raid, carried out
by the 9th Royal Scots, was also successful, but only one German was
found in the trenches. He was killed.

On 22nd September the 6th Gordon Highlanders made a second attempt at
the raid which had been unsuccessful on 15th September. However, the
enterprise again had to be abandoned, as the torpedo failed to explode
and the wire remained uncut.

As raiding became so marked a feature of the war, space forbids that
each raid should be described in detail. General Harper was therefore
asked to select the raid he considered most suitable for description,
and he has chosen that carried out by the 6th Seaforth Highlanders on
15th September 1916. This raid is therefore now described in detail.

The area selected for the operation was a most prominent salient formed
by the German front line. Through the apex of this salient, and running
at right angles to the fronts of the opposing forces, ran the
Armentières-Lille Railway. Across the base of the salient ran a
well-defined entrenchment.

The general plan was as follows: The raiders were divided up into two
parties, each consisting of one officer (Lieutenants J. Sainter and D.
F. Jenkins), one sergeant, one corporal, and ten privates, with a
blocking party each of one N.C.O. and three men.

The scheme was that each party should cut the wire at its own point of
entry by means of Bangalore torpedoes, while the wire was to be cut for
a point of exit by the 2-inch mortars.

The two parties were to enter the salient from opposite sides and close
to its base. They were then to leave their blocking parties to cover
their rear, while they both worked forwards to the apex. By meeting at
this point it was hoped that the entire garrison of the salient would be
accounted for.

The Bangalore torpedoes, both seventy-five feet in length, were to be
placed under the wire thirty minutes before zero, Lieutenants Sainter
and Jenkins, each with two men, being responsible for placing the
torpedoes in position.

The raiding parties were ordered to leave their trenches and form up in
No Man's Land about thirty yards away from their torpedoes, ready to
rush through the gap in the wire as soon as the explosions took place.

The actual trench area to be raided had been reproduced exactly
according to scale in a large pasture close to Armentières. It was thus
possible to practice the men continually over the course, so that they
acquired a true sense of direction, and of the distances they would have
to traverse during the raid.

The parties paraded for the raid with their faces and knees blackened,
with their bayonets covered in mud, and with their steel helmets encased
in sandbags to which grasses and weeds had been sewn. These precautions
were necessary, as the men had to lie out in No Man's Land, where they
would be in danger of being observed by a German sentry, so that they
could enter the trenches immediately the torpedoes were exploded.

Ropes were also carried, as it was anticipated that there might be some
difficulty in getting the prisoners out of the deep breastwork trenches,
and it might be necessary to drag them out.

The men wore Dayfield body-shields to protect them from bomb splinters.

The arms carried were as follows: Officers. 1 revolver, 6 bombs, and 1
electric torch; N.C.O.'s, 1 revolver, 10 bombs, and a bludgeon; 4
bayonet men, rifle and bayonet, 6 bombs, electric torch attached to
rifle, 30 rounds of ammunition; 8 throwers, 10 bombs and a bludgeon; 8
spare men, a bludgeon, 10 bombs, and a wire-cutter; blocking party,
rifles and bayonets, 30 rounds of ammunition, and 10 bombs.

In the first instance the success of the raid was dependent on the gaps
being adequately cut in the wire. At the time many persons thought that
General Burn's scheme of using torpedoes seventy-five feet long was too
ambitious. Certainly when the torpedoes were constructed and were seen
for the first time, they looked awkward things with which to have
dealings in No Man's Land, being as they were considerably longer than a
cricket pitch. When the time arrived the torpedoes were hoisted out of
the trenches, and the torpedo parties set off with them. Lieutenant
Jenkins had little trouble with his; he reached the selected point in
the German entanglement without incident, and placed his torpedo in
position. This was difficult work. Here were two parties, each of three
men, within 70 yards of the German sentries, forcing a metal tube 3
inches in diameter, 75 feet long, and loaded with ammonal, underneath
the German entanglements. Very lights were fired by the enemy
continually, illuminating the whole country-side and making the work
more hazardous than ever.

It was further impossible to place the torpedoes in position without a
certain amount of noise being made, which the German sentries might at
any time hear. The whole wire entanglement stood in a mass of rank
undergrowth, through which the nose of the torpedo had to be forced. The
posts supporting the entanglements were not placed in regular rows, so
that occasionally as the torpedo was pushed forward its movement was
brought to a standstill by a wooden post standing directly in its way,
and its course had to be altered. The lower strands of wire also scraped
along the upper surface of the torpedoes, and made a horrible grating
noise.

In spite of these difficulties, Lieutenant Jenkins placed his torpedo in
position exactly as arranged, and in sufficient time to return to the
trench and to lead his party out to a point about thirty yards from the
German wire. The party followed the fuse which connected the torpedo to
the firing mechanism in the trench, so as to ensure joining up in the
right place.

Lieutenant Sainter, on the other hand, was completely out of luck. His
torpedo came apart at several of its joints on three separate occasions,
and had to be repaired by him in No Man's Land. Sainter reported that
had it not been for the German Very lights, he did not think that he
could have managed to repair it. Having finally arrived with it intact
at the right place, he had forced it nearly through the German wire when
it stuck and could be moved forward no farther. He therefore had to
extract it and make a second attempt at a different place. On this
occasion he was successful. The operation, however, had taken so long
that no time was left for Sainter to return to the trench and lead out
his party. The party was therefore ordered to advance, following the
fuse as Jenkins' party had done, until they came upon Sainter. This was
done, and the party had joined him and was in position just ten minutes
before zero.

At zero the two torpedoes were fired almost simultaneously, leaving
gaps clear through the German wire 15 feet broad and 25 yards deep. At
the same time the barrage opened. Major A. G. Graham, M.C., commanding
the 6th Seaforth Highlanders, writes in his account of the operations:
"The barrage opened punctually, and can only be described as perfect.
All ranks taking part in the raid were unanimous in their praise.
The efficacy of the barrage is borne out by the fact that no German
machine-gun fired for forty minutes. The casualties caused by the
barrage must have been heavy, as both parties report that on entering
the trenches parties of the enemy were seen rushing away from the
salient into our barrage."

Immediately the torpedoes exploded, the raiders rushed through the
gaps in the wire and into the enemy's trenches. The enemy was taken
completely by surprise. The first sentry encountered by Sainter's
party was bayoneted in the back, while still staring over the parapet
in blank amazement at the curious explosion that had just occurred in
front of him.

From now onwards all the luck came to Sainter, Jenkins meeting with
considerable difficulties. Sainter's men acted exactly as they had done
in the practices. They entered the trench at the point intended; there
they killed a couple of sentries. They then found a dug-out containing
four Germans, which they bombed until all were killed. At the next
dug-out two Germans came out, one being immediately shot by Sainter, the
other being killed by a bayonet man. Other Germans were killed in the
dug-out with bombs. Four Germans were then found hiding in the trench;
three of these were killed, the fourth being kept as a prisoner. Later
he refused to leave his trench, and was also killed. A lasso had been
put round him to assist in hauling him out of the trench. At this he
became so terror-stricken that he became incapable of movement, and so
had to be despatched. Unfortunately, his remains were left lying in the
trench with the rope still around them. The party then searched the
point of exit, where they found the wire well cut by the 2-inch mortars,
and returned to our lines, having been in the German trenches six and a
half minutes.

Lieutenant Jenkins' party entered the German trench according to plan;
the first fire-bay they entered contained arms and equipment, but no
sentries. There was a dummy parados to this trench made of boards,
behind which dug-outs were found. Four of these were bombed until all
sounds within them ceased. The party then proceeded another ten yards
along the trench, where they encountered an organised German bombing
party. A bombing fight lasting some two minutes then ensued, the Germans
apparently being all knocked out. Lieutenant Jenkins' party sustained
five casualties in this encounter, three men being seriously wounded,
and two slightly. Orders were therefore given to retire by the gap at
which the trench had been entered. As the retirement was being carried
out a second party of Germans attacked. These were heavily bombed; many
were killed, the remainder running away. Three Highlanders had, however,
caught one of them alive, and hurled him bodily over the parapet, and
then jumped after him and pinioned him in a shell-hole. He was finally
taken back to the British lines as the solitary prisoner.

On a bugle sounding the two parties began their withdrawal. Sainter's
party regained our trenches without having sustained a casualty. Jenkins
on his return found that three of his men were missing. He therefore
returned to the German trenches three times with Private A. Macdonald,
and each time succeeded in bringing in a wounded man.

The Dayfield body-shields were found to have numerous splinters of bombs
sticking into them, and undoubtedly saved the raiders from several
casualties.

The German trenches were formed of enormous breastworks 12 to 15 feet
wide, and were revetted with brushwood. Let into the parapet were
numerous concrete dug-outs, each capable of holding from four to six
men. The floor of these dug-outs was level with the bottom of the
trench. The effect of a Mills bomb inside these confined spaces was
devastating, and there is no doubt that every German inside them was
killed. One of the Jocks was asked how he had dealt with these dug-outs.
He replied, "Och, we just boomed yon stone boxes until they stopped
their blether, and then went to the next one."

The barrage for this raid was worked out to the minutest detail. All
weapons were employed, the following amounts of ammunition being used:
2-inch mortars, 228 rounds; Stokes guns, 981 rounds; Vickers guns,
29,500 rounds; 18-pounders, 1200 rounds; 4·5 howitzers, 100 rounds; and
several hundred rounds of rifle grenades.

Every weapon had a particular task given to it. These tasks were
arranged (_a_) so that no fire could be opened by the Germans which
might be brought to bear on men crossing No Man's Land; (_b_) so that no
troops could run away from the area being raided to the rear; (_c_) so
that no troops could counter-attack the area raided over the open
either from the rear or flanks; (_d_) so that no movement could take
place in the German trenches within about 800 yards of the raid. Every
trench junction and every known trench and mortar position on a front of
1500 yards was steadily bombarded throughout the operation.

The results were beyond all expectations. No Germans were able to
reinforce the salient, so that the raiders could deal with its garrison
without fear of interruption. The Germans who broke from the salient and
fled to the rear ran into a barrage of 18-pounders, 4·5 howitzers,
Stokes guns, and 2-inch mortars. Not a single round was fired by the
enemy occupying the trenches on the flanks of the salient.

The barrage thus cut off the troops in the area raided from any support
which their neighbours might have given them, and enabled the raiders to
despatch them just as had been planned.

Many of the Germans on the opening of the barrage had left their arms in
the trenches and run into the dug-outs. When the raiders arrived and
began bombing a panic seems to have set in. The Boches ran about in
terror on seeing the Jocks with their blackened faces and knees and with
grasses in their helmets, holding up their hands, crying, "Kamerad
Kaffirs, Kamerad Kaffirs!" They had apparently mistaken the Jocks for
some species of native troops. This impression and the sight of the
ropes reduced many of them to such a condition that they were even too
terrified to be carried off as prisoners, and refused to move. In
consequence many had to be despatched who might otherwise have been
taken back to our lines alive.

The one prisoner captured turned out to be a good one. He volunteered
much information about the German position, the positions of
headquarters, routes to the trenches, hours of relief, hours and places
at which ration and working parties assembled. A series of violent
bombardments were accordingly arranged based on the information he had
given.

During the remainder of the night the area was occasionally subjected to
short intense bursts of artillery and trench-mortar fire for the benefit
of any Germans who might be inspecting the damage in the salient.

As a result of their gallant conduct on this raid Lieutenants Sainter
and Jenkins were awarded the Military Cross, and four men the Military
Medal.

During the remainder of the Division's sojourn in the Armentières area,
the only other noteworthy operations that took place were outbreaks of
the most excessive trench-mortar activity on the part of the Jocks.

Organised bombardments of the enemy's lines were repeatedly taking
place, with the result that whole sections of the breastworks were
obliterated. Whenever rain occurred and his breastworks became sodden
they were heavily bombarded, so as to give them the necessary incentive
to collapse and bury the Germans in them.

On one occasion over 1200 rounds of Stokes mortar bombs were fired in a
single day by one light trench-mortar battery. It soon transpired that
these bombardments produced very little retaliation from the enemy. It
was therefore felt that we were in a position really to bully him and
make his life a burden to him. The bombardments therefore became more
frequent than ever, and he was unmercifully harassed day after day to
the great delight of the troops.

It was not a sector in which the Germans were much exposed to view.
There was, however, a barricade across a road near Prémesques, where
both men and waggons tended to congregate. This barricade could be seen
from an O.P. at Square Farm on the extreme right of the sector. An
electric bell was therefore rigged up in the gun-pit, with a bell-push
in the O.P. A gun was then kept permanently laid on the barricade. Every
time the observer saw a reasonable bag of people and waggons collected
round the barricade he rang the bell and the gunners fired. This sport,
however, became too popular, with the result that, after a day or two,
no Boche would show himself anywhere in the vicinity of the barricade.

The holding of the Armentières sector will always be regarded as the
most pleasant period of trench life which the Division passed through.

On 12th September 1916 the first Divisional Horse Show was held. It
proved an unqualified success, and stimulated a great interest in the
condition of horses, harness, and vehicles throughout the Division. To
the delight of the Jocks, the officers' jumping competition was won by
General Harper on Charlie, a big bay horse well known to many members of
the Division.

In the Armentières sector, the 152nd Infantry Brigade received a large
parcel of picture post-cards, displaying types of Russian soldiers, from
the 152nd Vladicaucasian Regiment, with the following message printed on
them:--

                                                 "_21 May 1916._

      "Friends! The birthday of your king is also a holiday for
      us. Long live our alliance of the fight with the lie and may
      the victory triumph the ingression of low force. From your
      comrade, a soldier of the Vladicaucasian Regiment."

General Pelham Burn retaliated by sending the Vladicaucasians half a
dozen haggises, a case of whisky, and a tin of oatcakes.

On 25th September the Division was relieved in the line by Frank's
Force, and moved to the area Bailleul, Meteren, Estaires. On the 30th
the Division entrained again for the south at Bailleul and Merville,
Doullens and Candas being the destination.

On 1st October the Division proceeded by march route to the area
Bus-les-Artois, Bois du Warnimont, Authie, Vauchelles, Thievres, and
came under the orders of the XIIIth Corps.

On 4th October the 152nd Infantry Brigade relieved the 6th Brigade, 2nd
Division, in the sector east of Hebuterne from John Copse on the right
to Sixteen Poplars Road on the left. The Divisional artillery came into
the line on 6th October.

The next ten days were devoted to preparations for an attack on
Puisieux. The scheme was that the Division should attack on a
one-brigade front, all three brigades being employed on the leap-frog
principle. The attack was to be carried to a considerable depth,
Puisieux being the first objective. Those who were to take part in this
attack had strong misgivings as to the likelihood of its success. The
natural fortress of Serre, which had been enormously strengthened with
every modern artifice, lay on the flank of this attack on the summit of
a crest. Thus if the operations against Serre failed, the whole
Divisional attack would be compromised. Urgent representations were made
on this score, and finally the attack in its original form was
abandoned. Meanwhile the whole German trench system had been reproduced
by means of tracing tapes, and practice of the attack had been well
advanced.

In this sector the trenches had been named after characters in French
history, the pronunciation of whose names tried the Jocks very high.
Jean Bart they could manage, though they assumed that the trench was
named after some female celebrity. Du Guesclin and Vercingetorix in
particular were, however, a sore trial to them. "What's the sense in
giving a trench a name like that?" said one of them, referring to
Vercingetorix. "I suppose," replied his platoon commander, "you would
like it called Sauchiehall Street or Auchtermuchty Avenue." "Aye," said
the Jock, "anything that a decent body can pronounce." There were
probably only three French place-names which the Jock really
appreciated; they were Auchonvillers, Villers Plouich, and Martinpuich.

On 17th October the 153rd Brigade, which was then in the line, was
relieved by the 92nd Brigade of the 31st Division, and the 152nd
Brigade relieved the 189th Brigade of the 63rd Division in the
Beaumont Hamel sector. The remainder of the Division moved to the
Lealvillers-Forceville-Varennes area.

On 20th October the 153rd Brigade came into the line on the right of the
152nd Brigade and took over part of the front. Systematic and deliberate
preparations were then made for the capture of the village of Beaumont
Hamel and the ridge beyond it.




                            CHAPTER VII.

              THE BATTLE OF THE ANCRE--BEAUMONT HAMEL


The village of Beaumont Hamel and the surrounding country was admirably
adapted by nature for defence. The village lay on low ground at the
meeting-point of several of the rolling uplands which are the
characteristic feature of Picardy. The slopes of these uplands were
gradual, and so provided large areas on their reverse side which were
entirely free from observation from the ground. Further, they were
intersected by numerous sunken roads, which provided every facility for
the construction of dug-outs, where reserves could be concealed and
protected from bombardment.

The chief centres of resistance lay in the village itself and in the now
celebrated "Y" Ravine. The village, which the guide-books tell us was
famous for its manufacture of powder-puffs, contained vast caves and
cellars capable of containing many hundreds of men, in addition to the
countless concealed dug-outs with which the German invariably
strengthened all ruined buildings occupied by him.

The "Y" Ravine, so called on account of the resemblance of its shape to
the letter Y, was a deep ravine with almost precipitous sides. It lay
with its two arms pointing like antennæ towards the British lines, some
300-500 yards south of the village.

It ran from the Station Road, a road entirely screened from observation
which led from the village to the river Ancre, to the Front Line. It was
honeycombed with dug-outs, and was crossed by numerous trenches. Its
garrison could thus be reinforced either from the Station Road or from
any of the neighbouring trenches.

It was therefore a place of tremendous strength, and obviously one which
would be extremely difficult to clear of the enemy.

From the centre of Beaumont Hamel there ran in a north-easterly
direction the Waggon Road, deeply sunken, riddled with dug-outs, and
protected at its southern end by a large chalk-pit of most forbidding
appearance.

The German position to be attacked by the Highland Division was
traversed by two valleys running east and west, one being the "Y" Ravine
and the other containing the old Beaumont Road, which traversed the
village and met Station Road and Waggon Road at the chalk-pit mentioned
above.

These two valleys were linked together by a highly-organised system of
defence. The Germans had occupied the same trenches since the early days
of the War. With their characteristic efficiency they had laboured to
render their position as nearly impregnable as human energy and
ingenuity made possible. Their trenches were at a great depth, and were
lavishly provided with dug-outs. Of these, some contained two
underground stories; all of them had several entrances, one in
particular having eleven. The trenches were also connected from front to
rear by numerous tunnels, so that reinforcements could be sent forward
along underground passages proof against any bombardments.

In addition, the whole position was heavily and skilfully protected by
strong wire entanglements throughout.

In fact Beaumont Hamel, after the disastrous attack on it on 1st July
1916, had come to be regarded, by British and Germans alike, as almost
impregnable.

So much was this the case that the original plans for this coming attack
assumed that the Beaumont Hamel position could not be taken frontally,
and contemplated engaging it only in front and turning it from both
flanks.

In preparing for the attack the destruction of the wire entanglements
was one of the first considerations. In many places, owing to the
undulations of the ground, this presented considerable difficulty, as
direct observation could not be obtained.

Even with the wire cut the attack could only be considered a difficult
operation. The enemy was afforded such protection from his dug-outs
that success was likely to be dependent on the attacking troops keeping
close on the heels of the barrage. The artillery could not be expected
to do more than drive the enemy to ground.

Following the barrage closely was, moreover, in this case a difficult
operation, as in few cases were the trench lines parallel. Thus the
keeping of direction was certain to require skilful leading. The
elaboration of the trench system also entailed a very careful detailing
of objectives to the different bodies of troops, and an exact knowledge
of what these objectives were.

Wire-cutting was begun by the artillery and the 2" trench-mortars on
20th October, and was carried on continuously until the day of attack.
Every precaution was taken to ensure that this was successful. Patrols,
often accompanied by artillery officers, inspected the wire protecting
the enemy front lines every night.

Maps were made daily, in which the portions of the enemy wire which
could be observed were shown in one of four colours, a separate colour
being used to denote the varying conditions of the wire--_i.e._,
satisfactorily cut, partially cut, damaged, and intact. These maps were
submitted daily to Divisional Headquarters, and were passed on to the
gunner officers responsible for the wire-cutting.

The results were beyond expectation, and the success of the attack was
in no small measure due to the skilful manner in which the artillery
destroyed the entanglements. Not only was the wire under observation
shot to pieces, but concealed belts of wire, whose existence was only
discovered from the study of air photos, were so damaged as to give the
infantry a free passage through them. Strands of cut wire lay in heaps
resembling haycocks throughout the trench area.

The general scheme for the attack was as follows: The Reserve Army, as
the Fifth Army was then called, was to attack and establish itself on
the line Miraumont-Beauregard Dovecot-Serre. Cavalry were to be held in
readiness to exploit their attack in the direction of Achiet-le-Petit
and Achiet-le-Grand. The IInd Corps was to attack south of the river
Ancre, the Vth Corps north of the river.

The Vth Corps consisted of five Divisions: the 63rd Division on the
right, the 51st Highland Division and the 2nd Division in the centre,
and the 3rd Division on the left, with the 37th Division in reserve.

The 51st Division was to capture Beaumont Hamel and push forward between
the converging flanks of the 63rd and 2nd Divisions as far as Frankfurt
Trench between Glory and Leave Avenues. The 63rd and 2nd Divisions were
then to continue the attack, and join their inner flanks east of the
51st Division, thus pinching the latter out of the front line of attack.

General Harper was urged to attack with his three infantry brigades in
line. He did not, however, consider that an attack launched in such
strength and unsupported by a complete unit of reserve was justified. He
therefore decided to attack with two brigades in line. It will be seen
that the success of the attack and the length of time the Division was
able to continue in the line after the attack bears ample testimony to
the accuracy of General Harper's judgment in this respect.

The 153rd Brigade was detailed to attack on the right, the 152nd Brigade
on the left, with the 154th Brigade in reserve.

Two distinct objectives for the attack were selected. The first, the
Green line, included the Station Road and the village of Beaumont Hamel.
The second objective, the Yellow line, was the portion of Frankfurt
Trench mentioned above. A further objective east of the Yellow line was
given to the 63rd and 2nd Divisions.

In the attack on the Green line, three intermediate objectives were
selected, known as the Pink line (the German front line), the Blue line
(the German second line), the Purple line (the German third line).

Each of these lines had a separate wave detailed for its capture
composed of units from the following battalions:--

      Front line: 7th Gordon Highlanders, 6th Black Watch, 5th
      Seaforth Highlanders, 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders.

      Blue line: 7th Gordon Highlanders, 6th Black Watch, 5th
      Seaforth Highlanders, 8th Argyll and Sutherland
      Highlanders.

      Purple line: 7th Gordon Highlanders, 6th Black Watch, 5th
      Seaforth Highlanders, 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders.

      Green line: 7th Gordon Highlanders, 6th Black Watch, 6th
      Seaforth Highlanders (in two waves).

The bulk of the machine-guns of the Division were massed in Trench 86
near the Bowery, a small rise in the shape of a tumulus just east of
Auchonvillers. From this position an intense barrage was to be fired,
moving forward from the German third line through the Green line and
across the western slopes of the high ground east of Beaumont Hamel.
This barrage was designed to prevent the enemy from using long-range
machine-gun fire against the attacking waves, and to hamper the movement
of his reserves. In both these respects it proved effective.

This was the first occasion on which the Division had employed
machine-guns to fire an overhead barrage during the attack. The men were
accordingly specially warned that the enormous volume of bullets passing
over their heads would sound as if they were only a few inches above the
crowns of their steel helmets, whereas in reality there would be a
margin of safety of many feet. This warning proved to be a sound
precaution when the barrage was first to be experienced, since the
bullets seemed unpleasantly close and might have otherwise created
despondency and alarm.

The trench-mortar batteries were also fully occupied, and were
continually employed in wire-cutting and assisting the raids and trench
bombardments.

The attack was originally planned for 24th October, but owing to the
weather a succession of postponements took place. The first postponement
was until 30th October; on 25th October a further postponement of
forty-eight hours was ordered. On 29th October the date of the attack
was changed to 5th November. Later, it was again postponed to 9th
November, and again to 10th November. On 7th November information was
wired that the attack was indefinitely postponed. On 10th November it
was ordered to take place on 13th November. On 11th November the hour
for zero--that is, the hour at which the infantry advance begins--was
selected as 5.45 A.M.

The weather, which was responsible for these postponements, could not
well have been worse. The country had become water-logged owing to
excessive downpours of rain. Continual mists and the absence of wind
prevented the rain from being absorbed in the atmosphere. The ground
thus remained sodden, the roads were reduced to a pulp, and tracks and
paths became lost in oozing mud of the consistency of porridge.

In fact, the state of the ground had become so bad that a small raid
which took place on 11th November failed because the raiding party found
it a physical impossibility to keep up with a very slow-moving barrage.
Not an officer or a man could move a yard at the double.

The results of this spell of bad weather were such that for a period not
more than four lorries daily per Division were allowed on the roads, for
fear that the foundations of the road would disappear permanently into
the abyss of mud beneath them. The inconvenience caused to "Q" by this
unavoidable restriction was immense, but the ingenuity of the
quartermaster's staff, as usual, overcame the difficulty with marked
success.

The repeated postponements, though very trying to the men's nerves,
proved in reality a blessing. The plan was that the attack should be
preceded by a four days' bombardment, including a lavish use of gas
shells. The result was that in many cases the first and, in some cases,
the second day's bombardment had been fired before the postponement took
place. They, therefore, had to be repeated when a fresh date for the
attack had been selected. In consequence, the German positions were
continually being subjected to a bombardment of intense violence. The
enemy thus received a far larger ration of shells than would have been
the case if the attack had taken place on the date selected in the first
instance. Moreover, these bombardments not only assailed the Germans
frontally from batteries in positions west of Beaumont Hamel, but also
in enfilade from positions south of Beaumont.

In the period of preparation for the battle a considerable amount of
labour was required to keep the trenches fit for traffic. In the
low-lying land which separated the various chalk downs, the soil was a
red loam. In consequence, whenever it rained, the sides of the trenches
fell in great flakes like miniature avalanches. The water was also very
slow to soak into the ground. Thus large sections of communication
trenches became knee-deep and even waist-deep in liquid mud. When it is
remembered that all munitions, rations, water, tools, &c., required for
the battle had to be carried on the backs of men through these trenches
to the forward dumps, it will be appreciated what a burden of discomfort
and toil the conditions due to the weather imposed on the troops.

A considerable amount of work had also to be done on the construction
and extension of dug-outs for reserve troops and headquarters. The
successive postponements, however, enabled this work to be
satisfactorily completed, and in consequence the casualties sustained in
our own trenches during the battle were negligible. In one portion of
the area a chalk cliff some forty feet in height lent itself admirably
to tunnelling operations. Enough head-cover was provided without the
necessity of making chambers to dug-outs at the foot of a long flight of
stairs. Full use was made of this feature, and many dug-outs were hewn
in it, as well as a large vault capable of holding a company, secure
from the heaviest artillery.

This feature lay at the foot of the reverse slope of a large chalk
upland, and was thus entirely hidden from enemy view. Looked at from the
reserve British lines, it appeared as a great white scar on the
landscape, and was an obvious centre of activity. It had in consequence
been christened the "White City." It ran northwards for some
considerable distance, and was put to similar uses by neighbouring
brigades on the left of the Division.

An attempt was made to blow an assembly trench for the troops detailed
for the attack on the Green line by means of tubes of ammonal buried in
a shallow trench cut through the surface of the soil. The ammonal was
discharged successfully, but the results were disappointing. The
disintegrations in the soil caused by the explosion, coupled with the
rain, produced conditions of mud that rendered the trench which the
explosion had created impassable.

During the fortnight preceding the attack patrolling and raiding were
carried out with great activity, both with a view to gauging the
strength of the resistance likely to be encountered and to inspect and
damage the enemy's wire. This activity disclosed the fact that the
German was employing knife-rests[5] made either of heavy timber or of
iron, to fill the gaps caused by our artillery and trench-mortars in his
entanglements.

Knife-rests are not easily damaged by shrapnel sufficiently to give the
infantry a free passage through them. Efforts were therefore made to
locate the places where they were in use, and to destroy them with 4·5
howitzers.

The fire of enfilade machine and Lewis guns was then employed to prevent
fresh knife-rests being put in position to replace those which had been
damaged. Twenty thousand rounds of S.A.A. were frequently fired in a
single night for this purpose.

At the end of October it was realised that these knife-rests were being
employed by the enemy in most formidable numbers, and were becoming a
serious proposition.

A number of Bangalore torpedoes were therefore made and carried up to
the trenches. Raiding parties then carried these torpedoes into No Man's
Land with them, and blew gaps in the rows of knife-rests. On 1st
November a particularly good raid of this nature was carried out.
Lieutenants Booth and Carnie of the 6th Gordon Highlanders with a party
of men placed four torpedoes under the enemy knife-rests. These were
exploded, and after a short interval the officers led the party through
the gap caused by the explosions. They then exploded four more torpedoes
under the next double rows of knife-rests. The party returned without a
casualty, and reported that still a third row of knife-rests existed
beyond the last one they had damaged.

Raiding parties had also been employed to enter the enemy's trenches to
gain identifications--that is, to return with evidence as to what units
were holding the line in front of the Division.[6]

On 26th October both the 6th Black Watch and the 7th Gordon Highlanders
of the 153rd Brigade entered the enemy's front line, the latter
capturing a prisoner of the 62nd Regiment. On the same night the 7th
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders of the 154th Brigade made a similar
attempt, but could not find a passage through the enemy's wire. In the
raid of the 7th Gordon Highlanders, Lance-Sergeant Morrison killed four
Germans and disarmed a fifth, who was taken prisoner. At this point
Sergeant Morrison had expended all his ammunition and bombs, and was
faced by two more Germans with fixed bayonets. Appreciating the
situation, Private Louis Thomson rushed past Sergeant Morrison and
killed the first German with his entrenching tool. He then picked up the
fallen German's rifle and with it killed the second. For this exploit
both Sergeant Morrison and Private Thomson were awarded the Military
Medal.

On 29th October a patrol of the 154th Brigade entered the enemy's front
line and proceeded to his second line, which they found protected by an
impassable belt of knife-rests. This patrol encountered none of the
enemy. The absence of the Boche on this occasion proved rather
disconcerting. In consequence, the 4th Gordon Highlanders and the 9th
Royal Scots carried out further raids. In each case they found the enemy
holding the trenches in strength, and were unable to effect an entrance.
This was partly due to the fact that the ground was so sodden that the
troops found it a physical impossibility to keep up with the barrage.

A further raid attempted on 4th November by the 6th Gordon Highlanders
also met with strong resistance, and made no progress. It was therefore
almost impossible to form an impression of the strength in which the
enemy was holding his line.

On 31st October a deserter entered our lines. He was a miserable
creature, described officially as "undersized and of poor physique." He
stated on examination that the battalion was holding a front of only 700
yards, and that the rifle strength of the four companies was about 180
each. His statement, if it was accurate, meant that the enemy was
holding the position in considerably greater force than was probable. In
view of his apparent poverty of intellect, it was considered that his
evidence was unreliable. It, however, transpired during the attack that
his statements were not exaggerated, and that the enemy was indeed very
thick on the ground.

The final preparations for the attack consisted in forming dumps of
ammunition, water, rations, &c., sufficiently far forward to enable
carrying parties to take forward supplies to the advanced troops after
the capture of the enemy's position.

This was a heavy task, as the following figures of supplies which were
carried through the water-logged trenches and placed in the brigade
dumps testify:--

  Small arms ammunition      400,000 rounds.
  Mills grenades              23,000
  Petrol tins of water         1,600
  Rations                      4,800
  Stokes bombs                 7,500
  Very light cartridges        8,000

On one night alone one brigade had 34 waggons and 150 men employed in
bringing forward material for these dumps.

By the time the attack took place sufficient stores had been accumulated
to render it unnecessary for any waggons to be employed in the forward
area on the night after the battle. This was a great advantage, as the
enemy was always liable during a battle to make a lavish use of
high-velocity guns and gas shells to harass our communications.

Some days prior to the day of the battle, the troops in the line
witnessed an attack on a fairly large scale delivered against the famous
Stuff and Schwaben Redoubts. These were situated just below the crest on
the northern slopes of the Thiepval Ridge, of which a magnificent view
could be obtained from many places in the Beaumont Hamel sector. The
spectacle certainly had an encouraging effect on all who saw it. The
barrage appeared excellent, and several waves of infantry could be seen
following it apparently without difficulty. Subsequently parties of
German prisoners could be seen moving back to the rear.

These two redoubts were notorious for the strength of their defences,
and had figured largely in recent communiqués, yet as far as could be
judged they were captured behind the barrage exactly according to plan.
This attack therefore gave a most practical example of the possibilities
of the 18-pounder barrage when closely followed by the attacking
infantry.

The assembly of the troops prior to the attack on the 13th was an
arduous performance, some of the battalions being billeted in the
Forceville area some five miles from the front line.

At 9 P.M. on 12th November the march to the position of assembly began,
the last battalions being reported in position at 4.30 A.M. A halt of
three-quarters of an hour was made _en route_, between Mailly-Maillet
and Auchonvillers, and tea was served to the men from the field-kitchens
there.

The length of time required for this march was due to the deplorable
state of the roads and communication trenches, and to the weight carried
by the men. In addition to battle order equipment, each man carried on
him at least two Mills bombs, a pick or a shovel, and two days'
preserved rations. Moreover, numbers of aeroplane flares, Very light
pistols and cartridges, phosphorus bombs, &c., were distributed
throughout the different platoons.

Owing to the mud in the trenches movement was largely carried out over
the open. The attention of the enemy was not, however, attracted, and
there was little artillery fire before zero.

So many troops had to be assembled that it was necessary for the leading
companies to be in position several hours before those that were to be
the last to assemble. Further, to ensure that the assembly was completed
up to time, orders were issued for the troops to be ready in their
appointed positions one hour before zero.

This allowed a good margin in which to make up for any delays which
might be caused by gas-shelling or bombardments occurring during the
advance to the assembly trenches.

During this period a covering screen of troops, who were not detailed to
take part in the first phase of the attack, lay out in No Man's Land to
prevent German patrols from approaching our trenches and discovering
that assembly for an attack was in progress.

This period of waiting in assembly trenches for the hour of zero to
arrive is one of the most unpleasant ordeals which a soldier has to
endure. On this foggy November night the troops arrived with their kilts
and hose-tops sodden with water and mud. The duck-boards in the assembly
trenches were in many places under water. The fire-steps on which men
sat, or the parapets and parados against which they leant huddled
together for warmth, were exuding moisture and occasionally land-sliding
into the trenches, bringing down in their fall a multitude of telephone
wires, over which men stumbled and tripped for the remainder of the
night.

Rifles and Lewis guns needed the greatest care to prevent them from
becoming clogged with mud and unserviceable. Silence was enforced and
smoking forbidden, for fear that the arrival of a large force of men in
the front line--a sure indication of an impending attack--might be
disclosed to the enemy. Men were forbidden also to use their
water-bottles before zero hour, partly because the need for water would
become acute later during the battle, and partly on account of the noise
which a half-emptied water-bottle is capable of producing, particularly
when silence is most desired.

During this anxious and seemingly endless vigil, the morale of even the
boldest depreciates. The most unimaginative loon, particularly if it is
not his maiden fight, knows that there are many men assembled with him
who in an hour or two will see the dawn break for the last time. The
stoutest-hearted cannot help reflecting on what his own fate is to be,
and on the odds for or against his being hit; if hit, will the wound be
a "cushy" one, or will he, in the next few hours, be transformed from an
able-bodied soldier into a permanent cripple or a dead man?

These are not pleasant reflections, particularly when the solace of
speaking and smoking is denied.

As a rule, when the assembly is complete there is too much congestion
for officers and N.C.O.'s to move about amongst their men. Then walking
along the trench is like passing to one's seat in the centre of the
stalls after the curtain has gone up; in the darkness the floor seems
carpeted with feet, and one stumbles along what appears to be a narrow
passage with its walls bristling with projecting knees.

The time spent in the assembly trenches hangs heavily. The throats of
the men get dry, partly because they are told they must not cough, and
partly perhaps for other reasons. In these circumstances men have a
peculiar desire to cough, just as a congregation has towards the end of
a long and tedious sermon. If one man begins, the rest take it up. The
noise thus made appears deafening. To obviate this, petrol tins of water
and tea in hot food-containers have been dumped about the assembly
positions, so that men may from time to time moisten their mouths and
throats. Further, a tot of rum is served to all. Rum played a great part
in the war. It produces a marvellous and immediate effect, dispelling
depression, creating warmth, and stimulating the morale. Even the
staunchest teetotallers will drink rum with avidity in the assembly
trenches.

There is a further disquieting thought which occurs during this period,
particularly to commanders. Will the enemy discover that our foremost
trenches are packed solid with humanity, that almost all our eggs are in
one basket? Has that infernal listening machine overheard details of the
day and hour carelessly spoken over the telephone, in spite of the many
orders on the subject? If he discovers we are here, he will produce what
he pleases to call annihilating fire, in which he concentrates his guns
and trench-mortars on our assembly position.

When he has been successful in doing this, the results have been
indescribable. Each shell that falls into the trench bursts in the midst
of a closely-packed group of men. The members of the various
headquarters therefore anxiously listen for any signs of an enemy
bombardment, and are only relieved of their anxiety when the arrival of
zero hour is denoted by the opening of the British barrage.

The reserve troops of the two leading brigades were safely accommodated
in deep dug-outs, secure from any bombardment which the enemy might open
in reply to the attack.

The 154th Brigade in reserve lay at Mailly-Maillet Wood, out of the
range of field howitzers, their headquarters being at the Café
Jourdain.

The signal for zero hour was to be the explosion of a mine. In the
attack that had been launched against Beaumont Hamel on the first day of
the Somme offensive, a mine had been exploded just short of the enemy's
front line. As the attack had failed, the enemy had been left in
complete possession of this mine. He had fortified it with dug-outs and
made considerable use of it both as an observation-post and as a
position for snipers. Arrangements had therefore been made to run out
another shaft and lay a fresh charge in chambers constructed below this
crater.

At 5.45 A.M. this mine was successfully exploded, and the artillery
opened an intense bombardment of the German position. At this time dawn
had only just begun to show signs of breaking. The darkness was further
accentuated by a fog, similar to a typical London November fog, which
did not lift throughout the day. This fog was a definite asset to the
attack, as, though it made the maintenance of direction more difficult,
it concealed the movements of the attackers, and prevented the enemy
gunners from seeing the artillery signals fired by their infantry. The
result was that the hostile artillery barrage on the British front line
and in No Man's Land was ragged, and did not open with any intensity
until 6.15 A.M. In consequence, the losses from hostile artillery fire
in the assembly trenches and while the troops were crossing No Man's
Land were negligible.

The infantry had crept close to the barrage before it had lifted, so
that when it moved forward they succeeded in entering the trench at most
points. Indeed, so close did they get to the bursting shells that many
of them reported that they were waiting on the outskirts of the remnants
of the enemy's entanglements while the barrage was still down in the
Boche front line. The 6th Black Watch pressed forward so close to the
barrage that they sustained some casualties from it.

The two right companies of the 7th Gordon Highlanders took the first
line without difficulty. They continued keeping close up to the barrage,
each successive wave capturing its objective, until they had occupied
the Green line according to the programme. These two companies could not
have carried out their task in a more exemplary manner. Throughout this
advance on the right flank touch was maintained with the left of a Royal
Marine Light Infantry battalion of the 63rd Naval Division.

On the rest of the front the attack bore no resemblance to the
traditional form of attack as pictured in the illustrated weeklies, or
demonstrated by the bayonet-fighting expert. There was no wild charge of
Highlanders with flying kilts and glittering bayonets. On the contrary,
it was carried out at the rate of an advance of twenty-five yards per
minute. As the barrage lifted off a trench, the troops made their way
into it as quickly as they could, but a steady double was the most that
they could manage. In many cases even that was found impossible.

The men floundered in the dark in mud over their ankles; the weight they
carried was enormously augmented by the moisture that their clothing had
absorbed and by the mud which glued itself to their kilts and which
clung to their boots; the ground was ploughed up into a sea of
shell-holes half filled with water; stooks of cut strands of wire and
overturned knife-rests lay everywhere. Forward movement of any kind
called for considerable physical effort; to charge was out of the
question. In some places men even became bogged up to their waists, and
were unable to extricate themselves from the morass, until parties of
German prisoners could be organised to dig them out.

Let two teams dressed in battle order play football in the dark on a
ploughed field in a clay soil after three weeks' steady rain, and the
difficulties of the attacking troops might then in some measure be
appreciated.

The left of the 7th Gordon Highlanders and the right of the 6th Black
Watch were delayed in their advance by machine-guns from the south of
the "Y" Ravine. The German garrison on the point of this salient was
thus able to man the front trench, and beat off our attack at this point
by the volume of their fire. Here the enemy maintained himself for
several hours. Being in a position from which they obtained splendid
observation both to the north and south, they made communication with
the forward troops who had swept on, on either flank extremity,
difficult.

[Illustration: MAP III.--BEAUMONT HAMEL, 13TH NOVEMBER 1916.]

A gap had also been caused in the centre of the next battalion
through wire just south of the crater, which had been screened from
observation by being uncut.

On the left of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders, the 8th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders had received a temporary check caused by
machine-gun fire on their extreme left, and had suffered heavily. The
remainder of the battalion had, however, pressed forward on the flanks,
captured the guns, and enabled the advance to be continued to the third
German line.

By 7.50 A.M. it was reported that troops of both brigades had reached
the third German line, and many prisoners had been taken, but pockets of
Germans were still holding out in various points in the first and second
lines. These pockets were, no doubt, formed by parties of the enemy who
had come up into the front line out of the various underground tunnels.

Casualties had been unduly heavy, as the state of the ground had proved
in places so bad that the troops had been unable to keep up with the
barrage.

At this hour the position in the village was obscure. The 153rd Infantry
Brigade had employed all its reserves in its endeavour to carry the "Y"
Ravine, where a party of the enemy, estimated at from three to four
hundred strong, was offering a most gallant and successful resistance,
all attacks to overcome them being beaten off.

Two companies of the 4th Gordon Highlanders from the Divisional reserve
were therefore ordered forward and placed at the disposal of General
Campbell. Meanwhile General Burn had ordered forward a company from the
reserve battalion (6th Gordon Highlanders) to fill the gap caused in the
ranks of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders by uncut wire. This company
successfully entered the German second line, but was unable to debouch
from it owing to machine-gun fire from the German third line. Two
bombing squads from the 6th Gordon Highlanders were therefore sent
forward to clear the front. These squads were extremely well handled by
their leaders, and by attacking the machine-guns in the third line from
the flank succeeded in capturing 2 officers and 51 men. This action
enabled the whole of the right battalion to reach the Green line. Two
other bombing squads were also ordered forward from the 6th Gordon
Highlanders to bomb southwards, so as to clear the left flank of the
6th Black Watch. It was not, however, until dusk that all resistance in
this area was successfully overcome.

The 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders were meanwhile consolidating
the Green line in touch with the 2nd Division on their left.

At this time little news could be obtained by headquarters of the 153rd
Brigade, as all their runners were killed or wounded by Germans still
holding out in the trench system. The situation was therefore obscure
except at the "Y" Ravine, which was known to be held by the enemy. The
two companies 4th Gordon Highlanders were therefore ordered to supply
three bombing parties to work inwards towards the "Y" Ravine, one from
the north and two from the south.

The 5th Gordon Highlanders, who had followed in support of the leading
battalions south of the salient, were fighting with elements of the 6th
Black Watch and the 7th Gordon Highlanders for the German second line.
In front of the salient parties of men who had been held up had returned
to the British front line. These men were collected by Lieut.-Colonel T.
M. Booth, D.S.O., commanding 6th Black Watch. He at once sent out
patrols to locate exactly where the enemy was holding out, and on the
information thus obtained organised a fresh attack against the "Y"
Ravine.

Colonel Booth arrived with this party just as Lieutenant Leslie of the
6th Black Watch, by a most gallant action, had gained an entrance at the
point of the "Y" Ravine. He was immediately followed by Colonel Booth
with forty men and a Lewis gun, and by parties of the 5th and 7th Gordon
Highlanders who had been hanging on to the occupants of the "Y" Ravine
all the morning.

During all this time a party of about a hundred of the 6th Black Watch
and 5th and 7th Gordon Highlanders were in the centre of the "Y" Ravine,
where they had been surrounded by Germans who had emerged from dug-outs
and tunnels and pinned them to their ground by machine-gun fire. As soon
as Colonel Booth and Lieutenant Leslie arrived and a bombing action had
begun, these men began bombing outwards from their position, and cleared
the whole ravine up to the third German line.

General Campbell then ordered the 4th Gordon Highlanders to advance to
the Green line. This operation was carried out without opposition, the
6th Black Watch in the Third German line joining in the advance.

On arrival in the Green line, the 4th Gordon Highlanders learnt that the
7th Gordon Highlanders had not only reached the Green line according to
plan, but had continued their advance 250 yards beyond in the direction
of the Yellow line. At this point they encountered and captured fifty
Germans. In this advanced position they remained for some considerable
time, but as no troops came to support them on either flank, they
finally withdrew to the Green line. Every runner that had been sent back
by these companies to report their position was either killed or wounded
in attempting to pass through the German trench system.

Even after the capture of the Green line on the whole Divisional front,
isolated pockets of the enemy continued to offer resistance,
particularly on the south-western edge of the village. Here a belt of
marshy country, just east of the mine crater, had been found impossible
to cross owing to the depth of the mud. The result was that the Germans
in this area were not put out of action until troops from the reserve
had moved round the northern edge of the marsh and attacked them in
flank.

At 10.30 A.M. two tanks were sent forward to clear up isolated pockets
of the enemy still holding out in the village. This was the first
occasion on which the Division had co-operated with tanks. The condition
of the ground was, however, such that the tanks only just reached the
German front line. By the time they had travelled this distance they had
built up great mounds of mud under their bellies, which prevented their
further advance.

One of the tank officers, incidentally a Scot, refused, however, to be
prevented from joining in the fight. He therefore made some captured
Germans carry his Hotchkiss guns and their ammunition up to the Green
line, where he joined in the consolidation.

The attack on the Yellow line, apart from the individual effort of the
two companies of the 7th Gordon Highlanders, never took place. The
fighting had been so severe that, by the time the leading troops reached
the Green line, the barrage had been lost irretrievably. Moreover, the
troops detailed for the capture of the Yellow line had been considerably
involved in the fighting for the Green line, and were too reduced in
number for an attack unsupported by an artillery barrage to have any
chance of success.

Later in the day orders were given for the 153rd Brigade to renew the
attack on the Yellow line; they were, however, subsequently cancelled,
as the Corps commander had decided to renew the attack on the following
day.

Towards the evening two companies of the 7th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders were placed at General Burn's disposal. The two companies of
the 6th Gordon Highlanders which had not as yet been employed were
therefore ordered to march up the Beaumont Road at dusk and occupy and
consolidate the Green line.

The night was spent in consolidating and reorganising. At 2.30 A.M. on
the night 13-14th orders were issued for the attack on Munich Trench to
be resumed at 5.45 A.M., the remaining two companies of the 7th Argyll
and Sutherland Highlanders and two companies of the 9th Royal Scots
being placed at General Burn's disposal for the purpose.

The headquarters and the remaining two companies of the 9th Royal Scots
were placed at the disposal of General Campbell. During the night a
telephone message, spoken over a faulty wire, was misunderstood, and the
attack was cancelled instead of being postponed. When this error had
been discovered, a fresh attack was initiated, in which the 7th Argyll
and Sutherland Highlanders carried out a most successful bombing
operation up Beaumont Alley and Leave Trench, and occupied Munich
Trench. This attack, hastily improvised as it was, was admirably and
gallantly executed, and was a complete success. Subsequently, however,
the Argylls could not maintain themselves in their exposed position in a
trench almost obliterated, and withdrew to Leave Alley.

On the night of the 14th the 2/2 Highland Field Company, R.E., and one
company of the 8th Royal Scots dug a new trench 150 yards west of Munich
Trench. This trench was named New Munich Trench, and was occupied by a
garrison before dawn.

During daylight on the 14th, the 4th Gordon Highlanders took over the
whole of the Green line on the 153rd Brigade front, the 6th Black Watch
returning to Mailly-Maillet Wood. On the 152nd Brigade front the 6th
Gordon Highlanders similarly took over the whole of the Green line, the
5th Seaforth Highlanders and the 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders
being withdrawn to Mailly-Maillet, and the 6th Seaforth Highlanders to
the old British trench area.

At 9.50 P.M. on 14th November, General Burn was ordered to prepare an
attack in conjunction with the 2nd Division, the frontage of attack of
the 152nd Brigade being that portion of Frankfurt Trench between Leave
Avenue and Glory Lane. At 5.30 A.M. orders were received that the attack
was to take place at 9 A.M.

The attack was made by two fresh companies of the 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders, who had relieved the troops in New Munich Trench
during the night. One company of the 7th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders was in support.

The 2nd Division formed up with its right on the Waggon Road at least
500 yards in rear of New Munich Trench. The lifts of the artillery
barrage of the 51st Division were therefore arranged to suit the major
attack by the 2nd Division. It was placed, in the first instance, in
Munich Trench, and subsequently lifted on the Frankfurt Trench by bounds
of fifty yards. These short bounds in the barrage were arranged so as to
allow the 2nd Division time to come up into line.

When the attack was launched, it was found that the enemy was no longer
holding Munich Trench, so that it was occupied without difficulty.
However, after passing Munich Trench, the attackers ran into our own
barrage, and suffered severe losses sufficient to disorganise the whole
attack. This unfortunate incident was due to the impetuosity of the men.
Their previous training had been to follow a barrage which moved forward
by bounds of a hundred yards. No blame, therefore, rests with the
artillery, the over-anxiety of the men to gain their objective being the
sole cause. Only a few individuals managed to reach Frankfurt Trench.

While this action was in progress, the right of the 2nd Division had
lost direction, and had come up in rear of the 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders, reaching Leave Avenue to the west of Munich
Trench.

In these circumstances it was decided not to renew the attack without
further artillery preparation.

This attack was an unfortunate conclusion to what had otherwise been a
successful series of operations. Had the 7th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders succeeded in capturing Frankfurt Trench, their position "in
the air" on a 300 yards front would have been a precarious one, and a
source of embarrassment to the artillery when called upon to bombard the
remainder of the trench.

To ensure success, it would have been advisable to have made certain
that the 2nd Division's line of attack was abreast of the 51st
Division's before a further advance against Frankfurt Trench was made.
The chances of success would also have been greatly increased if the
whole attack had been carried out by a formation under one command.

During the day of the 15th, the 154th Brigade took over the whole battle
front from the 152nd and 153rd Brigades.

The 51st Division took no further part in active operations, although it
continued to hold New Munich Trench until 17th November, on which date
the foremost positions were taken over by the 32nd Division.

       *       *       *       *       *

The battle of Beaumont Hamel was the foundation-stone on which the
reputation of the Highland Division was built. General Harper's
leap-frog system of attack had been proved; his attack with two brigades
instead of three had been fully justified, and an experience had been
gained from which the future training of the Division was evolved.

The whole position up to and including the Green line had been captured
with over two thousand prisoners and a vast amount of material in a few
hours. Moreover, had the positions of the Divisions on the flanks been
less obscure, an advance to the Yellow line could have been undertaken
with every prospect of success.

The satisfactory results of these operations may be put down to the
following causes:--

First, to the resolution and gallantry of the officers and men. In spite
of heavy losses and of the appalling state of the ground, they pressed
on to their objectives with the greatest determination. In many cases
the barrage was irretrievably lost. The resistance of a courageous and
cunning enemy, protected by the strongest field defences that experience
could devise, had then to be overcome by the superior fighting qualities
of the infantry soldier alone. The manner in which he overcame this
resistance was in accordance with the highest traditions of the Highland
regiments.

The artillery played no small part in this battle. The heavy gunners had
demolished the enemy's trenches in an exemplary manner. In the village
of Beaumont Hamel there was barely a square yard that was not torn up by
shell-fire. The deep dug-outs alone escaped destruction, and even in
their case many entrances were blown in. A German battalion headquarters
sustained three direct hits, all of which went through the roof. In one
case two layers of reinforced concrete and one layer of tree-trunks had
been penetrated. In the enemy front line machine-gun emplacements, made
of concrete over a metre thick, were in many cases wrecked.

Both the destruction of the wire and the accuracy of the barrage further
strengthened the great confidence of the infantry in the Divisional
artillery. It was the first occasion on which most of the troops had
followed an artillery barrage. Those who were able to keep up with it
could not speak too highly of its accuracy.

The decision to have no preliminary bombardment immediately before the
attack proved to have been a wise one. Such a bombardment would only
have served to warn the enemy of our intention to attack. As it was, the
infantry began their advance the moment the artillery opened. They were
thus able to assault the front line within a few seconds of the barrage
having lifted. The enemy was in consequence to a large extent taken by
surprise, and large numbers of them were captured before they had had
time to leave their dug-outs.

The enemy had, however, this advantage. It could not be told whether a
shaft was the entrance to a dug-out or to a tunnel connecting two lines
of trenches. As a result, it was difficult to ensure that any particular
trench would remain cleared of Boches. The large traversed dug-outs
were also difficult to clear up. A Mills bomb did not seem to have much
effect on their occupants. A phosphorus bomb, however, bolted eighty-six
Germans in all stages of undress out of a single dug-out.

The machine-gun barrage appeared to have been very effective. The 7th
Gordon Highlanders reported a considerable number of German dead between
the Green and Yellow lines who are believed to have been caught in this
barrage. The machine-gunners who went forward with the attacking waves
also executed their tasks admirably.

Vickers guns were in position in the German front line within half an
hour of zero. One gun-team had some close-range fighting with revolvers
and bombs, and captured seventeen prisoners, not, however, before the
section officer had been wounded and a sergeant killed.

Vickers guns were assigned definite roles in the consolidation and were
placed in depth throughout the captured area. Several guns took up
advanced positions well east of the Green line.

The light trench-mortar batteries fired in the initial barrage,
according to all reports, with considerable accuracy. Subsequently two
mortars were placed at the disposal of each battalion commander to be
employed to assist the advance when required. In the attack on Frankfurt
Trench on the morning of the 15th, four Stokes mortars of the 152nd
Trench-Mortar Battery fired in the preliminary bombardment. These
mortars carried out their task extremely well in difficult
circumstances. They did not leave brigade headquarters until 3 A.M., but
by 6 A.M. they were dug into their positions with 20 rounds per gun in
the emplacements.

Among the prisoners captured were two battalion commanders with their
staffs complete. These were captured by 2nd Lieutenant G. V. Edwards of
the 6th Seaforth Highlanders and Lieutenant W. D. Munro of the 8th
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, both since killed in action. These
officers had been detailed to lead their platoons straight to certain
points which had been marked as battalion headquarters on a captured
map. The result of this plan was that the battalion commanders were
rounded up and captured before they had had time to exercise any
influence on the battle by the use of their reserves.

The headquarters allotted to Lieutenant Edwards for capture was situated
in an enormous cave. Some 300-400 prisoners surrendered to his party in
the first instance, but as his platoon was by this time considerably
reduced in numbers, he was compelled to hand them over to troops of the
Naval Division under the command of a chaplain. It was, however,
undoubtedly due to Lieutenant Edwards that these men took no part in the
battle.

The leading of these two platoons was admirable. The exact manner in
which their instructions were carried out considerably upset the enemy's
defensive arrangements.

The captured booty included weapons of all kinds, with the exception of
artillery, as well as large magazines of ammunition. In addition, a
large canteen containing tinned beef from Monte Video, Norwegian
sardines, cigarettes (including Wills' Gold Flake), cigars, and many
thousand bottles of excellent soda and of beer fell into the hands of
the Jocks and was much appreciated. For many days afterwards the Jocks
were to be seen walking out smoking large cigars with evident
satisfaction.

Further, a piano, some ladies' dancing slippers, silk stockings, and
petticoats were also found, but there was no evidence to show whether
they belonged to a German lady or to a local Boche "Gertie."

A light trench-mortar battery officer also captured the whole of the
German incoming mail.

The casualties sustained by the Division during the month of November
amounted to 123 officers killed, wounded, and missing, and 2355 other
ranks. For modern warfare these were not heavy, particularly when
compared with the number of prisoners captured during the operations. It
must, however, be borne in mind that at the time of the battle the
battalions were extremely weak in numbers. The casualties during the
action represented 45 per cent of those who took part in the attack.

The results of the capture of Beaumont Hamel were far-reaching. It was
undoubtedly the loss of this stronghold and its immediate effects which
largely determined the German High Command to evacuate in the following
spring the salient formed in their lines during the battle of the Somme.

The artillery arrangements made for this battle introduced for the
first time that liaison with the heavy artillery which, as far as the
Division was concerned, continued until the end of the war, and was of
the greatest value to the infantry. For this the Division is mainly
indebted to Brigadier-General R. P. Benson, C.B., C.M.G., commanding the
Vth Corps Heavy Artillery.

On 19th November the 152nd Infantry Brigade relieved the 154th Infantry
Brigade. The 5th Seaforth Highlanders formed into two composite
companies, and the 6th Gordon Highlanders took over the Green line. The
6th Seaforth Highlanders and the 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders,
each formed into two composite companies, took over the old British
trench system. On completion of this relief the 152nd Brigade came under
the orders of the 32nd Division.

This tour of duty was uneventful, the enemy carrying out no infantry
action. He was, however, at times fairly active with his artillery,
particularly against the village of Beaumont Hamel and the Green line.
The weather, however, remained bad, dense fogs continuing day after day,
so that the enemy had little chance of locating our positions.

During this tour of duty an immense amount of salvage work was carried
out. The whole battlefield was cleared of arms and equipment; old dumps
were moved forward so as to be available for use in the consolidation of
the Green line. Large parties were also employed in collecting the dead,
and loading the bodies on to waggons, so that they might be buried in
the British cemeteries at Mailly-Maillet or Auchonvillers. Parties were
also employed in burying the numerous skeletons which lay scattered
about the old No Man's Land. These were the remains of the troops who
had taken part in the unsuccessful attack on Beaumont Hamel on 1st July.
The flesh had been devoured from the bones by the rats, which swarmed in
thousands, and made their homes in the empty trunks. Six hundred and
sixty-nine of these skeletons were buried on the front of the 152nd
Brigade alone--an unpleasant task, and one which had a considerable
effect on the highly-tried nerves of some of the men.

On 23rd November an operation was arranged by the 32nd Division with the
object of relieving 5 officers and 120 of their men who had been
isolated and surrounded in Frankfurt Trench. They had made their
position known by attracting the attention of a British aeroplane.
Later, several of these men made their way back to our lines at night,
and reported that the position of the party was desperate. They had few
bombs, and depended for rations on what they could recover from the dead
at night. The only water they had to drink was obtained from
shell-holes. They, further, had several severely wounded men, who
required immediate attention if their lives were to be saved. In support
of this operation the 6th Gordon Highlanders were ordered to hold
themselves in readiness to move in case the enemy were to
counter-attack.

The attack was timed to take place at 3.30 P.M. It, however, failed in
its object, the attackers being unable to do more than gain a footing in
Munich Trench. In consequence, the isolated party, after a most gallant
and prolonged resistance, were compelled by the circumstances to
surrender.

On the morning of the 24th the 152nd Brigade was relieved by the 7th
Division. A dense fog enabled the relieving troops to march by parties
up the old Beaumont Road into their positions, with their company
officers still mounted.

Lieut.-General Sir E. A. Fanshawe, K.C.B., commanding the Vth Corps,
summed up the part played by the Division in the battle of the Ancre as
follows:--

"The 51st Division leaves this Corps to-morrow to take a place in
another part of the line, and although this postpones a well-earned
rest, it is also a sure sign of the very efficient state of the
Division that it should be called upon to do this by the army after its
recent splendid fight.

"It is evident from the newspapers that all the world looks upon the
capture of Beaumont Hamel as one of the greatest feats of arms in the
war, and to those who know the ground and the defences it must ever be
a marvellously fine performance.

"I can only hope that the good-bye which the Vth Corps now wish the
51st Division is for a short time, and that the good luck may be for
many years to come."

One of the Jocks summed it up more briefly in the single sentence,
"Onyway, they winna ca' us Hairper's Duds noo."

The spirit of the men in this battle is exemplified by a certain Jock
who was found lying in a shell-hole in advance of the Green line, with a
shattered leg, forty-eight hours after he had been hit. He was asked by
the medical officer if no one had come near him, and he replied, "Aye, a
German Red Cross man came up to me." "Surely he attended to you," said
the M.O. "Attended to me?" replied the Jock, "I flung a boom at the
blighter."




                           CHAPTER VIII.

                            COURCELETTE.


Immediately after the battle of Beaumont Hamel, Lieut.-Colonel Ian
Stewart, D.S.O., left the Division. Colonel Stewart had been chief staff
officer to the Division through all those months in which it was
learning the art of war, and in which many battalions were for the first
time blooded in active operations.

During this period the amount of work which Colonel Stewart carried out,
and the careful thought exercised by him on behalf of the Division to
lessen the difficulties of all and to raise it to the high standard that
it reached, was indeed vast. It was therefore a matter of great
satisfaction to the Division to hear that his services had been rewarded
by promotion to be Brigadier-General, General Staff of the XIIIth Corps.

It must also have been equally satisfactory to Colonel Stewart that the
Division should have proved its worth at Beaumont Hamel before his
service with it came to an end.

Lieut.-Colonel J. K. Dick Cunyngham, D.S.O., Gordon Highlanders,
succeeded Lieut.-Colonel Ian Stewart as G.S.O. 1. Lieut.-Colonel Dick
Cunyngham will always remain to those who came into contact with him the
ideal of what a staff officer should be. He had a wide sympathy with the
regimental officer, and understood his difficulties thoroughly. He had,
moreover, an unruffled temperament, which enabled him to keep a clear
head and think quickly and correctly even in the most adverse
circumstances. The speed with which he would write a long and intricate
operation order in clear and unambiguous language was a definite asset
to the whole Division, and largely eliminated that confusion which is
so liable to occur during the fluctuations of a modern battle. "Dick,"
as he was familiarly known, was certainly one of the chief pillars on
which the efficiency of the Division rested.

The whole Division was now out of the line, lying in the area
Arquèves-Rancheval-Hedauville-Varennes-Forceville-Lealvillers. It was
not, however, to be allowed to rest, for on 25th November the 153rd
Brigade began its march to Ovillers Huts. The following day the 154th
Brigade moved to Aveluy, and the 152nd Brigade to Bouzincourt and
Senlis. It was then learnt that the Division was immediately to take
over a peculiarly unpleasant sector.

On the 27th the 153rd Brigade relieved the 12th Canadian Brigade, 4th
Canadian Division, in the Courcelette sector. This sector extended from
the dyke valley just west of Le Sars to the western of the two roads
running from Courcelette to Miraumont. The Dyke Valley in particular,
and the whole area in general, were painfully open to observation from
tree observation-posts in Loupart Wood. This wood was perched on the
summit of a commanding upland. There was hardly a square yard in the
Divisional sector which was not overlooked from some portion of it.

Moreover, the enemy made the fullest use of his observation. Even single
men were frequently sniped by howitzers and field-guns to such an extent
that movement in the forward area by day became out of the question.

The ground taken over by the Division had been captured by the Canadians
a few days previously. The conditions could not have been worse; the
limits of human endurance were all but reached. The whole area had been
ploughed up by shell-fire to such an extent that the vegetation had
completely disappeared. The rain, which had been the cause of the
frequent postponement of the attack on Beaumont Hamel, continued day
after day. The whole country-side had in consequence been transformed
into unending acres of treacherous and, in some places, dangerous mud.
It was no uncommon thing for men to sink up to their waists and for
horses to be drowned. By December the mud had become saturated with
water to such an extent that it became necessary to issue ropes as
trench stores to enable men who had become bogged to be extricated.

Moreover, the earth had become so disintegrated by the shocks of the
continuous bursting of shells that trenches could not be cut in it. No
sooner had they been dug than the sides fell in and filled them again.
The front and support line troops thus lived in shell-hole posts. In a
few cases these were connected to one another by what had once been
trenches.

The condition in which the men lived in these posts defeats imagination,
and needs to have been seen to be appreciated. They could not move by
day. Their only seat was the oozing fire-step; if they stood up they
gradually sank into the mud; even ration-boxes and duck-boards used as
platforms soon became submerged. The conditions of sanitation were
ghastly, the possibilities of cooking were non-existent, and from dawn
till dusk the troops were cut off from communication even with the next
post.

Trench feet became an epidemic, frost-bite occurred frequently. In some
cases old wounds reopened, as they did in the days of scurvy. In
December dysentery appeared. The wastage amongst the troops became
serious, and a general air of depression settled down over the Division.
In fact, General Harper once confessed that he had never seen a man
smile east of Pozières.

One of the great problems of the Courcelette sector was the difficulty
of finding one's way to the forward area. All movement being restricted
to the hours of darkness, and the whole country-side being a featureless
abomination, working parties, runners, reliefs, and ration parties were
continually losing their way, and wandering through the mud until they
had become exhausted.

To make matters worse, when the Division took over the sector there were
no wire entanglements created, so that there was always a reasonable
chance of men who were lost wandering into the German lines, as it was
difficult to discover when one was in No Man's Land. This, indeed,
happened several times, while similarly lost Germans were more than once
found wandering in our lines. In fact, prisoners were taken in this
manner on six different occasions.

The Division, therefore, had many problems to face on its arrival in
this area. At first an attempt was made to link up the front line posts,
wire them in, and dig communication trenches leading up to them.

The whole area was further littered with the unburied dead and with
salvage of every kind.

The troops in the reserve line had in a few cases dug-outs, which had
been discovered in Regina Trench--a famous trench captured by the
Canadians a few days previously.

The reserve battalions were little better off than those in the line.
They were for the most part quartered in disused gun-pits and
Bairnsfather villas, proof neither against shell-fire nor the weather.

The artillery were in a similar plight; their gun-pits were constantly
flooding, and the movement of wheeled transport became impracticable.
All gun ammunition had therefore to be brought to the gun emplacements
on pack-saddles, eight rounds only being carried on each horse. Journey
after journey with the pack animals had therefore to be made by the
gunner-drivers, with the German field-guns doing their best to aggravate
the conditions.

The Division took over this sector within a few hours of leaving another
battle front. The men had been given little or no opportunity of resting
and recuperating after a severe engagement. The result was that their
vitality was low, and that their powers of resistance were not at their
best. They in consequence suffered considerably more from the adverse
conditions than would have been the case with fresher troops.

Every method of constructing trenches was tried, and pumps were employed
to keep them dry. The results were, however, always the same. No sooner
was a trench dug to a depth of three feet than water began to rise in it
and the sides fell in. Trenches had therefore to be given up, and
overland tracks took their place. For this purpose duck-boards or wattle
tracks were laid, the routes being marked out with tracing-tape or posts
and wire until such time as the track was completed.

As regards protection for the troops against the weather, it was evident
that if men were to be left lying for many hours exposed to the weather
in shell-holes the wastage from sickness would be appalling. A
considerable effort was therefore made to provide the battalions both in
the line and in brigade reserve with weather-proof accommodation.

For the troops in the line the Divisional engineers designed a highly
satisfactory form of shelter, composed of corrugated iron elephant
shelters sunk below the level of the parapet of the trench or
shell-hole. The material for each shelter could be carried up to the
line by ten men, and could be completed in a day and night's work. When
completed it accommodated a section post.

Large elephant shelters were made for reserve battalions in the sides of
sunken roads, while all troops that could be spared were moved back to
the camps in the back areas.

Thus, after three weeks, conditions had been materially improved. During
this period, however, there was a snap of sharp frost. For a while this
dried up the mud and much improved the situation; but, as is always the
case, the thaw which followed seemed to render the mud, if possible,
more all-pervading than had been the case before the frost came.

Meanwhile the "Q" staff had been making every effort to alleviate the
sufferings of the men. A gum-boot store had been established at
Pozières, with sufficient boots for the whole brigade in the line. There
was, however, a continual wastage of these boots, as, though they
reached almost up to the hip, many of them were sucked off the men's
legs in extricating themselves from the mud. It was found that these
thigh boots and the kilt did not make a good combination. The boots had
to be worn underneath the kilt, with the result that the top edge of the
boot, rubbing against the bare thigh, used to chafe the men and cause
septic sores. In consequence, the kilt was for the time being abandoned,
and six thousand pairs of trousers were issued to the men.

A soup-kitchen was also established outside brigade headquarters. Here
the Divisional master-cook, an old Hussar, used to issue hot soup to
working parties and reliefs on their way to and from the trenches. The
master-cook was shelled in his kitchen on most days of the week; but
beyond asking for a party to repair it when it had sustained any damage,
he made no complaints. His services to the Division on this and,
indeed, on many occasions were invaluable.

Efforts were also made to provide the men with hot meals in the line.
The portable hot-food containers issued for this purpose proved too
heavy a burden for a man to carry over two thousands yards of water,
shell-holes, and slippery mud, and they had to be abandoned.

In place of them the men were issued with Tommy Cookers, small tins of
solidified alcohol on which they could heat their own food. Tins of
meat-and-vegetable rations were on this account made the permanent issue
for troops in the line. Each man was thus able to heat for himself a
really good and nourishing stew, even if he lived in a shell-hole and
had no previous knowledge of cooking. This system proved very
satisfactory, and the number of hot meals a man could have during a day
was only limited by the number of Tommy Cookers that could be obtained.
Ingenious quartermasters therefore discovered means of improvising Tommy
Cookers, and making them in large numbers for their battalions. This in
itself was a great improvement for the men, and it became no longer
necessary to live from dawn to dusk with nothing but cold meat and
biscuit to eat and with cold water to drink, as had been the case when
the sector was first taken over.

In spite, however, of all the arrangements made, the men did not recover
their vitality, and the wastage remained immense. A system of relief was
therefore introduced by which battalions held the line for only
forty-eight hours each. They were also given twenty-four hours complete
rest before going into the line and after coming out. This system had an
immediate effect on the health of the men.

Further, on 11th December it was arranged that the whole Divisional
front should be held by two battalions, each battalion being on a one
company front. These front-line companies were reinforced by two Lewis
guns of the remainder of the battalion manned by nucleus crews. As
company strengths had by this time fallen to about fifty to sixty men,
this meant that the line was extremely lightly held. So much was this
the case that a German machine-gunner, who was returning to his
emplacement with filled water-bottles and had lost his way, wandered
right through our lines, and was captured by some machine-gunners close
to brigade headquarters. These machine-gunners were the first British
troops he had seen.

Operations in the line, apart from combating the mud and water, were
confined to sniping. When the Division first took over the line the
Germans showed themselves in a most daring manner. The 153rd Brigade
took full advantage of this in their first few days in the line, Colonel
Cheape's battalion claiming eleven hits in one day. After this the
Germans unfortunately became very much shier, and the bags fell off
considerably.

Brigade reliefs in this sector were a sore trial to the men. Apart from
the exhaustion caused by the conditions in which they lived, the
struggle through the mud from the line to brigade headquarters was in
itself a heavy task for a man in battle order.

Added to this, the continual standing in mud and water and the prolonged
wearing of gum-boots caused the men's feet to become so swollen and soft
that a march of even a few thousand yards became a physical
impossibility to many of them. It was therefore necessary to bring
motor-buses along the Albert-Bapaume Road to Pozières. Here, as the men
straggled in, the loads were made up and driven off to Wolfe Huts, near
Ovillers, where the men spent the night.

For many hours after the relief was completed, stragglers would come
limping along in ones and twos to the embussing point, coated from head
to foot in mud, with a three days' growth of beard on their faces. They
were a depressing spectacle. Their exhaustion was in some cases so great
that many of them would lie at the roadside in these winter nights wet
through, and fall asleep often when another half-mile would have carried
them to the buses, to daylight, and to a warm hut. War has certainly
lost much of its romance since going into winter quarters went out of
fashion.

To the rank and file Courcelette will remain as a nightmare. Though the
men in the shell-holes may have been too obsessed by the beastliness of
their conditions to appreciate the fact, yet on few occasions can the
administrative services of the Division and its commanders have
exercised more thought on their behalf. Nothing that could have been
done to alleviate their sufferings was left undone; much was done which
would not have occurred to a less efficient staff.

Left to himself, the Jock, exhausted as he was, was in danger of sitting
down and doing no more than saying, "Isn't this b----y?" He was right;
it was what he called it, and General Harper, who had visited the men in
their shell-holes, knew that it was so. But he knew also that so long as
the men remained passive it would become still more so. He therefore
insisted that the men should either be in complete rest, or should be
working their utmost to improve the conditions. On no account was the
merely passive and reflective attitude to be adopted.

During this period Colonel A. J. G. Moir, D.S.O., who had come out with
the Division, and after leaving it for a short time had returned to it
as chief administrative staff officer, and Major J. L. Weston, D.S.O.,
were responsible for the "Q" services of the Division. The latter had
also come out with the Division, and subsequently succeeded Colonel
Moir, remaining as A.A. and Q.M.G., 51st Division, until a few months
from the armistice.

Colonel Moir seconded General Harper's efforts to keep the Division
going in a most effective manner, and it was largely due to his
administrative ability that the Jocks ultimately went back to rest with
sufficient powers of recuperation left in them to recover their old form
after a nineteen days' rest behind the line.

Colonel Moir was, in turn, admirably served by Major Weston, whose
unwearying devotion to his Division and unfailing good temper made him
an ideal "Q" officer.

Great as was the wastage owing to sickness, casualties owing to enemy
action were few. This was owing to the small number of men employed
holding the line. The total in killed, wounded, and missing for the
months of December and January amounted to 4 officers killed, 15
wounded, and 1 missing; and to the men, 86 killed and 333 wounded.

Amongst the killed was Captain Lauder of the 8th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders, son of the famous Scottish comedian. He was shot while
moving from one front-line post to another in the early morning.

Amongst these casualties, twenty-five were caused by a single 4·2 shell
at Tulloch's Corner. This shell burst amongst a working party of the 6th
Seaforth Highlanders, killing the officer and 3 men, and wounding 21
other ranks.

On 12th January the Division was relieved by the 2nd Division.
Divisional headquarters moved to Marieux, the 152nd Brigade to
Beauquesne, the 153rd Brigade to Puchevillers, and the 154th Brigade to
Rubempré. The Division then marched to the Buigny-St Maclou area west of
Abbeville, arriving there on 16th January, having staged in the
Bernaville and St Riquier areas.

At the time that the sector was handed over to the 2nd Division, a vast
change had been wrought in it. A system of defence had been put into
force which reduced the number of defenders to a minimum. Shelters had
been provided for the whole trench garrison. Dug-outs were nearing
completion, one in the East Miraumont Road being capable of holding two
companies. Overland routes had been marked out, laid, and
notice-boarded. Large numbers of elephant shelters had been erected for
the reserve battalions, so that men not actually holding the line were
able to obtain adequate rest in fair comfort. The whole front had been
wired so as to have at least one belt to protect the garrison of the
front line from hostile raids. A vast amount of material had been salved
and put into use. All dead had been buried except those lying in the
actual trench area.

Considering the conditions this is a fine record of work. Though the
infantry contributed to it in some degree, it must be said in justice to
the Royal Engineers and pioneers that theirs was the lion's share. The
efforts which these units made to ameliorate the conditions for the
infantry were magnificent. That the sickness and wastage was not
greater, and that the whole conditions of life materially and visibly
improved, was mainly due to the enterprise, energy, and endurance of the
three field companies and the 8th Royal Scots.

The Division was, however, now at its lowest ebb. It had been in the
line for a year, including two very trying periods of mine and trench
warfare, plus the fighting in July and August on the Somme and the
battle of Beaumont Hamel. It was considerably reduced in strength, and
had lost heavily in company commanders and N.C.O.'s. A period of at
least a month's rest was considered essential in which to train the new
drafts and restore the fighting efficiency of the Division. It was
therefore with some misgiving that it was learnt that on 30th January
the 8th Royal Scots and the 1/1 and 1/2 Highland Field Companies, R.E.,
had proceeded to Arras to work in the Third Army area. This could have
only one meaning.

The rest lasted exactly nineteen days, as on 5th February the Division
moved to the Barilly area _en route_ to join the Third Army.

The Buigny-St Maclou area was not a good one. Training-grounds were
difficult to obtain, while in many villages the billets were
indifferent. They consisted for the most part of mud-plaster barns,
verging on a state of collapse, and with unpleasantly ventilated walls.
Since this was the coldest period experienced in France during the Great
War, the men suffered considerably. An intense frost set in, which
continued almost without interruption up to the last days of February.
On some nights twenty-four degrees of frost were registered. In
consequence, both work and recreation were greatly hampered, and it was
extremely difficult to provide warmth for the men at nights. Where men
were housed in the mud-plaster barns there were numerous cases of
frost-bite, the men's knees suffering in particular.

Thus the recollections of the first nineteen days' rest which was
vouchsafed to the Division since it first went into action are not as
pleasant as might be imagined.

When the march to Arras began, the effects of the frost were felt still
more acutely. The march lasted six days, the route lying across a
country of hills and valleys, including many steep ascents and descents.
The result was that, as in many places the roads were little better than
sheets of ice, the transport had the greatest difficulty in carrying out
the march. In consequence, field-kitchens and cooks' carts often arrived
several hours after the men had reached their billeting area. This was
attended by considerable discomfort to the troops, as they were
dependent on the kitchens and the cooks' carts for their next hot meal.
The cold was also felt considerably more "on trek" than in ordinary
circumstances, as the men, since they were changing their billets
daily, had no time or opportunity to make their quarters comfortable.

The difficulties of this march reached their climax at St Pol.
Water-mains had in many places burst, and flooded the roads with several
inches of water, which had frozen into hard ice. In consequence, the
steep descent into, and the equally steep ascent out of, the town became
barely negotiable. In fact, it was only by employing large numbers of
men with drag-ropes and additional teams that the transport could make
its way through the town. Blocks occurred in the road which checked the
columns, often for considerable periods, and which kept the men
shivering in the roads and delayed them from reaching their billets
until late in the evening.

Indeed, it was hard to believe during the last three months that one was
in what the railway advertisements call "Sunny France." One had lived in
fogs which were a match for London, and mists and rain which compared
favourably with the Western Highlands, and degrees of frost, wind, and
snow which could hardly have been improved upon in Caithness. There
were, however, no winter quarters in this war in Gaul. The men lived as
hard a life as could well be imagined; and though it would not be true
to say they thrived on it, they endured it in an exemplary manner. One
requires to have wintered in "Sunny France" in canvas tents, open-work
barns, and "Bairnsfather" shacks on perhaps one hot meal a day to
appreciate the hardships and discomforts of winter warfare.




                            CHAPTER IX.

                        THE BATTLE OF ARRAS.


On 11th February the Division took over the left sector of the XVIIth
Corps front from the 9th Scottish Division, and was disposed as follows:
the 152nd Brigade in the line, with brigade headquarters at Marœuil; the
154th Brigade at Ecoivres and Bethonsart, with headquarters at Acq. The
153rd Brigade was at Frévilliers, and was employed entirely in finding
Corps working parties.

The sector taken over extended from Bogey Avenue east of Roclincourt to
Old Fantome Trench, just west of the Arras-Lille road. The Division had
thus returned to familiar ground.

Preparations were at once begun for an attack on a large scale. From now
onwards, up to the signing of the armistice, the Division was to be
continuously engaged in major operations, with the exception of the few
months in which it held the line between the battle of Cambrai in
November 1917 and the German offensive in March 1918. As it was once
put, for the next two years the Division was in a permanent state of
being in a battle, or preparing for a battle, or coming out of a battle.

On this occasion the general plan of the Allied armies comprised a
series of offensives on all fronts. The rôle of the British was to
attack the enemy troops occupying the salient, into which they had been
pressed as a result of the Somme battle, between the rivers Ancre and
Scarpe.

Both shoulders of this salient were to be attacked simultaneously, the
Fifth Army operating on the Ancre, while the Third Army attacked from
the north-west about Arras. Further, to quote from Sir Douglas Haig's
despatch: "The front of the attack on the Arras side was to include
the Vimy Ridge, possession of which I considered necessary to secure
the left flank of the operations on the south bank of the Scarpe. The
capture of this ridge, which was to be carried out by the First Army,
also offered other important advantages. It would deprive the enemy of
valuable observation, and give us a wide view of the plains stretching
from the eastern foot of the ridge to Douai and beyond. Moreover,
although it was evident that the enemy might by a timely withdrawal
avoid a battle in the awkward salient still held by him between the
Ancre and the Scarpe, no such withdrawal from his important Vimy Ridge
position was likely."

The rôle of the Highland Division was to capture the southern shoulder
of the Vimy Ridge in conjunction with the Canadian Corps on the left and
the 34th Division on the right.

It was clear that an attack against a position of such great natural
strength and tactical value as the Vimy Ridge would only be successful
if the most careful and elaborate preparations were made.

As far as the Highland Division was concerned, these preparations took
three forms--the preparation of the British trenches for offensive
operations, the preparation of the enemy's trenches for assault, the
preparation of the troops for the attack.

As regards the first much work was, as usual, necessary. The thaw, after
a long period of intense frost, reduced the trenches to an appalling
condition of mud. The overlay of loamy clay which covers the chalk in
the Arras sector, when thoroughly wet, is of a bad texture for purposes
of digging. It has such adhesive qualities that on many occasions during
this period the earth could not be thrown off the shovel. The men
working in the trench had to throw their shovels with their load of
earth clear out of the trench, as had been the case in the Aveluy
sector. Thus, the keeping open of the communication trenches and the
opening up of the assembly trenches, which in any case were in a most
desperate state of dilapidation, was a heavy task.

As regards the preparation of assembly trenches, it was decided to form
up the leading waves in the foremost old French trench. This trench had
been evacuated owing to the danger from enemy mines when the Highland
Division was holding this sector in 1916.

The trench was reconnoitred throughout its length, and it was found to
have fallen in to a depth of about four feet, and to have been
completely filled in with entanglements of barbed wire. There was,
further, a fairly strong wire entanglement in front of it. The saps
connecting this trench to the present front-line trench had all been
completely blocked when they joined the existing front line, and had
also been wired up throughout their length. A large amount of work was
therefore required to clear this trench so that the troops could occupy
it for assembly. It was, however, decided to do no work in it beyond
removing the barbed wire from it so as not to attract the enemy's
attention.

The whole area was found to be very deficient of dug-outs suitable for
headquarters. Three new brigade battle headquarters had therefore to be
tunnelled as well as some additional battalion battle headquarters and
regimental aid posts.

Machine-gun positions had also to be constructed for guns firing in the
machine-gun barrage during the attack, and accommodation had to be
provided for their crews.

The Divisional area also contained an insufficiency of artillery
positions, particularly of forward positions required by the guns firing
in the barrage. Considerable preparations had therefore to be made by
the artillery.

The system of buried telephone cables was also incomplete. In fact, it
was only completed in time for the engagement by concentrating every
available man on this work.

As regards the preparations of the enemy's position for the attack, the
chief consideration was his wire entanglements, which had been erected
in profusion.

Those which were to be encountered in the first phase of the attack,
being on the western slopes of the Vimy Ridge, were visible, and could
be cut by the artillery with direct observation.

The later stages of the attack were, however, planned to pass over the
ridge and reach the plains beyond it. The wire to be encountered in this
phase of the attack was, therefore, on the reverse slope of the Vimy
Ridge, and could only be seen from the air.

Unfortunately, at this period the German air service established a
marked superiority over our reconnaissance machines. In a single period
of twenty-four hours, three R.E. 8's (reconnaissance aeroplanes) were
crashed within full view of a single brigade headquarters, one of them
being hunted right down to the ground, where it overturned, with both
its occupants wounded.

At this period the policy of the Higher Command was to wait till a new
type of aeroplane was completed, and then definitely and suddenly to
take command of the air. This superiority, of which the Germans were
successfully deprived, as planned, on the opening of the offensive, was
due to the arrival in this part of the line of the "circus"--that is,
the squadron commanded by Baron von Richthofen--which included the
picked fighting pilots of the German air service. The aeroplanes used by
this squadron were painted red, with yellow or pink bellies, and gave to
laymen, at any rate, an impression of amazing efficiency.

In consequence of this temporary superiority in the air, the
wire-cutting on the reverse slopes of the ridge could seldom be
successfully carried out. It was, however, at this period that the now
famous 106 or instantaneous fuze arrived in the country. This fuze burst
its shell instantaneously when the fuze-cap touched the ground. As a
result, the explosion occurred before the shell had time to bury itself
in the earth, and its full force was therefore felt above ground. The
effect of this shell on wire was devastating, and an accurate shot would
blow a gap clean through an ordinary entanglement. So much was the
energy of this shell spent on the surface of the earth, that even heavy
howitzer shells left craters little bigger than wash-hand basins.

The plan was that no action should be taken which was likely to warn the
enemy of an impending attack until as late as possible. Therefore in
February and the early part of March wire-cutting was only carried out
in conjunction with raids.

As regards the preparation of the troops for the attack, much time had
already been spent in teaching the lessons gained at the battle of
Beaumont Hamel to the new drafts which had since arrived. General
Harper had been continuously developing his theories on the application
of tactical principles to the conditions of modern warfare. Possessed of
great gifts of imagination and powers of deduction, he was in this
respect always in advance of his time. He therefore spared no pains to
train the Division in the practice of his theories. He achieved this
object to a certain extent by lectures to officers and men, but more
particularly by informal discussions. He regularly visited units in the
line and out, and seldom left without having discussed some tactical
principle, explained his views on it, and impressed all with their
soundness. What the General thought to-day the Division thought and
practised the following week.

The main principles on which General Harper based the training of his
units and planned his attacks at this time may be summarised as
follows:--

1. That the objective of all offensive operations must be to envelop the
enemy--_i.e._, hold him in front and attack him in flank.

2. That the fullest use must at all times be made of mechanical
weapons--_i.e._, guns, machine-guns, trench-mortars, &c. The minimum use
of infantry; to rely for success on the weight of infantry, either in
attack or defence, was to ensure unnecessary casualties.

3. That troops must always be in depth; they must neither attack nor
defend in one or two dense lines of men, but in a succession of
well-extended lines.

He also made a point of impressing on all that a leader without
personality will achieve nothing.

Though the application of these theories may not at this time have
reached its full development, the problems connected with them had
certainly been considerably discussed before the battle of Arras took
place.

The 152nd and 154th Brigades were detailed for the original attack, it
being the custom of the Division for the brigades to take part in the
initial operations of a new battle in turn. The German trenches on the
battle fronts of the two brigades were therefore taped out exactly
according to scale in the vicinity of the billeting areas. The men were
then continually practised in the attack over the taped-out course. The
18-pounder barrage was represented by men with signalling flags and by
the pipers, under the command of an artillery officer. Hostile
machine-guns were indicated by the drummers. The attack was practised so
often that the men obtained a thorough knowledge of the distances from
one objective to the next, of the length of the pauses in the barrage,
and the trace of the enemy's trenches.

Various raids which were carried out preparatory to this attack had
brought out some valuable lessons concerning the close combat. In these
raids it had become clear that the blind leap into a trench was not a
sound policy. Not only were the German trenches in many places of a
great depth, but they also contained many straight lengths of trench
covered by a machine-gun mounted on the top step or a dug-out cut in the
side of a traverse. These machine-guns were sited so as to fire straight
along the trench as soon as any attacking party had leapt into it.

Considerable pains were therefore taken to train the men not to rush
blindly at their objective, but to come up on to the parapet properly
extended ("carrying a good head," as the General put it), and shoot down
all the garrison of the trench that were visible before they entered it.
The men were therefore constantly practised in assaulting reserve
trenches near Villers Chatel, in which targets were placed representing
the trench garrisons. On reaching this trench each man fired five live
rounds at the targets. A good many rounds ricochetted into the adjacent
parts of France, but fortunately no damage appears to have been done to
the local inhabitants. On the other hand, the men rapidly began to
acquire the right instincts for engaging the Germans in close combat.

It was after these raids, to which reference is made later, that General
Harper in an increasing degree emphasised in training his troops the
necessity for fighting with their wits, and not by a mere display of
seeing red and brute courage.

During the period in which the Division held the line prior to the
attack few incidents worthy of note occurred. The enemy employed
"oil-can" trench-mortars and aerial darts freely, in his usual wooden
way of shooting--at the same place, at the same hours daily--without
doing much damage.

He had, however, one successful shoot, when snow was on the ground. A
machine-gun team living in a concrete dug-out in Bidot Trench lit a
fire inside it. In consequence the snow quickly melted from the top of
it, and it stared out a squarish black mass in the midst of the snow.
The Germans were quick to observe this, and bombed it with "oil-cans." A
direct hit was scored, the dug-out collapsed, and the machine-gun team
was wiped out. This incident afforded a good example of one of the many
precautions that must necessarily be taken if snow is not to disclose
occupied portions of the trenches.

Sniping was also prevalent. In the left sector there was a particularly
good German sniper. It was his custom to start work just after dawn when
the sun was rising behind his back. In the morning mist, to persons
facing the sun, observation appeared bad; on the other hand, they
themselves were clearly visible when looked at by a person with the sun
behind him. The troops facing east were therefore inclined to expose
themselves, having a false sense of security. In this manner
Lieut.-Colonel W. MacL. Macfarlane, D.S.O., H.L.I., commanding the 5th
Seaforth Highlanders, was killed by this sniper. A few days later
another officer was killed in the same place, also just after dawn,
probably by the same German. Lieut.-Colonel Macfarlane was the third
Seaforth commanding officer to be killed in this sector.

When the wire-cutting necessary for certain big raids began, the Germans
became very free in the use of their artillery. In fact, in the
fortnight preceding the attack, when numbers of men were employed in the
trenches both cable-burying and filling dumps, the sector became a most
unpleasant one. Many of the communication trenches, badly enfiladed by
enemy artillery, were continually bombarded, and movement in the trench
area became a hazardous occupation.

During the preparations for the Arras battle, in another part of the
front a most important event occurred. Between Soissons and Arras the
enemy voluntarily retired. His rearward movement began about 24th
February, and extended almost as far north as the village of Thilloy les
Mouflaines. News of this retirement reached the Division at about 11
P.M. on 24th February, and orders were at once issued to the 152nd
Brigade to patrol their whole front and see if the enemy showed any
signs of withdrawing. He was, however, found to be maintaining his
usual alertness.

This withdrawal considerably reduced the potentialities of this phase of
the spring offensive. Instead of attacking from the Ancre northwards,
simultaneously with the advance of the Third Army from the north-west,
the Fifth Army had now to follow up the retiring enemy, and to dig
itself in in front of the Hindenburg Line to which the enemy had
withdrawn.

The Hindenburg Line system, which subsequently became well known to the
Highland Division, had been very strongly fortified and sited with great
care and skill, so as to deny all advantages of position to any force
attacking it.

The enemy had thus already escaped from the great salient which it was
hoped to nip off during the forthcoming operations. He was now
established in the south of Arras in a position considerably stronger
than that which he had vacated.

As regards the sector held by the Division, the only other noteworthy
incidents during the period of preparation for the attack were a
succession of raids.

These raids were carried out for two purposes: to obtain information
concerning the enemy's garrison and defences, and to inflict the maximum
amount of damage to his defences in view of the coming operations. The
battle of Beaumont Hamel had disclosed how strongly the German could
fortify himself in a chalk soil. The trenches which the Division was to
attack, supported as they were by the commanding ground of the Vimy
Ridge, comprised a most formidable defensive system. It was therefore
arranged that raids should be carried out on a large scale on both
brigade fronts, so that serious damage could be done to the
entanglements and dug-outs, prior to the launching of the offensive.

The first took place on 5th March, the raiding party consisting of 11
officers and 303 other ranks of the 6th Gordon Highlanders. The plan was
to assault and capture the German front and support line on a frontage
of 485 yards, and to remain in occupation of them for a period
sufficient to allow time for the destruction of both the garrison and
the dug-outs.

Nine gaps were cut in the German wire on the frontage of attack by the
artillery and the 2-inch mortars, the latter firing 1137 rounds during
the process.

Gaps were also cut, as a feint, along the whole Divisional front. The
raid therefore ensured that a considerable amount of damage would be
done to the enemy's defences prior to the big attack.

The raiders were divided into squads of 1 N.C.O. and 8 men, each officer
commanding a group of three or more squads. Each squad had a particular
section of a particular trench given to it as its objective. Air
photographs were carefully studied, and where dug-outs could be located.
The squads detailed to deal with them carried either 20 lb. charges of
ammonal or phosphorus bombs and tins containing one gallon of petrol.
The ammonal was to be used to blow in the dug-out entrances, while the
petrol was to be hurled down the stairs, followed by the phosphorus
bomb, which caused the dug-out to catch fire. Unless some such measures
were taken, in a raid in which the troops could only remain in
occupation of the German trenches for a limited time, the Boches could
remain secure in their dug-outs until the raiders had departed. The
ordinary Mills bomb had little effect in a dug-out containing several
chambers, while the men would have little chance of succeeding had they
attempted to enter an unknown dug-out and deal with the enemy below
ground.

The raid was a complete success, every squad with the exception of four
reaching its objective. One officer and 20 other ranks of the 2nd
Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment were captured, and 66 dead were
counted in the enemy trenches apart from those who succumbed in the
dug-outs. The total casualties to the 6th Gordon Highlanders were 6
officers and 48 other ranks, of whom many were only lightly wounded.

Eight Stokes bombs, 660 lb. of ammonal, 16 tins of petrol, and 164
phosphorus bombs were thrown down the dug-outs. Many entrances were
destroyed, while several were observed to be still burning twelve hours
after the raid. The wire was found to be badly damaged, and the trenches
much destroyed from the bombardment.

The raid impressed on all ranks that the Bavarian is a magnificent
fighter. Lieut.-Colonel J. Dawson, D.S.O., commanding the 6th Gordon
Highlanders, who was responsible for the details of the raid, reported
as follows: "A stout resistance was offered in every part of the area,
men in the open trench resisting chiefly by bomb-throwing, while the
firing of rifles and throwing of bombs took place from every occupied
dug-out. Until this was discovered, several casualties were inflicted
on men passing dug-out doors. The sound of the explosion of Mills
bombs thrown down the stairways had not died away before rifle-firing
and bomb-throwing up the staircase was resumed, and silence was not
obtained until the mobile charges of ammonal were exploded. Isolated
snipers hung on until knocked out, and one machine-gunner, who was
ultimately killed and his gun destroyed, was firing from in front of
the German second line before our men had withdrawn from that trench.
In only one single instance, where five men came voluntarily from a
dug-out, were surrenders made, and in most cases pockets held out until
all were killed."

The German battalion involved had only come into the line six hours
before this raid took place. The fine fight put up by the Bavarians in
these circumstances was therefore highly creditable to them. It showed
how well the line must have been handed over by the outgoing battalion,
and what a sound system of defence existed.

The fullest value was made of this enterprise. A map was prepared from
the information given by the raiders, which showed every feature in the
sector of German trenches concerned. Further, many lessons were learned
as regards trench fighting. It was found that close-range shooting was
considerably employed by both sides. The Germans appeared to rely to a
large extent on enfilading short lengths of their trenches from
loopholes cut in the traverses, and from the entrances to deep dug-outs
cut in the sides of the traverses. As these doorways were not visible
until the troops were almost abreast of them, they created a difficult
situation. The raiders found that this could best be met by remaining
outside the trench and shooting or bombing the enemy from above. These
tactics proved highly successful.

The raiders were moved by lorry after they had left the trench area to
Haute Avesnes, where they were inspected with the rest of the battalion
by Sir Douglas Haig and General Allenby.

On 17th March a bold experiment was tried, the same raid being repeated
by the 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders. It was hoped by this means
to complete the utter destruction of the section of trenches raided, and
to lower the Bavarians' _morale_ before the great attack. The strength
of the party was increased up to 13 officers and 378 other ranks. The
time the raiders were to remain in the hostile trenches was also
lengthened, so as to enable the work in hand to be thoroughly completed.

The party took over with it 1618 Mills bombs, 87 20-lb. charges of
ammonal, 164 phosphorus bombs, and 41 tins of petrol. Of these, 4
ammonal charges, 8 phosphorus bombs, and 2 tins of petrol were allotted
to a certain dug-out known to be used as an officers' mess and offices.

This raid was accompanied by an intense bombardment and creeping barrage
similar to that of the 6th Gordon Highlanders. The Stokes guns alone
fired 2497 rounds.

On this occasion the raiders met with, if anything, severer fighting
than had the 6th Gordon Highlanders. The wire had on one flank either
been repaired or the party had made a slight error in their direction,
so that on this flank the barrage was lost, and the troops had to
complete their advance to the trench without its protection.

The raid was, however, successful, most squads reaching their objective
and overcoming all resistance encountered. Our casualties amounted to 8
officers and 102 other ranks, of whom, as before, many were only lightly
wounded. The casualties appear heavy--and, indeed, were heavy--but it
must be borne in mind that in any trench fighting in which bombs are
freely used, a number of lightly wounded men is an inevitable result.
The enemy, suspecting that another raid might be attempted, had
reinforced his trench garrison, and was in considerable strength. In
consequence, he suffered serious losses.

The raids were of great value to the battalions which carried them out,
as both were destined on "the day" to pass over the same area as they
had raided. The enemy's wire and trenches had been reduced to an almost
irreparable condition. The men had had a further experience of
following the creeping barrage, which had been fired without a fault,
and had given him the greatest confidence. The artillery, including the
64th Army Brigade R.F.A. attached to them, had twice fired a barrage
over a portion of the front to be covered by them in the battle.

The raiders expressed themselves as delighted with the shrapnel barrage.
The men again reported that they were able to wait in the remnants of
the enemy's wire entanglements while the barrage was still on his front
line.

Moreover, the heavy work of clearing the old French trench, in which the
troops for the main attack were to assemble, had also been completed at
least on one battalion frontage.

The disadvantage that came from these raids was that the casualties had
been fairly heavy, and affected chiefly one company in each battalion.
Thus, when the day of attack came, these companies contained an undue
proportion of inexperienced reinforcements.

On 31st March the 6th Black Watch raided a small salient in the left
brigade front with two parties, together totalling 2 officers and 50
men. Preparatory to this raid, and also as a blind to the two raids
described above, much wire had also been cut on this brigade front. In
spite of this, one of the parties was unable to effect an entry into the
enemy's trenches. The second party was, however, successful, but the
trench was found to be only lightly held. Two dug-outs were bombed, six
men were killed, and the 2nd Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment was
identified as still holding the line.

It had now become clear that if the Division was to be opposed in the
big attack by these Bavarians, it would meet an enemy who would offer
the maximum of resistance. It therefore was a matter of first importance
to ensure that the men fully understood that success would depend on the
speed with which they reached the enemy parapet after the barrage had
left. It may be said that there would be a race for success. While the
barrage was on the trench, the Bavarians would be on the dug-out step,
and the Highlanders would be waiting from seventy to a hundred yards
short of the trench. As the barrage lifted the race began. Would the
Bavarian reach his fire-step and open fire on the Highlanders, or would
the Highlanders reach the parapet and shoot the Bavarian down before he
could man his trenches?

The men learnt to appreciate this fact, and all developed the fixed
determination that they would stick close to the barrage whatever else
might happen. The result was that when the day came in the first phase
of the battle the issue was never in doubt.

The plan of the attack was as follows: A frontage of just over 3000
yards, gradually increasing up to 4000 yards, was allotted to the
Highland Division. The depth to which it was hoped the attack would be
carried was 5500 yards. The 152nd Infantry Brigade was to attack on the
right, the 154th Brigade on the left; on the right of the Division the
34th Division carried on the attack, and to the left the Canadian Corps.
The Highland Division was the left flank Division both of the XVIIth
Corps and of the Third Army.

The attack was divided up into three main objectives, known as: First
objective, the Black line; second objective, the Blue line; third
objective, the Brown line; while there was a further objective towards
which his attempts, if successful, were to be exploited, known as the
Green line.

Before reaching the Black line in all parts of the front, three lines,
and in some places four lines, of hostile trenches had to be overcome,
as well as numerous communication trenches which contained dug-outs.

Between the Black line and the Blue line, as far as the 152nd Brigade
was concerned, lay only two lines of trenches, of which one was in close
support to the other. In front of the 154th Brigade the country between
the Black and Blue lines was intersected by numerous communication
trenches, which led into a central redoubt. In addition, a heavily-wired
fire trench traversing the whole brigade front passed through this
redoubt.

In consequence, on the left there was little chance of a straightforward
attack behind the barrage being completely successful, as it could not
be accurately foreshadowed where, in the maze of trenches, resistance
was most likely to be met.

[Illustration: MAP IV.--CAPTURE OF VIMY RIDGE, 9TH APRIL 1917.]

Between the Blue line and the Black line there were no organised
defences, except the communication trenches and a few sections of
fire trench connecting one communication trench with another.

The Brown line itself consisted on the left of two heavily-wired fire
trenches containing numerous dug-outs. On the right, however, the work
had not been completed, and consisted of a section of unfinished fire
trench, with a deep sunken road running behind and parallel to it.

On the whole Divisional front the advance to the Blue line lay over a
considerable forward slope; beyond the Blue line it continued over a
large plateau, finally dropping down on to the Brown line on the reverse
slope beyond the plateau.

Prior to the attack a considerable amount of gas was employed against
the enemy. Livens projectors, a form of smoke which discharged a
cylinder of gas a considerable distance, were chiefly employed. On one
occasion on the Divisional front, Mr Livens, the inventor of these
projectors, observed their effect from an aeroplane.

Four-inch Stokes mortars were also extensively used for firing gas
bombs. In fact, the enemy was gassed on 4th April, 5th April, and 8th
April, over 600 drums of gas being discharged into the trenches.

The bombardment of the enemy's lines began in earnest on 4th April, and
from that date wire-cutting by the artillery and 2-inch trench-mortars
became intense. The trench-mortar batteries carried out their daily task
of wire-cutting with the greatest gallantry, as the Germans developed an
intense dislike to them, and retaliated on them heavily with artillery
whenever they opened fire.

On more than one occasion the artillery fired rehearsals of the creeping
barrage, which, as far as could be observed, were very accurate. These
practice barrages disclosed the fact that, as soon as they were opened,
the enemy could put down a heavy bombardment of 4·2 and 5·9 howitzers on
to our front line in about two minutes.

Some batteries of 9·45 mortars had also been placed in positions from
which they could deal with particular centres of resistance on the
German lines. It was when in charge of one of these mortars that
Sergeant Gosling, R.F.A., won the first Victoria Cross for the Division.
A mortar was fired, but the charge was faulty, and though the shell left
the gun, it fell only a few feet in front of the emplacement. Sergeant
Gosling immediately sprang from the emplacement, drew the shell from the
ground, into which it had buried its nose. He then unscrewed the fuze
and threw it away before it could detonate the shell. The fuze was set
for seventeen seconds, so that by the time Sergeant Gosling had reached
the shell and drawn it from the ground, it was a question of only a few
seconds before it would explode. The sergeant had, however, the presence
of mind to take a fuze-key from his pocket, unscrew the fuze, and thus
save the lives of the detachment.

The following day a shell landed in the emplacement and killed the
entire detachment, with the exception of Sergeant Gosling, who at the
time happened to be elsewhere.

About 1st April a high-velocity gun came into action against Marœuil,
with some most unfortunate results. One shell burst amongst a working
party of the 6th Black Watch as they were returning their tools at a
dump, killing and wounding some twenty of them.

On the evening before the battle a shell from this gun burst in a Nissen
hut used as a company officers' mess, and killed two and wounded two
officers from one company of the 5th Gordon Highlanders.

During the week before the battle some improvement had taken place in
the weather, and the condition of the ground was reasonably good for the
time of year.

In spite, however, of the improvement in the weather, the mortality
amongst horses, one of the features of the preparations for the Arras
battle, continued. Horses dead and dying, not from wounds but from
debility, were in these days one of the commonest sights. The horses of
the Division were in fairly good condition, and few of them were lost.
Those of army brigades of artillery and other units who had been in
action on the Somme during the winter were, however, in a pitiable
condition. The reduced rations which were then all that was available
were insufficient to keep horses in hard work fit, the results being
that they were in no condition to resist the effects of cold and mud. It
was no uncommon sight to see a horse in harness drop down and die from
sheer exhaustion, while the carcases of dead horses lay in numbers on
the sides of the roads and tracks.

Assembly began on 7th April, the night being fine with a bright moon. On
the right brigade front the relief was carried out without any delay.
This proved most fortunate, for at 4 A.M. the enemy put down an intense
barrage of 5·9's and 77's on the front of the right battalion. So heavy
was the bombardment of the communication trenches that, had this been
the night of the final assembly, the rearmost troops would probably have
been unable to reach the assembly trenches.

The enemy continued very active with his artillery all the following
day, obviously being in a suspicious frame of mind. When, therefore, the
hour for the completion of the assembly arrived, our artillery heavily
countered all his known battery positions with gas and high explosive,
with the result that the troops reached their positions without any
interference from his guns. Had the artillery not taken this precaution,
he would doubtless have repeated the bombardment of the previous night,
and greatly prejudiced the chances of success.

The arrangement of the assembly required careful planning. Seven double
waves were to be assembled for the attack; there was, in consequence,
little shell-proof cover in which to place the troops detailed for the
capture of the later objectives. Moreover, the trenches in the forward
area had been subjected to a considerable amount of artillery and
trench-mortar fire, and had thus become shallow and open-mouthed, and
afforded little cover to their occupants.

At least two double waves had, therefore, to remain in the open for some
considerable time before their turn to close up with the barrage
arrived, and were in consequence liable to suffer severely from the
enemy S.O.S. barrage.

On the right the 6th Gordon Highlanders and 6th Seaforth Highlanders,
and on the left the 9th Royal Scots and the 4th Seaforth Highlanders,
led the attack. The 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, the 5th
Seaforth Highlanders, the 4th Gordon Highlanders, and the 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders were detailed for the attack on the farther
objectives on their respective brigade areas. The 5th Gordon Highlanders
from the 153rd Brigade were allotted to the 152nd Brigade as a reserve.

On the extreme left of the attack the 4th Seaforth Highlanders had a
small but difficult operation to perform in the first instance. The
Divisional boundary on the left was the Lille Road, which crossed the
enemy's trench system at the apex of a prominent salient. The 4th
Seaforth Highlanders, opposite the southern shoulder of the salient, had
to attack due north, while the direction of attack for the remainder of
the Division was due east. The carrying out of this operation had to be
so timed that the salient had been dealt with before the succeeding
waves could move forward on to the attack on the German second and third
lines, otherwise they would have come under enfilade fire from their
left flank in the first stages of their advance.

By 4 A.M. on 9th April all troops were assembled. The bombardment had
continued through the previous day except during two intervals of half
an hour each, which were arranged to enable the Flying Corps to
photograph the results of the gun-fire.

It was maintained throughout the night, and at 5.30 A.M. the attack was
launched, supported by an intense artillery and machine-gun barrage.

Thus began an action which developed into a true soldiers' battle, in
which the Highland infantrymen fought the Bavarian for possession of the
field. Perfect as the artillery barrage was, the course of events was
such that in numerous instances, in all parts of the battle area, the
infantry from one cause or another were unable to keep up with it, and
fought out the issue with their own weapons.

On the left the 154th Brigade carried all their objectives as far as the
Black line, according to plan, though they were engaged in some stiff
fighting. The 4th Seaforth Highlanders carried out their initial
operation with complete success, and opened the way for the rest of the
advance, as had been arranged.

The 152nd Brigade, however, met with difficulties from the start. The
6th Gordon Highlanders, attacking the trenches they had raided, reached
all their objectives behind the barrage. On their left the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders experienced some heavy fighting both in the second and third
German lines. Indeed, so strong was the resistance encountered by the
6th Seaforth Highlanders that when the 5th Seaforth Highlanders
attempted to advance through them to form up under the barrage, they
found them still engaged with the enemy. The 5th Seaforth Highlanders
had no other alternative than to join in the mêlée and help to clear the
ground for their own advance.

The German fought magnificently, and was well supported by his
artillery. In front of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders he had evacuated his
front line, and was thus able to bombard it without danger to his own
troops. In consequence, the 6th Seaforth Highlanders suffered some
casualties from shell-fire before they reached their second and third
objectives.

The casualties thus sustained caused gaps in the attacking waves, which
enabled the enemy to man his machine-guns effectively after the barrage
had passed.

Each machine-gun that thus came into action required a separate minor
operation on the part of the infantry to subdue it.

The following figures, compiled by General Burn, illustrate the nature
of the fighting:--

"The 6th Seaforth Highlanders lost 326 officers and men in capturing
the Black line.

"One company of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders detailed to capture the
Blue line suffered 90 casualties before reaching the Black line.

"A second company of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders, detailed for the
Blue line, had used all its rifle grenades before reaching the Black
line.

"Only one officer of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders, detailed for the
capture of the Blue line, reached it; the remainder were all either
killed or wounded."

It will thus be seen that in the centre success was only achieved by the
gallantry and determination of the officers and men engaged.

Two tanks had been allotted to the Division to assist the infantry
advance, but they were both out of action before they had reached the
leading infantry, and so did not in any way contribute to the success of
the attack.

The advance of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders and of the 8th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders had been considerably interfered with in an
unexpected manner. As the troops for the Blue line were crossing the
Black line, an enormous explosion occurred. As a result a number of men
were buried and several killed in both battalions. It was assumed that
the Germans must have intentionally exploded a Minenwerfer bomb store,
as shortly after the explosion six Germans voluntarily emerged from a
dug-out. These men were assumed to have been responsible for this
disaster, and were immediately killed.

Eight hours and forty-eight minutes after the attack had been launched
the 152nd Brigade had captured the whole of the Blue line, and were in
touch in it with the 154th Brigade.

On the 154th Brigade front, though the Blue line was captured throughout
the front, the fighting had been severe. The 4th Gordon Highlanders had
sustained such serious losses in their fight for the Swischen Stellung
that, in consequence, their two remaining companies were sent forward to
consolidate the Blue line.

Meanwhile the Canadians on the left hand had been completely successful
in their advance, and were pushing on exactly according to plan, while
the 34th Division on the right was also reported to be holding the Blue
line.

The capture of this line had been most materially assisted by the
initiative of Captain Saulez of "D" Battery, 64th Brigade R.F.A. He
observed from his observation-post a German machine-gun in action at the
junction of a communication trench and the Blue line, holding off the
infantry advance. He therefore telephoned to his own battery, and turned
a section of howitzers from firing on the barrage on to the machine-gun.
By this means he put the gun out of action, and enabled the infantry to
continue their advance. Captain Saulez' shooting was admirable, and his
action undoubtedly saved the infantry from many casualties.
Unfortunately, he was himself killed in the later stages of this battle,
a shell bursting in a trench shelter in which he was lying.

At 3.15 P.M. the enemy was turned out of a line known as Regiment Weg,
which ran in rear of the Blue line opposite the 152nd Brigade front.
Meanwhile the 154th Brigade had pushed on towards the Brown line, and
were reported to have reached Tommy Trench at 1.40 P.M.

After the capture of the Regiment Weg, the 152nd Brigade were unable to
continue their advance, as they were held up by Germans holding Elect
Trench, which was situated about half-way between the Blue and Brown
lines.

At 6.30 P.M. a message was received that the 154th Brigade had reached
the Brown line, and were in touch with the Canadians at Commandant's
House. At the same time the 34th Division reported that they were not in
the Brown line. Orders were therefore issued for the 152nd Brigade and
the 103rd Infantry Brigade of the 34th Division to assault the Brown
line under cover of darkness.

The 5th Gordon Highlanders, who had been placed at the disposal of the
152nd Brigade, were detailed for this attack.

It was carried out at 5 A.M., and was a complete success. In conjunction
with troops of the 103rd Brigade (34th Division), two companies of the
5th Gordon Highlanders advanced in a double wave, each rank being
extended to ten paces. The attack was planned to be in the nature of a
surprise, and was therefore not accompanied by an artillery barrage. The
whole of the objective was captured. Some thirty dead Germans were found
in the position, and fifty or more prisoners were captured in a redoubt
known as the Maison de la Côté by the 103rd Brigade.

A curious situation now arose, as the 5th Gordon Highlanders on the
Brown line could not get into touch on their left with the 154th
Brigade. In fact, they were continuously being fired on with rifles and
machine-guns from the Brown line to the north of them.

It subsequently transpired that the officer of the 154th Brigade who had
reported that he was holding the Brown line was really in Tommy Trench,
several hundred yards west of the Brown line, which was still occupied
by the enemy on the 154th Brigade front.

General Hamilton therefore ordered the 7th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders to initiate bombing attacks against each flank of the Brown
line. These and subsequent attacks were, however, all held up by heavy
machine-gun fire.

Later the 5th Gordon Highlanders made an attempt to rush a machine-gun
post in front of the Brown line, which was located on a small knoll on
their left flank urgently required for purposes of observation. By this
time, however, snow had fallen, and men moving above ground had become
highly visible, with the result that the enterprise failed, two
sergeants and an officer being killed.

This battalion had been most unfortunate. It had not only lost four
officers of one company at Marœuil, as already described, but it had
also two officers killed by a chance shell in Roclincourt on the morning
of the 9th. In addition, the company commander who led the night attack
on the Brown line was killed, while in this last operation yet another
officer was killed.

The 7th Gordon Highlanders were now moved into the forward area, and one
company was placed under the orders of the 5th Gordon Highlanders. This
company took over from the 103rd Brigade on the night of 10-11th April
from the frontage between the Maison de la Côté and the railway.

By this time snow lay thick over the battlefield, with the result that
the whole terrain was transformed. Familiar landmarks and tracks had
disappeared, and it had become a matter of considerable difficulty for
officers and men to recognise their position on the ground. On the night
of the 11-12th orders were received that the heavy artillery would cut
the wire in front of the Brown line, and that the 154th Brigade would
then renew the attack behind a creeping barrage and assisted by a tank.

The 5th Gordon Highlanders and 152nd Machine-Gun Company were ordered to
assist this attack by flanking fire. It was also decided to send forward
Stokes guns to the front line held by the 5th Gordon Highlanders to
bombard the Brown line from a flank. Captain Amos of the 152nd
Trench-Mortar Battery therefore went forward to select suitable gun
positions, and found that the enemy were no longer holding the Brown
line on the immediate left flank of the 5th Gordon Highlanders.

Shortly afterwards, one of the Divisional observers, Corporal Mitchell
of the 6th Gordon Highlanders, reported that he had made his way into
the Brown line, and that it was unoccupied. He had found the electric
light still burning in the dug-outs, packs and equipment neatly stacked,
and unopened parcels and unfinished meals lying on the tables. Patrols
from the 154th Brigade also returned with similar reports.

The Brown line was then occupied without opposition, and the 9th Royal
Scots and the 7th Gordon Highlanders pushed forward towards the railway.

On the night of 11-12th April the 2nd Division relieved the Highland
Division in an intense blizzard.

So ended the first phase of the battle of Arras.

The Division had finally reached all its objectives after some Homeric
fighting. The losses had been heavy, but not heavier than an attack
against so formidable a position held by such expert fighters would lead
one to expect. Numbers of the enemy had been killed, and many hundreds
taken prisoners. Large captures were also made of machine-guns,
trench-mortars, and material and equipment; while on the whole battle
front several Bavarian Divisions had been knocked out.

In fact, the blow sustained by the enemy had been so great that after
the relief the 2nd Division were able to carry out a substantial advance
and occupy the village of Bailleul unopposed.

On 12th April Divisional headquarters opened at Hermaville. The troops
were, however, given a bare forty-eight hours in which to rest, clean
up, refit, and reorganise before they were again called upon.




                             CHAPTER X.

           THE BATTLE OF ARRAS (_Contd._)--ROEUX AND THE
                          CHEMICAL WORKS.


On the night of 15-16th April the Division relieved the 9th Division on
the battle front east of Fampoux, with its right resting on the river
Scarpe.

The reserve brigade was quartered in Arras, this being the first
occasion on which any of the Division had occupied billets in that town.
During the next six weeks the Jocks were continually moving into Arras
for short periods of rest, and they became much attached to it.

By a curious coincidence all three Scottish Divisions, the 51st, the
9th, and the 15th, were engaged in operations close to Arras, as well as
many Scottish battalions from other Divisions, such as the 3rd and 34th.
Arras, therefore, became a great social centre. Though considerably
damaged, it had many good billets and excellent cellars and caves for
use in emergency. The whole town was, however, in the early days of
April, in a most insanitary and disgusting condition. Accumulated heaps
of months-old refuse and garbage lay everywhere in the courtyards and
gardens. In course of time, however, the town was cleaned up by the
troops, who would otherwise have been refreshing themselves for their
next fight, and became most comfortable.

One felt then and often how unfortunate it was that the infantryman had
so frequently to be employed on tasks menial to a fighting man, such as
road sweeping, scavenging, or unloading coal trains, when he should have
been either resting himself or perfecting himself in the profession of
arms. Circumstances, however, compelled these burdens to be thrust on
the fighting units. In this connection one remembers a cavalryman, up
to his hocks in mud, sweeping the streets of Acheux one November
morning, who, on being asked to what unit he belonged, replied
feelingly, "We used to be blinkin' Hussars." But this is a digression.

The trench system taken over was one which will for ever remain fresh in
the memory of all who fought there. Its chief characteristics were
numerous defiles, which daily had to be traversed, and which were more
or less permanently bombarded. These defiles consisted first of the
bridges over the river Scarpe, which had to be crossed by all whose
business took them into the right sector, and which were within range of
machine-guns and rifles. There was also the straight embankment of the
Arras-Douai railway, down which the Germans looked from its highest
point. This embankment was continually bombarded. There was the road
from Athies to Fampoux, and Fampoux itself, and the road from Feuchy to
Fampoux, which were shelled almost every hour of the day.

Further, there was the Hyderabad Redoubt, which was a veritable cockshy.
This redoubt was an old German headquarters north-west of Fampoux,
perched on the crest of an upland. It was shelled so heavily that
approach was seldom comfortable; while, having once entered, to make a
graceful exit was equally rare.

Lastly, there were the few valleys which afforded shelter for the guns,
which were treated to special and intense bombardments of their own
several times a day, an abundance of gas being used against them.

The main characteristic of this period was a continual and savage
bombardment of the British infantry by the German artillery. To the
infantryman this is a most trying and aggravating form of warfare, as
though his own guns may be supporting him by giving the German infantry
similar treatment, he has no adequate means of ventilating his own
feelings towards the enemy, and can but passively endure the
bombardment.

The troops in the front line on the right had their backs to the river
Scarpe, flowing south-east, only a few hundred yards in rear of them.
This river is in itself only some thirty feet in breadth, but flows in
the main through swampy marshlands. In advance of the foremost trenches
lay the village of Roeux, masked on its western edge by a hanging wood
which sloped down towards the river. North-west of Roeux was a small but
conspicuous copse standing on high ground, called for some obscure
reason Mount Pleasant. Due north of Roeux lay the now famous chemical
works--a large factory surrounded by numerous buildings that had been
used as workmen's dwellings, offices, &c.

Diagonally across the left of the position ran the Arras-Douai railway,
passing through a deep cutting on the summit of a high rise about a
thousand yards in rear of the chemical works. This rise was known as
Greenland Hill. It was the most prominent feature in the landscape, and
overlooked all the neighbouring country-side. It possessed the
peculiarity of having its summit, which was actually south of the
railway, shown as being north of the railway on the official maps.

On it were a large quarry and two woods, named Hausa and Delbar, which
commanded extensive views, observation posts in the tree-tops covering a
vast expanse of the surrounding country. The whole feature formed an
extensive and lofty plateau, which stretched almost to the Scarpe, the
ground falling down to the water's edge in a steep slope. This slope,
being covered with trees, afforded the enemy a good covered approach
along the banks of the river.

The position as it stood was one which could not be allowed to remain. A
successful attack from the Germans would force our troops into the
Scarpe. Moreover, there was little room in the confined area between the
front line and the river in which to manœuvre troops to resist attack.

On the other hand, if a force moving over Greenland Hill and north of it
could strike at Plouvain, the Germans between Plouvain and the chemical
works would find it almost impossible to extricate themselves.

Orders were therefore issued for an attack to be prepared with this
intention.

In the circumstances, one of the earliest considerations was the gaining
of ground by minor enterprises, so as to extend the area in which troops
could be assembled for the attack.

[Illustration: MAP V.--THE CHEMICAL WORKS, ROEUX.]

On 18th April the front line was extended southwards by the occupation
of a portion of sunken road running parallel with the Scarpe about 300
yards east of it.

At 3 P.M. on the 21st the 9th Royal Scots carried out an operation with
a view to extending our hold on this road farther southwards. This
attack was at first successful, but subsequently a local counter-attack
on the right restored the situation for the enemy. The net result was,
however, that one additional post was established 150 yards in advance
of the sunken road.

Meanwhile, on the left, where the trenches were well clear of the river,
work was carried on in digging new assembly trenches.

As a preparatory measure attempts were made to harass the enemy with
discharges of gas. The difficulty of bringing up the necessary apparatus
was great owing to the poor communications, and the plan met with little
success. On one occasion a sergeant in charge of a train of mules loaded
with gas, which came under heavy shell-fire on the railway embankment,
noticed that his men were showing some signs of nervousness as the shell
splinters came amongst the cylinders. He therefore encouraged them by
shouting out in a stentorian voice, "Great God A-michty, ye canna a' be
killed." Apparently his words of encouragement comforted the party, as
it continued on its way without any further misgivings.

The plan of action for the operation was that the 17th Division should
attack south of the Scarpe, and that the 37th Division should continue
the attack to the left of the 51st. Objectives were selected as
follows:--

The first objective, known as the Black line, was a line running west of
the Roeux-Gavrelle Road, excluding the buildings of the chemical works
and the village of Roeux.

The second objective, the Blue line, included the western half of the
village of Roeux, the chemical works, and the Roeux-Gavrelle Road.

The third objective, the Brown line, took the line of the road running
due north from the eastern end of Roeux, and included all the remaining
trenches of the German front system.

The fourth objective, the Red line, included Hausa, and Delbar Woods and
Plouvain Station.

The final objective, the Pink line, included Plouvain.

The 154th Brigade was detailed to attack on the right, the 153rd Brigade
on the left.

The 154th Brigade had a particularly difficult operation to perform, as
the frontage available for the assembly of their troops was considerably
narrower than the frontage to be attacked. The attacking lines had
therefore to expand laterally as the advance progressed, so as to cover
the whole of the frontage allotted to them.

The number of guns available for the barrage appeared inadequate for an
operation of this nature. It was anticipated that, as the enemy was
practically without dug-outs to which he could be driven by the
approaching barrage, he would have no other alternative but to remain in
his shell-holes and fight.

To ensure success, it was therefore considered necessary to provide a
barrage sufficiently dense to sweep the whole area to be attacked with
shrapnel bullets. However, additional guns could not be spared readily,
while attendant circumstances made it imperative that the attack should
be carried out without delay.

The attack was launched at 4.45 A.M. on 23rd April, and developed into
perhaps the most savage infantry battle that the Division took part in.
Attacks continued throughout the day, followed by a succession of
determined counter-attacks on the part of the enemy. Both sides
sustained serious losses, and many positions changed hands several times
in the twenty-four hours.

The main attack was delivered by the 153rd Brigade, the 7th Black Watch
being on the right, the 7th Gordon Highlanders on the left. In rear of
these two battalions, the 6th Gordon Highlanders, temporarily attached
to the 153rd Brigade, were on the right, and the 6th Black Watch on the
left. The plan was for the two leading battalions to seize the Black,
Blue, and Brown lines, while the 6th Gordon Highlanders passed through
to the Red line. The 6th Black Watch were to consolidate a line running
due north from the left flank of the 6th Gordon Highlanders in the Red
line.

As soon as the infantry moved forward, a heavy machine-gun fire was
opened on them, followed in a few minutes by the German artillery
barraging the ground in rear of our assembly trenches. The left of the
attack at first proceeded satisfactorily. The 7th Gordon Highlanders
repeated their success at Beaumont Hamel. Their left company captured
the Black line, according to programme, and killed a number of Germans
in it; the second wave passed through them and reached the Blue line,
though in very reduced numbers. Only five of this company answered the
roll at the end of the operations. The right company of the 7th Gordon
Highlanders occupied the Black line, and the left platoon of the second
wave entered the Blue line. The remainder of this battalion were held up
between the Black and Blue lines, where, incidentally, they captured
seventy-six prisoners.

The 7th Black Watch were held by machine-gun fire in front of the Black
line, and could not get forward.

On the right the position of the 154th Brigade remained obscure. It is
certain that at one time they were well in Roeux Wood and towards Roeux
village, as the bodies of Highlanders were found in those places when
the Division subsequently occupied Roeux. This brigade also captured the
Black line, in spite of considerable opposition, and killed a number of
Germans there.

The 4th Seaforth Highlanders carried the chemical works, and they held
them on the evening of the 23rd; they were also in the Black line just
south of the railway.

It appears, however, that the chemical works were not captured behind
the barrage, which had failed to subdue the resistance, as had been
anticipated, but were taken by the action of a tank. This tank was a
"male," armed with two 6-pounder guns, and was commanded by a sergeant.
It arrived on the scene at a time when the attack was held up in front
of the Black line, and units had become badly confused. It moved forward
to the Black line, and annihilated the enemy in it with point-blank fire
from its 6-pounders. It then worked along a communication trench towards
the chemical works, strongly held by the enemy, and destroyed its entire
garrison.

The tank then advanced through the chemical works, turned up the main
road, and round the north-east corner of the village. It next continued
along the eastern outskirts of the chemical works, dealing with all the
parties of the enemy it encountered.

A machine-gun which still survived amongst the ruins of the chemical
works, and which was causing casualties to the advancing troops, was
pointed out to the tank. It accordingly engaged the machine-gun, and
destroyed it and its crew.

By the aid of this tank a line of shell-holes was occupied by a mixed
body of troops, but chiefly 6th Gordon Highlanders, 200 yards east of
the chemical works. The tank waited with these men for an hour, and then
having little petrol and no ammunition left, withdrew out of action.

The gallant handling of this tank by the sergeant in command of it, and
his tactical skill, had enabled the chemical works to be taken, in spite
of the barrage having been lost.

Taking advantage of the disorganisation of the enemy caused by the tank,
Lieutenant Still, the only surviving officer of the right company of the
7th Gordon Highlanders, went forward with the remainder of the two
companies to the Blue line. He captured fifty wounded Germans in a
dressing station on the way forward, two trench-mortars between the
Black line and the Roeux-Gavrelle Road, and a machine-gun east of the
road.

He then proceeded with his party 800 yards east of the Blue line, and
almost reached the Brown line. Here he held up with his Lewis guns
several attempts to advance made by the enemy. At 9 A.M., having few men
left, he withdrew to the vicinity of the Gavrelle Road.

For his gallantry, initiative, and skilful handling of his party during
these operations, Lieutenant Still was awarded the Military Cross.

The position then was that at one time our troops were east of the
Roeux-Gavrelle Road almost as far south as the junction with the
Fampoux-Plouvain Road, that the enemy was in and about the station
buildings, that we held the chemical works, that he held the whole of
Roeux village and about one-third of Roeux Wood.

During the day the 6th Seaforth Highlanders had been placed at the
disposal of the 153rd Brigade, and had moved up into the Black line
north of the railway.

Later, Lieut.-Colonel S. Macdonald, commanding the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders, received orders that he was to cross the railway, get into
touch with the 4th Seaforth Highlanders east of the chemical works, and
consolidate a line from their left to the railway.

Colonel Macdonald then instructed his battalion to cross the railway in
two parties, one north of the station and the other south of it. The
party detailed to advance north of the station found that the enemy was
holding the station buildings, and two officers who went forward to try
and locate the 4th Seaforth Highlanders east of the chemical works were
captured. They walked right into a strong party of the enemy immediately
south of the level crossing. This party of Germans then became engaged
with the leading company of the detachment of the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders, and sharp skirmishing took place.

The companies which crossed south of the station came under heavy
machine-gun fire while crossing the railway, and it soon became evident
that the enemy must have retaken the chemical works, and that he was
holding them in strength.

The 6th Seaforth Highlanders therefore constructed a trench on the north
side of the railway and parallel to it, to form a flank defence to the
troops dug in on the eastern side of the Roeux-Gavrelle Road.

It subsequently transpired that, while the position of our troops was as
described on page 166, the enemy continually counter-attacked during the
day. He concentrated a considerable amount of artillery on the chemical
works and on the Black line, and ultimately had by this means so reduced
the defenders that they were compelled to fall back. During the
withdrawal most of the remaining officers had been hit, and the troops
had become disorganised owing to their losses. The result was that the
withdrawal of the various posts could not be well co-ordinated, thus
some remained in position while others fell back. In this manner a
complete section of the 152nd Brigade Machine-Gun Company, left isolated
in the chemical works, was surrounded by the enemy and captured.

When it was definitely known that the advance had been held up, orders
were issued for the Division to resume the attack in conjunction with
the 17th and 37th Divisions at 6 P.M. Orders for this attack were issued
to the brigades; but the troops were so closely engaged with the enemy
resisting his counter-attacks that their action was restricted to an
attempt to keep touch with the advance of the Divisions on the flanks by
means of strong patrols.

The hostile counter-attacks, already frequently referred to, began at 9
A.M. The enemy several times attempted to advance over Greenland Hill in
extended lines. In each case on this portion of the front his attacks
were broken up by artillery and machine-gun fire, and were checked some
500-800 yards east of the Roeux-Gavrelle Road.

At 3 P.M. the enemy, about a battalion in strength, advanced in extended
order from Hausa and Delbar Woods towards the railway east of the
chemical works. This advance was again stopped by artillery fire, and
many of the Germans turned and fled. Later, another force was seen
forming up in rear of the Roeux-Plouvain Road, but was again dispersed
by the artillery. At dusk the Germans made a further attempt to assemble
for attack in the same place, but were similarly dispersed by the
artillery.

Seldom have gunners had such targets as were given them during these
attacks. Time and time again the German infantry resolutely attempted to
advance over the forward glacis of Greenland Hill in full view of the
abundant observation posts on the battle front. Not until it was dark
could he make his way through the barrage which the artillery and
machine and Lewis gunners were able to fire, and regain the chemical
works.

During the day reports of enemy counter-attacks reached Divisional
headquarters so constantly that a battalion of the 103rd Infantry
Brigade was ordered forward as a reserve to the 154th Brigade; similarly
a second battalion was placed at the disposal of the 153rd Brigade.

After dark orders were issued for the 103rd Brigade, with the 26th and
27th Battalions Northumberland Fusiliers and the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders, to take over the battle front of the 153rd Brigade.

As soon as it had become clear that the enemy was again in possession of
the chemical works, the 4th Seaforth Highlanders were ordered to make a
further attempt to retake them. This attack was launched during the
night, but failed to achieve its object.

Dawn therefore broke to find the Black line south of the railway, some
of the buildings just north of the station and a trench line east of the
Gavrelle-Roeux Road north of the station, in our hands. This line was
maintained throughout the night, in spite of many attempts made by the
enemy to penetrate it.

On 24th April no important actions occurred, both sides being too
exhausted to continue the engagement. The enemy's artillery, however,
remained very active on the Black line.

On the night 24-25th April the Division was relieved by the 34th
Division, with the exception of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders. It was
arranged by the Brigadier commanding the 103rd Brigade that the 26th
Northumberland Fusiliers, who were holding the line on the 154th Brigade
front, should be relieved on that front, and move across to relieve the
6th Seaforth Highlanders. Dawn had, however, broken before the relief of
the 6th Seaforth Highlanders had been begun. In consequence, the
battalion had to spend another very uncomfortable twenty-four hours in
the line.

On the 25th Divisional headquarters moved back to Chelers, the 152nd
Brigade to Acq, the 153rd and 154th Brigades to the Tincques-Ligny-St
Flochel area. The following day the 152nd Brigade moved to the Ternas
area.

So ended a most sanguinary encounter. From most difficultly-situated
assembly trenches, an attack had been launched against a position of
considerable strength. It had been supported by a weak barrage.
Moreover, as the enemy's defences were ill-defined and composed in many
places of unlocated shell-holes, the barrage could not have that
precision which obtains in a trench to trench attack. From the outset,
in most part of the attack, the barrage was lost, and such advances as
were carried out were made by unsupported infantry, with the exception
of the brilliant action of the tank. The men had advanced against a
stout opposition and had suffered heavy casualties, had then been
systematically bombarded in shallow trenches and shell-holes, and had
been repeatedly counter-attacked.

They, however, maintained a portion of their gains against all comers,
and had appreciably deepened the area held east of the Scarpe.

The artillery had played a large part in the destruction of many hostile
counter-attacks, and had afforded our troops great protection against
the action of the enemy's infantry. The losses which the gunners had
inflicted on the enemy were such that by nightfall he was not in a
position to attempt any action on a large scale, and could do no more
than reoccupy the chemical works.

In one respect, however, the artillery were at a disadvantage. The enemy
had withdrawn his guns so far to the rear that he could do little more
with most of his pieces than shell our trenches and foremost battery
positions at their extreme range. In consequence, it was difficult to
counter his batteries. Efforts were made to push forward heavy howitzers
for this purpose, but his observation was so good that he was able to
knock many of these out. In one case, a four-gun 92 howitzer battery had
five guns put out of action in twenty-four hours, a fresh gun which had
been sent forward as a replacement meeting the same fate as its
predecessors.

Moreover, his guns were so placed that he could concentrate on to the
chemical works the artillery, not only of the corps operating against
it, but also of the corps on either flank.

The artillery commanders, both field and heavy, did their utmost to
check the shelling of the infantry, but they were able to produce little
effect.

The Division had been continually in the line since February, had fought
for three days in the battle of 9-12th April, and had had only
forty-eight hours' rest before again taking over a battle front. In
these circumstances the battle of Roeux and the "Comical" works, as the
Jocks called it, gave abundant evidence of the magnificent fighting
qualities of the troops.

During this battle the Divisional rear headquarters on the St
Nicolas-Bailleul road--in which the "A" and "Q" offices and a rear
signal office had been established--received a direct hit from a 9-inch
high-velocity gun. The signal office was destroyed, several men and
horses of the signal company were killed and wounded, and ten motor
bicycles were so damaged as to require replacing.

During the month of April 1917 the casualties sustained by the Division
were severe. They were as follows:--

                  Killed.       Wounded.       Missing.

  Officers            66            140            8
  Other ranks        828           2972          482

--a total of 214 officers and 4382 other ranks.

Of individual units the following suffered most severely during the
month:--

  6th Seaforth Highlanders   16 officers and 508 other ranks
  6th Gordon Highlanders     25     "     "  491   "     "
  7th Argyll and Sutherland
       Highlanders           22     "     "  499   "     "
  4th Gordon Highlanders     24     "     "  575   "     "

while the 5th Gordon Highlanders lost 9 officers killed and the 7th
Black Watch 8.

Amongst the wounded were Major Rowbotham, M.C., 9th Royal Scots;
Lieut.-Colonel S. R. M'Clintock, 4th Gordon Highlanders; Lieut.-Colonel
J. Dawson, D.S.O., 6th Gordon Highlanders. The latter was severely
wounded by a machine-gun bullet while gallantly directing the advance of
his leading company. Colonel Dawson's wound kept him out of the field
for the remainder of the war, the Division thus losing one of its most
brilliant commanding officers.

After the completion of the relief of the Division, the following
message was sent to General Harper by Lieut.-General Sir Charles
Fergusson, commanding the XVIIth Corps:--

"I wish to express to the Division through you my congratulations
on the splendid work which they have done in the recent fighting,
especially on Monday, 23rd April.

"Had it not been for the fine fighting spirit of the Division, the
result might easily have been disadvantageous to us. I am proud and
delighted with the Division, as they may be themselves with the grand
fight they put up, and I know when they are rested and reorganised they
will be keen to add to their reputation."

The Commander-in-Chief also wired to General Harper as follows: "The
fierce fighting of yesterday (23rd April) has carried us another step
forward. I congratulate you on the results of it, and on the severe
punishment you have inflicted on the enemy."

The Division remained at rest until 10th May in a delightful area. The
villages had seldom been occupied by troops, and so did not contain
numerous unsightly heaps of empty tins, derelict horse-standings,
salvage dumps, &c., which in most rest areas prevented the men from
shaking off the more sordid atmosphere of war, even when resting behind
the line.

On this occasion the Division lay in a country of pleasant clean
villages, nestling amongst orchards in blossom and woods in new leaf.
Moreover, the weather was perfect, one cloudless day following another.

The policy adopted during this period was to give the men the maximum of
rest and recreation, as it was evident that the Division would shortly
be called upon to take further part in active operations.

After the men had cleaned themselves up and all deficiencies in
equipment had been made good, training was practically confined to
musketry. It was found that in the case of the older men musketry had
become a forgotten art, while in the case of the new drafts it was an
art which had never been adequately acquired. Long periods of trench
warfare, and the undue importance which has been attached to the
subsidiary weapons--the bayonet and the bomb--at the training centres
had relegated the rifle to a secondary place. A concerted effort was
therefore made to revive the prestige of the rifle by giving all ranks
an intensive training in its proper uses.

As was the case in most areas at this stage of the war, facilities for
musketry were either non-existent, or consisted only of indifferent
thirty-yard miniature ranges. However, by working at high pressure,
whenever the country suited the purpose, serviceable ranges were soon
improvised in every area, and were continuously used from dawn till
dusk. Some of them were not quite as safe as those that one had been
accustomed to at home; but the Division was lucky, and no one working in
the fields was actually shot. On occasions peasants were certainly seen
ploughing at the double behind the stop-butts, but they fortunately
always managed to avoid the bullets.

By the time orders to move back to the line had been received, every man
had been put through a course, and had fired a considerable number of
rounds.

The scores made during a brigade competition held during this period
show how the musketry of the army had suffered since the early days of
the war. The ten best shots were picked from each company, and were
given two minutes in which to fire 15 rounds each at a bull's-eye target
at 200 yards. The average score made was 16·5 out of a possible 60, and
this by picked shots.

On 10th May the Division began to move to the line again, the 152nd
Brigade by tactical trains to Arras, and the remaining two brigades by
march route.

On the night of 12-13th May, with rather mixed feelings, the 152nd
Brigade relieved the whole of the 4th Division in the Roeux
chemical-works sector.

It was a difficult relief, as one brigade was taking over the line from
two brigades, both of which had been reduced to the strength of about a
weak battalion each. The relief was further complicated by the fact that
the brigade-major of the outgoing brigade who was to hand over the
greater portion of the front was killed on the morning of the relief.

The 4th Division had, however, improved the situation since the Highland
Division had left the area on 25th April. They had occupied Roeux as far
as the centre of the village; they held the eastern edge of Roeux
Cemetery. They were established along a line some 300-500 yards east of
the chemical works, and were on the railway about 600 yards east of
Roeux station.

The whole battle area was found to be in a ghastly condition. The
fighting had been too intense for any attempts to be made to bury the
dead. In consequence, the whole area was littered with corpses. Germans
in large numbers, men of the 4th, 9th, 34th, and 51st Divisions lay
everywhere. Between Fampoux and Roeux Station, the British dead lay in
swathes, where they had been cut up in an attempt to exploit the success
of 9th April against German machine-gun rear-guards. Salvage of every
kind lay broadcast over the country-side, while the ground itself,
particularly round the chemical works, had been churned by shell-fire
into an immense dust-heap.

An air of depression hung over the whole place that it was almost
impossible to dispel. As a Jock once put it, "To be in the Comical works
made a body windy whether it was shellin' or not."

This was the eve of a great battle, so it may be well to describe the
dispositions of the brigade in detail. Instructions had been issued that
no further advance was contemplated during the coming tour of duty. The
troops, therefore, went into the line with orders to make good what
ground they could by patrolling, and to consolidate all gains.

The 5th Seaforth Highlanders took over the right sector and the 8th
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders the left, the railway line being the
northern boundary in the front line. As, however, the railway ran
obliquely across the front, troops of the 8th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders in the rear lines were also in position north of it. The 6th
Seaforth Highlanders were in support, occupying two lines of trenches
from 300-600 yards east of the Scarpe. The 6th Gordon Highlanders were
in reserve occupying old German trenches astride the Athies-Fampoux road
just west of Fampoux. Brigade headquarters were in an old German 8-inch
howitzer position in a sunken road immediately south of the railway at
Fampoux.

Orders were given that on no account were troops to occupy the ruined
buildings of the chemical works, as these were certain to draw heavy
shell-fire.

During this period rumours were frequently circulated that the enemy was
about to withdraw to the Queant-Drocourt line, a strong defensive system
similar to the Hindenburg line some miles in rear of his existing
positions. Orders were therefore issued for patrolling to be actively
carried out, so that early information of any such withdrawal would be
obtained, and further, that the ground which was made by patrols was to
be consolidated.

The first twenty-four hours spent in the sector were sufficient to make
it quite evident that the hostile artillery had not decreased since the
Division had been relieved towards the end of April. The left battalion
trench system, then Roeux village, then the area between battalion and
brigade headquarters, and finally the reserve battalion, were all
heavily bombarded on the 13th. Brigade headquarters, being in deep
dug-outs, were well protected against bombardment. The battalion
headquarters were, however, not so well situated. Those of the right and
support battalions were in elephant shelters cut into a bank just east
of the river Scarpe. As these shelters were in an area that drew a
considerable amount of shell-fire, and as they were not even proof
against a 4·2 howitzer, they were most unsatisfactory domiciles. The
left battalion had its headquarters in an old German bomb store in a
quarry north of the railway. This bomb store was reasonably shell-proof,
but the quarry was a well-marked feature to which the German gunners
paid continual attention.

During the day of the 13th the enemy shelled the eastern portion of
Roeux; it was therefore assumed that he had evacuated it. Accordingly at
10 P.M. the whole line south of the railway was advanced to a road
running due northwards from the eastern outskirts of Roeux. Positions
were then taken up in shell-holes clear of this road. The whole of the
village of Roeux also was occupied, six wounded prisoners being
captured, one German being killed, and several wounded men of the 4th
Division being brought in. As this considerable advance was made without
any fighting, the day became known to the Jocks as "The Meatless Day."
Vickers guns were sent forward during the night to take up positions in
the most forward line of posts or in advance of it. The results of this
method of disposing the Vickers guns, as will be seen, proved
far-reaching.

During this period the enemy was extremely active with low-flying
aeroplanes over the forward area, and it was clear that he was making
every effort to locate our defences. At 9.40 A.M. on the 14th there were
nine such aeroplanes flying low over our trenches at the same moment. On
occasions coloured lights were fired by them, a heavy shelling of the
chemical works or some portion of the trench area ensuing. At other
times his artillery was directed by observers who were seen to climb
into "crows' nests" in the trees of Hausa and Delbar Woods. Machine-guns
and shrapnel were frequently employed to discourage this form of
activity.

Throughout the 14th the enemy artillery remained active. The opinion had
therefore generally been formed that, so far from it being his
intention to withdraw, he was preparing for a deliberate attack on our
positions. There were, however, still optimists who thought that his
excessive shell-fire was accounted for by the fact that the German
gunners were emptying their dumps prior to withdrawing. On the night of
the 14-15th the sector was decidedly quieter than it had been for some
days. The optimists put this down to the fact that the German artillery
was busy withdrawing. However, this theory was rudely dispelled, for at
dawn on 15th May the bombardment of the brigade area began again with
tremendous vehemence, 8's, 5·9's, 4·2's, and 77's all being freely
employed. Messages were received from all parts of the brigade front
reporting heavy shelling. The 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders
reported by runner that they were being violently bombarded with 5·9's,
and that all the telephone wires had been cut. The support battalion and
the troops at Roeux similarly reported intense shelling. In fact, the
only troops who were not involved in this bombardment were those which
occupied the foremost line of shell-holes, to which they had advanced
unopposed on the night of the 13th. They remained in their position
quite secure without a round falling amongst them, and it was evident
that they had not as yet been located in their new position.

Officers and men who were in the trench area during this bombardment all
reported that the shells, from the sound of their flight through the
air, appeared to be fired at the extreme range of the guns. This
statement was confirmed by the fact that the corps heavy artillery,
though they were continuously in action during the day attempting to
counter the enemy's batteries, could not diminish the volume of hostile
fire.

It was assumed that this bombardment was preparatory to an attack. The
Divisional artillery was therefore employed in shelling the enemy's
foremost trench line, which patrols had discovered running just west of
Hausa and Delbar Woods, in bombarding the woods and the area between
them and Plouvain. It was thus hoped to interfere as much as possible
with any attempt the enemy might make to assemble.

At noon the village of Fampoux was heavily bombarded with gas shells.
At this period it was estimated by the artillery that twelve German
heavy batteries were firing on the front of the 152nd Brigade.

At 3 P.M. orders were received that two companies of the 152nd Brigade
were to relieve two battalions of the 51st Brigade, 17th Division,
holding the line immediately north of the railway. In the existing
circumstances the situation astride the railway was not satisfactory, as
touch had not been found by our foremost troops with the foremost troops
north of it. The railway, therefore, constituted a weakness in our
defensive system. By the carrying out of the relief ordered the
situation would be much improved, as the guarding of the railway, a
natural approach leading into the heart of our position, would then be
in the hands of one commander.

Two companies of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders were therefore detailed
for this duty, and were placed under the command of Lieut.-Colonel R.
Campbell, D.S.O., commanding the 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders.

At 7.55 P.M. the shelling was still so severe that all working parties
were told to stand by and not to proceed to the trenches. At 9.15 P.M.,
however, the shelling had ceased. The troops had been heavily and
continuously bombarded for fourteen hours by howitzers of all calibres.
Moreover, they were entirely without the protection of shell-proof
dug-outs. Competent artillery observers estimated that during this
bombardment shells were bursting in the brigade area at the rate of one
5·9, two 4·2's, and two 77 mm. shells per minute in every seventy yards
of the front. In addition, a number of 8-inch howitzers were freely
employed. However, all buildings having been carefully avoided and the
front line having been advanced to a position undiscovered by the enemy,
the casualties inflicted by the bombardment were not excessive. The
three battalions in the forward area were estimated to have lost a total
of about 450 men at the time when the bombardment slackened off.

On the other hand, it had undoubtedly been a trying ordeal for the men
to endure. General Burn, therefore, decided to relieve the two
front-line battalions. Thus the 6th Seaforth Highlanders were ordered
not only to relieve the 51st Brigade north of the railway, but also to
relieve the 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders as well. On the right
the 6th Gordon Highlanders were ordered to relieve the 5th Seaforth
Highlanders.

The relief of the 51st Brigade meant the taking over of an additional
1000 yards of front.

This relief as planned was destined never to be completed. The 6th
Gordon Highlanders had no sooner received their orders to move than the
battalion bivouacks were heavily bombarded with gas shells. This
necessitated the men moving off to the bridges over the Scarpe wearing
box-respirators. As the ground to be traversed was by nature much
broken, and in addition considerably torn up by shell-fire, this
movement in the darkness could only be slowly executed. Much delay in
the carrying out of this relief was caused at the outset.

At 3.15 P.M., before dawn had broken, an intense bombardment again
opened on the whole brigade front. At this hour the relief was in
progress, but far from complete; the shell-fire was, however, too
intense for it to be continued. The situation at the moment was as
follows: Two platoons of the right company of the 6th Gordon Highlanders
had entered Roeux, and had relieved one of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders'
posts; the remaining two platoons manned a communication trench joining
the original front line and the new line consolidated north of the
eastern outskirts of Roeux. A second company 6th Gordon Highlanders were
moving forward in the area south of the chemical works. This company
manned trenches in this vicinity. The third company, which had suffered
most severely from the gas-shell bombardment, had only just crossed the
Scarpe. It therefore occupied a trench east of the river. The fourth
company subsequently occupied trenches in the same vicinity.

Two companies of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders had practically completed
the relief of the 51st Brigade, except in a section of the foremost
trench about two hundred yards in length immediately north of the
railway. The troops on either side of the railway were, therefore, still
not in touch with one another, and the railway remained a weak point in
the first-line defences. These two companies had both been skilfully
disposed in depth by their commanders.

The first bombardment was a prelude to an attack delivered by two
successive brigades of a fresh German Division which had recently been
transferred from the Russian front. The enemy's plan appears to have
been to advance along the bank of the Scarpe and along the railway line,
and then to turn inwards and so gain possession of all the country
enclosed, as it were, within the jaws of the pincers.

At the moment of attack, no reliefs having been completed, the whole of
the 152nd Infantry Brigade was east of the river Scarpe. Moreover, the
troops were for the most part occupying positions which were unknown to
their commanders, as no information was received in the first stages of
the battle as to how far the relief had progressed.

When the attack was launched, the events which occurred on the right are
clear. The attack along the river bank made some progress. Some of the
enemy certainly reached the western outskirts of Roeux Wood, where they
were engaged by a Vickers gun firing to its rear and by bombs thrown by
the machine-gunners.

The 5th Seaforth Highlanders in the eastern outskirts of Roeux were
attacked frontally, but defeated this attack by rifle and Lewis-gun
fire. In the midst of this action they observed the enemy working round
their flanks between the village and the river; the right section
therefore faced its outer flank and stopped this movement by its fire,
while the other neighbouring posts, after having disposed of the frontal
attack, also faced half-right and strengthened the defence of this
flank. In this manner a large number of Germans were accounted for. The
resistance of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders in this corner was so
effective that the enemy suddenly evacuated the whole area between Roeux
and the river, and this portion of the line remained intact for the rest
of the day.

The enemy's effort on his left wing had therefore collapsed. On his
right he was, however, more successful. He advanced on either side of
the railway, firing Very lights across it so that the attacking forces
hidden from each other's view by the embankment could keep in touch with
each other. He occupied the foremost trench north of the railway, while
south of the railway he continued his advance along the embankment. The
area immediately south of the embankment should have been adequately
covered by the machine-guns. These were, however, knocked out during the
bombardment, and so could not play their part.

To the north of the railway the enemy at once attempted to widen the
area of his penetration by a series of heavy bombing attacks against the
6th Seaforth Highlanders, delivered from both flanks.

The first of these attacks was successfully repulsed by Lieutenant Dow
and his company, who, however, were compelled to use all their bombs in
doing so. They therefore repulsed the second attack by advancing to meet
the enemy with rifle and bayonet, these tactics completely discomfiting
him. At 10 A.M. the enemy made a third and more determined attack.
Lieutenant Dow was forced out of his front-line trench into a
communication trench. Here he immediately organised a counter-attack,
and led it in person against the enemy. The attack, however, failed, and
Lieutenant Dow was mortally wounded. The gallantry and leadership of
this officer had successfully limited the enemy's gains to a small
footing in a section of the front-line trench.

Farther to the north the second company of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders,
under the command of Lieutenant King, had been skilfully disposed by
this officer. This company was able to bring flanking fire to bear to
support Lieutenant Dow against the enemy's attack, and in addition to
defeat more than one frontal attack delivered against itself. Lieutenant
King retained all the ground occupied by his company through the action.

The two wings therefore held firm. The enemy had, however, penetrated
the front in large numbers along the railway embankment, and immediately
south and north of it. Having effected a lodgment in our trenches in
this manner, he then delivered a series of flank attacks. By this means
he successfully occupied the whole of the chemical works and the
trenches immediately west of them, and in addition the buildings north
and south of the railway adjacent to the chemical works.

In this position he was pinned. He first attempted to develop an attack
southwards from his south-east corner of the chemical works. This
attempt was defeated by a company of the 8th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders, who, seeing the enemy in their rear, left their trenches,
charged them, and routed them. This company, which suffered severe
casualties, was led by Captain A. Mactaggart. No officer could have
shown a finer example to his men. His right hand was shattered by a
fragment of a shell early in the attack. Subsequently, owing to a second
shell wound, he lost an eye. Nevertheless, he continued to lead and
encourage his men until he was mortally wounded, and could continue no
farther. Mactaggart's complete disregard for the pain of his wounds and
for his own personal danger, and his devotion to duty, may perhaps have
been equalled, but can never have been surpassed. Even as he lay
mortally wounded with a gaping wound in the abdomen, he continued urging
on his men until he lost consciousness.

A second attack of the same nature was stopped by the rifle and
Lewis-gun fire of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders and a Vickers gun.
Covering fire was then arranged, under which a bombing party advanced,
forced the enemy to retire across the open, and captured 1 officer and
20 other ranks.

In the course of these operations the troops, led by the junior officers
and N.C.O.'s, had so disposed themselves that the enemy could not
develop his advance in any direction except by delivering a frontal
attack. Before the enemy had time to bring up fresh troops with which to
deliver further attacks, Lieut.-Colonel R. Campbell, D.S.O., commanding
8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, personally organised a
counter-attack which restored to us the whole of our line south of the
railway.

Colonel Campbell, realising that the Germans had made a deep penetration
into our lines, fell in the personnel of his battalion headquarters, and
assisted by Captain Pollard, his bombing officer; Lieutenant Worlock,
his Lewis-gun officer; Captain A. MacDonald, the adjutant; and Captain
Fairlie, his artillery liaison officer, delivered an immediate
counter-attack against the Germans north of the railway. This attack was
delivered as follows: Captain Pollard, a skilful bomber, drove the enemy
from his shell-holes with rifle grenades, while the remainder of the
party shot them down as they ran. Colonel Campbell himself killed six
Germans with his rifle.

By 6.45 A.M. he had killed or captured all Germans on the north side of
the railway. However, about this hour he heard heavy rifle-fire taking
place on the south side. He therefore led his party on to the
embankment, from which he saw a party of Germans just west of the
chemical works being engaged by the 6th Seaforth Highlanders both from
their front and from their left flank with rifle-fire.

Colonel Campbell immediately sent his adjutant to tell the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders to deliver a frontal attack while he enfiladed the Germans
from the embankment. This operation was carried out with complete
success. Captain Pollard was, however, killed by a bullet which passed
through his heart. Colonel Campbell narrowly escaped a similar fate, a
bullet flattening itself against the railway line on which his chest was
resting as he fired.

Colonel Campbell then joined the 6th Seaforth Highlanders with his
party, advanced through the chemical works with them, and dug himself in
just east of them.

Meanwhile Captain Donald Clarke, M.C., of the 6th Gordon Highlanders,
had also organised a counter-attack, and with men of the 6th Gordon
Highlanders and 5th and 6th Seaforth Highlanders carried out a sweep
forward covering the whole of the brigade front south of the chemical
works. The advance of this force made great progress except in Roeux
village, where it was checked for a time by a heavy enemy barrage. On
the rest of the front over which they advanced they reached the foremost
British lines. Here Captain Clarke reorganised his troops and disposed
them in depth. He found the front line still occupied by its original
garrison. These troops had not been shelled either during the actual
attack or in the preliminary bombardment, the enemy doubtless not having
discovered their position. In the grey of the dawn, they had seen by the
assistance of Very lights large numbers of the enemy advancing in small
columns to the attack. Vickers and Lewis guns and riflemen opened on
them, and fired round after round into them, thus bringing the advance
to a complete standstill, and killing large numbers of the enemy. As it
became lighter, the enemy repeated his attempts to advance, on this
occasion adopting an extended formation. Again these men, who had not
been shaken by any previous bombardment, steadily engaged the splendid
targets offered them, and annihilated the attacking force. The Vickers
guns in particular played tremendous havoc with the enemy, and the
policy of pushing them well forward, though often condemned, proved in
this case to have been amply justified. No further attacks were
delivered against the front of these two companies.

Meanwhile all telephone wires were cut, and information was extremely
difficult to obtain. The enemy's barrage had now lifted on to the area
between the river Scarpe and brigade headquarters, and numbers of
runners were killed in trying to pass through it.

Prisoners and wounded men on their way to the dressing stations had,
however, reported that the Germans had captured the chemical works.
Arrangements had therefore been made to counter-attack behind a barrage
with a view to recapturing the works. The 5th Gordon Highlanders, having
been placed at General Burn's disposal, were detailed to carry out this
attack.

As soon as this order was issued, Lieutenant J. B. Simpson (5th Seaforth
Highlanders), the brigade bombing officer, was ordered to go forward,
get in touch with Colonel Campbell, and find out what the situation was.
After successfully passing through the German barrage about the river,
he found Colonel Campbell with his party dug-in east of the chemical
works. Colonel Campbell, however, on hearing that an attack behind a
barrage was to be delivered, withdrew his men from the works and
informed brigade headquarters of the situation. On Lieutenant Simpson
reporting that Colonel Campbell had cleared the chemical works, it was
decided to attack north of the railway only with a view to restoring a
firm line, particularly astride the embankment east of the chemical
works.

The counter-attack of the 5th Gordon Highlanders was to be delivered in
conjunction with an attack by the neighbouring Division on the left
flank. It was successfully launched, covered by an intense and accurate
18-pounder and Stokes mortar barrage. It was, however, held up by a
heavy enemy barrage along the line of the Roeux-Gavrelle road. This
barrage, fortunately, suddenly ceased, and the 5th Gordon Highlanders
carried on their advance unsupported by the artillery, the 18-pounder
barrage long since having passed on. It appears that they reached their
final objective, the old British front line, but were immediately
heavily counter-attacked from the left flank, and were forced to
withdraw to the original British second line. It subsequently transpired
that the reason why the 5th Gordon Highlanders arrived in their
objectives with an open flank was due to the fact that the attack to be
carried out by troops of the neighbouring Division on the left was
cancelled, and that no intimation to this effect was received by General
Burn or by his attacking troops.

On the completion of this attack the enemy effort seems to have been
spent, and the whole of our original line was left in our hands, except
for the foremost trenches immediately astride the railway.

The enemy had suffered unusually heavy losses from rifle, Lewis gun, and
machine-gun fire. His columns and waves had been completely broken many
times. Eighty-three prisoners remained in our hands, including men from
six different battalions and two pioneer companies. The observers of the
Corps R.F.C. squadrons reported that they had never before seen German
dead and wounded lying as thick as they were in front of our trenches
and between the British front line and the chemical works.

The manner in which this attack was resisted and beaten off was due, in
the first place, to the fighting spirit, leadership, and initiative
displayed by officers and men. It proved that the Divisional commander's
efforts to train the Division to fight, not merely with gallantry but
also with tactical intelligence, had been successful.

Further, the thorough training in musketry carried out during the last
period of rest could not have been more opportune, as the men had
undoubtedly gone into the line with a determination to make full use of
their rifles if the opportunity occurred.

The Vickers gunners also played a great part in this battle. Not only
did they fire on targets such as machine-gunners dream about from their
foremost positions, but they also were so disposed as to be able to fire
an intense barrage 500 yards in advance of the British front line. This
barrage was fired from half an hour before dark until darkness set in on
the evening before the attack, and at intermediate periods throughout
the night. It was also fired from the beginning of the attack until
there was sufficient light to see whether it was required or otherwise.

The teams of the two Vickers guns farthest forward stood-to all night,
occasionally firing Very lights to illumine their front. It was in the
glare of one of these lights that the Germans were first observed
advancing in artillery formation. The two Vickers guns at once engaged
them, and at the same time fired an S.O.S. signal, which was immediately
followed by the opening of the whole machine-gun barrage. Before the
enemy had time to extend, he was exterminated. Subsequently a succession
of waves advanced at the double, only to meet a similar fate. These two
guns remained in action all day, dealing with parties of the enemy
trying to regain their own lines by running from shell-hole to
shell-hole.

Another machine-gun about a hundred yards east of the south end of the
chemical works faced its rear, and killed a large number of Germans
bolting from the chemical works in the face of Colonel Campbell's
counter-attack; while a further gun fought facing its rear in Roeux
Woods, and was even there compelled to protect its flanks by bombing.
This gun team finally put to flight or killed all the enemy who engaged
it. Indeed, infantry could not have been better supported by their
machine-gunners.

The Divisional artillery also gave the infantry the support which the
latter had now become accustomed to expect. They had been a little slow
in opening the barrage on account of all lines having been cut and the
difficulty of seeing the S.O.S. signals in the dust and smoke caused by
the German bombardment. The barrage fired in support of the 5th Gordon
Highlanders' counter-attack, in spite of the fact that it had been
hastily improvised, was fired with great precision.

The German artillery could not, however, be checked by the British heavy
artillery. Many of his guns were firing from new positions in the open,
which had not been previously located. They were also firing from
positions as far in rear of their lines as the range of the guns would
allow. They were therefore beyond the reach of the bulk of the British
counter-battery guns.

The British field-guns in the most advanced positions received
considerable attention from the enemy's artillery, and were in
particular deluged with gas shells. A number of field-guns were also
knocked out by direct hits.

Two anecdotes connected with this battle are worth recording. During the
early stages of the German attack a runner arrived at the headquarters
of the 6th Gordon Highlanders. Colonel Fraser asked him where he came
from.

"Aberdeen," said the runner.

"No, no! Where do you come from now?"

"Yonder," replied the runner, pointing towards the front line.

"Well," said the Colonel, "what's happening there now?"

"Well, a Boche officer comes up to us and he says, 'Surrender!'"

"Well?"

"We told him, 'To hell with surrender.'"

"Where's the officer now?" said the Colonel.

"Yonder."

"What's he doing yonder?"

"Doing?" said the runner; "doing? He's dead."

Some of the tunnelling company, with their infantry assistants, also
joined in the fray, and took part in Captain Clarke's counter-attack. On
their return from the trenches they met the staff-captain, who hailed
them, and said, "Are you the tunnelling company?"

"Tunnelling be damned," a voice replied; "we've been ower the bags."

The casualties to the 152nd Infantry Brigade, with the 5th Gordon
Highlanders, amounted to about 900, including 53 officers. In this case
most of the wounds were serious. The men had had such slight protection
in which to withstand the bombardment that the shell-splinters
unfortunately did considerable execution. The medical officers reported
that they had never seen so large a percentage of seriously-wounded
cases. The spectacle of a steadily-increasing number of men arriving at
the dressing stations with shattered limbs was most pitiable, and the
medical personnel could hardly keep pace with the number of cases
brought in.

The stretcher-bearers went backwards and forwards through the most
hellish barrage both on the day before and during the attack in their
usual exemplary manner. Many of them were, however, killed, often with
the wounded man they were carrying.

On 19th May the following message was issued to the troops by the
Divisional Commander:--

"The Divisional Commander wishes to express his sincere appreciation of
the resource and bravery shown by all which led to the great defeat of
the enemy on the 16th May. He has much pleasure in communicating the
following message from the Corps Commander:--

"'Heartiest congratulations to you all on fine work on 16th and 17th
May 1917, and especially on General Burn and 152nd Infantry Brigade,
whose tenacity and pluck saved an awkward situation. The Division may
well be proud of their latest achievement.'"

General Allenby, commanding the Third Army, wired: "Convey to 51st
Highland Division my congratulations on their great gallantry at Roeux
and the chemical works."

On the night 16-17th May the 153rd Brigade and the 5th Gordon
Highlanders were relieved in the line, the 6th Black Watch taking over
the left sub-sector, and the 4th Seaforth Highlanders the right. On the
extreme north of the Divisional boundary about fifty men of the 6th
Seaforth Highlanders could not be found in the darkness, and were in
consequence not relieved until the following night. The command of the
front was then divided between the 153rd and 154th Brigades; the 152nd
Brigade moved back to Arras to recuperate and refit. They were not
employed again in this sector, the other two brigades remaining
permanently in the line until the Division was relieved on 31st May.

From the day following the battle until the date of relief the 153rd and
154th Brigades were severely and constantly bombarded by guns of all
calibres up to 8-inch. The enemy was extremely active in the air, and
made considerable use of aeroplanes in co-operation with artillery. The
Divisional war diary for 24th May runs as follows: "Hostile shelling
intermittent but accurate. Enemy aeroplanes for the past week have had
an uninterrupted survey of our lines. Between 3 P.M. and 3.30 P.M. an
aeroplane registered the right brigade headquarters, scoring several
direct hits, and causing considerable casualties."

The following day the right brigade was shelled out of its headquarters,
and had to move back to an embankment west of Athies. The activities of
these aeroplanes were to a certain extent checked by employing Stokes
guns to engage them with air-bursts. It was the first time that the use
of Stokes guns as anti-aircraft guns was attempted; and though it was
almost impossible to obtain any degree of accuracy, the Stokes bombs
certainly had a deterring effect on the enemy's pilots.

In spite of the continual bombardments, with the assistance of the 8th
Royal Scots, the field companies, and some tunnellers, the troops in the
line made rapid progress in the consolidation of the position. The
trenches everywhere were deepened, wire entanglements erected, and the
construction of dug-outs begun.

It was during this period that a party of sappers had an interesting
adventure. The party, led by Major Bisset, M.C., and Captain Grant of
the 404 Field Company, R.E., went forward to destroy a bridge which was
shown on air photos to have been constructed across the river Scarpe.
This bridge crossed a stretch of the river which flowed due east and
west. At this time our line on the north bank was some thousand yards in
advance of the line on the south bank. Thus this bridge, though it was
well behind our lines on the British bank of the river, was well behind
the German lines on the German bank. Any attempt to blow it up was,
therefore, certain to be attended by considerable danger.

On arrival at the so-called bridge, it was reconnoitred and found to be
nothing more than a tree which had been knocked over by a shell, and
which, lying across the surface of the water, had formed a dam and
collected a mass of floating débris. It had thus the appearance of a
broad wooden bridge on the air photographs.

Major Bisset decided that as the tree was in a position in which it
could be utilised as a bridge, it was advisable to destroy it. A
sergeant accordingly waded into the river, and was standing with water
up to his neck fixing the charge to the tree, when a German sentry
walked out along the tree-trunk towards the centre of the river. When
his feet were a few inches from the sergeant's head, he stopped, unaware
that he was covered by the revolvers of the two officers. After a pause,
apparently suspecting nothing, he moved away. The tree was then
successfully blown up without incident. The adventures of this party
were, however, not yet over. On their return through the British lines
they were mistaken for a German patrol, and were engaged with
close-range rifle-fire. Fortunately no one was hit, but the whole party
was compelled to take refuge in shell-holes. The trench party then
proceeded to bomb them. The bombs produced such a torrent of
unmistakably Scottish oaths that it ceased at once--not, however, before
a Mills bomb had pitched between Major Bisset and Captain Grant as they
lay in the same shell-hole.

On the arrival of this bomb both officers feverishly searched for it in
the dark, in the hope that they might be able to throw it away before it
burst. When it was found, they discovered to their great relief that in
the excitement of the moment the man who had thrown the bomb had
forgotten to extract the safety-pin, and that therefore it was
fortunately innocuous.

The R.E. made considerable use of pontoons in this area, not so much for
bridging purposes as for navigation. They were used for conveying
ammunition up the river Scarpe to battery positions in the Scarpe
valley, and wounded were conveyed down the river in them on their return
journey.

It was interesting to watch them manipulate the rapids which had been
formed where the large brick railway bridge just south of Athies had
been blown into the river by the Germans. There was always a large crowd
of Jocks at these rapids, who gave loud and conflicting advice to the
sappers as they were navigating them. The jest in this part of the
world, of which the Jocks never tired, was to ask one of the mariners on
a passing pontoon to bring him back a parrot.

The pontoon ferry service from Fampoux _viâ_ Athies to Blangy was
maintained under great difficulties owing to the shell-fire, the
numerous obstacles in the water, and to other causes. All difficulties
were however overcome, and it was finally extended as far as the
railway bridge, east of Fampoux. In one night over two hundred
seriously-wounded men were evacuated from the foremost area in pontoons.
This system relieved the heavily over-taxed roads, and considerably
lessened the difficulties of communication.

After the German attack, the Division played a considerable part in the
clearing of the battlefield in this area. The dead lay so thick on the
country-side that drastic measures were necessary to deal with the
situation.

Accordingly a hundred men from a labour battalion were placed at the
disposal of Lieutenant Brown of the 8th Royal Scots, and formed into a
Divisional burial party.

This party was constantly working in heavily-shelled areas, as it had
become essential that the positions occupied by reserve and supporting
battalions should be cleared.

Altogether Lieutenant Brown and his men buried over 3000 dead between
9th April and 31st May, not, however, without having suffered some
casualties themselves.

When active operations were not in progress, the troops in rest were
well situated in Arras, and rather more comfortable than usual. A
certain number of shops existed, against the few remaining windows of
which the nose could be glued. There were almost sufficient estaminets
to cope with the demand for them. Numerous Divisional troupes were
performing in the vicinity, and a large number of bands were available.
There was therefore plenty of relaxation to be obtained close at hand.

In this sector the massed pipe band of the Division, consisting of over
a hundred pipers and ninety odd drummers, played on several occasions.
On one of these occasions a distinguished General came to hear the
massed bands, and at the conclusion of the performance horrified the
drum-major in charge of the parade by congratulating him on the "most
inspiring noise" produced by the pipers.

The "Balmorals" also gave many performances, often to distinguished
audiences, in a marquee behind Divisional headquarters at St Nicolas.
Frequent discussions arose as to whether the "Balmorals" gave a better
performance than their rivals from the 56th Division, the "Bow Bells."
There were, however, few persons who did not admit that our "Gertie" was
second to none.

In spite of Roeux and the chemical works, the Jocks carried away many
pleasant recollections of Arras.

On 31st May the 9th Division began to relieve the brigade in the line.
On 2nd June the relief was completed, and two days later the 51st began
its northward march to prepare for the third battle of Ypres.




                            CHAPTER XI.

                     THE THIRD BATTLE OF YPRES.


On 7th June the Division arrived in the neighbourhood of Eperleques,
near St Omer, the 152nd, 153rd, 154th Brigades being allotted the
Tilques, Houlle, and Nordausque areas respectively. This district was a
properly constituted training area, administered by the headquarters of
the Second Army, in which troops were allowed full liberty of manœuvre,
and in which there were no restrictions as regards the digging of
practice trenches, &c. Moreover, it contained first-class classification
ranges up to 600 yards in length, with all the necessary appliances.
This was the first occasion on which the Division had occupied an area
in which adequate arrangements for training existed.

Musketry was vigorously continued, and competitions were organised,
which showed that the shooting had considerably improved, as, indeed, it
was bound to do where facilities for practice were available.

In addition, the tactical training of the Division advanced another
stage. It had frequently been exercised in the attack behind the
barrage, and in the consolidation of a captured position, and could be
relied upon to perform these two tasks well. The Divisional commander,
therefore, next concentrated on training the platoons how to overcome
local resistance by the aid of their own fire power.

Each platoon was taught that, if it came under the fire of a machine-gun
or a pocket of riflemen, it was useless to lie halted in the zone of the
hostile fire, and that by engaging the point of resistance frontally by
one or more sections the remainder under cover of their fire could work
round to the flank and overcome it.

In the light of subsequent events, it turned out that no form of
training could have been more appropriate, as the salient feature of the
third battle of Ypres proved to be the concrete pill-box, impervious to
the field-artillery barrage, which in many cases could only be subdued
by the individual action of the platoons opposed to it.

The successful manner in which, as will be seen, the Division overcame
the pill-boxes can be directly ascribed to this form of training.

On 12th June the 51st was transferred to the XVIIIth Corps, and on the
15th General Harper was informed by the Corps commander, General Sir F.
I. Maxse, that the Division would shortly occupy a portion of the Ypres
salient, from which it would take part in a great attack.

The situation in the salient as summarised in the commander-in-chief's
despatch was as follows: "The positions held by us in the Ypres salient
since May 1915 were far from satisfactory. They were completely
overlooked by the enemy; their defence involved a considerable strain
on the troops occupying them, and they were certain to be costly
to maintain against a serious attack, in which the enemy would
enjoy all the advantages in observation and in the placing of his
artillery. Our positions would be much improved by the capture of
the Messines-Wytschaete Ridge and of the high ground which extends
north-eastwards for some seven miles, and then turns north through
Broodseinde and Passchendaele."

In operations beginning on 7th June the Messines-Wytschaete Ridge had
been captured, so that at this date, 15th June, the capture of the
Passchendaele Ridge remained as the ultimate objective to be attained.

The front allotted to the Division lay due north of Ypres. It was not a
pleasant sector, as, in spite of the capture of Messines, the salient
still remained sufficiently pronounced for shells to arrive in the
front-line trenches from the right rear.

The trenches, such as they were, consisted of breastworks. The front
line in some places did not afford cover from view, while in others the
thistles and wild mustard on the parapet had been allowed to grow so
high that men on the fire-steps could not see over them.

The support line consisted of a few earthworks, resembling grouse butts,
and fortified farms, while the reserve line was composed almost entirely
of the latter.

There were about half a dozen shell-proof dug-outs in the Divisional
sector, one at Turco Farm and one at the Willows, both having to be
abandoned owing to the shell-fire they attracted. The C.R.E. reported on
these dug-outs: "They are shelled extremely heavily always on the
slightest provocation and often with none." Two other dug-outs, one at
Lancashire Farm and one at Foch Farm, were good, and were retained as
battalion headquarters.

About 2000 yards behind the front line ran the Canal de l'Yser. In the
banks of this canal lived a large population--reserve companies,
battalion headquarters, pioneers, sappers, R.A.M.C., and brigade
headquarters. There was hardly a square yard of the canal bank
unoccupied. This vast population lived in every type of non-shell-proof
residence, from splinter-proof elephant shelters to the worse kind of
"Bairnsfather" shack, which did not even keep out the rain.

As regards the enemy's defences, nothing could be seen beyond his front
line. This was sited on the crest of a small rise known as the High
Command Redoubt, which, though its height was really insignificant,
owing to the flatness of the surrounding country, overlooked the whole
of the British trench system as far as the canal bank. The only other
feature in the enemy's lines which could be observed were the tops of
the trees of Kitchener's Wood.

In the preparations for the attack three separate factors required
consideration--a tangled mass of derelict trenches and earthworks had to
be transformed into a jumping-off place for a great battle; the troops
had to be trained to attack a position that they could not see; the
artillery had to cut countless belts of wire that could not be observed
from the ground.

As regards the first problem, the Division was fortunate in having
acquired as its C.R.E. Lieut.-Colonel J. Gibson Fleming, D.S.O., R.E.
Lieut.-Colonel C. F. Rundle, D.S.O., who had been transferred as C.R.E.
to an Army Corps, had been succeeded at the end o£ 1916 by
Lieut.-Colonel H. W. Weekes, D.S.O., who in his turn had gone sick.

Colonel Fleming then joined the Division just before the battle of
Arras, but almost on the day of his arrival was wounded by a premature
from one of our own guns. He, however, returned to duty in time to
organise the work on the consolidation of the chemical works, and to
arrange the pontoon ferries on the river Scarpe.

Colonel Fleming was not only possessed of untiring physical energy
himself, but he had in a great degree the faculty of instilling energy
into others. He was, in fact, adept at what can best be described as
"getting a move on." To him was entrusted the responsibility of
preparing the Divisional sector for the coming operation, and for this
purpose he moved, on 15th June, with the three field companies, R.E.,
and the 8th Royal Scots to a camp just north-east of Poperinghe.

The Royal Engineers and pioneers, and similarly the Divisional
artillery, were seldom allowed the same periods of rest out of the line
as the infantry. It is true that they did not suffer the same number of
casualties as the infantry, as they were not required actually to
accompany the advancing waves in the attack; but they carried on for
long periods in the line during active operations with little or no
opportunity of settling down to a period of comfortable quarters and of
facilities for training.

Owing to the wet nature of the ground, it was decided that the digging
of assembly trenches could not be undertaken. Work was therefore
concentrated on building up the front line to give cover from view, and,
as far as labour would permit, on the construction of a parados to it.

Battalion battle headquarters were constructed immediately behind the
front line, elephant shelters sunk flush into the ground with a strong
burster course of broken stone on the top of them being used. The
communication trenches were improved to give covered access to the front
line, and, where necessary, were diverted to avoid particularly shelled
areas such as Turco Farm. As the daily bombardments of our lines became
more intense, the trenches were continually being blown in, and the work
of repairing them became increasingly heavy.

In addition to this work, accommodation had to be provided for the
maximum number of men in the canal bank. Unfortunately, the canal area
allotted to this Division contained the high-level broad-gauge railway
causeway and the low-level causeway adjacent to Bridge 4, both of which
excited great interest and attracted very heavy shelling from the
Boches, who made every endeavour to destroy them by bombardment. Bridge
4 was broken so frequently that in July it was decided that it could not
be kept open for wheeled traffic, and that the low-level causeway alone
would have to be used. Both banks of the canal in the vicinity of these
causeways were involved in these bombardments, with the result that much
of the work expended on the erection of shelters was destroyed.

During the whole of this period, two field companies, R.E., and the 8th
Royal Scots lived in the canal bank, subjected to heavy and continuous
shelling, including a lavish use of gas. Throughout the month of July
there was barely a single evening in which they were not heavily
bombarded.

As regards the preparation of the troops for the attack, it can safely
be said that no troops have been given a better opportunity of training
for a particular operation than was the Highland Division in this
instance.

General Maxse, the Corps commander, took the greatest interest in the
training, visiting each brigade and lecturing to all the officers. Large
training areas were hired, and so that officers and men might form some
impression of the German position, which they could not see, a large
model was made, about the size of four tennis courts, in which hills,
valleys, streams, houses, roads, woods, trenches, &c., were all
accurately represented by models. Platforms were then erected at
intervals round it, from which officers could point out to their men the
appearance of the area which they would traverse during the operations.

In some battalions each platoon made similar models in the orchards
round their billets, showing all the features in the area allotted to
their companies for the attack.

An exact replica of the German trenches was also marked out with
tracing-tapes on the training ground full size, in which every known
trench and farm was represented. The troops were then practised on this
course until they could find their way to their objectives according to
plan, without any officers taking part in the exercise. The men were
also carefully trained in the manner in which each post was to dig
itself in during consolidation, and how to pile the earth as it was
excavated, so that it at no time obscured their field of fire to their
front.

The attack was not delivered until 31st July, so that the Division was
given six weeks in which to make its preparations. During this period
the plans for the operation, as well as the training of the troops, were
perfected down to the minutest details.

In consequence, when the day arrived there was a feeling of confidence
in all ranks that, providing the artillery could effectively cut the
numerous wire entanglements and that the weather was reasonably good,
nothing could prevent them from reaching their objectives. Indeed, with
six weeks to prepare for the capture of a limited objective, had it been
otherwise the Division would have been greatly at fault.

On 22nd June the 152nd and 153rd Brigades moved to the St Momelin and
Lederzeele training areas respectively, and Divisional headquarters to
Lederzeele. On the night 22-23rd June the 153rd Brigade took over the
Divisional front from the 29th Division, remaining under the command of
the G.O.C. of that Division.

The sector at first was reasonably quiet; but as the preparations for
the attack began to come to the enemy's notice, his activity increased
daily, and finally became intense.

There were two areas in particular to which the enemy artillery paid
constant attention: the first was the belt of country running from
behind Turco Farm to behind Lancashire Farm, known as the Willows; the
second was the canal bank. The bombardment of these two areas was both
frequent and violent, and it was often impossible for parties of men to
pass through them without running the risk of suffering serious
casualties. As the German was at this time fairly active in the air, he
could direct his artillery to good purpose. As a result, the crowded
canal banks received a large daily ration of shell of all calibres up to
11-inch. The casualties were heavy, and there were several unfortunate
cases of heavy shells bursting within crowded shelters and destroying
all their inmates. In fact, the canal bank at times became almost a
shambles, and as an unhealthy residence was only surpassed by the Happy
Valley in the days of High Wood.

During one of these daily bombardments of this area, a shell burst in
the doorway of the headquarters dug-out of the 5th Gordon Highlanders
near Turco Farm. Fragments from the back-blast of the shell came in
through the doorway, killing 2nd Lieutenant A. S. Milne of the 5th
Gordon Highlanders, and wounding four trench-mortar officers who were
holding a conference there, including Captain Gillespie, the Divisional
trench-mortar officer.

In this period the enemy also considerably developed his activity with
high-velocity guns and with aerial bombing, the hutted camps in rear of
the trench area, in which the reserve battalions were accommodated,
Poperinghe, and the various dumps, all receiving an increasing ration of
bombs and high-velocity shells. The value of this form of activity was
at once evident, as by a careful employment of high-velocity guns and
aircraft, it can be ensured that troops resting behind the line are
denied a reasonable night's sleep, and their efficiency can in this
manner be considerably impaired.

On 8th July Divisional headquarters moved to a camp in rear of the
trench area, and the G.O.C. 51st Division took over command of the line.
While the 152nd and 153rd Brigades were carrying out their tour-of duty
in the line, little change in the situation took place, beyond the
introduction of mustard-gas by the enemy. This was the most diabolical
form of gas produced during the war. Death from its fumes was a
prolonged agony ending in suffocation. Post-mortem examinations of its
victims revealed the fact that all their organs from the throat to the
abdomen were ulcerated throughout. The health of men who survived its
effects was often permanently impaired, while externally, particularly
in those portions of the body where perspiration is most profuse, the
gas raised large blisters, which gradually chafed into open sores.
Fortunately, the British mask was found to be absolutely proof against
the effects of this gas. It was, however, found to be most persistent in
its effects; the liquid contained in the shells became absorbed in the
earth and continued vaporising for many hours. As a result, men who were
working or living in an area that had been gas-shelled were often
infected by the fumes many hours after the shelling had subsided. In
some Divisions in the Ypres sector casualties from mustard-gas reached
alarming proportions.

After the 154th Brigade had taken over the line, the character of the
enemy's activity changed for the worse. He continued his constant
bombardments of the canal bank, and at the same time persistently
shelled the forward area, no doubt in the hope that he might knock out
any attack that was impending by overwhelming the troops with shell-fire
in their assembly trenches.

Some of those bombardments were of great violence, on one occasion 200
trench-mortar bombs being fired into the trenches on one battalion
front.

On 28th July a Chinese attack was carried out at 5 A.M. by the
Divisional artillery. A Chinese attack consists in passing a moving
18-pounder barrage across the enemy's trenches exactly as if an attack
had begun, except that no infantry take part. The troops in the front
line make a considerable noise and hoist dummies on to the fire-step.
The German sentries then give the alarm, and as soon as the barrage has
passed the garrisons leave their shelters and man their fire-steps. The
barrage is then suddenly brought back on to the trenches, and is upon
the Germans before they have time to regain their shelters. This is
excellent medicine, and after he has been treated to a Chinese attack
two or three times, the enemy rather hesitates to man his fire-steps
immediately the barrage has passed. Thus, when the day of attack
arrives, our infantry, if they can keep close on the heels of the
barrage, have an excellent opportunity of "chopping him in cover." The
exposure of the dummies, which have the appearance of troops mounting
the parapet, also compels him to disclose the position of his
machine-guns, which he normally keeps secret until an infantry attack
has begun.

By July 15 each infantry brigade had carried out a tour of duty in the
line, so that officers and men had all been given an opportunity of
studying the area from which the attack was to be launched. On that date
the infantry was therefore all relieved and moved back for training,
though the command of the sector still remained in General Harper's
hands.

As regards the area to be attacked, the width of frontage allotted to
the Division was slightly over 1400 yards. The enemy's defences
consisted of a front system, including front, support, and reserve line
trenches, some 300-500 yards in depth, supported by fortified farms and
concrete blockhouses.

About 800 yards in rear of the front system lay a deeply wired line of
trenches, supported in front and rear by more fortified farms and
blockhouses. This line was known to the Germans as the Stutzpunkt line.
To the rear, again, lay further numerous blockhouses and fortified
farms. In all cases the blockhouses, as opposed to the farms, which were
marked on the map, were not known to exist until they were actually
encountered during the operations.

At a distance varying from 1500 to 2000 yards in rear of the Stutzpunkt
line lay the Steenbeek, a river which in normal conditions, such as on
the morning of the battle, was fordable, but which was liable after rain
to rise suddenly and become a serious obstacle, as it did on the
afternoon of the battle.

One thousand five hundred yards beyond the Steenbeek lay a
strongly-wired line known as the Langemarck-Gheluvelt line.

From the High Command Redoubt in the German front system the ground
falls gradually down to the Steenbeek with no pronounced irregularities.
Immediately in rear of the Stutzpunkt line and just east of the
Divisional right boundary, lay a large copse, Kitchener's Wood, while
the whole area was dotted throughout with numerous spinneys and small
orchards.

The main objective of the Division, known as the Green line, was the
river Steenbeek, but two companies were detailed to cross the river
after its capture and establish bridgeheads on the northern bank, the
actual distance to be traversed by the troops detailed for the capture
of these bridgeheads being 2600 yards on the right, and 3200 yards on
the left.

[Illustration: MAP VI. THIRD BATTLE OF YPRES: ADVANCE TO THE STEENBEEK,
31ST JULY 1917.]

The attack was divided into four stages, three definite intermediate
objectives being selected. These were:--

First objective--the Blue line. This included the enemy's front system.


Second objective--the Black line. The Stutzpunkt line, with its
supporting farms and blockhouses.

Third objective--the Green line. The line of the river Steenbeek.

Fourth objective--one company post at Mon du Rasta, 200 yards beyond the
Steenbeek, on the right front; and one company post on the military
road, a similar distance beyond the river, on the left front.

In actually defining the objective lines on the map, the question of the
various farm buildings to be encountered had to be taken into
consideration. It was not known whether the enemy had incorporated them
into his system of defence. However, to leave nothing to chance, it was
assumed that this had been the case, and, further, that they had been
fortified with concrete.

It was therefore decided to arrange the attack so that all farm
buildings not more than 200 yards in advance of the main objectives
should be assaulted under the barrage without any pause after the
capture of each objective. It was thus ensured that no bodies of the
enemy would be left undealt with who might interfere with the troops
forming up for the assault of the next subsequent objective, and
disorganise the attack by their fire before the troops were properly
under way. Thus in front of each main objective a dotted line was drawn
on the map including all such farms, &c. These lines were known as the
Blue outpost line and the Black outpost line.

The assumption that the farms had been fortified with concrete was
confirmed on 29th July by Lieutenant F. C. Jack, R.F.A., who, with an
orderly, carried out a daring reconnaissance in broad daylight. This
officer penetrated into the German lines in two places for about 200
yards depth, and reported that Hindenburg Farm and some other farms were
apparently still undestroyed. As they had been hit repeatedly by heavy
howitzer shells and much damaged externally, it was evident that
concrete had been used in large quantities.

The Division attacked on a two-brigade front, the 152nd Brigade being on
the right and the 153rd on the left. Each brigade attacked on a
two-battalion front, the leading battalions taking as far as the Blue
line inclusive, the remaining two battalions taking up to the Green
line.

In this attack Lieut.-Colonel H. G. Hyslop, D.S.O., commanding 7th
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, commanded the 153rd Infantry Brigade.
On 17th May 1917, Brigadier-General D. Campbell, C.B., after having
commanded the 153rd Brigade in the field for over two years, had
returned home for a well-earned period of rest. General Campbell will
always be remembered by those who served with him for his unfailing
courtesy to all, and for the evenness of his temperament, no matter how
adverse the circumstances. With his departure the Division lost the last
of its earliest Brigadiers who had guided it through its infancy and
adolescence.

General Campbell was succeeded by Brigadier-General Alistair Gordon,
C.M.G., D.S.O., Gordon Highlanders. General Gordon had been seriously
wounded in the early days of the war, and had, after his recovery, been
employed as a Brigadier-General on the Staff at the War Office. In the
short period that he served with the Division, it became evident that
had he survived a distinguished career would have awaited him.

On the day before the battle General Gordon and his brigade-major, Hugh
Lean of the Highland Light Infantry, while walking round the trenches,
were struck by the same shell, Lean being killed and General Gordon
mortally wounded.

Lean had always been unlucky. Very early in the war he had been severely
wounded, for a time losing his sight. At Arras he received a severe
scalp wound from the same shell that killed the brigade intelligence
officer with whom he was walking. He, however, gallantly remained at
duty. In his next tour in the line he was struck a severe blow on the
elbow by the nose-cap of a bursting shell, but again remained at duty.

A few days before going into the line on the last occasion, in
conversation he expressed a definite opinion that he would be killed in
the coming operations, as indeed he was.

Colonel Hyslop, who at the last moment assumed command of the 153rd
Brigade, had been the first regimental officer to land in France with
the Expeditionary Force, and had the unique record of having served with
a battalion continuously from the date of landing.

Opposed to the Highland Division, and holding a slightly more extended
front, was the 23rd (Reserve) Saxon Division, in process of being
relieved by the 3rd Guards Division. The Guards had already taken over
the rear lines up to the Black line, and were actually carrying out the
relief of the front systems when the attack was launched. The enemy held
the trenches with four battalions from the front line to the river
Steenbeek inclusive, and with five battalions in reserve north of the
Steenbeek.

For this attack the Divisional artillery was reinforced by the two
brigades of the 11th Divisional artillery and by two army brigades, the
77th and the 282nd. These six brigades were divided into two groups of
three brigades each, one group under the command of Lieut.-Colonel L. M.
Dyson, D.S.O., covering the 152nd Brigade; the other, under the command
of Lieut.-Colonel M. M. Duncan, C.M.G., covering the 153rd. A brigade of
artillery covered each of the four battalion frontages, while the
remaining brigade in each group covered the whole brigade front. This
plan gave one 18-pounder gun to every twelve and a half yards of the
front.

One hundred and twelve machine-guns were available for this attack, as a
fourth machine-gun company, the 232nd, had now joined the Division, and
forty-eight guns from the 11th Division were also placed at the disposal
of the 51st. Of these, sixty-four fired three successive barrages,
covering the ground in front of the Blue, Black, and Green lines.
Sixteen were placed under the orders of the Brigadiers for purposes of
consolidation, and thirty-two were kept in reserve.

As the attack was launched 206 drums of burning oil were projected from
mortars on the enemy's support and reserve lines, while to discourage
the enemy further 150 shells filled with thermite were thrown at Fort
Caledonia in the German reserve line three minutes after zero. There
seemed to be rather a mediæval touch about the employment of drums of
burning oil; but according to the statements of prisoners who
experienced it, it appeared to have been as effective as ever.

One squadron of the 1st King Edward's Horse and eight fighting tanks,
with one supply tank, were also placed at the disposal of the Divisional
commander.

The artillery had begun the cutting of the enemy wire on the 16th July,
and for a fortnight were firing with great intensity, their average
daily expenditure being 3500 rounds by the 18-pounders, 1000 rounds by
the 4·5 howitzers, and 400 rounds by the 2-inch trench-mortars.

Naturally this great activity on the part of the gunners drew
considerable retaliation from the enemy; nevertheless, they carried out
their task with a precision that was little short of amazing when the
fact is taken into account that they had to work entirely by aerial
observation.

The concentration of the troops in the assembly trenches was a matter
which required elaborate arrangements. On the night of the 28-29th the
two brigades took over their battle fronts each with four companies,
the remainder of the troops moving up to the trenches on the night
before the battle. "To ensure secrecy, it was impossible, owing to
the enemy's activity in the air, to move from the camps in which the
brigades were assembled before 8.30 P.M. There was thus barely time for
the attacking force to arrive in its position of deployment before zero
hour. It was therefore necessary to eliminate by careful arrangement
all likely causes of delay. To avoid loss of direction, overland routes
to the entrances of the communication trenches were marked out by
stakes and tapes. Men who had been made familiar with these routes were
employed as guides. Police were also posted at all junctions of tracks
and of trenches, to ensure that in the event of gas being encountered
the men would adjust their respirators as quickly as possible and
continue their march. The troops were also instructed that in no
circumstances was the march to the position of deployment to be delayed
by enemy action. Previous to the attack this march had been rehearsed
in the dark by bodies of troops both with and without respirators, so
that it could be ensured, in selecting the zero hour, sufficient time
was allowed for the operation. A hot meal was issued at the place of
assembly, and soup and tea were issued from hot-food containers at the
positions of deployment."[7]

These arrangements proved adequate. The hostile artillery was
exceptionally quiet, and the assembly was completed without incident.

At 3.50 A.M., 31st July, the third battle of Ypres opened. At that hour
the sky was covered with clouds, and in consequence there was little
natural light. However, the burning oil thrown on the enemy lines by the
trench-mortars at zero hour illuminated the whole front. The troops had
little difficulty in forming up under the barrage, except that the
numerous water-filled shell-holes made the maintenance of direction and
of proper extensions no easy matter. The going was also very heavy.

The enemy's artillery did not open in reply to our barrage for some ten
minutes, and fell on and in rear of the old British front line. The
leading battalions were, from right to left, the 5th Seaforth
Highlanders, the 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, the 7th Gordon
Highlanders, the 7th Black Watch. These four battalions advanced to the
Blue line without a check. The trenches were found to have been almost
obliterated by the artillery. Some of the farms had been so demolished
by shell-fire that they could not be located until the sun was above the
horizon. The gunners had, indeed, carried out their tasks.

Points of resistance being scattered rather promiscuously about the
area, in the half-light it did not always happen that the German
garrisons were dealt with immediately as the barrage lifted. The Jocks,
however, in this and in their next battle, were at the very top of their
form, and showed extraordinary initiative. Whenever a point of
resistance disclosed itself, it was attacked immediately by the troops
in its vicinity with great dash--not, however, by wild frontal expensive
charges, but by the skilful use of ground and their weapons, in
accordance with their training. In fact, as infantry fighters they
completely outclassed the Germans, and by using their Lewis guns and
rifle grenades with considerable effect they promptly swamped every
party of the enemy which opposed them.

In the two attacks carried out by the Division in the third battle of
Ypres, the Germans, in spite of the strength of their defences and of
the splendid resistance they offered, utterly failed to prevent the
Jocks from reaching their final objective. It was no doubt on this
account that they published the fact that at this time they considered
the 51st the most formidable Division on the Western Front.

In the advance to the Blue line the 7th Gordon Highlanders had probably
the most serious minor encounter in the capture of Hindenburg Farm.
Under cover of rifle grenades and Lewis guns the farm was captured, ten
Germans being killed and wounded, and an officer and twenty-two men
being captured. The 7th Black Watch were opposed by the remnants of a
more elaborate trench system than other units, but they swept through
them with "unco precision," and reached their objective with the other
battalions.

The Blue line was thus captured according to plan, and consolidation was
well advanced before the troops detailed for the capture of the Black
line passed through it on their way to form up under the barrage.

By 5.15 A.M. orders were given for two batteries to move forward to more
advanced positions.

So far some 400 casualties had been sustained, including 3 officers
killed and 8 wounded. Many of the enemy were killed in the assault, or
found lying dead in their trenches, and some 100 prisoners had been
taken.

In the advance to the Black line after the capture of the Blue line, the
character of the fighting changed. Up to this point the attack had been
directed against a trench system badly damaged by shell-fire and only
thinly held.

From the Blue line onwards the enemy was in greater strength, and his
system of defences was mainly composed of isolated fortified farms and
of reinforced concrete blockhouses with double walls, cellars, and wide
machine-gun loopholes. The Black line had been so seriously damaged by
the artillery that it did not in itself present a serious obstacle; on
the other hand, the concreted farms and blockhouses were almost intact.
These were particularly troublesome between the Black line and the Black
support line.

In this phase of the advance the condition of the ground was appalling,
the movements of the infantry being seriously handicapped by the mud,
which made it impossible for them to move out of a walk.

The order of battle of the troops detailed for the capture of the Black
and Green lines from right to left was as follows: 6th Gordon
Highlanders, 6th Seaforth Highlanders, 5th Gordon Highlanders, 6th Black
Watch.

On the right the 6th Gordon Highlanders reached the Black line with
little difficulty. A machine-gun in rear of Ascot Cottage checked the
advance for a short time; the infantry, however, hailed a passing tank,
which joined in the action, the cottage being carried and twelve Germans
being killed or captured.

Similarly the 6th Seaforth Highlanders captured the Black line behind
the barrage except in the neighbourhood of Macdonald's Farm and
Macdonald's Wood. Here a considerable engagement took place. Two
platoons, whose real objective was the northern edge of Macdonald's
Wood, first tackled the farm; while a platoon of the 6th Gordon
Highlanders, which had been ordered to the Black line to gain touch with
the 6th Seaforth Highlanders, realising the situation, joined in the
fight and engaged the enemy in Macdonald's Wood with enfilade rifle and
machine-gun fire. Tank G 50 also arrived, and promptly fired six shells
into Macdonald's Farm. These shells, arriving in company with a storm of
bullets and rifle grenades, proved too much for the Germans, who
surrendered. Seventy prisoners were taken, many dead lay round the farm,
and a 4.2 howitzer and two machine-guns were captured.

On other parts of the front of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders between the
Black and the Black outpost lines some fighting took place, and much
gallantry was displayed. In one instance two privates captured four
Germans and a machine-gun which had been firing on their platoon, one of
the privates alone killing six Germans in the process. This battalion
also cleverly captured Canister Trench, a trench running at right angles
to the line of advance. A half-platoon entered it at each end, and then
fought along it until they met in the middle, having wiped out its
entire garrison.

The 6th Black Watch on the left of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders had
severe fighting in clearing the Black and Black outpost lines. Of the
battalions engaged on the Divisional front, the 6th Black Watch
sustained most casualties, 9 officers and 292 other ranks. This
battalion had suffered considerably in the half-hour before zero while
lying assembled immediately in rear of the old British front line, and
again while waiting for the barrage to move forward from in front of the
Black outpost line. In this position the men were swept by a
machine-gun firing from Gournier Farm. Accordingly, when the barrage
lifted, No. 1 platoon made at once for this farm. By working round its
flanks from shell-hole to shell-hole they rounded it up, taking two
machine-guns and twenty prisoners, and later a field-gun. By 6.40 A.M.
the Black outpost line was captured on the whole battalion front.

The 5th Gordon Highlanders met no defended farms during their advance to
the Black line, but machine-guns had been posted in front of the line in
strong concrete emplacements. These were vigorously assailed, and by the
skill and gallantry of the men were speedily silenced. In one of these
encounters 2nd Lieutenant Maitland, commanding "C" Company, performed a
conspicuous act of bravery. Seeing a machine-gun firing from a
shell-hole, he advanced alone, moving from shell-hole to shell-hole
until he had worked round to the flank of the gun. He then rushed into
the emplacement, shot two of the team, and clubbed a third with the
butt-end of his rifle, capturing the gun. This officer was,
unfortunately, shortly afterwards wounded.

Severe fighting occurred on the right flank of the 5th Gordon
Highlanders, where a pocket of Germans resisted stubbornly. Lieutenant
J. Rutherford, adjutant of the 6th Black Watch, seeing that the advance
was checked at this point, organised the troops at hand, both Black
Watch and Gordon Highlanders, and, supported by a Stokes mortar,
advanced from shell-hole to shell-hole against the flank of the Germans.
The troops held up meanwhile opened a heavy fire on the enemy, who,
seeing themselves engaged both frontally and from a flank, gave up the
contest and surrendered. The trench they had occupied was found to be
choked with enemy dead, most of whom had been killed by bullets. About
100 prisoners were taken in this local action.

By 7.45 A.M. all arms, in addition to the infantry, were moving forward.
The first batteries were now in action just in rear of the old British
front line. The Stokes guns were up ready to support the fighting
troops, as they had, indeed, already done.

The machine-guns, which had been ordered to move up to the Blue line to
fire in the later stages of the barrage, had also begun their advance,
though many were delayed owing to the men finding great difficulty in
carrying their loads through the mud.

The 8th Royal Scots had also begun work on a road and a trench across
the old No Man's Land.

The fighting round the Black outpost line was still in progress when the
barrage moved forward to the Green line. In consequence, troops whose
real objective was the Green line became involved in the fighting both
at Cane Wood and Macdonald's Wood on their way to form up under the
barrage.

In spite of this the whole line managed to defeat the Germans who were
still holding out, overtake the barrage, and advance behind it.

On the right the 6th Gordon Highlanders reached the Green line at 7.50
A.M. with little opposition, and began to consolidate about 250 yards
south-west of the Steenbeek. German low-flying aeroplanes, however,
shortly arrived, and took stock of their positions. The company
commander, guessing what their business was, as soon as they had gone,
moved his front line 100 yards forward and his support line 100 yards
back. He thus had the satisfaction of seeing the position he had
originally occupied thoroughly well shelled, while his own lines
entirely escaped the bombardment.

This battalion had captured in its advance to the Green line 4 officers,
130 other ranks, 3 machine-guns, 2 trench-mortars, and 2 anti-tank guns,
its losses being 6 officers and 130 other ranks. Curiously enough, the
company which reached the Steenbeek only lost 2 men killed and 19
wounded during the whole period that it was engaged in these operations.

In this advance Private G. I. M'Intosh of the 6th Gordon Highlanders
performed an act of conspicuous gallantry, for which he was awarded the
Victoria Cross. Machine-guns across the Steenbeek were firing on his
company. Private M'Intosh, entirely on his own initiative, crossed the
stream alone under fire, armed with a bomb and a revolver. Working round
to the rear of the emplacement he hurled his bomb into it, killing two
Germans and wounding a third. He found two light machine-guns, which he
brought back with him.

On the left of the 6th Gordon Highlanders, the 6th Seaforth Highlanders
had detailed one company to cross the river Steenbeek and establish a
post at Mon du Rasta, and three platoons to dig in on the Green line.
These troops passed through the Black outpost line while fighting was
still in progress, and joined in the reduction of Macdonald's Wood.

The advance thus continued without incident until the platoons were
approaching the Green line. At this point they came under a heavy rifle
and machine-gun fire from the opposite side of the river. Lewis guns
therefore swept the farther bank, a tank was called up to give covering
fire, and the Green line platoons were thus enabled to dig themselves in
as arranged. The company for Mon du Rasta, finding all bridges and the
river bank swept by hostile machine-gun fire, dug in 100 yards from the
stream and awaited an opportunity to cross.

Meanwhile the 6th Black Watch had, after some stiff fighting, overcome
the numerous blockhouses and fortified farms that they encountered, and
had captured a number of prisoners. The behaviour of this battalion was
magnificent, as every advance it made was carried out in the face of
obstinate resistance. The platoons for the Green line were first engaged
in the Black outpost line, particularly about Cane Wood. They next
captured Rudolf Farm with 20 prisoners, and later, in conjunction with
platoons of the 5th Gordon Highlanders, a blockhouse near François Farm
with 3 machine-guns, 4 officers, and 40 other ranks. The Green line
platoons, though greatly reduced in numbers, finally reached their
objective and dug in.

At 10.30 A.M. Lieut.-Colonel T. M. Booth, D.S.O., commanding the 6th
Black Watch, made a reconnaissance of the Green line. Appreciating that
it was then possible to rush men across the Steenbeek, he collected
thirty to forty men of "D" Company, and led them with few casualties
across the river by a bridge just north of the Military Road. He then
disposed them in four posts north of the road, and a message was sent
back to the cavalry at Gournier Farm that the posts were successfully
established across the stream.

As this was to be the signal for the squadron of the King Edward Horse
to advance and patrol north of the Steenbeek, the men mounted, moved
forward, and deployed in front of the Palace Farm. On reaching a line
150 yards from the stream, they suddenly came under heavy machine-gun
fire, and immediately suffered such losses in men and horses that any
attempt at a further advance was out of the question. They therefore dug
in under orders of Colonel M'Donald of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders, in
a position which covered Mon du Rasta.

It was at this moment that Sergeant Edwards, 6th Seaforth Highlanders,
performed one of several acts of conspicuous gallantry for which he was
awarded the Victoria Cross. Major Swan, commanding the squadron of King
Edward Horse, fell wounded. Sergeant Edwards went out under heavy fire,
dressed the officer's wounds in a shell-hole, and helped him back into a
trench. He had already led his platoon against a machine-gun in
Macdonald's Wood and wiped out the team. He had also, though wounded in
the arm, alone stalked and killed a sniper. The following day Edwards
was wounded in the leg, but refused to leave his platoon.

The 5th Gordon Highlanders were also by this time established on the
Green line. They had overcome two strongly-defended posts--the
blockhouse near François Farm, in conjunction with the 6th Black Watch,
as already described; and Varna Farm, in conjunction with troops of the
38th Division.

In each case the men "dribbled" towards their objective--that is, they
worked their way individually from shell-hole to shell-hole, and by this
means were able to reach the flanks of the point of resistance opposing
them. So skilfully did they carry out this manœuvre that the German
machine-gunners could not check their advance, and in both cases the
garrisons surrendered before the Gordon Highlanders had closed with
them, a number of dead being found in the neighbourhood of the captured
posts. This battalion took 7 officers and 160 other ranks (excluding
wounded) prisoners, and 10 machine-guns; while they lost 1 officer
killed, 7 wounded, and 58 other ranks killed, 171 wounded, and 7
missing.

Two tanks had by this time arrived on the Green line, and patrolled it
for about two hours, engaging any targets that offered, and thus
protecting the infantry from the enemy's activity.

Between 3 and 4 P.M. in the afternoon the enemy put down a heavy barrage
on the Black outpost line, and the infantry began advancing on the left
flank towards the Steenbeek. This attempted counter-attack, however,
failed, the lire of rifles, Lewis and machine guns sending the enemy
running back, and causing him many casualties. Taking advantage of the
disorganisation caused by the failure of this enterprise in the enemy's
dispositions north of the Steenbeek, the company of the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders, reinforced by two platoons of the 8th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders, dashed across the stream, seized the bridgeheads opposite
Ferdinand Farm, and rushed Mon du Rasta. Posts were then established at
Mon du Rasta and Mon Bulgare. These were next reinforced by a Stokes
mortar which was pushed across the stream, and which was soon in action,
firing thirty rounds on parties of the enemy on the road running
north-east from Mon du Rasta.

The 6th Seaforth Highlanders had now also occupied their farthest
objective. This battalion had captured during the day 2 officers, 276
other ranks, a 4·2 howitzer, and 9 machine-guns, and had sustained the
following casualties: 3 officers killed and 7 wounded, 38 other ranks
killed and 174 wounded, and 21 men missing.

The operation had thus been a complete success; each platoon was on the
objective to which it had been detailed, machine-guns and Stokes guns
were in position, and the work at consolidation was well advanced.

Later it was found necessary to withdraw the posts on the north bank of
the Steenbeek. The enemy had counter-attacked the 6th Black Watch at
3.45 P.M., 4 P.M., and 4.30 P.M., but in every case the battalion had
held their ground and broken up each attack. At a low estimate eighty
Germans were killed and wounded by rifle and Lewis gun fire during these
actions. At 6.05 P.M., after a heavy bombardment, including a lavish use
of gas shells, a further and more serious attack was delivered. Owing to
the casualties they had sustained in the previous attacks and to the
withdrawal of troops on their left, the 6th Black Watch were forced to
return to the south bank of the Steenbeek, where they again dug in.

Meanwhile the posts of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders and the 8th Argyll
and Sutherland Highlanders at Mon du Rasta and Mon Bulgare were in
danger of being isolated. Not only were their flanks in the air, but
also, owing to heavy rain which had set in during the early afternoon,
the Steenbeek was being transformed from a fordable stream into a
rushing torrent.

It was therefore decided to withdraw the outlying posts and hold only
the bridges. Thus at the end of the day the Steenbeek divided the
opposing forces.

In each phase of the operations the infantry advance was closely
followed by the other arms of the service in exact accordance with the
prearranged plans, with the result that before nightfall the whole of
the captured area had been powerfully organised.

By 12 noon four batteries of artillery were in action in and about the
old No Man's Land. Eighteen machine-guns were in position in the Black
line in time to answer an S.O.S. signal in the afternoon, while sixteen
other machine-guns were established in their prearranged positions
during the day, with a good supply of ammunition. The 152nd Machine-Gun
Company's barrage guns alone were able to fire 20,000 rounds in answer
to a single S.O.S. call.

The engineers had also performed a number of tasks. By the afternoon
they had constructed posts at 23 Metre Hill, Cane Avenue, and von Werder
House. They had repaired the Pilkem Road up to the 5 Chemins Estaminet,
and Boundary Road as far as Kempton Park, so as to be suitable for
wheeled transport. They had also made a track across No Man's Land which
joined up with an old road at Below Farm. They had, in addition,
constructed a water-supply point at Lancashire Farm with a track
connecting it to the nearest road.

Rations for the following day were dumped at the Black line by 7 P.M., a
fact which provides an illustration of the remarkable work done by the
Divisional pack-train under the command of Captain Smith of the 51st
D.A.C. This train consisted of 328 mules. The first pack-loads of
ammunition were on their way to dumps at Hurst Park and Gournier Farm
three hours after zero. Throughout the day ammunition, sandbags, Lewis
gun drums, Very light cartridges, water, and rations were carried
forward in a continual stream.

Only one mule was hit during these operations, an instance of the
benefit which results from carrying out a task of this nature quickly
and in daylight during the comparatively undisturbed hours which always
occur behind the fighting line during an actual attack. At this period
the enemy's artillery is too preoccupied in trying to check the
attacking infantry to pay much attention to the activities that may be
going on in rear of the attack.

Throughout the battle little trouble was experienced as regards
communication. A cable-tank had carried signal gear to a prearranged
dump between Sandown and Hurst Park. Wires were then quickly laid to the
battalion headquarters which were established in various fortified
farms.

A message-carrying dog sent from the Green line during the engagement
reached its destination two days later, minus its collar and message.

As was usually the case when the Division carried out a trench-to-trench
attack, rain fell heavily during the night. In many cases men were
flooded out of their trenches and had to lie in the open. Throughout the
whole captured area movement became a matter of the greatest difficulty.
Luckily the enemy suffered equally, and remained quiet.

The troops on the Green line, however, remained in good heart, and
reported the situation as "water two feet deep, but spirits very high."

The eight tanks which supported the attack in some cases did valuable
work; their doings, briefly summarised, were as follows:--

G 49 stuck in the Blue line; G 41 stuck 200 yards beyond the Blue line;
G 51 reached Kitchener's Wood; G 44, 45, and 52 reached the Green line
after having dealt with several machine-guns. G 50 reached Varna Farm
after several engagements with machine-guns. G 42 reached the Black line
and worked along it.

The 152nd and 153rd Brigades had each gone into action with the
approximate strength of 80 officers and 2700 other ranks. Their
casualties totalled 52 officers (32·5 per cent) and 1516 other ranks
(28·07 per cent).

As opposed to this, 15 officers and 624 other ranks, 2 field-guns, 4
trench-mortars, and 29 machine-guns were captured, many enemy killed and
many machine-guns and trench-mortars destroyed.

This attack can be summed up as the neatest and cleanest performance
which the Division had carried out. It was delivered against the Germans
while their fighting efficiency was still unimpaired, and while their
numbers were still unappreciably diminished. Moreover, it was delivered
against a position hidden from view, which had been deliberately
fortified during the preceding years with every artifice the ingenuity
of the Boche could devise, and contained the concrete barrage-proof
farms and the entirely unexpected concrete blockhouses.

The success, indeed, was so complete that, even after the battle was
over, nothing which would have been an improvement in the plans of
attack suggested itself.

During the afternoon and evening of 1st August the 154th Brigade, which
had as yet not been employed in the operations at all, relieved the
152nd and 153rd Brigades, and remained in the line until 8th August,
when the whole Division was relieved.




                            CHAPTER XII.

                           POELCAPPELLE.


From the 8th August until 29th the Division remained at rest in the St
Janster Biezen area, with the exception of the 154th Infantry Brigade,
which moved back to the Eperleques area. Training was carried out as
usual, particular attention again being given to the practising of
platoons in attacking under cover of their own fire.

On 17th August Brigadier-General A. T. Beckwith, C.M.G., D.S.O.,
Hampshire Regiment, took over command of the 153rd Brigade, having
already had a distinguished career as a battalion commander in the 29th
Division. He had left one Division with a distinct identity of its own
to join another with an equally distinct identity. His great capacity
for detail being admirably adapted to the system on which the 51st
worked both in attack and defence, enabled him quickly to become one of
its main supports.

On 20th August the G.O.C. 51st Division assumed command of the left
sector of the XVIIIth Corps front, the 152nd Brigade having taken over
the line. The trench area was situated some half a mile away from the
remains of the village of Langemarck and just east of the
Langemarck-Gheluvelt road, the Divisional frontage being about 1500
yards in breadth.

The Division continued holding this line until 20th September, when an
attack was launched. This period was remarkable on account of three
things. First, the mud, which reproduced conditions similar to, if not
worse than, those at Courcelette. The ground throughout the whole front
was so sodden with rain and churned up by shell-fire as to be impassable
to troops in any numbers. The second feature was a consistently lavish
use of the recently-introduced mustard gas, which caused numerous cases
of slightly-gassed men, and a lesser number of men seriously gassed. The
latter suffered indescribable agonies, and either ultimately died, or
made an insufficient recovery ever to return to the ranks as whole men.
The mustard gas shell proved itself to be a weapon that was liable to
cause serious losses unless all measures for anti-gas defence were
maintained at a high level of efficiency. It was, however, a persistent
gas, and might cause casualties hours and even days after it had been
used, so that the enemy could never employ it on an area which he
intended to attack in the immediate future.

The third feature of this period was great activity in aerial bombing,
which the Germans suddenly developed, and which they maintained in an
increasing degree to within a few weeks of the armistice. Both bombing
and long-range guns, which the enemy freely used in this front, were
difficult to deal with, as shelter for the men could not be provided by
means of dug-outs in the clay soil of Flanders. In consequence, both men
and horses suffered a number of casualties from bombing, particularly in
the camps and rest billets behind the line. On one occasion alone three
bombs dropped in Siege Camp caused thirty-two casualties.

On 6th September the 5th Seaforth Highlanders attempted a raid on the
enemy's posts in front of Pheasant Trench (see Map VII.), 3 officers and
100 other ranks being employed. The raiding party failed to reach the
enemy's lines owing to the intensity of his rifle and machine-gun fire;
but they obtained some valuable information, and caused the enemy
serious losses by the energetic use of their rifles. They observed that
Pheasant Trench was protected by an uncut belt of wire about fifteen
yards in depth. They also found that in some parts Pheasant Trench was
manned by dummies, and in others by men holding it in two ranks, the
front rank using their rifles while the rear rank threw bombs. They took
advantage of this close grouping on the part of the enemy by shooting
twelve of them. During the advance a party of about twenty of the enemy
left two advanced saps and made for the rear, but only four of them
reached cover. The raiders could not regain our lines during daylight,
and remained in shell-holes until dusk, when they returned, having lost
1 officer and 19 men killed, 2 officers and 18 men wounded, and 9 men
missing.

On 19th September the artillery and trench-mortars began a bombardment
preparatory to the attack.

The object of the operations was to secure a satisfactory "jumping off"
place for an attack against Poelcappelle, and to secure positions in the
valley of the Steenbeek from which the artillery could cover this
attack.

The area which the Highland Division was detailed to capture was some
1500 yards in depth, about 1500 yards in breadth in the first instance,
but widening to some 1900 yards on the final objective. In this area the
ground gradually rises from the river Steenbeek except in the centre,
where a depression marks the course of the Lekkerboterbeek, a small
stream running east and west about six feet broad, two feet deep, with
banks five feet in height. On the left a slight ridge above Pheasant
Farm forms the highest ground from which close observation of
Poelcappelle is obtained, and which covers the Steenbeek Valley. On the
right a depression is formed running north and south by the Stroombeek,
a tiny stream beyond which lies a slight ridge about Quebec Farm. From
here also observation of the surroundings of Poelcappelle is obtained.
About the position of assembly the ground is broken by swamps and pools,
but becomes drier and firmer as the higher ground is reached.

The 154th Infantry Brigade was allotted the task of carrying out the
attack. In this stage of the war the detailing of troops for the attack
required more than ever careful consideration. Dug-outs could not be
constructed in Flanders; the Germans had therefore to rely for
protection against shell-fire on concrete pill-boxes and shelters and
reinforced farms. Any troops to whom this form of protection was not
available would have little chance of surviving bombardments of the
intensity which had by this time become the fashion. The German
therefore tended to restrict the numbers of troops he employed on the
stationary defence in accordance with the number of shelters available.
It was therefore to be anticipated that the garrison would be a light
one, but that it would in the main survive the artillery bombardment.
It was thus evident that should large numbers of men be employed in the
attack, if they were successful they could not hope for a big bag of
killed and captured Germans, whereas if they failed heavy casualties
would result in an endeavour to overcome comparatively few of the enemy.

In these circumstances the Divisional commander decided to employ only
the 154th Brigade on the initial attack. Had the operation been a
failure, critics would no doubt have said that the attack had been too
light. As it turned out, the troops detailed for the assault reached
their final objective, overcame all resistance, and with the assistance
of two battalions of the 152nd Brigade which were sent forward to
support them, defeated six counter-attacks delivered by four different
German Divisions. In killed and missing in this operation the Division
only lost 17 officers and 184 other ranks.

The conditions under which the action was fought were in some respects
new. There was a well-defined trench line, running right across the
Divisional front about 150 yards from the British front line, known as
Pheasant Trench and New Trench; and, again, some 1200 yards in rear,
Kangaroo and Beer Trenches also traversed the Divisional front. The
defence, however, primarily consisted of concrete pill-boxes and
fortified farms distributed throughout the area to be attacked,
supported by troops concealed in shell-holes.[8]

To meet these conditions every known "pill-box," farm, or fortified post
had a specific body of troops detailed for its capture. The sole
business of these troops was to follow the barrage until they reached
their own particular objective, to overcome the enemy in the objective
as quickly as possible, and then take their appointed place in the
scheme of consolidation.

In addition, the very fullest use was made of the enormous artillery and
vast supply of ammunition at the disposal of the Divisional commander.
The part played by the gunners in this attack was indeed considerable,
the Divisional artillery, as usual, carrying out its allotted programme
faultlessly.

Briefly the artillery plan was as follows: The barrage was organised in
depth in four zones.

First came the main creeping barrage. This was fired by the 18-pounder
batteries of the 255th, 256th, 58th and 59th Brigades, R.F.A., and
advanced at the rate of 50 yards every two minutes for the first 200
yards, every three minutes up to the first objective, and finally 50
yards every four minutes up to the Blue line. In other words, the
maximum average rate at which the infantry following the barrage could
advance was 1500 yards per hour, the minimum 720 yards per hour--a
cold-blooded operation which allows plenty of time for reflection.

The 18-pounders of two further brigades of artillery fired a creeping
barrage 100 yards beyond the main barrage.

When the first objective had been captured, a pause in the advance of an
hour was arranged, to allow time for cleaning up any pockets of the
enemy still holding out, and for the troops for the final objective to
move forward and deploy behind the barrage before it moved on. During
this pause the No. 3 guns of each battery fired smoke shells, so that a
screen of smoke was provided which concealed the infantry from the
enemy's view.[9]

Two hundred yards beyond the creeping barrage came the combing barrage.
This was composed of all the 18-pounder batteries of the 65th Brigade
Army field artillery, while a further 300 yards beyond all the howitzer
batteries of the artillery at the disposal of the Division were
employed. The combing barrage dwelt on all "pill-boxes," strong posts,
&c., and also worked up and down the communication trenches.

Beyond the combing barrage was a neutralising barrage of 6-inch
howitzers and 60-pounder guns, which also dwelt on pill-boxes, &c.

Finally, there was a standing barrage of heavy howitzers and 60-pounder
guns, which dwelt on avenues of approach or likely places for assembly
of the enemy's reserves. As the infantry advanced the whole of these
different barrages advanced also, so that by the time the infantry
reached the Germans the latter had had during the morning a good sample
of most of the types of shells employed by the British artillery.

Altogether this one brigade of infantry was supported by (_a_)
twenty-two 18-pounder batteries, which fired 67,000 rounds on the day of
the attack and the same number on the following day; (_b_) six 4·5
howitzer batteries, which fired 14,000 rounds on the day of the attack
and the same number on the following day; (_c_) twelve batteries of
6-inch howitzers, which fired 5551 rounds during the first four and a
half hours of the attack; (_d_) the following batteries of heavy guns,
which fired in the first four and a half hours the ammunition as
stated:--

  One battery 6-inch Mark VII. guns  114 rounds.
  One battery 8-inch howitzers       114  "
  One battery 9·2 guns                49  "
  Three batteries 9·2 howitzers      685  "
  One 15-inch howitzer                20  "

In addition, the 2-inch trench-mortar batteries and Stokes mortar
batteries all joined in the bombardment, the latter firing 2700 rounds
in the initial stages of the attack.

Before the attack barrage was opened the enemy's position was subjected
to twenty-four hours intense bombardment.

The infantry were also preceded by a barrage fired by thirty-two
machine-guns, which engaged all strong posts, pill-boxes, &c. Twenty
machine-guns went forward and assisted in the consolidation of the
captured positions.

Each of the three brigades had, previous to the attack, carried out a
tour of duty in the line, while the 154th Brigade had also spent five
days in practising the attack over a taped-out course representing the
German trench system in full size. There had not been the same amount of
time available for training as had been the case before the attack on
31st July; platoons had, however, been constantly practised in attacking
small objectives under cover of their own weapons--the rifle, the Lewis
gun, rifle grenades, and the bomb. In this respect they had reached a
high standard of efficiency.

Two objectives were selected, the first being the dotted Blue line, the
line of the Stroombeek continued in a north-west direction to Delta
Huts. The final objective, the Blue line, was a line through Quebec
Farm, Bavaroise House, Church Trench, Delta House. The 58th Division on
the right and the 20th Division on the left were allotted similar
objectives.

Brigadier-General J. G. H. Hamilton, D.S.O., commanding 154th Infantry
Brigade, decided to attack on a two-battalion front. The plan of attack
was that the two leading battalions, the 9th Royal Scots and the 4th
Seaforth Highlanders, each on a two-company front, should take as far as
the dotted Blue line; the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders and the
4th Gordon Highlanders were then to pass through the leading battalions,
each on a three-company front, to the capture of the final objective.

Special parties were also detailed to go forward in rear of the
attacking waves in the attack on the dotted Blue line, so as to be ready
immediately to counter any attempt on the part of the enemy to
counter-attack.

The 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, assembled about the river
Steenbeek, and the 5th Seaforth Highlanders, assembled on the banks of
the Canal de l'Yser, were held in readiness to move forward to assist
the 154th Brigade should they be required.

Twelve tanks were allotted to the Division, but only one was able to
come into action effectively against the enemy.

Facing the 154th Brigade was the 36th German Division, whose frontage
almost corresponded with that of the Highland Division. The assembly was
carried out successfully with casualties to 2 officers and 25 other
ranks, after an arduous march. The ground through which the routes to
the forward area lay had been badly ploughed up by shell-fire. The
difficulties of traversing it were much aggravated by a heavy fall of
rain, lasting for two hours, which occurred during the night. Each
shell-hole became a miniature pond, while the natural marshes and pools
increased in size, and the mud became softer and more slippery than
ever. However, these were the normal conditions of the Ypres salient in
those days, and the men were learning to expect nothing else.

[Illustration: MAP VII.--POELCAPPELLE, 20TH SEPTEMBER 1917.]

The attack was launched in the grey of the morning at 5.40 A.M.

In the first phase strong resistance was encountered in and in front of
Pheasant Trench. On the right "A" and "B" companies of the 9th Royal
Scots were engaged with rifle and machine-gun fire from the start. "A"
company assisted by "C" Company, whose real objective was the dotted
Blue line, advanced with the greatest skill and gallantry, moving from
shell-hole to shell-hole in twos and threes, pouring into the German
trenches rifle grenades and rifle fire. By this means they gained their
objective, and enabled the advance to the dotted Blue line to be
continued.

On the left, where "B" Company 9th Royal Scots, followed by "D" Company
(dotted Blue line), was engaged, Pheasant Trench was occupied in the
centre of the company front almost at once. The left two platoons of the
company front reached the trench, but were heavily engaged by
machine-gun fire, and returned to our lines. Thereupon the company
commander, the battalion intelligence officer, and the artillery liaison
officer rapidly reorganised the men, and led them forward again,
accompanied by some of the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, who
were destined for the capture of the Blue line. Assisted by the platoon
which had already gained a footing in Pheasant Trench, and which fought
its way along the trench to its left flank, this party captured its
objective. The gallantry and initiative of these officers and men bore
important results, as had Pheasant Trench not been captured, the whole
attack of the left battalion would have been held up, and the final
objective could not have been reached. It was a typical example of that
combination of tactical skill and gallantry which contributed so much
towards the success of the Division.

The 4th Seaforth Highlanders on the left also encountered serious
resistance, and hand-to-hand fighting developed in which they completely
outmatched the Boches. It was in Pheasant Trench between Point 85 and
the Lekkerboterbeek that they experienced the fiercest fighting. Here
the trench was very strongly held, with newly-constructed posts in
front, some being as much as forty yards in advance of it. Machine-guns
were fired from the tops of blockhouses, while bombs and rifle-fire
came from the trench itself. The company detailed for the capture of the
trench advanced by twos and threes from shell-hole to shell-hole, rifle
grenades, Lewis guns and rifles being freely used. Meanwhile the company
detailed for the capture of the dotted Blue line, seeing what was afoot,
moved round and attacked Pheasant Trench from a flank. The advance
culminated in hand-to-hand fighting, in which the 4th Seaforth
Highlanders signally triumphed.

Their left company was engaged by three machine-guns firing from
Pheasant Trench and from a pill-box west of it. These were all knocked
out, but not before thirty Germans had been killed who fought most
gallantly round the pill-box.

After the capture of Pheasant Trench the advance on the dotted Blue line
was continued. "C" Company of the 9th Royal Scots had some hard fighting
round Flora Cot, in which they killed fifteen Germans. Later they came
under enfilade fire from machine-guns on Hubner Farm (300 yards south of
the Divisional right boundary). The company commander immediately
detached two Lewis guns and two rifle sections to deal with Hubner Farm.
This detachment fought for twenty minutes, during which they inflicted
such losses on the occupants of the farm that the 2/8 London Regiment
was able to capture it frontally.

On their left "D" Company of the 9th Royal Scots reached the Blue line
successfully, but was much reduced in strength, having suffered serious
casualties in the fighting round Pheasant Trench.

The 4th Seaforth Highlanders had little difficulty in capturing the Blue
dotted line, and in consolidating according to prearranged plan.
Pheasant Trench on both battalion fronts was in some parts literally
choked with dead. In one stretch of about 200 yards in the left sector
alone 150 German bodies were counted. Many dead were also found amongst
the garrisons of the enemy's shell-hole posts, the artillery barrage
having been most effective in this respect.

When one remembers the amount of shells which had been deluged on the
Germans in the Pheasant Trench position, one cannot but admire the
resolute manner in which they resisted our attack. It was indeed the
strength of their resistance which made the capture of this line by the
4th Seaforths and 9th Royal Scots such a magnificent performance. One
can gauge the severity of the fighting by the fact that so much rifle
ammunition had been used by the infantry in this attack that 12,000
rounds had to be sent up to the parties consolidating the Blue line.

The enemy's barrage did not open until five minutes after the attack was
launched, and was then particularly heavy on the area between our
original front line and the Langemarck road.

Both the battalions detailed for the capture of the Blue line, the 4th
Gordon Highlanders and the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, had
suffered serious casualties from having become involved in the fighting
for Pheasant Trench before they formed up under the barrage. "D" Company
of the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders had also suffered heavily
from shell-fire when advancing from the old British front line.

The 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders reached the Blue line after
having overcome, chiefly by means of rifle grenades, Flora Cot, Quebec
Farm, and Bavaroise House, capturing four machine-guns, of which one was
turned on the enemy with good results, and about thirty prisoners.

The 4th Gordon Highlanders, who had already lost five officers before
forming up under the barrage, had their first fight after the barrage
moved forward at Pheasant Farm Cemetery. Here a lance-corporal was
responsible for capturing two machine-guns and twenty-eight prisoners.
Malta House, Bose House, and Delta House were all captured after stiff
fighting, several machine-guns being destroyed.

By the time the 4th Gordon Highlanders had reached the Blue line, they
had only three officers and six platoons of about ten men each in the
front line; the remainder of the reserve company with two officers was
therefore sent up as a reinforcement.

The situation on the left was a delicate one, as the neighbouring
Division attacking on that flank had been unable to make progress, so
that the two battalions on the left had between them to form a defensive
flank some 1000 yards in depth. The Blue line was thus consolidated, as
had been intended, as far as Rose House, and the line then bent round
towards White House.

The 9th Royal Scots reported that they could not supply the two platoons
which they had been ordered to send to support the 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders as counter-attack troops. Two platoons of the 8th
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders therefore moved forward in their
place. Of these only thirty men reached their destination owing to heavy
casualties suffered in passing through the hostile barrage.

Consolidation had not long been in progress before that series of enemy
counter-attacks began which culminated in the late afternoon in a most
determined assault backed by heavy masses.

Our advance had not seriously threatened the enemy's gun line; he was
therefore able to employ his artillery fully throughout the operations.
The valley of the Steenbeek was heavily and continuously shelled, and
after the capture of the Blue line, the area subjected to heavy
bombardment extended up to the Pheasant Trench Ridge and across the
Stroombeek. In consequence many casualties were sustained by reserve
troops, machine-gun teams, &c., moving forward, while heavy losses
sustained by the runners made communication difficult.

In these days a runner, if he was to survive, had to be a runner in the
true sense of the word. Starting from his platoon or company
headquarters, during a battle, he stood a good chance of being shot,
particularly by that unpleasantly accurate weapon the telescopic-sighted
machine-gun. As soon as he was clear of the bullet zone he then had to
dodge the shells, the shell with the instantaneous fuze, since it had a
missile effect of several hundred yards, being a particularly difficult
one to avoid.

Having delivered his message, he then had to return whence he came, and
compete with the same risks on his return journey. The company and
platoon runners were usually officers' servants, and belonged to that
class which an agitated Press described as able-bodied men doing menial
work.

It was not long before the enemy tested the strength of the defensive
flank, and at 11.45 A.M. he made a demonstration against the left of the
4th Gordon Highlanders. The defensive flank made short work of this
attack. At 12.30 P.M. he repeated the experiment, but in greater
numbers. The defensive flank again wiped out the attack. Meanwhile, so
as to strengthen the line, "A" Company of the 8th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders were sent forward as reinforcements, and were disposed two
platoons on a line from the Poelcappelle road through Pheasant Farm
Cemetery to north of Delta Huts, two platoons just west of the
Poelcappelle road in Stroom Trench.

By this time Tank D44 had reached a point on the Poelcappelle road near
Malta House, where it broke down. It was therefore taken into use as a
company headquarters. One Lewis gun from it was sent forward to Delta
House, two were sent to Beer Trench, and one was retained in the tank,
while 200 rounds of ammunition were distributed from it to each man in
Beer Trench. A corporal was also detailed to work the tank's 6-pounder
gun.

Throughout the morning machine-guns had been taking up their prearranged
positions. On the right two were in action at Bavaroise House, two a
hundred yards in front of Flora Cot, two between the Steenbeek and New
House. On the left four were in the vicinity of Pheasant Farm Cemetery,
two at Malta House, and one at Rose House.

During the afternoon, then, the Blue line was held along its length up
to Rose House, where the line bent back forming a defensive flank, until
touch was obtained with the Division on the left. The troops which had
carried out the assault had been reinforced by two platoons of the 8th
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, and the bulk of the machine-guns had
reached the positions allotted to them for consolidation.

Meanwhile from the direction of Poelcappelle parties of the enemy moving
from shell-hole to shell-hole in ones and twos were dribbling up through
the afternoon towards the captured position, and concentrating for a
counter-attack in dead ground. Further in rear, out of range of rifles
and machine-guns, larger bodies of the enemy could be seen massing.

At 5 P.M. the counter-attack, accompanied by a barrage of unusual
intensity, was fairly launched, the Houthulst, Poelcappelle, and
Passchendaele groups of artillery all actively co-operating in support
of the German infantry.

On the right the 451st Infantry Brigade of the 234th German Division
advanced between York House and Tweed House, but it never reached the
Blue line. In fact, the attack carried out by the regiment was
completely broken by our artillery, rifle, and machine-gun fire, the
artillery in particular causing heavy losses.

In the centre the 452nd Infantry Regiment of the 234th Division
continued to attack, the 5th Grenadiers of the 36th Division and the
208th Division attacking on the battalion left flank. The attack was
firmly held all along the line until the rifle and Lewis-gun ammunition,
of which there had been an extraordinary expenditure, was exhausted.
Rose House continued to hold out, but was isolated. After the front line
had given, the three platoons of the 8th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders north of the Lekkerboterbeek held firm and broke up attack
after attack, punishing the enemy severely. On their right, after every
officer of the 4th Gordon Highlanders who had taken part in the initial
attack had become a casualty, the small party in Beer Trench gave. Malta
House was next overwhelmed, and the platoon garrisoning Stroom Trench
was forced back.

About 6 P.M. a general withdrawal of the troops inside the V formed by
the Poelcappelle road and the Lekkerboterbeek took place.

During this withdrawal the local commanders, realising the necessity of
reducing the area of the enemy penetration to a minimum, formed
defensive flanks. On the right "C" Company 7th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders, two platoons of the 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders,
and "D" Company of the 9th Royal Scots; and on the left the 8th Argyll
and Sutherland Highlanders and the 4th Seaforth Highlanders, were all so
disposed as to pin the enemy into the V; in this position he was caught
under enfilade fire from both flanks, and suffered heavily.

Meanwhile the troops who had withdrawn from the V were rallied, and
having collected ammunition from the dead and wounded, were led forward
from Pheasant Trench. At the same time the company of the 8th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders which earlier had been sent forward to assist in
countering any enemy counter-attack, also launched an attack from the
same trench. This attack was successful in clearing the enemy out of
the angle of the V, and it left him with his farthest point of
penetration about Point 82 on the Poelcappelle road.

The front line was then reorganised so as to run from a point 500 yards
north of Delta Huts through Pheasant Farm Cemetery on the south side of
Point 82 to the Lekkerboterbeek, thence along the stream until it joined
the original Blue line.

As soon as it was dusk the remaining company of the 8th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders was brought up to reinforce the left, and
consolidation was continued throughout the night.

During the same night the Germans found that the 452nd Regiment which
had penetrated the V had been so severely handled that it was necessary
for them to be relieved. Accordingly the 371st Infantry Regiment from a
fresh Division took over from them.

The position remained substantially unaltered until the night of the
21-22nd, when the 152nd Infantry Brigade relieved the 154th.

During the afternoon of 23rd September an intense barrage broke out all
along the brigade front, culminating just after 7 P.M. in a heavy German
attack. This attack came from south of Poelcappelle towards the centre
of the position.

The enemy first advanced in great columns, and while extending to the
south and east of Malta House, were caught in an artillery barrage and
in the fire of Lewis guns and Vickers guns and rifles.

As a result the attack melted away, and the morning disclosed the
enemy's dead strewn in heaps about Malta House. The right battalion, the
6th Seaforth Highlanders, had most opportunities of inflicting losses on
the enemy, and fully availed itself of them. One company alone had five
Lewis guns firing on the enemy at the same moment, of which one fired
twenty-eight drums.

Later the left battalion, the 5th Seaforth Highlanders, carried out some
satisfactory shooting. On one occasion in the early morning they arose
to find a platoon of forty strong, in marching order, advancing within
close range of them. They immediately wiped it out. On another occasion
they inflicted by enfilade fire such heavy losses on a storm trupp
attempting to raid the 12th Battalion King's Royal Rifles on their left
that the survivors of the storm trupp, twenty-three in number, ran
towards the King's Royal Rifles with their hands up and surrendered.

The total casualties to the Division during the operations were 45
officers and 1110 other ranks, the 154th Brigade, which carried out the
attack, losing 32 officers and 891 other ranks, and the 4th Gordon
Highlanders 12 officers.

On 26th September the 152nd Infantry Brigade was relieved by the 32nd
Infantry Brigade, 11th Division, and on the 27th the G.O.C., 11th
Division, took over the command of the line.

This battle affords an admirable illustration of the economic use of
troops. It must be remembered that only five battalions were employed in
the attack and subsequent counter-attacks; that these five
battalions--though through want of ammunition they did not hold their
entire gains--had established themselves for a while in their final
objective, and had accounted for every German garrisoning the area
allotted to them for attack. Moreover, these battalions were fighting
not only facing their front, but also facing their left flank, as the
Division on their left had not made equal progress in the attack. That
it was possible for so few men to do what they did was due to two
things: first, to the combination of gallantry and skill on the part of
the men and the leadership and initiative on the part of the officers
and N.C.O.'s. The men had been trained in the use of ground, movement
supported by fire, and in platoon tactics in general, and they put what
they had learned into practice from the outset of the attack. The enemy
fought bravely, perhaps as bravely as our men, but he was outmatched in
tactical skill, and was in consequence defeated.

Secondly, the handling of the troops by the senior commanders was such
as to forestall every move on the part of the enemy. It was anticipated
that the enemy would do his utmost to prevent us from making ground
towards Poelcappelle, and rightly so, for on the evening of the attack
nine out of ten battalions massed against the XVIIIth Corps were
directed against the 51st. The Divisional commander, having rightly
appreciated the situation, solved absolutely the problems connected with
the two important factors of time and space,--the problem of having the
right number of troops at the right place at the right time. The reserve
did not require to be moved after the enemy had disclosed his
intentions; but his intentions were anticipated, so that in each case
reserve troops (counter-counter-attack troops) were ready to deal with
hostile enterprises. Thus the weak points in the line were strengthened
before they were threatened and not after the line had been pierced, and
the main counter-attack was delivered by the 8th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders while the enemy's troops were still on the move and before
they had had time to reorganise or consolidate their gains. In fact, the
Germans were on this occasion completely outmatched in generalship,
leadership, tactical skill, and skill at arms.

On the conclusion of these operations, the following messages were
received:--

1. From Lieut.-General Sir I. Maxse, K.C.B., D.S.O., commanding XVIIIth
Corps.

      "Before the 51st (Highland) Division quits the XVIIIth
      Corps, I desire to express to its commander and to all ranks
      in the Division how highly I have appreciated their services
      throughout three months of strenuous fighting.

      "What has struck me most is the thoroughness of the
      organisation within the Division, and the fact that all
      usual war problems have been thought out beforehand,
      discussed in detail, and are embodied in simple doctrines
      well known to all ranks. The result is the Division fights
      with gallantry, and can be depended upon to carry out any
      reasonable task allotted to it in any battle. For this
      reason I venture to place it among the three best fighting
      Divisions I have met in France during the past three years.

      "Its record in this Corps comprises:--

      "(1) _On 31st July 1917_, a shattering assault on High
      Command Redoubt, the capture in their entirety of three
      separate systems of German defence lines, an advance of two
      miles in depth into hostile territory, and the consolidation
      and retention of the line of the river Steenbeek and all the
      objectives allotted to the Division.

      "(2) _On the 20th September 1917_, an assault on a sector
      of the Langemarck-Gheluvelt line which had resisted capture
      for more than a month, an incursion into hostile territory,
      and the consolidation of important hills south-west of
      Poelcappelle and at Bavaroise House. The same afternoon
      these two hills were repeatedly attacked by five Prussian
      battalions, all of whom were defeated with sanguinary
      losses.

      "In conclusion, I wish good luck to all ranks, and hope to
      serve with them again in this war."

2. From General Sir H. de la P. Gough, K.C.B., K.C.V.O., commanding
Fifth Army.

      "In bidding farewell to the Highland Division, the Army
      Commander wishes to express his great admiration for and
      appreciation of their splendid record during the fighting of
      the past two months.

      "Their fine advance, their gallant defence of ground, even
      against repeated enemy attacks, and the severe punishment
      they inflicted on the enemy during the last battle, will
      ever remain one of their proudest records, and has helped
      materially towards the enemy's final defeat. He heartily
      wishes them all success in the future. Scotland for ever."




                           CHAPTER XIII.

                       THE BATTLE OF CAMBRAI.


After relief in the Ypres salient the Division, less its artillery,
moved to the VIth Corps area, with headquarters at Achiet le Petit. By
5th October, ten days after coming out of their last battle, the 154th
and 153rd Brigades were back in the trenches in the Heninel-Wancourt
sector, with Divisional headquarters at Boisleux au Mont.

On this occasion the Division was for the first time introduced to the
area which the Germans had wilfully devastated prior to their withdrawal
from it to the Hindenburg line just before the battle of Arras.

One cannot do better than allow a German newspaper, the 'Local
Anzeiger' of 18th March 1917, to describe this area. It says: "In the
course of these last months great stretches of French territory have
been turned by us into a dead country. It varies in width from ten,
twelve, to thirteen kilometres, and extends along the whole of our
new positions. No village or farm was left standing, no road was left
passable, no railway track or embankment was left in being. Where once
were woods, there are gaunt rows of stumps; the wells have been blown
up. In front of our new positions runs like a gigantic ribbon our
Empire of Death."

One could not fail to appreciate the diabolical efficiency with which
the work had been carried out. Where time had been too short to enable
fruit-trees to be felled, their bark had been ringed. Wells before
destruction had been turned into cess-pits. The effect on every unit on
first entering the devastated area was the same. It produced a
determination in all ranks to kill every German that it was possible to
put out of the world with any degree of decency. By this wanton act of
vandalism the Hun had turned himself, in the eyes of the British
soldier, into a vermin fit only for extermination.

"Our new positions" mentioned above were the Hindenburg Line. The
Hindenburg Line was not a line in the true sense of the word, since, in
addition to having length, it also had considerable breadth. It was, in
fact, a highly-elaborated system of trenches running roughly from St.
Quentin to just south of Arras. The trenches were skilfully sited, so as
to have every advantage of observation; they were of immense breadth and
depth; they contained numerous concrete machine-gun emplacements and
dug-outs; they were connected with one another by underground tunnels;
they were protected by tremendous belts of wire many yards in depth.
Yet, in spite of the skill with which it had been constructed, several
portions of the Hindenburg Line were twice captured by the British army.

From this point onwards the Highland Division was so continuously
involved in important operations that space cannot be given to detailed
accounts of uneventful periods in quiet parts of the line. It must,
however, be understood that uneventful is a relative term, and that even
the quiet periods were often eventful enough for those in immediate
contact with the enemy.

As regards the sojourn in the Boisleux au Mont area, suffice it to say
that all three brigades carried out tours of duty in the line there, and
that the Division was relieved on 2nd November. On completion of this
relief the Division moved to Hermaville, the infantry brigades being
billeted at Warlus, Hautvillers, and Izel les Hameaux.

Prior to taking over the line in this sector a change in command had
taken place in the 154th Brigade. Brigadier-General J. G. H. Hamilton,
D.S.O., who had commanded the brigade since General Stewart's death in
September 1916, gave up his command, and returned home for a period of
rest. General Hamilton had come to the brigade from the command of a
battalion, and had been with it through many trying ordeals, including
Beaumont Hamel, Courcelette, Arras, and Ypres. By many of his officers,
both senior and junior, he was regarded not only as their brigade
commander, but also as an intimate friend, and his departure was in
consequence keenly felt.

He was succeeded by Brigadier-General K. G. Buchanan, D.S.O., Seaforth
Highlanders. General Buchanan possessed not only consummate judgment in
all matters of tactics, but also a charming personality, with the result
that his brigade throughout the period of his command could be relied on
to render a splendid account of itself. His coolness in action and his
tactical instincts enabled him so to dispose his troops in the varying
phases of a battle that they were always ready to meet any sudden
emergency. Moreover, his personality was such that officers and men
would at all times make any sacrifice to carry out what he asked of
them. The magnificent resistance offered by the 154th Brigade on the
right flank of the Division both in March and again in April of 1918
afford in themselves ample proof of General Buchanan's powers as an
infantry commander.

The Division had not been long in rest in its new area before it
transpired that it was again required to take part in active operations.
The news that this was the case came rather as a shock, as the Division
had already fought battles in the year 1917 on 9-12th April, 23-24th
April, 16th May, 31st July-1st August, 20-23rd September, and had lost
in casualties since 9th April 457 officers and 9966 other ranks--a total
of 10,523.

Moreover, the forthcoming operations were to be of an experimental
nature, since the plan of attack was to attempt to break through the
Hindenburg Line by employing a large number of tanks in an offensive
which was to be a complete surprise.

To quote Sir Douglas Haig's despatch: "The object of these operations
was to gain a local success at a point where the enemy did not expect
it. Our repeated attacks in Flanders, and of our Allies elsewhere,
had brought about large concentrations of the enemy's forces on the
threatened points, with a consequent reduction in the garrisons of
certain other sectors of the line. Of these weakened sectors the
Cambrai front had been selected as the most suitable for the surprise
operations in contemplation."

In order to maintain this element of surprise up to the last moment,
various measures had to be taken. In the first place, the Division was
left in its present quarters in the neighbourhood of Hermaville, so as
not to draw the attention of the enemy to the area to be attacked. For
the same reason the usual full-sized replica of the enemy's trenches was
taped out west of the town of Arras, and all training took place in that
area.

Further, the Division was not allowed to take over the trenches from
which it was to deliver the attack. It had therefore little opportunity
for preliminary reconnaissances of the battle area, with the exception
that parties of officers and N.C.O.'s daily visited the trenches to spy
out the land. These parties were all clothed in trousers to prevent the
enemy's observers from suspecting the presence of the Highland Division
in the neighbourhood of the position to be attacked.

The Division was given every opportunity of practising the attack with
tanks, the platoons carrying out their training with the actual tanks
and crews which were to accompany them in the operations. It will be
seen that, as usual, liaison was synonymous with success, and that on
the day of the attack the co-operation between the tanks and the
infantry was admirable.

An additional difficulty lay in the fact that somehow or another the
Division had to be concentrated in the battle area some thirty-six to
forty-eight hours before the battle, so as to allow the troops adequate
rest before proceeding to the assembly trenches.

On this account the C.R.E. and the three field companies, R.E., with the
8th Royal Scots, moved to the IVth Corps area early in November to
prepare hidden shelters in which the troops might be accommodated during
this period. The sappers and pioneers worked with such effect that
between the 2nd and 19th November camouflaged accommodation had been
provided for 5500 men in the ruined village of Metz and for 4000 men in
Havrincourt Wood. The necessary dumps of material were also formed by
the C.R.E., tracks for moving guns forward prepared, and, as cavalry
were also detailed to take part in the operations, six water points with
a capacity for watering 7000 horses per hour were constructed. Forward
routes for infantry were also laid out and advanced dressing stations
completed; no mean record for a little over a fortnight's work.

All undertakings of this nature were made more difficult than usual by
the fact that no increase in the normal amount of lorry traffic on the
roads during the hours of daylight was allowed. Further, no new work was
carried out in the forward area, in case it might be noticed by enemy
airmen. As it turned out, the weather was fortunately cloudy and misty,
so that observation from the air became practically impossible
throughout the period of preparation.

The area through which the Division was destined to advance was
traversed by three separate trench systems, each forming integral parts
of the Hindenburg system. Of these, the first, known as the Hindenburg
front system, was composed of a maze of wide, heavily-wired trenches,
supplemented by numerous saps, the whole presenting such a tangle of
excavations that it was impossible to foretell accurately where the
principle points of resistance were most likely to be found.

The main framework of this front system was, however, composed of a
lightly-held outpost line, a front line, and a support line.

In rear of the front system, and just south of the village of
Flesquières, lay the Hindenburg support system, composed of two lines of
heavily-wired deep trenches, connected with each other and with the
front system by numerous communication trenches.

Four thousand yards in rear of the support system lay a third double
line of trenches, south-west of the village of Cantaing. The area
allotted to the Division was not uniform in shape, being in the
Hindenburg front system 1500 yards in breadth, 2700 yards at the second
system, 3500 yards at the third, and ending just north of the village of
Fontaine Notre Dame at a breadth of 2200 yards.

Our assembly trenches rested on the summit of a spur, from which the
country gradually sloped down to the Grand Ravine, a feature which
traversed the Divisional front just north of the Hindenburg front
system.

From here it switchbacked up to the village of Flesquières, thence it
declined in a series of gentle undulations to Cantaing and Fontaine
Notre Dame.

Just west of Fontaine stood Bourlon Wood, a hanging wood on the summit
and slopes of a spur, from which the whole country-side could be
surveyed, and from which it was always difficult to hide.

The position to be attacked was, in the first instance, divided into
three main objectives: the Blue line, which included the Hindenburg
front system and Chapel Trench; the Brown line, which included
Flesquières and the Hindenburg support system; and the Red dotted line,
which was the sunken road running from Marcoing to Graincourt.

For the first phase, the plan was for the Division to attack on a
two-brigade front, the 152nd Brigade on the right, the 153rd on the
left. Each brigade was to work on a two-battalion front, the leading two
battalions to take as far as the Blue line in the case of the 153rd
Brigade, and the Grand Ravine in the case of the 152nd Brigade.

The order of battle of the leading battalions from right to left was as
follows: 5th Seaforth Highlanders, 8th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders, 6th Black Watch, 5th Gordon Highlanders. The remaining
battalions of the two brigades were detailed for the capture of the
Brown and Red dotted lines, the order of battle from right to left being
6th Gordon Highlanders, 6th Seaforth Highlanders, 7th Black Watch, 7th
Gordon Highlanders.

Each battalion taking part in the attack of the Blue line detailed two
companies for the capture of the enemy front system up to Mole Trench, a
third company to cross the Grand Ravine, while the fourth company was
kept in reserve. The battalions detailed for the capture of the Brown
and dotted Red lines allotted objectives to each of their four
companies.

For the first day's fighting, seventy-two of the 1st Brigade Tank Corps
were allotted to the Divisional front, of which seventy actually took
part in the operation. One-half of the tanks, "E" Battalion, were
allotted to 152nd Brigade, the other half, "D" Battalion, to the 153rd.

They were divided into three waves. The first, formed of twelve "Rovers"
or wire-crushers, moved forward at zero, 150 yards in advance of the
second, to crush the wire protecting the enemy front and support
trenches, and then to engage machine-guns and any special posts outside
the main trenches. The second wave, formed of thirty-six "Fighting"
tanks, dealt with the trenches up to and including the Blue line. The
third, composed of all the remaining fighting tanks, was detailed to
form up an hour and a half after zero just south of the Grand Ravine,
and to proceed with the survivors of the first two to attack the
Flesquières Ridge.

The distribution was on the basis of one section of three tanks to a
platoon frontage (_i.e._, about 150 yards). The general principle on
which sections were to work was for the two outside tanks to cross a
trench, turn alongside it and help to clear it, while the centre tanks
carried on to the next trench, there to be joined by the two others as
soon as the infantry had reached the first trench.

However, in tackling a system which contained many crater posts and
sap-heads, and which was thickly interlaced with short communication
trenches and backed by many subsidiary trenches and detached posts, some
modifications of the general principles were necessary.

Special tasks were therefore given to many of the second wave sections
of tanks, in which each tank was given some sap-head, crater post, or
communication trench to deal with in addition to assailing the main
trenches.

Similarly, detailed instructions were given as to routes and individual
objectives in the village fighting that was anticipated.

Each tank carried on its back a huge fascine or faggot, resting on a
giant pair of arms. A contrivance existed by which these arms raised the
fascines off the back of the tank, and dropped them into any unusually
wide trenches encountered, so as to form a stepping-stone, which enabled
the tanks to keep their noses from dropping into the bottom of the
trench.

In spite of this precaution the Hindenburg Line was in some parts so
broad and deep that a number of tanks were ditched in spite of the
fascines.

The first wave of the infantry followed the tanks at a distance of
150-200 yards, their orders being to assault immediately the tanks
reached and opened fire on a trench. On reaching their objectives, the
infantry marked with red strips of cloth the gaps in the wire, and
filled in portions of the trenches to make crossing-places for
subsequent tanks, cavalry, and artillery.

Each tank carried for the use of the infantry Lewis gun drums, rifle
ammunition, bombs, and rifle grenades.

The field artillery supporting the attacks was divided into two groups,
each composed of two field artillery brigades and one R.H.A. brigade.
Each brigade was supported by one of these groups, that containing 256th
Brigade, R.F.A., being on the right and that containing 255th Brigade,
R.F.A., on the left.

One brigade of artillery covered each battalion front, while the 3rd
Brigade of artillery covered its whole infantry brigade front. The
fifteen 18-pounder batteries firing in the creeping barrage fired 33 per
cent of smoke shells, so as to screen the movement of the tanks.

Two 4·5 howitzer batteries also kept a standing smoke barrage in front
of Flesquières Ridge.

No registration was carried out, so that the presence of fresh batteries
in the area might not be disclosed. The whole of the firing was
therefore carried out from the map and by calibration.

The concentration of artillery, tanks, and infantry immediately behind
the line from which the attack was to be launched was successfully
effected between 17th and 19th November with great rapidity and complete
secrecy, mainly under cover of darkness.

The artillery was moved up on 17th November; the tanks were assembled on
the night of 18th November in Havrincourt Wood, and travelled to their
assembly positions in the early hours of the 20th. The infantry came
into Metz on the evening of the 18th, and began taking over the line on
the 19th.

It must be borne in mind that a similar concentration of tanks, guns,
and troops was taking place simultaneously on the fronts of Divisions on
either flank. The fact that all the necessary moves took place, and that
the troops were eventually formed up in the assembly trenches without
any suspicions being aroused in the mind of the enemy, shows how
admirably the arrangements for ensuring secrecy were carried out.

A taped line was laid out in front of the assembly trenches to ensure
that the main wave of tanks formed up on its proper alignment. By zero
hour the bulk of them were on this line, while the remainder which had
been delayed from one cause and another were crossing the British front
line.

The twelve "Rovers" were formed up beyond this line, the third wave
being deployed behind the support line.

The platoons to form the first two waves in the attack took over the
line on the morning of the 19th, and thus had an opportunity of viewing
the ground to their front. At midnight the remainder of the four leading
battalions arrived in their assembly trenches.

Before zero hour the four battalions for the later stages of the initial
attack were assembled in rear of the trench area, with their leading
platoons on the Charing Cross-Trescault road.

As soon as darkness set in the platoons which had arrived first set to
work to make causeways across their trenches for the passage of the
tanks. They also freed the troops that were to assemble during the night
from any chances of confusion and unnecessary fatigue by placing in
position red lamps, flags, signboards, and markers to show routes and
positions of platoons.

Before zero hour all ranks were issued with a hot meal.

Naturally considerable anxiety was felt, as it was feared that the noise
of the engines of the assembling tanks might be heard by the enemy and
cause him to open a heavy bombardment of our trenches. However, though a
light southerly breeze carried the noise made by the seventy tanks on
the move towards the enemy, there was between 2 A.M. and 6 A.M. only
slight hostile artillery activity, and that only on the left front.

During the whole period of assembly there were a few casualties in the
forward battalions of the 153rd Brigade, and none on the 152nd Brigade
front.

At 6.30 A.M., 20th November, the advance began on a fine but cloudy
morning, the visibility being such that a man could be seen at a
distance of about 200 yards. As the artillery barrage opened, the twelve
wire-crushing tanks moved off, accompanied by small parties of infantry
detailed for the capture of the outpost line.

Four minutes later a light artillery barrage came down on and just in
front of our assembly trenches, causing slight casualties. Considerable
hostile machine-gun fire was also opened, but it was wild and harmless.
Between 9.15 and 9.40 A.M. all the leading battalions had reached their
objectives.

The 5th Seaforth Highlanders on the right carried out their advance
practically without a check, making a bag of 9 machine-guns and 230
prisoners, including 14 officers. The total number of casualties
sustained by the battalion in this operation was twenty-five.

On arrival at the railway, "A" Company, 5th Seaforth Highlanders, found
that the situation at Ribécourt was obscure, hostile machine-guns still
being active there. Lance-Corporal E. MacBeath was therefore sent out
with a patrol to report on the situation. Having proceeded 150 yards
from his company MacBeath discovered the first machine-gun, and killed
the gunner with his revolver. A tank then arrived and drove the teams of
some of the other machine-guns down a deep dug-out. MacBeath bounded
down the dug-out steps after them, killed a German who resisted him on
the staircase, and drove the remainder--3 officers and 30 other
ranks--out of the dug-out by another exit. Sending these men to the rear
as prisoners, he again entered the dug-out and thoroughly searched it,
accounting for two more Germans. In all, five machine-guns were found
mounted round the dug-out, which proved to be a battalion headquarters.

The capture of these guns not only freed the right flank of the 5th
Seaforth Highlanders, but also considerably helped the advance of the
9th Norfolks on the right.

For his courage and initiative on this occasion MacBeath was awarded the
Victoria Cross.

The 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders had rather more fighting than
the 5th Seaforth Highlanders, as active machine-guns and bombing-posts
were encountered in the first and second German lines and between them.

In the case of the former the Argylls overcame the resistance by
advancing in short rushes, while the advent of the tanks encouraged the
enemy to surrender in other parts of the front. During these operations
a private soldier led his platoon to its objective in Mole Trench, his
platoon commander and two sergeants having become casualties as the
advance began.

On the left of the 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders the 6th Black
Watch met no resistance until they had passed the Hindenburg front line.
In the later stages of their advance many machine-guns had to be
tackled.

The front line proved a serious obstacle to the tanks, in spite of their
fascines, four of them becoming ditched in it on this battalion front.
In consequence, portions of the second wave came under close-range
machine-gun fire. Of these guns one was disposed of by a sergeant, who,
crawling forward, threw a hand-grenade amongst its team. The remainder
were destroyed with the assistance of tanks.

In the advance to Mole Trench further resistance was encountered by the
6th Black Watch. First two machine-gun posts on the right held up the
advance; but in one case a sergeant, in the other a corporal, worked
forward alone and knocked out the teams with hand-grenades.

On the left the advance was held up by uncut wire; but the infantry
summoned by signals three third-wave tanks from the next battalion
front, which crushed the wire and enabled the advance to be continued.

On arrival in Mole Trench the 6th Black Watch were raked with enfilade
machine-gun fire from Sammy's Trench. A platoon was therefore
immediately detached, which, advancing by section rushes under cover of
the fire of its Lewis guns, wiped out the entire garrison of Sammy's
Trench. The Germans here offered a magnificent resistance, and fought
until the last man was killed.

Still further fighting occurred, heavy machine-gun and rifle fire being
opened on the advancing 6th Black Watch from the Grand Ravine.
Individual skill and initiative were again displayed. The first
machine-gun was put out of action by a private soldier, who, working
towards it alone, killed five and wounded two of the team with rifle
grenades. A tank at that moment arrived, and the Grand Ravine was
cleared, 6 officers and 100 other ranks being taken prisoner.

Meanwhile Lieut.-Colonel N. D. Campbell, commanding this battalion, in
making a reconnaissance of the captured ground, came across a dug-out
which had not previously been noticed, and with the help of his orderly
captured twelve prisoners in it.

On the extreme left the 5th Gordon Highlanders made a surprisingly big
bag in the outpost line, capturing 21 prisoners in one sap-head, and
capturing or killing 22 in another. The Hindenburg front line was
entered without difficulty with the tanks, the bulk of the garrison
having run back to Triangle Support. Up to this point 2 machine-guns and
200 prisoners had been captured.

It was some time before the garrison of Triangle Support could be
overcome, as only one second-wave tank on the battalion front managed to
cross the Hindenburg front line.

Subsequently the resistance collapsed on the arrival of some third-wave
tanks, but not before odd platoons had gallantly fought their way into
the trench.

Wood Trench and Mole Trench were occupied without particular effort; but
beyond Mole Trench lay a sunken road, into which large numbers of the
enemy had fled at the first sight of the tanks. This road was cleared
with the assistance of a tank, which did magnificent execution with its
6-pounder gun, shell after shell bursting in the midst of parties of
panic-stricken Germans.

By this time the 7th Black Watch, who were detailed to pass through the
5th Gordon Highlanders for the second phase of the attack, came up, and
with some of the latter crossed the Grand Ravine and moved towards
Chapel Trench. Here again the Germans fought stubbornly, some 40 of them
being killed before the trench was occupied. The 5th Gordon Highlanders
thus arrived on their objectives, having captured a total of 10
machine-guns, 2 trench-mortars, and 400 prisoners, including a battalion
commander complete with his staff.

So far the attack had proceeded smoothly enough, but in the next phase
the conditions under which the advance was to be carried out changed
considerably. Up to the present the main difficulty of the tanks had
been the width and depth of the trenches which they had to traverse,
effective action against them on the part of the enemy having been
negligible.

In the next stage the advance was to be carried out through the enemy's
gun line, with the result that the tanks had not only to contend with
the crossing of the trenches, but were also exposed to the close-range
fire of field-guns. As the infantry depended absolutely and entirely on
the tanks for the crushing of the large belts of wire opposed to them,
any losses sustained by the tanks, as will be seen, seriously prejudiced
the infantry's chances of success.

The enemy's support system, which was to be overcome in the next bound,
consisted of a strong fire-trench known as the Hindenburg Support,
protected by two to four belts of heavy wire, and supported by a trench
some 100 yards in rear known as Flesquières Trench--a trench in many
places shallow, and protected by little wire. Of these the former lay on
the crest of the Flesquières Ridge, and the latter just behind it. Both
skirted a chateau at the south-west corner of the village, which, with
its walls and wooded grounds, offered great possibilities for concealed
defences.

On the right, the 6th Gordon Highlanders advanced on a two-company
front, the leading two companies being detailed for the capture of the
Hindenburg support system. These companies were preceded by six tanks.
On arriving at the enemy wire the tanks came within view of a field
battery some 500 yards distant, which immediately opened on them, and by
a succession of direct hits knocked out all six in the space of a few
minutes, an admirable exhibition of shooting on the part of the German
gunners.

Owing to the formation of the enemy's entanglements, which projected in
irregular V shapes for over 180 yards from the trench, the infantry did
not appreciate, until they were held up by the wire, that the tanks had
failed to penetrate it. In this position they were suddenly swept by
close-range machine-gun fire, and in a few moments had lost some sixty
men killed and wounded.

As a farther advance in face of the uncut wire was out of the question,
the companies were immediately withdrawn to Station Avenue and the
sunken Ribécourt-Flesquières road. An advance up Station Avenue was then
organised with the intention of breaking into the Hindenburg support
line on the right and of working inwards along it. Though it turned out
that Station Avenue did not join up with the Hindenburg support line,
one platoon was successful in dashing across the open, entering the
support line, and capturing two machine-guns. This platoon, in
attempting to work along the trench towards its left flank, found
portions of it so shallow that they could not continue their advance in
face of the intense machine-gun fire coming from Flesquières.

Meanwhile the remaining two companies of the 6th Gordon Highlanders had
been collected in the Ribécourt-Flesquières sunken road.

The 6th Seaforth Highlanders fared better. Seven tanks on the left and
centre of the battalion front passed through the wire, and enabled the
left company to enter the trench with only three casualties.

On the right of the battalion front the tanks appear to have lost their
direction, as no gaps were cut in the wire. "C" Company, however,
discovered a gap on their left flank, and having passed through it,
pushed on towards the trench. Here they had some severe fighting before
they finally established themselves in it, inflicting heavy losses on
the enemy and capturing many prisoners.

This company then tried to force their way along the Hindenburg support
line towards their right to join up with the 6th Gordon Highlanders. By
leaving the trench and running along the parapet, shooting and bombing
the Germans, they cleared some fifty yards of the trench. The rifle and
machine-gun fire from Flesquières, however, became so heavy that they
were forced to take to the trench again and establish a bombing-block on
their flanks between them and the enemy.

While this fighting was in progress the surviving tanks were pushing on
towards Flesquières Trench; but they, too, came under artillery fire,
and were knocked out by direct hits.

The personnel of the tanks suffered heavy losses, as in some cases the
tanks burst into flames on being struck by a shell, and their crews were
burnt to death before help could be brought to them. There is no need to
describe the sufferings of the unfortunate men who died in this manner,
imprisoned in the flaming tanks.

The tanks which still survived shortly became non-effective for the time
being owing to shortage of petrol. The crews which survived, however,
still continued to assist the infantry after their tanks were out of
action. For example, 2nd Lieutenant Blow, after his tank, the Edward
II., was struck by a shell, took his Lewis guns from it, placed one in
action at the head of a communication trench, and himself fired a Lewis
gun from the roof of his tank until the gun became too hot to hold. He
then attached himself to the Seaforths for the remainder of the action.

The second wave of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders, in spite of a heavy
fire directed against them from Flesquières Trench, made repeated
attempts to enter it, in which all officers except one per company
became casualties.

One officer in particular, 2nd Lieutenant Donald Grant, displayed great
courage and initiative in his efforts to gain his objective. Leading his
platoon along a communication trench, east of Flesquières Wood, he drove
the enemy before him, bayoneting many himself. When all his men but one
were casualties, he climbed out of his communication trench and
attempted to rush Flesquières Trench from above ground. He and his
companion were, however, immediately shot dead.

The 7th Gordon Highlanders, just as they had done at Beaumont Hamel and
again at the chemical works, carried their advance to the farthest point
reached in the attack. They made short work of the Hindenburg Support,
where they picked up 100 prisoners. On approaching Flesquières Trench
their tanks became subjected to close-range field-gun fire, and drew
most of the fire of the riflemen and machine-gunners. The infantry were
thus able to enter the trench and establish themselves in it after some
heavy fighting.

On the right at first only one section gained a lodgment in this trench,
but a platoon advancing over the area which the section had just
traversed followed it into the trench, and then fought its way along it
with bombs and rifles until it reached the battalion right boundary.

The next waves thus passed on to assault the village, unsupported by
tanks, and in the face of a terrific fire. At one period they were able
to sweep the main street of the village with Lewis-gun fire; but
subjected to machine-gun fire from all sides, they could not maintain
their position, and were forced back into Flesquières Trench.

The Germans then delivered a counter-attack against the right of the 7th
Gordon Highlanders, and forced them out of Flesquières Trench, which in
this sector was in many places only a few inches deep.

The 7th Gordon Highlanders were thus left, holding the Hindenburg
support line throughout the battalion front, and with three platoons in
Flesquières Trench.

The 7th Black Watch on the left flank of the Division encountered a
series of misfortunes. In the first place, two of their tanks were
ditched in crossing the front line. Secondly, before encountering
Hindenburg support line, they met tremendous resistance from Cemetery
Alley. Here both their second and third waves became involved in heavy
fighting, and after a severe engagement, in which the attackers were
subjected to a considerable volume of machine-gun fire from Cemetery
Ridge, the trench was captured with 200 prisoners.

Hindenburg support line was thus successfully captured in conjunction
with tanks; but on crossing this trench, all the remaining tanks were
knocked out. As uncut wire lay in front of them, and a great volume of
fire was being directed against them from the village, the waves could
not continue their advance. Attempts were made to get forward by small
parties, but with no success, and the battalion was ordered to
consolidate its gains as it stood.

At this stage the prospects of a farther advance were not good. The
German gunner, always an unpleasantly efficient person, seemed to have
got the measure of the tanks, and without them it appeared impossible in
the near future to give the advance further impetus.

Meanwhile, Lieut.-Colonel S. MacDonald, D.S.O., commanding the 6th
Seaforth Highlanders, had arrived at the Hindenburg support line, and
had reorganised his two companies there for further efforts. He found
that the village, wood, and chateau were a series of strong nests of
machine-guns. However, employing tanks in the vicinity, which had run
out of petrol, to open on the village with their 6-pounders and Lewis
guns, he led his battalion forward in person, and gained a foothold in
Flesquières Trench, which extended from the Ribécourt-Flesquières road
for 300 yards to the left.

From this position Colonel MacDonald, showing splendid qualities of
leadership, organised two determined attempts to reach the village under
cover of rifle and Lewis-gun fire. Though one or two machine-guns were
put out of action, the intense fire which this enterprise attracted from
the high walls of the chateau grounds and the houses in the village,
checked the advance on both occasions. During one of these attempts a
private soldier, single-handed, killed the team of a machine-gun and
carried the gun back to the British lines.

About 5 P.M. seven more tanks arrived, of which six entered the village.
They were not, however, sufficiently closely supported by the infantry,
and the attack failed. The enemy, with great cunning, offered no
resistance to the tanks in the streets, either lying motionless in his
emplacements or retiring into dug-outs and cellars while the tanks were
passing. The tanks, after cruising about the village until the light
began to fail, returned after an uneventful voyage.

Meanwhile, in support of the tanks two platoons of the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders were ordered to advance through the wood, and two to enter
the village from the north. The first party was held up in the wood by
machine-guns, and the second entered the village only to meet the tanks
withdrawing. They therefore attempted to establish a chain of posts
round the village; but, fired at from front and flanks, were compelled
to withdraw.

Arrangements were now made to prevent the enemy from evacuating his guns
during the night by placing a machine-gun barrage on the northern slopes
of the Flesquières Ridge. With this object the 152nd Machine Gun Company
alone fired over 19,000 rounds before daylight. By dawn, however, the
enemy had withdrawn from Flesquières Trench and the villages.

A patrol of the 7th Gordon Highlanders had left their trenches as early
as 3.45 P.M., circled the north-west side of the village to the
north-west corner, and reported that that flank was only held by a few
machine-guns and snipers. At 4 P.M. a patrol of the 7th Black Watch
found Flesquières Trench unoccupied, and the battalion moved into it.

At 2.45 A.M. three patrols of the 7th Gordon Highlanders returned and
reported that they had advanced as far as the Brown line, and that the
whole area was clear of the enemy. About the same time a patrol of the
7th Black Watch returned with similar information. These two battalions
therefore advanced and occupied the Brown line, troops of the 7th Gordon
Highlanders passing right through the village and encountering only
slight machine-gun and rifle fire.

At 6.15 A.M. on the following morning troops of the 6th Gordon
Highlanders and 6th Seaforth Highlanders also established themselves on
the Brown line without opposition.

Thus within twenty-four hours of the attack having been launched the
Brown line was occupied in its entirety, largely owing to the vigilance
with which the 153rd Brigade had kept in touch with the enemy's
movements by patrolling.

During the final advance to the Brown line considerable booty was taken,
the following guns being captured by the 6th Gordon Highlanders: two 5·9
howitzers and two 4·2 guns; by the 6th Seaforth Highlanders, five
field-guns; by the 7th Gordon Highlanders, two 8-inch howitzers, five
5·9 howitzers, and a field-gun.

By nightfall on the day of the attack the artillery had considerably
advanced their positions, one brigade being at the Grand Ravine, and two
in No Man's Land.

The advance to the Red dotted line was now accomplished without
difficulty. On the right the 5th Seaforth Highlanders passed through the
6th Gordon Highlanders, reached the Red dotted line, and made a
reconnaissance in force towards Cantaing with a total of fourteen
casualties. On their left the 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders also
reached the Red dotted line, having killed five Germans and captured
thirty-three in an attack by section rushes against a sunken road. They
also reconnoitred towards Cantaing, but found it strongly held.

Similarly, the 6th Black Watch and the 5th Gordon Highlanders occupied
the Red dotted line with a total of two and three casualties
respectively. The former captured three field-guns and four 4·2
howitzers, and the latter three field-guns.

During these operations the 154th Brigade, which had assembled at Metz
at 5 A.M. on the day of the attack, had at 10 A.M. moved two battalions
to the old British front line and two just clear of Metz, in readiness
to move forward should Flesquières fall.

On the evening of the 20th it was decided that should the Red dotted
line be captured during the night, the 154th Brigade should pass through
the 152nd and 153rd Brigades, capture the Cantaing Line and Cantaing,
and advance on the village of Fontaine Notre Dame.

Of these objectives Cantaing and the Cantaing Line proved themselves to
be formidable obstacles. The latter, though the trenches were for the
most part only traced out, contained numerous completed dug-outs and
machine-gun emplacements, and was for the greater portion of its length
protected by a double belt of wire some fifteen yards in depth. The
defences of the village of Cantaing were also considerably strengthened
by a well-traversed trench encircling its south-western corner.

The 154th Brigade began its advance with the 4th Gordon Highlanders
covering the front of the 152nd Infantry Brigade, and the 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders covering the 153rd. In rear were the 9th Royal
Scots on the right, and the 4th Seaforth Highlanders on the left.

The 4th Gordon Highlanders passed through the Red dotted line at 10.30
A.M., and continued their advance at first uneventfully. As, however,
they began to approach Cantaing Trench, machine-guns from the trenches
and from buildings in the village, as well as light trench-mortars,
opened on them in sufficient volume to hold up the advance until shortly
after noon. At that hour ten tanks arrived from Premy Chapel, and made
towards the village, followed by "B" Company of the 4th Gordon
Highlanders. Cantaing was entered, and after a little street fighting
300 prisoners were taken from it.

Meanwhile about the south-western end of the village, in the trenches in
that vicinity and in the sunken road running to Cantaing Mill, bodies of
the enemy continued to offer a magnificent resistance. "D" Company of
the 4th Gordon Highlanders managed to force their way through the wire
into a position on the Cantaing-Flesquières road, but could make no
farther progress. Two Stokes guns were then brought into action, but
even these failed to dislodge the enemy. Indeed, it was not until 3
P.M., when one of the tanks _en route_ for Fontaine arrived, that the
pocket was finally cleared. This gallant stand made by the enemy had
disorganised this attack, which came to a standstill with "B" and "D"
Companies of the 4th Gordon Highlanders consolidating the line north and
north-east of the village, and with "A" and "C" Companies connecting
them on the right flank with the 29th Division, who were by this time in
Nine Wood. Subsequently three squadrons of the Queen's Bays and the 9th
Cavalry Brigade M.G. Squadron arrived, and took up defensive positions
round the perimeter of the village in conjunction with the 4th Gordon
Highlanders.

While this operation was in progress, the 7th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders, on the left of the 4th Gordon Highlanders, could not join
in the advance until 11.20 A.M., as they were held up by heavy fire from
the village of Anneux. However, at that hour the village was captured by
the 62nd Division, and they were able to move forward again.

By noon the advance had again been completely held up about 300 yards
from the Cantaing Line by heavy enfilade fire from Cantaing on the right
and Bourlon Wood on the left. As no tanks had as yet arrived, the
battalion therefore began to dig in.

During this time and until the end of the day low-flying enemy
aeroplanes, sometimes only 150 feet from the ground, patrolled our
lines, observed the position of our troops, disclosed them by dropping
lights, and fired with machine-guns on the men.

Meanwhile, the 4th Gordon Highlanders having been led away rather to the
right to deal with Cantaing, touch had been lost between the two
battalions. A company of the 4th Seaforth Highlanders was therefore
ordered forward to fill the gap between the Gordons and the Argylls.

At 3.30 P.M. the situation was cleared up by the arrival of seven tanks,
which moved forward, followed by the 7th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders and the company of the 4th Seaforth Highlanders. At the
sight of the tanks the Germans in the Cantaing Line surrendered, 130 men
being taken prisoners.

The advance on Fontaine Notre Dame was thus begun, and was carried out
without any opposition being met beyond a few shots fired by riflemen in
Bourlon Wood. The village was in our hands by 5 P.M.

The 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders were then disposed so as to
defend Fontaine, the point of junction being north of the village, with
the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders on the left and the 4th
Seaforth Highlanders on the right. One company of the latter was also
detached to connect up the 62nd Division north of Anneux with the
reserve platoons of the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders
garrisoning the Cantaing Line.

[Illustration: MAP VIII.--THE BATTLE OF CAMBRAI: POSITION AT 7 P.M.,
21ST NOVEMBER 1917.]

During the night the enemy infantry remained inactive. Fontaine was
found to be a large village little damaged by shell-fire, but as
darkness had fallen shortly after its capture, it was impossible to make
a systematic search of all the cellars and dug-outs contained in it, in
which parties of Germans might be hiding.

But though the enemy remained quiet, the position in Fontaine was a
desperate one. The enemy still held Bourlon and La Folie Woods. The
village was, in fact, like a nut gripped by the crackers.

At 6.30 P.M. steps were taken to ensure that the flanks of the defenders
of Fontaine were securely connected with the neighbouring troops, the
9th Royal Scots, who had relieved the 4th Gordon Highlanders in
Cantaing, being ordered to swing forward their left flank until they
were definitely in touch with the right of the 4th Seaforth Highlanders.
At the same time the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders were
instructed to make certain that no gap existed between the troops on the
west side of Fontaine and the Cantaing Line. It was imperative that no
such gaps should exist, as should the enemy succeed in penetrating
between Fontaine and the Cantaing Line during the dark, there was every
chance of the entire garrison of Fontaine being cut off.

At 8 P.M., as there was no activity on this part of the front, the
brigadier ordered the 4th Seaforth Highlanders to take over the defences
of Fontaine, thus relieving three companies of the 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders, who were to be used in their turn to defend the
flanks in rear of the village. The object of these orders was to place
the defence of the village under a single command.

Fontaine Notre Dame was subsequently lost in a counter-attack. It has
often been urged that this would not have been the case had a stronger
garrison been detailed for its defence. This is not true. Fontaine could
only have been secured by a successful attack on Bourlon Wood.
Sufficient troops could have at any time been moved into Fontaine to
give such an attack adequate support on its right flank. No number of
troops could be expected successfully to hold Fontaine against
counter-attack so long as the enemy held Bourlon Wood.

The village was indeed merely the point of junction of two defensive
flanks. Only two policies appeared possible: either an attack must be
delivered against Bourlon Wood by the Division on the left, or Fontaine
must be evacuated. To put more men into the village would have been to
expose more men to certain defeat in the event of counter-attack. It
would have been the equivalent of putting a large nut within the grip of
the crackers instead of a small one.

The perimeter of the village was some 3500 yards, the strength of the
4th Seaforth Highlanders roughly 400, or approximately one man to eight
and three-quarter yards of front. In addition, six Vickers guns had also
taken up defensive positions in the village.

Immediately after the completion of the relief by the 4th Seaforth
Highlanders, it was reported that the enemy were massing for attack in
Bourlon Wood, and shortly afterwards that they were dribbling forwards
on to the Cambrai road, in just the same manner as they had done for the
counter-attack near Poelcappelle on 20th September 1917.

At 5.30 A.M. on 23rd November, Lieut.-Colonel Unthank, D.S.O.,
commanding the 4th Seaforth Highlanders, who had established his
headquarters in the centre of the village, sent an officer and the
battalion scouts to establish four posts of observation on the Cambrai
road north of the village. These were in position by 7 A.M.

As soon as dawn broke a fleet of twelve enemy aircraft circled over
Fontaine at a low altitude. The battalion headquarters staff were lined
up in the main street, and forced the planes to fly at a higher altitude
by their rifle-fire. They, however, continued to observe and to engage
our troops with machine-gun fire all morning.

At 10.30 A.M. the first S.O.S. signal was fired by the infantry, and a
fierce battle was soon raging. The enemy's plan was to attack the
village from both flanks simultaneously, from the Cambrai-Bapaume road
on the right, and from Bourlon Wood on the left. At the same time, he
delivered a holding attack from the north.

The Germans advanced most gallantly in five waves, separated from one
another by a distance of about ten yards. Numbers of officers were
conspicuous directing the advance. These waves advanced determinedly,
regardless of casualties, on the left to within bombing distance of the
front line.

Meanwhile parties of the enemy, who had no doubt remained hidden in the
village all night, opened fire on the backs of the defenders from the
church and adjoining houses.

On the right the enemy was first checked by troops holding the last
house in Fontaine on the Cambrai road. The enemy, not being able to
dislodge them, turned northwards and entered the railway cutting,
driving the small posts from it into the outskirts of the village. To
check his farther advance in this direction two platoons were brought
from the reserve south of the village to the station, and Colonel
Unthank led his headquarters personnel along the Cambrai road. On the
way the colonel met the two platoons falling back from the station;
these he ordered back again, and advanced with his party also in that
direction. He found the enemy two hundred yards from the station
buildings in great force. For a short time he kept them in check with
the troops at his command, but after a few minutes was driven by weight
of numbers into the street running parallel to the Cambrai road and
north of it.

The pressure now increased as Captain Peverell, the adjutant who was in
charge of the party defending the Cambrai road on the extreme right, was
wounded and his party driven in. At the same time the company defending
the north-west and western edges of Fontaine were forced back by weight
of numbers, first on to the Cambrai road, and then into a sunken road
running into the village at its south-western corner. During this
withdrawal the company was heavily engaged and suffered severe losses,
the company commander being wounded.

South of the Cambrai road on the right two platoons holding the sunken
road running from Fontaine to La Folie Wood offered a most heroic
resistance. They held the ground until they had fired every round of
ammunition that they carried or could collect from the dead and wounded.
Then covered by a gallant band of four men, they fell back into the
sunken Cantaing-Fontaine road.

While these actions were in progress, Colonel Unthank with his small
party had withdrawn to the centre of the village. The enemy was now
pressing them on three sides, and they had no alternative but to
extricate themselves from a most dangerous situation. They accordingly
withdrew southwards. At the edge of the village they found the enemy
advancing in waves on both flanks. Though they were now reduced in
number to seven, they halted, faced the enemy, and opened rapid fire on
him for a minute, and then dashed across the open under a heavy
cross-fire to the Cantaing-Fontaine road.

Colonel Unthank and his men had fought magnificently against
overwhelming odds; he did not withdraw from the village with the
remnants of his headquarters until 2.30 P.M., a few moments before the
German cordon round the village was completed, and even then paused to
take a final toll from the Boches. As he withdrew a British machine-gun
was seen on the Cambrai road still in action with Germans all round it.

The survivors of the defenders of Fontaine were now all gathered
together in the two sunken roads running southwards from the village.
The enemy were continuing to advance on the right, and the defenders of
the road with their ammunition almost spent made a gallant attempt to
relieve the pressure by a counter-charge. The men were, however, so
terribly exhausted that the charge lost its impetus just as the enemy
were beginning to retire. The troops then returned to the road.

A line was now organised, so that a continuous line of resistance was
formed connecting the Cantaing Line on the left with the sunken roads.
The troops in the eastern sunken road also gained touch with the 9th
Royal Scots. The enemy thus found it impossible to debouch from the
village or to work round the left flank. Several times he attempted to
throw back the 154th Brigade and continue his advance, but each attempt
was shattered by the rifle and Lewis-gun fire of the defenders. He could
do no more than occupy the trench at the south-western corner of the
village. The organisation of this line, which brought the enemy's
initial success to a standstill, was a fine piece of tactical work, and
reflects great credit on the local commanders and the troops.

Meanwhile the 9th Royal Scots had had some splendid shooting during the
afternoon. Five times the enemy attempted to deliver an attack across
the country intervening between Fontaine and La Folie Wood, but on each
occasion the Royal Scots delivered such a fire that his troops withered
away, and contented themselves with digging in behind a ridge. Quiet
prevailed along the whole front in the evening, the enemy not feeling
disposed to test our line again. Patrols reconnoitred the country
immediately in front of our line, but met none of the enemy.

During the night the 7th Black Watch relieved the 4th Seaforth
Highlanders and the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, and the
Queen's Bays were withdrawn from Cantaing. The front held by the
Division was also contracted on the right, so as just to include
Cantaing.

On the evening of the 22nd orders were issued for a combined attack to
be delivered on Bourlon Wood and Fontaine on the following day, the wood
being allotted to the 119th Brigade, 40th Division, and the village to
the 152nd Brigade.

This attack, delivered as it was from the point of a salient, included
all the natural disadvantages that attend such operations, as a
defensive flank had to be formed progressively as the attack advanced.

The 6th Gordon Highlanders on the right and the 6th Seaforth Highlanders
on the left were detailed by the 152nd Brigade to carry out the
operations, the 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders being employed to
form the defensive right flank as the attack progressed. That is to say,
the two former battalions were to capture Fontaine, while the last,
facing north-east, was to connect up the defences of Fontaine with the
defences of Cantaing.

Twelve tanks were allotted to the 152nd Brigade for the operation, a
number which was more than doubled by reinforcements which arrived
during the day.

An artillery barrage was also arranged which opened for twenty minutes
south of the village, and then moved across the area to be attacked at
the rate of 200 yards every ten minutes.

The tanks moved off at 10 A.M., the plan being for those destined for
the village to enter it from the flanks. On the right the 6th Gordon
Highlanders advanced on a two-company front, their objective being the
high ground north of Fontaine village; the 8th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders followed in rear, ready to form the defensive flank.

As is liable to happen when an attack is delivered from the point of a
salient, the advancing infantry were badly enfiladed by machine-guns
from the direction of La Folie Wood on their right flank. In addition,
every house on the south side of the village seemed to hold one or more
machine-guns, which the tanks, having entered the village from the
flanks, had left undamaged.

Repeated attempts were made to cross a zone swept from end to end by
bullets fired from the front and flank; but though part of "C" Company,
8th Gordon Highlanders, managed to reach the outskirts of the village,
they could not maintain themselves there, the battalion being compelled
to dig in on a line about 500 yards south of the village.

On the left the 6th Seaforth Highlanders advanced with the task of
capturing the ground lying between the wood and the village, and of
joining up with the 6th Gordon Highlanders north of the village.

This battalion, too, suffered heavily from enfilade fire from houses in
the village which had escaped the tanks.

However, chiefly owing to the gallantry of individual officers and men,
the enemy resistance was overcome. One officer, for instance, advancing
ahead of his platoon against a machine-gun in a ditch alongside the
Bapaume-Cambrai road, shot two of the team, and then carried back the
gun under fire. A sergeant put a gun out of action by heading an attack
along a trench occupied by a party of about thirty Germans, of which he
bayoneted three himself, thus cowing the others into surrendering. A
dash through the German barrage by an officer and one N.C.O. captured
fifty Germans garrisoning a trench.

By means of these and similar exploits "C" Company, pushing in by
section rushes, and closely supported by "D" Company, reached the
north-east corner of Bourlon Wood. "D" Company from this point tried to
gain the high ground north of the village, but the fire from Fontaine
was so intense that their efforts had to be abandoned.

Meanwhile "A" and "B" Companies with the tanks were endeavouring to
enter the west side of the village. They successfully cleared the
outskirts, but every endeavour made to enter the main streets failed.
Machine-gunners or riflemen seemed to be manning the windows of every
house.

During this action the enemy made several attempts to defeat the whole
attack by cutting in across the Bapaume-Cambrai road (south-west of the
village), a form of counter-attack to which an attack from a salient is
particularly liable. All his attempts in this direction collapsed under
the fire of rifles and Lewis guns.

By the early afternoon the situation had become stationary, the
surviving tanks all having returned from the village.

A fresh attack was therefore planned, as it would have been impossible
for the 6th Seaforth Highlanders to maintain themselves in their
advanced position unless some effort was made to relieve the pressure on
their flanks. Two companies of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders were
therefore ordered to advance through Anneux to the south-east corner of
Bourlon Wood, now in the hands of the 40th Division, and forming up
there, to attempt to clear Fontaine by bombing in conjunction with a
fresh company of twelve tanks. At the same time, it was arranged that
100 rifles of the 6th Gordon Highlanders and two companies of the 8th
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders should form up on the right flank and
co-operate in the attack.

Immediately before the hour fixed for the operation to begin, the enemy
successfully counter-attacked the 40th Division in Bourlon Wood, and
uncovered the left flank of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders. They had, in
consequence, to fall back, with the result that the situation west of
Fontaine became uncertain.

However, while this withdrawal was taking place, the tanks had begun
their advance through a heavy artillery barrage, which accompanied the
German counter-attack on Bourlon Wood. Several of them were put out of
action by direct hits, in consequence of which some confusion and
disorganisation arose, which resulted in none of the tanks entering the
village on the front of the two companies of the 5th Seaforth
Highlanders.

In view of the intensity of the machine-gun fire which was being poured
out of Fontaine, it seemed clear that an attack unsupported by tanks had
no possible chance of success. The enterprise was therefore abandoned,
and the men withdrew and dug in so as to form a connecting link between
the 6th Seaforth Highlanders and the troops south of the village.

This gallant attack on Fontaine illustrates the extreme difficulty of
taking an undemolished village with or without tanks, if strongly held
and organised for defence, unless there is sufficient time available to
subject it to a severe and thorough bombardment.

No further changes in the situation occurred, except that after dusk the
line was so adjusted as to be continuous from the left of the 6th
Seaforth Highlanders in the south-east corner of Bourlon Wood to the
right of the 9th Royal Scots south-east of Cantaing.

During the night of the 23-24th the Division was relieved by the Guards
Division, and a continuous line was handed over five miles in advance of
the trenches occupied by the Division at zero hour on the 20th.

The part played by the Highland Division in the battle of Cambrai was a
great one. It had reached its final objective, though Fontaine was
ultimately lost; it had captured 2609 unwounded prisoners, including 66
officers, with a loss of 27 officers and 312 men killed and missing, and
of 41 officers and 1190 men wounded.

In the action the tanks certainly played a gallant and conspicuous part,
and since they were alone responsible for crushing the wire throughout
the varying phases of the attack, contributed largely to the success of
the infantry. It must, however, be borne in mind that the tanks suffered
serious losses. In "D" Battalion ten tanks were knocked out by direct
hits, and in "E" eighteen. Many others, through mechanical trouble, were
unable to reach their objective. Indeed, of the seventy that took part
in the first day's action, only twenty-six rallied at the conclusion.

It will thus be seen that in many cases the infantry gallantly continued
their advance without the support of their tanks, so that the success
was equally due to their splendid qualities, which enabled them to reach
their objectives by substituting for the help they anticipated from the
tanks their own initiative and resource. Those tanks that remained in
action did magnificent work, as is testified by the following figures.
In one day "Z" Battalion fired 2000 6-pounder shells, and 95,000 rounds
of small-arms ammunition, excluding any rounds fired by the tanks that
were knocked out. In many cases tanks not only fired every round of
their own ammunition, but also all the ammunition that they were
carrying for the infantry.

One has now reached a point at which one may pause and consider the last
three attacks carried out by the Division. They were delivered at the
height of the German's defensive power; two of them against trench
systems perfected by every modern artifice, deliberately constructed
with ample leisure in which to complete them; one against the
barrage-proof pill-box; all of them before the German had exhausted the
flower of his army in his violent attacks of the first six months of
1918.

In every case the Highland Division reached the final objective allotted
to it; true, in two cases, with an exposed flank, counter-attacks
ultimately reduced its gains, but only inconsiderably. In the aggregate
of its three attacks, it advanced 14,000 yards, accounting for
practically every German in the area traversed, capturing as unwounded
prisoners 87 officers and 3403 unwounded men, irrespective of the
wounded collected by the R.A.M.C.; defeated at least a dozen
counter-attacks; and lost in the three actions in killed, wounded, and
missing a sum total of only 162 officers and 4128 other ranks. That is
to say, its losses in these attacks exceeded the number of unwounded
prisoners captured by only 75 officers and 725 other ranks, the German
killed, wounded, and wounded prisoners not being taken into account in
this balance.

Many Divisions reached their final objectives, but few can have done so
three times in four months with the balance of dead loss in man-power,
as opposed to the Germans, so immeasurably in their favour. The three
battles were, indeed, immense successes, and proved indisputably that in
1917 in the Highland Division the Germans had an opponent for whom they
were no match.

How, then, was this success achieved? One can say with truth that the
leap-frog system of attack gave the infantry the best possible chances
of success; one can say with equal truth that in Generals Harper,
Oldfield, Pelham-Burn, Buchanan, and Beckwith, and its unit commanders,
the men had magnificent leaders; one can say that the men themselves
were as gallant and courageous as soldiers can be; but there was
something further.

It was that the Division was trained throughout to act intelligently. It
had learned to fight scientifically by the combination of skill and
gallantry, and not by animal courage alone, untempered by intelligence.

The success of the Division and the cheapness in life of its successes
was due, as General Maxse had put it, "to the fact that all usual war
problems had been thought out beforehand, discussed in detail, and
embodied in simple doctrines well known to all ranks."

One cannot leave this battle without a word of praise for the courage
and steadiness of the German soldier in the face of one of the heaviest
attacks of the war. Without warning the Germans were assaulted in the
early dawn by tanks, against which the infantryman is practically
defenceless, in numbers which had not previously been contemplated. At
the same time, they were bombarded and barraged by a vast artillery,
subsequently they were attacked again and again by tanks. Yet though, it
is true, certain of them broke and fled or surrendered, in the main they
stood their ground, and set a magnificent example of stubborn and
skilful defence, in which their gunners supported the infantry with the
greatest devotion.

The battle of Cambrai was the first occasion on which troops of the
Highland Division had penetrated the enemy's positions to such a depth
as to liberate French civilians. All who took part in the battle will
never forget the gratitude of these French people, who, having lived for
three years behind the German lines, were ultimately released as the
result of a great battle fought in their presence round their homes.




                            CHAPTER XIV.

                       THE GERMAN OFFENSIVE.


The year 1917 closed in an atmosphere of depression. Most Divisions on
the Western Front had been engaged continuously in offensive operations.
Some had been hurried off to Italy; all were exhausted, and either
numerically weak or had been reinforced by rather indifferent material.
The drain on officers had been severe during the last twelve months, and
deficiencies in this respect were hard adequately to replace. The
signing of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty and the complete defection of the
Russians had, at the same time, enabled Germany not only to make up the
wastage in her ranks, but even to increase the number of Divisions on
the Western Front.

There was a universal feeling that, in spite of the sacrifices of Arras
and Passchendaele, and the bitter fighting at Messines, Ypres, and
Cambrai, the initiative could but pass into the hands of the Germans,
and that they were soon to become the aggressors.

There had also been the painful incident of the ringing of the joy-bells
in London, which had heralded the Germans' successful counter-attack
against the shoulders of the Cambrai salient.

This counter-attack had fallen on, among other Divisions, the 56th
Division. It had necessitated urgent orders being sent on 30th November
to the 51st Division, which was resting in the neighbourhood of
Baisieux, to move at once to the Lechelle area. These orders arrived
most inopportunely, as, in the first place, it was St Andrew's Day, and
the numerous dinners which were to be eaten in memory of the patron
saint were actually being cooked, and had to be left untouched. Further,
General Harper's horse had come down with him in a hidden
wire-entanglement, the General being severely shaken, and had sustained
a badly-damaged wrist.

On 1st December two battalions of the 153rd Brigade relieved two
battalions of the 56th Division in the old British front, and on 2nd
December the 154th and 153rd Brigades relieved the 56th Division in the
front trenches. On 3rd December the G.O.C. 51st Division took over
command of the line.

The situation was a precarious one. Our troops occupied the Hindenburg
front line as far as Tadpole Copse inclusive, a trench had thence been
hastily dug across No Man's Land to protect the left flank. This flank
was thus highly vulnerable and liable to be heavily counter-attacked.
Indeed, the Germans maintained constant pressure against our troops in
that part of the field by means of bombing parties, and in this respect
could only be kept in check by a systematic use of rifle grenades.

To relieve this situation on 5th December our troops were withdrawn to
the old British front line. After various adjustments of the frontage
held, the Divisional sector was finally fixed, and ran from Betty Avenue
east of Demicourt on the right to the Strand on the left, the village of
Boursies on the Bapaume-Cambrai road being a little south of the centre
of the sector. The total frontage held by the Division was roughly 6000
yards.

The trenches--for the defences could not be called a trench
system--consisted of a front line and portions of a support line sited
for the most part so that it could not perform the functions for which
it was designed. About 2000 yards in rear lay some reserve line posts.
The trenches were, in fact, merely those in which men had dug themselves
in in front of the Hindenburg Line when following the retreating Germans
in their withdrawal in the spring of 1917. With no prospect of the enemy
attacking in this sector, they had provided reasonable summer
accommodation for their garrisons; at this moment, however, it was not
only winter, but it was also morally certain that the Germans were
preparing for a spring offensive.

The trenches were therefore wholly unsuitable both in construction and
siting for the purpose for which they were now required. Indeed, they
were little more than a few "Bairnsfather" villas, connected by short
lengths of narrow crumbling ditches, which, partly owing to the rank
growth of thistles and other weeds, and partly to their siting, had
practically no field of fire.

It can therefore be said that the Division was given an area 6000 yards
in breadth in which to construct a defensive system _de novo_.

The front line crossed three spurs and two valleys all running in a
north-easterly direction from the main feature of the position, the
ridge running from Hermies to Lebucquière.

The country was similar in nature to the upland country of the Cambrai
battle, and was similarly completely dominated by Bourlon Wood. One was
even in view of Bourlon Wood at the Divisional race meetings.

The enemy occupied the Hindenburg Line some 2500 yards from the British
front line with outposts in an uncompleted line some 300 to 700 yards in
advance of it.

It was a comfortable sector, the unpleasantness attendant on being in
close contact with the enemy, such as mining, trench-mortars, rifle
grenades, sniping, and indirect machine-gun fire, being absent. As a
rule, the German gunners, in spite of their magnificent observation of
our lines, remained inactive.

In view of the fact that so much new work was necessary in the sector,
General Harper published a memorandum containing certain principles of
defence and of trench construction, a document which at their own
request was circulated to a number of Divisions, and adopted by them.

The chief innovation in this document was the construction of trenches
of a far larger size than had been the case in the past. The depth for
all trenches was laid down as six feet, their width at the top as eight
feet, later increased to nine feet six inches. Each fire-bay was to be
fifteen yards in length, with a twenty-three feet traverse separating it
from the next one. The minimum breadth of the berm was laid down as
three feet.

The document ended with the following sentences:--

      "Nothing indicates the standard of discipline and the
      _morale_ of a Division more clearly than work done on a
      defensive front. It may be assumed with certainty that a
      Division that digs well will attack well, and that bad
      trenches are the work of a Division that cannot be relied on
      in the attack.

      "Officers and men must realise that good work stimulates
      interest, and consequently tends to keep up _morale_, and
      that a good trench system economises men and minimises
      losses. There is, perhaps, nothing more demoralising to
      infantry than taking over badly-constructed and badly-kept
      trenches, except actually constructing and keeping them in
      such a condition."

To ensure continuity of effort within the Division, General Harper in
his memorandum laid down fixed principles on the system on which a
sector was to be defended, on the system on which trenches were to be
sited, and on the actual method of construction of trenches, dug-outs,
entanglements, &c., and standardised their dimensions.

Thus within the Division, if men were ordered to make a trench, dug-out,
or entanglement, or to finish some work begun by another unit, they and
their officers knew exactly how to carry on.

The employment of all available labour was also reduced to a system. The
Division was made responsible for all work in front of and including the
line which ran through Hermies and Doignies, work in rear of this line
being carried out under arrangements made by the Corps.

In the Divisional area it was arranged that each of the three field
companies was allotted a sector of its own, and worked continuously in
that sector, finding its own reliefs.

Each brigade was made responsible for its own front and support lines,
and for the communication trenches connecting them and for wiring them.

The pioneer battalion placed at the disposal of the C.R.E. was made
responsible for the construction of communication trenches, of which
none existed.

The sappers in each sector organised the infantry parties and supervised
the work as regards its quality, and were generally employed as
technical advisers. It was definitely laid down that the work of trench
construction and wiring was the duty of the infantry and not of the
R.E., and also that the infantry officer and not the R.E. officers was
responsible for the amount of work performed by the infantry and for its
quality.

Each infantry battalion had also to provide a mining platoon, which,
with the assistance of a few sappers, was employed on the construction
of deep dug-outs.

Troops in reserve were employed in digging the Corps line, which ran
west of Hermies and east of Beaumetz and Morchies. On this line the
reserve battalions were trained in digging and drilled as working
parties, and considerably benefited from the instruction given there.

In order to simplify the work, reliefs were, as far as possible,
arranged so that battalions always occupied the same sector.

The artillery, who had many professional miners in their ranks, made
their own dug-outs, with some slight assistance from the R.E.

No new work was allowed to be undertaken without the approval of
Divisional headquarters; a definite programme could therefore be laid
down and adhered to, and, as a result, the minimum of labour was wasted.

This system proved highly satisfactory. The Jocks showed a keen interest
in the work of trench construction, worked admirably, and took the
greatest pride in the result of their labours.

An orderly, who was taken on a reconnaissance into the trenches held by
a neighbouring Division, summed up the opinion of the Jocks excellently
by looking at the narrow trenches with their small sandbagged traverses,
and saying, "It's easy seen these trenches belong to some other bodies."

So successful in fact was the system, that between 3rd December and 21st
March, during which period (with the exception of a three weeks' rest at
Achiet le Petit) the Division held this sector, the following work was
carried out:--

The front line had been reorganised and the occupied sections made
habitable.

The support line had been dug throughout its 6000 yards' length, and
contained deep dug-outs for its entire garrison.

Three main communication trenches had been dug from the Corps line to
the front line.

The reserve line had been partially completed, and had many dug-outs
constructed in it.

The Hermies-Doignies-Louverval line had been dug through to make a
continuous line.

The Hermies-Beaumetz-Morchies line had been dug through to make a
continuous line.

Many machine-gun emplacements leading from deep dug-outs had also been
made, as well as brigade, battalion, and company battle-headquarters.

In this area a total of over sixty new dug-outs had been completed.

Every trench had been so heavily protected with barbed wire that even
the army R.E. park ran dry, and the supply of barbed wire almost ceased.

This magnificent record of eight weeks' work, coming at the end of eight
months' almost continuous fighting, when the dimensions of the trenches
constructed is remembered, clearly proves the value of the system which
had been brought into force.

General Sir Julian Byng, commanding the Third Army, on visiting the
trenches, was so satisfied with the work done that he addressed the
following letter to the Divisional commander:--

      "The Third Army commander wishes to express to all ranks of
      the 51st (Highland) Division his keen appreciation of the
      extremely good work done by the Division in the
      strengthening of the defences of the line.

      "He is fully aware of the fact that the Division has been
      continuously engaged throughout 1917, and considers that the
      way in which all ranks, in spite of their recent efforts,
      tackled the heavy work in front of them is all the more
      commendable.

      "The Army Commander wishes all ranks to know that their good
      work in defence, as much as in attack, is fully realised."

Probably in this sector "Q," as the quartermaster-general's branch of
the staff is known, was at the zenith of its efficiency.

There was hardly a single room, much less a house, in the whole Divisional
area that had not been destroyed, except one in Bapaume that was marked
"dangerous." The buildings of the various Divisional institutions
had therefore all to be improvised. These included hot bath-houses
for officers and men, at which the latter were issued with clean
underclothes; Divisional canteens, both retail and wholesale, at
which battalion canteens could purchase their stock; wet canteens, a
fresh fish, vegetable, and egg store, a picture palace, a Divisional
theatre, a Divisional soda-water factory, a rest camp for officers
and men, and hot soup kitchens. In fact, there was practically
nothing which civilisation supplies which "Q" did not produce in the
Fremicourt-Lebucquière-Beugny wilderness.

Lieut.-Colonel J. L. Weston, D.S.O., who had been A.A. and Q.M.G. since
the April of 1917, had a gift for liaison with the various units, and he
thus kept himself fully informed of their wants, and by collecting round
him some valuable subordinates, in addition to his two staff officers,
was almost invariably able to supply them. The R.E. also co-operated
with "Q" admirably, and were of the greatest assistance in helping to
change ruined houses into Divisional institutions.

It was while the Division was resting in the Achiet le Petit area that
Captain Stanley first produced his original comic opera, 'Turnip Tops,'
which was played over a hundred times by the "Balmorals." Captain
Stanley wrote the words, the music, and the songs, and himself played
the leading part, most ably supported by "Gertie" as the heroine.

So successful was 'Turnip Tops' that a special theatre was built for it
at Lebucquière, which was unfortunately captured by the Boche on the day
that it should have been opened.

By the first days of 1918 night bombing had become so frequent that it
became dangerous to allow audiences to collect in buildings after dark;
theatres and cinemas had therefore for a time to be discontinued.

Casualties from bombing to men and horses, particularly to the latter,
occurred on several occasions. Towards the end of December 1917
Fremicourt, where Divisional headquarters lived, was bombed one evening
by relays of Gothas for over an hour. Many men were killed and wounded.
No. 2 mess was struck by a direct hit, Colonel Fleming, the A.D.M.S.,
was killed, and the A.P.M. wounded. One of the Gothas was happily
brought down, its crew of three being captured.

Colonel Fleming had been A.D.M.S. of the Highland Division for over two
years, and had been with it through all its chief engagements. He was
succeeded by Colonel David Rorie, D.S.O., who was at the time commanding
a field ambulance. Colonel Rorie was one of the best known and most
popular officers in the Division. He was not only highly efficient, as
he had proved when acting as A.D.M.S. to the Division at Beaumont Hamel,
but he also possessed an inexhaustible fund of humour. In fact, to spend
an hour talking to Colonel Rorie in the mess was to obtain as good a
tonic as any he possessed in his medicine-chest.

In March signs that an attack was impending began to appear. In the
first place, information was received from the intelligence staff at
general headquarters that an attack on a large scale was being prepared.
Locally on the Divisional front there were also unmistakable signs. It
was noticed that the enemy was taking elaborate precautions to avoid any
of the trench garrison being captured. Raiding parties either found his
outpost line empty or the garrisons withdrew as soon as the raiders
approached. His object doubtless was to prevent us from capturing a
prisoner and extracting from him information regarding his preparations.
His activity in the air became increasingly marked, and he made every
effort to keep our reconnaissance machines from crossing his lines, both
by anti-aircraft fire and by aerial attack.

A number of new trench bridges, work on new roads, &c., appeared daily
in air photos of his position.

He laid a line of telegraph wires on poles right up to his front line.
Lines of white posts, presumably marking the position of routes, also
appeared, and increased daily.

Finally the air photos became spotted with curious small rectangular
mounds, which from their appearance on the photos came to be known as
"lice." The idea of trying the effect of a direct hit on one of these
"lice" with a 4·5 howitzer occurred to General Oldfield, and a shoot was
in consequence arranged. The result was conclusive; every time a "louse"
was hit it exploded. They were, in fact, dumps of ammunition scattered
broadcast about the valley of the river Agache. The 256th Brigade,
R.F.A., caused over a hundred of these explosions within an hour and a
half.

It was then decided to test the gun emplacements, and see whether
ammunition had been stored in them. The result showed that every gun
position, whether it was occupied by a gun or not, contained ammunition.

These signs were unmistakable.

Prisoners captured on various parts of the front also reported that the
Germans were building tanks in large numbers. Two measures of anti-tank
defence were therefore taken. Fields of anti-tank mines were laid,
covering all the main avenues of approach, such as valleys and roads.
The mines used were the old 60-pounder trench-mortar bomb, fitted with a
special fuze, which were sunk just level with the surface of the earth.
In laying one of these mines, a most unfortunate accident occurred. A
bomb from some unknown cause exploded, killing and wounding one officer
and eighteen men of the 152nd Trench-Mortar Battery.

Seven 18-pounders and three 15-pounders were also employed as anti-tank
guns, being placed in positions about the support and reserve line from
which they could cover the main avenues of approach over open sights.

By the middle of March the trench system consisted of the following: The
front system, composed of the front, support, and reserve lines, the two
former being continuous trenches held by section and double-section
posts, the third a series of defended localities and portions of
trenches, all heavily wired. The intermediate line, running from the
north of Hermies, north of Doignies, north of Louverval, through
Louverval Wood to the Divisional boundary.

The Corps line--_i.e._, the Hermies-Beaumetz-Morchies line.

Behind this trench system the Army (Green) line traversed the Divisional
sector. It consisted of an old German trench, heavily wired, running
from Ypres to Beugny, and thence northwards.

By this time the brigades had all been reduced from four to three
battalions, the 9th Royal Scots, the 5th Gordon Highlanders, and the 8th
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders having been transferred to the 62nd
Brigade. The departure of these units was a great blow both to the
Division and to the battalions, but it was due to a definite change in
organisation throughout the Expeditionary Force in France, to which no
exceptions could be made. With only nine infantry battalions available,
all three brigades were in the line--154th Brigade on the right, 152nd
in the centre, and the 153rd on the left. Each brigade had two
battalions holding the trenches in depth from the front line to the
Corps line inclusive.

The order of battle ran from right to left, 4th Gordon Highlanders, 7th
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, 6th Gordon Highlanders, 5th Seaforth
Highlanders, 7th Black Watch, 6th Black Watch, the battalions in brigade
reserve being the 4th and 6th Seaforth Highlanders in Lebucquière, and
the 7th Gordon Highlanders at Beugny, all ready to man the
Beaumetz-Morchies line (Corps line) if required.

Each brigade was covered by a brigade of field artillery as follows:--

      154th Brigade by the 293rd Army Brigade, R.F.A.,
      Lieut.-Colonel A. Main, D.S.O., commanding.

      152nd Brigade by the 255th Brigade, R.F.A., Lieut.-Colonel
      F. Fleming, D.S.O., commanding.

      153rd Brigade by the 256th Brigade, R.F.A., Lieut.-Colonel
      L. M. Dyson, D.S.O., commanding.

These brigades were disposed with nine forward 18-pounders and four
forward 4·5 howitzers, and with the remainder of the guns in main
battery positions 3500 yards behind the front line. The forward guns
only were active, the remainder remaining silent so as not to disclose
their positions.

Four 6-inch Newton trench-mortars covered the front line in each brigade
front, while four were in positions from which they could cover the
intermediate line.

The guns of all four machine-gun companies were in position with the
exception of six held in reserve. They were distributed for the most
part in pairs as follows: Fourteen in the support line, fourteen in the
reserve line, sixteen in the intermediate line, eight in the Corps line,
and six in supporting points between the intermediate line and Corps
line. The positions of these guns were all selected entirely with a view
to obtaining good fields of fire over the sights, their uses for
purposes of firing a barrage being treated as a secondary consideration.

On 11th March 1918 Major-General Sir G. M. Harper, K.C.B., D.S.O., was
promoted to the command of the IVth Corps. Though his promotion came as
no surprise, and was indeed confidently expected, the departure of the
General came nevertheless as a severe blow.

There were strong feelings towards the General which animated the
Division other than those of confidence in his command, and deep respect
for his qualities as a soldier. General Harper's personality was one
which won for him the genuine affection of all ranks with whom he came
in contact. In constant touch with his troops, both in and out of the
line, he was known personally to many of them. He never confined his
conversation with them to matters of military interest alone, and in
consequence they appreciated that he regarded them in the light of
normal sympathies, and not merely as units in a fighting machine.

It can safely be said that the Jocks regarded "Uncle" or "Daddie," as
the General was known to them, not merely as a commander in whom lay the
origin of their success, but as a friend who had their constant welfare
in mind.

Being in the IVth Corps the Highland Division now found General Harper
as its Corps commander, and fought its last fight under him in those
very trenches which had been constructed under his presiding genius.

General Harper was succeeded as commander of the 51st Division by
Major-General G. T. C. Carter-Campbell, C.B., D.S.O., Scottish Rifles,
who remained in command until after the armistice. General
Carter-Campbell had been seriously wounded at Neuve Chapelle, in which
action his battalion sustained more severe casualties to officers than
had ever before occurred in a single engagement. For his conspicuous
gallantry and leadership in this action he had received an immediate
award of the D.S.O.

General Carter-Campbell could not have been more unfortunate in the
period in which he took over command of the Division than he was. Within
a few days of his arrival tremendous losses were sustained in the German
offensive in March, only to be followed by a further engagement in April
with an almost equal number of casualties.

The losses, in fact, were such, particularly in senior officers, that
the old Division had virtually disappeared.

In spite of these misfortunes under General Carter-Campbell's command,
the efficiency of the Division continued. It became as often and as
heavily engaged as ever, yet in spite of its losses fully maintained its
reputation to the end.

During the afternoon of 20th March a scout of the Black Watch, lying out
in No Man's Land, observed between 6000 and 7000 men, not wearing their
packs, enter the enemy's trenches. It was therefore evident that the
enemy was assembling for the attack; and all active guns, with some
additional batteries of the corps heavy artillery, opened on his
assembly positions and on the Agache valley.

The night remained as quiet as usual, the whole sector having been
little disturbed by artillery for many weeks, with the exception of a
heavy bombardment of battery positions near Beaumetz during the last day
or two.

At 5 A.M., 21st March, a violent barrage broke out, which, as some one
put it, extended from the front line to Paris. At the same time as the
first salvo was fired, the observation balloon in front of Divisional
headquarters was brought down in flames by an enemy aeroplane.

On the front and support lines the barrage was most severe on the 6th
Division on the left, and on the 153rd Brigade. Here it was
overwhelming, countless heavy trench-mortars adding their support to the
artillery.

All battery positions, whether they had been active or silent, were
engaged, and, in addition, heavily gassed.

All villages were involved, particularly Beaumetz, Doignies, and
Louverval, and the intermediate and Corps lines were also bombarded.

All battalion and brigade headquarters had been marked down and were
continuously shelled, while high-velocity guns fired quantities of
rounds into Beugny, Lebucquière, Velu, Fremicourt, and along the
Bapaume-Cambrai road. The first shell falling in Fremicourt burst in
Divisional headquarters, killing a signaller.

[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL G. T. C. CARTER-CAMPBELL. C.B., D.S.O.]

[Illustration: MAP IX.--THE GERMAN OFFENSIVE: DISPOSITION OF 51ST
(HIGHLAND) DIVISION, MORNING, 21ST MARCH 1918.]

In rear of the Divisional area places such as Bapaume, Albert, and even
Doullens, Frevent, and St Pol were all shelled by long-range guns,
while Paris was engaged by "Big Bertha."

In a quarter of an hour practically all signal communications in the
Divisional area had been destroyed; moreover, observation was made
impossible by a thick ground mist, which did not rise until midday.

The bombardment continued for over four hours; by 7 A.M. it had
quietened on most of the Divisional front, but it remained intense on
the front of the 6th Division and on the left of the 153rd Brigade.

No information could be obtained as to the movements of the German
infantry until 9.53 A.M., when information was received from an
observation post which still was in telephone communication with the
C.R.A. 2nd Lieutenant W. H. Crowder and 2nd Lieutenant J. Stuart of the
256th Brigade, R.F.A., manning this observation post, reported first
that men could be seen moving between the front and support lines. Two
minutes later they confirmed that these men were Germans, and at 10 A.M.
they reported that the enemy were round the observation post, and were
throwing bombs into it. After that, though the line still showed a
circuit, no message was received. These officers had stayed at the
telephone to the last, even while being bombed. Fortunately, Lieutenant
Crowder was later reported wounded and a prisoner of war, and for his
gallant conduct on this occasion was awarded the D.S.O. a year after the
armistice.

The exact happenings when the German infantry were first encountered are
not known, as none of the 6th Black Watch in the front and support line
survived. These unfortunate men were subjected to a continuous
bombardment of over four hours, which was concentrated on the trenches
they occupied. If any of them survived the ordeal, they must have been
overwhelmed when the masses of German infantry emerged through the fog.

The enemy's plan of attack is, however, clear. By a tremendous weight of
artillery and trench-mortars he blasted his way through the defences of
the left of the Highland Division and the right of the 6th Division.
Then his troops, having poured through this gap, turned to their flanks,
and, assisted by the fog, attacked each successive line of trenches in
enfilade.

The parties working against the flanks thus created were highly
organised, and included flame-projector detachments, light and heavy
machine-guns, light trench-mortars, countless bombers, and, in close
support, field artillery.

In the front and support lines the attack progressed for some distance.
After putting up a stout resistance, a post of the 7th Black Watch was
overwhelmed, only one survivor returning. Other posts were taken in
succession until the remnants of the 7th Black Watch were rolled up
amongst the 5th Seaforth Highlanders. They, in their turn, burnt by the
flames of the projectors, bombed and raked by enfilade machine-gun fire,
were driven in on the 6th Gordon Highlanders. The 5th Seaforth, however,
fought stubbornly, two Lewis guns in the front line firing twenty and
fifteen drums respectively into the German masses.

Not until the 6th Gordon Highlanders were reached was the progress of
the enemy checked. In this battalion sector the remnants of the front
and support line companies of the 7th Black Watch and 5th Seaforth
Highlanders and the 6th Gordon Highlanders formed a block in Sturgeon
Avenue, and occupied that trench south of Sturgeon Support. Here they
maintained themselves for the remainder of the day. The front and
support lines had, however, been lost throughout the 152nd Brigade
front, with the result that the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders,
who had not been attacked frontally, were assailed in the front and
support line by parties bombing along the trenches. Though the Argylls
were driven in at first, they established blocks at Aldgate, and checked
the enemy's farther progress. In this portion of the field, then, we
were for the remainder of the day left in possession of the front and
support lines as far as Aldgate, thence the Demicourt-Boursies road was
held, and Sturgeon Avenue south of the support line.

In other parts of the front, however, great changes had taken place.
Almost simultaneously with the capture of the front line, the whole left
flank as far as the intermediate line was assailed by vast numbers of
the enemy.

In rear of the support line some of the 7th Black Watch, two sections of
the 400th Field Company, B.E., and some machine-guns were in turn
overwhelmed in the mist. One machine-gun in the encounter alone fired
over 10,000 rounds before its section was put out of action, only two
survivors returning.

Favoured by the mist and smoke, the enemy then assaulted the posts in
the intermediate line north and west of Louverval Wood, and captured
them. The highest ground in this neighbourhood thus won, he quickly
brought up machine-guns, and with them swept Louverval Wood and Chateau.
Two machine-guns, however, in the neighbourhood of Sole Post held up the
enemy here for a considerable time, one gun ultimately having to be
mounted on the parados and engage the enemy to its left rear. These guns
skilfully extricated themselves when almost surrounded, and withdrew to
the Beaumetz-Morchies line.

At this time the enemy began to advance down the Cambrai road from
Boursies; here the 6th Gordon Highlanders resisted magnificently; one
platoon just west of Boursies was last heard of fighting completely
surrounded, while two other platoons made a gallant attempt to relieve
the pressure by counter-attack. They were, however, overwhelmed by the
volume of hostile fire.

The defence of Louverval finally collapsed, with the enemy on three
sides of it.

Meanwhile, the headquarters of the two Black Watch battalions, situated
in the intermediate line near the Divisional left boundary with the
posts on their right and left, were offering a most effective
resistance. Assailed with machine-gun fire by low-flying aeroplanes, and
repeatedly attacked by numbers of the enemy, they held their ground for
some two hours, with both flanks turned.

Subsequently, in imminent danger of being surrounded, they fell back to
the road immediately in rear of the intermediate line, and finally to
the Beaumetz-Morchies line. When the remnants of the 7th Black Watch
were assembled in this line, it was found that out of three companies
there were only twenty-eight survivors.

Thus Boursies, Louverval, and the whole of the intermediate line north
of the Cambrai road were lost.

During these operations the artillery had fought magnificently. Most of
the forward and anti-tank guns were destroyed by shell-fire during the
preliminary bombardment; the survivors, however, did splendid work
before they were withdrawn.

One gun in charge of 2nd Lieutenants M'Readie and M'Neill of "A"
Battery, 255th Brigade, R.F.A., fired over one hundred rounds into the
enemy over open sights. M'Readie was then killed by a sniper, so
M'Neill, with the enemy already pressing him, destroyed his gun, and
withdrew with the survivors of the detachment to Doignies.

2nd Lieutenant A. B. M'Queen of "A" Battery, 256th Brigade, R.F.A.,
engaged large parties of the enemy at ranges from 400-800 yards,
inflicting many casualties. The enemy then opened heavy enfilade
machine-gun fire on his emplacement at a range of 400 yards. M'Queen
therefore destroyed his gun by putting one shell in the breech and one
in the muzzle, and firing it by attaching a drag-rope to the
firing-lever. He then withdrew with his detachment and a Lewis gun into
a sunken road, and engaged the enemy with Lewis-gun fire until he had
only two drums left. He then retired to Beaumetz, carrying a wounded
sergeant of the Black Watch.

The enemy's artillery was also active, shelling the parts of the
intermediate line still held, the corps line and the back areas very
heavily. His field-guns closely supported his infantry, and well before
noon his batteries were in action in the old No Man's Land.

The enemy's nest objective was the village of Doignies. The 5th Seaforth
Highlanders with their battalion headquarters, which had moved from
Louverval with two sections of the 404th Field Company, R.E., were
protecting Doignies by retaining their hold of the intermediate line.
The enemy therefore moved machine-guns so as to rake this trench from
higher ground with enfilade fire. In consequence the 5th Seaforth
Highlanders suffered serious casualties, many men, including Captain
M'Kenzie, the adjutant, being shot through the head. They therefore
withdrew westwards, and attempts were made to form a defensive flank
covering Doignies on the north. The enemy's fire was, however, too
accurate to carry out this movement, the men being shot down as soon as
they left the trench. The attempt had therefore to be abandoned.

While these events were in progress, the enemy advanced against Doignies
from the north in close order. They were engaged by two machine-guns and
a Lewis gun, which, though under fire from the front and flanks,
inflicted heavy losses on them. These guns remained firing under the
superintendence of Lieutenant Muntzer until they were put out of action.
Two other guns were then taken from their emplacements, and from
positions in the open continued to deal with large bodies of the enemy
advancing from Louverval.

About 2 P.M. the enemy was found to have entered Doignies from the left,
and a general withdrawal of the troops in Doignies and its vicinity to
the Beaumetz-Morchies line began.

Sturgeon Avenue and the intermediate line south-east of Doignies, and
the area south of the village between the intermediate line and the
Beaumetz line, still remained in our hands.

The enemy's next objective was the Beaumetz-Morchies line. On the right,
owing to the magnificent handling of the machine-guns, particularly
those under the command of Lieutenant Potter, all his attempts to
debouch from Doignies broke down, and in this area he was definitely
pinned to the ground. Indeed these guns, notably those in Bruno Mill and
on the sunken road west of Doignies, not only performed this rôle, but
they also inflicted heavy casualties on the enemy moving along the
Cambrai road.

He, however, made numerous attempts to reach the Corps line on the left.
Here the garrison had been considerably weakened, as the remaining
company of the 6th Black Watch had attempted a counter-attack about noon
to relieve a post which was reported still to be holding out in the
intermediate line. This company advanced some 300 yards, but having
already suffered 50 per cent casualties, took up a position in some
gun-pits north of the Cambrai road. Here they helped considerably to
break up various attempts made by the enemy to reach the
Beaumetz-Morchies line.

Machine-guns also played a large part in defeating these attacks.
Lieutenant Menzies, with his gun between the Beaumetz and intermediate
lines, had effectively engaged the enemy trying to advance from the
latter, and refused to leave his gun, even though wounded in six places.
He subsequently fell back into the Beaumetz line, where he rallied many
stragglers, and organised the defence of the line.

In the late afternoon the situation was as follows: On the right, 154th
Brigade remained with troops of 152nd Brigade in Sturgeon Avenue, as
they were in the morning. Machine-guns encircled Doignies, and prevented
the enemy from moving southwards from it between the intermediate and
Beaumetz line. The Beaumetz line was held by the 4th Seaforths on the
right, the 6th Seaforths in the centre, two and a half companies of the
7th Gordon Highlanders, and some remnants of the other three companies
of the 7th Black Watch. The 8th Royal Scots and some sections of field
companies remained in reserve, and had not as yet been engaged.

The Division, though seriously depleted in numbers, retained a
continuous front.

Meanwhile the Corps commander had moved a brigade of the 19th Division
to secure the Hermies-Lebucquière ridge, should the 152nd Brigade front
be penetrated. A brigade of the 25th Division had also been moved
forward to take up a position astride the Bapaume-Cambrai road in rear
of the 153rd Brigade. Here also the companies of the 8th Royal Scots
were held in readiness for an immediate counter-attack in case it became
necessary.

It will be seen in the ensuing pages how the battle resolved itself into
a series of attempts made by the enemy to roll up one or other of the
Division's flanks, how every move of the enemy was successfully
countered, and how, in spite of the fact that there never was a point in
which one or other flank was not being seriously threatened, the
Division was able to maintain a solid and continuous front for five days
of rearguard fighting.

At 7 P.M. a counter-attack was delivered to regain Doignies by two
battalions of the 57th Brigade (19th Division), the 8th Gloucesters and
15th Worcesters, with one company of tanks. The tanks successfully
passed through Doignies, but the co-operation of the infantry was not
sufficiently close to enable them to regain the village, with the result
that the troops were only able to occupy the Beaumetz-Doignies road and
the south-eastern outskirts of the village.

Meanwhile the situation at Morchies towards the left flank of the
Division was giving cause for some anxiety. A battalion of the 74th
Brigade, 25th Division, was therefore moved so as to form a flank just
west of Morchies, and two sections of the 404th Field Company, R.E.,
were ordered to cover Beugny on the north-east and east.

Just prior to the counter-attack on Doignies, some gallant attempts had
been made to withdraw guns from the Beaumetz-Doignies valley. Captain
Manuel, R.F.A., succeeded in extricating "D" 255 by a daring piece of
work, and later "C" 293 also managed to get their guns back. The
attempts of "A" 255 and "C" 255, however, both failed owing to heavy
machine-gun fire. "B" 255 was already in the hands of the enemy, all the
guns having been destroyed.

The losses were in some degree made up by the arrival of the 112th
Brigade, R.F.A., two batteries of which were placed under 256th Brigade,
R.F.A., and two under 255th Brigade. At midnight 235th Brigade, R.F.A.,
also arrived, and was placed under the command of the 255th Brigade. At
4 A.M. a third brigade of artillery arrived, the 104th Army Brigade, and
was placed under orders of 293rd Brigade, R.F.A.

The machine-gunners at the end of the day had forty guns in action out
of an original total of sixty-four. These were reinforced during the
night by a machine-gun company of the 25th Division.

The Division therefore presented a solid front, was organised in depth,
and was adequately covered by machine-guns and artillery, and, as far as
its own line was concerned, could await the morning with confidence.

However, during the early hours of the 22nd, orders were issued that to
conform with the movements of the 17th Division on the right flank, the
154th Brigade was to fall back with its right on the defences of
Hermies, and its left on the Beaumetz-Morchies line. This move was
necessary, as farther south the enemy had driven back the Fifth Army to
such an extent that the evacuation of the Flesquières Ridge had become
necessary.

The line was thus recast without incident so as to run from Hermies
along a partially dug trench connecting Hermies and the Beaumetz line,
known as the Hermies Switch, thence as it had been overnight, with the
exception that parts of the battalions which had counter-attacked
Doignies, the 8th and 10th Worcesters, were now also in the Beaumetz
line.

The night was quiet, the enemy no doubt being busy moving his guns and
bringing up ammunition. His infantry, however, made many gallant
attempts to cut the wire of the Beaumetz line by hand. At 6 A.M. a
bombardment of our positions opened, which continued until 10 A.M., when
his infantry launched a strong attack. This was particularly heavy about
the Bapaume-Cambrai road and the Hermies Switch; the enemy, however,
only succeeded in driving in our outposts, and the line held firm in
spite of all his attempts.

The fighting continued throughout the morning and afternoon. Continuous
attempts made by the enemy to dribble up were dealt with by
machine-guns, rifles, and rifle grenades, while the artillery several
times dispersed masses of Germans forming up for attack between
Louverval and Doignies.

The Jocks were at the top of their form, were inflicting great losses on
the enemy, and were complete masters of the situation. Only once did the
Germans penetrate our lines, just south of the Cambrai road. They were
immediately ejected by a bombing attack delivered by the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders. All ranks had, in fact, the greatest confidence in their
ability to defeat the enemy's attempts so long as the line north and
south of them held firm and secured their flanks.

Unfortunately this was not to be the case. On our left flank the enemy's
attack in the morning had been successful. The Corps line was broken
2000 yards north-west of Morchies, and the Divisional line began to be
enfiladed by artillery fire from the north.

To prevent the enemy from exploiting this success and turning the left
flank of the Division, two companies of the 3rd Worcesters were ordered
to take up a position west of Morchies facing north, and at the same
time the 19th Division ordered the 58th Brigade to dig-in on the spurs
1000 yards north of Beugny, also facing north.

During this day 256th Brigade, R.F.A., played a memorable part. During
the morning its batteries brought effective observed fire to bear on the
enemy east of the Beaumetz-Morchies line, doing considerable damage to
his attacking troops. In the afternoon they ran their guns out of the
pits, and engaged over open sights masses of the enemy on the left flank
of the Division, particularly near Maricourt Wood, where several big
concentrations were broken up. Later, when a counter-attack accompanied
by tanks took place in this area, "B" 256 covered their advance with
smoke, upon which large numbers of the enemy were thrown into confusion,
and were subsequently heavily engaged by the concentrated fire of the
whole artillery brigade. This battery, commanded by Major B. Will, about
the same time completely neutralised an enemy battery that was
endeavouring to come into action near Maricourt Wood. For four hours on
the afternoon of the 22nd the 256th Brigade, R.F.A., fired continuously
over open sights, the howitzers using instantaneous fuzes, and caused
very considerable casualties to the enemy.

The amount of ammunition expended by this brigade on the first two days
is of interest:--

  Battery.             No. of         No. of         Rounds
                         guns.        rounds.        per gun.

               {A         5             4800           960
               {B         4             3600           900
  21st March   {C         5             4000           800
               {D         4             3700           925

               {A         5             5100          1020
               {B         4             7000          1750
  22nd March   {C         5             6000          1200
               {D         4             2500           625

--a total of 36,700 rounds fired by eighteen guns. Imagination can
easily picture the efforts made by the drivers and horses of the
ammunition waggons in bringing this amount of ammunition through the
barraged roads to the guns.

About 7 P.M. 235th, 255th, 256th, and 234th Brigades, R.F.A., all
withdrew to positions farther in rear, Colonel Dyson assuming command of
all field artillery covering the Divisional front. This latter
arrangement was necessary, as communication between artillery brigades
and Divisional headquarters no longer existed.

The machine-gunners had also reaped a fine harvest. Four guns under
Lieutenant Menzies had almost more targets than they could engage.
Lieutenant Broadbent, just south of the Cambrai road, was able to fire
six belts into a large number of Germans who suddenly emerged from a
disused trench on to the Cambrai road at a range of under 100 yards.

In the attack on the left of the Division north of Morchies, Lieutenant
Birchwood fired many thousand rounds into the attacking waves as they
topped a ridge. The machine-gunners were, in fact, thoroughly pleased
with their day's work, and justifiably so.

Towards the evening the enemy's success on the left began to make itself
felt, strong pressure being brought against the Division from the north.
Just before 6 P.M. a heavy attack developed. The 7th Black Watch were
engaged from both sides of the Beaumetz line, and were driven back into
the Beaumetz-Morchies road, where a company of the 8th Royal Scots were
already in position, and had been doing fine work with their rifles. The
remnants of the company of the 6th Black Watch in the gun-pits (see p.
279) were cut off from the Beaumetz-Morchies line, and fell back in a
southerly direction, lining the Bapaume-Cambrai road. Here they were
reinforced by a platoon of the 8th Royal Scots and the remnants of the
7th Gordon Highlanders, and were supported in rear by men of the 6th
Gordon Highlanders and 6th Seaforth Highlanders, lining the
Beaumetz-Doignies road. These movements had become necessary, as the
turning of the Beaumetz-Morchies line and the enemy's progress on the
left was compelling us to change front and face north. The enemy
advanced as far as the Cambrai road, which he lined on the side opposite
to our troops; and though a certain amount of bombing took place, he
made no serious attempt to cross it.

With a view to opposing the enemy's advance more frontally, orders were
issued for the evacuation of the Corps line north of Beaumetz, and for
the taking up of a new line covering Lebucquière and Velu, the remnants
of the 153rd Brigade, the 8th Royal Scots, and the 6th Gordon
Highlanders being withdrawn into Divisional reserve at Fremicourt under
the command of the B.G.C. 153rd Brigade. The line then ran from Hermies
along the Hermies Switch to the Beaumetz line, thence along the Beaumetz
line, from which it bent back between Beaumetz and Lebucquière, to a
point west of Chaufours Wood. The 154th Brigade, with the 8th
Gloucesters and 10th Warwicks of the 57th Brigade (19th Division) on the
right, held this line as far as the southern corner of Beaumetz; next to
them came the 152nd Brigade, with the 10th Warwicks and 401st and 404th
Field Companies, thence the line was continued to the Divisional left
boundary by the 34th Brigade (23rd Division), with the 11th Cheshires.
The 58th Brigade (19th Division) and the 400th Field Company were in
position to the north of Beugny, and also extended the left of the
Divisional line towards Morchies.

During the evening, owing to the uncertainty of the situation in the
north, Divisional headquarters moved to tents at Bancourt, and thence to
the late Corps headquarters at Grévillers, while all three brigades
moved their headquarters to the old Divisional H.Q. at Fremicourt.

Early in the morning of the 23rd the Division was warned that events in
the south were such that their withdrawal to the Army line would become
necessary, and that if that were to take place by day, the 154th Brigade
were to conform to the movements of the 17th Division on their right.

Subsequent events will show how the magnificent resistance offered by
the 154th Brigade in the Corps line materially assisted the withdrawal
of the 17th Division.

At 6 A.M. on the morning of the 23rd an intense bombardment of our line
again broke out, and between 8 A.M. and 9 A.M. an attack in force was
launched by the enemy along the whole front. Stubborn fighting ensued.
Before the weight of the attack along the Cambrai road the line fell
back, and by 10 A.M. the enemy were working round towards the rear of
Lebucquière. At 10.15 A.M. the order was given to the 152nd Brigade to
withdraw by Velu Wood through the Army line, which was now garrisoned by
the 56th Brigade, 19th Division, and the 7th Brigade, 25th Division.
They fell back in perfect order, fighting both to the front and to their
flanks. In this operation Major Ernest Johnson, commanding the 6th
Seaforth Highlanders, who had shown conspicuous gallantry in organising
the defence of the Beaumetz line, was mortally wounded.

Meanwhile the angle in the new line south-east of Beaumetz had also
given way; but the 4th Seaforth Highlanders and the 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders, though very heavily attacked, had retained their
hold on the Corps line with great determination. The fighting of these
two battalions on this occasion certainly constitutes one of the finest
performances of the Division.

Shortly before 11 A.M., attacked in front and threatened from the rear,
they were compelled to withdraw from the Corps line as far as its
junction with the Hermies Switch. They, however, only withdrew a short
distance, and disposed themselves facing Beaumetz. In this position they
checked the enemy's enveloping movement in spite of his determined
efforts to dislodge them. It must be borne in mind that the 154th
Brigade remained in this position, fighting to cover the withdrawal of
the 17th Division on their right, while the enemy was in Lebucquière,
2000 yards behind them, in their direct line of retreat.

One company of the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders hung on in a sunken
road south of Beaumetz with both its flanks turned until 11.30 A.M. They
finally retired fighting to the railway east of Velu, where they formed
a line facing west to cover the retirement of their comrades still
engaged in the Corps line.

In their heroic resistance the 154th Brigade were magnificently
supported, both by the artillery covering them and the machine-gunners.
A very gallant action by "A" Battery, 293rd Brigade, R.F.A.,
considerably assisted the withdrawal of the infantry. This battery,
commanded by Major Leake, remained in action near Velu Wood until an
infantry officer, retiring through the battery, reported to the O.C.
that all his men had come back; the battery then limbered up and came
out of action with the infantry.

The machine-guns fired an enormous number of rounds, and the difficulty
of keeping them supplied with ammunition was considerable. Major
Harcourt, commanding the 154th Brigade M.G. Company, however, himself
galloped a limber along this line of guns, dropping water and ammunition
at the emplacements in the face of close-range fire.

Two guns under 2nd Lieutenant Fenton on the Velu-Beaumetz road did much
to hold up the enemy's advance on this portion of the front. On one
occasion a party of about a company and a half in strength marched down
a forward slope in fours. Lieutenant Fenton waited until they were
within decisive range, and then turned two guns on to them
simultaneously, wiping them out.

Subsequently the defensive flank facing Beaumetz was driven in, two
platoons of the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders left to cover the
withdrawal being surrounded and cut off.

Fighting, however, continued in the Corps line for over an hour, though
field-guns in positions between Beaumetz and Doignies fired point-blank
at the trench, while machine-guns enfiladed it and infantry attacks were
delivered against it.

Finally, when almost surrounded, with Velu in the enemy's hands, the
troops withdrew, their retirement being covered by machine-guns. In this
phase of the action Major Harcourt again distinguished himself. He
placed five guns and some Lewis guns in position between Velu Wood and
the railway, and with them held up the German advance for five hours,
thus allowing the whole right flank of the Division to effect an orderly
retirement. Here he fought with the greatest gallantry until the enemy,
by firing the grass and advancing from Velu under cover of the smoke,
was almost upon him. His post was then withdrawn southward, Major
Harcourt having been severely wounded in the action.

Meanwhile the 152nd and 153rd Brigades had withdrawn through the 19th
Division in the Army line, and were organising a line of resistance from
Villers au Flos to Bancourt, known as the Red line. The 6th Gordon
Highlanders were, however, left as a reserve to the 56th Brigade (19th
Division) at Mill Cross east of Fremicourt, and two sections of the
404th Field Company were still forming part of the defences of Beugny.

The line was held as follows: the 152nd Infantry Brigade from about
Villers au Flos to Bancourt--the 153rd Brigade defended Bancourt; while
between Bancourt and the Cambrai road the line was continued by the
252nd Tunnelling Company, R.E., two companies of the 8th Royal Scots,
and 100 sappers of the Divisional R.E.

During all this time the battle for the Army line continued, though
little information as to how the day was going was received, all that
was known being that on the left the enemy, in an attack which was
repulsed, had reached the wire of the Army line north-west of Beugny by
10 A.M.

During the afternoon and evening the brigades were gradually assembled
and reorganised, the 154th Brigade being collected and formed into a
Divisional reserve just east of the Bapaume-Peronne road. A composite
unit of the ten surviving machine-guns was also placed in position in
the Bancourt line. The artillery were still in action, covering the
Green line.

The two sections of the 404th Field Company forming part of the defence
of Beugny were also extricated by Captain Duke, M.C., R.E., adjutant to
the C.R.E., who had set out on a bicycle to discover them, and were
brought into Divisional reserve. In the evening the field-cookers were
brought up and the men had a hot meal and were rested. The night was,
however, intensely cold, and the absence of their greatcoats--left
behind in the trenches--was much felt. In fact, the cold was so extreme,
a sharp frost having set in, that anything in the nature of adequate
rest for men in shell-holes and open trenches was out of the question.

Touch was obtained at dawn on 24th March on the left with the 57th
Brigade, north of the Cambrai road. On the right the results of the
calamity which had befallen the Fifth Army were now making themselves
felt, and for the remainder of the operations the situation on that
flank was obscure when not critical.

It was, however, at this time known that a brigade of the 17th Division
was about Rocquigny.

At 9 A.M. information was received that the right flank of the Vth Corps
on our immediate south had been turned, and that the Germans were in
Bus. The 152nd Brigade therefore threw back its right flank, and took up
a line in shell-holes in front of Riencourt. Before noon this flank was
strengthened by the arrival of the 6th Gordon Highlanders from Mill
Cross, who were placed in the line south-east of Beaulencourt astride
the Bapaume-Peronne road. Here they were well hidden in old shell-holes
in a position of great natural strength. They also obtained touch on
their right with elements of the 17th, 63rd, and 2nd Divisions.

From this point onwards the troops had not only to fight a continuous
rearguard action, but had also repeatedly to form a defensive right
flank to prevent the Division from being involved in the debacle which
had taken place farther south. The point of interest had now changed
from the left flank to the right.

Early in the afternoon the Army line east of Fremicourt was penetrated
by the enemy, and by three o'clock troops from the 19th Division were
retiring through our lines and taking up a position in rear. News was
now received that the enemy's progress farther south was becoming more
rapid than ever, and that he was advancing from Morval and Les Boeufs
and in a general direction towards our right rear. At 4.30 P.M. troops
of the Vth Corps fell back through the 152nd Brigade, and there was a
general retirement beyond our right flank. From this point onwards touch
with British troops on our right was never regained.

Between 5 and 6 P.M. the enemy debouched from Villers-au-Flos under the
steady fire of rifles and machine-guns to enfilade our positions. At 6
P.M. the 152nd Brigade, in close touch with the enemy, withdrew through
the 154th Brigade, which in turn gradually fell back.

Meanwhile on the left the line had been heavily shelled, and the enemy
made several attempts to debouch from Fremicourt. His efforts, however,
all broke down under the fire of the machine-gunners, sappers, and 8th
Royal Scots.

At 6.30 P.M., in conjunction with the movement on the right, the line
here also fell back by successive stages.

Meanwhile the 19th Division had taken up a new position east of
Grévillers, through which our troops retired.

The passage through Bapaume during this retirement will leave an
ineffaceable memory to many. Shells, steadily arriving from
high-velocity guns, some bursting in the air, some on the ground, some
containing gas; dense masses of guns, transport, and troops packing the
road; the immense Hun dump in flames, with its shells and ammunition
exploding with the noise of a big battle in itself; and the emptying of
the great Expeditionary Force Canteen. The personnel of the latter had
wisely fled, and anything that could be carried away was taken by the
troops to save it from falling into the hands of the enemy. The brief
interlude in which the Jocks had a free hand to help themselves at the
Bapaume canteen was one of the redeeming features of the retirement.

It is rumoured that the Boche expended considerable energy in delivering
a set-piece attack on Bapaume after its defenders had evacuated it, but
it has been impossible to confirm this report. At 8.30 P.M. orders were
issued for the Division to take up a line from Warlencourt-Eaucourt to
Loupart Wood, the movement being covered by a force of 1000 men who had
arrived as reinforcements with an improvised machine-gun company of
sixteen guns. This force was commanded by Lieut.-Colonel S. Macdonald,
D.S.O., 6th Seaforth Highlanders, who had just returned from leave.

The Division was in position on the new line at 1 A.M., 25th March, as
follows: the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders facing south-east on
the Bapaume-Albert road near the Butte de Warlencourt, thence from right
to left came the 4th Gordon Highlanders, 4th Seaforth Highlanders, 6th
Gordon Highlanders, 6th Seaforth Highlanders, 6/7 Black Watch, 8th Royal
Scots, the 7th Gordon Highlanders and 5th Seaforth Highlanders being in
reserve. The left of this line curved round the north-east corner of
Loupart Wood.

The artillery had throughout the retirement been conforming to the
movements of the infantry. They had, on the morning of the 24th, broken
up several concentrations of the enemy between Beugny and Lebucquière
near the Cambrai road. They had also repeatedly and successfully dealt
with the enemy's attempts to gain a footing in the Army line. About 11
A.M. on the 24th they had, however, owing to the obscurity of the
situation on the right of the Division, withdrawn to the neighbourhood
of Thilloy. At 7 P.M. they had again been withdrawn, 235th and 256th
Brigades, R.F.A., to the north of Irles, 104th, 112th, 255th, and 293rd
Brigades to between Irles and Puisieux.

Divisional headquarters had moved to Achiet-le-Petit at 6 P.M., moving
again at 4 A.M. with the headquarters of the 19th Division to Puisieux,
while all three brigade headquarters were at Irles.

Throughout the night of 24-25th March no touch with British troops could
be obtained on either flank, though it was known that the 19th Division
was on a line from Le Barque to the east of Grévillers.

At 10 A.M. troops of the 2nd Division could be observed away to our
right, with bodies of the enemy penetrating between them and the 154th
Brigade near the Butte de Warlencourt. At 10 A.M. the 19th Division was
seen withdrawing on our left. At 11 A.M. the enemy was in Le Barque, and
were advancing along our front with light field-guns closely supporting
the infantry. He was held in front without difficulty, and sustained
considerable casualties, machine-guns under Lieutenants Strapp and
Broadbent having been repeatedly in action during the day. The right
flank was, however, in constant danger of being turned, as the enemy
first entered Le Sars and then directed his advance on Pys, so that the
152nd Brigade had to dispose troops facing south and west. Here
hand-to-hand fighting occurred, on one occasion the enemy's line being
driven back and a prisoner secured in a charge.

However, at 2.15 P.M. the whole line had to fall back to prevent being
surrounded, the adjutant and two other officers of the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders fighting with a party of men to the end, all being either
killed or captured. Lieut.-Colonel Gemmell, commanding the 8th Royal
Scots, was also killed, and Colonel Long, commanding the 5th Gordon
Highlanders, wounded.

The 154th Brigade therefore took up a position on the high ground east
of Pys, and the 152nd and 153rd Brigades east of Irles, and the 8th
Royal Scots south of Achiet-le-Petit. Here again the 154th Brigade were
in danger of being completely surrounded, and had to fall back to the
south of Irles.

In this position the troops engaged parties of the enemy massing for
attack successfully; but the exhaustion of the men had become such that
they could no longer offer a protracted resistance. They had been in
action continuously since the morning of 21st March; and at the end of
five days, in which the fighting during the day and the intense cold of
the nights had denied to them any real rest, their vitality was at its
lowest ebb.

The remnant of the Division was thus left still facing the enemy, its
three brigade headquarters just in rear of the fighting line still in
the same order of battle in which they had begun the engagement, but
their fighting efficiency was gone. With no British troops on their
right nearer than Albert, there was no other alternative left but to
break off the engagement and withdraw. Accordingly orders were issued
for the Division to concentrate at Colincamps, where Divisional
headquarters had opened at 4.35 P.M.

The withdrawal of all that was left of the Highland Division along the
road from Puisieux to Colincamps was a melancholy spectacle: a long line
of men and horses, tired and exhausted almost beyond the limits of human
endurance, dragging themselves along, many with undressed wounds. The
men fell back in groups, not as formed bodies, but not as in a
disorderly rout. Every man retained his arms and equipment, and in
spirit would have taken up any line ordered and continued the struggle;
but in their acute stage of exhaustion further effective resistance was
out of the question, and so was not asked of them.

The total casualties sustained by the Division in this action were 219
officers and 4696 other ranks. Of these, the infantry losses amounted to
157 officers and 3744 men. Assuming that the nine battalions of infantry
each went into action 600 strong, excluding transport drivers, &c., it
will be seen that out of a total of 5400 officers and men only 1500
survived. These figures in themselves show the nature of the fighting.
The casualties in officers were also, as is always the case, heavy. Of
the 10 commanding officers of the infantry and pioneer battalions, 3
were killed and 3 wounded.

[Illustration: MAP X. THE GERMAN OFFENSIVE: POSITIONS OF 51ST (HIGHLAND)
DIVISION, 24/26TH MARCH 1918.]

Not only had the men offered a magnificent resistance, but their
commanders had handled them admirably. In spite of the fact that after
the first few hours of the engagement one or more flanks had at all
times to be defended as well as the front, the enemy succeeded in
cutting off no considerable body of troops; and yet no withdraw a
took place until the close of the action, except in close contact with
the enemy.

In the first three days alone eight separate German Divisions operated
on the Divisional front--the 3rd Guards, the 4th and 5th Bavarians, the
17th, 24th Reserves, the 39th, the 119th, and the 195th. Certainly one
other, a Jaeger Division, was engaged on the fourth day, and almost
certainly others that were not identified.

The Germans, possibly the 3rd Guards Division, whom the Highland
Division had twice before heavily defeated in the Ypres and Cambrai
battles, showed their appreciation of the stubborn resistance offered by
the Jocks by floating over to our lines a white paper balloon, on which
was written, "Good old 51st, still sticking it out." A Jaeger officer
captured near Grévillers, on being asked if they had suffered heavy
losses, replied, "We have not yet captured sufficient ground to make us
a cemetery for our dead." Certainly a tour of the German cemeteries
after the country had been recaptured showed a huge increase in new
graves.

One of the features of this battle was the work of the "Q" and
administrative officers. The movements of battalion transport and the
ammunition column were carried out in perfect order through the whole
operation. Men were issued with hot food from the field-kitchens
whenever a pause in the operations made this possible. Not a single
vehicle except those that were unfit for the road fell into the hands of
the enemy. The supply of ammunition, though it caused the gravest
anxiety, and though the Divisional Ammunition Column was at one time
completely empty, never actually failed. As regards the supply of gun
ammunition and the making up of deficiencies in guns, the artillery made
their own arrangements. Although the demands for ammunition were heavy,
it cannot be said, in spite of the enormous quantity expended, that any
unit suffered from the want of it. Moreover, every dump of field
artillery ammunition was exhausted before our lines retired behind it,
the Beugny and Lebucquière dumps being worked even though continually
being set on fire by the hostile shell-fire.

By the evening of the 22nd seventeen new field-guns had been issued to
replace guns knocked out.

The Divisional and brigade signal sections had considerable difficulty
in maintaining any form of communication, but they competed with their
difficulties admirably. The linesmen, with great gallantry, laid and
maintained numerous lines throughout the operations. In consequence,
after the first phase of the battle, it was nearly always possible to
talk from Divisional to brigade headquarters. When one considers the
volume of shell-fire to which these lines and the men laying and
repairing them were subjected, it will be realised that the signallers,
though their work is of a kind which often passes unnoticed, must have
shown a fine courage and determination. They were assisted considerably
in their task by the fact that after the first phase all three brigades
occupied the same headquarters.

At Colincamps the troops were collected. It was particularly noticeable
to the officers who were sorting the men into their different Divisions
and units in the dark, that when a group of men were asked who they
were, the Jocks almost invariably replied, not by giving the name of
their battalion, but "51st Division," strong evidence that the
Divisional esprit, in spite of the last five days, was still unimpaired.

From Colincamps the troops marched to Fonquevillers, where they lay for
the night in the most bitter cold, outposts being thrown out at dawn
facing south-east, as no information was yet forthcoming as to how far
the enemy had followed up the retirement.

At 8 A.M. a further move, protected by rear and flank guards, was made
to Souastre.

Here a message was received stating that the enemy were entering
Hebuterne in armoured cars. The Division was therefore immediately
disposed on a line covering Souastre facing south and south-east, and
began to dig in. Happily the report proved false. In the evening the
Division marched to Pas, where they bivouacked during the night, moving
to the Neuvilette area the following day.

On leaving the Third Army, General Sir Julian Byng, the Army Commander,
sent the following message:--

      "I cannot allow the 51st Division to leave the Third Army
      without expressing my appreciation of their splendid conduct
      during the stage of the great battle which is just
      completed. By their devotion and courage they have broken up
      overwhelming attacks and prevented the enemy gaining his
      object--namely, a decisive victory. I wish them every
      possible good luck."

The Division had thus not only proved its efficiency in the attack, but
it had earned from its Army Commander the highest praise both for the
excellence of its work, carried out during a period of stationary
warfare, and also its powers of defence.

One important fact had been confirmed from the fighting which is worth
recording, as it in some degree accounted for the rolling-up of the
front and support lines on the 152nd and 153rd Brigade fronts on the
morning on which the attack opened.

A few days before the battle broke out, it had been appreciated that the
heaps of earth excavated out of the enormous trenches dug by the
Division were so great that it not only prevented the posts from seeing
neighbouring posts on their flanks, but the men, even when standing on
their fire-steps, could not see to their rear or to their flanks because
of the great mounds of soil on the parapet and parados.

Orders were therefore being issued that these mounds were to be levelled
down so that a man could stand on the fire-step and have a clear field
of fire all round him. The German attack, however, came before this
order could be put into effect, with the result that the men in their
deep trenches were suddenly assailed from their flanks and rear by an
enemy whom they could not see to shoot before he was within bombing
range of them. They thus had little opportunity of offering effective
resistance to the enfilade attack, and were, no doubt, in consequence
rapidly overwhelmed.

The levelling down of the excavated earth during trench construction
subsequently became a standing order in the Division.




                            CHAPTER XV.

      THE GERMAN OFFENSIVE (_Contd._)--THE BATTLE OF THE LYS.


On 1st April the Division moved by train to an area near Bethune, where
it remained for a few days resting and refitting. The only event of
interest that occurred in this area was the accidental bombing by
daylight of the vicinity of Divisional headquarters by a British
reconnaissance aeroplane, fortunately without casualties.

On 7th April the Division was transferred to the XIth Corps, and was
moved to an area in rear of the Portuguese Divisions, which at the time
were holding the line about Neuve Chapelle and Festubert.

Divisional headquarters was established at Robecq, a village which it
had occupied on its first arrival in France. The 152nd Brigade were
billeted at Ham en Artois, the 153rd Brigade at Busnes--or Business, as
the Jocks called it,--the 154th Brigade at Gonnehem, and the Divisional
artillery at Amettes.

The units were in the throes of reorganisation under most difficult
circumstances. Some three thousand men had joined as reinforcements, but
few new officers had arrived; moreover, the authorities at the base had
made confusion worse confounded by posting Gordons to Black Watch
battalions, and Seaforths to Argylls, and thereby had considerably tried
the temper of the men and increased the difficulties of their
commanders.

While the Division was resting in this area, there was much speculation
as to whether the enemy's effort had not spent itself in the south, and
whether he was likely to make a similar attempt in this part of the
front, with a view to threatening the Channel ports.

Ultimately the same white directing posts were reported on the enemy's
front as had appeared opposite to the Division just prior to the German
attack on 21st March, and it was then generally felt that a new
offensive in this part of the front could be anticipated with certainty.

At this time arrangements were being made for the relief of the two
Portuguese Divisions in the line, with a view to the frontage held by
them being taken over by the 50th and another Division. This relief was
planned to take place on 10th April.

Meanwhile, certain changes had taken place in the Division. General
Pelham Burn, whose health for the last year had been very indifferent,
was compelled to give up command of the 152nd Brigade. It is difficult
to estimate the loss which not only his brigade but the whole Division
sustained at his departure.

Throughout his period of command he had displayed a knowledge of minor
tactics and trench craft which had been invaluable both to his own
battalions and to the infantry as a whole.

To the satisfaction of all, General Burn was succeeded by the G.S.O. I,
Lieut.-Colonel J. K. Dick-Cunynghame, C.M.G., D.S.O. There was probably
no officer into whose hands the traditions of the 152nd Brigade could
have been better entrusted. Moreover, this appointment not only secured
to Colonel Dick-Cunynghame his promotion, but also secured for the
Division a continuance of his services--unfortunately, however, for but
a few days.

Colonel Dick-Cunynghame was succeeded as G.S.O. 1 by Colonel A. Symons,
C.M.G., 13th Hussars, who had recently been employed at the War Office,
and later on the staff of the IVth Corps.

The country in which the Division was billeted and in which it was to
become engaged was typical of Flanders--low-lying, studded with hamlets,
farms, and orchards, and intersected by dykes, ditches, and fences. In
some places it was marshy, and nowhere could trenches be dug to a depth
of more than three feet without water being reached.

At 4.5 A.M. on 9th April an intense bombardment broke out on the front
of the Portuguese Divisions in the line about Richebourg l'Avoue, Neuve
Chapelle, Fauquissart. At 10 A.M. information was received that the
Portuguese had broken.

At 6.30 A.M. the 152nd Brigade, in accordance with instructions issued
by the corps, had ordered its battalions to move to positions of
reserve--the 5th Seaforth Highlanders to Huit Maisons, the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders to Lacouture, the 6th Gordon Highlanders being in reserve at
Zelobas and La Croix Marmuse.

At 11.30 A.M. the 152nd Brigade had established its headquarters near La
Croix Marmuse, where its battalions were waiting for guides from the
units which they were to relieve in Huit Maisons and Lacouture--the
Corps Cyclists and King Edward's Horse.

The 152nd Brigade was at this time directly under the orders of the XIth
Corps.

As soon as definite information from the front was received, and it
became evident that the German attack was making considerable progress,
the 154th Brigade was ordered into the 55th Division area east of the
Aire-La Bassée Canal, the Divisional artillery to Gonnehem, and the
153rd Brigade to the Le Cornet Malo-Pacaut area. The 51st Division
Machine Gun Battalion was also ordered to send one company to join each
of the three brigades.

At this time the information concerning the progress of the battle was
extremely vague. It was, however, appreciated that the Portuguese had
been overwhelmed, and could no longer be considered a fighting force,
and that the only troops opposing the Germans in front of the Division
were King Edward's Horse and the Corps Cyclists. The 50th Division were
known to be on a line east of the river Lawe from Bout de Ville
northwards.

At 12.45 P.M. the 5th and 6th Seaforth Highlanders began their advance,
guided by troops of King Edward's Horse. It was the intention of the
officer commanding 6th Seaforth Highlanders to place two companies in
Lacouture. The leading company had, however, only reached the
foot-bridge east of the Vert Lannot (subsequently called Boundary
Bridge) when it came under hostile rifle and machine-gun fire. In spite
of the brisk fire which was engaging them, an attempt was made to
continue the advance, but without success. Two companies were therefore
placed in position along the western bank of the river Lawe, from 200
yards south of Boundary Bridge up to the southern bridge at Vieille
Chapelle: one was disposed on the western outskirts of that village; one
in reserve at Les Lobes. An attempt to blow up Boundary Bridge
unfortunately ended only in its partial destruction.

On the front of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders, King Edward's Horse were
offering a stubborn resistance against great pressure on a line from a
point some 300 yards north of Lacouture to just south of Bout de Ville.
The situation was, however, desperate. Both flanks had been turned, the
enemy having occupied both Lacouture and Bout de Ville. The cavalry
nevertheless held on in their isolated position, and maintained
themselves with the greatest gallantry.

At this time Le Marais post was held by troops of the 50th Division. Two
companies of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders were therefore ordered to hold
the west bank of the river Lawe, while the remaining two companies
crossed the river. They reached Huit Maisons, two platoons of the
leading company reinforcing the cavalry garrison there, while two
platoons lay in support of them. The remaining company was diverted so
as to form a flank facing north-east along the road to Fosse. At this
period the shelling was intense, being particularly violent on Fosse
village and on both banks of the Lawe.

Some desperate fighting ensued, almost immediately after the troops were
in position. King Edward's Horse had already been heavily engaged, and
had defeated repeated attempts to envelop their left flank. The arrival
of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders was most timely, and considerably
relieved the pressure, the garrison being able to retain its hold on
Huit Maisons for another three hours. In fact, it was not until Le
Marais post had fallen, and the enemy appeared to be surrounding Huit
Maisons, that the garrison fell back in face of heavy enfilade
machine-gun fire and bombing. These troops withdrew to Fosse post,
which, with the assistance of the battalion headquarters of the 5th
Seaforth Highlanders, they occupied on three sides.

While this action was in progress "A" Company of the 8th Gordon
Highlanders, under the command of Captain J. E. Christie, was sent to
Vieille Chapelle to reinforce the garrison there of King Edward's Horse
under Lieutenant Stein. This company placed one platoon just west of
the bridge across the Lawe, the remainder taking up defensive positions
in Vieille Chapelle, in spite of a terrific bombardment to which the
village was being subjected.

The remaining three companies of the 6th Gordon Highlanders deployed on
a line west of the Lawe due north of La Tombe Willot.

Meanwhile on the left the 153rd Brigade had also been ordered forward.
The roads were, however, so congested with Portuguese troops and
refugees moving westwards that it was not until as late as 5.45 P.M.
that the battalions could move off from Pacaut. At that hour the 7th
Gordon Highlanders, with four machine-guns, moved forward to take up a
line east of the river Lawe north of the village of Fosse. These
battalions, however, during their advance, learnt from troops of the
50th Division whom they met that there was considerable uncertainty as
to the situation. Moreover, a change in dispositions became necessary,
as the Divisional front was suddenly extended so as to include the whole
of Lestrem. As a result, practically none of the 153rd Infantry Brigade
were able to cross the river, except for one platoon of the 7th Gordon
Highlanders, which formed a bridgehead protecting the bridge just south
of the Lestrem Loop.

The 7th Gordon Highlanders and the 6th Black Watch ultimately took up a
position on the west bank of the Lawe from just north of Fosse to
Lestrem inclusive, the 7th Gordon Highlanders being on the right.

On the right of the Division the 154th Brigade, until the morning of the
10th, was under orders of the 55th Division, the 4th Seaforth
Highlanders remaining with the 166th Brigade until 13th April.

The 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders had moved off at 11.40 A.M. on
the 9th, and after various vicissitudes and alterations of plans, due to
rapidly changing circumstances, were finally disposed with the 7th
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders along the west bank of the Lawe from
Pont Tournant inclusive to Boundary Bridge. The 4th Gordon Highlanders
remained in reserve about Les Caudrons.

At 7 P.M. the Divisional artillery came into action between the villages
of Paradis and La Croix Marmuse.

Thus at nightfall the Division was in position in the same order of
battle as in the operations about Bapaume: 154th Brigade on the right,
152nd Brigade in the centre, and 153rd Brigade on the left. On the
flanks touch was maintained on the right with the 55th Division, who
were still in their original front line, but had been compelled to form
a defensive flank to connect up with the river Lawe; on the left with
the 50th Division, who were being heavily engaged about Estaires.

The 51st Division was entirely west of the Lawe, except for the 6th
Gordon Highlanders at Vieille Chapelle, the 5th Seaforth Highlanders at
Fosse, and the one platoon of the 7th Gordon Highlanders south of the
Lestrem Loop.

By dawn on 10th April the whole Division, less the 4th Seaforth
Highlanders, had reverted to the command of General Carter-Campbell. No
changes had been made in dispositions during the night except that half
the reserve company of the Divisional machine-gun battalion had been
sent forward to reinforce the 153rd Brigade front, while two companies
of the 39th Machine Gun Battalion, due to arrive at Calonne during the
day, were placed at the disposal of the Division.

Throughout the day the 152nd Brigade experienced the most sanguinary
fighting. The enemy during the night had, in a brilliant enterprise,
managed to dribble across Boundary Bridge and push machine-guns and
riflemen into the farms just west of it. These he covered by other
machine-guns on the eastern bank of the Lawe. From the farms and
out-buildings he inflicted numerous casualties to the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders by close-range machine-gun fire. When daylight came, he
attempted to reinforce them by pushing parties across the bridge, over
which only one man could advance at a time. The Seaforths put a stop to
this manœuvre by rifle and Lewis-gun fire, and many Germans shot on the
bridge were drowned in the river. A counter-attack was launched against
the farms by two platoons of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders, supported by
covering fire from the 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, but it
broke down under the intense volume of machine-gun fire directed against
it.

At 3 P.M. a more deliberately prepared counter-attack was delivered by
one company of the 6th Gordon Highlanders sent forward for the purpose.
Three of its platoons attacked and successfully occupied the northern of
the two farms. The troops were, however, held up in the open in front of
the second farm. In this position they were in their turn attacked by
some fifty of the enemy. The Gordons held their ground until dusk, when
fifteen men out of an original total of ninety-seven rejoined the
remaining platoon of their company.

Meanwhile the 6th Gordon Highlanders and King Edward's Horse in Vieille
Chapelle, resisting with the utmost vigour, were repeatedly attacked,
but gave no ground. A Lewis-gun team on the roof of a cottage remained
in action and inflicted many casualties on the enemy, in spite of the
building being several times hit by shells.

Throughout the whole day, while the enemy's grip was continuously
tightening on them, this company and the cavalry defeated every attempt
made by the enemy to drive them in. On the night of the 10th
communication between battalion headquarters and Vieille Chapelle was no
longer possible. Captain Christie therefore decided to destroy the
bridges. An R.E. officer and one sapper were available to carry out the
work; but the explosives, for a reason which has never been explained,
had been dumped half a mile west of the village.

A party of the 6th Gordon Highlanders, however, made their way under
heavy fire to the dump, and successfully carried the charges back to the
village. The main bridge was blown up the same night, but the fire
directed against the other bridges was so accurate that they had to be
left intact.

On the left attempts were also made to blow up the bridges in the
Lestrem Loop; but these were only partially successful, and none of the
bridges were totally destroyed. At 8 A.M. the enemy, being admirably led
by his officers, managed to rush the crossings at the Lock de la Rault
and at Pont Riqueul, a subaltern officer being mentioned by name in the
German official communiqué for the gallantry and initiative displayed by
him in this enterprise. The defenders of the bridges were then driven
back, and became absorbed in the line, held as a chord line to the
Lestrem Loop, along the Lestrem-Fosse road.

About 10.30 A.M. the enemy also crossed the Lestrem Bridge and entered
the village. He was, however, counter-attacked by the 6th D.C.L.I. of
the 50th Division and driven back across the river, the bridge remaining
in the hands of neither side.

Throughout the afternoon the enemy made repeated attempts to break
through the chord line; but the 6th Black Watch, with ten Lewis guns,
and the 7th Gordon Highlanders, with eight machine-guns, broke up every
attack, and inflicted great losses on the attackers.

During these operations, 2nd Lieutenant R. Scott, 256th Brigade, B.F.A.
(since killed in action), observed a party of the enemy digging-in close
to the river bank. He at once sent a runner back to his battery to ask
for a single gun to be sent forward. He then selected a position for it,
and made all arrangements for opening fire on its arrival. The gun came
into action at 5.30 P.M., and fired ninety-four highly-effective rounds
at close range, causing many casualties, and remaining in action for
three hours.

This and many other cases in which a bold use was made of the artillery
considerably strengthened the infantry's powers of resistance.

During the night of the 10th orders were received for the Division to
extend its front to a point 400 yards north of Lestrem, two companies of
the 7th Black Watch being sent forward to take over the additional
frontages from the 50th Division. Meanwhile the 61st Division was moving
forward in rear of the 50th and 51st, to ensure that no gap should exist
between their flanks. Two battalions of the 61st Division, the 2/6
Warwicks and the 1/5 D.C.L.I., were to come under orders of the 51st
Division on their arrival.

For some time before nightfall the enemy had been observed collecting,
obviously for a renewal of the attack; the artillery had in consequence
been harassing all the approaches to the river Lawe from the east.
Shortly after dark a heavy attack was launched from the village of Fosse
northwards. At Fosse post the enemy managed, after a short struggle, to
drive in the north flank, the remainder of the garrison being compelled
to fight their way back to the Fosse Bridge. They, however, resisted the
enemy's attempt to advance with such vigour that they were able to
withdraw in good order, cross the bridge, and successfully destroy it
after they had crossed.

In the chord line Lestrem post was also rushed soon after the opening of
the attack. The enemy, having thus gained a lodgment in the chord line,
developed a strong series of attacks northwards and southwards. In each
case he met with some success; to the north the chord line was cleared
as far as the northern outskirts of Lestrem, but here he was brought to
a standstill by the 7th Black Watch. To the south he reached the village
of Fosse, where a defensive flank formed by the 7th Gordon Highlanders
held its ground, and stopped his further advance until midnight.

The defenders of this flank, after a gallant resistance in the dark for
over three hours, were finally driven back on to a party of about 150 of
King Edward's Horse and the 5th Seaforth Highlanders. Here the enemy was
again checked, the troops maintaining themselves against several attacks
until the pressure became too much for them, and they were driven back
on to the Zelobes-Croix Marmuse road.

At this stage the Division still formed a continuous line of resistance.
The 154th Brigade, the 6th Seaforth Highlanders, and the company of the
6th Gordon Highlanders at Vieille Chapelle, remained as they had been at
check. The remainder of the 6th Gordon Highlanders had been disposed in
and about Zelobes, three companies of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders in
and about Croix Marmuse, one company of the 8th Royal Scots and the 7th
Gordon Highlanders between Croix Marmuse and L'Epinette, the 6th and 7th
Black Watch between L'Epinette and the Divisional northern boundary. In
rear of this line 500 reinforcements of the 4th Seaforth Highlanders
were at Les Croquaux; the 4th Gordon Highlanders at La Tombe Willot; one
company of the 8th Royal Scots at Paradis and one at Pacaut; the 39th
Machine Gun Battalion with a half company at Paradis, one and a half
companies at Pacaut, and two companies at Calonne sur Lys; the 6th
Warwicks at Pacaut; and two companies 5th D.C.L.I. at La Pierre au
Beurre.

It must, however, be appreciated that though there was a continuous line
of resistance opposed to the enemy, the units forming it were in many
cases in a state of great disorganisation. They had gone into action
considerably deficient of officers, and the continuous fighting in the
dark had resulted in not only platoons and companies, but also in men of
different battalions, becoming intermingled. Control was therefore
becoming increasingly difficult to exercise.

In this position, and before anything in the nature of reorganisation
could be completed, a further attack broke out at dawn on the 11th
throughout the greater part of the Divisional front.

The enemy pursued his attack along the front with sufficient vigour to
find out any weak spots in the defences, with the result that he had
soon penetrated to the road between L'Epinette and Croix Marmuse. From
this point, as was his usual custom, he made every effort to extend his
gains to the north and to the south. After considerable fighting, in
which the enemy supported these flank attacks with heavy frontal
attacks, our troops were forced back on to the Zelobes-Paradis road. The
ground was, however, only given up after desperate fighting, in which
the enemy was compelled to pay heavily for his successes. The Jocks
were, in fact, in spite of their disorganisation, offering a gallant and
stubborn resistance in circumstances in which control was almost
entirely dependent on the initiative and leadership of N.C.O.'s.

Owing to the progress made by the enemy, it became evident soon after
dawn that the positions in which the field batteries were in action
would soon become untenable. Orders were therefore given for both
brigades to withdraw to positions previously reconnoitred, 255th Brigade
to near the eastern edge of Pacaut Wood, and the 256th Brigade to near
Le Cornet Malo. To effect this retirement gun-fire was opened
immediately on the advancing enemy, while batteries withdrew singly from
both brigades to their new positions, and at once came into action. This
covering fire, being mostly over open sights, was highly effective; and
though isolated portions of the enemy closed to within 600 yards of some
of the batteries and opened fire on them with machine-guns, their main
line was checked about 500-600 yards west of the Zelobes-L'Epinette
road. Two companies of the 8th Royal Scots established themselves just
short of this line, and assisted materially not only in covering the
withdrawal of the guns, but also in salving the ammunition of both
brigades, very few unexpended rounds being left on the ground.

At about 6.45 A.M. the headquarters of 152nd and 153rd Brigades moved
back to the cottages facing one another half-way between Le Cornet Malo
and Riez-du-Vinage. At this time Lieut.-Colonel L. M. Dyson, D.S.O.,
commanding the 256th Brigade, R.P.A., was ordered to take over command
of the 153rd Infantry Brigade from Brigadier-General A. T. Beckwith,
C.M.G. D.S.O. The latter had been gassed during the operations in
March, and was suffering considerably from the effects. He, however,
gallantly continued to carry out his duties until his condition became
so serious that he had to be admitted to hospital.

Meanwhile at Vieille Chapelle a company of the 6th Gordon Highlanders
and King Edward's Horse were offering a resistance which should become
historical. The garrison had denied the enemy passage over the river for
two days and two nights, but only by dint of continuous heavy fighting.

They were now completely isolated, the enemy's troops and guns being
pushed across the river in large numbers both north and south of them. A
German battery of field-guns was in action 600 yards from them to the
west. At 7.45 A.M. a pigeon message was received from Captain J. B.
Christie, stating that his situation was "almost unbearable." Christie,
however, decided with his men that, in view of their orders, surrender
was out of the question, and they resolved to make a desperate effort to
extricate themselves.

Their best chance seemed to be to make a sortie towards their right,
where the enemy did not appear to be in so great strength as he was
elsewhere. Machine-guns were posted to cover the withdrawal while the
remnants of the garrison emerged on the opposite side of the village.
Here they were met by a storm of close-range machine-gun and rifle
bullets. Captain Christie was at once hit by a bullet in the right knee,
but he managed to rejoin the survivors of his party by crawling to the
farmhouse, in which the survivors had been compelled to shelter. Six men
in succession advanced to knock out a machine-gun which was pinning
them to the farm, each in his turn being shot dead. Captain Christie,
unable to walk owing to his wound, next crawled forward himself to
attempt to put the gun out of action. He was, however, immediately hit
again, his right arm being shattered by a bullet. The enemy then entered
Vieille Chapelle and captured the remnants of the garrison, a handful of
wounded men.

As Lieut.-Colonel Lionel James, commanding the King Edward's Horse,
wrote in his report: "It is impossible to speak temperately of Captain
J. R. Christie, 6th Gordon Highlanders, and his officers, and of
Lieutenants Stein, Pinckney, and Laurenson of King Edward's Horse."

At 5.15 P.M. on 9th April Lieutenant Pinckney, King Edward's Horse, left
Vieille Chapelle with a message to Colonel James, stating that the
situation was desperate. This gallant officer made his way back again
into Vieille Chapelle, with instructions that the bridgehead was to be
held to the end. Thirty-six hours later, at 8 A.M. on 11th April, the
bridgehead was still held.

Captain Christie fortunately recovered from his wounds in the hands of
the Germans, and for his gallant leadership and devotion to duty was
awarded the D.S.O.

During the action at Vieille Chapelle the enemy was struggling to extend
his hold on the Lestrem-Fosse-Locon road southwards. In this attempt
heavy casualties were inflicted on him. On one occasion a large body of
Germans marching in close order along the road was shattered by the
artillery, while again and again machine-guns and Lewis guns took full
advantage of splendid targets offered to them as the enemy's troops
advanced to the attack.

Gradually, however, in spite of his losses, he forced a way between
Zelobes and Vieille Chapelle. Here he isolated and cut off two platoons
of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders guarding the western end of the Vieille
Chapelle bridge, who continued to resist while completely surrounded in
an attempt to force an exit from Vieille Chapelle for the 6th Gordon
Highlanders and King Edward's Horse inside the village.

Having effected a lodgment between Vieille Chapelle and Zelobes, the
enemy finally, after having suffered numerous casualties at the hands of
the 6th Gordon Highlanders, forced his way into Zelobes, throwing the
garrison back on Les Lobes.

As a result of these operations, the defending troops had become still
more disorganised; but though units were considerably intermingled, and
the number of officers and N.C.O.'s still surviving had further
diminished, the men remained disposed in such a manner that the Division
continued to maintain an uninterrupted line of resistance.

At noon (11th April) the line was held as follows: from the Canal de la
Lawe on the Divisional right boundary to north of Le Vert Lannot lay
three companies of the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, supported
by the fourth company with a company of the 4th Gordon Highlanders. The
line was then continued towards the north-east corner of La Tombe Willot
by two companies of the 4th Gordons and 200 reinforcements of the 4th
Seaforth Highlanders. The line then curved round to the north of La
Tombe Willot, and was held for a distance of 600 yards by elements of
the 5th and 6th Seaforth Highlanders, and of the 6th Gordon Highlanders,
disposed in depth. The remainder of the reinforcements of the 4th
Seaforth Highlanders held the line along the Le Cornet Malo-Croix
Marmuse road. Two companies of the 8th Royal Scots then linked up the
4th Seaforth reinforcements to the 2/6 Warwicks, who were holding the
line from the church at Paradis to a point 300 yards south of Le
Bouzateux farm, held by elements of the 6th and 7th Black Watch and 7th
Gordon Highlanders. On their left came the 5th D.C.L.I., holding the
line as far northwards as the railway crossing west of Merville, while
further elements of the 6th and 7th Black Watch and some of the 8th
Royal Scots manned the railway on the left flank of the D.C.L.I. facing
southwards.

The reserves were now reduced to one company of the 39th Machine Gun
Battalion and the 404th Field Company, R.E., about Pacaut Wood, the
remaining three companies of the 39th Machine Gun Battalion being
already in position between Le Cornet Malo and Calonne.

It will thus be seen that though the line, as has been stated, was
continuous, it can only be described as patchwork; and it had become
evident that no orders as regards a properly co-ordinated advance or
retirement, which either the Divisional or brigade commanders might
issue, were likely to be put into operation successfully. All that could
be expected was that each unit would conform to the movement of the
troops on its flanks, the success of this conformation being dependent
on the leadership of the local commanders, who in many cases were junior
officers if not junior N.C.O.'s.

The enemy continued his efforts during the afternoon, with the result
that the line was forced back so as to run through Le Vert Lannot and La
Tombe Willot. On the left, however, the fighting was not so severe,
though the enemy succeeded in occupying the whole of Paradis.

Meanwhile a large number of men of all regiments who had become detached
from their units had during the morning been collected at the
headquarters of the 153rd Brigade. They were, however, entirely without
officers, and almost entirely without N.C.O.'s. Volunteers were
therefore called for from the 256th and 12th Australian Brigades of
field artillery to officer these infantrymen. Of those that came forward
Captain Rickard, M.C., and Lieutenant Seton, M.C., of the 12th
Australians, and 2nd Lieutenants Inkson and Gordon of the 256th Brigade
were selected to reorganise the men and to lead them forward into
action. These four gunner officers, acting as platoon commanders, did
admirable work under very difficult conditions. Having led their
commands forward, they remained in action with them until the 13th inst.
Throughout this period they kept their troops well under control,
particularly during the series of withdrawals in the face of vastly
superior forces in the rearguard action which took place on the 12th
inst. They, indeed, all proved themselves highly capable infantry
leaders.

In the first instance the men were formed into a reserve, and took up a
position in rear of the line Pacaut-Bouzateux Farm, as further
battalions of the 61st Division were now arriving with orders to take
over all ground north of an east and west line through L'Epinette. At
4.30 P.M. the first of these battalions, the 5th Gordon Highlanders,
late of the Highland Division, took up its position along the stream
L'Ancienne Lys, with its left flank in contact with the 50th Division.

The situation now appeared to be improving: an additional reserve had
been improvised; the reinforcing Division had substantially joined up
with the 50th Division on the north; Givenchy on the south still held
out owing to the magnificent resistance of the 55th Division, and the
154th Brigade was maintaining itself on the right flank in the same
gallant and efficient manner as it had done three weeks earlier at
Hermies and Beaumetz. Moreover, another Division, the 3rd, was moving up
to support the 154th Brigade and 55th Division.

In these circumstances General Carter-Campbell decided to make a firmer
line by withdrawing his foremost troops north of Bouzateux Farm on to
the Paradis-Merville road, so as to join up satisfactorily with the line
held by the 5th Gordon Highlanders.

In the course of these operations the fighting had necessitated further
withdrawals by the artillery brigades, the 255th Brigade taking up
positions in Riez-du-Vinage, the 256th Brigade in Carvin, and the
Australians west of the river Clarence in Calonne.

During the night of the 11th-12th a further adjustment in the infantry
took place, the 76th Brigade of the 3rd Division having arrived and
relieved the 154th Brigade up to and including La Tombe Willot, leaving
only a very small portion of the front line held by the 4th Seaforth
reinforcements, under the command of General Buchanan.

The order of battle in the front line was now as follows: the 4th
Seaforth reinforcements extended from La Tombe Willot half-way to
Pacaut, the 2/6 Warwicks and 8th Royal Scots continued the line thence
up to but excluding Bouzateux Farm. Elements of the 153rd Brigade next
held the line along the Pacaut-Merville road just west of Bouzateux
Farm. On the left lay the 5th D.C.L.I., who were in touch with the 5th
Gordon Highlanders on the Ancienne Lys.

At dawn on the 12th a sudden and disastrous collapse occurred. The enemy
launched an attack on the centre of the position, which came in the
nature of a surprise. Patrols of the 2/6 Warwicks were covering the
front, but they did not return with information that the enemy was
advancing, doubtless having been cut off.

[Illustration: MAP XI.--THE GERMAN OFFENSIVE. (THE BATTLE OF THE RIVER
LAWE.) DISPOSITIONS OF 51ST (HIGHLAND) DIVISION, DAWN, 12TH APRIL 1918.]

At 5.15 A.M. it was reported from an artillery O.P. at Pacaut that the
enemy could be seen advancing. At the same time numbers of men were
found falling back about the headquarters of the 2/6 Warwicks on the
west of Pacaut and at the headquarters of the 8th Royal Scots in the
village, the officer commanding and the adjutant of the latter battalion
already having been cut off.

Five minutes after this report had been received from the O.P. in
Pacaut, close-range rifle and machine-gun fire were brought to bear on
Riez-du-Vinage from the east, south, and south-west.

The enemy during this advance had all but surrounded the headquarters of
the 152nd and 153rd Brigades on the eastern outskirts of the village.
Colonel Dyson, Captain Wrathall, the brigade-major, and the remainder of
the staff of the 153rd Brigade managed to extricate themselves and
escape just as the leading German troops were entering the front of the
cottage that had been used as brigade headquarters.

On the opposite side of the road the 152nd Brigade were not so
fortunate, and just as they were preparing to leave the cottage they
were occupying, the Germans closed in on it from all sides.
Brigadier-General J. Dick-Cunynghame, Captains Berney-Fiklin and W.
Drummond, the brigade-major and staff-captain, Lieutenants Cummings and
Simpson, the signal and intelligence officers, and the whole of the
headquarters personnel, with Colonel Fleming commanding the 255th
Brigade, R.F.A., who was acting as artillery liaison officer to the
brigade, fell into the hands of the enemy. They had delayed their
attempt to escape from their headquarters by less than a minute after
the 153rd Brigade, who had made good their escape, only to find the
Germans entering their cottage.

Meanwhile the Divisional artillery was adding possibly the greatest
chapters to its history. Gunners have few opportunities of engaging the
enemy at close quarters, and their work is for the most part of a nature
that precludes them from performing outstanding acts of valour that
attract the public eye. This occasion, on which the enemy broke through
the infantry and with little warning appeared in close proximity to
portions of our gun line, was an exception of which they took full
advantage.

In spite of the complete surprise, "A" and "B" Batteries of the 255th
Brigade in the vicinity of Riez-du-Vinage managed to limber up and
withdraw south-west across the canal, although they suffered severe
casualties amongst their horses from machine-gun fire. "C" and "D"
Batteries of the same brigade could not get their guns away in spite of
many gallant attempts, as the teams were all knocked out by machine-gun
fire; but they remained in action, keeping up a rapid rate of fire to
cover the withdrawal of "A" and "B," and did not leave their guns until
the enemy were almost amongst them. The headquarters of 255th Brigade
just managed to escape with the loss of all its horses.

Farther north the 256th Brigade were in equal danger of falling into the
enemy's hands. The officers of the 153rd Brigade headquarter staff, who
themselves had only recently escaped from the enemy by a hair's-breadth,
collected stragglers and formed a line to protect the withdrawal of the
batteries. The gunners remained in action engaging targets at close
range with direct observation though under rifle and machine-gun fire at
some 500 yards' range. They finally withdrew in succession, the last
battery, "D" 256, only clearing its position when the enemy was 300
yards from it on the left front. Sergeant V. Illidge was partly
responsible for the successful withdrawal of this battery. He cut out
several killed and wounded horses from the different teams, assisted in
their hooking-in, and remained in the position until the last gun had
left.

Lieutenant M'Farlane of the same battery, who was acting as liaison
officer with the 6th Black Watch, was last seen emptying his revolver
into the enemy at close quarters.

The 12th Australian Army Brigade, R.F.A., also found themselves in an
awkward situation, heavy close-range rifle and machine-gun fire suddenly
being opened on them from their left.

The limbers were brought up at the gallop just as the enemy opened on
the position with his artillery, and in spite of the machine-gun and
shell fire, the guns were got safely away through Robecq. The gunners
with a few infantry stragglers provided their own covering parties, and
with their battery Lewis guns checked the enemy's advance until the
positions were successfully evacuated.

"A" and "B" Batteries, 255th Brigade, crossed the canal by the bridge
due south of Riez-du-Vinage, closely followed by the enemy. Majors
Davidson and Jack, the two battery commanders, however, each dropped the
last of their guns within 300 yards of the bridge to cover the
withdrawal of their remaining guns. Of these one gun covered a
foot-bridge and the other a drawbridge.

The Germans were so close on the heels of the artillery that they were
able to rush the drawbridge and establish themselves in a house on the
west side of it. Major Jack, however, brought such effective shell-fire
on to this house that the enemy fled from it and recrossed the canal,
whereupon Major Fairlie, Lieutenant Mackay, and Driver Boyd took up
rifles, occupied the bridgehead, and by their fire forced the enemy to
retire down the road.

In the meantime Major Davidson with his gun was firing on enemy
machine-guns which had been brought up close to the Canal, and by the
accuracy of his fire effectually covered the withdrawal of two heavy
batteries which were coming up out of action under heavy fire.

A description of this action, in which Major Davidson and Major Jack
were mentioned by name, was included in the Commander-in-Chief's
despatches dealing with the battle, Major Davidson being subsequently
awarded a bar to the D.S.O. and Major Jack the D.S.O.

It would be difficult to overestimate the valuable part played by these
two guns and the gallant conduct of all concerned in restoring a
situation at so critical a stage. Undoubtedly had it not been for the
prompt action of Davidson and Jack, the enemy would have succeeded in
establishing himself on the southern bank of the La Bassée Canal.

The enemy, opening fanwise from his area of penetration, had been
rapidly pressing his attack north, west, and southwards. Numerous
attempts were made to improvise lines of defence, but in the absence of
officers these all broke down until the infantry had withdrawn across
the Clarence river, where they linked up with the 5th D.C.L.I. in front
of Calonne. The line was then continued northwards along the Turbeaute
and Ancienne Lys rivers.

Southwards, as has already been described, the enemy reached the
northern bank of the La Bassée Canal.

The 154th Brigade farther eastwards had, however, formed a defensive
flank, which prevented the enemy from extending his gains in this
quarter. The 4th Seaforth reinforcements throughout these operations had
held their ground about La Tombe Willot, the remnants of the 152nd
Brigade were disposed facing north about La Vertbois Farm, extending
from La Tombe Willot almost to Pacaut Wood. Here they joined part of the
8th Royal Scots and 404th Field Company in Pacaut Wood facing north.
Meanwhile patrols of the 1st Gordon Highlanders, 3rd Division, were
entering Pacaut Wood from the south.

The 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, who had been relieved and
were just withdrawing from the line, took up the lines of the La Bassée
Canal from Pacaut Wood to Robecq.

After the infantry had all been withdrawn behind some natural obstacle
such as the canal or the streams on the left, in spite of the
disorganisation that had resulted from the enemy's successful surprise
and the depth of his advance, the line began to harden again.

The 154th Brigade were adequately safeguarding the canal, and were in
touch with the 55th Division.

One battalion of the 61st Division was already moving forward to occupy
the line of the Clarence river from the canal at Robecq to Carvin. This
section of the line had at one time been seriously threatened, as the
enemy had reached the outskirts of Robecq, thus somewhat precipitating
the departure of Divisional headquarters to Busnes. He had, however,
withdrawn, and Robecq was occupied by elements of the 189th Brigade,
61st Division, the 400th Field Company, R.E., and elements of the 404th
Field Company, R.E., who were disposed on an extended front covering the
eastern approaches to the village.

North of Carvin the 61st Division had one battalion already in position
on a line running from that village to Baquerolles Farm, and a second
battalion continuing the line towards Calonne.

North of Calonne remnants of the 5th D.C.L.I. and elements of the 153rd
Brigade had withdrawn beyond the Lys canal, and were engaged during the
remainder of the day in the fighting about Merville.

By 1 P.M. the three brigades of artillery were all established in new
positions: the 256th Brigade on the Robecq-St Venant road, the 255th
Brigade at L'Ecleme, and the 12th Australian Brigade at La Pierrière.
While in these positions the artillery drew its ammunition from an army
ammunition dump, in spite of the fact that one end of it had been set on
fire and was blazing furiously.

It will thus be seen that General Carter-Campbell had been able to
restore his battle line with the help of these additional battalions
from the 61st Division in such a manner that the enemy was not likely to
make further serious progress, at any rate until he could move a
considerable number of his guns forward. Thus valuable time was secured
in which troops could be reorganised, and which enabled other battalions
of the 61st Division to arrive on the scene.

The line from La Tombe Willot to Pacaut was not seriously threatened
during the morning, but throughout the afternoon the pressure against it
steadily increased.

The 4th Seaforth reinforcements north of the Vertbois Farm were well in
advance of the remainder of this line; the 4th Gordon Highlanders, who
had been concentrated on the south side of the canal, were therefore
ordered to join up the left flank of the Seaforth reinforcements with
the canal by forming a line through Pacaut Wood.

While the 4th Gordon Highlanders were moving forward to carry out these
orders, information was received that the 3rd Division, to shorten their
frontage, were falling back on to the line Locon-La Bassée Canal, and
that all troops were to conform to this movement.

This withdrawal was therefore begun; but the 4th Seaforth
reinforcements, under the command of Major Jobson, either never received
these orders or received them too late, and were left in the air by the
troops on their flanks. The enemy, discovering their position, pressed
round them on either flank, and Major Jobson realised that their only
hope of escape was to cut their way out. In this attempt Major Jobson
was wounded, and with the remainder of his party, being completely
surrounded, was captured.

Those Seaforth reinforcements, who had not even joined their battalion,
but had been employed as a separate unit, with four officers to weld it
into shape, had stubbornly fought for many hours, and had maintained
themselves on their ground in spite of strong attempts made by the
enemy to drive them in. They remained fighting gamely to the end in an
isolated position, cut off from all hopes of relief. Many of them were
only boys who had just arrived in France for the first time, and the
steadiness with which they conducted themselves in their first and last
fight was worthy of the highest praise.

The remainder of the line gradually withdrew, but in good order, and it
was not until 8.40 P.M. that the 4th Gordon Highlanders, who had moved
forward to the vicinity of Le Cornet Malo and had fallen back fighting
through Pacaut Wood, crossed with elements of the 152nd Infantry Brigade
to the south side of the canal.

Meanwhile the defence of the La Bassée Canal was handed over to the Ist
Corps, the 51st Division being ordered to cover the junction between the
XIth and Ist Corps. A composite brigade was therefore formed under the
command of Lieut.-Colonel A. Fleming, D.S.O., the C.R.E., known as
Fleming's Force, which took up a line from the bridge over the canal
south of Robecq, east of Robecq, to the hamlet of Les Amusoires.
Fleming's Force, as it took over this line, was composed of the
following:--

      Echelons B (transport men, quartermasters' staffs, bands,
      &c.) and further reinforcements of the 154th Brigade.

      One hundred officers and men, details of the 152nd Brigade.

      Two hundred officers and men, details of the 153rd Brigade.

      Nos. 1 and 2, special companies, R.E., 300 strong (gas
      projector companies).

      Two companies, 11th Canadian Railway Construction Battalion,
      250 strong.

      One company, 51st Division M.G. Company.

      One company, 39th Division M.G. Company.

Some further elements of the 152nd Brigade were collected in reserve at
Hollanderie.

The 154th Brigade was ordered to withdraw to Busnes as soon as it was
relieved by the 3rd Division.

By 3 A.M. on the 13th Colonel Fleming had organised his force into two
sectors, the right being commanded by Major Campbell of the 6th Black
Watch, and the left by Major Stein, 4th Gordon Highlanders.

The night of the 13th passed quietly, and was employed by Colonel
Fleming in advancing his line by 700 yards and in reorganising his
force. The railway companies and some elements of the Berkshire
Regiment, who had become attached to the Division, were withdrawn. Their
place in the line was taken by the 7th Gordon Highlanders, who had by
this time been collected and reorganised. The remnants of the 152nd and
153rd Brigades were also collected and formed into a composite battalion
under Lieut.-Colonel J. M. Scott, D.S.O., commanding the 5th Seaforth
Highlanders.

On 14th April orders were issued for the 154th Brigade to relieve
Fleming's Force during the coming evening. Shortly before this relief
took place the 4th Division, which had recently arrived in the area,
attacked northwards from the canal bank and established themselves on a
line from the canal through Riez-du-Vinage to Carvin. Thus when at 2
A.M. the relief of Fleming's Force was completed, the actual firing line
was for the most part well to the east of the line actually held by the
154th Brigade.

The situation then remained unchanged until the night of 23-24th April,
when the 154th Brigade was withdrawn.

Throughout this engagement the 4th Seaforth Highlanders had been
attached to the 55th Division, and had taken part in the obstinate and
successful defence of the defensive flank which that Division had formed
from Givenchy to Le Touret.

On the morning of the 9th April the 4th Seaforth Highlanders had been in
billets at the Ferme du Roi near Bethune, in close proximity to the 55th
Divisional front. In consequence, when the sudden break through the
Portuguese lines occurred, they were placed under the orders of the
166th Infantry Brigade under the command of General Kentish.

Their first move was to the banks of the Canal de Lawe. Later, during
the same day, it was discovered that a gap existed in the line held by
the 166th Infantry Brigade, north of Le Touret. The battalion was
therefore moved forward under cover of darkness and disposed so as to
fill this gap, their headquarters being established at Les Faucons.

During the day (10th April) the enemy did not attack in force, but he
made several local attempts to penetrate the line held by the 4th
Seaforth Highlanders. On each occasion he was repulsed, and the position
was maintained intact throughout.

On 11th April, about 11 A.M., the German attacked in force. The 4th
Seaforth Highlanders resisted all his attempts to drive back their line.
Later in the day, the battalion on their left was driven in. The
Seaforths, however, formed a defensive flank, and in spite of numerous
attempts made by the enemy to roll up their line, maintained themselves
in their position and inflicted heavy losses on him. Subsequently the
Northumberland Fusiliers, on the left of the 4th Seaforth Highlanders,
delivered a counter-attack, which successfully restored the situation.
The Seaforths assisted this attack by giving covering fire from the
right flank, and inflicted serious losses on the enemy as he fell back
in front of the Northumberland Fusiliers.

On the night of the 11th the 4th Seaforth Highlanders were relieved by
the 1st Division, and took up a reserve position in rear of the stream
south-west of Les Faucons. Here in the course of the fighting on 12th
April they were attacked about 5 P.M., the enemy everywhere being
completely repulsed. On the 13th they were relieved and moved back to
billets at Oblingham.

The 4th Seaforth Highlanders had conducted themselves magnificently.
They had been in action for five days, had been repeatedly attacked, but
had not yielded a yard of ground to the enemy. General Kentish, in a
telegram to the officer commanding, expressed his great appreciation of
the splendid resistance offered by the battalion when fighting under his
command. General Jeudwine, commanding the 55th Division, also wired:
"Please accept from all ranks 55th Division our hearty thanks for
the willing co-operation of the 4th Seaforths. Their help and plucky
fighting have been an invaluable aid to maintaining our line through a
long period of strain."

The battle of the Lys was perhaps the most trying ordeal through which
the Highland Division passed in the whole course of its service in
France and Flanders.

It had just emerged from the operations round Bapaume, in which numbers
of officers and irreplaceable N.C.O.'s had become casualties. It had
received large numbers of reinforcements, mostly boys of eighteen and a
half and nineteen years of age, with no previous experience of war.

With its units incomplete in their organisation and under-officered, the
Division moved forward to stem the tide after the Portuguese had been
driven from their trenches. Information as regards the progress of the
enemy's advance was scanty, so that he was encountered in unexpected
places, with the result that in the initial stages of the attack a solid
front was not opposed to the German advance until the enemy had reached
the line of the river Lawe.

To increase the difficulties attending these operations, not only were
the roads in the early stages of the fight so congested with the
retiring Portuguese that forward movement, particularly for vehicles,
became at times absolutely impracticable, but also the whole area was
covered with civilians evacuating their homes, constantly under
shell-fire, and at times under machine-gun fire. Indeed, the advance of
the Germans had been so rapid, and the penetration made by them so deep,
that in many cases fighting took place in farms and cottages still
occupied by old men, women, and children. The sufferings of these poor
people were deplorable; many were killed and wounded, as were also their
beasts; others became involved in gas-shelling, and with no knowledge of
anti-gas defence, were overcome by the poisonous fumes. Of the
survivors, some fled from their houses as they stood, while others
packed their household effects, surmounted by the inevitable
box-mattress, on their waggons, and driving their beasts before them,
congested every road and track in the area. Others, again, particularly
the more elderly, overcome by the suddenness of the arrival of the
German infantry, were stupefied, and could not be persuaded to take any
action beyond sitting in their houses in a helpless state of collapse.

Later the capture of a complete brigade headquarters, in the course of a
prolonged rearguard action, was itself sufficient to break down the
organisation. The loss sustained by the Division in this unfortunate
incident was a grave one. No better successor to General Pelham Burn
could have been selected than General Dick-Cunynghame. That he should
have fallen into the hands of the enemy within a few days of having
taken over command was a piece of cruel ill-fortune, felt as acutely by
the brigade itself as by its commander. Moreover, in Captains
Berney-Fiklin and Drummond, two most reliable staff officers had been
lost to the Division; the latter was the embodiment of efficiency as a
staff captain, and had held every rank in the British army from private
soldier to captain.

In this battle the part played by the 55th Division on the right of the
51st was a memorable one. The Division, after all the troops on its left
had given, formed a defensive flank and brought the German advance to a
complete standstill, in spite of many violent attacks. The 51st was only
able finally to hold up the German advance by the fact that its right
was always thus secured.

On completion of the relief the 154th Brigade moved back to join the
Division, which was resting in the Norrent-Fontes area.

On 16th April, General Sir H. S. Home, K.C.B., K.C.M.G., commanding
the First Army, sent the following message to General Carter-Campbell:
"I must write you a line to tell you how highly I appreciate the
splendid fight that you and the 51st (Highland) Division have put up,
not only against very superior numbers, but under particularly trying
circumstances. You have done wonders. I am proud to be a Scotsman
at any time, but more than ever now. Tell all ranks I know how well
the Division has done, and what splendid fighting qualities and
determination they have displayed. It is this determination to 'stick
it out' that makes all the difference, and will win this war."

General Harper wired his congratulations to the Division on its recent
splendid fighting, and also General Lukin, commanding the 64th
(Highland) Division.

The results of the battle of the Lys were far-reaching. The decision of
the German Higher Command to exploit to the full the Portuguese debacle
resulted in the using up of nearly the whole German reserve, and
undoubtedly led towards their final collapse.




                            CHAPTER XVI.

                   WITH THE FRENCH IN CHAMPAGNE.


When the Division was resting in the Norrent-Fontes area two new
brigadiers were appointed to it, in place of Generals Dick-Cunynghame
and Beckwith. The command of the 153rd Brigade was assumed by
Lieut.-Colonel W. Green, D.S.O., Black Watch. Colonel Green at the time
of his appointment was commanding the 9th Royal Scots, and thus was well
known to the Division. He had been in command of this battalion when it
had been transferred from the 51st to the 61st Division, and had proved
himself a most capable battalion commander. It was, in fact, felt at the
time of his departure that the Division was losing in Colonel Green one
of the best infantry leaders that had served with it. It was therefore
with the greatest satisfaction to all that news was received that he was
rejoining his Division as commander of the 153rd Brigade.

On 16th April Brigadier-General E. I. de S. Thorpe, D.S.O., Bedfordshire
Regiment, was appointed to the command of the 152nd Infantry Brigade. On
28th April he was, however, transferred to the command of another
brigade, Colonel B. Laing, D.S.O., M.C., Seaforth Highlanders, being
appointed in place of him.

Colonel Laing had not previously served with the Division, but he had
been in close contact with it in the Arras fighting in 1917, in which he
commanded his battalion in the 4th Division with considerable
distinction.

On 3rd May the Division began moving to familiar areas north of Arras,
the 153rd Brigade group moving to the Mont St Eloi-Neuville St Vaast
area, the 152nd and 154th Brigades to Ecoivres-Bray areas, Divisional
headquarters opening at Marœuil.

On the 6th and 7th May the 152nd and 153rd Brigades went into the line,
relieving the 10th and 12th Brigades of the 4th Canadian Division in the
sector stretching from Bailleul on the right to Willerval on the left,
the front line trenches being situated at the foot of the eastern slopes
of the Vimy Ridge.

The sector was well known to the older veterans of the Division, as it
covered in its reserve area the greater part of the front held from
March to July in 1916, and practically the whole of the front held in
February and April 1917.

On the right of the Division were the 15th (Scottish) Division and on
the left the 52nd (Lowland) Division, so that on this occasion the line
from the river Scarpe on the south almost up to Lens on the north was
held by Scottish troops.

The area occupied by the Division had been the scene of a great German
attack on 28th March 1918. The 56th (London) Division had, however,
offered a magnificent resistance, and apart from the loss of the
foremost trenches held by their outposts had held their ground in spite
of repeated attacks delivered by the Germans in great strength.

The actual line taken over by the 51st Division as the front line had
before the attack been the reserve line, or, rather, the front line of
the reserve system. The whole scheme of defence had therefore to be
recast so as to transform this reserve system into an outpost system and
to create a new reserve system in rear. There was not the same amount of
new work required as had been the case in the sector astride the
Bapaume-Cambrai road, since numerous trenches and dug-outs existed which
could be incorporated into the new scheme. As, however, the Division was
now primarily composed of boys, who were unable to carry out a daily
task equal to that of the old trained soldiers, the work contemplated
was more than sufficient to keep the Division fully occupied for many
months.

In the new scheme of defence the system of holding a position by a
series of trench lines was abandoned. The experience of the last two
months had proved that the Germans were conducting their attacks in the
main according to a stereotyped plan. This plan was to attack frontally
with a great weight of artillery and trench-mortars on a narrow front,
and thus blast open by an intense bombardment an area of penetration
through which the attacking troops could pass and operate outwards
against the flanks thus created. In this manner they had been able to
roll up one trench line after another in a series of flank attacks.

To meet this form of advance a trench system was planned which consisted
of a number of localities, sited checkerwise, each locality being
capable of all-round defence. Thus if the enemy penetrated any portion
of the defences, whichever way he turned he would be met by entrenched
troops facing the direction of his advance.

The introduction of this system necessitated the laying out of a
complete new system of defence, which, though existing trenches were
largely utilised, entailed a vast amount of new work in the sector.

In carrying out this work much difficulty was at first encountered owing
to the inexperience of the troops, and the fact that the bulk of them
were not fully developed men. The Jocks, however, played up
magnificently, almost surpassing their efforts in the early part of the
year; and in a few weeks the defences, though not actually completed,
contained the framework of a series of well-wired localities, in which
the troops could have offered a stubborn resistance.

It was, in fact, evident from the manner in which the work was carried
out that, in spite of the immense number of casualties sustained in the
last two months, the traditions established in the Division for hard
work were being well maintained by the new drafts.

On one occasion while this work was in progress, a party was working at
night in front of Bailleul when a machine-gun opened, and a boy slid
from the berm into the trench and lay on the duck-board groaning
heavily. The platoon sergeant jumped down beside him and said, "What are
ye groaning for, laddie?" "I've a bullet in the fleshy part of my leg,"
was the reply. "Fleshy part of the leg!" said the war-weary sergeant,
with visions of a peaceful spell at home, "what the h----l are you
complaining about?"

Throughout this period there were occasions on which the enemy's
artillery was extremely active. High-velocity guns paid considerable
attention to the back areas, particularly to Ecurie, Ecoivres, and
Marœuil. On one occasion a shell from one of them landed in the
machine-gun battalion camp at Ecurie, killing two men and wounding Major
Clarke and Captain Biddulph, the second in command and adjutant
respectively, and wounding seven other ranks.

The battery positions of the heavy artillery and the Concrete Road, a
famous overland route made of concrete running from Roclincourt to the
Arras-Lens Railway, received a daily ration of heavy shells.

The enemy also occasionally carried out intense bombardments with gas
shells. On one particular occasion, the night 16-17th May, he fired
three half-hour violent bursts of mustard-gas shell at intervals of
three hours, causing casualties to 3 officers and 139 other ranks of the
7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders.

On 25th May over 800 shells were fired into the area near Thelus by 4·2,
5·9, and 8-inch howitzers without a single casualty being caused.

Shellings of this nature continued until 9th June, gas shells frequently
being mixed with high explosive; but the dug-out system had been so
rapidly improved under the directing energy of Colonel Fleming, the
C.R.E., that only slight casualties were caused.

After 9th June, the hostile artillery slackened off considerably.
High-velocity guns ceased to trouble the back areas, and the front
trenches, except for occasional intense bursts, received little
attention. On the 23rd the casualties in the entire Division for
twenty-four hours had dropped to one man killed and two wounded.

On 10th June a new form of gas attack was delivered on the Divisional
front, known as a "gas beam" attack. Forty truck-loads of cylinders were
run up to the most advanced point on the light railway, which lay in
front of Bailleul and just behind the support line.

Those cylinders were arranged so that they could all be opened
simultaneously by an electrical device. This was a marked improvement on
the old system, in which each cylinder required four men to carry it up
to the front line, and then had to be left in position until a wind of
the right velocity was blowing in the required direction, in danger of
being burst by shell-fire and flooding our own trenches with gas. In the
case of the "gas beam" the train was not moved up to the position of
discharge until the wind was suitable, so that the gas could be released
immediately on arrival, and was thus stored in the trench area for the
shortest possible time.

Prior to the discharge the front and support lines in the area liable to
be affected by the gas were evacuated by their garrisons. The train
carrying the cylinders was then moved into position without incident. A
machine-gun bullet penetrated one of the cylinders, but the escape of
gas was quickly stopped by the presence of mind of one of the gas
personnel, who plugged the holes made in the cylinder with clay.

The discharge then took place, and as far as could be seen the "gas
beam" rolled slowly over to the German lines, the wind at the time
having dropped to about four miles an hour.

In the morning the Flying Corps observers reported that a broad belt of
discoloured grass showed that the beam had travelled some 4000-5000
yards into the enemy's country towards Douai. What effect it had on the
Germans is not known. No kind of alarms seem to have been given from the
German front-line trenches. The German batteries in the area affected by
the gas were, however, silent for several days.

When the troops returned to the front and support lines after the
discharge, they found numbers of rats, moles, and beetles dead at the
bottom of the trenches, while the brass shell-cases hung up as gas-gongs
were coated with a deposit of verdigris about the depth of a half-crown
piece, evident signs that the gas was a fairly powerful mixture.

During this period General Carter-Campbell had a heavy task to perform.
Not only had a new system of defence to be planned and put into effect,
but the Division itself required time and opportunity to recuperate.
As the official despatch says: "All battalions were urgently in need
of rest, and contained large numbers of young, partially trained, and
wholly inexperienced recruits, and subordinate commanders had had
little or no opportunity of becoming acquainted with their men."

To meet this contingency intensive training was carried out by the
brigade and the battalions resting, in so far as the demands made upon
them for working parties would allow. Divisional classes were formed,
and every effort was made by commanders to turn their battalions into
trained units in the shortest possible time.

The inexperience on the part of the men, and the successful way in which
it was eliminated, is well illustrated by their efforts on patrol. Six
to eight patrols were out in No Man's Land covering the Divisional front
every night, but these were at first almost ineffective; not only did
they hesitate to engage enemy patrols and were inclined to avoid them,
but they allowed themselves to be outwitted by them. By 26th May the
Division had lost one officer and three men missing without a single
prisoner having been captured.

On 26th May an enemy patrol reached our lines, bombed a post, and
wounded two men. This date was, however, the turning-point; the next
night a similar attempt was made, but was defeated. The following night
a sergeant of the 100th Grenadiers was captured, on 9th June a second
N.C.O. was captured, and on the 12th a private. Finally, on 14th June, a
patrol of one officer and four other ranks of the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders waylaid an enemy patrol of seven men and captured it
complete.

By the end of the tour in this sector, the men had become really good on
patrol, completely dominated No Man's Land, and would immediately attack
and disperse any patrol they encountered.

In other directions the training of young officers and men was no less
successful, and, in spite of many obstacles, by the time the Division
left the area in July it was able to remain in action in a great battle
for eleven consecutive days and to add further to its laurels.

When it is considered that it had sustained 7480 casualties in the four
weeks ending 15th April 1918, it will be appreciated how much those
responsible for its efficiency are to be congratulated, particularly
since between 24th April and 11th July the Division was only completely
out of the line for ten consecutive days.

By 11th July 1918 the Division had been relieved in the Bailleul and
Willerval sector by the 4th Canadians, and had begun its move to the
Dieval-Monchy-Breton-Chelers area.

Shortly before this relief Lieut.-Colonel L. M. Dyson, who had commanded
the 255th Brigade, R.F.A., for some years, very reluctantly gave up
command of his brigade, ill-health and two severe wounds compelling him
to do so.

He may be said to represent the best type of modern gunner
lieut.-colonel. Always willing, cheerful, and untiring, he was the best
possible companion to the infantry brigade with which he worked. At the
same time, he kept well abreast of modern developments in artillery. It
is difficult to estimate the debt the Division owed to colonels like
Dyson, Dawson, and Rorie.

This latest move was due to a request from Marshal Foch that four
British Divisions might be transferred, two of them to areas south of
the Somme, and two to positions astride that river, so as to ensure the
connection between the French and British armies about Amiens, and to
enable him to move four French Divisions farther east to his right
flank.

On 13th July Sir Douglas Haig received a further request from Marshal
Foch that these four British Divisions might be placed unreservedly at
his disposal. This request was agreed to, and accordingly the 15th,
34th, 51st, and 62nd British Divisions were formed into the XXIInd Corps
under the command of Lieut.-General Sir A. Godley, and were ordered to
move down to the French front.

The entire Division moved to the new scene of operations by train, the
intended destination being the Chalons-sur-Marne area. It was estimated
that the journey _viâ_ the southern outskirts of Paris would take thirty
hours. The trains, of which thirty-four were employed, steamed off at
intervals of one hour, the first leaving Bryas at 5 P.M. on 14th July,
the last train, carrying the Divisional artillery, leaving Pernes at 3
A.M. on 16th July.

Before the first troops had reached their destination the Germans, on
the morning of the 14th July, launched an offensive on a front of eighty
kilometres east and south-west of Rheims, which carried them across the
Marne, but which was finally held by the French, American, and Italian
forces on this front. This attack was in the first instance checked east
and north of Rheims, but as it was making progress westwards along the
valley of the Marne towards Epernay and towards the Montagne de Rheims,
the destination of the Division was altered, and on the evening of the
15th the first of the Divisional units were detraining in the
Nogent-sur-Seine area.

As each unit arrived on the 16th it was moved by motor lorry towards the
south bank of the Marne in the Epernay area, the manner in which this
move was organised by the French being admirable and few delays
occurring.

During the night of the 16-17th Divisional headquarters opened at
Moussy, three miles south-west of Epernay. On the following day the
enemy continued his advance north and south of the Marne, and had also
further encroached on the Montagne de Rheims, his farthest point of
penetration in the Epernay area being Boursault, a village four and a
half miles north-west of Moussy on the other side of the forest of
Epernay.

During the night of the 17th the 152nd, 153rd, and 154th Brigades
established their headquarters at Le Mesnil, Pierry, and Chouilly
respectively, the infantry battalions, now almost complete, being
grouped in villages and woods about their brigade headquarters.

Regimental transport, field companies, and field ambulances, which were
marching from their detraining stations, had not yet arrived in their
brigade group area, the first being still many miles behind, while the
Divisional artillery was still detraining during the day.

On 18th July Marshal Foch opened his counter-offensive on the western
flank of the Rheims-Soissons salient, which, with a series of
counter-attacks delivered south of the Marne, arrested the enemy's
advance. While these operations were in progress, the Divisional
artillery were on the march from their detraining station,
Nogent-sur-Seine, and the bulk of the regimental transport, field
ambulances, and field companies were arriving in their brigade group
areas.

During the night 18-19th July the original plan of employing the
Division south of the Marne was changed, and orders were received at 1
A.M. for it to move to the Forêt de la Montagne de Rheims. This move was
carried out on the morning of the 19th, the troops crossing the Maine at
Epernay and moving to the south-western fringe of the Forêt de la
Montague.

By 9 A.M. Divisional headquarters had been established at Hautvillers,
152nd Brigade headquarters at Champillon, 153rd Brigade headquarters at
Romery, and 154th Brigade in woods one mile north of Bellevue.

The Divisional artillery had also concentrated on the Moussy-Pierry
area.

All these moves were carried out in a hilly country in days of intense
heat, broken on the 18th by a violent thunderstorm, and proved extremely
trying both to men and horses--to the former particularly after nine
weeks of continual trench warfare. The Divisional artillery had covered
eighty miles in three days by forced marches, and after the storm on the
18th had found the roads impassable in many places owing to trees which
had been blown down in the storm and which had to be cleared before the
batteries could pass on.

During the 19th heavy fighting went on throughout the day, in which the
balance was in favour of the French, though German patrols had
penetrated as far as Nanteuil le Fosse. As soon as night fell the
Division continued its march and passed through the 14th and 120th
French Divisions to positions in the valley of the Ardre and the Bois de
Courton, with orders to advance the following morning in conjunction
with the 62nd Division and drive the enemy back.

The area in which the Division was to operate was on the western edge of
the Montagne de Rheims, the great massif which the enemy had endeavoured
to seize in order to turn the Rheims defences from the south and to
dominate the Marne valley.

The sector allotted to the XXIInd British Corps covered a front of 8000
yards astride the Ardre river, a stream running northwards to the Vesle,
and consisting of an open valley bottom with steep wooded slopes on
either side. Both valleys and slopes were studded with villages and
hamlets, which were for the most part intact, and afforded excellent
cover.

The northern boundary of the 51st Division was the river Ardre, which at
the point where the attack began was little more than a ditch.

The most formidable obstacle in the path of the Division was the dense
wood, the Bois de Courton, which stretched for 3500 yards from the
jumping-off line in the direction of the attack. This wood was composed
of a thick tangle of trees traversed by rides and country tracks, both
laterally and from front to rear. On the slopes of the valley at the
edge of this wood lay the hamlets of Espilly, Les Haies, and Nappes,
which linked up the defenders in the wood with various _points d'appui_
in the valley.

The valley itself was also admirably suited for concealed defences,
consisting as it did of small woods, mills, banks, and sunken roads
hidden by standing corn.

During the 19th the course of the fighting had been such that in the
instructions received by the Division it was stated that the enemy
appeared to be retiring on a wide front covered by rear-guards.

The orders issued for the attack therefore provided for a deep advance
into enemy territory, the final objective selected, the Brown line,
being at its greatest distance nine and a half kilometres from the
jumping-off line. The first objective, the Blue line, corresponded
roughly with the old French front line, and was from four to six
kilometres from the jumping-off line. As far as the Division was
concerned, this line ran roughly north and south along the western edge
of the Bois d'Éclisse.

The troops formed up for the attack on a two-brigade front on a line
stretching four kilometres as the crow flies, from the Ardre just west
of Pourcy to a point in the Bois de Courton one kilometre south-east of
Paradis; the 154th Brigade on the right, the 153rd on the left, and the
152nd in reserve. The attack was to be continued on the right by the
62nd Division, and on the left by the 7th French Division.

Each attacking brigade advanced on a one-battalion front, the leading
battalions employing their companies in line and keeping one in reserve.
The objective allotted to the leading battalions was an intermediate
objective known as the Green line, which ran from Chaumuzy to the
north-western edge of the Bois de Courton. The plan was that after the
capture of the Green line, a second battalion on each brigade front
should pass on to the capture of the Blue line, and the third battalion
to the capture of the Brown.

[Illustration: MAP XII. THE COUNTER-ATTACK IN CHAMPAGNE: THE ADVANCE ON
27TH AND 28TH JULY 1918.]

The artillery covering the attack was placed in the hands of the C.R.A.,
and consisted, in addition to the Divisional artillery, of two groups
of French 155 mm. guns, and seven groups of 75's. It was arranged that
the French artillery should cover the advance of the infantry up to the
Green line, and that the Divisional artillery should then move forward
and cover the remainder of the advance.

The artillery, and indeed all arms, were considerably hampered by the
scanty supply of French maps. Those that were issued were difficult to
read for British troops, and appeared very inaccurate when compared with
those produced by the topographical section of the general staff.
Indeed, it was not until the French maps were issued that it was
appreciated what a valuable asset the accuracy of the British maps was,
and it was found that whereas a barrage could be accurately fired from a
British map, the French maps could not always be depended on to give
satisfactory results.

At the time of the attack three enemy Divisions were in line opposite
the 51st--the 103rd Hessian Division in the centre, the 123rd (Saxon)
Division on the German right, and the 22nd (Sachsen Meinigen) Division
on the German left, the two latter both overlapping the front attacked
by the 51st. All three were classified by Intelligence as of average
quality; but the 123rd had been badly cut up in the fighting of the
previous days, and on the 20th units of the 50th Division had already
begun to relieve it astride the Ardre.

The move to the jumping-off line through units of the 14th and 120th
French Divisions was laborious and of long duration. The troops were
considerably delayed by the congestion on the roads and tracks, and did
not reach their positions until 4 A.M. The shortage of French guides
considerably added to their difficulties. Moreover, touch was not
obtained between the leading troops of the two attacking brigades until
after the attack had begun.

So far, to the Jocks the move to Champagne had been a great adventure;
the entrainment of the complete Division, the passing through the
outskirts of Paris, the journey on the French lorries, as well as the
arrival in a country of new and beautiful scenery, had all been of deep
interest to them. Most of them for the first time saw the French army in
the field, and no doubt realised, as most men do on the first occasion
that they have dealings with an active French Division, what magnificent
men they are, and what a false impression of them is obtained from the
odd and rather bedraggled French soldiers that were occasionally seen on
leave in the zone of the British armies.

Great adventure, indeed, it was. Not only had the Highland Division the
privilege of taking part in the early phases of Marshal Foch's great
counter-stroke which turned the German invasion of France into a hasty
retirement, but it was to maintain itself for eleven days in the heat of
sanguinary fighting without relief, and to advance its line over four
and a quarter miles through a country heavy with dense woods and
magnificently adapted by nature for stubborn defence, and in which an
enemy only recently victorious was offering an heroic resistance.

At 8 A.M. the artillery barrage opened and the advance began, the 4th
Seaforth Highlanders leading on the right, and the 6th Black Watch on
the left. Nor had the battle long been in progress before it became
evident that the enemy, so far from retiring on this portion of the
front, was holding on to his position with great determination.

Immediately in front of the 154th Brigade lay a large and partially
wooded hill of which the slopes on the enemy's side were dominated by
Marfaux on the north bank of the Ardre and by the Bois de l'Aulnay. On
its eastern side this hill sloped steeply to the river Ardre.

In front of the 153rd Brigade lay the dense Bois de Courton, divided by
a main ride running in the direction of the attack.

Both brigades captured the enemy outpost line with a total of 150
prisoners without meeting serious resistance.

The 4th Seaforth Highlanders then carried the hill in front of them, and
were making their way down the slopes on the enemy's side when they came
in view of Marfaux, the Bois de l'Aulnay and Espilly, and heavy
machine-gun fire was opened on them, with the result that the advance
was checked. The right company had by this time occupied Bullin Farm,
and passed some 200 yards beyond it; the centre company had, however,
mistaken Marfaux for its true objective, Chaumuzy, and had edged its way
over towards that village, becoming intermingled with the right company.
The left company had reached the sunken road running from Espilly to
Bullin Farm. In this advance heavy fighting against machine-gun nests
had taken place, and the barrage was in consequence irretrievably lost,
so that for the present the attack could only be continued if the
infantry could subdue Marfaux and the Bois de l'Aulnay on the right and
Espilly in the centre with their own weapons. The battalion was,
however, much disorganised, as the centre company had lost its
direction, and the left company, in touch on neither of its flanks, was
being badly enfiladed from Espilly.

The Seaforths, however, made repeated attempts to close with the enemy;
but these were all held off by the great volume of the fire produced by
the vast number of machine-guns that were encountered. Even men trying
to make their way by creeping through the standing crops attracted so
much fire that this method of advance had to be abandoned.

In this position two companies of the 4th Gordon Highlanders advanced to
support the 4th Seaforth Highlanders along the valley of the Ardre, and
two along a track leading to Espilly. The latter automatically filled
the gap between the two brigades, and became heavily involved in the
fighting as they approached the road known as Bullin road, running
almost north and south across the position about 700 yards east of
Espilly. Here, finding the enemy in strength lining the road, they
immediately deployed and assaulted the position, and though they
suffered serious losses, they made their way forward with the greatest
gallantry. The enemy in face of these attacks finally broke, abandoned
the line of the road, and fell back into some woods in rear of it.

Lieut.-Colonel Bickmore, D.S.O., commanding the 4th Gordon Highlanders,
finding that all the officers in one company had become casualties,
immediately took command of it, and, supported by the second company,
personally led his troops against the enemy in the wood. Shortly after
crossing the road the companies came under a burst of close-range
machine-gun fire and rifle grenades, and the attack was shattered,
Colonel Bickmore being mortally wounded at the head of his men.

The remnants of the two companies then withdrew and lined the road they
had captured.

By 12 noon the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders were advancing in
rear of the 4th Seaforth and 4th Gordon Highlanders. This battalion
captured a machine-gun still in action in the right rear of the 4th
Seaforth Highlanders, which had been causing them considerable trouble,
and subsequently combined with the Seaforths in their attempts to free
themselves from the machine-guns on their right front and centre.

In spite of many gallant attempts which were made during the continuous
fighting throughout this day, the volume of enemy fire never abated, and
no substantial advance could be made. An N.C.O. and a few men did,
however, manage to enter the outskirts of Marfaux.

Though these battalions, in spite of the fact that they had become much
intermixed and disorganised, never relaxed their efforts to get on and
maintained a continuous pressure against the enemy, their gallantry was
not rewarded by success.

The line thus remained as it stood for the remainder of the day, with
the exception that the company in the sunken road was subjected to so
much fire that it could not maintain itself in its isolated position,
and withdrew first to behind the crest, subsequently to move forward and
dig itself in in view of the enemy.

Meanwhile, on the left, the 153rd Brigade had experienced heavy fighting
throughout the day in particularly trying and difficult circumstances.

After they had captured the outpost line this leading battalion, the 6th
Black Watch, disappeared into the wood. At this point an unusual
incident occurred, which greatly added to the confusion which must
inevitably occur during an action fought in dense woods.

Shortly after the advance began the Germans opened a heavy barrage about
the jumping-off line. In consequence, the 7th Black Watch and 7th Gordon
Highlanders pressed forward close on the heels of the 6th Black Watch so
as to get clear of the barraged area as quickly as possible.

There was, however, a gap in this barrage between the main drive and the
south-western edge of the Bois de Courton, which resulted in the bulk of
the 7th Black Watch and 7th Gordon Highlanders being attracted into that
area.

Meanwhile the 6th Black Watch were with great difficulty forcing their
way through the wood. The enemy was, however, in considerable strength,
particularly as regards machine-guns, and everywhere offered a stubborn
resistance. The going in the wood was desperate, tangled undergrowth and
the numerous trees making the physical effort of advancing very
considerable. In addition, the country was so blind that it afforded the
enemy every facility for ambushing the most advanced troops.

In these circumstances the keeping of direction became a matter of the
greatest difficulty. Not only were the troops unable to see more than
fifty yards or so in front of them, but also they were constantly led
out of their true direction to deal with some hidden point of resistance
which suddenly engaged them. In fact, the wood fighting became a
question of isolated bodies of troops making their own way through the
wood as best they could, platoons and even sections of the enemy
completely detached and losing touch with their neighbours on both
flanks.

On the right the 6th Black Watch fought their way successfully through
the wood until they came under heavy fire from the vicinity of Espilly.
This village proved itself to be the centre of a strongly-defended
locality which, in spite of repeated attempts, could not be stormed by
the infantry. By the time the leading troops came under fire from the
Espilly defences, so much time had been spent in fighting in the wood
that the barrage had passed on, so that the infantry were here also
dependent on their own weapons alone to cover their forward movement.

On the left, as, owing to the density of the wood, it was impossible to
see the position of neighbouring troops, the 6th Black Watch, the 7th
Black Watch, and the 7th Gordon Highlanders all became involved in the
fighting and became split up into numerous detached parties.

On the extreme left elements of all these battalions, led by Lieutenant
M'Corquodale, 6th Black Watch, and accompanied by some French
Senegalese troops, reached the north-western edge of the Bois de
Courton, and even passed on to the southern edge of the Bois d'Éclisse.
They were, however, met with so heavy a fire in this advanced position,
and were entirely unsupported on either flank, and so fell back to the
edge of the Bois de Courton.

The remainder of these battalions were for the most part held up by the
western and south-western defences of the Espilly locality, though some
of them fought their way well beyond the La Neuville-Les Haies road.

Subsequently the Senegalese troops on the left, finding that they were
unsupported by the remainder of their battalion, and learning that
Paradis was still in the hands of the enemy, fell back to the line held
by the remainder of their unit. The foremost troops of the 153rd Brigade
were thus left holding a narrow front well in advance of all
neighbouring troops; and as the enemy were threatening to cut them off
from the rear, they were compelled to withdraw gradually to a line some
200 yards north of the La Neuville-Les Haies road.

The success of the 153rd Brigade was largely due to the gallantry and
leadership of the commanding officer of the 7th Black Watch,
Lieut.-Colonel J. C. Miller, M.C.

Colonel Miller, seeing that his attacking waves had lost direction owing
to the gap in the enemy barrage, pushed forward with his intelligence
officer, and passed through part of the heaviest of the barrage. He was
thus able to direct a company from his rear wave to fill the gap. In
passing through the barrage Colonel Miller lost his intelligence officer
and both orderlies, and was himself blown over by shells on more than
one occasion.

2nd Lieutenant J. B. Cable, 7th Black Watch, also showed fine qualities
of leadership. After his company commander had become a casualty, he
took over command of his company, and with his two leading platoons
succeeded in capturing an enemy lieutenant and twenty-five prisoners. He
then pushed forward and captured another twenty prisoners. Subsequently,
finding that he was being fired on from his unprotected right flank and
rear, he successfully withdrew his company. Later, hearing that troops
on his right flank were advancing, he again led his platoons forward and
captured several machine-gun nests.

As it was now evident that the three battalions of the 153rd Brigade
were seriously intermingled, orders were issued to consolidate the line
held, to obtain touch on the flanks, and to reorganise.

During the afternoon the French made a second attempt to capture Paradis
and so cover our left; they were, however, unable to gain their
objective.

At 6 P.M. the enemy, who had been reinforced, began to exert pressure.
He had already delivered a small counter-attack against the right of the
154th Brigade at 4.30 P.M., which had been shattered by rifle and
Lewis-gun fire, and he was now seriously threatening both flanks of the
153rd Brigade. As the battalions were considerably reduced in strength,
and could ill spare the men required to protect their exposed flanks,
they were withdrawn to the line of the road running from La Neuville to
Les Haies.

The 6th Seaforth Highlanders were then placed at the disposal of the
153rd Brigade, and moved forward to fill the gap between the left of the
brigade and the French, and also to take over the front line so that the
three battalions of 153rd Brigade could reorganise.

At 6.30 P.M. an intense bombardment against the right of the Division
broke out. As the enemy had launched a great premeditated attack on this
front a few days previously, he naturally had a large number of guns
available for this bombardment, and the shell-fire was therefore more
than usually severe. This was followed by an attack delivered by two
parties advancing from different directions and converging on the high
ground on the right, about one hundred men altogether being employed.
The parties advanced to within a few yards of the position held by the
7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, when they were caught in enfilade
fire.

The Germans winced for a moment under this burst of fire, whereupon an
N.C.O. led his section forward and charged them, with the result that
they immediately broke and fled in disorder down the hill.

During the day the artillery had begun to move forward, beginning about
9 A.M. By 11 A.M. the 256th Brigade were in action by Pourcy, and 255th
Brigade in front of Nanteuil.

As the enemy was found to be resisting much more strongly than had been
anticipated, and as counter-attacks appeared likely, the guns, except
the forward sections, moved back to behind Nanteuil. The forward guns
were left in close support of the infantry, in some cases 1200 yards
from the enemy, and continued harassing him all night. These forward
guns, as well as trench-mortars and machine-guns, had all been employed
in attempting to subdue the hostile machine-gun nests in close support
of the infantry. The first had proved themselves particularly useful;
but as regards the trench-mortars and machine-guns, the mere physical
labour of carrying the guns forward through the dense undergrowth made
it impossible to get them into action with the foremost troops until
late in the day. Even then, in the confusion that existed, one section
of the 153rd Brigade Trench-Mortar Battery found itself unexpectedly in
ground occupied by the enemy, and was dispersed by their fire.

During the day 8 officers and 360 other ranks were taken prisoners, 2
officers and 50 other ranks being taken from a single wired-in post in
the Bois de Courton. In addition, about thirty machine-guns and eight
trench-mortars were captured, and a battery of 75's and many
mitrailleuses that had been taken from the French were recovered.

In spite of the fact that a withdrawal had been anticipated, the
resistance had been stubborn. This was due to the fact that during the
day the enemy had withdrawn across the Marne at the southern end of the
salient, and was covering this movement by a desperate defence of the
flanks from Rheims to the Marne, on which the withdrawal was hinging.

During the night, while the relief by the 6th Seaforth Highlanders was
taking place on the left brigade front, the enemy maintained his
pressure, with the result that the line was again forced back about 1000
yards south of the Neuville-Les Haies road.

It was arranged that the 152nd Infantry Brigade should take over the
153rd Brigade front and carry out a second attack. The general plan
was that the brigade should advance on a one-battalion front, the 5th
Seaforth Highlanders leading, the 6th Gordon Highlanders next, and the
6th Seaforth Highlanders in the rear. Three objectives were selected
for the attack, the first being the north-west, edge of the Bois de
Courton, the second the southern slopes of the Bois d'Éclisse, and the
third the northern slopes.

The 153rd Brigade were to form such defensive flanks as became necessary
during the progress of the attack, the 7th Gordon Highlanders on the
right, and the 7th Black Watch on the left. On the right of the Highland
Division the 62nd Division were to attack with a view to encircling the
Marfaux locality from the north while the 9th French Division were
attacking on the left, the village of Paradis being the particular
stumbling-block in their path which they hoped to remove.

The artillery barrage fell, as had been planned, south of the Les
Haies-La Neuville road; but as the enemy had closely followed our troops
during their last withdrawal, he had been able to establish many
machine-gun posts close to the jumping-off line. The result was that the
barrage fell behind the enemy's foremost troops, and the machine-guns of
his outposts were untouched.

In consequence, the 6th Gordon Highlanders met with the stoutest
opposition from the outset of the attack, a storm of bullets greeting
them as soon as their advance began. Nevertheless, the troops on the
right, with fine determination, brushed back all resistance until they
had reached a point which was estimated to be about 200 yards from the
north-west edge of the Bois de Courton. Here the enemy were found to be
holding a carefully-prepared line of resistance supported by numerous
and well-sited machine-guns and trench-mortars.

In spite of many gallant attempts made by the battalion to carry this
line, it held firm, the Germans defending themselves skilfully and
courageously with rifles and hand-grenades. For an hour the 6th Gordon
Highlanders tried to come to close grips with them, and drive them from
their position, but without results.

Meanwhile the enemy displayed on his part the greatest initiative,
making repeated attempts to filter through gaps in our front line and on
the right flank, and ultimately became so threatening on the right rear
of the 6th Gordon Highlanders that they were compelled to fall back on
that flank to a position some 200 yards in advance of their jumping-off
line.

On the left the advance was held up after the wood had been cleared for
some 500 yards. Paradis had successfully withstood the repeated attempts
of the French to storm it, so that the left flank of the Division's
attack was again in the air. In consequence, the leading troops in this
part of the battlefield also fell back on to the same line as the right
flank had done, the 7th Black Watch forming a defensive flank to connect
the left of the 6th Gordon Highlanders with the right of the French.

A company of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders was also sent forward to fill
gaps which had occurred in the centre of the 6th Gordon Highlanders'
line.

As had been the case on the previous day, the difficulties of the
operation were greatly increased by the blindness of the country, it
being almost impossible to locate exactly the positions and flanks of
advanced parties in the wood.

However, by noon a continuous line had been formed joining the left of
the 154th Brigade to the right of the French.

The troops were closely engaged throughout the day, and it became
necessary to move forward companies from all three battalions of the
152nd Brigade to strengthen the line in places where it was becoming
weakened. On the left the successful resistance of the Germans in
Paradis had made it necessary to occupy a line which curved round the
eastern side of that village some 300 yards from it, while on the right
flank the 6th Seaforth Highlanders, after some fighting with enemy
machine-guns, established themselves on a line facing north some 700
yards south of Espilly.

On the 154th Brigade front no particular incidents occurred. Strong
patrols attempted to advance and make ground towards the enemy, but they
found him everywhere in strength, and were unable to get forward. For a
time the high ground on the extreme right was harassed by machine-guns.
However, a Stokes mortar from the 154th Trench-Mortar Battery was
brought into action against them, and after firing forty rounds silenced
them. A patrol subsequently found twelve dead Germans in one machine-gun
nest that had thus been dealt with.

So ended another day of severe fighting. The 152nd Brigade had taken
over the whole of the front on the left, the 5th and 6th Seaforth
Highlanders having been employed, either in strengthening the line held
by the 6th Gordon Highlanders, or in protecting their flanks, while the
153rd Brigade, which had been reorganised during the previous night, lay
in close support to it.

In the day's operations eighty-one prisoners with a number of
machine-guns and trench-mortars were captured. The forward guns of the
Divisional artillery had been constantly in action, moving continually
in close support to the attacking troops and making every effort to help
the infantry forward. Their activities were, however, equally hampered
by the blindness of the country.

On the following day no serious infantry action took place until 4 P.M.
During the morning the 4th Gordon Highlanders, who had extended their
left so as to take over the front as far as the main drive in the Bois
de Courton, attempted to make ground towards Espilly by means of strong
patrols.

They, however, found the enemy as alert and as strong as ever, and could
make no appreciable progress.

Early in the day it was arranged that the 7th Black Watch should operate
during the afternoon with a view to establishing themselves in a
position on the south-west edge of the Bois de Courton, north of
Paradis, from which they could cover with their fire an attack to be
delivered by the French against that village.

To make this operation possible, it was necessary to advance the left of
the line, so as to allow the 7th Black Watch to get into this position;
the 6th Black Watch were therefore detailed to carry out an operation
with this intention.

Accordingly at 4 P.M. the 6th Black Watch passed through the 6th Gordon
Highlanders in the front line and attempted to dribble forward by
individual rushes and establish a line behind which the 7th could reach
their position on the flank of the French attack.

The enemy machine-gun nests in the wood, however, appeared to have been
reinforced, for the volume of fire developed by them was such that the
advancing parties were knocked out or driven back again and again. In
spite of many determined efforts made by the 6th Black Watch, by five
o'clock they had not been able to make any progress.

At this hour the French attack on Paradis was launched, but it was
immediately met with such an intense volume of machine-gun fire from the
village that the troops, after having made their way forward with heavy
losses for 100 yards, were compelled to dig themselves in.

Night thus fell with the position materially unchanged on the front of
the 51st Division; the 62nd Division had, however, successfully attacked
the enemy's lines on their right on the Bois du Petit Champ and cleared
the wood.

It had now been decided that an attack should be delivered by the 152nd
Brigade on the following day on the front of the 154th Brigade, the
objective given being a line from the Bois de l'Aulnay inclusive to
Espilly. Accordingly the hours of darkness were taken up with a complete
re-arrangement of the troops, battalions of the 152nd Brigade having to
be relieved by the 153rd Brigade and transferred to the front of the
154th Brigade. These moves were successfully accomplished without
incident, except for the fact that one company of the 6th Gordon
Highlanders was relieved too late to take part in the initial attack.
The firing line of the left was taken over by two companies of the 8th
Royal Scots (Pioneers) who had been placed at the disposal of the 153rd
Brigade, and by two companies of the 7th Black Watch.

The 152nd Brigade assembled for the attack with the 5th and 6th Seaforth
Highlanders on the right and centre respectively, and with the 6th
Gordon Highlanders on the left. On the left of the 6th Gordon
Highlanders parties of the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders and 4th
Gordon Highlanders were ordered to push through the Bois de Courton to
the west of Espilly, and sweep up the enemy in the western defences of
the Espilly locality.

The barrage provided by the Divisional and French artillery was arranged
to come down at zero 200 yards ahead of the forming-up line, and to
advance 100 metres every five minutes. A barrage was also to be fired by
the Divisional machine-gun battalion.

At 6.10 A.M. the barrage opened, but unfortunately on the left a
considerable proportion of the shells fired by the French artillery fell
short amongst the infantry with serious results. All the officers in one
company of the 6th Gordon Highlanders became casualties before the
advance was fairly launched. The 6th Seaforth Highlanders also suffered
a number of casualties, while on the front of the 154th Brigade the 7th
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders suffered sufficiently to become
seriously disorganised.

Partly on account of this error in the firing of the barrage, and partly
on account of the great natural strength of Espilly, the attack
progressed in ratio to the distance of the troops engaged from that
village.

On the right the 5th Seaforth Highlanders had a brisk fight for half an
hour, captured six machine-guns which attempted to bar their way, and
were well up with the barrage when it passed on to the Bois de l'Aulnay.
The 6th Seaforth Highlanders were also close to the barrage at the
pause, but their left company were suffering severely from machine-gun
fire both from front and flank, and the reserve company had to be pushed
forward to help them.

Opposite Espilly the 6th Gordon Highlanders were working their way
slowly towards the village under a heavy shelling, and being badly
enfiladed by machine-gun fire. Farther to the left, the 4th Gordon
Highlanders and the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders were heavily
shelled, and were faced from the start by strong machine-gun posts which
the barrage had failed to subdue, and so were unable to make ground.

On the other hand, the two companies of the 8th Royal Scots, pioneers
though they were, were operating magnificently as infantry. By 7 A.M.
they were well up with the barrage, and had captured two machine-guns;
they finally fought their way unsupported on either flank for 500 yards
into the Bois de Courton.

When the barrage moved forward after the pause, the enemy in the Bois de
l'Aulnay put up a poor fight, and by 8.30 A.M. the 5th Seaforth
Highlanders and a company of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders had reached
the northern edge of the wood. The 5th Seaforth Highlanders also formed
a defensive flank on the eastern edge of the wood, as the enemy were
still holding the ground on the opposite bank of the Ardre.

On the left a few men of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders reached the spur
south-west of the Bois de l'Aulnay, but the bulk of them, with the 6th
Gordon Highlanders, were checked in the sunken road running from the
wood to Espilly. From here men of both battalions strove to cross the
open and assault Espilly in face of a terrific fire. The open country
was, however, so swept by rifles and machine-guns that every attempt
broke down.

Farther to the left, though the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders
and 4th Gordon Highlanders made similar efforts to get forward, the
enemy pinned them to the ground by the intensity of his fire, and
prevented them from making any headway.

Meanwhile, on the extreme left of the attack, the two platoons of the
8th Royal Scots, still unsupported on either flank, found themselves in
a precarious position 500 yards in advance of the remainder of the line.
They accordingly withdrew slowly with a bag of twenty-eight prisoners to
their jumping-off line.

At 11 A.M. a fresh attack by two companies of the 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders was carried out on the left of the 6th Gordon
Highlanders.

These companies, in an advance which demanded great physical efforts
from the men, carried the line forward through dense undergrowth for 400
yards, clearing up two enemy machine-gun posts. In this position a line
was established with great difficulty.

From noon to dusk repeated efforts were made to reach Espilly, but the
troops engaged were so scourged by machine-gun fire that every attempt
broke down.

During the day contact was obtained with the foremost troops of the 62nd
Division, which had also advanced their line.

At the end of the operation, the Bois de l'Aulnay was held. From its
southern end the line followed the course of the sunken road towards
Espilly to the point where it enters the Bois de Courton east of that
village. Here it joined up with the new position won by the 7th Argyll
and Sutherland Highlanders in the wood, which for the most part was
facing west, and thence to the original line as held in the morning.

In this operation the Divisional artillery suffered heavily. During the
previous night several of the batteries had been subjected to a heavy
gas bombardment, but in spite of it they continued to carry out a strong
harassing-fire programme.

In this operation "A" and "C" Batteries, 256th Brigade, then went
forward to positions west of Nanteuil to support the infantry advance.
Here they were subjected to intense bombardments, and suffered some
casualties to personnel and horses, particularly from mustard gas.

Little occurred during the evening and night except that the 7th Argyll
and Sutherland Highlanders, having located some enemy machine-gun nests
by patrols, forced them back, and advanced their line by an additional
100 yards.

Meanwhile, immediately north of the Marne, the enemy was being hard
pressed where his salient was becoming dangerously narrowed by the
Franco-American advance northwards from Chateau Thierry.

The 24th passed without any major operation taking place.

It had been intended to carry out an attack on the Bois de Courton on
the 24th, with a view to gaining the line of the Haies-Neuville road;
but it was decided in the afternoon of the 23rd to postpone this
operation until Espilly had fallen.

The 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders therefore attempted to gain
ground by means of strong patrols south and south-east of Espilly, with
a view to forming the locality into a salient which would lend itself to
attack. In this they were partially successful, and though the enemy's
resistance was as strong as ever, they were able to establish posts, of
which the most northerly was about 350 yards south-east of Espilly.

On the right the 152nd Brigade spent the day reorganising. The character
of the fighting they had been engaged in is well illustrated by the fact
that battalions were so reduced in numbers that the 5th Seaforth
Highlanders were reorganised as two companies and the 6th as one. Each
of these battalions, in exchange for some reinforcements that had
arrived the night before, sent back to rest a hundred of its most
exhausted men.

During the night the 153rd Brigade was relieved by the French 35th
Regiment of the 14th Division, and encamped in woods near St Imoges.

Throughout the whole of these operations the enemy's defence had been
supported by a considerable artillery. He had concentrated on this front
a great number of batteries with which he had been supporting his
attacks, and when the Division checked his advance these guns were
still available to assist him in his defence.

He could therefore put down heavy barrages on back areas and across the
approaches to the front, so that troops in process of relief and in
moving to assembly positions were frequently caught in violent bursts of
shell-fire. In addition, during the actual attacks, a heavy volume of
fire was often directed against the area of the jumping-off line and on
tactical features that had been captured.

This shell-fire and the countless machine-guns that barred the advance
across the whole front had thus made the fighting of the last few days a
severe ordeal, which must have reminded the veterans of High Wood and
the chemical works, and which must have tried the young reinforcements
highly. They, however, stood the test like men. To take the case of the
153rd Brigade as an illustration. This brigade had lost 30 per cent of
its strength in casualties up to the time of its relief on the 24th, but
was able after twenty-four hours' rest to conduct itself gallantly
during a further four days of active operations in which it lost an
additional 500 officers and men.

After the relief of the 153rd Brigade by the French, the southern
boundary of the Divisional sector was found to run along the main drive
in the Bois de Courton and thence to Chantereine Farm on the south-west
corner of the Bois d'Éclisse, the 152nd Brigade remaining in position
on the right, the 154th on the left.

No attack was made on the 25th or 26th, but strong patrols maintained
continuous pressure against the enemy. As a result of successful
enterprises by these patrols the line was in certain parts of the front
sensibly advanced. On the right the 5th Seaforth Highlanders pushed out
eight posts sixty yards clear of the Bois de l'Aulnay; they also reached
the Moulin de Voipreux, and found it unoccupied. The 4th Seaforth
Highlanders advanced their line by some 100 yards in the wood, though
not without having some stiff fighting for their gains.

The 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders were continuously engaged in
the wood in trying to make headway, but the resistance they at all times
encountered was such as to deny them any substantial progress.

After further fighting on the 26th, the 4th Seaforth Highlanders made
good another fifty yards of ground. Both on this and the previous day
there were occasions on which our troops suffered considerably from the
enemy's artillery, which at times became intensely active both on his
forward and back areas.

The 26th was, however, the last day on which the enemy stood his ground
in Espilly and the Bois de Courton. On the north banks of the Marne he
had now been crushed into a small forward salient between
Belval-sous-Chatillon on the east and the Forêt de Riz on the west; and
while arrangements were being made to renew the attack on the Divisional
front, he was perfecting his plans to evacuate his position before it
was too late for him to disengage.

It had been intended to attack on the 26th, but it had been decided to
give the troops, all of whom had now been engaged for several days, the
benefit of twenty-four hours' rest--a rest which was unfortunately
denied to most of them by deluges of rain which fell incessantly through
the night.

The plan was to attack on a three-brigade front, 152nd being on the
right, 187th Brigade (from the 62nd Division) in the centre, and the
153rd Brigade on the left, the 154th Brigade being withdrawn to the
woods between Nanteuil and St Imoges. It would at first sight appear
abnormal that a brigade from the 62nd Division should attack between two
brigades of the 51st; but by this time the liaison with the 62nd
Division, commanded by General Braithwaite, had become so complete that
these dispositions caused no lack of cohesion in the attack.

A careful barrage programme was arranged, which allowed ample time for
the 153rd Brigade to fight their way through the difficulties of the
wood.

Two objectives were selected, the first being roughly the line Moulin de
Voipreux-Neuville within the Divisional boundaries, the second being a
line some 500-700 yards beyond this, including the village of Nappes.

At zero hour, 6 A.M. on 27th July, the artilleries of the 51st and 62nd
Divisions, with the attached French batteries and twenty-four guns of
the Divisional machine-gun batteries, opened the barrage.

The attack was met on the left by a light artillery barrage, and on the
right by a fairly heavy shelling of the banks of the river and the Bois
de l'Aulnay, but no infantry action beyond some long-range machine-gun
fire was encountered. The whole front, including the redoubtable
Espilly, had been evacuated.

At 10 A.M. the final objective was reached on the right just in time for
the troops to see the last of the enemy transport hurriedly leaving
Chaumuzy.

By 10.40 A.M. it was apparent that a general retirement was taking place
on the whole front, and mounted patrols were sent forward to get into
touch with the German rearguard.

The attacking brigades were therefore ordered forward to the line from
Chaumuzy to the north-west corner of the Bois de Courton, and by 1 P.M.
the whole Division--infantry, artillery, and machine-gunners disposed in
depth, and well covered by strong infantry patrols as well as the
cavalry--were on the move, while the sappers were at work repairing the
communications.

The last fight in the much-hated Bois de Courton and in Espilly had been
fought, and those centres of resistance which had for so many hours
appeared almost impregnable had at last fallen into our hands almost
without a shot being fired.

It was with a sense of relief to all that it was found that the whole
Division was advancing practically unmolested through an area on which a
few hours previously the advance of even a section had been welcomed by
a shower of machine-gun bullets. This sense of relief lost nothing from
the fact that in the last two battles in which the Division had been
engaged the whole Division had similarly been on the move, but in the
wrong direction!

At 2 P.M. Chaumuzy was entered, and the artillery came into action near
the north-east corner of the Bois de l'Aulnay, engaging the enemy who
were reported by the mounted patrols to be falling back on the line of
the road from Bligny to Chambrecy. At this time the German artillery
from positions in rear of this road were becoming increasingly active on
the Divisional front.

By 3 P.M. the battalions ordered to the line beyond Chaumuzy were all
in position, and patrols were sent forward to the old French trench
line skirting the western edge of the Bois d'Éclisse and curving round
the Montagne de Bligny.

Later in the afternoon the mounted patrols definitely located the enemy
on a line from Montagne de Bligny to the south of Chambrecy.

Orders were therefore issued at 4 P.M. that as soon as patrols had
reported the wood clear brigades should advance and occupy the old
French trench line as the main defensive line--that is to say, that the
Division was to take up a position facing west. The Bligny-Chambrecy
road was to become the Divisional right boundary, and Chantereine Farm
the left. The 187th Infantry Brigade was to drop out of the Divisional
line and come under orders of the 62nd Division.

At midnight, 27-28th, patrols reported the Bois d'Éclisse clear, and
the forward move began in a downpour of rain.

Meanwhile the enemy were retreating in the Rheims-Soissons salient,
their line after passing the front of the French Division on our left
running almost due west, the Marne being some five to eight miles south
of it.

Throughout the night the troops were moving to their new positions,
suffering no casualties except from occasional bursts of shell-fire.

By 11 A.M., 28th, the 62nd Division, which had attacked at dawn, had
gained a footing on the Montagne de Bligny, while the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders, in touch with them, had successfully occupied the old
French trenches as far as La Garenne. In close support to them in the
wood lay the 5th Seaforth Highlanders; while on their left, also in the
French trenches, the 7th Gordon Highlanders connected the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders' left with the right of the French. The latter were still
advancing northwards, with patrols of the 153rd Brigade keeping in touch
with them.

It was reported at 9.45 A.M. that the French had taken Chambrecy, and at
1 P.M. the 152nd Brigade was ordered to advance to the line
Chambrecy-Michel Renaut Farm. It was, however, later discovered that the
Germans were still occupying Chambrecy, and the movement could not be
carried out.

It was then decided that the French should attack Ville en Tardenois at
3 P.M., and that the 51st should co-operate. The 153rd Brigade was
therefore ordered to advance to the high ground north of Chambrecy, with
the French on its left and the 62nd Division on its right.

The artillery brigades moved forward to support this attack from
positions about Chaumuzy. To reach this area they had to advance under
direct observation for half a mile over open ground. The gunners,
however, made their best pace, and as the shelling was erratic their
losses were small.

"B" 255th Battery, commanded by Major F. C. Jack, D.S.O., M.C., were
ordered to move to a position north of Chaumuzy. On arrival near the
village, Major Jack found it and its approaches being subjected to a
heavy bombardment by 5·9 howitzers. He therefore instructed his guns and
limbers to gallop through the village at intervals of a minute, he
himself galloping through with his orderly first. By this means his
whole battery passed successfully through the village. It was a very
gallant performance, and was much appreciated by the infantry.

The attack was launched by the French at 3 P.M., and failed under heavy
machine-gun, rifle, and shell fire. The 7th Gordon Highlanders and 6th
Black Watch, however, advanced at 4.20 P.M., and attacked across the
valley towards Chambrecy and east of the village. Violent machine and
shell fire was opened on the battalions soon after they left the
trenches in the Bois d'Éclisse; but in spite of their losses elements
of the 7th Gordon Highlanders carried on, crossed the Bligny-Michel
Renaut Farm road, and tried to make their way into the farm.

Similarly advanced parties of the 6th Black Watch passed through
Chambrecy to the north-east and north-west of it.

By 6 P.M. the two battalions were held up on a line roughly from a point
500 yards south-west of Michel Renaut Farm to the north-east outskirts
of Chambrecy. From here, unsupported on either flank and pounded by the
German artillery and machine-gunners, they were compelled to withdraw,
the 7th Gordon Highlanders to the old French trenches, while the 6th
Black Watch finally established a line from the Bois d'Éclisse to 200
yards south of Chambrecy.

During the night the 154th Brigade were ordered to take over the front;
the 4th Seaforth Highlanders accordingly relieved on the right, with
their right flank just south of the Montagne de Bligny, and the 4th
Gordon Highlanders relieved the line recently established by the 6th
Black Watch. The 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders were in support
on the Bois d'Éclisse.

The 154th Brigade was instructed to keep in touch with any forward
movement on the flanks, and to patrol actively with a view to preventing
the enemy from withdrawing unobserved. Chambrecy at this time and during
the following days remained in No Man's Land. It was visited constantly
by patrols, but the heavy enemy machine-gun fire drawn by their visits
forbade its occupation.

In these respects, apart from heavy enemy shelling, in which quantities
of gas shells were employed, the 29th July passed uneventfully.

In the evening the Divisional front was extended so as to include the
Montagne de Bligny. The 5th West Yorks, from whom this position was
taken over, had at 7 P.M. attacked the enemy position on the western
slopes of the hill. Though they had not been completely successful, they
had made ground on the crest, the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders
taking over this new position.

On 30th July the situation remained stationary, though constant pressure
was maintained against the enemy by means of patrols, which at all times
found him alert. "Constant pressure," which played so large a part in
this and the following actions, is one of the most disagreeable features
of battle. To attack, supported by artillery, with units attacking on
either flank, produces its own attitude of mind which makes it
tolerable; to sit in trenches on a quiet front had come in those
strenuous years to be regarded as a holiday; to maintain "constant
pressure" required a considerable display of courage in cold blood. It
was a thing that might have to be maintained for many hours and perhaps
for many days, as had been the case during the last ten days. It meant
that any weakness on the part of the enemy had to be tested and
exploited. How could his weak points be discovered? Only by gallant men
working their way forward until they were shot at. His strength or
weakness was in direct ratio to the number of bullets this forward
movement provoked. The Division, when it had not been fighting actively,
had maintained constant pressure for ten days. It was a cold-blooded
operation which required resolute troops to perform it conscientiously
and effectively.

The 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, situated on the bare and
exposed crest of the Montagne de Bligny, had employed the night 29-30th
in digging themselves in well. It was fortunate that they had done so,
for during the day they had to withstand a systematic and heavy
shelling; and at 8 P.M., after fifteen minutes intense bombardment, an
attack was launched against them. They, however, stood their ground, and
with rifles and Lewis guns shattered the fifty odd Germans who advanced
against them from the west.

This was the last incident of note that occurred. During the day of the
30th preparations had been made for the relief of the Division by the
14th French Division. The 255th Brigade, R.F.A., was relieved at noon,
and the 256th Brigade during the night. At dusk the relief of the 62nd
Division also began, and the most advanced troops of the Highland
Division were thus left with French battalions on either side of them.

Throughout the following day the 154th Brigade remained in position,
active patrolling continuing till dusk, when the Brigade was relieved by
the 14th Regiment, 14th French Division. Command of the sector passed to
the G.O.C. 14th Division at 10 P.M.

When the Highland Division moved north again, it left behind it 38
officers and 417 other ranks who had fallen, the total casualties in
killed, wounded, and missing being 173 officers and 3690 men. The total
of 3863 represents probably the largest number of casualties that the
Division ever sustained during a single period in the line.

It represents the losses that occurred in two attacks on a two-brigade
front, three on a one-brigade front, and in constant minor attacks
carried out by one or two battalions, and in maintaining constant
pressure for the whole eleven days to prevent the enemy from disengaging
and extricating himself unobserved from the increasingly awkward
situation in which Marshal Foch's counter-stroke was placing him.

In these eleven days the youth in the Highland Division, many of whom
were blooded for the first time in this battle, engaged six German
Divisions, stemmed their advance, and hurled them back four and a half
miles--days which were described in the following terms by General
Berthelot, commanding the Fifth French Army.

      "Order of the day No. 63 of the Fifth French Army
      (translation):--

      "Now that the XXIInd British Corps has orders to leave the
      Fifth (French) Army, the Army Commander expresses to all the
      thanks and admiration which the great deeds that it has just
      accomplished deserve.

      "The very day of its arrival, feeling in honour bound to
      take part in the victorious counter-attack which had just
      stopped the enemy's furious onslaught on the Marne and had
      begun to hurl him back in disorder to the north, the XXIInd
      Corps, by forced marches and with minimum opportunity for
      reconnaissance, threw itself with ardour into the battle.

      "By constant efforts, by harrying and driving back the enemy
      for ten successive days, it has made itself master of the
      valley of the Ardre, which it has so freely watered with its
      blood.

      "Thanks to the heroic courage and to the proverbial tenacity
      of the British, the combined efforts of the brave Army Corps
      have not been in vain.

      "Twenty-one officers and 1300 other ranks taken prisoners;
      140 machine-guns and 40 guns captured from the enemy, four
      of whose Divisions have been successively broken and
      repulsed; the upper valley of the Ardre with its commanding
      heights to the north and south reconquered; such is the
      record of the British share in the operations of the Fifth
      Army.

      "Highlanders under the orders of General Carter-Campbell,
      commanding the 51st Division; Yorkshire lads under the
      orders of General Braithwaite, commanding the 62nd Division;
      Australian and New Zealand mounted troops; all officers and
      men of the XXIInd Army Corps so ably commanded by Sir A.
      Godley, you have added a glorious page to your history.

      "Marfaux, Chaumuzy, Montagne de Bligny--all those famous
      names will be written in letters of gold in the annals of
      your regiments.

      "Your French comrades will always remember with emotion your
      splendid gallantry and your perfect fellowship in the fight.

                                                    BERTHELOT,
                                               le General Commandant
                                                 la V^{me} Armée."
        _30th July 1918._

The Corps Commander, Lieut.-General Sir A. Godley, K.C.B., K.C.M.G.,
addressed the following messages to the Divisional Commander:--

      "_21st July._--The Corps Commander wishes to convey to all
      ranks of your Division his appreciation of the great work
      that has been done by them during the past two days'
      fighting.

      "The French Army Commander told him to-day that he was
      entirely satisfied with the result and the good bag of
      prisoners obtained in face of most obstinate resistance by
      picked troops of the enemy, who are under special orders to
      hold the front in order to allow for the safe retreat of the
      German troops beaten and driven back by the French across
      the Marne and on the Soissons front.

      "Tactically, strategically, and politically the gallant
      fighting of your Division may have far-reaching results."

       *       *       *       *       *

      "_28th July._--Will you please convey to all ranks of your
      Division my hearty congratulations on the most successful
      result of their hard week's fighting.

      "The valour and tenacity with which the troops have
      continuously engaged the enemy, and their endurance in face
      of exceptional difficulties of country and latterly of bad
      weather, have resulted in heavy losses to the Germans, and
      in their full retreat closely pursued by our victorious
      troops."

At the conclusion of these operations a special honour was conferred
upon the 6th Black Watch--namely, that of being mentioned in the orders
of the French army, "Cité à l'ordre d'Armée," and of being decorated
with the Legion of Honour.

The following is a translation of the Army Order:--

      "The general officer commanding the Fifth (French) Army
      hereby specially mentions in orders the 6th Battalion Royal
      Highlanders. This battalion d'élite, under the brilliant
      command of Lieutenant-Colonel Francis Rowland Tarleton, has
      given splendid proof of its dash and fury in the course of
      several hard-fought battles between the 20th and 30th July
      1918. After seven days of furious fighting, in spite of
      exhaustion and heavy losses caused by intense enemy
      machine-gun fire, it successfully stormed a wood splendidly
      fortified and stubbornly defended by the enemy.

                                              GUILLAUMAT,
                                       General Officer Commanding
                                         Fifth (French) Army."

The Jocks entraining on their departure from the French zone were a
memorable sight. They had exploited the resources of the country with
great industry, and every man appeared to have a tin of bully beef in
one hand and a bottle of champagne in the other.




                           CHAPTER XVII.

                   THE CAPTURE OF GREENLAND HILL.


On 4th August 1918 Divisional headquarters opened at Villers Chatel, and
the last of the trains conveying troops of the Division from Champagne
began its journey. By this time the brigades had almost completed
concentrating in the familiar country north-west of Arras--the 152nd
Brigade at Caucourt, the 153rd Brigade at Chateau de la Haie, the 154th
Brigade at Berles, and the Divisional artillery at Acq and Aubigny.

About this time Brigadier-General E. Segrave, D.S.O., H.L.I., who had
been brigade-major to General Harper when commanding a brigade in the
6th Division, was appointed to the command of the 152nd Infantry
Brigade. General Segrave had already gained a considerable reputation as
a gallant battalion commander. His was one of the many happy
appointments in the higher ranks of the Division.

The Division, now in G.H.Q. reserve, continued in this area until 14th
August, when it returned to the command of the XVIIth Corps, and began
to take over the line. Between 14th and 18th August the 154th Brigade
relieved a brigade of the 52nd (Lowland) Division in the trenches east
of Bailleul, of which many had been dug by the Jocks in May and June of
the same year; the 153rd Brigade relieved a brigade of the 57th Division
between that village of ill repute, Fampoux, and the right of the 154th
Brigade, and the 152nd Brigade relieved a second brigade of the 57th
Division in the Fampoux sector. At the same time the 170th Brigade, 57th
Division, south of the Scarpe came under orders of the 51st Division, so
that General Carter-Campbell was commanding a front of some 7600 yards
extending from Tilloy les Moufflaines (exclusive) on the south to
Bailleul (exclusive) on the north.

The Division had thus had less than ten clear days in which to rest,
refit, and recuperate since its return from the second battle of the
Marne, before it was again facing the enemy on what came to be an active
front.

It was hoped that after its experiences and heavy losses in Champagne a
longer period of rest would be vouchsafed to the troops. The days of
rest in this period were, however, becoming fewer and fewer, and the
whole of the British line was becoming agitated preparatory to uprooting
itself and beginning its three months advance towards Germany. This
uprooting, as far as the Highland Division was concerned, began
gradually. It developed from the repeated testing of the enemy's lines,
resulting in the occupation of portions of them, and finally culminating
in the overrunning of the whole of the German front system, and in the
capture of the main tactical features behind it--Greenland Hill and
Hausa and Delbar Woods.

The results of this advance were far-reaching, for as long as Greenland
Hill and the two woods on its southern slopes remained in enemy hands,
they stood as a menace to any attack delivered south of the Scarpe; and
the plan was to deliver the British counter-stroke in a few days' time,
which was to extend from the south of the Scarpe down to the right of
the British line.

Greenland Hill can be described as the point on which the great forward
move to the Canal du Nord hinged.

It was fitting that the Highland Division should begin its final advance
from the Arras country. Bailleul it had known in May 1916 from
intelligence summaries as a place behind the long ridge in front of it,
in which German reserve battalions rested, and through which they passed
during their reliefs. Almost a year later, in April 1917, the big ridge
was captured, and the Division saw Bailleul for the first time, and its
patrols entered it. On relief it saw the 2nd Division occupy it
unopposed. Again a year later it had occupied Bailleul itself and
reconstructed its defences. Fampoux it knew in April 1917 as a village
that shells were just beginning to destroy; it watched the hamlet change
into a heap of brick dust, and learnt to avoid it like the plague.
Farther to the right lay Roeux and the chemical works--"the comical
works" that "made one windy even when it wasn't shelling," in which all
units of the Division had experienced the bitterest infantry fighting
and the most infernal shelling. In rear lay Greenland Hill, which in
1917 men of the 7th Gordon Highlanders had reached, but which the
Division had never captured--the treacherous hill marked on the map on
the wrong side of the railway. To the south of it lay those two woods,
Hausa and Delbar, which throughout the fighting of April and May 1917
had looked down on the forward trenches, and from which the Germans saw
every movement and signalled it to the gunners.

In these operations, which began eighteen days after the last troops
came out of action in Champagne, the eastern outskirts of Fampoux were
cleared. Greenland Hill, Roeux, the chemical works, Hausa and Delbar
Woods, fell into our hands, and a firm line was established east of
Plouvain.

At this time the enemy was reported to be carrying out a withdrawal
opposite the line held by the Third and Fifth Armies. It appeared
improbable that this withdrawal would extend as far north as the front
of the 51st Division, but there were reasons for thinking that the enemy
might have thinned out the troops in the forward zone with a view to
avoiding casualties.

A vigorous policy was therefore adopted by General Carter-Campbell so as
to obtain more information concerning the enemy's dispositions, and to
take full advantage of any opportunity offered of gaining ground in
order to deepen the British outpost zone in front of the main line of
resistance.

On 17th August patrols found the enemy alert and holding the front line.
On the 18th, however, they reported that he appeared to be holding his
line lightly, while a prisoner captured by the Division on the right
stated that the enemy was withdrawing the bulk of their front system
garrison to the line Monchy-Pelves-Biache, leaving only weak outposts in
position. It was therefore decided to advance and occupy the front line.

Accordingly the right brigade (170th) was ordered to test the enemy
front line opposite to it and occupy it, the 152nd Brigade was ordered
to clear the east end of Fampoux, and the 153rd Brigade was given
similar orders to the 170th Brigade.

In these operations the 170th Brigade made a successful advance. They
found the enemy's front line unoccupied, and carried on for some 700
yards into a farther trench, in which they captured six prisoners.

On other parts of the front the enemy was found to be in strength;
indeed, north of Fampoux he attempted a small raid with two parties,
which, however, bore no result except that the German officer in charge
of the raiders lost his life.

From the information obtained in these encounters, it was decided that
the 170th Brigade should continue their advance, while north of the
Scarpe a series of operations were planned in order to gain the enemy's
outpost zone from the Scarpe as far north as the Arras-Gavrelle road.

It was hoped by this means to gain a good jumping-off line for an
advance which the Division had now been ordered to carry out on the left
of the Canadian Corps on 26th August.

In planning these operations the governing factor was the amount of
artillery available, which, as regards field artillery, in no case
exceeded four brigades. This precluded any attack from being carried out
on a frontage wider than 1500 yards.

The first of these operations took place on the night 19-20th August. On
the right the 170th Brigade advanced some 500 yards and occupied a
trench from which they had driven a small party of Germans. However, at
9 A.M. on the 20th they were counter-attacked after a hurricane
trench-mortar bombardment, and driven back into the trench from which
they had started the operations. In this position they were bombarded
all day, particularly by heavy trench-mortars. By 4.30 P.M. this
bombardment had become intense, and was at that hour followed by a
counter-attack. This attack was, however, shattered by artillery and
rifle fire, and made no progress. The bombardment then reopened, and by
9 P.M., as the foremost troops of the 170th Brigade had been so badly
harried all day, they were withdrawn by orders of the XVIIth Corps to
their original front line.

North of the Scarpe a company of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders attacked
a sunken road running due north from Fampoux, at 4.30 A.M. on the 20th.
They reached their objective, but were subjected to so much rifle-fire
and bombing that they were driven back. However, at 8.30 A.M. they
advanced again to the attack, and made good their objective. The 7th
Gordon Highlanders of the 153rd Brigade on their left had also made an
attempt to occupy the enemy's front line, but had been unsuccessful. At
5.30 P.M. the 5th Seaforth Highlanders were counter-attacked in the
sunken road. They had, however, consolidated their new position well,
and drove back the enemy with some loss.

On 21st August command of the Division passed to General Oldfield,
General Carter-Campbell having gone home on leave. The General had gone
home on the understanding that a fresh Division would undertake the
coming attack in this sector. After his departure the Army Commander
asked if the 51st would carry out the attack, as it was of the utmost
importance to keep a fresh Division in reserve. General Oldfield in
these circumstances agreed to undertake the offensive. Accordingly on
21st August an operation was carried out by the 6th Gordon Highlanders
(152nd Brigade) with a view to occupying the country lying between the
Fampoux-Fresnes and Fampoux-Gavrelle roads for some 500 yards from their
junction. This operation, after a considerable amount of infantry
fighting in which two companies were engaged, was successfully carried
out, an officer, seven men, and three machine-guns being captured.

On the same day patrols from the 153rd Brigade reported that Pippin
Trench and a trench running roughly parallel to the Fampoux-Gavrelle
road on the west side of it was protected by a belt of wire in good
condition.

It was therefore decided that an operation should be carried out to
capture Pippin Trench and a support trench behind it east of the
Fampoux-Gavrelle road called Zion Alley for a distance of 700 yards from
the area recently occupied by the 6th Gordons.

These operations were ordered to be carried out on 24th August, so as to
give the artillery time to cut the wire in front of Pippin Trench, and
to enable two companies of the 7th Black Watch to practise the attack
over a lifesize replica of the German trenches marked out with
tracing-tapes behind the line.

On the 23rd August patrols reported that the artillery had cut five
clear gaps through the wire in front of Pippin, and that the whole belt
of wire was considerably damaged.

Orders were therefore issued for an attack to be carried out at 4.30
A.M. on 24th August. This operation was also successful. On the right
the 7th Black Watch reached both their objectives according to the
programme, but on the left a prolonged resistance, chiefly by rifle-fire
and bombing, continued until 11 A.M. Even then a pocket of twenty
Germans remained holding out in Hyderabad Redoubt, at the northern end
of the support trench, until they were dislodged the following morning.

Hyderabad Redoubt had an evil reputation in 1917, and still retained it
at this time. It was a group of headquarter dug-outs, situated so that
their entrances were connected by a trench roughly in the shape of a
triangle. It was perched on the summit of a crest which overlooked Arras
and the neighbouring country on one side, and Plouvain and Biache St
Vaast on the other. Its numerous dug-outs made it capable of prolonged
resistance, while when it was captured it became a target for every gun
in the neighbourhood.

On other points of the front Divisional patrols reported that the enemy
showed no signs of vacating his positions without offering resistance,
and it appeared that he had no intention of withdrawing north of the
Scarpe, even though he was not holding his forward trench lines in great
strength.

On 26th August a third operation took place. The trenches captured on
the 25th continued northwards. The first line, known as Newton Trench,
widened out to a distance of some 500 yards west of the Fampoux-Gavrelle
road, the Support line, known as Hoary, Haggard, and Naval trenches,
being just west of the road. The plan was to capture these two trenches
to within 600 yards of Gavrelle, the depth of penetration ordered being
600 yards on the right to 900 yards on the left, the frontage attacked
being some 1100 yards in breadth. The advance was undertaken by the 6th
Black Watch operating on a two-company front, the 154th Brigade being
ordered to form a defensive flank facing north as the attack progressed.

This attack should have been carried out at 5 A.M., covered by an
artillery and machine-gun barrage, but before that hour an S.O.S. signal
was fired on the new front occupied by the 7th Black Watch, as in the
half-light parties of enemy infantry were seen moving in the open. As a
result of this signal, our barrage and the enemy's came down almost
simultaneously; but no infantry action followed, the parties of the
enemy seen being probably troops relieving his front-line posts.

In consequence of this artillery fire the attack was delayed until 6
A.M. At 8 A.M. all objectives had been gained and twenty-three prisoners
captured.

These operations had now established the Division on a line running
practically due north and south from the eastern outskirts of Fampoux to
a point 600 yards south-west of Gavrelle. Four battalions--the 5th
Seaforth Highlanders, 6th Gordon Highlanders, and 6th and 7th Black
Watch--had been engaged, but had suffered comparatively small losses.

Thus the first of the objectives which the Division had set itself to
attain--namely, to establish a firm and regular line from which it could
initiate its attack in support of the left flank of the Canadian
Corps--had been successfully realised by 25th August, one day before the
major operations were due to begin.

While these actions were being fought great developments had taken place
in the south. By the 25th August the Third and Fourth Armies had formed
a salient of the German positions opposite Arras according to a
prearranged plan, and had thus prepared the enemy's strong positions on
Orange Hill and about Monchy le Preux for assault.

The intention was that the First Army, which prolonged the line on the
left of the Third Army, should extend the attack northwards, and by
driving eastwards from Arras, with their left covered by the Scarpe and
Sensee rivers, turn the enemy's position on the Somme battlefield and
cut his railway communications, which ran southwards across the front.

As has already been pointed out, the Scarpe in itself could not
sufficiently cover this advance as long as Greenland Hill lay in the
hands of the enemy. It therefore fell to the lot of the 51st Division to
capture this hill and make good the commanding ground on the north bank
of the Scarpe, so as to free the Canadian Corps from molestation from
that quarter.

It was arranged that the 51st should not attack in force, but should
push forward along the Scarpe as the Canadian Divisions advanced and
protect their flanks.

The front line held by the Canadians (who had by this time relieved the
170th Brigade, 57th Division, south of the Scarpe), running as it did
roughly from Feuchy (inclusive) to Thilloy les Moufflaines (inclusive),
lay considerably in rear of the line now held by the Highland Division.
It was therefore arranged that the latter should not move until the
Canadians had captured Orange Hill and the commanding village of Monchy
le Preux. Both these positions were of great natural strength,
particularly the latter, and afforded observation over a wide area of
our lines, particularly to the north.

The plan of attack was that the Canadian advance should begin at 3 A.M.
on 26th, and that as soon as it was reported that they had passed Monchy
le Preux, the 152nd and the 153rd Brigades were to advance and occupy a
line of trenches parallel with the Roeux-Gavrelle road at an average
distance of 500 yards west of it. The depth of this advance would vary
from some 500-700 yards.

At 8 A.M. 26th August, it was learnt that the Canadians had captured
Monchy le Preux and were still going well. Orders were therefore issued
for the advance of the 152nd and 153rd Brigades to begin at 10.30 A.M.

The operation was begun as arranged, the troops meeting with practically
no opposition. By 11.30 A.M. the line was occupied by the 6th Gordon
Highlanders on the right, and by the 6th and 7th Black Watch on the
left, each on a two-company front.

As soon as this line was established, the 6th Gordon Highlanders pushed
parties southwards to occupy a continuation of the captured trench line,
which joined the Scarpe about 400 yards east of Roeux. By noon the
Germans still gave no signs of making a stand, and parties of them could
be seen on the road retiring towards Fresnes. By 4 P.M. the 6th Gordon
Highlanders had passed through Mount Pleasant Wood, and had occupied
Roeux Station and the chemical works.

Meanwhile in the centre the 153rd Brigade had reached a trench some 400
yards east of the Gavrelle road running parallel to it, and had found it
vacated.

The 154th Brigade on the left hand also occupied the enemy's front line,
and by 5.30 P.M. were patrolling towards Gavrelle. It was anticipated,
however, that the resistance might soon begin to stiffen, as
reinforcements had been seen advancing towards Fresnes soon after noon,
and more were reported to be detraining at Biache. The heavy artillery
had accordingly taken the necessary action.

It had been the intention to establish a line on Greenland Hill and east
of Hausa and Delbar Woods. As, however, the day was now well spent, this
plan was modified, and an objective line was given running north and
south from the railway on the western slopes of Greenland Hill.

This objective the 153rd Brigade attacked at 7 P.M. under a barrage,
having formed up on the Roeux-Gavrelle road. Again only slight
opposition was encountered, except on the right, where the 7th Gordon
Highlanders were held off from their objective by German machine-gunners
posted on the lips of a deep railway cutting.

Thus did history repeat itself, as on more than one occasion in the past
machine-gunners posted on this same embankment, and probably firing from
the same emplacements, had denied farther advance to the Highland
Division. This embankment was a commanding place admirably suited for
purposes of defence, which lent itself perfectly to the German genius
for improvising strong points of resistance.

South of the railway the 6th Gordon Highlanders entered Roeux, and
established a line east of the chemical works. This was the second
occasion on which Roeux had fallen into the hands of the 152nd Brigade,
and as was the case on the first occasion, it was entered practically
without opposition, resulting in another "meatless day," as the Jocks
described their first unopposed occupation of this village.

On the 154th Brigade front patrols were out north and south of Gavrelle,
but the village had not yet been entered. On the right of the Highland
Division the 2nd Canadian Division were about 1000 yards west of Pelves,
and on the left the 8th Division had occupied the enemy's front line.

During the night patrols of the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders
passed through Gavrelle.

On the following day, 27th August, considerable advances were made,
though an attempt to capture Greenland Hill failed.

At 10.30 A.M. the 153rd Brigade launched an attack under an artillery
and machine-gun barrage, with the 7th Gordon Highlanders on the right
and the 6th Black Watch on the left. The 7th Gordon Highlanders had set
foot on Greenland Hill in 1917 under the gallant leadership of
Lieutenant Still, but had been unable to maintain themselves there
unsupported in their isolated position. On this occasion, too, the hill
remained at the end of the day in German hands. Both the 7th Gordon
Highlanders and the 6th Black Watch were at first reported to have
gained their objectives, but it soon transpired that this was not the
case, the German signal for "enemy attacking" having been mistaken for
the British signal "objective gained."

The 7th Gordon Highlanders had succeeded in establishing a footing
towards the summit of the western slopes of the hill; but the enemy
dribbled strong reinforcements through the railway cutting, and into the
trenches and sunken roads leading from it.

This cutting, already referred to as used extensively in the operations
in April and May 1917, afforded a covered approach from Biache, from
which troops could spread northwards, westwards, and southwards into the
trenches and sunken roads on either side of the cutting. During
operations, when the smoke and dust allowed, individuals could be seen
moving forward or falling back along the cutting throughout the day;
but, as a rule, the numbers doing so were so regulated that there were
seldom sufficient to justify a large expenditure of artillery
ammunition.

In this instance, after much fluctuating fighting, the enemy became so
threatening on the flanks of the 7th Gordon Highlanders that they were
compelled to withdraw from the position they had gained.

The 6th Black Watch, whose troops were not directly interfered with by
the German reinforcements arriving through the cutting, reached a line
just short of the summit of Greenland Hill before their advance was
checked by machine-gun fire. In this position they maintained themselves
for the remainder of the day.

On the flanks of the 153rd Brigade substantial advances were made by the
152nd and 154th Brigades.

Hearing that Greenland Hill had been captured, the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders, extended on a wide front from the Scarpe to the railway,
attacked from a line east of Roeux and the chemical works, with a line
of trenches immediately west of Plouvain as their objective.

They pushed their advance for some 800-1000 yards, but then encountered
strong resistance. Hausa and Delbar Woods, with their magnificent
observation, were found to be well organised with machine-guns, which
swept the glacis in front of them, as also was the large chalk-pit on
the edge of the Roeux-Plouvain road just in front of the woods.

The advance was checked at this point, while on the left the enemy,
again making use of the railway cutting, compelled the flank platoons to
withdraw back into line with the 7th Gordon Highlanders north of the
cutting.

The deepest advance made during the day was that of the 154th Brigade on
the left. This Brigade, after many encounters between small patrols and
small parties of the enemy, brushed aside all resistance and established
a line in touch with the 6th Black Watch 500 yards east of Gavrelle, and
linked up with the 8th Division on the outer flank.

In the afternoon three of our posts north of Gavrelle were rushed by the
enemy, who attacked them under cover of the maze of trenches in which
they were situated. Two of these were restored by the 7th Argyll and
Sutherlanders, but the third was considered so particularly liable to
this form of attack that no effort was made to retake it.

During the night 27-28th the 154th Brigade was relieved by the 8th
Division, the Divisional front being thus considerably shortened.

Activity on the following day was confined largely to patrol actions on
the front of the 152nd Brigade.

The position held by the 6th Seaforth Highlanders was so dominated by
Hausa and Delbar Woods and the chalk-pit, from which the enemy was
continually harassing them with machine-gun fire, that attempts were
made to work forward by patrols and make good the woods and quarry.
These, however, all broke down in face of the volume of machine-gun
fire, from which the openness of the country afforded no escape.

On the front of the 153rd Brigade the enemy made two attempts to rush
posts, but in each case was successfully driven back.

During the evening of the 28th preparations were made for an attack on
Greenland Hill to be carried out on the following morning.

Just south of Delbar Wood the Scarpe bends in a north-easterly
direction, while the country between Plouvain and Biache is covered by
wide pools and marshes. In consequence, the German positions about Hausa
and Delbar Woods were enclosed on their southern and eastern sides by
water.

In view of this, it was decided by General Oldfield to obviate the
necessity of a direct attack on the woods, which was certain to be
expensive in casualties, by manœuvring the enemy out of them. The plan
was to strike from the north of the Divisional front towards Plouvain,
and thus threaten the only communication by which the garrisons of the
Hausa and Delbar Woods positions could extricate themselves.

The 154th Brigade were therefore ordered to advance against Greenland
Hill on the whole Divisional front north of the railway and for 230
yards south of it.

Two objectives were selected: the first, a line which gave the attacking
troops a position on the summit of the hill, and the second, a line
about the Plouvain-Gavrelle road which gave them a firmer hold on it.

The 4th Gordon Highlanders (right) and the 7th Argyll and Sutherland
(left) were detailed for the operation, each battalion detailing two
companies for the capture of each objective.

To enable a more accurate barrage to be fired by the artillery, the
troops were all withdrawn to a trench which had been the old British
front line before the Germans had attacked in this sector earlier in the
year. The barrage was arranged so as to come down on what had then been
the German front line.

The attack was a complete success in every detail. The enemy posts on
Greenland Hill put up a poor fight, in all about twenty prisoners being
taken. At 10 A.M. the final objective was reached. Moreover, exactly as
had been planned, the enemy south of the attack, seeing Highlanders on
Greenland Hill, and advancing along the railway towards Plouvain, and
knowing that they could only extricate themselves along the banks of the
Scarpe, evacuated their positions, fearing lest that exit might also be
closed to them.

The 152nd Brigade followed close on their heels, and captured 1 officer
and 15 other ranks who had left their withdrawal too late. At 1 P.M. our
artillery ceased shelling Hausa and Delbar Woods, and at 2.20 P.M. the
6th Seaforth Highlanders had reached their eastern edges.

Thus, like many other places that had for some time been a bitter thorn
in the flesh, such as the Brown line at Arras in April, Flesquières in
November 1917, and Espilly and the Bois de Courton of more recent
memory, the formidable Hausa and Delbar Woods ultimately fell
undefended.

After occupying the woods, the 6th Seaforth Highlanders continued their
advance and occupied a line of trenches about 1500 yards west of
Plouvain, capturing another eight prisoners.

During the evening Greenland Hill was consolidated, machine-guns and
artillery moving forward into close support of the infantry.

Thus ended a completely successful day, in which Greenland Hill, 1
officer, 52 other ranks, 10 machine-guns and 2 light trench-mortars were
captured.

Early on the morning of the following day patrols were pushed forward
with orders to get into touch with the enemy and establish posts in
contact with him. The Germans were soon located holding a strongly-wired
trench line in front of Biache and Fresnes, and were found to be active
and alert. Some posts were accordingly established during the day in
front of the new line.

In view of its great tactical importance, every effort was made to
ensure the holding of Greenland Hill should a counter-attack be made to
regain it.

South of the Scarpe the great advance was proceeding rapidly towards
Cambrai, and as its left flank increased in depth, so did the importance
of holding Greenland Hill increase.

The three field companies and the 8th Royal Scots were at once employed
in giving effect to a scheme of defence that had been prepared.

This scheme embodied, in the first place, the defence of Greenland Hill
against a frontal attack, a main line of resistance being constructed
east of Hausa and Delbar Woods and Windmill Copse on the railway
embankment. A defensive flank was also sited facing south along the
river Scarpe, and a second defensive flank facing northwards designed to
meet an attack developing through Gavrelle. Five companies of
machine-guns were placed in the line and three held in reserve.

In these operations the Division, under the command of General Oldfield,
the C.R.A., had fulfilled all the tasks allotted to it absolutely, with
a total loss of 1145, including 4 officers and 182 other ranks killed
and missing.

During the attacks against Greenland Hill the Division was placed under
orders of Lieut.-General Sir A. W. Currie, K.C.B., K.C.M.G., commanding
the Canadian Corps. On the return of the Division to the XXIInd Corps,
on 30th August, General Oldfield received the following congratulatory
message from General Currie:--

      "Now that the gallant 51st Division is passing from my
      command, may I be permitted to say that I shall always
      remember with the greatest pride that for six stirring days
      you formed part of the Canadian Corps. I remember very well
      when the Division first came to France in May 1915, and that
      we took part together in the fighting at Festubert and
      Givenchy. Again we were associated in the memorable battle
      of Arras in April 1917, and now again we have kicked off
      side by side in an advance the results of which I have every
      reason to believe will be far-reaching. That your Division
      was able after the continuous fighting in which it has been
      engaged this year to take and keep the strong position of
      Greenland Hill, testifies in the strongest possible manner
      to the fact that the fighting qualities of the 51st are
      second to none in all the Allied armies.

      "On behalf of the Canadian Divisions I thank you most
      sincerely for the splendid help and support you have given
      to the main advance south of the river. I wish you all the
      best of luck always, and have every confidence that the
      splendid reputation that the Division now enjoys will ever
      be maintained."

Until 14th September, when the Division was relieved by the 49th
Division, no events occurred which materially changed the tactical
situation. The period was not, however, a quiet one. The enemy was at
times extremely active with his guns, on occasions using quantities of
mustard gas, the targets against which he chiefly vented his spleen
being the railway cutting, Greenland Hill, and Fampoux.

Enemy aircraft were also unusually active in this area, particularly in
bombing the troops in the line. On one occasion in particular, 4th
September, aircraft were crossing over lines frequently throughout the
night--singly, by twos, and in flights up to six in number--which
heavily bombed the vicinity of Roeux, Fampoux, and the valley north of
Fampoux.

Patrolling was maintained with the greatest energy, as it was
anticipated that the success of the operations in the south in which
Cambrai was becoming threatened might at any time lead the enemy to
further withdrawals.

In consequence, encounters in No Man's Land were of frequent occurrence,
in which considerable damage was inflicted on the enemy--not, however,
without losses also being sustained by the Jocks. On one occasion a
daylight patrol of the 6th Seaforth Highlanders, consisting of one
officer and two other ranks, had a lively fight with an enemy post 200
yards from Biache power station. They killed two of the enemy and
wounded several others, and then returned to our lines, all three having
first been wounded.

On relief on 14th September the Division remained at rest and training
until 24th September, when it again returned to the same sector, and
remained in the line until 4th October, when it was again relieved by
the 44th Division. This relief was not, however, carried out with the
object of allowing the Division a period of rest, but for the purpose of
its being moved to another portion of the front to take part again in
active operations.

Probably, in common with many other Divisions, the men of the 51st had
come to consider that they were doing more than their fair share of
battle fighting. They had, indeed, been engaged in nine major operations
in the period of seventeen months from April 1917 to August 1918.

The men thus felt entitled to covet the long periods of rest such as
fell to the lot of some of the more fortunate Corps and Divisions, which
occasionally were given five or six weeks' rest in which to regain their
form after an operation.

They, however, comforted themselves by the thought that they were so
continuously employed in the forefront of the battle because the Higher
Command had learnt to rely on them to carry to a successful issue any
task that was set them.




                           CHAPTER XVIII.

                THE OPERATIONS TOWARDS VALENCIENNES.


On 5th October the Division began its move southwards, with orders to
relieve the 3rd Canadian Division in the line north-west of Cambrai, and
by the evening of 8th October was concentrated in the Queant-Inchy area.
However, a rapidly-changing situation on the 8th necessitated an
alteration in the plans. On that date an attack was delivered by the
Third and Fourth British Armies, which was continued by the French on
their right. Farther south on the same date French troops attacked east
of the Meuse and in Champagne. This attack progressed for some three or
four miles into the enemy's lines, with the result that his resistance
temporarily gave way. During the night the Canadian Corps captured
Ramillies and crossed the Scheldt Canal at Pont d'Aire, and entered
Cambrai from the north. The following day the advance was continued.
Cambrai was in our hands, and our troops established themselves on a
line three miles east of the town.

Orders were therefore issued for the 51st Division to move to the
Bourlon area, and to be placed under the command of the Canadian Corps.
Accordingly on 10th October the 152nd Brigade moved to Bourlon village,
153rd Brigade to the area north-east of Bourlon, and 154th Brigade north
of Fontaine Notre Dame, the village in which they had experienced such
savage fighting in November 1917.

On 11th October orders were issued for the 51st Division to relieve the
2nd Canadian Division, which was attacking the village of Iwuy on the
same day, the instructions being that the 51st was to take over from the
2nd Canadians on whatever line they had established themselves at the
conclusion of the operations.

Prior to these moves an important change had taken place in the
composition of the Division: the 6th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders,
who had been employed as pioneer battalion to the 5th Division ever
since they had left the 51st in the Labyrinth in 1916, rejoined the
Division as an infantry battalion. They were allotted to the 153rd
Brigade in place of the 7th Gordon Highlanders, who, on account of the
difficulty of finding further reinforcements, were transferred to the
152nd Brigade and amalgamated with the 6th Gordon Highlanders. This
composite battalion was known as the 6/7 Gordon Highlanders.

In view of the coming relief, the 152nd and 154th Brigades moved forward
during the morning into the 2nd Canadian Division area, the 153rd
Brigade moved towards Tilloy and Essars, and the Divisional staff
headquarters opened a report centre at the headquarters of the 2nd
Canadian Division at Escadœuvres.

At 4 P.M. the 51st Division again came under the XXIInd Corps, and
received orders that it would attack through the 2nd Canadian Division
on the following day in conjunction with an attack to be delivered by
the Corps on either flank.

The operations on which the Division was now to embark constituted a
complete change from any in which it had previously taken part. Trench
warfare, in which the enemy's defences can be largely definitely
located, now belonged to the past. The scene of the fighting was for the
future to be laid amidst large uplands, checkered with undestroyed
villages, many of them still occupied by their civilian inhabitants, and
with occasional woods and spinneys with living trees in full leaf.
Continuous trenches no longer stretched across the battle front.

The country was, however, well adapted for the rearguard action which
the enemy was fighting. On the western edge of the uplands he could
adequately cover the eastern slopes of those facing him with
comparatively few machine-guns, skilfully hidden in spinneys and sunken
roads, in positions which dominated the open country over which the
attacking troops must advance.

Moreover, two serious obstacles in the shape of rivers completely
crossed the Divisional front--namely, the river Selle and the river
Ecaillon. These rivers, with soft treacherous beds and steep muddy
sides, were not fordable. Further, their course ran through narrow
steeply-sloped valleys, so that the high ground on the eastern banks
afforded magnificent observation to machine-gunners and artillery
observers of the western slopes of the valleys and of the crossings of
the river.

To the north of the Divisional front ran the Canal de l'Escaut in a
north-easterly direction until it passed Denain, where, in a short
reach, it suddenly turned south-east and traversed almost half the
Divisional front before it again bent north-eastwards and resumed its
course.

Traversing the Divisional front obliquely from south-west to north-east
ran the great Cambrai-Valenciennes road.

The country was for the most part not so enclosed as it was further
south, where innumerable orchards, spinneys, and woods blinded the
enemy's troops, and so compelled him either to fall back to more open
country, or to employ strong rear-guards to cover the ground and hold
it. In this case each attack required delicate handling to prevent large
numbers of men falling victims in an endeavour to close with a few
marksmen on well-sited machine-gun nests.

To protect the infantry from this fate creeping barrages were arranged
wherever possible, and even when this form of attack was not considered
advisable or was impracticable, sections of field-guns and howitzers
were invariably detailed, as far as the crossings of the river allowed,
to accompany the infantry in close support. In fact, it will be seen
that in this battle the co-operation between the artillery and infantry
had reached an abnormally high standard, due to the gallantry,
initiative, and efficiency of the junior officers and men.

In appreciating the true value of the success of the Highland Division
in this, its last engagement, it must not be forgotten that since 21st
March it had lost in major operations, apart from sickness and trench
warfare, over a thousand officers and many thousands of men. Thus it was
embarking on a form of warfare of which the bulk of its commanders had
had no experience, and with its infantry composed for the most part of
immature youths or men who had only recently joined the ranks of the
infantry. Taking these facts into consideration, the repeated incidents
of unusual daring and gallantry displayed in these operations will give
clear proof of the great vitality of the Division. This was largely due
to the manner in which its reinforcements, earnestly applying themselves
to the upholding of its traditions, supported the commanders and more
experienced comrades.

In the early hours of 12th October 1918, orders were received that the
Division was to form up on a line roughly 1000 yards north-east of the
village of Iwuy, and to attack with the object of capturing a line
running from Avesnes le Sec inclusive along the Lieu St Amand road as
far as Maison Blanche Farm, thence to the railway at Houdain, the
breadth of line to be attacked being about 5000 yards.

The 49th Division was co-operating in this attack on the right, and a
brigade of the 2nd Canadian Division was to operate on the left flank
and clear the country between the railway and the Canal de l'Escaut.

Two brigades were detailed by the G.O.C. for the attack, the 152nd
Brigade on the right and 154th Brigade on the left. The 152nd Brigade
attacked on a two-battalion front, the leading battalions being the 5th
Seaforth Highlanders and the 6/7 Gordon Highlanders, each on a
two-company front. The 154th Brigade, however, employed only one
battalion on the front line, the 4th Seaforth Highlanders, who formed up
on a three-company front.

By 4.45 A.M. the attacking brigades had completed the relief of the 4th
and 6th Canadian Infantry Brigades. The remainder of the morning was
spent by the battalions in moving into position and completing their
arrangements for the attack.

At 8 A.M. General Carter-Campbell took over command of the sector.

At 10 A.M. reports were received at Divisional headquarters that the
enemy were withdrawing on the front of the 49th Division on the right,
and that their brigades were moving forward without waiting for the
artillery barrage. No reports could, however, be obtained on the
Divisional front that the enemy had withdrawn there; it was in
consequence decided that the attack should be carried out as originally
planned.

Accordingly at 12 noon the infantry advanced, preceded by a creeping
barrage fired by six brigades of field artillery. It, however, quickly
transpired that the attack had coincided with an enemy withdrawal, and
the prescribed objective was reached with little opposition. On the
extreme right the 5th Seaforth Highlanders had some fighting in clearing
Avesnes le Sec; while on the left, on crossing the spur facing Lieu St
Amand, the 4th Seaforth Highlanders came under heavy fire from that
village, but managed in spite of it to establish themselves on the
forward slope.

By 1.30 P.M. the objective was gained on the whole Divisional front.

It had been previously arranged that if success attended these
operations the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, accompanied by a
mobile 18-pounder section under the command of Lieutenant J. Gillespie
of "A" Battery, 256th Brigade, should pass through the 4th Seaforth
Highlanders and if possible occupy Lieu St Amand and the station at Pavé
de Valenciennes, situated close to the junction of the railway and the
Valenciennes-Cambrai road near Lieu St Amand.

Accordingly, as soon as the protective barrage that was covering the 4th
Seaforth Highlanders had ceased, two companies of the 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders continued the advance. Though at first under
fairly heavy hostile artillery barrage, they moved rapidly forward until
on a line about 150 yards from the southernmost houses of the village.
Here, faced by the enemy, who appeared to have established a firm line
all along the front, they came under a heavy burst of machine-gun fire
which first checked their pace, and, finally, as the German
machine-gunners began to get on to their targets, brought the general
advance to a standstill.

The 18-pounder section at once came into action in the open, and
silenced many of the machine-guns; but the guns hidden amongst the
houses could not be located, and so could not be effectively bombarded.
While searching for these guns, a German 8-inch howitzer battery got on
to the 18-pounder section, and shelled it so effectively that it was
forced to withdraw temporarily.

The 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, however, did not give up
their attempts to reach the village, and each platoon endeavoured to
work its way forward. One of them, from a point 200 yards from the
south-west corner of the village, crawled forward between the furrows of
a newly-ploughed field until within twenty-five yards of two
machine-guns which were firing from behind a bank.

Unfortunately, just at the moment when the sections were about to rise
and rush this post, a burst of enfilade machine-gun fire from the
railway caught them. Swept by the bullets from this gun, they were
unable to rise from the furrows, and movement forwards, rearwards, or to
the flank became impossible. In this position they remained until an
hour or so later. About 4 P.M. the men were able to dribble back to
cover singly.

During this movement on the left, the information having been received
at Divisional headquarters that all objectives had been gained, orders
had therefore been issued for the attacking brigades to move forward to
gain a line running from the river Selle just north of Haspres round
Lieu St Amand to the railway. The 152nd Brigade on the right, however,
found the resistance as strong as it had been in front of the 7th Argyll
and Sutherland Highlanders, and no substantial alterations in the line
took place.

It was therefore decided to subject Lieu St Amand to a heavy bombardment
from 5 P.M. to 5.30 P.M., and then to advance strong patrols against the
village, and if possible occupy it.

At that time many batteries were moving forward, and though the
18-pounder section attached to the infantry again did gallant work in
the open, the officer commanding the company of the 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders concerned decided that the attack was unlikely to
be successful, and so cancelled the orders for the advance. One platoon,
however, which did not receive its instructions in time, had already
moved forward, and reached a line about 100 yards from the outskirts of
the village. At this point they were swept by machine-gun fire from the
houses; but, nevertheless, with a fine determination to reach their
objective, the men rushed the village and disappeared amongst the
buildings. Those of them who had successfully crossed the open in face
of the hostile fire and reached the village were at once subjected to
close-range fire from all sides. The survivors, however, hung on behind
what cover they could obtain from walls and buildings, and managed to
extricate themselves one by one when darkness came.

The performances of the two platoons of the 7th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders, which each had tried to carry Lieu St Amand individually,
were characterised by great gallantry and skill on the part of the men.
They had not only advanced against considerable machine-gun opposition,
but they had also, having found themselves cut off from immediate
assistance and at close grips with an enemy considerably superior to
them in numbers and fire power, successfully extricated themselves from
serious predicaments.

The mobile section accompanying the Argylls had supported the infantry
in these attacks magnificently. They had drawn considerable shell-fire
when in action in the open, and had had one of their ammunition limbers
set on fire, Lieutenant Gillespie himself extinguishing the flames.

By 6 P.M., a farther advance that evening appearing impracticable,
orders were issued for a line to be consolidated roughly on the original
objective given for the first attack.

At 9 P.M. orders were received from the Corps that pressure was to be
exercised against the enemy's rear-guards on the morrow by carrying out
an attack with the object of gaining a line running from the railway
east of the river Selle 1000 yards north of Haspres, east of Fleury and
Noyelles, and thence running westwards to the railway north of Lieu St
Amand.

October 13th turned out to be a day of heavy and costly fighting. It was
evident from the outset that the enemy was making a determined stand
south of Valenciennes, so as to secure the flanks of his withdrawals
that were taking place in other parts of the front. Indeed, orders
captured during the forthcoming operations showed that the troops had
been instructed to hold the line of the river Selle at all costs. In
consequence, he was holding his position with machine-guns in
considerable strength.

Moreover, the protection afforded him by the river Selle and the Canal
de l'Escaut enabled him to mass to the north-east a weight of artillery
which he would not otherwise have dared to maintain in action in such
close support to the infantry of his rearguard.

To increase his powers of resistance further, he also employed on this
portion of the front a number of aeroplanes, which flew low over our
attacking waves, and constantly bombed and machine-gunned the troops and
batteries.

The enemy's determination to stand not having yet been disclosed at this
time, it was decided to attempt to gain this objective by exploitation,
and not to employ a creeping barrage. The 255th Brigade, R.F.A., was,
however, detailed to follow the infantry in close support as a mobile
brigade.

At 9 A.M. on the 18th the same four battalions as had been engaged on
the 12th moved forward to the attack, two sections of machine-guns being
sent forward with each leading battalion, as well as three light
trench-mortars which accompanied them.

Prior to the attack, places which appeared suitable for enemy
concentrations and nests of machine-guns had been heavily bombarded by
the artillery.

Only on the right was any substantial progress made. On that flank the
5th Seaforth Highlanders, suffering heavy casualties from frontal and
enfilade machine-gun fire, forced their way forward to a line 1000 yards
north-east of Avesnes le Sec, where they were finally checked.

On their left the 6/7 Gordon Highlanders came under such a blast of
machine-gun fire that they made practically no advance, and sustained
over 300 casualties; the effect of this fire was so destructive that the
four sections of machine-guns, in their efforts to beat it down, had
three officers killed and six guns knocked out, while the teams of the
light trench-mortars lost so heavily that the survivors were too few in
number to work the guns, and so joined in the fighting as infantry.

Meanwhile the enemy had also opened an intense artillery barrage all
along the line.

In order to help forward the infantry on this point of the field, 2nd
Lieutenant P. H. Unwin from "A" Battery, 256th Brigade, R.F.A., brought
his section into action at 800 yards' distance from the enemy, and
immediately opened fire with great effect, driving back parties of
infantry that were counter-attacking, and inflicting serious losses on
them. 2nd Lieutenant Unwin remained in action in his exposed position
throughout the day, and gave great moral assistance to the infantry.

On the left brigade front it was arranged that the 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders on the left flank should move forward and capture
Lieu St Amand before the 6th Seaforth Highlanders on the left centre
moved forward to attack.

Two companies of the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders therefore
went forward with the artillery bombarding the village; but as soon as
the guns lifted off the southernmost houses, a white Very light was
fired by the enemy, followed by an intense burst of machine-gun fire
which swept the attacking waves.

As no covered approaches existed except on the right, all forward
movement was at once paralysed, apart from that of one platoon on the
extreme right flank. Here a certain amount of cover existed, and the men
worked their way forward to within fifty yards of some enemy
machine-guns, and maintained themselves there, unable to make further
progress, as the country had again become open.

Attempts to rush forward were beaten down by hostile fire; and though
one Lewis-gun team worked its way into position, and by excellent
shooting knocked out a machine-gun team and inflicted casualties on
parties seen in the village, no further progress was made.

The advance made by the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders had not
carried the line sufficiently forward to enable the 4th Seaforth
Highlanders to gain Maison Blanche in the centre, and by 11 A.M. most of
the attacking waves were back on the jumping-off line, though seriously
depleted in numbers.

On the right, however, parties of the 5th Seaforth Highlanders, with
both their flanks in the air, were digging-in along the railway north of
Avesnes le Sec, and held on in this position until 2 P.M. A party of an
officer and twenty men protecting their right beat off several attempts
to work round their flanks, covered the withdrawal of the troops on the
railway, and remained in position until dusk, when they regained our
lines.

The platoons of the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, which had
also been brought to a standstill, with both its flanks in the air,
close against Lieu St Amand, similarly regained our lines at dusk, this
being the third platoon of this battalion which had made a great
endeavour to carry Lieu St Amand single-handed.

Neither of the Divisions on the flanks was able to make progress during
this day, and it was clearly evident that the enemy had selected the
line of the Haspres-Lieu St Amand road as his line of resistance for his
rear-guards.

No further attack was carried out until 19th October. As a result of
operations in other parts of this line, everything pointed to an early
withdrawal on the front south of Douai, which might possibly extend as
far southwards as the front of the 51st Division. Extensive patrolling
was therefore carried out during this period, but the enemy was always
found in strength and alert, and numerous patrol encounters took place.

The artillery, who were well provided with good observation posts,
carried out numerous bombardments against enemy movement, and selected
strong places with satisfactory results. They, however, received in
return a very considerable ration of shells from the German gunners, who
were still in force, and harassed the forward areas and battery
positions continuously, particularly with gas.

On the 17th October the enemy withdrawal south of Douai began, and on
the 18th it had extended as far as the front occupied by the Canadians
on the left flank of the 51st. The enemy was, however, still firmly in
position along the Haspres-Lieu St Amand road.

These days of respite from active operations were employed by the R.E.
in solving many problems. Water for the forward troops was located in
damaged wells in Avesnes le Sec and Iwuy, which had to be repaired and
tested.

A track for horse transport had to be made south of the village of Iwuy
on account of the continuous bombardment of that village by the German
artillery.

The enemy had also, with characteristic thoroughness, destroyed all the
bridges on the railway from Cambrai to Denain, and had thus effectually
interfered with lateral communications on this area. The 8th Royal Scots
were therefore employed working continuously in conjunction with a
field company of the 4th Division in removing the debris of the broken
arches from the roads so as to reopen them for troops and transport.

An attack was now planned for the 20th October, the objectives given
being the same as had been arranged for the attack on the 12th.

However, on the early morning of 19th October, favoured by a thick mist,
the enemy withdrew on the Divisional front. At this time the 153rd
Brigade had taken over the line on the left, while the 154th Brigade
had, after three days' rest, relieved the 152nd Brigade on the right.

Until the mist lessened the enemy could not be actively followed, but
patrols from both brigades came into contact with him shortly after
dawn.

On the left of the Division the Canadians also reported that the enemy
was withdrawing on their front, and that they were moving forward to
seize the crossing on the left bank of the Canal de l'Escaut at
Bouchain, north-west of Lieu St Amand.

The withdrawal on the front of the 51st Division was, however, slow, and
by noon patrols had reported that the enemy was still in position both
on the right front and in Lieu St Amand.

However, at 2.10 P.M., the enemy began to bombard the latter, and twenty
minutes later patrols of the 6th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders were
in its streets.

Orders were then issued for the brigades to gain the line
Fleury-Noyelles-Douchy, or, in other words, to seize the bridgeheads
across the river Selle. The advance began on the greater part of the
Divisional front at 3 P.M., covered by detachments of the Corps cyclists
and infantry patrols. It was at once discovered that while the
resistance on the left was almost negligible, the enemy was holding on
to Haspres, and was making some effort to delay the advance on the
right.

On the left progress became rapid. The two leading battalions, the 6th
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders and the 7th Black Watch, at first
moved forward in extended order; but later, as only stray groups of the
enemy were encountered at this stage, a screen of scouts was sent
forward, the companies following in artillery formation, and later by
platoons in column of route. Simultaneously the artillery brigades
advanced to positions in and about Avesnes le Sec and Lieu St Amand with
mobile 18-pounder sections closely following the infantry battalions.

By 6 P.M. the woods east of Maison Blanche were cleared, and the troops
were well east of Lieu St Amand. Before midnight Neuville sur l'Escaut,
in which 1500 civilians were found, and Douchy, also full of civilians,
were rushed. In the latter village a few riflemen had been left behind
by the enemy to check the advance, but these fled as the leading troops
approached.

On the right brigade front the 4th Gordon Highlanders advanced towards
Fleury with two companies, the remaining two companies forming a
defensive flank to protect the right, as Haspres was still held by the
enemy.

As they approached Fleury they came under considerable artillery and
machine-gun fire; but they pushed forward in spite of it, and reached
the west banks of the river Selle. Here they found all bridges
destroyed, so that the stream, some 20 feet wide, 5 feet deep, and with
muddy banks and a soft bed, presented a serious obstacle. The advance
therefore came to a standstill, while the troops collected material with
which to improvise bridges.

On the left of the 4th Gordon Highlanders the 7th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders had made rapid progress. They had, in fact, outrun their
neighbouring battalions, and their three leading companies were in
consequence compelled to form deep flanks as they advanced, while the
fourth company moved in close support to them on their right flank.

By 7 P.M. they had reached Noyelles, which they found clear of the
enemy, but, like Douchy and Neuville, occupied by numbers of civilians.
They had dispersed a small party of Germans on the east bank of the
river Selle, and though the bridge had been blown up, three companies
had established themselves on the east bank of the river by 9.45 P.M. in
touch with the 6th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders. The 4th Seaforth
Highlanders also advanced in rear of the 1/7 Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders towards Noyelles, while sections of the 400th and 404th
Field Companies, R.E., were hastening forward with bridging material so
as to prepare passages across the river for artillery at the earliest
possible moment.

The situation of the troops at midnight 19-20th October was thus as
described above, while on the right, though Saubroir had fallen, the
enemy in Haspres were still gallantly holding out. On the left the 4th
Canadian Division had reached Denain.

During the night the 404th Field Company, R.E., who had reconnoitred and
selected a site for a bridge just north of Noyelles as soon as the
infantry patrols had passed that village, moved forward with the pontoon
and trestle waggons. Though they came under both rifle and machine-gun
fire as they neared the village, the waggons reached the site
successfully, and a bridge of two Weldon trestles was completed by 3.45
A.M. The construction of a bridge within eight hours of the infantry
having reached the east bank of the river, within a few hundred yards of
enemy riflemen and machine-gunners, was an exceptionally fine
performance.

The advance continued throughout the night, but it was found that the
enemy was making a stand roughly on the line of the road from Haspres
through La Croix St Marie to Denain.

On the right the 4th Gordon Highlanders, by improvising rough bridges
from beams, branches, and straw, crossed the river Selle south of
Fleury, and at 6.45 A.M. on 20th October occupied the village. The enemy
machine-gun teams had bolted from the eastern outskirts of the village
as the troops approached.

The 4th Seaforth Highlanders then crossed the river at Noyelles over the
bridge just completed by the R.E., and formed up on a two-company front
east and south of the village on the left of the 4th Gordon Highlanders;
and with the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders on their left, the
Argylls and Seaforths then attempted to advance at 5 A.M.

Heavy machine-gun fire was, however, at once opened on the 4th Seaforth
Highlanders, with such effect that they were unable to make material
progress, and were compelled to dig in only slightly in advance of their
forming-up line. In this position they tried to locate the enemy
machine-guns so that they might deal with them and continue the advance.

The 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders also found that their patrols
could not get forward on to the high ground north of Noyelles, and so
discontinued their advance until arrangements could be made for
artillery support.

Similarly on the left the two leading battalions were well across the
river Selle at dawn, but were in their turn checked by machine-gun fire
from the wood north-west of La Croix St Marie, and were also preparing
to attack with artillery.

Considerable fighting occurred during the early part of the day. In the
night two attacks carried out by the 4th Seaforth Highlanders and one by
the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders ultimately, about 8 A.M.,
forced the enemy beyond the Haspres-La Croix St Marie road, machine-guns
being captured at Maison Rouge. Beyond this point, however, the troops
could make no headway against the volume of fire drawn by any attempt to
move forward in the open.

On the left brigade front the artillery came into action at 9.30 A.M.,
when a concentrated fifteen minutes shoot was carried out against the
woods and houses west of La Croix St Marie. The infantry line attacked,
but failed to dislodge the enemy.

The shoot was then repeated for a second fifteen minutes, and the 6th
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders and 7th Black Watch again went
forward, cleared the woods and houses, and quickly reached the La Croix
St Marie-Denain road, touch being obtained in Denain with the 4th
Canadians on the left.

The mobile section of "A" Battery, 256th Brigade, R.F.A., under the
command of Lieutenant S. Simkins, attached to the 6th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders, had materially assisted in this advance.
Lieutenant Simkins, having been pointed out houses in which machine-guns
were located, engaged them over open sights. Civilians who were taking
shelter in the cellar of one of these houses afterwards told Lieutenant
Simkins that the shooting was very accurate, and that the enemy
machine-gunner in that house had left badly wounded.

In spite of the proximity of the enemy and the fighting going on in that
neighbourhood, the 404th Field Company, R.E., erected a bridge at
Fleury. Owing to the hostile fire they could not get their waggons
forward until 11.30 A.M., but by 6.10 P.M. a bridge consisting of a
pontoon and a trestle was completed and brought into use.

The 400th Field Company, R.E., had been ordered to bridge the river at
Douchy, but they experienced similar difficulty in getting their waggons
forward. They, however, found and repaired a partially-destroyed German
bridge, and constructed a new bridge of two Weldon trestles south of the
village. In each case the bridges were completed in time for the advance
of the artillery.

At 12 noon the 153rd Brigade continued its advance and made rapid
progress. The enemy on the extreme left, fearing that he might be driven
against the now bridgeless Canal de l'Escaut, withdrew rapidly, the 7th
Black Watch reaching the canal bank along their whole front by 5 P.M.
They then detached two platoons to operate against the rear of the
Germans resisting the 4th Canadians at Wavrechain, north of the canal,
but they were held up through being unable to find a crossing.

The advance of the 6th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders was slower, not
so much on account of the German resistance to them frontally, but on
account of the fire which came from the high ground on their right
flank. However, by 10 P.M. they had established themselves on the canal
bank from the rubber factory south of Prouvy westwards, capturing
Haulchin and releasing 1500 French civilians. This advance was
materially assisted by the Corps Cyclists, who patrolled the country
well in front of the infantry, and enabled the latter to advance with
few delays.

After dark, at 8 P.M., the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders resumed
their advance, the 4th Seaforth Highlanders on the Divisional right at
10 P.M. This advance proceeded successfully, and by midnight the leading
troops had reached the eastern edges of the Grand Bois and the Bois de
l'Entrée, the line running thence north-westwards to the railway leading
to Denain.

Throughout the night 20-21st October, which fortunately was light and
clear, the advance continued. The 153rd Brigade had already reached the
canal bank throughout their front, and had formed a defensive flank on
their right along the railway line facing Thiant. The 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders on the right of the 153rd Brigade also made
great progress. In the grey of the morning their first company entered
Thiant. Here they encountered a burst of machine-gun fire, but by 9 A.M.
they had beaten down all resistance, and had worked through the village
as far as to the banks of the Ecaillon. They, however, found the enemy
in strength on the eastern banks, and so took up positions in houses and
hedgerows on the edge of the stream. At 10 A.M. 21st October they gained
touch with the Canadians, who had entered Prouvy.

The 4th Seaforth Highlanders and the 11th Brigade, 4th Division, who
were now up in line with them on the high ground overlooking Monchaux
and the river Ecaillon, were now unable to make further progress towards
the banks of the river, as they found the western sides of the river
valley were very exposed and covered by the fire of the enemy holding
strong natural positions in sunken roads.

During the day the field artillery moved into positions west of Thiant.

From this point onwards, as the villages in front of the line were
occupied by French civilians, the Divisional commander decided only to
use 18-pounder shrapnel against them. Similarly, for the same reason,
gas was not employed against the villages. This was a great deprivation,
as a large supply of the long awaited mustard gas had just arrived.

Naturally the Germans used gas in similar circumstances freely.

Meanwhile the bridges thrown across the Selle were only sufficient for
field-guns and horsed transport. Arrangements had therefore to be made
by the C.R.E., Lieut.-Colonel Napier-Clavering, to provide bridges which
would enable the Corps heavy artillery and lorry traffic to keep pace
with the advance, so that all weapons would be available to engage the
enemy should he decide to stand on the east banks of the Ecaillon.

Reconnaissances were therefore carried out by the 400th and 404th Field
Companies, R.E., at Douchy and Noyelles for sites for the construction
of heavy bridges over the river Selle. In both places the enemy had
destroyed the original brick bridges, totally removing the central pier
and one abutment in each case. The Douchy gap measured 72 feet and that
at Noyelles 88 feet. No long girders were available to bridge these gaps
without piers, and the difficulty of securing foundations for the piers
on the mass of brick debris in the river-bed had therefore to be
overcome.

For the Douchy bridge standard girder spans of 16 feet by 18 feet were
available, so that work was begun by the 400th Field Company, R.E., on
the 20th. By 10.30 A.M. on the 23rd the bridge was completed for all
traffic except heavy tanks, thus enabling the heavy artillery to cross
the river in time to take part in the attack to be delivered on the
24th.

For the bridge at Noyelles only salved German materials were available,
which had to be collected and brought to the site of the bridge by horse
transport. Work was begun on the 21st, and the bridge was completed for
heavy traffic on the 28th.

The result of the preceding operations had materially altered the
dispositions of the Division. The 153rd Brigade had been pinched out of
the front line, the 4th Seaforth Highlanders and the 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders of the 154th Brigade occupying the whole of what
was now the Divisional front, with the 4th Gordon Highlanders in support
of them at Fleury. The 153rd Brigade was therefore concentrated at
Haulchin and Douchy, while the 152nd Brigade moved forward to Douchy and
Noyelles.

The 21st, 22nd, and 23rd October were passed in making preparations for
forcing the passage of the river Ecaillon. At 11 A.M. on the 21st the
enemy began to shell Thiant, and for the next three days the artillery
and machine-gun fire against our positions on the west bank of the river
continued briskly. Orders were issued to accept any opportunity offered
of crossing the river, but in only one case was an attempt to carry out
this order successful, and then only temporarily. The 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders had made three such attempts at Thiant, and at
the third a small party succeeded in crossing the river. They rushed a
machine-gun post, but the alarm had been given, and a strong machine-gun
and trench-mortar bombardment was opened by the enemy. In the face of
this fire no support could be pushed across the river to help the
Argylls, and they were therefore compelled to return, bringing the
captured machine-gun with them.

On 22nd October the 4th Seaforth Highlanders successfully advanced, and
occupied the sunken road running parallel with the Ecaillon west of
Monchaux. Their patrols had previously reached the west bank of the
river, but had drawn such a storm of fire from the east bank that they
were unable to maintain themselves there.

While the troops were thus situated, it was decided to carry out an
attack to force the passage of the Ecaillon on the 24th. On the evening
of the 23rd, the 153rd Brigade, to whom this attack was to be entrusted,
accordingly relieved the 154th Brigade in the line.

The objective allotted to the Division for this attack was the village
of Maing and the high ground south-east of it, the 4th Division being
ordered to attack simultaneously on the right with a similar objective.
The frontage of the attack allotted to the Division was 3000 yards in
breadth, and for the operation seven brigades of field artillery and one
of heavy artillery were placed at the disposal of the Divisional
commander.

Three intermediate objectives were selected, the first being the river
Ecaillon including the eastern outskirts of Thiant, and for the 4th
Division, Monchaux; the second objective was the western outskirts of
Maing, while the railway running north and south between Maing and
Famars was given as a line of exploitation for the operations if the
attack was successful.

The artillery, as soon as it had got into its own position east of the
Selle, had fired Chinese barrages over the enemy's front system on the
22nd and 23rd. These were most successful, the enemy becoming completely
demoralised, vacating his rifle-pits and running from one place to
another, undoubtedly suffering many casualties, as the number of
stretcher parties seen at work after each barrage had lifted proved.

It was therefore hoped that when the real attack came the German
infantry would be considerably shaken, although patrols up to this point
had always found them in position and alert on the east bank.

Two companies of machine-guns were also detailed to fire a barrage,
while a section of machine-guns and light trench-mortars accompanied
each infantry battalion.

Further, two sections of machine-guns were placed in the 4th Canadian
Division area amongst the houses on the north bank of the canal to
enfilade the positions to be attacked.

As it was necessary for the infantry to cross the Ecaillon on a broad
front to enable them to take full advantage of the barrage, a number of
bridges of 15 and 20 feet span were made. These were fitted with petrol
tins and cork floats, which would prevent them from sinking should any
of them prove too short to span the river.

Demonstrations in the use of these bridges were given to officers and
men at the river Selle at Noyelles, but no adequate inspection of the
places where they were to be employed in the crossing of the Ecaillon
could be made, owing to the vigilance of the enemy's patrols.

The two Black Watch battalions were detailed for this attack by the
153rd Brigade, and were disposed with the 6th battalion on the right on
a two-company front, and the 7th battalion on the left on a one-company
front.

At 4 A.M. on 24th October, supported by a great weight of artillery,
this attack was launched. Each company carried with it eight bridges,
each supported by two to four men. Several of these, however, were
destroyed by shell-fire before they had arrived at the water's edge.

The Ecaillon was found to be swollen by recent rains, and south of
Thiant to be about 20 feet wide, from 4 to 6 feet deep, with bed and
sides of soft mud, and banks, often steep, from 3 to 6 feet high. A
single line of wire entanglement, except at Thiant, ran along the east
bank of the river, and also along the greater part of the western bank.

The right company of the 6th Black Watch, whose advance had to be
carried out down a glacis dominated by the village of Monchaux,
encountered strong opposition. In the first instance, only one platoon,
No. 11, commanded by Lieutenant Walker, managed to cross the river. This
platoon, on the left of its company frontage, found its bridge too short
to span the river; it was therefore discarded, and Lieutenant Walker,
with his sergeant and runner, under the fire of machine-guns, plunged
into the water and swam across to the other side. They were then
followed by the remainder of the platoon, whom they helped to drag
ashore as they struggled across the river, swimming and wading, in their
heavy kits.

The next platoon on their right found themselves in a zone of
machine-gun bullets, and in ten minutes only a corporal and six men were
surviving. Nevertheless, the corporal crossed the stream alone, but had
to return, and then crawled back with his six men to the assembly
position.

The platoon in rear then renewed the attempt, but after suffering many
casualties on a glacis destitute of cover, had also to withdraw.

The second platoon on the left--that is, the one in rear of No.
11--placed their bridge in position across the wreckage of an old German
bridge and scrambled across.

Meanwhile the commander of No. 11 platoon and the company commander,
realising that the machine-guns holding up the advance of the platoons
on the right were located in Monchaux, turned their men right-handed,
entered the village, and set upon the machine-gunners with their rifles
and destroyed them. The two platoons that had already failed to cross
then ran down to the river banks, and assisted by some men on the east
bank, who threw out a stout ladder towards them, managed to cross the
river. Three Lewis guns were then put out at once north-east of Monchaux
to pin the enemy into that village while No. 11 platoon was dealing with
the enemy in it. Monchaux was finally cleared, 68 prisoners and 9
machine-guns being captured there. Touch was also established in the
village with men of the Hampshire Regiment, 4th Division.

The left-hand company of the 6th Black Watch, not being involved in the
close-range machine-gun fire from Monchaux, and meeting no direct fire,
quickly threw their bridges across the river, and were at once in
possession of their first objective.

The company of the 6th Black Watch on the left crossed after many
adventurous incidents by six bridges, placed across the river between
the northern and southern outskirts of Thiant. Three of these had been
quietly placed in position across the river before zero hour, and were
crossed without difficulty when the barrage opened. The fixing of the
remaining bridges, however, presented several difficulties. In one case,
when the bridges were too short, one was used as a ladder down to the
water, and a second was attached to it and to débris on the other side.
Another party crossed by a hand-rail and girder remaining on a
destroyed bridge. Another bridge, which was found to be too short, was
floated across the river and lashed by a wire to a tree, each man having
to leap from the bridge on to the beach on the opposite bank.

Crossings were made by a section at a time. In each case the foremost
man as he reached the bank rushed into the nearest house to deal with
the enemy there. Throughout, the crossing was effected under fairly
lively machine-gun and trench-mortar fire.

The second objective was attacked by two companies on the right and one
on the left of the same battalions. The advance was met by heavy
shelling and considerable machine-gun fire. The progress was slow, and
it was not before 8 A.M. that the objective was reached. The 7th Black
Watch had for some time been held up by machine-guns in the Chateau des
Pres, but they brought their Lewis guns into action, successfully
countered the guns, and rushed the chateau. Farther on, in the outskirts
of the village, they captured a German trench-mortar, which they turned
on the enemy with good effect.

Heavy fighting ensued in the attack on Maing. The troops operating south
of the village, one of the companies of the 6th Black Watch which had
forced the passage of the Ecaillon, found it impossible to advance owing
to the severity of the fire from the south-east corner of the village
and from the sunken roads in front of them.

On the left, where two companies entered the village of Maing, close
fighting went on for many hours in the streets and amongst the houses.
Mobile 18-pounders, two reserve sections of machine-guns and the German
trench-mortars already referred to, were all employed in the effort to
secure the village. It was not, however, until 3 P.M. that the bulk of
Maing was captured, the line then running round the eastern outskirts of
the village to the cemetery, and thence along the sunken road running
south-eastwards. The chateau at the eastern corner still remained in the
enemy's hands.

Meanwhile the Divisional engineers had made every effort to bridge the
Ecaillon for the passage of artillery. A section of the 404th Field
Company had moved to the river-banks early in the morning to build
foot-bridges for infantry; the remainder of the company also came up
with bridging material, but owing to the heavy hostile barrage fire
which greeted the attack, they were unable for some time to get their
waggons forward. By 9 A.M., however, the reconnaissances of the bridge
sites had been completed, and between 9 and 10 A.M., in spite of heavy
shell-fire, the waggons moved forward. The first bridge just north of
Thiant was completed by 10.30 A.M., and the second at the southern edge
of the village by 11.45 A.M. The 400th Field Company completed a third
bridge just south of the village. The first was completed in sufficient
time to allow the mobile sections of the field artillery to be in action
in close support of the infantry by 11 A.M.

A reconnaissance for a site for a heavy bridge at Thiant capable of
carrying lorry traffic was made during the morning of the attack, and
the abutments and foundations of the pier of a bridge destroyed by the
Germans were found to be sound.

In spite of a considerable amount of shell-fire, work was carried on in
preparing this site. The material for the bridge could not, however, be
dumped at the site until the debris of the railway bridge over the
Denain-Thiant road which had been blown up had been cleared away. The
8th Royal Scots had begun working continuously on the removal of this
debris on 23rd October. In the course of the morning of the 24th they
had cleared a path for horse-drawn vehicles, which greatly assisted the
artillery moving forward, and by 3 P.M. of 25th October a passage was
ready for lorry traffic. Shortly after this hour the lorries carrying
the material for the heavy bridge reached Thiant, and by 7.50 A.M. on
26th October the bridge was ready for all traffic, including heavy
tanks.

On the conclusion of this day's fighting the following message was
received by the G.O.C. from the Corps Commander, Lieut.-General Sir A.
J. Godley:--

      "Will you please accept for yourself and convey to all
      concerned very heartiest congratulations and thanks for the
      excellent and successful attack made by the Division to-day.
      The gallantry and steadiness of the 153rd Infantry Brigade
      were most marked, the artillery barrage was all that could
      be desired, and the work on this and previous days in
      bridging the river under heavy shell-fire and difficult
      circumstances was beyond all praise."

October 25th was a day of heavy fighting, in which the enemy sustained
serious losses. The Canadians were facing Valenciennes from the west
bank of the canal, and the Highland Division and the 4th Division were
ordered to continue the pressure on the east bank of the canal. The
objective given for this attack was the high ground east of the railway
east of Maing, and it was also hoped that it might be possible to gain
Famars and Mont Houy by exploitation.

Of these objectives Mont Houy was an outstanding hillock north of Famars
88.1 metres in height, from which practically all the ground from the
Ecaillon to the foot of the hillock could be observed. It thus commanded
the approaches to Valenciennes from the south.

For this attack the Divisional front was divided into two sectors, the
152nd Infantry Brigade relieving the 6th Black Watch on the right, the
153rd Brigade relieving the 7th Black Watch on the left. The 152nd
Brigade employed two battalions, the 6/7 Gordon Highlanders on the right
and the 6th Seaforth Highlanders on the left in the front line of the
attack, and the 153rd Brigade one, the 6th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders.

So that the attack might be launched behind a regular barrage, all
troops were withdrawn behind a line running through the centre of Maing
village.

At 7 A.M. the advance began and at once made rapid progress. Two
companies of the 6/7 Gordon Highlanders reached the railway embankment
without difficulty; the two remaining companies passed through them and
established themselves by 11 A.M. on the high ground at Caumont Farm and
Grand Mont--not, however, without some brisk fighting with machine-gun
posts. The 6th Seaforth Highlanders met with some stiff resistance on
the railway, where they rushed a machine-gun post and captured an
officer and twelve men. They met further opposition on Rouge Mont, but
were equally successful in dealing with it. From this point, however,
they came in contact with a strong enemy line west of Famars, which
checked all their further efforts to advance.

On the left the 6th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders on their right
flank reached their objective by 8.30 A.M., but on the left they met
determined resistance opposite La Fontenelle and at the houses alongside
the canal opposite Trith-St Leger. It was not until they had
successfully employed their light trench-mortars that on this part of
the field they reached their objective at noon.

In this action, a section of 4.5 howitzers (under the command of
Lieutenant D. L. MacMasters, M.C.) was employed as a mobile section for
the first time, and did excellent work.

It engaged machine-guns in La Fontenelle and Poirier Farm with direct
observation, and made such accurate shooting that the enemy ran in a
panic in all directions.

On the attainment of these objectives, the fighting did not abate. All
along the front our troops were in close contact with the enemy holding
his line in strength. Our line then ran from the northern Divisional
boundary along the railway down to the point where it crosses the
Maing-Famars road, and then bulged forward in a loop to enclose Rouge
Mont, Grand Mont, and Caumont.

Enemy machine-guns at fairly close range throughout the day kept up
continual bursts of fire, which made any movement a matter of great
difficulty, while low-flying aeroplanes constantly machine-gunned the
troops in their new positions. The shelling was also very heavy,
particularly along the railway, where, owing to the large proportion of
gas used, masks had to be worn almost continuously.

At 4 P.M. the enemy opened a hurricane bombardment of our lines, and
shortly afterwards launched a counter-attack. The S.O.S. was fired, and
the artillery protective barrage came down. Observing officers reported
that this was most effective, and that the enemy, who was
counter-attacking in large numbers from the village of Famars, was well
caught in the barrage and suffered seriously.

He was, however, in spite of his losses in the barrage, able to push
back the line of the 6/7 Gordon Highlanders in the loop, and compel them
gradually to give way until they were able to take up a firm stand along
the railway.

The conformation of our line now enabled him to press the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders on both flanks. They opposed his advance resolutely,
inflicting further serious losses on him with rifle and Lewis-gun fire,
until their ammunition, of which a quantity had been expended in
combating low-flying aeroplanes, began to run short. They then fell back
fighting by stages to the railway.

On the left, where the 6th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders had taken
up their position west of the railway, the attack was stopped before it
reached our lines. In this action two sections of machine-guns
distributed along the railway caught the enemy in their fire just as the
artillery had done, and also took a heavy toll of them. The mobile
section of 18-pounders attached to the 6/7 Gordon Highlanders also
seized many opportunities of cutting up enemy parties crossing over the
high ground west of Famars.

Considering the amount of fire in which it became involved, this
counter-attack was a gallant performance on the part of a retiring
enemy, and proved that the _morale_ of his troops was, at any rate in
some units, still high.

At 6 P.M. the enemy delivered a second counter-attack, this time with
its weight against the 6th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders. The
Argylls, who had knocked out the first attack against their lines with
rifle-fire, on this occasion adopted another method. As the enemy
approached, they sprang from their shell-holes and charged down the hill
against the approaching enemy with such vigour that those attackers who
survived the onslaught fled from the field. The net result was that the
Argylls carried their line forward for 500 yards, and established
themselves in a line of trenches which, running east of the railway on
the left, crossed it 100-200 yards south-west of La Fontenelle Wood. In
this brilliant action they captured seventy-four unwounded prisoners, a
trench-mortar, and several machine-guns. After this treatment the enemy
had no further stomach for counter-attacks, but he vented his spleen by
maintaining a heavy bombardment of our whole line with his artillery and
machine-guns, which he maintained throughout the night.

October 26th was another day of savage fighting, the enemy resisting
stubbornly, and being aggressive with his artillery and in
counter-attacks.

Orders were issued for the advance to be resumed in conjunction with
the 4th Division, the objectives of the 51st being Famars and Mont Houy.

For this attack the 152nd Brigade employed the 6/7 Gordon Highlanders on
the right and the 4th Gordon Highlanders (attached) on the left, while
the 153rd Brigade employed the 6th Black Watch. The artillery fired a
creeping barrage, and a company of machine-guns was again placed across
the canal at Trith-St Leger in positions in enfilade, in which it had
many opportunities of engaging good targets with machine-gun fire.

The attack was launched at 10 A.M., and on the right both battalions
made good progress. Caumont and Betterave Farm were soon in the hands of
the leading companies of the 6/7 Gordon Highlanders, and these joined
with the 4th Gordon Highlanders on the left in surrounding Rouge Mont
Copse and accounting for its entire garrison. The rear two companies
then passed through them, and also reached the objective allotted to
them, a line south of Famars facing the Rhonelle river.

The two leading companies of the 4th Gordon Highlanders were no less
successful. They forced their way by short rushes to the high ground
south of Famars, having rounded up a number of machine-guns _en route_.
The two following companies then passed through them and entered Famars
village. Here, after a series of struggles with machine-gun posts and
some street fighting, the village was cleared and posts established east
of it by 11.30 A.M.

On the left the 6th Black Watch carried out their advance successfully,
though subjected to considerable artillery and machine-gun fire. By
11.30 A.M. the two leading companies had made their way close up to Mont
Houy. The two rear companies then passed through them, the one to attack
the hill, and the other to continue the advance beyond La Poirier
Station. These troops were assisted by one of the machine-guns on the
north side of the river, which, seeing some infantry held up by an enemy
machine-gun, fired a burst into the gun, scattered the survivors of the
detachment, and enabled the infantry to capture it.

On Mont Houy there was prolonged rather close fighting, but the company,
now much depleted by losses from machine-gun and shell-fire, gradually
overcame the Germans, and eventually forced its way to the summit of
the hill and held on there. The left company got to within about 200
yards of La Poirier Station, when machine-gun fire from houses on the
canal bank which caught them in the left flank brought their advance to
a standstill.

Throughout the afternoon fighting continued in the neighbourhood of Mont
Houy, where the situation was very obscure. Finally, after the
protective barrage had stopped, the enemy dribbled round the flanks of
the position, and by 5 P.M. the remnants of the 6th Black Watch were
almost surrounded, and compelled to extricate themselves, falling back
to a line between Famars and La Fontenelle.

When the situation had become clear, orders were issued that at dusk the
6/7 Gordon Highlanders, with artillery support, should advance to secure
a bridgehead over the Rhonelle river at Aulnoy, while the 6th Black
Watch, with one company of the 6th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders,
were ordered to push forward beyond Mont Houy.

At the same time the enemy decided to counter-attack with a view to
regaining Famars. It thus happened that while the troops were moving
forward to give effect to these orders, the enemy put down a tremendous
gas-shell and high-explosive bombardment, which stretched in depth from
our foremost trenches to Maing. This bombardment led up to a
counter-attack, which succeeded in forcing the 4th and 6/7 Gordon
Highlanders out of Famars. They were, however, immediately reorganised
at the south end of the village and led forward again. They forced their
way back through the village, drove out the enemy, and restored the
line.

Meanwhile, on the left, owing to the darkness and the fact that the
bombardment had cut all communications, the advance of the 6th Black
Watch and 6th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders was rendered very
difficult. However, in spite of this, it was attempted; but the
machine-gun fire was so severe that it offered no prospect of success,
and was in consequence abandoned.

Patrols of the 6/7 Gordon Highlanders then advanced, but they found
Aulnoy strongly held, and it was therefore decided that for the present
no further advance should be contemplated.

During the day 2 officers and 172 other ranks were captured, and many
machine-guns. On the right the 4th Division were now established on the
line Betterave Farm-Artres.

At the conclusion of the day's fighting the following message was
received by the G.O.C. from the Corps Commander:--

      "The Corps Commander wishes to compliment the Division on
      their continued success of yesterday and to-day, and would
      be glad if you would convey his special congratulations to
      the 1/6 Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders on their fine
      repulse of yesterday's counter-attack."

October 27th, though no attack on a large scale was planned, turned out
a day of fighting almost as strenuous as that of the last three days,
the enemy becoming active and aggressive.

It had been decided that the 154th Brigade should take over the front
during the night 26-27th October; but the situation had fluctuated and
remained so obscure that this relief was not carried out. Certain
reliefs, however, did take place.

The 4th Seaforth Highlanders took over from the 6th Black Watch, the
front-line reliefs having to be carried out by the incomers and outgoers
dribbling in and out singly, owing to the lightness of the morning. The
operation was, however, successfully completed by 9 A.M. On the right
one company of the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders went into the
line north of Famars, the remaining three companies holding the line of
the railway, while the 6/7 and 4th Gordon Highlanders remained in
position under the command of the B.G.C. 154th Brigade.

Famars was now to change hands for a fourth and fifth time. During the
morning the enemy continued to shell it heavily, and after an intense
bombardment attacked at 10.30 A.M. The 4th Gordon Highlanders were
gradually pressed back, and the enemy established posts in the village.
A counter-attack was therefore immediately organised. At 12.30 P.M.
parties were put out round the flanks, and when these had worked their
way forward, the counter-attack companies advanced through the village.
The enemy fought stubbornly amongst the houses; but after he had
suffered many casualties at the hands of the 4th Gordon Highlanders in
heavy street fighting, his resistance collapsed, and the line was again
restored east of Famars.

No further infantry action followed, though the enemy continued to shell
our front positions viciously, employing large quantities of gas.

In the afternoon, as much movement had been observed in Mont Houy by the
artillery observers, a series of five Chinese barrages were fired across
it. A mobile section of 4.5 howitzers also did good work, and materially
assisted the infantry. 2nd Lieutenant W. Baines, who was in command,
established an observation post in Famars, and from it silenced a
forward section of German field-guns that were harassing our infantry,
and also engaged much enemy movement.

From this point the importance of the capture of Mont Houy increased, as
an attack on a wider front south of Valenciennes was now being planned
which necessitated the move of the artillery supporting this attack into
the valley south of Maing, which was in full view of the summit of Mont
Houy. It was of great importance, therefore, to deny to the enemy the
use of the hill for purposes of observation.

In view of this attack further readjustments had taken place. The 5th
and 6th Seaforth Highlanders had taken over the line on the right and
the 4th Seaforth Highlanders on the left. The latter were ordered to
carry out an attack against Mont Houy on the morning of 28th October,
the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders being detailed to link up the
new line reached with the right brigade front, and to support the attack
and exploit it should it be successful.

The final objective was a line from the cross-roads west of Aulnoy to a
point 400 yards north of La Poirier Station.

All four companies of the 4th Seaforth Highlanders were launched in this
attack at 5.15 A.M., covered by a barrage fired by the artillery, by a
machine-gun company on the east bank of the canal, and by machine-guns
firing from the railway.

The Seaforths advanced with three companies leading, supported by two
sections of machine-guns, and followed by the fourth company 150 yards
in rear of the centre.

The right company worked along Mont Houy Wood, two platoons going to the
right and two to the left. The Germans were in the wood in strength, but
after some hard fighting fifty prisoners were captured and a line
established through the wood.

The centre company advanced with great gallantry in the face of heavy
shell and machine-gun fire, which was inflicting considerable casualties
on them. They captured some forty prisoners defending a quarry at the
north-west corner of the wood, and finally reached their objective--a
trench north-west of Chemin Vert--after all its ranks had fallen with
the exception of twelve men. The effort to reach their objective shown
by these twelve survivors after having been shelled and machine-gunned
during an advance of 1500 yards shows what a spirit of determination
animated the men even after a fortnight's continuous fighting.

The support company at once sent two platoons to reinforce the twelve
men, and two platoons to the cemetery east of Aulnoy. The former
successfully reached their objective, and captured those Germans that
were not killed in the assault. The latter reached the cross-roads, but,
owing to the number of houses in the vicinity in which machine-guns were
mounted, they were pinned to the ground and surrounded. Their comrades
on their left were too closely engaged to render them any help, and it
is assumed that they were all either killed or captured.

The company on the left, divided into two waves, reached a line about
400 yards north of La Poirier Station before being held up by
machine-gun fire from La Targette. In this advance the first wave
captured four machine-guns and the second wave ten, and cleared numerous
factories along the canal bank occupied by parties of the enemy.

At 8 A.M., then, the whole of the 4th Seaforth Highlanders were on or
close to their objectives, had captured many machine-guns and prisoners,
and killed a number of the enemy. They had, however, experienced heavy
fighting, and were weakened by serious losses, and had one half-company
surrounded and isolated. Parties of the enemy were also still left in
Mont Houy Wood.

The situation, however, remained obscure, and as the runners from the
most advanced troops had to traverse areas swept by machine-gun bullets,
few of them survived to deliver their messages. It was therefore not
known in what serious straits the 4th Seaforth Highlanders were.
Gradually the enemy dribbled his men in between the posts and began
threatening them on their flanks and forcing them back. Machine-guns
also were active against them from parts of Mont Houy that had not been
entirely cleared.

The 4th Seaforth Highlanders were now too weak to maintain themselves in
this situation against the increasing numbers of the enemy, and they
were thus gradually forced back, still fighting, to a line running a
little north of La Poirier Station, and west and south of Mont Houy
Wood, to the junction with the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders
north-west of Famars.

During these operations a company of the 7th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders that had been waiting in readiness to move forward for
exploitation had advanced on its own initiative to the support of the
4th Seaforth Highlanders left, while a second company, having been sent
forward to strengthen the centre, found the troops establishing the line
just described at about 12 noon and joined them.

In view of the situation, the 6th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, who
were on the march to rest billets at Lieu St Amand, were turned back to
Maing and placed at the disposal of the 154th Brigade.

Fighting went on all day, but there was no substantial alteration in the
line. The action had so far resulted in the infantry establishing
themselves so close to Mont Houy that it could no longer be used as an
observation post, so that the objectives had in some degree been
obtained.

At 4 P.M. the artillery fire again became intense along the whole
forward area. This was followed by what the enemy intended for a
counter-attack. The German infantry had, however, apparently experienced
all the fighting that they could endure for one day, and few of them
left their trenches. Those that did were easily dispersed with
machine-gun and Lewis-gun fire.

During this day's fighting 117 unwounded prisoners were taken.

[Illustration: MAP XIII. THE FINAL ADVANCE: DISPOSITIONS OF 51ST
(HIGHLAND) DIVISION, 5 P.M., 28TH OCTOBER 1918.]

On the 28th orders had been issued for the relief of the left brigade by
the 4th Canadian Division, and of the right brigade by the 49th
Division. This arrangement had been made to allow the Canadians, whose
general line faced Valenciennes from the west, also to attack the town
from the south. Only the relief of the 49th Division was, however,
carried out, as the situation about Mont Houy was still considered too
obscure for adequate arrangements to be made. The relief of the left
sector was therefore postponed for twenty-four hours. The troops about
Mont Houy were, however, greatly reduced in fighting strength, and were
exhausted; the 6th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders therefore relieved
the 4th Seaforth Highlanders and the two companies of the 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders who had joined with them in consolidating the
line. One company of the 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders remained
in the front line north of Famars.

On 29th October the line of the 6th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders,
who had already successfully dealt with several counter-attacks, was
twice tested by the enemy. The night 28-29th had passed quietly, the 6th
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders putting the enemy's inactivity to good
use by establishing a post on the southern edge of Mont Houy.

At 6.30 A.M. the enemy attacked on the left, but chiefly on account of
the fire which took him in enfilade from the recently established post
the attack broke down in front of our lines.

At 4 P.M., after another heavy artillery bombardment, the enemy again
attacked, about 250 of his infantry debouching from Mont Houy Wood. The
Argylls and machine-gunners, however, stood their ground, and had
smothered the attack with their fire before it reached our lines, the
new post again giving effective aid.

Meanwhile the G.O.C. 49th Division had taken over command of the
Divisional front at 10 A.M.

At 9 P.M., 29th October, the 6th and 7th Argylls, the last of the
infantry of the Highland Division to hold the battle front in France,
were relieved by the 10th Canadian Infantry Brigade. The Divisional
artillery, however, remained in the line, and continued the battle for
Valenciennes.

In these operations the Division advanced its line ten miles, captured
661 unwounded prisoners, 164 machine-guns, 4 trench-mortars, 3
minnenwerfers, and 6 anti-tank rifles.

Though the enemy's military power was fast crumpling, the armistice
occurring twelve days after the relief of the Division, the resistance
encountered, particularly as regards artillery, was at times very
formidable. On four occasions attacks were delivered on a two-brigade
front, and twice on a one-brigade front, a heavy burden of fighting to
be borne in nineteen days by nine battalions of infantry. The casualties
were not light, amounting as they did to 112 officers and 2723 other
ranks, some battalions suffering particularly heavily, such as the 5th
Seaforth Highlanders (14 officers and 409 other ranks), the 6th Seaforth
Highlanders (13 officers and 283 other ranks), the 6/7 Gordon
Highlanders (16 officers and 425 other ranks), the 7th Argyll and
Sutherland Highlanders (8 officers and 294 other ranks), while the 4th
Seaforth Highlanders and the 4th Gordon Highlanders lost 13 and 14
officers respectively. Fortunately the numbers of killed and missing--21
officers and 292 men killed, and 6 officers and 184 men missing--were
not so proportionately high as had been the case in some of the previous
operations.

In few battles did the various arms of the service co-operate more
successfully in face of such great difficulties.

The support given by the artillery to the infantry and machine-gunners
contributed largely to the success of the advance, inflicted
considerable casualties on the enemy, and materially reduced our losses
by its effectiveness. This support was largely made possible by the work
of the R.E., who, in spite of all the attempts made by the German
gunners to hinder their work, completed their bridges in the minimum of
time, and so allowed the gunners to keep in close support of the
infantry.

As regards the infantry, these battles were a succession of gallant acts
and heroism. The 7th Argylls at Lieu St Amand, and again at Thiant, the
charge of the 6th Argylls, the forcing of the Ecaillon by the Black
Watch battalions, take one back to a war of romance, such as the long
days of stationary warfare and stereotyped trench-to-trench attacks had
led one to forget. There must, however, always exist a natural feeling
of sorrow for the loss of those officers and men who, in many cases
after months of continuous fighting, gave their lives within a few days
of the close of the war, particularly perhaps for those men of the 4th
Seaforth Highlanders who pressed on to the farthest point reached by the
infantry of the Highland Division in the Great War, and fell at Aulnoy
cemetery.

The work of the R.A.M.C. in battle, since it is usually performed during
the times when the thoughts of all are naturally turned to the foremost
infantry, does not always take its fair place in the public eye. On this
occasion it was carried out in face of great difficulties, due to the
abnormal conditions. Nevertheless, it reached the same standards which
the R.A.M.C. had set for itself in the varying circumstances that had
arisen during the retirements in March and April and in the advance in
Champagne.

In the first place, the demolition of cross-roads by mines and the
blocking of routes by the blowing up of railway arches and bridges
rendered the evacuation of casualties a difficult matter. Ford
ambulances were, however, employed immediately any route was
sufficiently cleared to give them passage. They proved invaluable, as
owing to their lightness they could cross fields, pick their way through
shell-holes in the roads, climb banks, or be man-handled through soft
cut-up ground.

They could therefore in most cases be run up to regimental aid-posts,
and in consequence a large amount of their work was done under heavy
shell-fire. In the village of Iwuy one Ford was hit twice by shell-fire,
one orderly being killed and the M.O. wounded. On both occasions the
driver, Private Highmore, D.C.M., M.M., M.T., R.A.S.C., attached 1/2
Highland Field Ambulance, managed temporarily to repair his car under
shell-fire and safely evacuate the cases entrusted to him.

During this advance a problem entirely new to the Division arose. The
civil population was present in large numbers in the area of active
operations, either in process of being evacuated from their homes or of
returning from the back areas to villages recently released from the
enemy. About one-half of these people were ill, largely owing to
exhaustion, exposure, and long-continued underfeeding while in enemy
hands. A large proportion of them were tubercular; for instance, in the
village of Haulchin, with a population of 1500, over 90 cases of
tubercular disease, many of them in an advanced stage, were treated, and
this was by no means the total.

Medical attendance of the sick was organised through the field
ambulances and M.O.'s of units; in Neuville sur l'Escaut alone over 200
cases were visited in three hours.

Soup kitchens and centres of distribution of bones were installed and
handed over to the French authorities in eleven different villages, and
it is estimated that over 5000 civilians were supplied with nourishing
food, in addition to the rations and medical comforts issued.

On 30th October 3760 rations were issued to the inhabitants of Douchy,
Haulchin, Noyelles, Neuville, and Famars.

Thirty-five cases of civilians suffering either from gunshot wounds or
gas were also evacuated, most of them from Famars.

The French authorities and the people themselves expressed the greatest
appreciation of the work carried out on their behalf by the Division,
and especially by the R.A.M.C.

In all the reoccupied areas the sanitation was in a deplorable
condition. In view of the enemy's boasted efficiency in this respect,
this was probably intentional on his part. The conditions were made
worse by the amount of refuse which had to be cleared out of the houses.
Owing to the mildness of the weather, these conditions produced a plague
of flies. Moreover, incineration, the usual safeguard against them, was
seriously handicapped by the fact that it could only be carried out with
the greatest caution owing to the number of loose bombs, hand-grenades,
and booby traps in general that had been left behind by the enemy. For
instance, in Iwuy a bomb had been placed inside a mattress that had been
intentionally fouled, with the result that when it was burnt the bomb
exploded, wounding two men.

At Douchy a refuse-pit full of dry refuse, inviting incineration, was
found on examination to have the bottom layer lined with hand-grenades.

Throughout the operations two parties, each of an officer and ten men of
the 172nd Tunnelling Company, wore employed in making a systematic
search for mines and traps, and a large number of them were found and
removed.

The work carried out by the 51st Divisional Ammunition Column in these
operations was enormous. They organised and controlled six different
ammunition dumps. Throughout they assisted the batteries in the supply
of ammunition to the gun line, and at the same time salved and brought
forward all ammunition left behind in old gun positions and rear dumps.
They also collected the empty cartridge-cases from the vacated gun
positions, and thousands of these were salved, boxed, and returned to
railhead.

During the operations the D.A.C. handled 229,162 rounds of 18-pounder
and 73,000 rounds of 4·5 howitzer ammunition.

The work of the signal company was also heavier than it had been in any
other offensive operation. They not only had to compete with an advance
of ten miles, but also with the following number of changes in the
location of the various headquarters:--


  Divisional headquarters with Divisional artillery
      headquarters                                     2
  152nd Brigade headquarters                           6
  153rd Brigade headquarters                           9
  154th Brigade headquarters                           5

The fact that Signals were able to maintain an efficient service
throughout these operations was largely due to the energy and skill of
the officer commanding the 51st Divisional Signal Company, Major J.
Muirhead, D.S.O., M.C.

In short, probably no previous operation had demanded a greater or more
prolonged effort on the part of all arms and branches of the service
than this, the last fight of the Highland Division.




                            CHAPTER XIX.

                            CONCLUSION.


The Divisional artillery came out of action in the neighbourhood of
Famars on 2nd November, but returned to the line on 6th November under
orders of the C.R.A. 56th Division. They remained attached to the
advancing Divisions until the declaration of the armistice at 11 A.M. on
11th November, within forty-eight hours of the second anniversary of the
battle of Beaumont Hamel.

With the armistice ends the real history of the Highland Division, and
it is well to leave the story of the gradual fading away of the Division
during the period of demobilisation untold. Suffice it to say that the
last commander who finally hauled down the Divisional flag was
Brigadier-General L. Oldfield, C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O., the C.R.A., who had
joined the Division on July 1916, and had served longer with it than any
other of its Brigadiers.

The last of the battalions that had served with the Division left in
Belgium or France was the 8th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, who
remained at Charleroi under the command of Major Andrew Lockie. Attached
to this battalion were a number of non-demobilisable Jocks from many
different battalions, and it in consequence came to be known as the 8th
Argyll and some other Highlanders.

No history of the Highland Division would be complete without a word
spoken about both the incomparable Jock and his adversary the Boche.

That the Boche was such a magnificent fighter reflects more to the
credit of the Highland Division probably than any other factor. The
picture of the Boche as a fat, crop-eared, spectacled, middle-aged
gentleman, holding up his hands and crying "Kamerad," was a libellous
portrait of him that appeared almost daily in the illustrated press,
and sickened the men who had to fight him.

The German was, in fact, a magnificent worker in trenches, a rifle-shot
full of initiative, a machine-gunner whose courage did not fail him up
to the last days of the war, an accurate gunner, a skilful and at times
very aggressive airman, an infantryman capable of great skill and
initiative in his attacks, of prolonged resistance in the defence, and
of occasional bursts of great enterprise in raiding.

That the Jocks should have defeated him in every department of the game
from 13th November 1916 until 29th October 1918 would not have been so
praiseworthy a feat were the military qualities of the Germans less.

As regards the Jock, the men of the Highland Division, while Scotland
had men to give, were difficult to equal. Of splendid physique, and with
their fine characteristic open countenances, they compared favourably in
appearance with the Guards Division.

At Arras in 1916, as one walked round the vast hollow square of Highland
soldiers within which the Divisional band of 100 pipers used to play,
one felt that one would never be privileged to see the manhood of a
nation better expressed, or a nation that could provide a better
exhibition of manhood.

Here were men from all those various callings which by their nature tend
to give men physical strength--miners, fishermen, farm-servants,
gillies, stalkers, all in their prime of life. Later, particularly in
1918, when the Highlands had nothing further to give but her boys, the
physique and general appearance of the Division naturally deteriorated.
However, though called upon to shoulder a man's burden before their
physical development was complete, these same boys, in Champagne and in
the last phases of the war, showed that they had at least inherited the
spirit of their fathers and elder brothers.

The past records of the Highland regiments had afforded ample proof that
the Highlander was well endowed by nature for any form of warfare that
he had taken part in prior to the Great War. From the time that they
were raised there has hardly been a battle of first importance in which
some act of gallantry on the part of one or other of the kilted
regiments has not become proverbial. But experience had already proved
that this war was not one in which the _arme blanche_, _élan_, and
physical courage, unassisted by considerable tactical skill and the
power of prolonged endurance of nerve-shattering things, could hope for
success.

Modern conditions of war have, however, only added lustre to the
reputation of the Highlander as a fighting man. The Jock soon learned to
temper his natural courage and dash with skill and intelligence. He
regarded the war not as a sport, but as a business. He took his training
seriously, and in consequence was easily trained. In battle his great
virtue was that he did not "see red" or lose his head, but coolly and
intelligently put into practice what he had learnt in his training. The
men had thus the necessary aptitude to be moulded by their commanders
into a highly-perfected fighting machine.

According to their own statements, the Germans feared the Highland
Division more than any other Division on the Western Front. This was not
because it was the most savage, for the Jock was a clean fighter, if
anything over-kind, but because, after the evil days of High Wood, the
Division never knew failure.

One of the great factors on which the reputation of the 51st Division
rested was its intense _esprit de division_, which continuously
increased as success followed success. No matter in what arm of the
service he might be, the Jock was proud of the 51st. As a result, the
various arms were all animated by the common ideal of enhancing the
reputation of their Division.

This feeling dominated the whole Division from its commanders down to
the cook in the Divisional soup kitchen, and the old warrior, some sixty
years of age, who drove the Foden disinfector.

Proud of their Division and proud of their record, the _morale_ of the
Jocks was always maintained at a high pitch throughout the war, with
perhaps the exception of the period after the two heavy German attacks
with the consequent enormous losses in March and April 1918.

During this period the Division was so decimated and so exhausted that a
fear existed that it might never regain its old fighting efficiency.
However, a quiet tour of trench life on the familiar Vimy Ridge soon
dispelled this fear, and the Division was able to give as good an
account of itself as ever when fighting alongside the French in
Champagne in the following July and August.

In billets the Jock was as good a soldier as he was in the field; crime,
apart from the most minor offences, was almost non-existent. The periods
of rest, which were seldom long, were ungrudgingly devoted to restoring
uniform and equipment to an almost pre-war standard of smartness and to
training for further encounters.

The inhabitants of France and Belgium had a deep affection for _les
Écossais_ and the 51st. This, no doubt, was in a measure due to the
Highland dress, but more particularly to the natural courtesy and kindly
disposition of the Jocks.

It will always remain a mystery how the Jock understood the patois of
the natives, and how the natives understood the mixture of broad Scots
and bad French which the Jock employed. The fact remained that their
disabilities in respect of language apparently placed little restriction
on their intimacy with one another.

For many years to come the inhabitants of the erstwhile British lines in
France and Belgium will regard the 51st (Highland) Division not only
with admiration for their fighting qualities, but also with deep
affection for that gallant gentleman, the Jock.




                             FOOTNOTES:


[1] On 11th May 1915 the 1/1 Highland Division was renamed the 51st
(Highland) Division, the Infantry Brigades being numbered, 152nd
(Seaforth and Camerons), 153rd (Gordon Battalions), 154th (Lancashire
Battalions).

[2] Shortly after this move Lieut.-Colonel A. J. G. Moir, who had
mobilised as G.S.O. 1 to the Division, returned to the Division as A.A.
and Q.M.G.

[3] The 6th Scottish Rifles had replaced the 2/5 Lancashire Regiment, a
second-line battalion, which was withdrawn from the Division to complete
its training.

[4] With the later and more delayed fuzes it was necessary to have
thirty feet of head cover to be secure against bursts of 5·9-in. or
8-in. shells.

[5] Knife-rests are portable wire entanglements. The framework is shaped
like a knife-rest, numerous strands of barbed wire being stretched from
end to end of it. It is carried up to the trenches folded up so as to
make it easily portable. At night they are taken into No Man's Land,
opened out, and placed in position and pegged to the ground.

[6] Obtaining identifications was a matter of extreme importance, as it
enabled G.H.Q. to estimate the number of German Divisions holding the
line, and the number in reserve available to be moved from one portion
of the front to another.

[7] This passage is quoted from Lieut.-General Sir G. M. Harper's 'Notes
on Infantry Tactics and Training.' Appendix, p. 126.

[8] To protect the troops in the shell-holes from the shrapnel barrage
the Germans had about this time equipped them with body armour, proof
against shrapnel bullets and against rifle bullets from a range of 400
yards and over. This armour, which could be worn either on the back or
the front, according to whether a man was standing or lying down, proved
too heavy and was soon discarded.

[9] On the arrival of the first smoke shells the enemy, thinking they
were some new form of frightfulness, put on gas masks.


PRINTED BY WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS




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Transcribers' note:

Hyphenation has been standardised.

Stop has been added after cent in per cent. Treated as abbreviation per
centum.

Where map legend indicates coloured demarcation lines an approximately
appropriate colour has been superimposed in the HTML version.

All instances of Bois de Coutron changed to Bois de Courton.

All instances of Bois des Eclisses changed to Bois d'Éclisse.

All instances of Minnenwerfer changed to Minenwerfer.

page 56: vigiliance ——> vigilance

page 94: bayonetted ——> bayoneted

page 212: 6.5 ——> 6.05

page 234: Hauteville ——> Hautvillers

page 286: 293th ——> 293rd

page 318: appreciaton ——> appreciation

page 348: Charmuzy ——> Chaumuzy.