The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents,
Vol. II:  Acadia, 1612-1614, by Various

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at

Title: The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. II:  Acadia, 1612-1614

Author: Various

Editor: Reuben Gold Thwaites

Release Date: March 29, 2014 [EBook #45256]

Language: English

Character set encoding: UTF-8


Produced by Karl Hagen, Eleni Christofaki and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions

Transcriber's Note.

A list of the changes made can be found at the end of the book. In the text, the corrections are underlined by a red dotted line "like this". Hover the cursor over the underlined text and an explanation of the error should appear.

Vol. II

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

Travels and Explorations
of the Jesuit Missionaries
in New France





Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin

Vol. II

Acadia: 1612-1614

CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers

Copyright, 1896
The Burrows Brothers Co


The Imperial Press, Cleveland


Editor Reuben Gold Thwaites
Translator from the French John Cutler Covert
Assistant Translator from the French Mary Sifton Pepper
Translators from the Latin { William Frederic Giese
  { John Dorsey Wolcott
Translator from the Italian Mary Sifton Pepper
Assistant Editor Emma Helen Blair


Preface To Volume II 1
IX. Lettre au R. P. Provincial, à Paris. Pierre Biard; Port Royal, January 31, 1612 3
X. Missio Canadensis. Epistola ex Porturegali in Acadia, transmissa ad Praepositvm Generalem Societatis Jesu. Pierre Biard; Port Royal, January 31, 1612 57
XI. Relation Dernière de ce qui s'est Passé au Voyage du Sieur de Potrincourt. Marc Lescarbot; Paris, 1612 119
XII. Relatio Rervm Gestarum in Novo-Francica Missione, Annis 1613 & 1614 193
Bibliographical Data: Volume II 287
Notes 291



I. Photographic facsimile of General Map, from Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain, (Paris, 1613) Facing 56
II. Photographic facsimile of Map of Port Royal, from Ibid Facing 118
III. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Lescarbot's Relation Dernière 122
IV. Photographic facsimile of plan of Fort at Port Royal, from Ibid Facing 192


Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume:

IX. The indefatigable Biard presents, herein, a graphic recital of his work among the Acadian savages, and particularly his journeys into the wilderness. His report of a trip with a party of Port Royalists to French trading posts on the St. Croix and St. John rivers, to an Etchemin town probably on the site of the present Castine, Me., and to an English fishing station on the Kennebec, is full of interest.

X. Herein, Biard sends to the general of his order a full report concerning: (1) New France, its physical characteristics, and its aborigines; (2) the circumstances attending the opening of the Jesuit mission in Acadia; (3) Fléché's work previous to the coming of the Jesuits; (4) visits to savage tribes by Massé and himself, with descriptions of conversions and baptisms, and a statement of the conditions and prospects of spiritual work among the aborigines.

XI. Lescarbot's Relation Dernière gives an account of Poutrincourt's voyage to New France, in 1610; of the conversion and baptism of the savage chief, Membertou, and others, by the priest, Fléché; of Biencourt's return to France; and of the experiences of Poutrincourt at Port Royal. The writer praises Poutrincourt for his exertions in Canada in behalf of 2 both religion and civilization; and urges that he should be aided in his colonial enterprise, as a necessary basis for religious work in this portion of the New World. He gives a list of the sponsors of the baptized Indians, who included many of the French nobility and clergy. The life at Port Royal is pictured in some detail; its labors and privations are dwelt upon; and the customs of the natives described. Lescarbot does not fail, although cautiously, to exhibit his dislike of the Jesuits, and endeavors to show that their coming to Port Royal involved delay and expense to the colonial enterprise, thereby injuring Poutrincourt. Our author's closing chapter devoutly catalogues the "Effects of God's Grace in New France;" he describes how Providence cared for the colonists in their distress, saved them from shipwreck, kindly disposed the savages toward them and the Christian religion, and returned to the Frenchmen their ship, in time to prevent starvation. The rescue of Aubry is also mentioned.

XII. The Relatio Rerum Gestarum (1613 & 1614) opens with a description of New France, its geography, its climate, its peoples and their customs. The experience of the Jesuit fathers at Port Royal is related at length, from their own point of view. A description is given of the settlement of St. Sauveur, on Mount Desert Island, and its destruction by the Virginian, Argall. Then follows an account of the life of the Jesuit prisoners, in Virginia and England. The conclusion is reached that, despite these drawbacks, the Jesuit mission in Canada has made a hopeful beginning.

R. G. T.

Madison, Wis., September, 1896.


Lettre Du P. Biard
au R. P. Provincial à Paris

Port Royal, Janvier 31, 1612

Source: Reprinted from Carayon's Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada, pp. 44-76.



[44] Lettre du P. Pierre Biard au R. P. Provincial à Paris.

(Copiée sur l'autographe conservé dans les archives du Jésus, à Rome.)

Port-Royal, 31 janvier 1612.

Mon Reverend Pere,

Pax Christi.

S'il nous failloit entrer en compte devant Dieu et Vostre Reverence du geré et negocié par nous en ceste nouvelle acquisition du Fils de Dieu, ceste nouvelle France et Chrestienté, depuis nostre arrivée jusques à ce commencement de nouvel an, je ne doubte point certes, qu'en la sommation et calcul final, la perte ne surmontast les profits; le despensé follement en offençant, le bien et sagement ménagé en obeyssant, et le receu des talents, graces et tolerances divines, le mis et employé au royal et amiable service de nostre grand et autant bening Createur. Neantmoins, d'autant que (comme je croy) nos ruines n'édifiroyent personne, et nos rentes n'establiroyent aucun, il vaudroit mieux que pour le malacquitté, nous le plorions à part; [45] pour le receu, nous imitions le metayer d'iniquité loué par Nostre Seigneur en l'Evangile, sçavoir est que, faisant part à autruy des biens de nostre Maistre, nous nous en faisions des amis, et que communiquant à plusieurs ce qui est d'édification en ces premiers fondemens de Chrestienté, nous obtenions plusieurs intercesseurs envers Dieu, et fauteurs de cet œuvre. Mesme que ce faisant, nous ne defrauderons en rien la debte, ainsy 6 que fit le Censier inique, baillant à plusieurs le bien de Nostre Maistre avec profit, et peut-estre acquitterons par ceste œconomie une partie des redevances et de leur surcroy. Ainsy soit-il.


[44] Letter from Father Pierre Biard to the Reverend Father Provincial, at Paris.

(Copied from the autograph preserved in the archives of Jesus, at Rome.)

Port Royal, January 31, 1612.

My Reverend Father,

The peace of Christ be with you.

Were we compelled to give an account before God and Your Reverence of our administration and our transactions in this newly acquired kingdom of the Son of God, this new France and new Christendom, from the time of our arrival up to the beginning of this new year, I certainly do not doubt that, in the aggregate and final summing up, the loss would exceed the profits; the foolish cost of transgression, the goodness and wisdom of obedience; and the reception of divine talents, graces, and indulgence would exceed their outlay and use in the royal and agreeable service of our great and so benign Creator. Nevertheless, inasmuch as (I believe) no one would be edified by our losses, or greatly benefited by our gains, it is better that we mourn our losses apart; [45] as to our receipts, we shall be like the unjust steward commended by Our Lord in the Gospels, namely, by sharing our Master's goods with others we shall make them our friends; and in communicating to many what is edifying in these early foundations of Christianity, we shall obtain intercessors with God and supporters of this work. Yet in doing this we shall in no wise diminish the debt, as did the 7 wicked Steward, giving out Our Master's goods with profit; but we shall, perhaps, by this prudence acquit ourselves of a part of the dues and interests. So be it.


Aujourd'huy, 22 Ianvier, 1612, neuf [huict] mois sont passez dés notre arrivée en ceste nouvelle France. Peu aprés nostre arrivée, i'escrivy l'estat auquel nous avons retrouvé ceste Eglise et Colonie naissante. Voicy ce qui s'en est ensuivy.

To-day, January 22nd, 1612, eight1 months have passed since our arrival in this new France. Soon after that, I wrote you in regard to the condition in which we found this infant Church and Colony. Here is what followed:


Monsieur de Potrincourt s'en allant en France le mois de Iuin dernier, laissa icy son fils Monsieur de Biencourt, ieune seigneur de grande vertu et fort recommandable, avec environ 18 siens domestiques, et nous deux prestres de la Compagnie. Or la tasche et travail de nous deux prestres, selon nostre vocation, a esté, et icy dans la maison et habitation en residant, et dehors en voyageant. Commençons, comme l'on dict, de chez nous, de [46] la maison et habitation; puis nous sortirons dehors.

When Monsieur de Potrincourt went to France last June he left his son here, Monsieur de Biencourt, a young man of great integrity and of very estimable qualities, with about eighteen of his servants and us two priests of the Society. Now our duties and offices, in accordance with our calling as priests, have been performed while residing here at the house and settlement, and by making journeys abroad. Let us begin, as they say, at home, that is, at [46] the residence and settlement; then we shall go outside.


Icy donc nos exercices sont: dire messe tous les jours, la chanter solemnellement les dimanches et festes, avec les Vespres, et souvent la procession; faire prieres publiques matin et soir; exhorter, consoler, donner les sacremens, ensevelir les morts; enfin faire les offices de Curé, puisque autres prestres n'y a en ces quartiers que nous. Et de vray, bon besoing seroit que fussions meilleurs ouvriers de Nostre Seigneur; d'autant que gens de marine, tels que sont quasi nos paroissiens, sont assez d'ordinaire totalement insensibles au sentiment de leur ame, n'ayans marque de religion sinon leurs juremens et reniemens, ny cognoissance de Dieu sinon autant qu'en apporte la pratique connue de France, offusquée du libertinage et des objections et bouffonneries 8 mesdisantes des heretiques. D'où l'on peut aussy veoir, quelle esperance il y a de planter une belle chrestienté par tels evangelistes. La première chose que ces pauvres Sauvages apprennent, ce sont les juremens, parolles sales et injures; et orriés souvent les Sauvagesses (lesquelles autrement sont fort craintives et pudiques), mais vous les orriés souvent charger nos gens de grosses pourries et eshontées opprobres, en langage françois; non qu'elles en sachent la signification, ains seulement parce qu'elles voyent qu'en telles parolles est leur [47] commun rire et ordinaire passetemps. Et quel moyen de remedier à cecy en des hommes qui mesprennent (malparlent) avec (d'autant) plus d'abandon qu'ils mesprisent avec audace.

Here then are our occupations: to say mass every day, and to solemnly sing it sundays and holidays, together with Vespers, and frequently the procession; to offer public prayers morning and evening; to exhort, console, administer the sacraments, bury the dead; in short, to perform the offices of the Curate, since there are no other priests in these quarters. And in truth it would be much better if we were more earnest workers here for Our Lord, since sailors, who form the greater part of our parishioners are ordinarily quite deficient in any spiritual feeling, having no sign of religion except in their oaths and blasphemies, nor any knowledge of God beyond the simplest conceptions which they bring with them from France, clouded with licentiousness and 9 the cavilings and revilings of heretics. Hence it can be seen what hope there is of establishing a flourishing christian church by such evangelists. The first things the poor Savages learn are oaths and vile and insulting words; and you will often hear the women Savages (who otherwise are very timid and modest), hurl vulgar, vile, and shameless epithets at our people, in the French language; not that they know the meaning of them, but only because they see that when such words are used there is [47] generally a great deal of laughter and amusement. And what remedy can there be for this evil in men whose abandonment to evil-speaking (or cursing) is as great as or greater than their insolence in showing their contempt?


A ces exercices chrestiens que nous faisons icy à l'habitation, assistent aucune fois les Sauvages, quand aucuns y en a dans le port. Ie dis, aucune fois, d'autant qu'ils n'y sont gueres stylés, non plus les baptisés que les payens, ne sçachant gueres davantage les uns que les autres faute d'instruction. Telle fut la cause pourquoy nous resolusmes dés nostre arrivée de ne point baptiser aucun adulte, sans que prealablement il ne fust bien catechisé. Or catechiser ne pouvons-nous avant que sçavoir le langage.

At these christian services which we conduct here at the settlement, the Savages are occasionally present, when some of them happen to be at the port. I say, occasionally, inasmuch as they are but little trained in the principles of the faith—those who have been baptized, no more than the heathen; the former, from lack of instruction, knowing but little more than the latter. This was why we resolved, at the time of our arrival, not to baptize any adults unless they were previously well catechized. Now in order to catechize we must first know the language.


De vray, Monsieur de Biancourt, qui entend le sauvage le mieux de tous ceux qui sont icy, a pris d'un grand zele, et prend chaque jour beaucoup de peine à nous servir de truchement. Mais, ne sçay comment, aussi tost qu'on vient à traitter de Dieu, il se sent le mesme que Moyse, l'esprit estonné, le gosier tary, et la langue nouée. La cause en est d'autant que ces sauvages n'ont point de religion formée, point de magistrature 10 ou police, point d'arts ou libéraux ou mechaniques, point de commerce ou vie civile; et par consequent les mots leur défaillent [48] des choses qu'ils n'ont jamais veues ou apprehendées.

It is true that Monsieur de Biancourt, who understands the savage tongue better than any one else here, is filled with earnest zeal, and every day takes a great deal of trouble to serve as our interpreter. But, somehow, as soon as we begin to talk about God he feels as Moses did,—his mind is bewildered, his throat dry, his tongue tied. The reason for this is that, as the savages have no definite religion, 11 magistracy or government, liberal or mechanical arts, commercial or civil life, they have consequently no words to describe [48] things which they have never seen or even conceived.


D'avantage, comme rudes et incultes qu'ils sont, ils ont toutes leurs conceptions attachées aux sens et à la matiere; rien d'abstraict, interne, spirituel ou distinct. Bon, fort, rouge, noir, grand, dur, ils le vous diront en leur patois; bonté, force, rougeur, noircissure, ils ne scavent que c'est. Et pour toutes les vertus que vous leur sauriez dire, sagesse, fidelité, justice, misericorde, recognoissance, pieté, et autres, tout chez eux tout n'est sinon l'heureux, tendre amour, bon cœur. Semblablement un loup, un renard, un esquirieu, un orignac, ils les vous nommeront, et ainsy chaque espece de celle qu'ils ont, les quelles, hors les chiens, sont toutes sauvages; mais une beste, un animal, un corps, une substance, et ainsy les semblables universels et genres, cela est par trop docte pour eux.

Furthermore, rude and untutored as they are, all their conceptions are limited to sensible and material things; there is nothing abstract, internal, spiritual, or distinct. Good, strong, red, black, large, hard, they will repeat to you in their jargon; goodness, strength, redness, blackness—they do not know what they are. And as to all the virtues you may enumerate to them, wisdom, fidelity, justice, mercy, gratitude, piety, and others, these are not found among them at all except as expressed in the words happy, tender love, good heart. Likewise they will name to you a wolf, a fox, a squirrel, a moose, and so on to every kind of animal they have, all of which are wild, except the dog; but as to words expressing universal and generic ideas, such as beast, animal, body, substance, and the like, these are altogether too learned for them.


Ajoutez à cecy, s'il vous plaist, la grande difficulté qu'il y a de tirer d'eux les mots mesmes qu'ils ont. Car, comme ny eux ne sçavent nostre langage, ny nous le leur, sinon fort peu, touchant le commerce et vie commune, il nous faut faire mille gesticulations et chimagrées pour leur exprimer nos conceptions, et ainsy tirer d'eux quelques noms des choses qui ne se peuvent monstrer avec [49] le sens. Par exemple, penser, oublier, se ressouvenir, doubter: pour sçavoir ces quatre mots, il vous faudra donner beau rire à nos messieurs au moins toute une aprés-disner, en faisant le basteleur; et encore, aprés tout cela, vous trouverez-vous trompé et mocqué de nouveau, ayant eu, comme l'on dit, le mortier pour un niveau, et le 12 marteau pour la truelle. Enfin nous en sommes là encore, après plusieurs enquestes et travaux, à disputer s'ils ont aucune parolle qui corresponde droictement à ce mot Credo, je croy. Estimez un peu que c'est du reste du symbole et fondemens chrestiens.

Add to this, if you please, the great difficulty of obtaining from them even the words that they have. For, as they neither know our language nor we theirs, except a very little which pertains to daily and commercial life, we are compelled to make a thousand gesticulations and signs to express to them our ideas, and thus to draw from them the names of some of the things which cannot be pointed out [49] to them. For example, to think, to forget, to remember, to doubt; to know these four words, you will be obliged to amuse our gentlemen for a whole afternoon at least by playing the clown; and then, after all that; you will find yourself deceived, and mocked anew, having received, as the saying is, the mortar 13 for the level, and the hammer for the trowel. In short we are still disputing, after a great deal of research and labor, whether they have any word to correspond directly to the word Credo, I believe. Judge for yourself the difficulty surrounding the remainder of the symbols and fundamental truths of christianity.


Or tout ce discours de la difficulté du langage, ne me servira pas seulement pour monstrer en quels efforts et ahan de langue nous sommes, ains aussy pour faire veoir à nos Europeans leur felicité mesme civile: car il est assuré qu'encore mesme enhanée,[I.] cette miserable nation demeure touiours en une perpetuelle enfance de langue et de raison. Ie dis, de langue et de raison, parce qu'il est évident que là où la parolle, messagere et despensière de l'esprit et discours, reste totalement rude, pauvre et confuse, il est impossible que l'esprit et raison soient beaucoup polis, abondans et en ordre. Cependant ces pauvres chetifs et enfants s'estiment [50] plus que tous les hommes de la terre, et pour rien du monde ne voudroyent quitter leur enfance et chetiveté. Mais ce n'est pas de merveille; car, comme j'ay dict, ils sont enfans.

Now all this talk about the difficulty of the language will not only serve to show how laborious is our task in learning it, but also will make our Europeans appreciate their own blessings, even in civil affairs; for it is certain that these miserable people, continually weakened by hardships [enhanée],[II.] will always remain in a perpetual infancy as to language and reason. I say language and reason, because it is evident that where words, the messengers and dispensers of thought and speech, remain totally rude, poor and confused, it is impossible that the mind and reason be greatly refined, rich, and disciplined. However, these poor weaklings and children consider themselves [50] superior to all other men, and they would not for the world give up their childishness and wretchedness. And this is not to be wondered at, for, as I have said, they are children.


Ne pouvans doncques pour encores baptiser les adultes, comme nous avons dict, nous restent les enfans, à qui appartient le royaume des cieux; ainsy nous les baptisons de la volonté des parens et soubs la caution des parrains. Et en cette façon, en avons jà baptisé quatre, Dieu mercy. Les adultes qui sont en extreme necessité, nous les instruisons autant que Dieu nous en donne le moyen; et la pratique nous a faict veoir, que lors Dieu supplée interieurement le défaut de son outil externe. Ainsy, une vieille femme dangereusement malade, et une jeune fille, 14 ont esté receues au nombre des enfans de Dieu. La vieille est encore debout; la fille est allée à Dieu.

Since we cannot yet baptize the adults, as we have said, there remain for us the children, to whom the kingdom of heaven belongs; these we baptize with the consent of their parents and the pledge of the god-parents. And under these conditions we have already, thank God, baptized four of them. We instruct the adults who are in danger of death, as far as God gives us the means to do so; and experience has shown us that then God inwardly supplements the defects of his exterior instruments. 15 Thus, an old woman, dangerously ill, and a young girl have been added to the number of the children of God. The woman still lives, the girl has gone to Heaven.


Je vis cette fille de 8 a 9 ans, toute transie et n'ayant plus que la peau et les os. Je la demanday à ses parens pour la baptiser. Ils me respondirent que si je la voulois, ils me la donnoyent tout à faict. Car aussy bien, elle et un chien mort, c'estoit tout un. Ainsy parloyent-ils, d'autant que c'est leur coustume d'abandonner entierement ceux qu'ils ont une fois entierement jugés incurables. Nous acceptasmes l'offre, affin qu'ils vissent la difference du [51] Christianisme et de leur impieté. Nous fismes conduire ce pauvre squelette en une cabane de l'habitation, la secourusmes et nourrismes à nostre possible, et l'ayant tolerablement instruite, la baptisasmes. Elle fut appelée Antoynette de Pons, en memoire et recognoissance de tant de benefices qu'avons receus et recevons de Madame la Marquise de Guercheville; et laditte Dame se peut resjouir que jà son nom est au ciel, car quelques jours aprés son baptesme, cette ame choysie s'envola en ce lieu de gloire.

I saw this girl, eight or nine years old, all benumbed and nothing but skin and bone. I asked the parents to give her to me to baptize. They answered that if I wished to have her they would give her up to me entirely. For to them she was no better than a dead dog. They spoke like this because they are accustomed to abandon altogether those whom they have once judged incurable. We accepted the offer, so that they might see the difference between [51] Christianity and their ungodliness. We had this poor skeleton brought into one of the cabins of the settlement, where we cared for and nourished her as well as we could, and when she had been fairly well instructed we baptized her. She was named Antoynette de Pons, in grateful remembrance of the many favors we have received and are receiving from Madame la Marquise de Guercheville, who may rejoice that already her name is in heaven, for a few days after baptism this chosen soul flew away to that glorious place.


Ce luy aussy fut nostre premier né, sur lequel nous avons pu dire ce que Ioseph prononça sur le sien, que Dieu nous avoit faict oublier tous nos travaux passés et la maison de nostre Père. Mais à propos de ce que les Sauvages abandonnent leurs malades, une autre occasion de semblablement exercer la charité chrestienne envers ces délaissés, a eu son issüe plus joyeuse, et profitable pour détromper ces nations. Cette occasion fut telle.

This was also our firstborn, for whose sake we could say, as Joseph did about his, that God had made us forget all our past hardships and the homes of our Fathers. But in speaking of the Savages abandoning their sick, another similar occasion to exercise charity toward those who are deserted has had a more happy issue and one more useful in undeceiving these people. This occasion was as follows:


Le second fils du grand sagamo Membertou, de qui nous parlerons tantost, appelé Actodin, jà chrestien et marrié, estoit tombé en une griefve maladie. 16 Monsieur de Potrincourt, s'en allant en France, l'avoit visité, et, comme il est bon seigneur, l'avoit invité de se faire porter en l'habitation, pour y estre medicamenté. Je m'attendois à cela, qu'on [52] le nous apporteroit; mais on n'en faisoit rien. Ce voyant, pour ne laisser cette ame en danger, je m'y en allay de là à quelques jours (car il estoit à 5 lieuës de l'habitation). Mais je trouvay mon malade en un bel estat. On estoit sur le poinct de faire tabagie ou convive solemnel sur son dernier adieu. Trois ou quatre vastes chaudieres bouilloyent sur le feu. Il avoit sa belle robe soubs soy (car c'estoit en esté), et se preparoit à sa harangue funebre. La harangue devoit finir en l'adieu et comploration commune de tous. L'adieu et le deuil se clost par l'occision des chiens à ce que le mourant ait des avants-coureurs en l'autre monde. L'Occision des chiens est accostée de la tabagie et de ce qui suyt la tabagie, du chant et des danses. Après cela, il n'est plus loysible au malade de manger ou demander aucun secours, ains se doibt jà tenir pour un des manes ou citoyens de l'autre vie. Je trouvay donc mon hoste en tel estat.

The second son of the grand sagamore Membertou, of whom we shall speak by and by, named 17 Actodin, already a christian, and married, fell dangerously ill. Monsieur de Potrincourt, as he was about to depart for France, had visited him; and being a kind-hearted gentleman, had asked him to let himself be taken to the settlement for treatment. I was expecting this suggestion [52] to be carried out; but they did nothing of the kind. When this became evident, not to leave this soul in danger, I went there after a few days (for it was five leagues from the settlement). But I found my patient in a fine state. They were just about to celebrate tabagie, or a solemn feast, over his last farewell. Three or four immense kettles were boiling over the fire. He had his beautiful robe under him (for it was summer), and was preparing for his funeral oration. The oration was to close with the usual adieus and lamentations of all present. The farewell and the mourning are finished by the slaughter of dogs, that the dying man may have forerunners in the other world. This slaughter is accompanied by the tabagie and what follows it—namely, the singing and dancing. After that it is no longer lawful for the sick man to eat or to ask any help, but he must already consider himself one of the "manes," or citizens of the other world. Now it was in this state that I found my host.


I'invectivay contre cette façon de faire, plus de geste que de langue, car pour la langue, mes interpretes ne disoyent pas la dixiesme partie de ce que je voulois. Neantmoins le vieil Membertou, pere du malade, conceut assés l'affaire, et me promit qu'on s'arresteroit à tout ce que j'en dirois. Ie luy dis donc que pour l'adieu et deuil moderé, et encores pour la tabagie, cela se pourroit tolerer; mais [53] que le carnage des chiens, et les chants et danses sur un trespassant, et beaucoup moins l'abandonnement d'iceluy, ne me playsoyent point; que plus tost, selon 18 qu'ils avoyent promis à Monsieur de Potrincourt, ils l'envoyassent en l'habitation; qu'à l'ayde de Dieu, il pourroit bien encore guerir. Ils me donnerent parolle d'ainsy faire le tout; ce neantmoins, le languissant ne nous fut apporté que deux jours après.

I denounced this way of doing things, more by actions than by words; for, as to talking, my interpreters did not repeat the tenth part of what I wanted them to say. Nevertheless, old Membertou, father of the sick man, understood the affair well enough, and promised me that they would stop just where I wanted them to. Then I told him that the farewells and a moderate display of mourning, and even the tabagie, would be permitted, but [53] that 19 the slaughter of the dogs, and the songs and dances over a dying person, and what was much worse, leaving him to die alone, displeased me very much; that it would be better, according to their promise to Monsieur de Potrincourt, to have him brought to the settlement, that, with the help of God, he might yet recover. They gave me their word that they would do all that I wished; nevertheless, the dying man was not brought until two days afterward.


Il prenoit des symptomes si mortels, que souvent nous n'attendions sinon qu'il nous demeurast entre les mains. En effet un soir, sa femme et enfans l'abandonnerent entierement, et s'en allerent cabaner ailleurs, pensant que c'en estoit vuidé. Si pleut-il à Dieu tromper heureusement leur desespoir; car, de là à peu de jours, il fut plein de santé, et l'est encore aujourd'hui (à Dieu en soit la gloire); ce que M. Hébert, Parisien et maistre en Pharmacie assés cognu, qui solicitoit ledit malade, m'a souvent asseuré estre un vray miracle. De moi, je ne sçay qu'en dire, d'autant que je ne veux affirmer ny le si ny le non en ce dont je n'ay évidence. Cela scay-je, que nous mismes sur le dit languissant un os des precieuses reliques du glorieux Sainct Laurens, archevesque de Dublin en Hibernie, que M. de la Place, digne abbé d'Eu, et Messieurs les Prieurs et Chapitre de laditte abbaye d'Eu nous donnerent de leur grace pour convoyer nostre voyage en ces quartiers. Nous [54] doncques mismes sur le malade de ces sainctes reliques, faisant vœu pour luy, et depuis il emmeilleura.

His symptoms became so serious that often we expected nothing less than that he would die on our hands. In fact, one evening, his wife and children deserted him entirely and went to settle elsewhere, thinking it was all over with him. But it pleased God to prove their despair unfounded; for a few days afterwards he was in good health and is so to-day (to God be the glory); which M. Hébert, of Paris, a well-known master in Pharmacy, who attended the said patient, often assured me was a genuine miracle. For my part, I scarcely know what to say; inasmuch as I do not care either to affirm or deny a thing of which I have no proof. This I do know, that we put upon the sufferer a bone taken from the precious relics of the glorified Saint Lawrence, archbishop of Dublin in Ireland, which M. de la Place, the estimable abbé d'Eu, and the Priors and Canons of the said abbey d'Eu, kindly gave us for our protection during the voyage to these lands. So we [54] placed some of these holy relics upon the sick man, at the same time offering our vows for him, and then he improved.


Par cet exemple, Membertou, le pere du guery, comme j'ay dict cy devant, fut fort confirmé en la foy, et à cette cause sentant le mal dont depuis il est decedé, voulut aussy tost estre apporté icy; et quoyque nostre cabane soit tant estroitte que trois personnes estant dedans, à peine s'y peuvent-elles remuer, neantmoins si demanda-t-il de grande confiance 20 qu'il avoit en nous, d'estre logé dans l'un de nos deux licts; ce qu'il fut pour six jours. Mais après, sa femme, fille et brue estans venues, il cogneut bien de luy mesme qu'il falloit tramarcher; ce qu'il fit, s'excusant fort, et nous demandant pardon du continuel travail qu'il nous avoit donné jour et nuict en son service. Certes le changement de lieu et traitement ne lui allegea pas son mal. Par ainsy, le voyant sur son declin, je le confessay au mieux que je pus, et luy après (c'est tout leur testament) fit sa harangue. Or en sa harangue, entre autres choses il dict sa volonté estre d'avoir sepulture avec ses femmes et enfants, ez-anciens monumens de sa maison.

Influenced by this example, Membertou, the father of the one who had recovered, as I have said before, was very strongly confirmed in the faith; 21 and because he was then feeling the approach of the malady from which he has since died, he wished to be brought here immediately; and although our cabin is so narrow that when three people are in it they can scarcely turn around, nevertheless, showing his implicit confidence in us, he asked to be placed in one of our two beds, where he remained for six days. But afterwards his wife, daughter, and daughter-in-law having come, he himself recognized the necessity of leaving, and did so with profuse excuses, asking our pardon for the continual trouble he had given us in waiting upon him day and night. Certainly the change of location and treatment did not improve him any. So then, seeing that his life was drawing to a close, I confessed him as well as I could; and after that he delivered his oration (this is their sole testament). Now, among other things in this speech, he said that he wished to be buried with his wife and children, and among the ancient tombs of his family.


Ie me monstray fort mal content de cecy, craingnant que les Françoys et Sauvages ne prinssent de la suspicion qu'il n'estoit mort gueres bon Chrestien. [55] Mais on m'opposa que telle promesse lui avoit esté faicte avant qu'il fut baptisé; et qu'autrement si on l'enterroit en nostre cimetière, ses enfans et amis ne nous viendroyent jamais plus veoir, puisque c'est la façon de cette nation d'abhorrer toute memoire de la mort et des morts.

I manifested great dissatisfaction with this, fearing that the French and Savages would suspect that he had not died a good Christian. [55] But I was assured that this promise had been made before he was baptized, and that otherwise, if he were buried in our cemetery, his children and his friends would never again come to see us, since it is the custom of this nation to shun all reminders of death and of the dead.


Je disputay contre, et avec moy M. de Biancourt (car c'est quasi mon unique truchement), neantmoins en vain; le mourant demeuroit resolu. Le soir assez tard, nous luy donnasmes l'extreme onction, puisque autrement il y estoit assez preparé. Voyez l'efficace du sacrement: le lendemain matin, il mande M. de Biancourt et moy, et de nouveau il recommence sa harangue. Par icelle il declaroit avoir de soy mesme changé de volonté; qu'il entendoit d'estre inhumé avec nous, commandant à ses enfans de ne point pour 22 cela fuyr le lieu comme infideles, ains d'autant plus le frequenter comme chrestiens, à celle fin d'y prier pour son ame et pleurer ses pechez. Il recommanda aussi la paix avec M. de Potrincourt et son fils; que de luy, il avait toujours aymé les Françoys, et avoit souvent empesché plusieurs conspirations contre eux. De là à peu d'heures il mourut entre mes mains fort chrestiennement.

I opposed this, and M. de Biancourt, for he is almost my only interpreter, joined with me, but in vain; the dying man was obdurate. Rather late that evening we administered extreme unction to him, for otherwise he was sufficiently prepared for it. Behold now the efficacy of the sacrament; the next 23 morning he asks for M. de Biancourt and me, and again begins his harangue. In this he declares that he has, of his own free will, changed his mind; that he intends to be buried with us, commanding his children not, for that reason, to shun the place like unbelievers, but to frequent it all the more, like christians, to pray for his soul and to weep over his sins. He also recommended peace with M. de Potrincourt and his son; as for him, he had always loved the French, and had often prevented conspiracies against them. A few hours afterward he died a christian death in my arms.


C'a esté le plus grand, renommé et redouté sauvage qui ayt esté de memoire d'homme: de riche [56] taille, et plus hault et membru que n'est l'ordinaire des autres, barbu comme un françoys, estant ainsy que quasi pas un des autres n'a du poil au menton; discret et grave, ressentant bien son homme de commandement. Dieu luy gravoit en l'ame une apprehension plus grande du Christianisme, que n'estoit ce qu'il en avoit pu ouyr, et m'a souvent dict en son sauvageois. "Apprend vistement nostre langue, car aussy tost que tu la sçauras et m'auras bien enseingné, je veux estre prescheur comme toy." Avant mesme sa conversion, il n'a jamais voulu avoir plus d'une femme vivante; ce qu'est esmerveillable, d'autant que les grands sagamos de ce païs entretiennent un nombreux serail, non plus pour luxure, que pour ambition, gloire et necessité: pour ambition, à celle fin d'avoir plusieurs enfans, en quoy gist leur puissance; pour gloire et necessité, d'autant qu'ils n'ont autres artisans, agens, serviteurs, pourvoyeurs ou esclaves que les femmes; elles soustiennent tout le faix et fatigue de la vie.

This was the greatest, most renowned and most formidable savage within the memory of man; of splendid [56] physique, taller and larger-limbed than is usual among them; bearded like a Frenchman, although scarcely any of the others have hair upon the chin; grave and reserved; feeling a proper sense of dignity for his position as commander. God impressed upon his soul a greater idea of Christianity than he has been able to form from hearing about it, and he has often said to me in his savage tongue: "Learn our language quickly, for as soon as thou knowest it and hast taught me well I wish to become a preacher like thee." Even before his conversion he never cared to have more than one living wife, which is wonderful, as the great sagamores of this country maintain a numerous seraglio, no more through licentiousness than through ambition, glory and necessity; for ambition, to the end that they may have many children, wherein lies their power; for fame and necessity, since they have no other artisans, agents, servants, purveyors or slaves than the women; they bear all the burdens and toil of life.


C'a esté le premier de tous les Sauvages qui en ces régions aye receu le baptesme et l'extreme-onction, le premier et le dernier sacrement, et le premier qui, 24 de son mandement et ordonnance, aye été inhumé chrestiennement. Monsieur de Biancourt honora ses obsèques, imitant à son possible les [57] honneurs qu'on rend en France aux grands Capitaines et Seigneurs.

25 He was the first of all the Savages in these parts to receive baptism and extreme unction, the first and the last sacraments; and the first one who, by his own command and decree, has received a christian burial. Monsieur de Biancourt honored his obsequies, imitating as far as possible the [57] honors which are shown to great Captains and Noblemen in France.


Or, à ce que l'on craigne les jugemens de Dieu, aussy bien que l'on ayme sa misericorde, je mettray icy la fin d'un françoys, en laquelle Dieu a monstré sa justice, aussy bien qu'en celle de Membertou nous recognoissons sa grâce. Celuy-cy avoit souvent esvadé le danger d'estre noyé, et tout fraischement le beau jour de la Pentecoste derniére. Le bénéfice fut mal recogneu. Pour n'en rien dire de plus, la veille de S. Pierre et S. Paul, comme le soir on fust entré en discours des perils de mer, et des vœux qu'on faict aux Saincts en semblables hazards, ce miserable se print à s'en rire et moquer impudemment, se gaudissant de ceux de la compagnie qu'on disoit en telles rencontre savoir esté religieu. Il eut tost son guerdon. Le lendemain matin, un coup de vent l'emporta tout seul dehors de la chaloupe dans les vagues, et jamais depuis, n'est apparu.

Now, that the judgments of God may be feared as much as his mercies are loved, I shall here record the death of a Frenchman, in which God has shown his justice as much as he has given us evidence of his mercy, in the death of Membertou. This man had often escaped drowning, and only recently upon the blessed day of last Pentecost. He showed but little gratitude for this favor. Not to make the story too long, the evening before St. Peter's and St. Paul's day, as they were discoursing upon the perils of the sea, and upon the vows made to the Saints in similar dangers, this wretch began impudently to laugh and to sneer, jeering at those of the company who were said to have been religious upon such occasions. He soon had his reward. The next morning a gust of wind carried him, and him only, out of the boat into the waves, and he was never seen again.


Mais laissons l'eau et venons à la rive. Si la terre de cette nouvelle France avoit aucun sentiment, ainsy que les Poëtes feignent de leur deesse Tellus, sans doubte elle eust eu un ressentiment bien nouveau de liesse cette année; car, Dieu mercy, ayans eu fort heureuses moissons de ce peu qui avoit esté labouré du recueilly nous avons faict des hosties, et nous les avons offertes à Dieu. Ce sont, comme nous [58] croyons, les premieres hosties qui ayent esté faites du froment de ce terroir. Notre Seigneur par sa bonté les aye voulu recevoir en odeur de suavité, et, comme 26 dict le Psalmiste, veuille donner benignité, puisque la terre luy a rendu son fruict.

But let us leave the water and come on shore. If the ground of this new France had feeling, as the Poets pretend their goddess Tellus had, doubtless it would have experienced an altogether novel sensation of joy this year, for, thank God, having had very successful crops from the little that was tilled, we made from the harvest some hosts [wafers for consecration] and offered them to God. These are, as we [58] believe, the first hosts which have been made 27 from the wheat of these lands. May Our Lord, in his goodness, have consented to receive them as fragrant offerings and in the words of the Psalmist, may he give graciously, since the earth has yielded him its fruits.


C'est assés demeuré à la maison; sortons un peu dehors, comme nous avons promis de faire, et racontons ce qui s'est passé par le pays.

We have stayed at home long enough; let us go abroad a little, as we promised to do, and relate what has taken place in the country.


J'ay faict deux voyages avec M. de Biancourt, l'un de quelques douze jours, l'autre d'un mois et demy, et avons rodé toute la coste dés Port-Royal jusques à Kinibéqui, ouest-sud ouest. Nous sommes entrez dans les grandes rivières de S. Iean, de Saincte Croix, de Pentegoet et du sus-nommé Kinibéqui; avons visité les Françoys, qui ont hyverné icy cette année en deux parts, en la rivière S. Iean et en celle de Saincte-Croix: les Malouins en la riviere S. Iean, et le capitaine Plastrier à Saincte Croix.

I made two journeys with M. de Biancourt, the one lasting about twelve days, the other a month and a half; and we have ranged the entire coast from Port Royal to Kinibéqui,2 west southwest. We entered the great rivers St. John, Saincte Croix, Pentegoët,3 and the above-named Kinibéqui; we visited the French who have wintered there this year in two places, at the St. John river and at the river Saincte Croix; the Malouins at the former place, and captain Plastrier at the latter.4


Durant ces voyages, Dieu nous a sauvez de grands et bien éminents dangers, et souvent; mais quoy que nous les debvions tousjours retenir en la mémoire pour n'en estre ingrats, il n'est pas necessaire que nous les couchions tous sur le papier, de peur d'être ennuyeux. Ie raconteray seulement ce qu'à mon advis on orroit plus volontiers.

During these journeys, God often delivered us from great and very conspicuous dangers; but, although we ought always to bear them in mind, that we may not be ungrateful, there is no need of setting them all down upon paper, lest we become wearisome. I shall relate only what, in my opinion, will be the most interesting.


Nous allions voir les Malouins, sçavoir est, le [59] Sieur du Pont le jeune, et le capitaine Merveilles, qui, comme nous avons dict, hyvernoyent en la rivière S. Jean, en une isle appelée Emenenic, avant contremont le fleuve quelques six lieues. Nous estions encore à une lieuë et demye de l'isle, qu'il estoit jà soir et la fin du crepuscule. Ià les estoilles commençoyent à se monstrer, quand voicy que vers le Nord soudainement une partie du ciel devint aussy rouge et sanguine qu'escarlate, et s'estendant peu à peu en piques et fuseaux, s'en alla droict reposer sur l'habitation 28 des Malouins. La rougeur estoit si esclatante, que toute la rivière s'en teingnoit et en reluysoit. Cette apparition dura demy quart d'heure, et aussy tost après la disparition, en recommença une autre de mesme forme, cours et consistance.

We went to see the Malouins; namely, [59] Sieur du Pont, the younger, and captain Merveilles, who, as we have said, were wintering at St. John river, upon an island called Emenenic, some six leagues up the river. We were still one league and a half from the island when the twilight ended and night came on. The stars had already begun to appear, when suddenly, toward the Northward, a part of the heavens became blood-red: and this light spreading, little by little, 29 in vivid streaks and flashes, moved directly over the settlement of the Malouins and there stopped. The red glow was so brilliant that the whole river was tinged and made luminous by it. This apparition lasted some eight minutes, and as soon as it disappeared another came of the same form, direction and appearance.


Il n'y eut celuy de nous qui ne jugeast tel metheore prodigieux. Pour nos Sauvages, ils s'escrierent aussy tost: Gara gara enderquir Gara gara; c'est-à-dire, nous aurons guerre; tels signales denoncent guerre. Neantmoins, et nostre abord cette soirée, et le lendemain matin nostre descente fut fort amiable et pacifique. Le jour, rien qu'amitié. Mais (malheur!) le soir venu, tout se vira, ne sçay comment, le dessus dessous; entre nos gens et ceux de S. Malo, confusion, brouillis, fureur, tintamarre. Ie ne doubte point qu'une mauditte bande de furieux et [60] sanguinaires esprits ne voltigeast toute cette nuit là, attendant à chaque heure et moment un horrible massacre de ce peu de Chrestiens qui estions là; mais la bonté de Dieu les brida, les malheureux. Il n'y eut aucun sang espandu, et le jour suyvant, cette nocturne bourrasque finit en un beau et plaisant calme, les ombrages et fantosmes ténébreux s'estant esvanouis en serenité lumineuse.

There was not one of us who did not consider this meteoric display prophetic. As to the Savages, they immediately cried out, Gara gara enderquir Gara gara, meaning we shall have war, such signs announce war. Nevertheless, both our arrival that evening and our landing the next morning were very quiet and peaceful. During the day, nothing but friendliness. But (alas!) when evening came, I know not how, everything was turned topsy-turvy; confusion, discord, rage, uproar reigned between our people and those of St. Malo. I do not doubt that a cursed band of furious and [60] sanguinary spirits were hovering about all this night, expecting every hour and moment a horrible massacre of the few Christians who were there; but the goodness of God restrained the poor wretches. There was no bloodshed; and the next day, this nocturnal storm ended in a beautiful and delightful calm, the dark shadows and spectres giving way to a luminous peace.


De vray, la bonté et prudence de M. de Biancourt parust fort emmy ce fortunal de passions humaines. Mais aussy je recogneus assés que le feu et les armes estans une fois entre les mains de gens mal disciplinés, les maistres ont beaucoup à craindre et à souffrir de leurs propres. Ie ne sçay s'il y eust aucun qui fermast l'œil de toute cette nuit. Pour moy je fis prou de belles propositions et promesses à Nostre Seigneur, de ne jamais oublier ce sien benefice, s'il 30 plaisoit faire qu'aucun sang ne fust respandu. Ce qu'il nous donna de son infinie misericorde.

In truth, M. de Biancourt's goodness and prudence seemed much shaken by this tempest of human passions. But I also saw, very clearly that if fire and arms were once put into the hands of badly disciplined men, the masters have much to fear and suffer from their own servants. I do not know that there was one who closed his eyes during that night. For me, I made many fine propositions and promises to 31 Our Lord, never to forget this, his goodness, if he were pleased to avert all bloodshed. This he granted in his infinite mercy.


Il estoit trois heures aprés midy du jour suyvant, que je n'avois pas eu encores loysir de sentir la faim, tant j'estois empesché à aller et venir des uns aux autres. Enfin environ ce temps là, tout fut accoysé, Dieu mercy.

It was three o'clock in the afternoon of the next day before I had time to feel hungry, so constantly had I been obliged to go back and forth from one to the other. At last, about that time everything was settled, thank God.


Certes le capitaine Merveilles et ses gens monstrerent leur piété non vulgaire. Car nonobstant cet heurt et rencontre si troublant, le deuxiesme jour [61] d'après, ils se confesserent et communierent avec grand exemple, et si, à nostre départir, ils me prierent instamment trestous et par spécial le jeune du Pont, de les aller veoir et demeurer avec eux à ma commodité. Ie leur promis d'ainsy le faire, et n'en attends que les moyens. Car de vray j'ayme ces gens de bien de tout mon cœur.

Certainly captain Merveilles and his people showed unusual piety. For notwithstanding this so annoying encounter and conflict, two days [61] afterwards they confessed and took communion in a very exemplary manner; and so, at our departure, they all begged me very earnestly, and particularly young du Pont, to come and see them and stay with them as long as I liked. I promised to do so, and am only waiting for the opportunity. For in truth I love these honest people with all my heart.


Mais, départans un peu de pensée d'avec eux, comme nous fismes lors de presence, continuons nostre route et voyage. Au retour de cette rivière Sainct Jean, nostre voyage s'addressoit jusques aux Armouchiquoys. Deux causes principales esmouvoyent à cela M. de Biancourt: la premiere, pour avoir nouvelle des Angloys, et sçavoir si on pourroit avoir raison d'eux; la seconde affin de troquer du bled armouchiquoys, pour nous ayder à passer nostre hyver, et ne point mourir de faim, en cas que nous ne receussions aucun secours de France.

But dismissing them from our thoughts for the time being, as we did then from our presence, let us continue our journey. Upon our return from this river Saint John, our route turned towards the country of the Armouchiquoys. Two principal causes led M. de Biancourt to take this route: first, in order to have news of the English, and to find out if it would be possible to obtain satisfaction from them; secondly, to buy some armouchiquoys corn to help us pass the winter, and not die of hunger in case we did not receive help from France.


Pour entendre la première cause, faut sçavoir que peu auparavant, le capitaine Platrier de Honfleur, cy devant nommé, voulant aller à Kinibéqui, il fut saisy prisonnier par deux navires angloys qui estoient en une isle appelée Emmetenic, à 8 lieües dudit Kinibéqui. Son relaschement fut moyennant quelques presents 32 (ainsy parle-t-on pour parler doucement) et la promesse qu'il fit d'obtemperer aux prohibitions à luy faictes, de point negotier en toute [62] cette coste. Car les Angloys s'en veulent dire maistres, et sur ce ils produysoyent des lettres de leur Roy, mais à ce que nous croyons fausses.

To understand the first cause you must know that, a little while before, captain Platrier, of Honfleur, already mentioned, wishing to go to Kinibéqui, was taken prisoner by two English ships which were at an island called Emmetenic,85 eight leagues from 33 Kinibéqui. His release was effected by means of presents (this expresses it mildly), and by his promise to comply with the interdictions laid upon him not to trade anywhere upon all [62] this coast. For the English want to be considered masters of it, and they produced letters from their King to this effect, but these we believe to be false.


Or Monsieur de Biancourt ayant ouy tout cecy de la bouche mesme du capitaine Platrier, il remontra serieusement à ces gens combien il importoit à luy, officier de la Couronne et Lieutenant de son pere, combien aussy à tout bon Françoys, d'aller au rencontre de cette usurpation des Anglois tant contrariante aux droits et possessions de sa Majesté. "Car, disoit-il, il est à tous notoire (pour ne reprendre l'affaire de plus hault) que le grand Henry, que Dieu absolve, suyvant les droicts acquis par ses prédecesseurs et luy, donna à Monsieur des Monts, l'an 1604, toute cette région depuis le 40e degré d'élévation jusques au 46. Depuis laquelle donation ledit Seigneur des Monts, par soy mesme et par Monsieur de Potrincourt, mon très-honoré pere, son lieutenant, et par autres, a prins souvent reelle possession de toute la contrée, et trois et quatre ans avant que jamais les Angloys ayent habitué, ou que jamais on aye rien entendu de cette leur vindication." Ceci et plusieurs autres choses discouroit ledit Sieur de Biancourt encourageant ses gens.

Now, Monsieur de Biancourt, having heard all this from the mouth of captain Platrier himself, remonstrated earnestly with these people, showing how important it was to him, an officer of the Crown and his father's Lieutenant, and also how important to all good Frenchmen, to oppose this usurpation of the English, so contrary to the rights and possessions of his Majesty. "For," said he, "it is well known to all (not to go back any farther in the case) that the great Henry, may God give him absolution, in accordance with the rights, acquired by his predecessors and by himself, gave to Monsieur des Monts, in the year 1604, all this region from the 40th to the 46th parallel of latitude. Since this donation, the said Seigneur des Monts, himself and through Monsieur de Potrincourt, my very honored father, his lieutenant, and through others, has frequently taken actual possession of all the country; and this, three or four years before the English had ever frequented it, or before anything had ever been heard of these claims of theirs." This and several other things were said by Sieur de Biancourt to encourage his people.


Moy, j'avois deux autres causes qui me poussoyent au mesme voyage: l'une, pour accompagner [63] d'ayde spirituel ledict Sieur de Biancourt et ses gens; l'autre, pour cognoistre et voir la disposition de ces nations à recevoir le saint evangile. Telles doncques estoyent les causes de nostre voyage.

As for me, I had two other reasons which impelled me to take this journey: One, to give [63] spiritual aid to Sieur de Biancourt and his people; the other, to observe and to study the disposition of these nations to receive the holy gospel. Such, then, were the causes of our journey.


Nous arrivasmes à Kinibequi, 80 lieuës de Port-Royal, 34 le 28 d'octobre, jour de S. Simon et S. Jude, de la mesme année 1611. Aussy tost nos gens mirent pied à terre, desireux de veoir le fort des Angloys; car nous avions appris par les chemins, qu'il n'y avoit personne. Or, comme de nouveau tout est beau, ce fust à louër et vanter cette entreprise des Angloys, et raconter les commodités du lieu; chacun en disoit ce que plus il prisoit. Mais de là à quelques jours, on changea bien d'advis; car on vid y avoir beau moyen de faire un contrefort qui les eust emprisonnés et privés de la mer et de la riviere; item que quand bien on les eust laissez là, si n'eussent-ils point jouy pourtant des commodités de la riviere, puisqu'elle a plusieurs autres et belles emboucheures bien distantes de là. Davantage, ce qu'est le pis, nous ne croyons pas que de là à six lieuës à l'entour il y ayt un seul arpent de terre bien labourable, le sol n'estant tout de pierre et roche. Or, d'autant que le vent nous contrarioit à passer outre, le troisiesme jour venu, Monsieur de Biancourt [64] tourna l'incident en conseil et se delibera de recevoir l'ayde du vent, à refouler contremont la riviere, pour la bien recognoistre.

35 We arrived at Kinibéqui, eighty leagues from Port Royal, the 28th of October, the day of St. Simon and St. Jude, of the same year, 1611. Our people at once disembarked, wishing to see the English fort, for we had learned, on the way, that there was no one there. Now as everything is beautiful at first, this undertaking of the English had to be praised and extolled, and the conveniences of the place enumerated, each one pointing out what he valued the most. But a few days afterward they changed their views; for they saw that there was a fine opportunity for making a counter-fort there, which might have imprisoned them and cut them off from the sea and river; moreover, even if they had been left unmolested they would not have enjoyed the advantages of the river, since it has several other mouths, and good ones, some distance from there. Furthermore, what is worse, we do not believe that, in six leagues of the surrounding country, there is a single acre of good tillable land, the soil being nothing but stones and rocks. Now, inasmuch as the wind forced us to go on, when the third day came, Monsieur de Biancourt [64] considered the subject in council and decided to take advantage of the wind and go on up the river, in order to thoroughly explore it.


Nous avions advancé jà bien trois lieuës, et le flot nous manquant nous estions mis à l'anchre au milieu de la riviere; quand voicy que nous descouvrons six canots Armouchiquois venir à nous. Ils estoyent 24 personnes dedans, tous gens de combat. Ils firent mille tentatives et ceremonies avant que nous aborder. Vous les eussiez parfaictement comparez à une troupe d'oyseaux, laquelle desire d'entrer en une cheneviere, mais elle craind l'espouvantail. Cela nous plaisoit fort, car aussy nos gens avoyent besoin 36 de temps pour s'armer et pavier. Enfin ils vindrent et revindrent, ils recogneurent, considererent finement nostre nombre, nos pieces, nos armes, tout; et la nuict venuë, ils se logerent à l'autre bord du fleuve, sinon hors la portée, du moins hors la mire de nos canons.

We had already advanced three good leagues, and had dropped anchor in the middle of the river waiting for the tide, when we suddenly discovered six Armouchiquois canoes coming towards us. There were twenty-four persons therein, all warriors. They went through a thousand maneuvers and ceremonies before accosting us, and might have been compared to a flock of birds which wanted to go into a hemp-field but feared the scarecrow. We 37 were very much pleased at this, for our people also needed to arm themselves and arrange the pavesade. In short, they continued to come and go; they reconnoitred; they carefully noted our numbers, our cannon, our arms, everything; and when night came they camped upon the other bank of the river, if not out of reach, at least beyond the aim of our cannon.


Toute la nuit ce ne fust que haranguer, chanter, danser; car telle est la vie de toutes ces gens lorsqu'ils sont en troupe. Or comme nous presumions probablement que leurs chants et danses estoyent invocations du diable, pour contrecarrer l'empire de ce maudict tyran, je fis que nos gens chantassent [65] quelques hymnes eclesiastiques, comme le Salve, l'Ave Maris stella et autres. Mais comme ils furent une fois en train de chanter, les chansons spirituelles leur manquant, ils se jetterent aux autres qu'ils sçavoyent. Estant encores à la fin de celles cy, comme c'est le naturel du François de tout imiter, ils se prindrent à contrefaire le chant et danse des Armouchiquois, qui estoyent à la rive, les contrefaisant si bien en tout, que, pour les escouter, les Armouchiquois se taysoient; et puis nos gens se taysans, reciproquement eux recommençoyent. Vrayment il y avoit beau rire: car vous eussiés dict que c'estoyent deux chœurs qui s'entendoient fort bien, et à peine eussiés vous pû distinguer le vray Armouchiquois d'avec le feinct.

All night there was continual haranguing, singing and dancing, for such is the kind of life all these people lead when they are together. Now as we supposed that probably their songs and dances were invocations to the devil, to oppose the power of this cursed tyrant, I had our people sing [65] some sacred hymns, as the Salve, the Ave Maris Stella, and others. But when they once got into the way of singing, the spiritual songs being exhausted, they took up others with which they were familiar. When they came to the end of these, as the French are natural mimics, they began to mimic the singing and dancing of the Armouchiquois who were upon the bank, succeeding in it so well that the Armouchiquois stopped to listen to them; and then our people stopped and the others immediately began again. It was really very comical, for you would have said that they were two choirs which had a thorough understanding with each other, and scarcely could you distinguish the real Armouchiquois from their imitators.


Le matin venu, nous poursuyvions notre route contremont. Eux, nous ayans accompagnez, nous dirent que si nous voulions du piousquemin (c'est leur bled), que nous debvions avec facilité prendre à droicte, et non avec grand travail et danger aller contremont; que prenant à droicte par le bras qui se monstroit, en peu d'heures, nous arriverions vers le grand sagamo 38 Meteourmite, qui nous fourniroit de tout; qu'ils nous y serviroient de guides, car aussy bien s'en alloyent ils le visiter.

In the morning we continued our journey up the river. The Armouchiquois, who were accompanying us, told us that if we wanted any piousquemin (corn), it would be better and easier for us to turn to the right and not, with great difficulty and risk, to continue going up the river; that if we turned to the 39 right through the branch which was just at hand, in a few hours we would reach the great sagamore Meteourmite, who would furnish us with all we wanted; that they would act as our guides, since they themselves were going to visit him.


Il est à presumer, et en avons de grands indices, qu'ils ne nous donnoyent ce conseil sinon en intention [66] de nous prendre aux filets, et avoir bon marché de nous à l'ayde de Meteourmite, lequel ils sçavoient estre ennemy des Anglois, et le conjecturoient l'estre de tous estrangers. Mais, Dieu mercy, leurs embusches se tournerent contre eux.

It is to be supposed, and there were strong indications of it, that they gave us this advice only with the intention [66] of ensnaring us, and making an easy conquest of us by the help of Meteourmite, whom they knew to be the enemy of the English, and whom they supposed to be an enemy of all foreigners. But, thank God, their ambuscade was turned against themselves.


Cependant nous les creusmes; aussy partie d'eux s'en alloyent devant nous, partie après, partie aussy avec nous dedans la barque. Neantmoins Monsieur de Biancourt se tenoit tousiours sur ses gardes, et souvent faisoit marcher la chaloupe devant avec la sonde. Nous n'avions pas faict plus de demy lieue, quand, venus en un grand lac le sondeur nous crie: "Deux brasses d'eau, qu'une brasse, qu'une brasse partout." Aussy tost: Ameine, ameine, lasche l'anchre. Où sont nos Armouchiquois? où sont-ils? point. Ils nous avoyent trestous insensiblement quittés. O les traistres! ô que Dieu nous a bien aydés! Ils nous avoyent conduicts aux pieges. "Revire, revire." Nous retournons sur nostre route.

However, we believed them; so a part of them went ahead of us, part behind, and some in the barque with us. Nevertheless Monsieur de Biancourt was always on his guard, and often sent the boat on ahead with the sounding-lead. We had not gone more than half a league when, reaching a large lake, the sounder called out to us: "Two fathoms of water; only one fathom, only one fathom everywhere," and immediately afterward, "Stop! stop! cast anchor." Where are our Armouchiquois? Where are they? Not one. They had all silently disappeared. Oh, the traitors! Oh, how God had delivered us! They had led us into a trap. "Veer about, veer about." We retrace our path.


Cependant Meteourmite ayant esté adverty de nostre venue, nous courroit au devant, et quoyqu'il nous vist tourner bride, si est-ce qu'il nous poursuyvit. Bien valut à Monsieur de Biancourt d'etre plus sage que plusieurs de son esquipage, qui ne crioyent lors que de tout tuer. Car ils estoyent en grande cholere et en non moindre crainte; mais la cholere faisoit plus de bruit.

Meanwhile, Meteourmite having been informed of our coming, came to meet us, and, although he saw our prow turned about, yet he followed us. It was well that Monsieur de Biancourt was wiser than many of his crew, whose sole cry was to kill them all. For they were as angry as they were frightened: but their anger made the most noise.


[67] Monsieur de Biancourt se reprima, et ne faisant pas autrement mauvaise chere à Meteourmite, 40 apprit de luy qu'il y avoit une route par laquelle on pourroit passer; qu'à celle fin de ne la pas faillir, il nous donneroit de ses propres gens dedans nostre barque; qu'au reste vinssions à sa cabane, il tascheroit de nous donner contentement. Nous luy crusmes, et pensasmes nous en repentir; car nous passasmes des haults et destroicts si perilleux que ne cuidions quasi jamays en eschapper. D'effect, en deux endroits, aucuns de nos gens s'escrierent miserablement que nous estions trestous perdus. Mais, Dieu mercy, ils crierent trop tost.

[67] Monsieur de Biancourt restrained himself, and 41 not otherwise showing any ill-will toward Meteourmite, learned from him that there was a route by which they could pass; that in order not to miss it, he would let us have some of his own people in our barque; that, besides, if we would come to his wigwam he would try to satisfy us. We trusted him, and thought we might have to repent it; for we traversed such perilous heights and narrow passes that we never expected to escape from them. In fact, in two places some of our men cried out in distress that we were all lost. But, thank God, they cried too soon.


Arrivés, Monsieur de Biancourt se mit en armes, pour en cet arroy aller veoir Meteourmite. Il le trouva en son hault appareil de majesté sauvagesque, seul dans une cabane bien nattée le haut et bas, et quelques quarante puissans jeunes hommes à l'entour de la cabane, en forme de corps de garde, chacun son pavois, son arc et flesches à terre au devant de soy. Ces gens ne sont point niais, nullement, et qu'on nous en croye.

When we arrived, Monsieur de Biancourt armed himself, and thus arrayed proceeded to pay a visit to Meteourmite. He found him in the royal apparel of savage majesty, alone in a wigwam that was well matted above and below, and about forty powerful young men stationed around it like a body-guard, each one with his shield, his bow and arrows upon the ground in front of him. These people are by no means simpletons, and you may believe us when we say so.


Pour moy, je receus, ce jour là, la plus grande part des caresses; car, comme j'estois sans armes, les plus honorables, laissans les soldats, se prindrent à moy avec mille significations d'amitié. Ils me conduysirent en la plus grande cabane de toutes; [68] elle contenoit bien 80 ames. Les places prinses, je me jettay à genoux, et ayant faict le signe de la croix, recitay mon Pater, Ave, Credo, et quelques oraisons; puis, ayant faict pause, mes hostes, comme s'ils m'eussent bien entendu, m'applaudirent en leur façon, s'escriant Ho! ho! ho! Ie leur donnay quelques croix et quelques images, leur en donnant à apprehender ce que je pouvois. Eux les baysoient 42 fort volontiers, faisoyent le signe de la Croix, et, chacun pour soy, s'efforçoyent à me presenter ses enfans, à ce que je les benisse et leur donnasse quelque chose. Ainsy se passa cette visite, et une autre que je fis depuis.

As for me, I received that day the greater part of the welcome; for, as I was unarmed, the most honorable of them, turning their backs upon the soldiers, approached me with a thousand demonstrations of friendship. They led me to the largest wigwam of all; [68] it contained fully eighty people. When they had taken their places, I fell upon my knees and repeated my Pater, Ave, Credo, and some orisons; then pausing, my hosts, as if they had understood me perfectly, applauded after their fashion, crying Ho! ho! ho! I gave them some crosses and pictures, explaining them as well as I could. They very 43 willingly kissed them, made the sign of the Cross, and each one in his turn endeavored to present his children to me, so that I would bless them and give them something. Thus passed that visit, and another that I have since made.


Or Meteourmite avoit respondu à Monsieur de Biancourt, que pour le bled, ils n'en avoyent pas quantité; mais qu'ils avoyent aucunes peaux, s'il luy playsoit de troquer.

Now Meteourmite had replied to Monsieur de Biancourt that as to the corn he did not have much, but he had some skins, if we were pleased to trade with him.


Le matin doncques de la troque venu, je m'en allay en une isle voysine avec un garçon, pour là offrir l'hostie saincte de nostre reconciliation. Nos gens de la barque, pour n'estre surprins, soubs couleur de la troque, s'estoyent armez et barricadez, laissans place au milieu du tillac pour les Sauvages; mais en vain, car ils se jetterent tellement en foule et avec si grande avidité, qu'aussy tost ils remplirent tout le vaisseau, jà peslemeslés avec les nostres. On se mit à crier: Retire, retire-toy. Mais [69] à quel profit? Eux aussy crioyent de leur costé.

Then in the morning when the trade was to take place I went to a neighboring island with a boy, to there offer the blessed sacrament for our reconciliation. Our people in the barque, not to be taken by surprise under pretext of the trade, were armed and barricaded, leaving a place in the middle of the deck for the Savages; but in vain, for they rushed in in such crowds and with such greediness, that they immediately filled the whole ship, becoming all mixed up with our own people. Some one began to cry out, "Go back, go back." But [69] to what good? On the other hand, the savages were yelling also.


Ce fut lors que nos gens se penserent estre veritablement prins, et jà tout n'estoit que clameur et tumulte. Monsieur de Biancourt a souvent dit et redit, qu'il eut maintes fois le bras levé et la bouche ouverte pour en frappant le premier crier, "Tue, tue;" mais que cette seule consideration, ne sçay comment, le retinst, que j'estois dehors, et par consequent que si l'on en venoit aux mains, j'estois perdu. Dieu se servit de cette sienne bonne volonté, non seulement pour ma sauveté, mais autant pour celle de tout l'esquipage. Car, comme tous recognoissent bien à cette heure, si la folie eust esté faicte, jamais aucun n'en fust eschappé, et les Françoys eussent esté descriés pour jamays en toute la coste.

Then our people were sure they were captured, and there was nothing but cries and confusion. Monsieur de Biancourt has often said and said again, that several times he had raised his arm and opened his mouth to strike the first blow and to cry out, "Kill, kill;" but that somehow the one consideration that restrained him was that I was outside, and if they came to blows I was lost. God rewarded him for his good-will by saving not only me but also the whole crew. For, as all readily acknowledge at this hour, if any foolish act had been committed none of them would ever have escaped, and the French would have been condemned forever all along the coast.


44 Dieu voulut que Meteourmite et quelques autres capitaines apprehenderent le danger, et ainsy firent retirer leurs gens. Le soir venu, et jà tous estans retirés, Meteourmite manda aucuns des siens pour excuser l'insolence du matin, protestant que tout le desordre estoit venu non de soy, ains des Armouchiquois; que mesmes ils nous avoyent desrobé une hasche et une gamelle (c'est une grande escuelle de bois), lequel meuble il nous renvoyoit; que ce larcin lui avoit tant despleu qu'aussitost aprés l'avoir descouvert, il avoit congedié les Armouchiquois; que pour luy, il avoit bon cœur, et sçavoit bien que [70] nous ne tuions ni ne battions point les Sauvages de par deçà, ains les recevions à nostre table, leur faisions souvent tabagie, et leur apportions plusieurs bonnes choses de France, pour lesquelles vertus ils nous aymoient. Ces gens, croy-je, sont les plus grands harangueurs de toute la terre; ils ne font rien sans cela.

45 God willed that Meteourmite and some other captains should apprehend the danger, and so cause their people to withdraw. When evening came and all had retired, Meteourmite sent some of his men to excuse the misconduct of the morning, protesting that all the disorder had originated not with him, but with the Armouchiquois; that they had even stolen a hatchet and a platter (a great wooden dish), which articles he herewith returned; that this theft had so displeased him that immediately after discovering it he had sent the Armouchiquois away from him; that, for his part, he was friendly towards us and knew very well that [70] we neither killed nor beat the Savages of those parts, but received them at our table and often made tabagie for them, and brought them a great many nice things from France, for which courtesies they loved us. These people are, I believe, the greatest speech-makers in the world; nothing can be done without speeches.


Mais, d'autant que j'ay faict icy mention des Anglois, quelqu'un peut estre desirera de sçavoir leur adventure, laquelle nous apprismes en ce lieu. Il est doncques ainsy, que l'an 1608 les Anglois commencerent à s'habituer en l'une des embouschures de ce fleuve Kinibéqui, ainsy que nous avons dict cy devant. Ils avoyent lors un conducteur fort honneste homme, et se comportoit fort bien avec les naturels du païs. On dit neantmoins que les Armouchiquois se craignirent de tels voysins, et à cette cause firent mourir ce capitaine que j'ay dit. Ces gens ont ce mestier en usage, de tuer par magie. Or la seconde année 1609 les Anglois, soubs un autre capitaine, changerent de façon. Ils repoussoient les Sauvages sans aucun 46 honneur; ils les battoyent, excedoyent et mastinoyent sans beaucoup de retenue: partant ces pauvres malmenés, impatiens du present, et augurants encores pis l'advenir, prindrent resolution, comme l'on dict, de tuer le louveteau avant qu'il eust des dents et griffes plus fortes. La commodité leur en fust un jour, que [71] trois chaloupes s'en estoyent allées à l'escart en pescherie. Mes conjurez les suyvoient à la piste, et s'approchans avec beau semblant d'amitié (car ainsy font ils le plus de caresses où plus y a de trahison), ils entrent dedans, et au signal donné, chacun choysit son homme et le tua à coups de cousteau. Ainsy furent despeschez onze Angloys. Les autres intimidés abandonnerent leur entreprise cette mesme année, et ne l'ont point poursuyvie depuis, se contentans de venir l'esté en pescherie en cette isle d'Emetenic, que nous avons dit estre à 8 lieuës de leur fort encommencé.

But as I have spoken here of the English, some one perhaps will wish to hear about their adventure, which was related to us in this place. So here it is: In 1608 the English began to settle at one of the mouths of this Kinibéqui river, as we have said before. They had then as leader a very honest man, who got along remarkably well with the natives of the country. They say, however, that the Armouchiquois were afraid of such neighbors, and so put the captain to death, as I have said. These people make a practice of killing by magic. But the second year, 1609, the English, under another captain, changed their tactics. They drove the Savages away without ceremony; they beat, maltreated and misused them outrageously and without restraint; consequently 47 these poor, abused people, anxious about the present, and dreading still greater evils in the future, determined, as the saying is, to kill the whelp ere its teeth and claws became stronger.5 The opportunity came one day when [71] three boat-loads of them went away off to the fisheries. My conspirators followed in their boat, and approaching with a great show of friendliness (for they always make the greatest show of affection when they are the most treacherous), they go among them, and at a given signal each one seizes his man and stabs him to death. Thus were eleven Englishmen dispatched. The others were intimidated and abandoned their enterprise the same year; they have not resumed it since, being satisfied to come in the summer to fish, at this island of Emetenic, which we have said was eight leagues from the fort they had begun building.


A cette cause doncques, l'excès commis en la personne du capitaine Platrier par lesdicts Angloys ayant esté perpetré en cette isle d'Emetenic, Monsieur de Biancourt se delibera de l'aller recognoistre, et y laisser quelque monument de revindication. Ce qu'il fit dressant sur le havre une fort belle croix, avec les armes de France. Aucuns de ses gens luy conseilloyent qu'il bruslast les chaloupes qu'il y trouva; mais, comme il est doux et humain, il ne le voulut point, voyant que c'estoyent vaisseaux non de soldats, ains de pescheurs.

So, for this reason, the outrage to which captain Platrier was subjected by these English having been committed upon this island of Emetenic, Monsieur de Biancourt decided to go and reconnoitre it, and to leave there some memento in assertion of his rights. This he did, erecting at the harbor a beautiful cross bearing the arms of France. Some of his crew advised him to burn the boats which he found there; but as he is kind and humane he would not do it, seeing they were fishermen's boats and not men-of-war.


De là, d'autant que la saison nous pressoit, estant jà le 6 novembre, nous tournasmes nos voiles pour retourner à Port-Royal, passant à Pentegoët, ainsy que nous avons promis aux Sauvages.

Thence, as the season was advancing, it being already the 6th of November, we turned our ships towards Port Royal, stopping at Pentegoët, as we had promised the Savages.


[72] Pentegoët est une fort belle riviere, et peut 48 estre comparée à la Garonne de France. Elle se descharge dans le Golfe françois (baie de Fundy) et a plusieurs isles et roches à l'endroit de son embouschure; de maniere que si on ne monte fort avant, on estime que ce soit quelque grand sein ou baye de mer, là où on commence manifestement à recognoistre le lict et cours de riviere. Elle a son large d'environ 3 lieuës à 44 et demy degré de l'Equateur. On ne peut deviner quelle est la Norembegue des anciens, si ce n'est celle cy: car autrement et les autres et moy, nous enquestans de ce mot et lieu, n'en avons jamays peu rien apprendre.

[72] The Pentegoët is a very beautiful river, and may be compared to the Garonne in France. It flows 49 into french Bay [the bay of Fundy] and has many islands and rocks at its mouth; so that if you do not go some distance up, you will take it for a great bay or arm of the sea, until you begin to see plainly the bed and course of a river. It is about three leagues wide and is forty-four and one half degrees from the Equator. We cannot imagine what the Norembega of our forefathers was, if it were not this river; for elsewhere both the others and I myself have made inquiries about this place, and have never been able to learn anything concerning it.


Nous doncques, ayans advancé dans le courant de cette riviere trois lieuës ou plus, rencontrasmes un autre beau fleuve appellé Chiboctous, qui du nord-est vient se jeter dans ce grand Pentegoët.

When we had advanced three leagues or more into the current of the river we encountered another beautiful river called Chiboctous, which comes from the northeast to discharge its waters into the great Pentegoët.


Sur le confluant des deux rivieres, y avoit la plus belle assemblée des Sauvages que j'aye point encore veue. Ils estoyent 80 canots et une chaloupe, 18 cabanes et bien environ 300 ames. Le plus apparent Sagamo s'appelloit Betsabés, homme discret et fort moderé; et, sans mentir, on recognoist souvent en ces Sauvages des vertus naturelles et politiques qui font rougir quiconque n'est eshonté, lorsqu'en comparaison ils regardent une bonne partie des Françoys qui viennent en ces quartiers.

At the confluence of these two rivers there was the finest assemblage of Savages that I have yet seen. There were 80 canoes and a boat, 18 wigwams and about 300 people6. The most prominent Sagamore was called Betsabés, a man of great discretion and prudence; and I confess we often see in these Savages natural and graceful qualities which will make anyone but a shameless person blush, when they compare them to the greater part of the French who come over here.


[73] Aprés qu'ils nous eurent recogneus, ils demenerent grande joye le soir à leur accoustumée, par danses, chansons et harangues. Et nous, bien ayses d'estre en païs d'asseurance; car entre les Etechemins, tels que sont ceux cy, et les Souriquois, tels que sont ceux de Port-Royal, nous ne nous tenons sur nos gardes non plus qu'entre nos propres domestiques, 50 et Dieu mercy nous ne nous en sommes pas encores mal trouvez.

[73] When they had recognized us they showed their great joy during the evening by their usual demonstrations; dancing, singing and making speeches. And as for us, we were very glad to be in a country of safety; for among the Etechemins, as these are, and the Souriquois, as are those of Port Royal, we are no more obliged to be on our guard than among 51 our own servants, and, thank God, we have never yet been deceived in them.


Le jour suyvant, j'allay visiter les Sauvages, et y fis à mon accoustumé, ainsy qu j'ay dict de Kinibéqui. Cela y fut de plus, qu'eux m'ayans dict y avoir quelques malades, je les allay visiter, et comme prestre, ainsy qu'est porté dans le Rituaire, recitay sur eux les sainct Evangile et Oraisons, donnant à un chacun une croix pour se la pendre au col.

The next day I went to visit the Savages, and followed my usual custom, which I have described in speaking of Kinibéqui. But there was more to be done here, as they told me they had some sick; I went to visit them; and as priest, it being thus ordained in the Ritual, I recited over them the holy Gospel and Orisons, giving to each one a cross to wear around the neck.


Entre les autres j'en trouvay un à leur mode estendu auprés du feu, les yeux et visage fort estonnés, suant à grosse goutte de la seule teste, qui à peine pouvoit parler, en un grand acces. Il me dirent qu'il estoit malade dés quatre mois, et que comme il apparoissoit, il ne la feroit pas longue. Or ne sçay-je quelle estoit sa maladie; si elle venoit seulement par intervalles, ou non, je n'en sçay rien: tant y a que le 2. jour d'aprés, je le vis dans nostre barque sain et gaillard, ayant sa croix pendue au col, et me fit recognoissance d'un fort bon visage, [74] me prenant par la main. Je n'eus moyen de luy parler, d'autant que lors on faisoit la troque, et à cette cause le tillac estoit tout remply des gens, et tous les truchemens empeschez. De vray je fus fort ayse que la bonté de Dieu commençoit à faire sentir à ces pauvres et abandonnées nations n'y avoir que tout bien et que toute prosperité au signe de la saincte et salutaire Croix.

Among others I found one stretched out, after their fashion, before the fire, wonder expressed in his eyes and face, great drops standing out upon his forehead, scarcely able to speak, so severe was the attack. They told me that he had been sick for four months and, as it appeared, he could not last long. Now I do not know what his malady was; whether it only came intermittently or not I do not know; at all events, the second day after that I saw him in our barque, well and happy, with his cross around his neck. He showed his gratitude to me by a cheerful smile [74] and by taking my hand. I had no means of speaking to him, as the trading was then going on, and for this reason the deck was full of people and all the interpreters were busy. Truly I was very glad that the goodness of God was beginning to make these poor and abandoned people feel that in the sign of the holy and salutary Cross there was every good and every blessing.


Enfin, pour ne redire souvent le mesme, et en cet endroit et en tous les autres où nous avons pû converser avec ces pauvres gentils, nous avons tasché de leur imprimer quelques premieres conceptions de la grandeur et verité du Christianisme, autant que les 52 moyens s'en addonnoyent. Et pour le sommaire en un bloc, celuy a esté le fruict du voyage: nous avons commencé de cognoistre et estre cogneus; nous avons prins possession au nom de l'Eglise de Dieu de ces regions icy, y asseants le throsne royal de nostre Sauveur et Monarque Iesus Christ, son sainct autel; les Sauvages nous ont veu prier, celebrer, prescher par nos discours, les images et croix, la façon de vivre et choses semblables, (ils) ont receu les premieres apprehensions et semences de nostre saincte foy, lesquelles s'esclorront et germeront abondamment, s'il plaist à Dieu, quelque jour, y survenant un plus long est meilleur cultivage.

Finally, not to continue repeating the same story, both in this place and in all others, where we have been able to talk with these poor gentiles, we have attempted to impress upon them some of the simplest 53 conceptions of the grandeur and truth of Christianity, in so far as our means would permit. And to sum it up in a word, this has been the result of our journey. We have begun to know and to be known, we have taken possession of these regions in the name of the Church of God, establishing here the royal throne of our Savior and King, Jesus Christ, his holy altar; the Savages have seen us pray, celebrate the mass, and preach; through our conversations, pictures, and crosses, our way of living, and other similar things, they have received the first faint ideas and germs of our holy faith, which will some day take root and grow abundantly, please God, if it is followed by a longer and better cultivation.


[75] De vray aussi, tel est quasi le principal fruict que nous faisions pour encores icy mesmes à Port-Royal, jusques à ce que nous ayons apris le langage. Cependant cela nous console de veoir ces petits Sauvageois, encores que non chrestiens, porter neantmoins volontiers, quand ils se trouvent icy, les cierges, les clochettes, l'eau benite et autre chose, marchans en bel ordre aux processions et enterremens que l'on faict. Ainsy s'accoustument-ils à estre chrestiens, pour en son temps le bien estre.

[75] And indeed such is about all we are accomplishing, even here at Port Royal, until we have learned the language. However, it comforts us to see these little Savages, though not yet christians, yet willingly, when they are here, carrying the candles, bells, holy water and other things, marching in good order in the processions and funerals which occur here. Thus they become accustomed to act as christians, to become so in reality in his time.


Il ne seroit besoin sinon que fussions meilleurs ouvriers de Nostre Seigneur, et n'empeschassions pas tant de graces d'iceluy sur nous et autruy, par tant de péchés et indignité. Quant à moy certes, j'ay grande occasion d'en battre bien rudement ma poictrine, et tous ceux qui ont le zele de charité en debvroyent bien estre touchés au cœur. Nostre Seigneur, par sa saincte misericorde et par les prieres de sa glorieuse mere et de toute son Eglise celeste et militante, en veuille estre fleschy à compassion!

No need is felt except that we ought to be better workers for Our Lord, and ought not to divert from ourselves and others so many of his blessings by our many sins and great unworthiness. As for me, truly I have good reason to severely reproach myself; and all those who are imbued with earnest charity ought to be deeply touched in their hearts. May Our Lord, by his sacred mercy, and by the prayers of his glorious mother and of all his Church; both heavenly and militant, be moved to compassion!


Particulierement je supplie Vostre Reverence et 54 tous nos RR. PP. et FF. de vouloir se ressouvenir, en vos meilleures devotions, et de nous, et de ces pauvres ames, esclaves miserablement soubs la tyrannie de Satan. Qu'il plaise à ce bening Sauveur [76] du monde, la grace duquel personne ne previent et de qui les liberalités sont tousjours par dessus nos merites, qui luy plaise, dy-je, regarder enfin d'un œil pitoyable ces pauvres nations, et les retirer tost dans sa famille, en l'heureuse franchise des fortunés enfans de Dieu. Ainsy soit-il.

Particularly I beg Your Reverence and all our 55 Reverend Fathers and Brothers to be pleased to remember in your most earnest devotions both us and these poor souls, miserable slaves under the tyranny of Satan. May it please this benign Savior [76] of the world, whose grace is denied to no one, and whose bounty is ever beyond our merits, may it please him, I say, to look down with a pitying eye upon these poor tribes, and to gather them soon into his family, in the happy freedom of the favored children of God. Amen!


De Port-Royal, ce dernier de Ianvier 1612.

Cependant que j'escrivois ces lettres, le navire qu'on a envoyé pour nostre secours, est Dieu mercy arrivé sain et sauf, et dans iceluy nostre Frere Gilbert du Thet. Celuy pourra sçavoir l'aise qu'en avons receu et recevons, qui aura cogneu les dangers et necessités où nous estions. Dieu soit beny. Amen.

De V. R. filz et serviteur bien humble en Nostre Seigneur.

Pierre BIARD.


[I.] Vieux mot employé pour signifier exténué de travaux.

From Port Royal, this last day of January, 1612.

While I was writing these letters, the ship which was sent to our assistance has, thank God, arrived safe and sound, and in it our Brother Gilbert du Thet. He, who knows the dangers and necessities we were in, will appreciate the joy we felt and that we feel at its arrival. God be praised. Amen.

Of Your Reverence, the son and very humble servant in Our Lord.

Pierre BIARD.


[II.] An old word used to signify weakened by hard labor.—[Carayon.]


56 General Map

Larger image

Reduced facsimile of General Map, drawn by Champlain in 1612, from Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain (Paris, 1613).


Biard's Epistola
ex Portu-regali in Acadia

Januarii 31, [1612]

Dillingen: MEYER'S PRESS, n. d.

Source: Reprinted from O'Callaghan's Reprint, No. 1.


Missio Canadensis



Portu-regali in Acadia


Ad Praepositvm Generalem Societatis Iesv

A. R. Petro Biardo ejvsdem Societatis


Secundvm exemplar emissum in Annuis Litteris Anni CIↃ. IↃC. XI


Ex Typographéo Mayeriana,
apud Melchiorem

Canadian Mission



Port Royal in Acadia


To the General of the Society of Jesus by

Reverend Pierre Biard of the same Society


According to the copy published in the Annuæ Litteræ of the year 1611


From Meyer's Press,
at Melchior



[iii] Lectori.

POSTQUAM Patres Societatis Jesu malevolentiam inimicorum suorum vicerant et in Galliam reversierant, vocari videbantur aliò ad labores suos fructuosè collocandos.


[iii] To the Reader.

AFTER the Fathers of the Society of Jesus had overcome the ill-will of their enemies and again been admitted into France,7 they felt themselves called to other fields for the fruitful employment of their labors.


Multa erat in Novâ Franciâ messis, ubi incolæ pene belluarum more sine Numinis cognitione vivebant.

A rich harvest was offered in New France, where the natives lived almost like animals, without any knowledge of God.


Illûc igitur missi fuerunt duo Societatis sacerdotes, Patres scilicet Petrus Biardus et Enemundus Massæus, qui in Acadiam pervenerunt 22 Maii, Anno Salutis 1611. Septem per menses ibi commoratus, [iv] P. Biardus hanc epistolam, Superiori suo transmisit.

To that country, accordingly, were sent two priests of the Society, Fathers Pierre Biard and Enemond Massé, who reached Acadia on the 22nd of May, 1611. After remaining there seven months, [iv] Father Biard sent this epistle to his Superior.


Quatuor velluti in capita hæc litera divisa est, & narrat:

1º. Quid sit Nova Francia, qualis regio, qui in eâ populi, quique mores.

2º. Quo modo, quibusve auxiliis aut successu, Societas missionem illá in regione consecuta sit.

3º. Quonam in statu rem Christianam his in locis offenderit Societas.

4º. Quid a missionariis hactenus effectum seu potius attentatum sit.

The letter is divided, as it were, under four heads, and relates:

1st. What New France is, the nature of the country, what tribes inhabit it, and their customs.

2nd. In what manner, with what help and with what success the Society secured a mission in that country.

3rd. In what condition the Society found the Christian religion in this region.

4th. What has been done by the missionaries thus far, or rather what has been attempted.


Licet epistola sub finem habeat: ultimo die Januarii CIↃ. IↃC. XI. ia quidem aut error in anno est, aut P. Biardus secundum stylum veterem scripsit, nam debit esse annus, CIↃ. IↃC. XII.

Although, the end of the letter reads: the last day of January, 1611,—either there is an error in the year, or Father Biard wrote according to the old style, for the year ought to be 1612.8



[5] Missio Canadensis.

Reverende in Christo Pater,

Pax Christi.

Vocat Nos huius anni CIↃ.IↃC.XI. instans iam atqʒ vrgens exitus ad recognoscendum coram Paternitate vestra principium, quo primùm Societas in has nouæ Franciæ regiones delata est: multorum quoque beneficiorum cumulus, quo nos diuina largitas in his & auspicādis, & sospitādis initijs prosecuta est, hoc exigit, vt in hoc tanquam temporum anníque portu actionum nostrarū, & tanquam velificationis seriem relegētes, Chariss: Patres Fratrésqʒ nostros inuitemus, & ad gaudium pro ijs, quæ feliciter [6] in nobis diuina manus operata est, & scilicet ad gemitum pariter & orationem pro ijs, quæ in animorum salute procuranda, segniter ipsi nequitérque multa deliquimus. Quod enim diutius antè Societas multísqʒ conatibus intenderat, vt aliquam suis laboribus posset huic quoq; siluaticæ genti opem & lucem Euangelio inferendo affere, id hoc ipsa demum anno videtur, vt in tenui exiguóque principio satis feliciter, próque desiderio esse assecuta.


[5] Canadian Mission.

Reverend Father in Christ,

The peace of Christ be with you.

The end of this year 1611, which is already so rapidly drawing near, invites me to write to your Reverence in acknowledgment of its beginning, in which our Society first penetrated into this territory of new France. The profusion of blessings and favors which the divine bounty has bestowed upon us while undertaking and sustaining this infant enterprise, requires that in this haven, as it were, of time and of the year we should, reviewing the course of our actions and the occurrences of our voyage, invite our dear Fathers and Brothers to share both in our rejoicing for those things which the hand of God has happily [6] effected through us, and, too, in our mourning and our prayers for our delinquencies and inefficiency in seeking the salvation of souls. The object sought by the Society for a long time previously and with many efforts, that it might in some degree impart help and light to this savage people also by its labors in bringing the Gospel among them, it seems at last to have attained in this year, with a small and slight beginning indeed, yet auspiciously and in accordance with its hopes.


Atque hoc scilicet mihi iam narrandum est, exponendúmqʒ vestræ Paternitati, quæ & quanta sit hæc messis animorum, quidvé à magno Patrefamilias datum nobis hactenus, quid etiam porrò dandum speretur. 64 Sed vt commodissimè tota mihi narratio decurrat, neq; decurrentem, vt fit, multa effugiant, in quatuor videtur velut capita rei totius expositio esse diuidenda. Exponā ergo primùm, quæ sit hæc noua Francia, quæ regio, qui populi morésque: tum deinde quomodo, quibusvé tandē auxilijs, aut successu Societas missionem in has regiones [7] obtinuerit. Tertiò quonam in statu rem Christianam in his terris offenderimus. Postremò quid à nobis effectum hactenus, seu potiùs quid attentatum sit ad diuinam gloriam. Hæc mihi videtur esse posse commodissima & sufficiens narrandorum omnium expositio.

This also I must narrate and explain to your Reverence, of what nature and how numerous is this harvest of souls, and what has hitherto been given to us by our Heavenly Father, and what further gifts we may hope for in the future. But to facilitate my 65 whole narration, and to obviate the possible omission of many details in its course, I think it best to divide the whole matter under four heads. I shall therefore first describe new France, the country, the natives, and their customs; next, in what manner, and with what help, and with what result, our Society secured a mission to this country; [7] thirdly, in what condition we found the Christian religion in this region; and, finally, what has been accomplished by us thus far, or rather what has been attempted for the glory of God. This appears to me a very convenient and sufficient summary of all I am to tell.


Atque vt à capite ordiar explicémque primùm, quænam sit hæc Noua Francia, quod solum, quivé ritus gentis, credo non solùm Paternitati vestræ iucundum, sed nobis quoqʒ necessarium, regionem vniuersam accuratiùs describere. Nam cùm hic nobis ad laborandum campus assignatus, certum est, non posse nos à vestra paternitate dirigi pro occursuum varietate, nisi ea fines, adfractus viarum, viciniorum locorum distantiam, statum gentis & rerum, noverit.

And, in order that I may begin at the beginning and explain first what sort of a land New France is, the nature of the country and the customs of the natives, I think it will be not only a pleasure for your Reverence, but also a necessity for ourselves that the whole territory be rather accurately described. For, since this is the field assigned to us for our labors, it is certain that your reverence cannot direct us in accordance with our varied needs without a knowledge of the extent of the country, of the impediments to travel, of the distance of neighboring settlements, and of the condition of people and things.


Præterea tot video à Geographis antiquis errores tenebrásque in hanc cognitionem induci, vt nisi à nobis succurratur rerum non auditoribus sed spectatoribus, non possit non in nostris itineribus & vestigijs persequendis haud minùs à veritate, quàm à corpore cogitatio peregrinari. [8] Norumbegam illi nobis nescio quam, vrbésque & castella nominant, quorum hodie ne vmbra quidem aut ipsa vox extant.

Besides, I find this matter involved in so much error and darkness by the older Geographers, that unless we, who know these things not from hearsay only, but are eyewitnesses thereof, come to the rescue, it is impossible that the mind, in tracing our footsteps and our journeys, should not wander as far away from the truth as it has to do from the body. [8] They speak of a certain Norumbega and give the names of cities and strongholds of which to-day no trace or even report remains.


66 Verùm quod polliciti sumus exequamur. Noua Francia, vti nunc Galli vsurpant, regio illa est trans Oceanum Gallicum, quæ à quadragesimo primo gradu vsque ad quinquagesimum secundum latitudinis, aut etiam quinquagesimum tertium procurrit.

67 However, let me fulfill my promise. New France, as the French now call it, is that territory across the French Ocean which extends from the forty-first to the fifty-second, or even fifty-third degree of latitude.


Scio ab alijs multò latiùs fines regionis porrigi, ab alijs coarctari angustiùs, sed ego hîc non disputo: id solùm expono, quod nunc vti dixi communiùs vsurpatur, vel quod hoc terrarum Gallorum nauigationibus ab aliquot iam annis maximè frequentatum & vindicatum est, vel quod illud idem ferè antiquæ Franciæ parallelū æqualiter eam ab occidente respicit.

I know that some extend the boundaries of this region much farther, while others restrict them more narrowly, but I am not arguing this point; I merely explain what is, as I have said, the prevailing interpretation of them, either because this part of the country has been for many years past particularly explored and claimed by the French, or because the parallels bounding this western region are almost the same as those of old France.


Hæc igitur Noua Francia oram habet sanè multifariam, sinubus marinis fluminibùsque exesam, an fractuosam & recurrentem. Sinus duo sunt maiores, [9] vastíque; alter is, qui S. Laurentij gurges; alter, qui Francius appellatur.

New France has an exceedingly varied sea-coast, indented by bays and rivers, broken and irregular. There are two principal bays [9] of vast size, one called the gulf of St. Lawrence, the other French bay.


Námque à quadragesimo septimo gradu, vsque ad quinquagesimum primum, tellus velut gremium aperit; siue ad accipiendum introrsus Oceanum, siue ad exonerandum magnum flumen Canadan. Atque hic gurges S. Laurentij dicitur, cuius in introitu ingens illa adiacet insula, quam terras nouas Galli, Barbari Praesentis appellant moluarum piscatu celeberrima; oram sinûs fluminísque tenent Aquilonem versùs Excomminqui, siue, vt vulgus indigetat, Excōmunicati. Fera gens est, & vt dicitur Anthropophaga, quanquam & hi olim satis diu pacificè cum Gallis agitârunt, nunc irreconciliabiles cum his inimicitias exercent. 68 Sequuntur interiùs, occidentem versùs Algonquini, pòst Montagnesij, intimi sunt ad capita ipsius magni fluminis Canadæ, Irocosij, qui etiam latè Austrum versus protenduntur.

Indeed, from the forty-seventh degree as far as to the fifty-first, the land opens its bosom, as it were, to receive the Ocean into it, or to facilitate the outflow of the great Canadian river. This gulf is known as the gulf of St. Lawrence, in the mouth of which lies that enormous island which the French call newfoundland, the Savages Præsentis [Plaisance];9 it is famous for its cod-fishery; the shores of the gulf and the rivers are occupied toward the North by the Excomminqui, or, as they are commonly called, the Excommunicated.10 This tribe is very savage, and, it is said, is addicted to Cannibalism; although once in very peaceful relations with the French for a considerable length of time, it is now on a footing of irreconcilable enmity. There follow, in the interior, toward the west, the Algonquins; then the Montagnais; those dwelling at the head-waters of this 69 same great Canadian river are the Irocois, whose territory also extends far to the South.


Atque hi ferè Irocosij noti sunt Gallis duntaxat ob perpetua bella, quæ cum Montagnesijs, & Algonquinis fœderatis [10] & amicis populis geruntur. Iam verò Austrum versùs terra ab hoc S. Laurentij sinu paulatim vsque ad quadragesimum tertium gradum excurrit, vbi rursus altero sinu maximo inciditur, quem Francicum appellant. Hic gurges terras vastè exedens, seséque Aquilonem versùs & S. Laurentij sinum incuruans, velut Isthmum efficit; Isthmúmque adiuuat S. Ioannis longissimum flumē, quod orsum ab ipsa propemodum ora magni Canadæ in hūc sese Francicum gurgitem exonerat. Continet hic Isthmus leucas admodū quingentas circuitu suo, eúmque occupant Soriqui populi. In hoc Isthmo portus regalis est, vbi nunc degimus, ad gradum latitudinis quadragesimum quartum cum besse. Sed habet portus ostium suum (ne quis fallatur) non in Oceanum ad orientem obuersum, sed in sinum eum, quem dixi Francicum: ad Occidentem & septentrionem à fluuio Sancti Ioannis vsque ad fluuium Potugoët, atque adeò vsque ad flumen Rimbegui habitant Etheminquenses. Habet Rimbegui ostia sua sub gradu quadragesimo [11] tertio cum besse. Nec procul est Chouacoët, quod alterum est latus siue brachium terræ, quod sinum Frācicum excipit. Námque ad orientem est illud, quod 70 promontorium sabulosum nominamus: ad Occidentem Chouacoët; vtrumque ad quadragesimum tertium eleuationis gradum, cùm tamen inter hoc atque illud centum leucarum intercapedo sit: à fluuio Rimbegui[IV.] vsque ad quadragesimum gradum latè possident, qui Armouchiqui appellantur. Atque hæc ferè partitio est regionis: itáque si numeres, populi erunt septem, linguâ inter se ac studijs discrepantes; Excommunicati, Algonquini, Montagnesij, Irocosij, Soriqui, Etheminquenses, & Armouchiqui. Sed ex ijs nec Excommunicati, nec Irocosij, nec Armouchiqui multum Gallis noti sunt. Reliqui quatuor in firmam iam videntur cum ijs amicitiam & cōsuetudinem coaluisse. Pernoctant ipsi nobiscum, nos cum ipsis vagamur, venamur, viuimus sine armis, sine metu; & quod adhuc apparuerit, sine periculo. Caussa frequentandi piscatio fuit Moluarum, [12] quibus hoc mare abundat, & pellium permutatio. Nam cùm ære, ferro, cānabe, lanâ, frugibus, atqʒ omni ferè artificio Barbari careant, hæc à Gallis accipiunt. Ipsi contrà, qui vnicus thesaurus est, pelles retribuunt. Est autem regio tota magnam partem perfrigida. Caussæ sunt plures; vna quòd valde aquosa est; nam præterquam quòd vndique ferè mari alluitur, fluminibus præterea & stagnis lacubúsque maximis abundat. Insulæ ita frequentes sunt, vt ora tota ijs intercisa, & tanquam baccata sit. Hinc sequitur nimirum, vt pruinosa sit, & tamē ventosa, sed flatu non nisi ferè 72 algido. Altera est caussa frigoris, quòd inculta sit; nam cùm latè omnia silua vna contineat, nihil mirum est, si vix vnquam possit humus calefieri. Adde his, si placet, caussam tertiam, montes videlicet niuosos ac perpetuò rigentes, quibus dicimur ab Occidente ac Septentrione procul obuallari.

These Irocois are known to the French chiefly for the perpetual warfare which they maintain against the Montagnais and Algonquins, allied [10] and friendly tribes. To the South, however, the coast gradually advances up to the forty-third degree, where once more it is interrupted by a very large bay called French bay. This gulf, advancing far into the interior, and bending toward the North and the gulf of St. Lawrence, forms a sort of Isthmus; and this Isthmus is completed by the St. John, a very long river which, taking its rise almost at the very banks of the great Canadian river, empties into this French bay. This Isthmus has a circuit of fully five hundred leagues and is occupied by the Soriquois tribe. In this Isthmus is port royal, where we are now sojourning, lying on the parallel of 44° 40'. But this port (to obviate misunderstanding) is not on the Ocean lying eastward, but on that gulf which I have called French bay. To the West and north, from the river of St. John to the river Potugoët,3 and even to the river Rimbegui,2 live the Etheminqui. The mouth of this river is in latitude 43° 40'. [11] Not far distant is Chouacoët,11 which is the other shore or arm embracing French Bay. For to the east lies what we call cape sable, while Chouacoët lies toward the West; both are on the forty-third parallel, though they are separated by an interval of a hundred leagues. From the Rimbegui[III.] river to the fortieth parallel the whole country is in the possession of the tribe called the Armouchiquois. Such is the distribution of the territory. The tribes amount to seven in number, differing from each other 71 in language and character: the Excommunicated, the Algonquins, the Montagnais, the Irocois, the Soriquois, the Etheminqui and the Armouchiquois. But of these neither the Excommunicated, nor the Irocois, nor the Armouchiquois are well known to the French. The remaining four tribes appear already to be united in firm friendship and intimacy with them. They stay over night among us; we rove about with them, and hunt with them and live among them without arms and without fear; and, as has thus far appeared, without danger. This intimacy arose partly from association while fishing for Cod, [12] which abound in these waters, and partly from trading in furs. For the Savages, who have neither copper, iron, hemp, wool, vegetables nor manufactured articles of any kind, resort to the French for them, giving in return the only thing of value they have, namely, furs. This whole region is for the most part very cold, owing to various causes. In the first place, the country is a very wet one; for, besides being washed on almost every side by the sea, it abounds in rivers and ponds and large lakes. Islands are so numerous that the whole shore is cut up by a confused procession of them, as it were. Moreover, though a land of frost, it is very windy, the wind being nearly always a cold one. Another cause of cold is the wildness of the country; for, being covered on every side by one continuous forest, it naturally follows that the soil hardly ever becomes really warmed through. A third cause is the mountains, covered with snow and perpetual frost, which are said to wall us in far away to the North and the West.


Certè quidem ab ea parte non nisi gelu perflamur & niuibus. Alioqui sanè facies regionis est peramœna, pluribus [13] locis hospitem inuitans ac bene pollicens; & quod apparuit, si colatur, non infœcunda. Indigenæ rari sunt. Etheminquenses mille capita numerare non possent, nec multò plus Algonquini simul & Montanenses iuncti: Soriqui duo millia non conficerent: Itaque summùm quatuor capitum millibus tam vasti terrarum & littorum tractus non tenentur, sed percurruntur. Gens enim est vaga, siluestris, & sparsa, vt quæ venatu solo & piscatu viuat. Imberbes feré, & quidem statura cōmuni, vel paulò breuiore ac graciliore quàm nostri, at non degener tamen aut indecora; color non multùm fuscus, faciem vulgò pingunt, & in luctu atrant. Iuris amantes, ac vim latrociniùmque perosi. Quod sanè mirum est in hominibus, qui lege ac magistratu carent. Sui enim quisque dominus est ac vindex. Sagamos quidem habēt, hoc est bellorum ductores, sed quorum omnino precarium sit imperium, si tamen imperium appellandum est, vbi nulla est necessitas parendi. Sequuntur vel exemplo, vel vsu, vel affinitatis [14] aut generis conciliatione inducti, nonnunquam etiam certè cuiusdam 74 potentiæ auctoritate: bella populatim gerunt, ob illatas priuatis iniurias. Genus totum vindictæ auidum; & vt barbarum, in victoriâ insolens, captiuorum capita tanquam opima spolia & torques magno gaudio circumferunt.

We certainly get nothing from that quarter but piercing winds and snow-storms. Elsewhere, however, 73 the appearance of the country is very pleasing, and in many [13] places inviting to the settler and quite promising; and, as experience has shown, it is not unfruitful if cultivated. The natives are not numerous. The Etheminqui number less than a thousand, the Algonquins and the Montagnais together would not amount to much more, the Soriquois would not amount to two thousand. Thus four thousand Indians at most roam through, rather than occupy, these vast stretches of inland territory and sea-shore. For they are a nomadic people, living in the forests and scattered over wide spaces, as is natural for those who live by hunting and fishing only. They are nearly all beardless and of average stature, or even a little shorter and more slender than we, but not degraded nor ill-favored in appearance; their color is not very swarthy; they commonly paint their faces, and, when in mourning, blacken them. They love justice and hate violence and robbery, a thing really remarkable in men who have neither laws nor magistrates; for, among them, each man is his own master and his own protector. They have Sagamores, that is, leaders in war; but their authority is most precarious, if, indeed, that may be called authority to which obedience is in no wise obligatory. The Indians follow them through the persuasion of example or of custom, [14] or of ties of kindred and alliance; sometimes even through a certain authority of power, no doubt. They wage war as a tribe on account of wrongs done to a private individual. The whole race is very revengeful and, after the fashion of savages, insolent in victory, carrying about the heads of their captives as trophies and spoils of victory.


Et quidem dicuntur humanis carnibus non abstinuisse, ídque etiamnum perhibentur & Excommunicati & Armonchiqui facere: verum ab ijs, quorum est cum Gallis consuetudo, tantum scelus procul abest.

They are even said to have been addicted to the eating of human flesh, and the Excommunicated and 75 Armouchiquois tribes are said to have the same practice even now. Those, however, who are intimate with the French are far from being guilty of so great a crime.


Religio tota certis incantationibus, choreis, & veneficijs constat; nimirum vt aut necessaria vitæ conquirant, aut inimicos amoliantur; suos habent Autmoinos, hoc est veneficos, qui malū Dæmonem consulant de vita & morte, futurorúmque euentis; & quidem sese illis mala bellua præsentem sæpe sistit, vt ipsi asserunt, vindictam annuit, renuítque, mortem inimicorum suorumvé, venationem prosperam, & cetera eiusmodi ludibria, quorum vt ne quid desit, [15] etiam somnijs fidem habent: si fortè super placito & bene auspicante somnio euigilauerint, consurgunt, vel de nocte concubia, & omen cantu ac choreis sequuntur. Templa, ædesvé sacras, ritus, cæremonias, disciplinam nullam habent, vti nec leges aut artificia politiamvé vllam, præter certos mores & consuetudinem, quorū sunt retinentissimi. Si quem Veneficus respondit ad certā diem moriturum, is deseritur ab omnibus; quin ipse adeò miser, vtpote iam mortis certus, vltro sibi inediam atque omnium incuriam indicit, credo ne videatur contra fatum pugnare.

Their whole religion consists of certain incantations, dances and sorcery, which they have recourse to, it seems, either to procure the necessaries of life or to get rid of their enemies; they have Autmoinos, that is, medicine-men, who consult the evil Spirit regarding life and death and future events; and the evil spirit [great beast] often presents himself before them, as they themselves assert, approves or disapproves their schemes of vengeance, promises them the death of their enemies or friends, or prosperity in the chase, and other mockeries of the same sort. To make these complete they [15] even have faith in dreams; if they happen to awake from a pleasing and auspicious dream, they rise even in the middle of the night and hail the omen with songs and dances. They have no temples, sacred edifices, rites, ceremonies or religious teaching, just as they have no laws, arts or government, save certain customs and traditions of which they are very tenacious. If the Medicine-man predicts that a certain person will die before a fixed date, this man is deserted by all; and, in his misery, feeling certain of impending death, he voluntarily condemns himself to suffer hunger and complete neglect, apparently that he may not seem to contend against fate.


76 Quin etiam si fortè ad præstitutam diem, vt sæpe fit, moribundus non videatur, pro se quisqʒ proximi vrceis frigidæ in ventrem miseri inuergendis celerant mortem. Hæc pietas est Sathanæ mancipijs: ita quoque nimirùm, quia semper fallax est, diuinus nunquam fallit; quāquam natio ista deceptrix aruspicum multum iam de auctoritate suá ab aduētu Gallorum amisit; passimque nunc quiritantur suos iam Diabolos viribus exidisse, [16] præut quidam ferūt Patrum suorum fuisse temporibus. Mortuorum ita cum corpore sepeliunt memoriam, vt ne nomen quidem deinceps audire sustineant. Dei quidem vnius supremi tenuem quandam habent cognitionem, verumtamen affectibus & vsu deprauati nihilo seciùs, vt dixi, Cacodæmonem etiam colunt; ob vitæ commoda, algoris & inediæ patientes sunt supra modum. Octo, decem dies, si fors ita exigat, feram ieiuni persequūtur, summis niuibus frigoribúsqʒ tum maximè ardet venatio. Et tamen hi ipsi Boreâ, vt sic dicam, & crystallo nati, vbi semel sub suis tugurijs cum præda consederunt, inertes illico, & cuiusuis laboris impatientes fiunt: feminis mandant omnia: hæ præter onerosam liberorum educationē, gestationémque, insuper feram ex eo loco vbi ceciderit, aduehunt: hæ lignatum & aquatum eunt hæ supellectilem conficiunt, curántque: cibos apparant, feras excoriant, pelles fullonis arte conficiunt, vestimenta consuunt, piscantur & conchas maximè ad cibum legunt, sæpe [17] etiam venantur: hæ canoas, hoc est cymbulas miræ celeritatis è cortice 78 compingunt, tuguriola, vbi & quando pernoctandum est, ædificant: denique præter laboriosiorem venationem & bella nihil aliud quidquam viris est pensi. Hac de caussa plures ferè vxores quisque habet, Sagami maximè, vt qui potentiam suam & concursum pluriū tanquam clientium tueri nequeant, non solùm sine pluribus liberis, qui valeant ad terrorem & gratiam, sed etiam sine pluribus mancipijs, quæ necessaria vitæ officia & exequantur & tolerent. Nam feminas mancipiorum loco habent, tractántqʒ. Inter se mirificè liberales sūt, nihil quisquam aut fortunarum, aut sibi habere sustineat, quin partem maximā astantibus eroget, quin etiam qui Tabagiam agit, vt loquūtur, hoc est qui conuiuio alios excipit, non accumbit ipse cum reliquis, sed ministrat, neqʒ partem aliquam dapis residuam sibi facit, sed distribuit omnia, ita vt famem cogatur eo die conuiuator pati, nisi quis inuitatorū, ex eo quod sibi superfuerit, miseratus ei [18] retribuat. Et similis apparuit sæpe liberalitas in Gallos aliquo casu oppressos. Nam erga reliquos, aut hîc aut in nauibus agentes didicerunt à nobis non facilè quicquā gratis dare. Pedunculos capitis quæsitant, & in delicijs habent. In mendicando & postulando importunissimi sunt, & qui esse solent mendicorū & inopū mores, falsi, obloquutores, assētatores, vani. Gallos quidē atqʒ omnes gentes cùm semel saturi sunt, longè despiciunt, irridéntqʒ clanculum omnia; etiam religionē, quam susceperint. Tuguriola sua vbiuis facilè ac raptim sudibus ramificè ædificant, & 80 aut cortice aut pellibus aut etiā tegete cōtegunt. Ignis in medio extruitur. Sed hæc iam satis supérque de regione & hominibus, maximè cùm accuratam regionis Chorographiam mittam; ex quo vno intuitu, quidquid de terrarum & maris situ dixi, liquidò apparebit.

If, however, he does not appear to be in a dying condition by the time predicted, his friends and relatives even hasten his death by pouring jars of cold water over his stomach. Such is the piety of these servants of Satan. Thus, no doubt because he is always deceitful, the soothsayer never appears to 77 deceive himself; although this lying race of prophets have lost much of their authority since the coming of the French, and now universally complain that their Devils have lost much of their power, [16] if compared with what it is said to have been in the time of their Ancestors. They so completely bury the very remembrance of the dead with their bodies that they will not even suffer their names to be mentioned afterwards. Of the one supreme God they have a certain slender notion, but they are so perverted by false ideas and by custom, that, as I have said, they really worship the Devil. To obtain the necessaries of life they endure cold and hunger in an extraordinary manner. During eight or ten days, if the necessity is imposed on them, they will follow the chase in fasting, and they hunt with the greatest ardor when the snow is deepest and the cold most severe. And yet these same Savages, the offspring, so to speak, of Boreas and the ice, when once they have returned with their booty and installed themselves in their tents, become indolent and unwilling to perform any labor whatever, imposing this entirely upon the women. The latter, besides the onerous rôle of bearing and rearing the children, also transport the game from the place where it has fallen; they are the hewers of wood and drawers of water; they make and repair the household utensils; they prepare food; they skin the game and prepare the hides like fullers; they sew garments; they catch fish and gather shellfish for food; often [17] they even hunt; they make the canoes, that is, skiffs of marvelous rapidity, out of bark; they set up the tents wherever and whenever they stop for the night—in short, the men concern themselves with nothing but the more laborious hunting and the waging of war. For this reason 79 almost every one has several wives, and especially the Sagamores, since they cannot maintain their power and keep up the number of their dependents unless they have not only many children to inspire fear or conciliate favor, but also many slaves to perform patiently the menial tasks of every sort that are necessary. For their wives are regarded and treated as slaves. These Savages are extremely liberal toward each other; no one is willing to enjoy any good fortune by himself, but makes his friends sharers in the larger part of it; and whoever receives guests at what they call a Tabagie does not himself sit down with the others, but waits on them, and does not reserve any portion of the food for himself but distributes all; so that the host is constrained to suffer hunger during that day, unless some one of his guests takes pity on him [18] and gives him back a portion of what remains over from his own share. And they have often shown the same liberality toward the French, when they have found them in distress. For they have learned from us that, toward others than these, whether here or in the ships, nothing is readily given away. They hunt after the lice in their heads and regard them as a dainty. They are most importunate beggars and, after the fashion of beggars and needy people, they are hypocritical—contradicting, flattering and lying to achieve their ends. But when once they have gotten their fill they go off, mocking the French and everybody else at a distance and secretly laughing at everything, even the religion which they have received. They set up their tents easily and quickly in any place with branching stakes, which they cover either with bark or skins or even with mats. The fire is built in the middle. But this is enough, and more than enough, 81 regarding the country and the people, especially as I send an accurate Map of the region, a single glance at which will make clear whatever I have said regarding the geography of land and sea.12


Nvnc ad id venio, quod secundo loco proposui, vt scilicet explicem, quanam tandem via Societas missionem in hanc prouinciam obtinuerit. Et quidem nostri [19] Burdigalenses pro suo animarum zelo à multis retro annis huc respectârant, huc intenderant, vt miseræ nationi opem ferrent: sed pios eorum & ardentes conatus, quos periculi facies non terreret, diu subsidiorum ad agendum inopia frustrata est. Restituta demum in Galliam Societate, agere seriò per P. Cotonum cum Magno Henrico cœperunt, sibi vt liceret in his quoque regionibus laborare, & amplexus est Rex Societatis amans tam piam & propensam voluntatem, sed nihilominus tamen vtilibus consilijs longa adhuc & odiosa mora interuenit. Nulli adhuc Galli regionem incolebant, commorandi animo, & qui antè à Rege missus fuerat, explorandi tentandíque caussâ, alienus à sacris nostris erat, & ijs postmodum rebus, non solùm infectis, sed etiam prope desperatis domum in Galliam redijt: iussit tamen Princeps inuictus ne desponderemus animum, mittendi solùm destinarentur, moniturum se cùm maturum foret; atque adeò vt arrha quædam esset sponsionis, pecuniam ex eo tēpore in [20] viaticum assignauit. 82 Sed hæc agentibus, ecce pij Regis funesta mors intercedit. Nō defuit Devs sub idem anni tempus: ad nouum regem nuntij rediêrunt ab eo, qui anno superiore in has sibi terras coloniā depoposcerat.

Now I shall enter upon my second topic and explain by what means the Society finally secured the sending of a mission to this province. It is true that our adherents at [19] Bordeaux, in their zeal for the saving of souls, had looked forward to this, and had aimed at this for many years back, namely, at bringing help to this wretched race. But their pious and ardent efforts, which recoiled before no danger, were long frustrated by lack of means for prosecuting them. When our Society was at last re-admitted into France, they began to negotiate in earnest with Henry the Great, through Father Coton, to obtain permission to labor in these regions also, and the King, so full of good-will toward our Society, espoused this pious and important project; but, nevertheless, the taking of active steps was preceded by a long and vexatious delay. No Frenchmen as yet inhabited this region with the purpose of settling here, and such as had been sent by the King as explorers and in a tentative way, being indifferent to our holy aims, had soon returned to France, leaving these things not only unaccomplished but even almost hopeless. But our Prince, undeterred by these considerations, bade us be of good heart, and promised, if we would but designate those who were to be sent, that he would let us know when he deemed the time opportune; and, as an earnest of his promise, from that time forward he assigned to us a sum of money for the [20] voyage. But at this point, unhappily, occurred the tragic death of the King. Yet at this very season God came to our help. Some messengers 83 came to the new king from the man who last year solicited the royal permission to found a colony in this country.


Is est Ioannes Biencurtius, vulgò Potrincurtius, nobilis & magni animi vir. Ergo accepta occasione agitur cum Regina Regente Maria Medicæa, maximæ pietatis heroina, vt quæ maritus tanta virtute destinâsset, per eam efficerentur, daretur locus duobus è Nostris in eâ naui, quæ proximè huc esset ventura. Annuit Regina, munificéque respondit desiderio. Ergo statim ex Aquitania euocatus Sacerdos vnus, alter ex ipsa Francia desumptus. Sed ecce rursum moras, rursum sese Sathanas excitat. Dieppâ erat soluendum, & ea nauis, quæ huc vela faciebat ita erat mercatoribus Hæreticis obnoxia, vt sine ipsis commouere se non posset. Ergo ij simul ac Nostros vident, negant enimuerò præcisè sese passuros, vt rudens expediatur, si Iesuitæ nauigaturi sint. Obtenditur [21] Reginæ imperium, interponitur etiam Gubernatoris auctoritas. Itur, reditúrque ad Reginam, & ab ea literæ, mandatáque afferuntur, sed obstinationem hæreticam, vt Ecclesiæ, ita nec Regum frangit aut permouet auctoritas. Hæc peruicacia benignissimorum Principum illustriorē pietatam fecit. Namque Antonia Pontia Marchionissa Guercheuilia matrona clarissima, & vt appellant, filiarum Reginæ gubernatrix, vbi has tricas audijt, pro suo in Devm & Societatem amore, non dubitauit à maximis quibusqʒ 84 totius curiæ eleemosynam petere eo nomine, vt victâ hæreticorum contumaciâ Iesuitis liceret in has terras proficisci. Nec difficile ei fuit, in pia caussa suapte sponte propensam Catholicorum Principum benignitatem allicere: breui summa confecta est librarum quatuor millium. Ea & hæreticorum repulit iniquitatem, & Nostros in nauim non iam vt hospites, sed vt magna ex parte Dominos, potentésqʒ imposuit. Ita nimirum Christus, vt solet, per hostium impugnationem cōfirmauit suos, [22] per iniquitatem auxilijs necessarijs instruxit, & per machinationes, atque opprobria è tenebris atque ignobilitate vindicauit: ipsi gloria in sæcula. Amen.

This man is Jean Biencourt, commonly called Potrincourt, of noble birth and a magnanimous man. Accordingly, seizing this opportunity, we made overtures to the Queen Regent, Marie de Médicis, that most pious and exalted lady, begging her to execute what her husband had so piously purposed by giving a place to two of our Fathers in the ship which was to sail shortly for this place. The Queen assented, and responded to our request most liberally. Accordingly one Priest was immediately summoned from Aquitaine, and another was chosen in France. But lo! Satan rouses himself again, and again interposes new delay. We were to sail from Dieppe, but the ship that was to bear us to this country was so completely under the influence of Heretical merchants that it could not stir without their consent. Accordingly, as soon as they saw our Priests they refused outright to let the ship sail if the Jesuits were to embark in it. The order of the [21] Queen was alleged, and the authority of the Governor was interposed. Recourse was had to the Queen, and letters and orders were obtained from her; but even Royal authority is, like that of the Church, unable to break or bend heretical obstinacy. This stubborn resistance lent all the more lustre to the piety of our benignant Rulers. For Antoinette de Pons, Marchioness de Guercheville, a most illustrious lady, and governess to the daughters of the Queen, on learning these petty hindrances did not hesitate, in her love for God and for our Society, to ask in his name for aid from some of the greatest men in the council of this realm, that the contumacy of the heretics might 85 be subdued and the Jesuits permitted to sail to this land. Nor did she have any difficulty in gaining the good-will of the Catholic Princes, inclined of their own accord to sympathize with this holy cause; in a word, the sum of four thousand livres was collected. This not only put an end to the iniquitous resistance of the heretics, but gave our Priests the influence of Masters rather than of mere passengers in the ship. Thus, no doubt Christ, as usual, has strengthened his own followers through the attacks of enemies; [22] through their iniquity he has furnished aid to his own children and protected them from the darkness and the baseness of their foes, even through their intrigues and insult; his be the glory forever and ever. Amen.


Dieppâ soluimus incommodissimo tempore, vigesimo sexto Ianuarij Anni huius CIↃ.IↃD.XI. Nauis erat non magna, & haud satis instructa, nautæ ex magna parte hæretici; & vt hyeme in procelloso mari, multis grauissimísqʒ tempestatibus perfuncti sumus, tenuítqʒ nauigatio menses ipsos quatuor. Ex quibus apparet, quàm multa omnis generis perferenda fuerint. Certè alter nostrûm magnam itineris partem æger, debilitatúsque iacuit. Conati tamen sumus consueta Societatis munia exhibere. Manè ac vespere ad orationem vectores conuocabantur quotidie: festis etiam officia quædam Ecclesiastica decantabantur; sæpe habebantur cohortationes piæ, interdum nonnullæ cum hæreticis disputationes: iurandi cōsuetudo & verborū lasciuia reprimebatur. Non omittebantur multa simul humilitatis, simul charitatis exempla.

We sailed from Dieppe in a most unfavorable season, on the 26th of January, of this year 1611. The ship was not large and was insufficiently equipped; the sailors were mostly heretics. As it was winter and the sea was stormy, we encountered many severe tempests and the voyage lasted four whole months, from which it is apparent how many sufferings of every kind we underwent. Indeed, during the greater portion of the voyage one or the other of us lay sick and debilitated. Yet we attempted to discharge the usual duties, of our Society. Morning and evening, every day, the passengers were called together for prayer; on holidays certain Ecclesiastical services were held, pious exhortations were frequently made, and sometimes disputations with the heretics took place. The habit of swearing and using obscene language was repressed. Nor were there wanting many examples of humility and of charity.


86 [23] Denique illud Dei beneficio obtentum est, vt Hæretici, qui nos antè velut monstra è suorū videlicet ore Ministrorum reputabant, non solùm agnouerint suorum in hac re impostorum malitiam, sed etiam multis postea locis laudum nostrarum prædicatores extiterint; hic ergo summatim fuit noster in has terras ingressus.

[23] Finally, with God's blessing, we brought the Heretics, who, evidently through the preaching of 87 their own Pastors, regarded us as monsters, to recognize the malice of these impostors in this matter, so that they afterwards on many occasions stood up to proclaim our praises. Such, in brief, was our voyage to this land.


Seqvitvr iam ex initio propositis tertium, nimirum vt exponatur, quonam tandē loco rem Christianam his in locis offenderimus. Certé ante hoc tempus vix vnquam à Gallis vacatum fuit conuertēdis incolarum ad Christum animis. Obstabant multa. Nam & peregrinabantur huc tantùm, non cōmorabantur: & qui commorari voluerunt, tam aduersis conflictati sunt casibus, vt ei rei dare operam sanè multam non potuerint. Deuehebantur duntaxat interdum nonnulli in Galliam, ibíq; baptizabantur, sed ijdem vt nec satis instituti, & à pastoribus destituti, simul ac in has oras remigrauerant, ad solita prorsus & vsitata reuoluebantur. Appulimus huc nos [24] vigesimâ secundâ Maij, ipso sacro Pentecostes die, anni huius CIↃ.IↃC.XI. Quo duntaxat anno is, quem sæpius appellare necesse est, D. Potrincurtius ad sedes hîc domiciliúmqʒ figendum peruenerat, secúmqʒ Sacerdotem sæcularem aduexerat. Is Sacerdos per eum annum dicitur capita ferè centum baptimo initiauisse; in his celebrem inter Sagamos, & de quo nos infra plura dicemus, Henricum Membertou cum familia vniuersa, hoc est cum tribus liberis iam cōiugibus. 88 Sed, vt fit, cùm nec Sacerdos ipse, nec alius quisquam linguam nôsset, nisi quātum attinet ad vitæ & mercimoniorum necessitatem, erudiri videlicet neophyti non potuerunt.

Now follows the third of the topics proposed in the beginning—the setting forth, namely, of the condition in which we found the Christian religion in this country. Certainly before this time scarcely any attention has ever been given by the French to converting the souls of the natives to Christ. There have been many obstacles. For the French only wandered through these regions, but did not remain here, and those who wished to remain were harassed by so many calamities that they assuredly could not give much thought to this matter. Some natives, it is true, were occasionally brought to France and baptized there, but these not being sufficiently instructed, and finding themselves without shepherds as soon as they returned to these shores, immediately resumed their former habits and traditions. We landed here [24] on the 22nd of May, on the holyday of Pentecost of this year 1611. In this very same year Sieur Potrincourt, whom I shall have occasion to mention several times, had come here to establish himself permanently, and had brought a secular Priest with him. This Priest, it is said, baptized nearly a hundred persons during the year, among them one of the most celebrated of the Chiefs, of whom we shall have to speak again later, Henry Membertou, with his whole family, that is, three children already married. But, since neither this Priest nor any one else knew their language, save so far as pertains to the merest necessities of intercourse 89 and trade, the neophytes could of course not be instructed in our doctrines.


Baptismum accipiebant velut sacrum aliquod signum similitudinis & confœderationis cum Gallis. De Christo, de Ecclesia, de Fide ac Symbolo, mandatis Dei, oratione ac Sacramentis vix quidquam nouerant, ignari & crucis efformandæ, & ipsius nominis Christiani. Itaque nunc vulgò sciscitantibus nobis, Christianus es? negat optimus quisque, [25] scire se quid rogetur. Mutata interrogatione quærentibus, baptizatus es? Annuit vero ac propemodum sese iam Nortmannum pronuntiat; nam Gallos ferè omnes Nortmannos appellitant. De cætero nulla omnino in Christianis à Gentilium ritu mutatio. Iidem mores, consuetudo & vita, idem chorearum, rituum, cantuum, atque adeò veneficiorum vsus, prorsus antiqua omnia. De vno Deo & bonorum retributione docti sunt aliqua, sed quæ se ipsi semper ita audiuisse & credidisse profiteantur. Sacellum reperimus vnum valde angustum & miserum, sed nec profectò reliqua habitatio, vt in principijs, aut valde laxa aut commoda est.

They accepted baptism as a sort of sacred pledge of friendship and alliance with the French. As regards Christ, the Church, the Faith and the Symbol, the commandments of God, prayer and the Sacraments, they knew almost nothing; nor did they know the sign of the cross or the very name of Christian. So, even now, whenever we ask any one, "Are you a Christian?" every one of them answers that he does not understand what [25] we are asking him. But when we change the form of our question and ask, "Are you baptized?" he assents and declares himself to be already almost a Norman, for they call the French in general Normans. In other respects there is almost no change from the religion of the Gentiles to Christianity. They keep up the same manners and traditions and mode of life, the same dances and rites and songs and sorcery; in fact, all their previous customs. Concerning the one God and the reward of the just, they have learned some things, but they declare that they had always heard and believed thus. We found one little chapel here, a very small and poor one, but the other dwellings also, as is to be expected among new settlers, are by no means large or commodious.


Vnica hîc adest D. Potrincurtij familia, sine feminis capita sumus viginti. Nos duo é Societate tuguriolum habemus ligneum, in quo vix positâ mensâ commouere nos possumus. Et reliqua sunt huic certè habitationi ac nostræ professioni, hoc est, paupertati 90 cōsentanea. Vtinam ab humilibus principijs exurgat aliquādo, & efflorescat salus animorum; [26] huc incumbimus, sed vt languidi cultores non magno successu, qualis tamen, quantúsque is fuerit, hoc mihi iam narrandum est, quoniam id iam explicui, quod tertium erat ex propositis, videlicet quonam in statu vineam hanc seu potiùs virgultum offenderimus.

Sieur Potrincourt's family is the only one here; without the women we number twenty. We two of the Society have a wooden cabin in which we can scarcely turn around when we have a table in it. And everything else is certainly in keeping with our dwelling and our vocation in life, that is, poverty. God grant that from these humble beginnings may rise and greatly flourish the work of salvation; [26] to this we bend all our efforts, though, as we are but 91 feeble workers, with no great success. What the nature and extent of this success has been I must now relate, since I have already treated my third topic, namely, the description of the state in which we found this vineyard, or rather this wildwood.


Pervenimvs huc (sicut antè numeratum est) vigesimâ secundâ Maij. Itaque non multo plus hodie, quàm septem menses hic commorati sumus. Per hoc igitur tempus, & domi aliqua gesta sunt, & foris. Domi primùm dedimus operam, vt pro nostris viribus officium Ecclesiasticum ne deesset. Nam Sacerdos ille, qui huc ante nos aduenerat, à nostro statim aduētu in Galliam sua ipse sponte & pro veteri desiderio remigrauit. Dominicis festísque diebus solemnem missam & vesperas decantamus, cohortamur, & nonnunquam procedimus, ipsis etiam nostrorum siluicolarum pueris cereos, vrceos, aut aliud quid pium, quando hîc adsunt, præferentibus. Ita enim paulatim nostris ceremonijs assuescunt. Solemnior ea processio fuit, qua [27] sanctissimum Sacramentum festo ipsi die cumtulimus. Ipse enim D. Potrincurtius sedulitatem in eo nostram collaudauit, sicut & in sacello, quantum potest, in tanta paupertate coornando. Et quoniam animaduertimus eos, qui antè baptizati essent, vix aliud quidquam cum baptismate, nisi periculum maius suscepisse, prolectationem illam proiectionémqʒ ad baptisma quomodocumqʒ offerendum 92 reiecimus, in eóque perstamus, ne quis adultus ante necessariam suæ fidei professionísque cognitionem initietur. Ita cùm adhuc ignari linguæ simus, neque per vllum interpretem enuntiare sacra nostra, aut scriptis mandare potuerimus, quantacumque in eo sit opera, vti sanè posita est plurima cursus nimirum Euangelij in his hactenus hæret vadis ac syrtibus. Id suademus, vt infantes ad nos lustrandi afferantur, quod etiam Dei beneficio iam cœpit fieri. Duos baptizauimus, & tertiam puellam circiter nouennem. Hæc puella non magis morbo, quàm esurie neglectúque contabescebat; solet enim hæc natio facilè desperare medicinam, [28] & desperatos prorsum abijcere, vt antè dictum est. Ergo hanc ita depositam à cognatis deposcimus ad baptismum, illi verò perlibenter eam nobis concedere, non ad baptismum solùm, sed etiam ad voluntatem, vt quæ, inquiebant, instar iam esset canis mortui. At nos, vt specimen daremus Christianæ pietatis, in separatum eam transtulimus tuguriolum, ibíqʒ eam aluimus & curauimus ipsi sedulò, institutámque quantum extremo periculo conflictanti necesse esset, abluimus aquâ salutari. Nono demum pòst die abeuntem ad superos læta spe sumus prosecuti, cùm gauderemus cœlo iam nonnihil nostri laboris placere. Lætior exitus in alio fuit, sed exemplum non dissimile charitatis: hic est, secundò genitus celebris illius Sagami Membertou, quem antè diximus primū omnium Soricorum nostra sacra suscepisse.

We arrived here, as already noted, on the 22nd of May. Accordingly, we have now sojourned here a little more than seven months. During this period we have accomplished some work both at home and abroad. Our first efforts we expended at home, so that, as far as it lay in our power, there might be no interruption of Religious services. For the secular Priest who had preceded us here, immediately on our arrival, of his own free will and in accordance with a long-cherished desire, had returned to France. On Sundays and holydays we celebrate solemn mass and vespers; we preach and sometimes have processions, the boys of our children of the forest carrying before us, when they are present here, tapers and censers and other sacred utensils. For thus, little by little, they become accustomed to our ceremonies. Our procession was, however, a more solemn one on the day of Corpus Christi when we carried about the [27] blessed Sacrament. Sieur Potrincourt himself praised highly our efforts in this, as well as in adorning our chapel as much as we could, in spite of our great poverty. Since we have observed that those who had been previously baptized had gotten scarcely anything else through their baptism than increased peril, we have restrained this eager inclination to administer this sacrament without discrimination, and we insist that no adult person shall receive it until he has the necessary understanding of his faith and his profession. So, as we have thus far been ignorant of the language and have been unable to explain our doctrines through 93 any interpreter, or to commit them to writing, howsoever great a labor that may prove—and it will certainly prove a great one—the course of the Gospel is, up to this point, embarrassed by these shoals and quicksands. We try to persuade the savages to bring their babes to us for baptism; and this, with God's blessing, they are beginning to do. We have baptized two boys, and a girl about nine years old. This girl was wasting away as much from hunger and neglect as from sickness; for this people very readily despair [28] of relief in sickness, and, as previously stated, soon abandon those whose recovery is deemed hopeless. Thus, when this girl was given up by her relatives, we asked that she be given us for baptism. They very willingly gave her to us, not only for baptism but to dispose of at our pleasure as being, they said, no longer of more value than a dead dog. But we, to show them an example of Christian piety, carried her to a separate cabin and there fed her and cared for her; and, after teaching her as much as was necessary for one struggling with death, we cleansed her with the saving waters. On her death, nine days later, we entertained the glad hope that our labor had found some favor in heaven. We soon found opportunity for another deed of charity not dissimilar to this, though its result was more auspicious. This was in the case of the second son of that famous Chief Membertou, whom I have already mentioned as having received our doctrines first of all the Soriquois.


94 Huius ego filium extremo iam discrimine periclitantem inuisi: reperio pro more veteri de ipsius bonis tabagiam, hoc est epulum solemne, vt scilicet post epulas non sicut Iacob benediceret suis, [29] sed valediceret, ac deinde cōclamaretur, & cōclamato canes præmitterentur ad interitū. Increpaui ego, vt potui, per interpretē paganicos hos mores in iam Christianis. Benignè respōdit pater ipse Membertou neophytos se esse, verum imperarem; in mea potestate esse omnia. Negaui ego licitam esse illam occisionē canum, aut deplorati derelictionem; choreas, cantusvé funestos ægroto ipso inspectāte mihi non placere; ipsam alioqui tabagiam, & piam in extremis agētis consalutationem ac mandata permisi. Responderunt omnes sibi hoc satis esse, reliqua sese reiecturos. Cæterum D. Potrincurtij nomine ipsos inuitaui, vt ægrū in ipsius ædes deportarēt (aberat enim valde procul) sperare nos de misericordia Dei fore, vt conualescat, quò tandē intelligant falsas atqʒ impias esse, aut momorū suorū, hoc est fatidicorū denunciationes. Paruerunt illi, atqʒ ad nos depositum triduo pòst, hoc est semianimē detulerunt. Quid multa? Fecit dextera Dñi virtutem: non est mortuus, sed vixit; & nunc incolumis narrat opera [30] Dñi. Hoc exemplo commotus senior ipse Membertou cum eam invaletudinem sensisset, quæ postrema illi fuit, deportari ipse vltro, ad nos voluit, atqʒ adeò in nostrum ipsorum tuguriolū, & si placet, in lectum ipsum alterius nostrū. Ibi decumbentem quinqʒ dies prosecuti sumus omni 96 nō solum officio, sed etiam famulatu. At sexto die cùm iam vxor eius aduenisset, & cerneret ipsa vix alteri nostrū, quo miserè humi decubaret, locum esse in tuguriolo derelictū, aliò suapte sponte demigrauit, vbi & piam mortē obijt. Certè hunc reperimus (quippe Domini primitias ab hac gēte) præter cæteros mirabiliter solitū intrinsecus adeò moueri, multò vt ipse plus de nostra fide conciperet, quàm quantū potuisset auditione accipere. Itaqʒ solebat ipse crebrò dictitare, valde optare se, vt citò linguā nossemus. Continuò. n. postquam id perdidicisset, se futurū apud gentem suam cœlestis verbi ac doctrinæ prædicatorem. Dederat ipse in mādatis, vt antiquo in monumēto cū demortua prius familia (quā sciebā paganicè obijsse) [31] sepeliretur. Ego rē improbaui, veritus scilicet, ne vel Galli, vel etiā Gētiles hoc interpretarētur in fidei nostræ iniuriā. Sed ille hoc respōdebat: ita sibi promissū fuisse, antequā Christo nomen daret, fore, vt locus cōsecraretur, & exemplū proferebat ex anteactis non dissimile; alioqui. n. cōtrà se vereri, si nostro in cœmeterio humaretur, ne sui deinceps locū refugerent, atqʒ ita nunquā ad nos redirent. Opposui ego contrà, ̄q potui, & mecū is, quo ferè solo vtor interprete, D. Biencurtius, fili9 D. Potrincurtij. Discessi mœstus: nihil. n. disputando profecerā. Extremā nihilominus vnctionem, ad quā paratus erat, non denegaui. Valuit vis Sacramēti: postridie D. Biencurtiū, mêqʒ magnopere aduocat, docet audiētibus omnib9 mutatā sibi sententiā, velle se nobiscū humari, suísqʒ 98 ̄pcipere, ne ideo locū refugiant ex veteri errore, quin poti9, è Christiani populi sapiētia magis ob eam ipsam caussam locū adament, frequenténtque; ad pias videlicet pro ipso preces effundēdas.

I went to visit this chief's son, who was already at death's door. I found that, in accordance with their old custom, they were holding a tabagie, that is, a solemn feast for the distribution of his property, so that after the entertainment he might, not like Jacob 95 give them his blessing, [29] but might bid them farewell, after which they were to bewail his death and then to offer up a sacrifice of dogs. I rebuked as well as I could, through an interpreter, these pagan usages among a people who were already Christians. The father himself, Membertou, answered mildly that they were but neophytes; that I had but to command and that everything lay in my power. I said that this slaughtering of dogs was wrong, as well as this abandonment of the sick man for whom they were mourning; I added that these dances and death-songs, in the very presence of the sick man displeased me, though I permitted them to hold their tabagie elsewhere, as well as to visit the dying man and learn his last wishes. All replied that this was enough for them, and that they would dispense with the rest. Moreover, in the name of Sieur Potrincourt I invited them to transport to his house the sick man (who was at a very great distance), and said that we hoped, with God's mercy, for his recovery, so that they might thus learn at last that the predictions of their medicine-men or prophets are false and impious. They obeyed, and the third day after brought to us the sufferer, whose life they had despaired of, in a half-dying condition. God's right hand exerted its power; he did not die, but lived, and now, completely recovered, relates what [30] God has done for him. Moved by this example, the elder Membertou himself, when he began to suffer from that sickness which was to be his last, desired of his own accord to be brought to us and to be received into our own cabin, and even, if it pleased us, to occupy one of our beds. He lay there five days, during which we performed every friendly and even every menial office. But on the sixth day, 97 when his wife had also come, and when she saw that there was scarcely room left for one of us to find a wretched couch on the ground in our cabin, he, of his own accord, went elsewhere, and there died a pious death. We found, indeed, that this man (the first fruits of the Lord among this people) was, beyond all others, wont to be so wondrously moved within, that he apprehended much more of our faith than he could have learned from hearing us. Thus he used to say frequently that he ardently desired that we might soon know his language. He said that as soon as he had learned them thoroughly he would become the preacher of this heavenly word and doctrine among his people. He himself had commanded that he should be buried in the ancient burial-place of his family, with those who were already dead (who, I knew, had died as pagans). [31] I opposed this, fearing, of course, that the French and even the Gentiles might interpret this as an affront to our faith. But he answered that it had been promised him, before he gave himself to Christ, that this place should be consecrated; and he cited a past example of something of the sort, adding that he feared, on the contrary, that if he were buried in our cemetery his people might thenceforth avoid the place and thus never return to us. I opposed all the reasons I could, and so did Sieur de Biencourt, the son of Sieur de Potrincourt, he being almost my only interpreter. I went off sadly, for I had accomplished nothing by arguing. Nevertheless, I did not refuse him the extreme unction, for which he was prepared. The power of the Sacrament manifested itself; the next day he called eagerly for Sieur de Biencourt and myself, and told us in the hearing of all the others that he had changed his mind, and wished to be buried in our cemetery; and 99 to teach his people that they should not avoid the place in accordance with their old and erroneous notion, but rather, with the wisdom of a Christian people, should love and frequent it, in order to utter pious prayers for him.


Pacem deinde cum Nostris iterum, [32] iterúmque commendauit, méqʒ adeò præeunte ac manum regente, singulis suorum pio more benedixit: nec lōgè pòst extinctus est. Funus curatum magna ad exemplum pompâ. Et certè diu inter hos populos tantæ auctoritatis Sagamus nō fuit. Quo magis est mirum, quomodo in eo semper inuictus consilio perstiterit, etiam ante conuersionem, ne plures vnquam simul vxores habere vellet.

Then he recommended to them again [32] and again to maintain peace with us, and also piously gave his blessing to certain of his people, I dictating the words and guiding his hand. A short time after, he died. We deemed it well to celebrate his funeral with great pomp. And certainly there has for a long time been no Chief of such great authority among these people. What is still more remarkable is that he always adhered firmly to his resolution never to have more than one wife at a time, even before his conversion.


Atque hæc domi gesta, nunc exeamus foras. Lustraui ego cum Domino Biencurtio magnam totius regionis partem, hoc est totum id, quod antiqui Norumbedam appellabant, flumina etiam ingressus sum præcipua. Fructus is extitit, vt & cognosceremus, & cognosceremur; ipsique siluatici, qui nunquam antea Sacerdotē, aut sacra nostra viderant, inceperint aliquid nostra de Religione apprehendere. Vbicumque ac quoties potuimus, infiniti pretij hostiam obtulimus Omnipotenti Deo, vt scilicet altari, tanquam sede sua posita, inciperet hoc sibi dominium seruator hominum vendicare; terrerētúrque ac fugarentur [33] vsurpatione sua laruales tyranni. Et astiterunt frequenter Barbari magno semper silentio ac reuerentiâ. Inuisebam postea ipsorum casulas, orabam, ægris manus imponebam, cruciculas æneas aut imagunculas donabam, 100 ipsisqʒ de collo suspendebam, & quæ poteram diuina insinuabam. Excipiebant illi omnia perlibenter, signúmque Crucis me ducente conformabant, feréqʒ omnes pueri etiam me longè prosequebantur, vt ipsum sæpius iterarent. Semel contigit, vt quem ægrotum altero antè die inuiseram, propemodúmque depositum audieram, pòst cernerē vegetum, hilarémque, cruce sua gloriantem, & mihi vultu manúque gratulantem, vt suspicio magna sit, non solùm opem crucis sensisse, verum etiam agnouisse. Si quando in Gallicas naues incidebamus, vt sæpe incidimus, monita salutaria dabantur pro loci & temporis opportunitate: interdum etiam vectores expiabantur. Semel maxima quædam complurium mala, & animorum fortunarúmque labes auersa est per Dei gratiam: semel item [34] exitium certissimum, cædésque non paucorum. Reconciliatus quoque magni quidam Iuuenis & animi & spei. Is quòd sibi à D. Potrincurtio timeret, annum iam vnum cum Siluicolis eorum more atque vestitu pererrabat: & suspicio erat peioris quoque rei. Obtulit eum mihi Devs, colloquor, denique post multa Iuuenis sese mihi credit, deduco eum ad D. Potrincurtium, non pœnituit fidei datæ, pax facta est maximo omnium gaudio, & Iuuenis postridie, antequam ad sacram Eucharistiam accederet, suapte ipse sponte à circumstātibus mali exempli veniam petijt. Iam verò vti superuacaneum est de nauigantibus dicere, quòd multa pericula mirabiliter euaserint; ita & de hîc commorantibus, quòd multa 102 sustineant. Quod aqua bibatur, nulla querela est: siquidem cœpit iam nobis ante sex hebdomadas ita panis deficere, vt nunc detur in hebdomadam, quod antè dabatur in vnum diem. Nauim expectamus subsidio venturam. Interim Pistores ac Fabri magno scilicet nomine atque antiquo viuimus, & [35] incidimus quibus vterque in grauem ægritudinem, sed Dominus supposuit manū suam. Nam neque id diu fuit, & semper altero decumbente, alter stetit. Experimur sanè, quantum sit onus vitæ necessitas, dum lignatum, dum aquatum imus, dum coquimus ipsi nobis, dum indumenta aut lauamus, aut reficimus, dum sarcimus tugurioli labes, dum in reliqua corporis cura necessariò detinemur. Inter hæc dies nobis, miserè, noctésque depereunt; illa nos spes consolatur ac sustentat, fore, vt qui subleuat abiectos Devs, vilitatem ipse nostram pro sua quandoque misericordia non despiciat. Quamquā certè dum in subsidiorum inopiam, dum in asperitatem regionis & gentis mores, dum in difficultates rerum, & coloniæ constituendæ, dum in mille pericula obicésqʒ vel maris vel hominum intendimus, somnium & idea Platonica videtur quod conamur. Demonstrarem hoc sigillatim, nisi hoc esset cum Hebræis exploratoribus magis pro humanis viribus, quàm pro diuino auxilio, nec minus ex [36] animi languore, quàm ex rei veritate dicere: Terra hæc deuorat habitatores suos; nos locustæ sumus, cùm hic monstra sint de genere Giganteo. Sed enim tamen, quanticunque sint hi Gigantes, præualebit 104 ille Dauid in funda & lapide, qui conculcat terram in fremitu suo, & in furore obstupefacit gentes; ille Iesvs hominum Seruator, qui benefacit terram & perficit eam, quantumcunque infirmata sit; ille verò, ille, vti speramus, benignitatis ac potentiæ suæ ducet esse, vt quod vaticinatus est Isaias, Exultet solitudo & floreat sicut lilium: quemadmodum sapientiæ paritérqʒ potentiæ suæ reputauit id, quod cernimus, vt cultissima imperia, atque omnibus elata viribus, & gloriâ; suæ cruci atque humilitati subiugarentur. Amen ita sit. Atque hoc nostrum votum adiuuent comprecatione sua cœlites omnes, atque in primis cœlitum Regina & præses; adiuuet Ecclesia vniuersa, speciatímque Ecclesiæ pars illa, cui Paternitas vestra nutu diuino iam diu præest, Societas, votum meum; adiuuet oro atque obsecro [37] Paternitas vestra omni ope, suámque nobis ad id benedictionem pijssimam, si placet, largiatur. E portu Regali in noua Francia vltimo die Ianuarij Anni CIↃ.IↃC.XI.

Vestræ Paternitatis filius ac seruus indignus

Petrvs Biardvs.


[IV.] Sic. pro Kinibequi.

Such are the things achieved at home; let us now consider what has been done elsewhere. I have explored with Sieur Biencourt a large part of this whole region—all that portion, namely, which the old geographers called Norumbega, including the principal rivers. The result is that not only have we come to know the country, but also to be known ourselves, and the savages, who had never before seen a Priest or the rites of our Religion, have begun to learn something concerning it. Wherever and whenever we could do so, we offered the priceless host to the Omnipotent God, so that the altar might be as a seat dedicated to the savior of men, whence he should begin to extend his dominion among this people, while their own hobgoblin tyrants are stricken with terror and driven [33] from their usurpation. The Savages have often been present, always profoundly silent and reverent. Afterwards I would visit their huts to pray and to lay hands on the sick; I gave 101 them little crosses of brass, or images, which I hung about their necks, and as far as possible I infused some religious notions into their minds. They received all these things very gladly, they made the sign of the Cross under my guidance, and nearly all the boys followed me a long distance in order to repeat it oftener. Once it happened that a savage whom I had visited a couple of days before, finding him sick and almost given up by his friends, as I heard, met me rejoicing and well, and glorying in his cross, manifesting his gratitude toward me with hands and countenance, so that I strongly suspected that he had not only experienced the help of the cross but even recognized it. Whenever we fell in with French vessels—and this often happened—salutary counsels were given to the men, in accordance with time and place; sometimes, too, the passengers made their confession. Sometimes calamities that threatened the welfare and fortune of many were averted through the grace of God; sometimes, too, [34] certain destruction and the slaughter of no small number. We have also succeeded in reclaiming a certain Young Man13 of great courage and hope who, through fear of Sieur de Potrincourt, has roamed about for a whole year with the Savages, adopting their ways and dress—not without suspicion, too, of something worse. The Lord brought about a meeting between us. I spoke with him, and at last he confided himself to me. I brought him to Sieur de Potrincourt; he did not repent of having placed faith in me; peace was made, to the great joy of all, and next day the young man, before receiving the holy Eucharist, of his own free will begged the pardon of those who surrounded him, for his evil conduct. But as it would be superfluous to speak of the many 103 perils so miraculously escaped by our vessels, so would it be to speak of the many sufferings of those who sojourn here. We make no complaint of having to drink water; as for bread, in less than six weeks the supply ran so short that now no more is allowed for a week than formerly for a single day. We are awaiting a ship that is to bring supplies. In the meantime, as Bakers and Artisans, a great and ancient quality withal, [35] we continue living here, but we have each fallen seriously ill; however, the Lord sustained us with his hand. For this did not last long, and whenever one of us was sick the other was well. We feel, indeed, how great a burden it is to attend to all these household duties, in going for wood and water, in cooking, in washing and mending our clothes, in repairing our cabin, and in giving the necessary time and attention to other material cares. Thus our days and nights wretchedly slip away; but the hope consoles and sustains us that God, who raises up those who are cast down, will some time in his mercy not despise our unworthiness. Though, certainly, when we consider our lack of resources, the trying nature of the country, and the manners of the natives, the difficulties incident to our undertaking and those incident to the establishing of a colony, the thousand perils and impediments interposed by the sea or by our fellow men, our enterprise seems but a dream and a Platonic idea. I might set forth all these things one by one, if this were not to imitate the Hebrew explorers, and rather with regard to our human strength than to God's help, and no less through the [36] faintness of our own hearts than in accordance with the truth of things, to say: "This land devours its inhabitants; we are locusts, while there are here monsters of the race of Giants." But yet, however 105 great these Giants be, that David with the sling and stone shall prevail against them, even he who tramples the earth under foot in his anger, and in his rage strikes terror into the senses of men; that Jesus, the Savior of mankind, who blesses the world and leads it toward perfection in spite of all its shortcomings; he, even he, as we hope, will deem it a thing worthy of his love and his power that, as Isaiah prophesied, The solitude should exult and blossom like a lily; even as he deemed it good in his wisdom and his power that, as we see, the most civilized empires in the height of power and glory should receive the yoke of his cross and his humility. Amen, so be it. And may all heaven with its prayers further this, our hope, and above all the glorious Queen of heaven; and my own prayers be aided, too, by the universal Church and especially by that portion of the Church over which, in accordance with God's will, your Reverence has so long presided—the Society; and I also pray and beseech [37] your Reverence to further it with all possible aid, and to be pleased to bestow on us toward this end in all charity your benediction. From port Royal, in new France, the last day of January, 1611.

The son and unworthy servant of Your Reverence

Pierre Biard.


[III.] Sic. for Kinibequi.—[O'Callaghan.]



Index rerum ac nominum nunc primùm huic Epistolæ adjunctus


ACADIA, duo Societatis Sacerdotes illuc missi sunt iii
et ibi preveniunt 26
Algonquini gerunt bella perpetua cum Irocosiis 9
tribus Novæ Franciæ 11
et Montagnesii iuncti, multo plus mille capitum numerare non possunt 13
Anthropophagi, Excominqui et Armonchiqui perhibentur esse 9, 14
Aquitaniâ euocatus, Sacerdos ad Novam Franciam proficiscitur 20
Armonchiqui terram possident â fluvio Kinibequi vsque ad quadragesimum gradum 11
Anthropophagi perhibentur 14
Automoinos, vel veneficos, Barbari consulunt 14
Baia Fundij. vide, Sinus Francicus.
Baptismum velut signum confœderationis cum Gallis Barbari accipiunt 24
Barbari lege ac magistratu carent [40] 13
Barbari quomodo vivunt 13
bella populatim gerunt 14
nec templa nec ædes sacras habent 15
cum corpore memoriam ac nomen mortuorum sepeliunt 16
Cacodæmonem colunt 16
tenuem cognitionem Dei habent 16
nonnulli in Galliam deuehuntur et ibi baptizantur 23
centum in Novâ Franciâ baptizati sunt 24
108 velut signum confœderationis cum Gallis baptismum accipiunt 24
Gallos Nortmannos appellant 25
canes immolant cum mors cuivis suorum appropinquet 28
Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ tribuum nomina 9
Novæ Franciæ numeri ac nomina 11, 13
pelles unicus thesaurus 12
vultus color et mores 13
in quo constat religio 14
in conviviis consuetudo 17
infantes baptizantur 27
P. Biardus invisit casulas 23
Bella Barbari populatim gerunt 14
Biardus, P. Petrus, in Acadiâ mittitur iii
casulas Barbarorum invisit 33
magnam Norumbegæ partum lustrat 32
quemdam iuvenem D. Potrincurtio reconciliat 34
Biencurtius, Ioannes, colonos pro Novâ Franciâ deposcit 20
(vide Potrincurtius).
Biencurtius D. Potrincurtij filius, interpretis vices gerit 31
magnam Norembegæ partem cum P. Biardo lustrat [41] 32
Cacodæmonem Barbari colunt 19
Canadæ, Irocosii degunt ad capita magni fluminis 9
S. Ioannis flumen orsum suum habet propemodum ora fluminis 10
Canes, Barbari imminente morte assueti sunt immolare 28
Patres Societatis hunc morem increpant 29
Canoæ e cortice compinguntur 17
Chorographiam Novæ Franciæ P. Biardus proponit mittere 18
110 Choucaoët brachium est terræ quod sinum Francicum excipit 11
Color Barbarorum 13
Conviviorum apud Barbaros consuetudo 17
Cotonus P. veniam obtinet ut Societas Iesv in Novâ Franciâ laboret 19
Dei, Barbari habent tenuem cognitionem 16
Dieppam, duo Iesuitæ eunt ad conscendendum 20
et solvunt ab hac portu 22
Etheminquenses inter S. Ioannis et Kinibequi fluvios habitant 10
tribus Novæ Franciæ 11
mille capita numerare non possunt 13
Excominqui fera gens est et Anthropophaga 9
Excommunicati, nomen vulgus Excominquorum 9
tribus Novæ Franciæ 9, 11
Anthropophagi perhibentur 14
Expositio seu capita hujusce Epistolæ 6
Flumina Novæ Franciæ 9, 10
Fœmina apud Barbaros 16
locum mancipii tenet 17
Francici sinûs positio [42] 10
Galli, quæ regio ab illis Nova Francia usurpatur 8
Novæ Franciæ regionem non incolant 19
Galliam, Barbari devehuntur et baptizantur 23
Gallis, Irocosii et Armonchiqui non multum noti sunt 11
Gallorum numerus in Acadiâ 25
Geographi antiqui erroribus pleni 7
Guerchevilia, Marchionisa, pro Patribus Societatis navem emit 21
Gurges S. Laurentii 9
Hæretici in navem Iesuitas recipere nolunt 20
Henricus Rex, veniam dat Societati in Novâ Franciâ laborandi 19
112 mortuus est 20
Infantes Barbarorum baptizati 27
Insula Præsentis, Terra Nova Barbaris appellatur 9
Insulæ in Nova Francia frequentes sunt 12
Irocosii ad capita magni fluminis Canadæ iacent 9
perpetua bella cum Montagnesiis et Algonquiniis gerunt 9
tribus Novæ Franciæ 11
Isthmum, gurges S. Laurentii et sinus Francicus efficiunt 10
Kinibequi flumen. vide Rimbequi.
Latitudo Novæ Franciæ 8
Leucas quingentas Isthmus continet 10
Linguæ indigenarum Patres Societatis ignari 27
Massæus, P. Enemundus, in Acadiam mittitur iii
Medicæa Maria, regina regens, Societati Iesv patrocinatur 20
mandat ut Patres in navem recepti sint [43] 21
Membertou, Henricus, Sagamus Soricorum, cum familia ejus, baptizatur 24
filius ejus ægrotus deportatus est in ædes D. Potrincurtii 28, 29
Sagamus, moritur 30
magnâ pompâ sepulitur 32
Moluarum, Terra nova celeberrima piscatu 9
Montagnesii, ubi habitant 9
tribus Novæ Franciæ 11
Montes Novæ Franciæ nivosi et perpetuò rigentes sunt 12
Mores Barbarorum 13, 16
Mortuorum memoriam ac nomen Barbari cum corpore sepeliunt 16
Nomina Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ 9
Nortmannos, Barbari Gallos appellant 25
Norumbega nihil est quam umbra et vox 8
114 Norumbegæ P. Biardus magnam partem lustrat 32
Nova Francia, quæ sit regio 8
numeri ac nomina tribuum Barbarorum in 11
quare regio perfrigida est et valdè aquosa 12
Societas Iesv permissionem obtinet laborare in 19
Novæ Franciæ chorographia à P. Biardo facienda 18
Novam Franciam Patres Societatis appellunt ad 24
Numerus Gallorum in Acadiâ 25
Panis in Portu-regali cœpit deficere 34
Patres Societatis Iesv in Portu-regali degunt 10
necessitates ac onera eorum 35
Pedunculos Barbari in deliciis habent 18
Pelles unicus thesaurus Barbarorum 12
Pontia, Antonia. vide Guerchevilia
Pōtugoët fluvius [44] 10
Portus-regalis latitudo ac situs 10
Patres Societatis ibi perveniunt 26
Potrincurtius, D. Ioannes, colonos pro Novâ Franciâ poscit 20
in Novam Franciam pervenit 24
familia ejus unica est in Acadiâ 25
Patrûm sedulitatem collaudat 27
filius ægrotus Membertou deportatus est in ædes ejus 29
Potrincurtio D. quidam iuvenis reconciliatus est 34
Præsentis insula 9
Promontorium Sabulorum 11
Puella baptizatur 27
moritur in Sacerdotum tuguriolo 28
Religio Barbarorum 14
Rimbequi (seu potius Kinibequi) flumen 10
Sacerdos secularis centum ferè Barbaros in Novâ Franciâ baptizat 24
in Galliam remigrat 26
116 Sagami sunt bellorum ductores sed imperium eorum precarium est 13
S. Ioannis flumen sese in Francicum gurgitem exonerat 10
S. Laurentii gurges 9
Sinus Francicus 10
Societas Iesv, quanam viâ missionem in hanc provinciam obtinet 18
permittitur in Novâ Franciâ laborare 19
evocat duos Sacerdotes ut ibi proficiscantur 20
impedimenta quæ eis afferuntur 21
patres in Portum-regalem perveniunt 24, 26
(vide Patres).
Somniis Barbari fidem habent [45] 15
Soricorum Sagamus Henricus Membertou 28
Soriqui ubi habitant 10
tribus Novæ Franciæ 11
duo millia non conficiunt 13
Tabagia, convivium apud Barbaros vocatur 17
Tabagiam, apud Barbaros mos est moribundis facere 28
Templa nulla Barbari habent 15
Terra nova, nomen suum apud Barbaros 9
Tuguriola fœminæ ædificant 17
quomodo ædificantur 18
Venefici apud Barbaros 14
potestas eorum 15
Vultus Barbarorum 13

An index of matters, persons and places now for the first time added to this Letter 107

[Figures refer to original pagination.—Ed.]

ACADIA, two priests of the Society are sent thither iii
and arrive there 26
Algonquins wage perpetual war with the Irocois 9
a tribe of New France 11
and the Montagnais together cannot much exceed a thousand in number 13
Cannibals, the Excomminiqui and Armouchiquois are said to be 9, 14
Aquitaine, a Priest departs for New France, summoned from 20
Armouchiquois occupy the region from the Kinibequi river to the fortieth parallel 11
are said to be Cannibals 14
Autmoins, or medicine-men, the Savages consult 14
Bay of Fundy, vide French Bay.
Baptism is accepted by the Savages as a sign of confederation with the French 24
Savages, they have neither laws nor magistrates [40] 13
Savages, how they live 13
wage war as a whole people 14
have neither temples nor sacred edifices 15
bury the name and memory of the dead with their bodies 16
worship the Evil Spirit 16
have a slight notion of God 16
some brought to France and baptised there 23
a hundred are baptized in New France 24
109 receive baptism as a sign of confederation with the French 24
call the French Normans 25
sacrifice dogs when one of their people is about to die 28
Savages of New France, names of the tribes 9
of New France, their numbers and names 11, 13
hides their only treasure 12
their faces, color, and manners 13
in what their religion consists 14
their custom at their feasts 17
infants baptized 27
Father Biard visits their huts 33
Wars, the Indians wage war as a people 14
Biard, Father Pierre, is sent to Acadia iii
visits the huts of the Savages 33
explores a large part of Norumbega 32
reconciles a certain young man with Monsieur de Potrincourt 34
Biencourt, Jean de, asks for colonists for New France 20
vide Potrincourt.
Biencourt, son of Potrincourt, serves as interpreter 31
explores with Father Biard a large part of Norumbega [41] 32
Evil Spirit, the Savages worship the 19
Canada, the Irocois live at the head-waters of the great river of 9
the St. John river takes its rise near the river of 10
Dogs, the Savages at the approach of death are accustomed to sacrifice 28
the Fathers of the Society blame this custom 29
Canoes constructed out of bark 17
Chart of New France, Father Biard proposes to send 18
111 Chouacoët is a promontory jutting into French bay 11
Color of the Savages 13
Feasts, customs of, among the Savages 17
Coton, Father, obtains permission for the Society of Jesus to labor in New France 19
God, the Savages have a slight knowledge of 16
Dieppe, two Jesuits go there to embark 20
and sail from this port 22
Etheminqui, live between St. John and Kinibequi rivers 10
a tribe of New France 11
cannot number a thousand 13
Excominqui, a fierce tribe, and Cannibals 9
Excommunicated, the, common appellation of the Excominqui 9
a tribe of New France 9, 11
are said to be Cannibals 14
Explanation, or heads of this Letter 6
Rivers of New France 9, 10
Women among the Savages 16
fill the place of slaves 17
French bay, its position, [42] 10
French, what country is called by them New France 8
do not settle in the country of New France 19
France, Savages brought there and baptised 23
French, the Irocois and Armouchiquois little known to 11
French, their number in Acadia 25
Geographers, old, full of errors 7
Guercheville, Marchioness de, buys a ship for the Fathers of the Society 21
Gulf of St. Lawrence 9
Heretics refuse to receive the Jesuits into their ship 20
Henry, King, gives the Society permission to labor in New France 19
113 his death 20
Infants of the Savages baptised 27
Island of Præsentis [Plaisance], Newfoundland is called by the Indians 9
Islands are numerous in New France 12
Irocois located at sources of great river of Canada 9
wage perpetual war with the Montagnais and Algonquins 9
a tribe of New France 11
Isthmus, gulf of St. Lawrence and French bay form 10
Kinibequi river, vide Rimbequi.
Latitude of New France 8
Leagues, the Isthmus measures five hundred 10
Language of the natives, the Fathers ignorant of it 27
Massé, Father Ennemond, sent to Acadia iii
Médicis, Marie de, queen regent, extends her favor to the Society of Jesus 20
orders the Fathers to be received into the ship [43] 21
Membertou, Henry, chief of the Soriquois, is baptized with his family 24
his son being sick, is carried to the house of Monsieur de Potrincourt 28, 29
the Chief dies 30
is buried with great pomp 32
Cod-fish, Newfoundland celebrated for the taking of 9
Montagnais, where they dwell 9
a tribe of New France 11
Mountains of New France are covered with snow and perpetual frost 12
Manners of the Savages 13, 16
Dead, they bury their memory and name with them 16
Names of the Savages of New France 9
Normans, the Savages call the French 25
Norumbega is only a shadow and a name 8
115 Norumbega, Father Biard explores a large part of 32
New France, what sort of a country 8
number and names of its Savage tribes 11
why the country is very cold and wet 12
Society of Jesus obtains permission to labor in 19
New France, its chart to be made by Father Biard 18
New France, the Jesuit Fathers land in 24
Number of the French in Acadia 25
Provisions at Port Royal become scarce 34
Priests, the Jesuit, live at Port Royal 10
their needs and cares 35
Lice, the Indians regard them as a dainty 18
Peltries, the only treasure of the Indians 12
Pons, Antoinette de, vide Guercheville.
Potugoët river [44] 10
Port Royal, latitude and location 10
the Jesuit Priests arrive here 26
Potrincourt, Sieur Jean de, asks for colonists for New France 20
arrives in New France 24
his family is the only one in Acadia 25
praises the zeal of the Fathers 27
the sick son of Membertou is brought to his house 29
Potrincourt, Sieur de, certain young man reconciled with 34
Præsentis [Plaisance] island 9
Sable, Cape 11
Girl baptized 27
dies in the cabin of the Priests 28
Religion of the Savages 14
Rimbequi (or rather Kinibequi) river 10
Secular Priest, baptises nearly a hundred Savages in New France 24
returns to France 26
117 Sagamores are leaders in war, but their authority is precarious 13
St. John river empties into French bay 10
St. Lawrence, gulf of 9
French Bay 10
Society of Jesus, in what way it obtained the sending of a mission to this province 18
is permitted to labor in New France 19
summons two Priests to go there 20
the impediments put in their way 21
the fathers arrive at Port Royal 24, 26
vide Priests.
Dreams, the Savages have faith in [45] 15
Soriquois, their Sagamore Henry Membertou 28
where they live 10
a tribe of New France 11
do not number two thousand 13
Tabagie, feast among the Indians is called 17
Tabagie, a custom among the Savages held for the dying 28
Temples, the Savages have none 15
Newfoundland, its name among the Savages 9
Tents, the women set them up 17
how they are constructed 18
Medicine-men among the Indians 14
their power 15
Aspect of the Indians 13


[Facsimile of map of Port Royal, from "Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain" (Paris, 1613).]


Larger image



Lescarbot's Relation Dernière
de ce qui s'est Passé au Voyage du Sieur de


SOURCE: Reprinted from original in Harvard College Library.

122 Relation Derniere


en la Nouuelle-France
depuis 20. mois ença.

Par Marc Lescarbot Aduocat en Parlement.


Chez Iean Millot, deuant S. Barthelemy aux trois Couronnes.



to New France, twenty
months ago.

By Marc Lescarbot, Advocate in Parliament.


Jean Millot, opposite St. Barthelemy, at the Three Crowns.




Relation Dernière de ce qvi s'est passé av voyage dv sieur de Poutrincourt en la Nouuelle-France depuis 20. mois ença. 124


LE proverbe ancien est bien veritable, que les Dieux nous vendent toutes choses par labeur. Ceci se reconoit par experience ordinaire en plusieurs choses, mais particulierement au fait duquel nous avons à parler: auquel donne sujet par ses incomparables vertus le sieur de Poutrincourt, de qui les labeurs plus que Herculeans ont dés y a long temps merité vne bien ample fortune, & y eust donné attainte au temps de nos troubles derniers, s'il n'eust esté trop entier à maintenir le party qu'il auoit embrassé. Car le Roy le tenant en personne assiegé dans le chateau de Beaumont [4] lui voulut donner le Comté dudit lieu pour se rendre à son service. Ce qu'ayant refusé, il le fit toutefois peu après gratuitement voyant sa Majesté reduit à l'Eglise Catholique Romaine. Vray est que nostre feu Roy Henri le Grand l'auoit obligé en vne chose, c'est d'avoir rendu par sa bouche ce temoignage de lui, qu'il estoit vn des plus hommes de bien, & des plus valeureux de son royaume. Suiuant quoy aussi apres noz guerres passées, lui qui naturellement est porté aux entreprises difficiles, fuiant la vie oisive, auroit recherché l'occasion de faire plus que devant paroitre son courage, honorer son Prince, & illustrer sa patrie. Ce qu'il auroit fait 126 par la rencontre du sieur de Monts, lequel en l'an 1603, entreprenoit le voyage de la France Nouvelle & Occidentale d'outre mer, auec lequel il se ioignit pour y reconoistre vne terre propre à habiter & y rendre service a Dieu & au Roy. A quoy il a depuis travaillé continuellement & eust desia beaucoup avancé l'œuvre, si sa facilité ne se fust trop fiée à des hommes trompeurs, qui lui ont fait perdre son temps & son argent. Voire encore estant Gentilhomme indomtable à la fatigue, & sans crainte aux hazars, il se pourroit promettre vn assez prompt avancement à son entreprise s'il n'estoit troublé par l'avarice de ceux qui lui enlevent la graisse de sa terre sans y faire habitation, & avides des Castors de ce païs là y vont exprés pour ce sujet, & ont fait à l'envi l'un de l'autre que chacune peau de Castor (qui est le traffic le plus [5] present de ces terres) vaut icy auiourd'hui dix liures, qui se pourroit bailler pour la moitié, si le commerce d'icelles estoit permis à vn seul. Et au moyen de ce pourroit prendre fondement la Religion Chrestienne par dela; comme certes elle y auroit esté fort avancée, si telle chose eust esté faite. Et la consideration de la Religion & de l'establissement d'un païs dont la France peut tirer du profit & de la gloire, merite bien que ceux qui l'habitent iouïssent pleinement & entierement des fruits qui en proviennent, puis que nul ne contribuë à ce dessein pour le soulagement des entrepreneurs, lesquels au peril de leurs vies & de leurs moyens ont découvert par dela tant les orées maritimes, que le profond des terres, où iamais aucun Chrétien n'avoit esté. Il y a vne autre consideration que ie ne veux mettre par écrit, & laquelle seule doit faire accorder ce que dessus à ceux qui se presentent 128 & offrent pour habiter & defendre la province, voire pour donner du secours à toute la France de deça. C'a esté vne plainte faite de tout temps, que les considerations particulieres ont ruiné les affaires du general. Ainsi est-il à craindre qu'il n'en avienne en l'affaire des Terres-neuves, si nous la negligeons, & si l'on ne soustient ceux qui d'une resolution immuable s'exposent pour le bien, l'honneur, & la gloire de la France, & pour l'exaltation du nom de Dieu, & de son Eglise.

Last Relation of what took place in the voyage made by sieur de Poutrincourt to New France, twenty months ago. 125


THE old proverb is true that the Gods sell us all things for work. This may be recognized in many of the ordinary events of life, but especially in the matter of which we are about to speak, and for which we have a subject in the incomparable virtues of sieur de Poutrincourt, whose more than Herculean labors have for a long time deserved a very ample fortune, which he might have succeeded in acquiring during our late struggles, had he not been too entirely devoted to the party which he had embraced. For the King, holding him besieged in person in Beaumont castle, [4] wished to give him the County thereof to attach him to his service. Refusing the gift at this time, he nevertheless accepted it freely soon afterwards, when he learned that his Majesty had embraced the faith of the Roman Catholic Church. It is true that our late King Henry the Great had rendered him one service; that is, he had testified with his own lips that he was one of the most honorable and valiant men in his kingdom. Again, after our recent wars, being naturally attracted to difficult enterprises and shunning a life of idleness, he sought some occasion to more effectually show his courage, to honor his Prince, and to glorify his country. This he did by meeting sieur de 127 Monts,13 who, in the year 1603, undertook the voyage to New and Western France beyond the sea; and by associating himself with him, to find a suitable place where he could settle down, and there render service to God and the King. To this end he has labored continually ever since, and would have already greatly advanced the work, had not his amiable nature been imposed upon by dishonest men, who have been the cause of great losses to him in time and money. But, as he was a Gentleman not to be conquered by hardships, and fearing no dangers, he might have been sure of prompt advancement in his work had he not been hindered by the greed of those who robbed him of the fat of his lands, without making any settlement there. These people, eager to get the Beaver skins of that country, go there for no other purpose; and so compete with each other, that they have caused every Beaver skin (which is the chief traffic [5] of these regions) to be worth here to-day ten livres, when they might have been sold for one-half that price, if the traffic therein had been limited to one person. In this way the Christian Religion might have also been established there; and it certainly would have been greatly advanced, if such a course had been pursued. Also for the sake of Religion and of permanent colonization, from which France can derive both profit and glory, it is well that those who settle there should enjoy fully and wholly the advantages guaranteed by them; since no one does anything in this direction for the sake of the leaders of the enterprise, who, at the risk of their lives and their fortunes, have discovered coasts and interior lands where no Christian had ever been. There is another consideration which I do not wish to set down in writing, and which alone ought to obtain 129 the above-mentioned privileges to those who present and offer themselves to settle and defend the province, and indeed to give assistance to the entire French colony over there. There has always been a complaint that affairs of general importance are ruined by giving too much attention to the consideration of personal interests. It is to be feared this may be the case in the affairs of the new World, if we neglect them, and do not encourage those who, with an unchangeable purpose, take great risks for the welfare, the honor, and the glory of France, and for the exaltation of the name of God, and of his Church.



I'ay rapporté en mon histoire de la Nouvelle France ce qui est des deux premiers voyages faits outre mer par le sieur de Poutrincourt. Ici i'ay à écrire ce qui s'est ensuiui és voyages subsequens. Depuis quelques années une succession lui est echeuë a cause de Dame Iehanne de Salazar sa mere, qui est la Baronnie de Sainct Iust en Champagne. Les rivieres de Seine & d'Aulbe rendent le lieu de cette Baronnie autant agreable, que fort & avantageux à la defense. Là au commencement de Février mil six cens dix il fit partie de son equippage, y ayant chargé vn bateau de meubles, viures, & munitions de guerre, voire tellement chargé qu'il n'y restoit que deux doigts de bord hors de l'eau. Cependant la riviere estoit enflée & ne se pouuoit plus tenir en son lict à cause des longues pluies hivernales. Les flots le menaçoient souuent, les perils y estoient presens, mesmement és passages de Nogent, Corbeil, Sainct Clou, Ecorche-veau, & autres où des bateaux perirent à sa veuë, sans qu'il fust aucunement emeu d'apprehension. En fin il parvint à Dieppe, & apres quelque sejour il se mit en mer le 26. 130 dudit mois de Février. Plusieurs en cette ville là benissoient son voyage, & prioient Dieu pour la prosperité d'icelui. La saison estoit rude, & les vents le plus souvent contraires. Mais on peut bien appeller vn [7] voyage heureux, quand en fin on arrive à bon port. |a Forbans, ce sont Pyrates.| Ils ne furent gueres loin qu'ils rencontrerent vers le Casquet vn nauire de Forbansa, lesquels voyans ledit Sieur & ses gens bien resolus de se defendre si on les attaquoit, passerent outre. Le 6. de Mars ils rencontrerent vnze navires Flamens, & se saluerent l'vn l'autre de chacun vn coup de canon. Depuis le 8. iusques au 15. il y eut tempéte, durant laquelle vne fois ledit Sieur estant couché à la poupe, fut porté de son lict pardessus la table au lict de son fils. |b Su, c'est Midi.| Ce mauvais temps les fit chercher leur route plus au Sub, & virent deux iles des Essores, Corbes, & Flore, là où ils eurent le rafraichissement de quelques Marsoins qu'ils prindrent. Et comme l'on dit que de la guerre vient la paix, Ainsi apres ces tourmentes ils eurent des calmes iusques au iour de Pasques Fleuries plus facheux que les tourmentes: car quoy qu'on soit en repos, il n'y a pourtant sujet de contentement: car les vivres se mangent, & la saison de bien faire se passe: bref vn grand calme est fort mauvais sur la mer. Mais cela n'est point perpetuel: & quelquefois (selon l'inconstance d'Eole) apres le calme suit vn vent favorable, tantost vne tempéte, comme il survint vn peu apres (sçauoir le lendemain de Pasques) laquelle fit faire eau à la soute, qui est le magazin du pain, ou biscuit. |a Peril d'vn charpentier.| Occasion que le Charpentier du navire voulant aller remedier au mal avenu, d'autant qu'en faisant ce qui est de son art il troubloit les prieres publiques qui se faisoient du matin, ledit Sieur lui 132 commanda [8] de besongner par le dehors, là où estant allé il trouva le Gouvernail rompu (chose dangereuse) lequel voulant aller racoutrer, comme il estoit à sa besongnea, il tomba de son echaffaut dedans la mer. Et bien vint que le temps s'estoit ammoderé: car autrement c'estoit vn homme perdu. Mais il fut garenti par la diligence des matelots, qui lui tendirent vne corde, par laquelle il se sauva.


I related in my history of New France what happened in the first two voyages made by sieur de Poutrincourt to the lands beyond the sea. Here I shall give an account of what took place in the subsequent voyages. Some years ago an inheritance, the Barony of Sainct Just, in Champagne, fell to Sieur de Poutrincourt through his mother, Lady Jehanne de Salazar. The Seine and Aulbe rivers render the situation of this domain as beautiful as it is strong and eligible for defense. Here, in the beginning of February, one thousand six hundred and ten, he partly equipped his ship, loading it with furniture, provisions, and munitions of war; and, indeed, so freighted it down that the sides were only two finger-lengths out of the water. Meanwhile, the river had risen until it could no longer be confined in its bed, on account of the long winter rains. Often threatened by floods and by imminent perils in the passages from Nogent, Corbeil, Sainct Clou, Ecorche-veau and other places, where vessels were wrecked before his eyes, he was not in the least 131 affected by fear. At last he arrived at Dieppe, and, after a sojourn there, he put to sea upon the 26th of this same month of February. Many people of that city wished him well in his voyage and prayed God for its success. The season was stormy, and contrary winds prevailed the greater part of the time. But we may indeed call a [7] voyage fortunate, which brings us at last safe into port. |a Forbans are pirates.| They were not far away when they met, in the direction of Casquet,14 a ship of Forbansa, who, seeing that the Sieur and his crew were all ready to defend themselves if attacked, sailed on past them. On the 6th of March they met eleven Flemish ships, and they saluted each other by a discharge of cannon. From the 8th to the 15th there was a tempest, during which the Sieur, who was lying down on the poop, was thrown from his bed, over the table, to that of his son. |b South, that is, Meridian.| This bad weather made them turn their route more to the Southb, where they saw two of the Essores islands, Corbes and Flore; and there they had some fresh food by catching a few Porpoises. And as, according to the old saying, peace follows war, so, after these storms, there were calms more trying than the tempests, until Palm Sunday; for then, although there was rest, there was no satisfaction in it, for the food was being consumed and the good season was passing away; in short, a great calm is a very harmful thing upon the sea. But it does not last always; and sometimes (according to the fickle moods of Æolus) after the calm comes a favorable wind, sometimes a tempest; as happened shortly afterwards (namely, the day after Easter), and this caused a leak in the soute, which is the storeroom for bread or biscuit. Now the ship's carpenter, who went to repair the leak, while doing what his trade demanded, interfered 133 with the public prayers which were being offered in the morning, and the Sieur commanded him [8] to do his work outside. |a Peril of a carpenter.| He obeyed, and there found the Rudder broken (which is a very dangerous thing); wishing to readjust it, while he was engaged in the work, he fella from his scaffolding into the sea. And it was well that the weather had moderated; for otherwise there would have been a man lost. But he was rescued by the efforts of the sailors, who threw him a rope by which he saved himself.

b Voy l'Hist. de la Nouv. France liv. 4. chap. 12.

Le 11. de May la sonde fut iettée, & se trouva fond à 80.b brasses: indice que l'on estoit sur le Banc des Moruës. Là ils s'arréterent pour auoir le rafraichissement de la pecherie soit des poissons, soit des oiseaux qui sont abondamment sur ledit Banc, ainsi que i'ay amplement décrit en madite Histoire de la Nouvelle France. |c Au méme liv. ch. 7.| Le Banc passé, apres auoir soutenu plusieurs vents contraires, en fin ils terrirent vers Pemptegoetc (qui est l'endroit que noz Geographes marquent soubs le nom de Norombega) & fit dire la Messe ledit Sieur en vne Isle qu'il nomma de l'Ascension, pour y estre arrivé ce iour là. De ce lieu ils vindrent à Sainte Croix premiere habitation de noz François en cette côte, là où ledit Sieur fit faire des prieres pour les trespassez qui y estoient enterrez dés le premier voyage du sieur de Monts en l'an 1603. & furent au haut de la riviere dudit lieu de Sainte Croix, où ils trouverent telle quantité de Harens à chaque marée, qu'il y en avoit pour nourrir toute vne grosse ville. En autres saisons il y vient d'autres poissons. Mais lors c'estoit le tour aux Harens. Là mesme il y a des arbres d'inestimable [9] beauté en hauteur & grosseur. |d Ceremonies de funerailles.| Sur cette méme côte, devant qu'arriver au Port Royald ils virent les ceremonies funebres d'un corps mort decedé en la terre des Etechemins. Le 134 defunct estoit couché sur vn ais appuyé de quatre fourches, & fut couvert de peaux. Le lendemain arrive là grande assemblée d'hommes, lesquels danserent à leur mode alentour du decedé. Vn des anciens tenoit vn long baton, où il y avoit pendues trois tétes de leurs ennemis; D'autres avoient d'autres marques de leurs victoires: & en cet etat chanterent & danserent deux ou trois heures, disans les loüanges du mort au lieu du Libera que disent les Chrétiens. |a Matachiaz, ce sont carquans, echarpes, & brasselets.| Apres chacun lui fit don de quelque chose, comme de peaux, chaudieres, pois, haches, couteaux, fleches, aMatachiaz & autres hardes. Toutes lesquelles ceremonies achevées, on le porta en sepulture en vne ile à l'écart loin de la terre ferme. Et au partir de là tira ledit Sieur au Port Royal lieu de son habitation.

b See History of New France book 4. ch. 12.

On the 11th of May, the sounding lead was cast, and bottom was found at 80b fathoms; a sign that they were upon the Codfish Banks. There they stopped to obtain fresh food, either fish or birds, which are abundant upon these Banks, as I have described fully in my History of New France. |c In the same book ch. 7.| When the Banks were passed, after having encountered several contrary winds, at last they landed in the neighborhood of Pemptegoet,c (the place that our Geographers designate by the name Norembega);15 and the Sieur caused Mass to be said upon an Island, which he called Ascension, because they arrived there upon that day. Thence they came to Sainte Croix,16 the first settlement of our French upon this coast, where the Sieur had prayers offered for the dead who had been buried there since the first voyage made by sieur de Monts, in the year 1603. Then they went up the river Sainte Croix, where they found such a great number of Herrings at every tide, that they had enough to feed a whole city. During the other seasons there are other kinds of fish, but at that time it was the Herring season. |d Funeral ceremonies.| Also there are trees there of [9] indescribable beauty, height, and grandeur. Upon this same coast, before reaching Port Royal,d they saw the funeral ceremonies over the corpse of a 135 savage who had died in the land of the Etechemins. The body was resting upon a plank supported by four stakes and covered with skins. The next day, a great crowd of men arrived, who performed their customary dances around the corpse. One of the old men held a long pole, upon which were dangling three of their enemies' heads; others carried other trophies of their victories; and thus they continued to sing and dance for two or three hours, chanting the praises of the dead instead of the Libera of Christians. |a Matachiaz are necklaces, scarfs and bracelets.| Afterwards each one made him a gift of some kind, such as skins, kettles, peas, hatchets, knives, arrows, aMatachiaz,17 and articles of apparel. When all these ceremonies were finished, they carried him for burial to an isolated island, far from the mainland. And, leaving there, the Sieur sailed for Port Royal, the place of his residence.



Le sieur de Poutrincourt n'eut à-peine pris haleine apres tant de travaux, qu'il envoya chercher Membertou premier & plus ancien Capitaine de cette contrée, pour lui rafrechir la memoire de quelques enseignemens de la Religion Chrétienne que nous lui avions autrefois [10] donné, & l'instruire plus amplement és choses qui concernent le salut de l'ame, afin que cetui-ci reduit, plusieurs autres à son exemple fissent le méme. Comme de fait il arriva. Car apres avoir esté catechizé, & les siens avec lui, par quelque temps, il fut baptizé, & vingt autres de sa troupe, le iour sainct Iehan Baptiste 1610. |b Liv. 5. ch. 5. pa. 638.| les noms desquels i'ay enrollé en mon Histoire de la Nouvelle Franceb selon qu'ils sont écrits au registre des baptémes de l'Eglise metropolitaine de dela, qui est au Port Royal. |a Mission.| 136 Le Pasteur qui fit ce chef d'œuvre fut Messire Iesse Fleuche natif de Lantage, diocese de Langres, homme de bonnes lettres, lequel avoit pris sa missiona de Monsieur le Nonce du Sainct Pere Euesque de Rome, qui estoit pour lors, & est encore à Paris. Non qu'un Euéque François ne l'eust peu faire: mais ayant fait ce choix, ie croy que ladite mission est aussi bonne de lui (qui est Evéque) que d'vn autre, encore qu'il soit étranger. Toutefois i'en laisse la cõsideration à ceuq qui y ont plus d'interest que moy, estant chose qui se peut disputer d'une part & d'autre, parce qu'il n'est pas ici en son diocese. Ledit Seigneur Nonce, dit Robert Vbaldin, lui bailla permission d'ouir par dela les confessions de toutes personnes, & les absoudre de tous pechés & crimes non reservés expressement au siege Apostolique; & leur enioindre des penitences selon la qualité du peché. En outre lui donna pouvoir de consacrer & benir des chasubles & autres vétemens sacerdotaux, & des paremens d'autels, excepté [11] des Corporaliers, Calices, & Paténes. C'est ainsi que ie l'ay leu sur les lettres de ce octroyées audit Fleuche premier Patriarche de ces terres là. Ie di patriarche, par ce que communement on l'appelloit ainsi: & ce mot l'a deu semondre à mener vne vie pleine d'integrité & d'innocence, comme ie croy qu'il a fait. Or ces baptizailles ne furent sans solennités. |b confession de Foy de Membertou.| Car Membertou (& consequemmentb les autres) avant qu'estre introduits en l'Eglise de Dieu, fit vne reconoissance de toute sa vie passée, confessa ses pechés, & renonça au diable, auquel il avoit servi. Là dessus chacun chanta le Te Deum de bon courage, & furent les canons tirés avec grand plaisir, à-cause des Echoz qui durent audit Port Royal, prés d'un 138 quart d'heure. C'est vne grande grace que Dieu a fait à cet homme d'avoir receu le don de la Foy, & de la lumiere Evangelique, en l'âge où il est parvenu, qui est à mon avis de cent dix ans ou plus. Il fut nommé Henri du nom de nostre feu Roy Henri le Grand. |a Pa. 638.| D'autres furent nommez des noms du sainct Pere le Pape de Rome, de la Royne, & Messeigneurs & Dames ses enfans, de Monsieur le Nonce, & autres signalez personnages de deça, lesquels on print pour parrins, comme ie l'ay écrit en madite Histoire.a Mais ie ne voy point que ces parrins se soient souvenus de leurs filieuls, ni qu'ils leur ayent envoyé aucune chose pour les sustenter, ayder, & encourager à demeurer fermes en la Religion qu'ils ont receuë: Car pour du pain on leur fera croire ce que l'on voudra, & peu à peu leur terre [12] estant cultivée les nourrira. Mais il les faut ayder du commencement. Ce qu'a fait le sieur de Poutrincourt tant qu'il a peu, voire outrepassant son pouvoir il en a ieusné par apres, comme nous dirons ailleurs.


Sieur de Poutrincourt had hardly taken breath after so many labors, when he sent for Membertou, chief and oldest Captain of this country, to refresh his memory in regard to some of the principles of the Christian Religion, which we had [10] previously taught him, and to instruct him more fully in things which concern the salvation of the soul; so that, he being converted, many others might follow his example. As in truth it came to pass. For after having been catechized for some time, and his family with him, he was baptized, as were also twenty others of his company, upon saint John the Baptist's day, 1610. |b Book 5. ch. 5. page 638.| I have enrolled their names in my History of New France,b just as they are written over there in the baptismal register of the mother-Church, which is at Port Royal. The Pastor who accomplished this 137 master-piece [chef d'œuvre] was Messire Jesse Fleuche, a native of Lantage, in the diocese of Langres; |a Commission.| he is a scholarly man, and received his commission afrom Monsieur, the Ambassador of the Holy Father, the Bishop of Rome, who was then, and is still, in Paris. Not that a French Bishop might not have given it to him; but, as this one was chosen, I believe the said commission is as good from him (since he is a Bishop), as from another, although he is a stranger. However, I leave the consideration of this matter to those who have more interest in it than I have, it being a question that admits of dispute on both sides, since here he is not in his diocese. This Ambassador, called Robert Ubaldin,18 gave him permission to hear confessions from all people over there, and to absolve them from all sins and crimes not strictly reserved to the Apostolic see; and to impose upon them penances, according to the character of the sin. Furthermore, he gave him power to consecrate and bless the chasubles, and other priestly vestments, and the altar furnishings, except [11] the Corporals, Chalices, and Patens. It is thus that I have seen it stated in the credentials granted to the said Fleuche, first Patriarch of those lands. I say patriarch, because that is what he was generally called: and this was an incentive to him to lead a life full of integrity and innocence, as I believe he has done. Now these baptismal ceremonies were not without solemnity. |b Confession of Membertou.| For Membertou (and consequentlyb the others), before being introduced into the Church of God, made an examination of all his past life, confessed his sins, and renounced the devil, whom he had served. Then each one joined heartily in singing the Te Deum, and there was a joyful discharge of cannon, so that the Echoes lingered in Port Royal 139 nearly a quarter of an hour. God has shown great mercy in granting that this man should receive the gift of Faith, and the light of the Gospel, at the age to which he has attained, which is, I believe, one hundred and ten years, or more. He was named Henry, after our late King, Henry the Great. |a Page 638.| Others were given the names of the holy Father, the Pope of Rome, of the Queen, of my Lords and Ladies, her children, of Monsieur the Nuncio, and of other notable personages over here, who have been chosen as godparents, as I have written in my History.a But I do not see that these godparents have remembered their children, nor that they have sent them anything to support, aid, and encourage them in remaining firm in the Religion which they have accepted: for, if you give them bread, you can make them believe almost anything you wish; when, little by little, their land [12] is cultivated, they will derive from it their support. But they must be assisted in the beginning. Sieur de Poutrincourt has done this as far as he was able, even going beyond his means, for which he fasted afterwards, as we shall relate elsewhere.



Trois semaines apres l'arrivée dudit Sieur en sa terre du Port Royal il avisa de renvoyer en France le Baron de sainct Iust son fils ainé, ieune Gentilhomme fort experimenté à la marine, & lequel à cette occasion Monsieur l'Admiral a honoré du tiltre de Vice-Admiral en la mer du Ponant és cótes de dela. Car ayant a nourrir beaucoup d'hommes au moins l'espace d'un an & plus, attendant vne cueillette de blez, il estoit besoin d'une nouvelle charge de vivres & marchandises propres au commun vsage tant de lui & des siens, que des Sauvages. Il le fit donc partir le 8. 140 Iuillet, lui enioignant d'estre de retour dans quatre mois, & le conduisit dans vne Pinasse, ou grande chalouppe environ cent lieuës loin. En cette saison on a beau rire le long de la côte. Car il y a des iles en grand nombre vers le Cap Fourchu, & le Cap de Sable si pleines d'oiseaux, qu'il ne faut qu'assommer & charger, & avec ce le poisson y foisonne en telle sorte, qu'il ne faut que ietter la ligne en mer & la retirer. La contrarieté du vent les ayant plusieurs fois [13] contraint de mouiller l'ancre parmi ces iles, leur fit faire epreuve de ce que ie di. Ainsi ledit de sainct Iust s'en alla rengeant la terre l'espace de deux cens lieuës, iusques à ce qu'il eut passé l'ile de Sable, ile dangereuse pour estre basse & sans port asseuré, sise a vingt lieuës de la terre ferme vis à vis la terre de Bacaillos. |a Voy l'Histoire de la Nouvelle France liv. 4. Chap. 12.| Le 28. de Iuillet il estoit sur le Banca aux Moruës, là où il se rafraichit de vivres, & rencontra plusieurs navires de noz havres de France, & vn Anglois, d'où il eut la premiere nouvelle de la mort de nôtre grand Roy Henri. Ce qui le troubla & sa compagnie, tant pour l'accident si funeste de cette mort, que de crainte qu'il n'y eust du trouble pardeça. Le Dimanche premier iour d'Aoust ils quitterent ledit Banc, le 20. eurent la veuë de la terre de France, & le 21. entrerent dans le port de Dieppe.


Three weeks after the Sieur's arrival at his estates in Port Royal, he made up his mind to send back to France his eldest son, the Baron de sainct Just, a young Gentleman who is well versed in seamanship, and whom, upon this occasion, Monsieur the Admiral has honored with the title of Vice-Admiral of the Western ocean and its more distant coasts. For, being obliged to furnish food for a great many men at least during the space of a year and more, while waiting 141 for the wheat crop, he needed a new supply of provisions and merchandise suitable for general use, both for himself and his people, and for the Savages. So he had him leave on the 8th of July, enjoining him to be upon his return voyage in four months; and he accompanied him in a Pinnace, or large boat, for about one hundred leagues. At this season it is pleasant to sail along the coast, for there are a great many islands in the neighborhood of Cape Fourchu19 and Cape Sable, which are so full of birds, that all there is to do is to knock them down and reload; also, fish are so plentiful, that it is only necessary to throw out the line and draw it in. Contrary winds, having several times [13] forced them to cast anchor among these islands, this gave them an opportunity of verifying what I have said. So sainct Just continued to coast along for two hundred leagues, until he had passed Sable island,20 a dangerous place because it is low and has no safe harbor; it is twenty leagues from the mainland opposite the land of Bacaillos.21 |a See History of New France, book 4. ch. 12.| On the 28th of July, he reached the Codfisha Banks, where he obtained fresh food and met several ships from our French ports, and one English ship, whence he received the first news of the death of our great King Henry. This grieved him and his crew, on account of the sad circumstances surrounding the death, and because they feared trouble might arise from it. Sunday, the first day of August, they left these Banks; on the 20th they sighted the land of France and on the 21st entered the port of Dieppe.



Comme le sieur de Poutrincourt suivoit la côte conduisant son fils sur le retour, il trouva quelques Sauvages de conoissance en vne ile, où ils s'estoient cabannez, faisans pécherie: lesquels ayant abordé, ils en furent tout ioyeux: |a Acte de pieté.| Et apres quelques propos tenus de Membertou, & des autres, & de ce qui s'estoit passé 142 en leurs baptizailles,a il leur demanda s'ils vouloient point estre comme luy, & croire en Dieu pour estre aussi baptizés; A quoy ils [14] s'accorderent apres avoir esté instruits. Et là dessus il les envoya au Port Royal pour estre plus à loisir confirmés en la Foy & doctrine Evangelique: là où estans ils furent baptizés. Cependant ledit Sieur poursuivoit sa route allant toujours avant le long de la côte, tant qu'il vint au Cap de la Héve, environ lequel endroit il laissa aller à la garde de Dieu ledit sieur de sainct Iust son fils, & virant le cap en arriere cingla vers la riviere dudit lieu de la Héve, qui est vn port large de plus de deux lieuës & long de six, cuidant y trouver vn Capitaine dés long temps appellé Martin par noz François. Mais il s'en estoit retiré, à-cause de quelque mortalité là survenuë par des maladies dysenteriaques. Depuis, ledit Martin ayant entendu que ledit Sieur lui avoit fait tant d'honneur que de l'aller chercher, il le suivit à la piste avec trente-cinq ou 40. hommes, & le vint trouver vers le Cap de Sable pour le remercier d'une telle visite. Ledit Sieur homme accort & benin le receut humainement, encores qu'auparavant en l'an 1607. il y eust eu quelque colere contre lui, sur ce que passant icelui Sieur par ledit lieu de la Héve foible de gens, & se voyant environné de trois chaloupes de Sauvages pleines de peuple, il les fit ranger toutes d'un côté. Sur quoy ledit Martin ayant dit qu'il avoit donc peur d'eux, il fut en danger de voir par effet que sa conclusion estoit fausse. |b Acte de pieté.| A cette derniere rencontre ledit Martin fut caressé & invité à se faire Chrétien, comme Membertou, & bplusieurs autres: & [15] s'en aller au Port Royal pour y recevoir plus ample instruction. Ce qu'il promit 144 faire avec sa troupe. Et d'autant que les Sauvages ne vont iamais voir leurs amis les mains vuides, il alla à la chasse, afin de porter de la venaison audit lieu: & cependant ledit Sieur s'avance & va devant pour les y attendre. |c Peril.| Mais étant environ le Cap Fourchu,c le voila porté d'un vent de terre droit à la mer, & ce si avant, qu'il fut six iours sans aucune provision de vivres (que de quelques oiseaux pris és iles, qu'il avoit de reste) & sans autre eau douce que celle qui se recuilloit quelquefois dans les voiles: Bref sans rien voir que ciel & eau; & s'il n'eust eu vne petite boussolle il estoit en danger d'estre porté à la côte de la Floride par la violence des vents, des tempétes, & des vagues. En fin par son industrie & iugement il vint terrir vers l'ile sainte Croix, là où Oagimont Capitaine dudit lieu lui apporta des galettes de biscuit qu'il avoit troquées avec noz François. Et delà estant en lieu de conoissance il traversa la baye Françoise large en cet endroit de vingt lieuës, & vint au Port Royal cinq semaines apres sa departie où il trouva des gens bien etonnés pour sa longue absence, & qui desia pourpensoient vn changement qui ne pouvoit estre que funeste. C'est ainsi qu'au peril de sa vie, avec des fatigues & souffrances incroyables il va chercher des brebis egarées pour les amener à la bergerie de Iesus-Christ, & accroitre le Royaume celeste. Que si la conversion de ces peuples ne se fait par milliers, il faut penser [16] que nul Prince ou Seigneur n'a iusques ici assisté ledit sieur de Poutrincourt, auquel méme les avares vont ravir ce qui est de sa province, & sa bonté souffre cela, pour ne faire rien qui puisse aigrir les grands de deça, encores que le Roy luy ayant donné la terre il puisse iustement empecher 146 qu'on ne lui enleve les fruits d'icelle, & qu'on n'entre dans ses ports, & qu'on ne lui coupe ses bois. Quand il aura de plus amples moyens il pourra envoyer des hommes aux terres plus peuplées, où il faut aller fort, & faire vne grande moisson pour l'amplification de l'Eglise. Mais il faut premierement batir la Republique, sans laquelle l'Eglise ne peut estre. Et pour ce le premier secours doit estre à cette Republique, & non à ce qui a le pretexte de pieté. Car cette Republique estant établie, ce sera à elle à pourvoir à ce qui regarde le spirituel. Retournons au Port Royal. Là ledit Sieur arrivé trouva Martin & ses gens baptizés, & tous portés d'un grand zele à la Religion Chrétienne, oyans fort devotement le service divin, lequel estoit ordinairement chanté en Musique de la composition dudit Sieur.


As sieur de Poutrincourt sailed along the coast, while accompanying his son upon his return, he found 143 some Savages whom he knew, encamped upon an island and engaged in fishing; |a Act of piety.| they were overjoyed at his arrival, and after some talk about Membertou and others, and about what had taken place at their baptism,a he asked them if they did not wish to be like him, to believe in God and be baptized: this they [14] agreed to do after they had been instructed. And thereupon he sent them to Port Royal, where more time could be given to confirm them in the Faith and doctrines of the Gospel; they went there and were baptized. Meanwhile the Sieur continued on his way, always following the coast, until he came to Cape de la Héve, near which place he consigned his son, sieur de sainct Just, to the care of God; and, veering around the cape, he sailed toward the river of la Héve, which forms a port more than two leagues wide and six leagues long, expecting to find there a Chief, whom the French had for a long time called Martin. But he had gone away, on account of the deaths which had occurred there from some form of dysentery. Afterwards, this Martin, having heard that the Sieur had done him the honor of coming to visit him, followed him up with thirty-five or forty men, and near Cape Sable overtook him and thanked him for this visit. The Sieur, who is a pleasant and agreeable gentleman, received him kindly; although some time before, in the year 1607, he had been somewhat angry at him, because when he, (the Sieur), with only a few men, was passing this same la Héve, seeing himself surrounded by three canoes full of Savages, he made them all get in line upon one side. Thereupon, Martin having remarked that the Sieur was afraid of them, the former was, in fact, in danger of seeing that his conclusion was wrong. At this last 145 meeting, Martin was treated with great kindness, and |b Act of piety.| invited to become a Christian like Membertou andb several others, and [15] to go to Port Royal to be more fully instructed. He promised to do this and to bring all his company. And, as the Savages never go to visit their friends empty-handed, he went hunting, that he might get some venison for this occasion; |c Peril.| meanwhile the Sieur went on ahead, in order to meet them there (i.e. at Port Royal). But near Cape Fourchu,c behold him carried by a land breeze straight out to sea, and so far, that he was six days without food (except some birds caught upon an island, which he still had), and without other fresh water than what he could sometimes catch in the sails; in short, seeing nothing but sky and water; and if he had not had a small compass, he would have been in danger of being carried to the coast of Florida by the violence of the winds, the tempests, and the waves. At last, owing to his good judgment and energy, he was able to land near the island of sainte Croix, where Oagimont, Captain of the place, brought him some sea-biscuits, for which he had traded with the French people. And thence, being familiar with the place, he crossed French bay, about twenty leagues wide here, and reached Port Royal, five weeks after his departure. Here he found his people wondering greatly at his long absence, and already meditating a change, which could not have been otherwise than disastrous. It is thus, at the peril of his life, and with incredible hardships and sufferings, he goes out to seek the lost sheep, to lead them back into the fold of Jesus Christ, and to add to the heavenly Kingdom. And if these people are not converted by the thousand, it must be remembered [16] that no Prince or Lord has, up to the present, 147 given any assistance to sieur de Poutrincourt; the avaricious are even stealing from him the wealth of his province, and he permits this in his goodness, in order to do nothing that will exasperate the nobles over here; although, as the King has given him the land, he would be justified in refusing to others the fruits thereof, as well as entry into his ports, and the cutting down of his forests. When he has more ample means, he can send men into the more populous districts, where they must go in strength, and reap a great harvest for the extension of the Church. But we must first establish the State, without which the Church cannot exist. And for this reason the first help should be given to this State, and not to what has the pretext of piety. For, when the State is founded, it will be its duty to provide for that which is spiritual. Let us return to Port Royal. When the Sieur arrived there he found Martin and his friends, baptized, and all strongly imbued with zeal for the Christian Religion, listening very devoutly to divine service, which was usually sung to Music composed by the Sieur.


Ce zele s'est reconu non seulement aux neophytes Chrétiens, comme nous particulariserons cy-apres; mais aussi en ceux qui n'estoient point encore initiés aux sacrez mysteres de nôtre Religion. Car lors que ledit Martin fut baptizé, il y en eut vn tout décharné, n'ayant plus que les os, lequel n'ayant esté en la compagnie des autres, se porta, à toute peine, en trois cabannes [17] cherchant ledit Fleuches Patriarche pour estre instruit & baptizé.

This zeal is noticeable, not only in the Christian neophytes, as we shall state more in detail hereafter; but also in those who are not yet initiated into the sacred mysteries of Religion. For, as soon as Martin was baptized, there was one who was absolutely fleshless, having nothing left but bones, who, not having been with the others, dragged himself, with great suffering, through three cabins, [17] seeking the Patriarch Fleuches, to be instructed and baptized.


Vn autre demeurant en la baye saincte Marie à plus de douze lieuës du Port Royal, se trouvant malade, envoya en diligence faire sçavoir audit Patriarche qu'il estoit detenu de maladie, & craignant de mourir, qu'il desiroit estre baptizé. Ledit Patriarche y alla, & avec vn truchement fit envers lui ce qui estoit de l'office d'un bon Pasteur.

Another living at the bay saincte Marie,22 more than a dozen leagues from Port Royal, being sick, sent posthaste to the Patriarch, to let him know he was detained by sickness, and fearing that he might 149 die, desired to be baptized. The Patriarch went to him, and, with the help of an interpreter, did for him what pertained to his office as a good Pastor.


Quant aux Chrétiens, vn desdits Sauvages neophytes 148 ci-devant nommé Acoüanis, & maintenant Loth, se trouvant malade, enuoya son fils en diligence de plus de vingt lieues loin se recommander aux prieres de l'Eglise: & dire que s'il mouroit il vouloit estre enterré au cimetiere des Chrétiens.

As to the Christians, one of these Savage neophytes, previously named Acoüanis, and now Loth, becoming ill, sent his son with all speed more than twenty leagues distant, to request the prayers of the Church, and to say that, if he died, he wished to be buried in the Christian cemetery.


Vn iour le sieur de Poutrincourt estant allé à la dépouïlle d'un Cerf tué par Louïs fils ainé de Henri Membertou, comme au retour chacun s'estoit embarqué en sa chaloupe & voguoit sur le large espace de la riviere du Port Royal, avint que la femme dudit Louïs accoucha, & voyans que l'enfant estoit de petite vie, ils crierent hautement à noz gens Tagaria, Tagaria, c'est à dire Venez ça, Venez ça, si bien que l'enfant fut sur l'heure baptizé par le Pasteur susdit.

One day sieur de Poutrincourt went to see the dismemberment of a Deer which had been killed by Louis, eldest son of Henry Membertou; and, when they had all embarked for their return and were riding upon the waves of the broad river of Port Royal, it happened that the wife of Louis was delivered of a child; and, seeing that it was short-lived, they cried loudly to our people, Tagaria, Tagaria, that is, "Come here, Come here." So the child was immediately baptized by the aforenamed Pastor.


Cette année il a couru par dela plusieurs maladies de dysenteries, qui ont esté mortelles à ceux qui en estoient attaints. Est avenu que ledit Martin huit iours apres son baptéme a esté frappé de ce mal, dont il est mort. Mais [18] c'est chose digne de memoire que cet homme mourant avoit touiours le sacré nom de Iesvs en la bouche. Et requit en ces extremités d'estre enterré apres sa mort avec les Chrétiens. Sur quoy il y eut de la difficulté. Car les Sauvages ayans encore de la reverence aux sepultures de leurs peres & amis, le vouloient porter au Cap de Sable à 40. lieuës dudit Port. Ledit Sieur d'autre part le vouloit faire enterrer selon qu'il l'avoit demandé. Là dessus vn debat se prepare. Car lesditz Sauvages prenans en main leurs arcs & fleches, vouloient emporter le corps. Mais ledit Sieur fit armer vne douzaine d'arquebuziers, qui l'enleverent sans resistance, apres leur avoir remonstré quelle avoit esté l'intention du decedé, & qu'estant Chrétien il falloit qu'il fust enterré 150 avec ses semblables, comme en fin il fut, avec les prieres accoutumées en l'Eglise. Cela fait on leur bailla à tous du pain, & s'en allerent contens.

This year the country has been visited, here and there, by dysenteric troubles, which have been fatal to those affected by them. It happened that Martin was stricken a week after his baptism with the disease, and died thereof. But [18] it is worthy of being remembered that this dying man always had the sacred name of Jesus upon his lips. In his last moments he requested that when he died he should be buried with the Christians. There was some trouble about this. For the Savages having still some reverence for the burial places of their fathers and friends, wished to take him to Cape Sable, forty leagues distant from the Port. On the other hand, the Sieur wished to have him buried according to his request. Thereupon a dispute arose, and the Savages, seizing their bows and arrows, wanted to take away the 151 corpse. But the Sieur placed a dozen arquebusiers under arms, who carried it off without resistance, after he had demonstrated to them that this had been the intention of the deceased, and that, being a Christian, he must be buried with his fellow-Christians; and so he was, with the usual prayers of the Church. When this was done, they were all given some bread, and went away happy.


Mais puis que nous sommes sur le propos des maladies & mortuaires, ie ne veux passer souz silence chose que ie ne sçauoy pas, & laquelle pour ne l'avoir veu pratiquer, ie n'ay point écrite en mon Histoire de la Nouvelle France. C'est que noz Sauvages voyans vne personne languissante de vieillesse ou de maladie par vne certaine compassion ilz lui avancent ses iours, lui remonstrent qu'il faut qu'il meure pour acquerir vn repos, que c'est chose miserable de touiours languir, qu'il ne leur sert plus que de fardeau, & autres choses semblables, par lesquelles ils font resoudre le patient à [19] la mort. Et lors ilz lui ôtent tous les vivres, luy baillent sa belle robbe de Castors, ou d'autre pelleterie, & le mettent comme vn homme qui est à demi couché sur son lict, lui chantans des louanges de sa vie passee, & de sa constance à la mort: A quoy il s'accorde, & repond comme le Cygne fait sa derniere chanson: Cela fait, chacun le laisse, & s'estime heureux de mourir plustot que de languir. Car ce peuple estant vagabond, & ne pouvant touiours vivre en vne place, ils ne peuvent trainer apres eux leurs peres, ou amis, vieillars, ou malades. C'est pourquoy ilz les traitent ainsi. Si ce sont malades, ilz leur font premierement des incisions au ventre, desquelles les Pilotois, ou de vins succent le sang. Et en quelque façon que ce soit, s'ilz voyent qu'un homme ne se puisse plus trainer, ilz le mettent en l'estat que dessus, & lui iettent contre le nombril tant d'eau froide, que la Nature se debilite peu à peu, & meurent ainsi fort resolument & constamment.

But as we are now on the subject of sickness and death, I do not wish to pass over in silence a custom which I did not know about, and which, never having seen practiced, I did not speak of in my History of New France. It is, that when our Savages see a person gradually failing from old age or sickness, through a certain compassion they hasten his death; showing him that he must die to procure rest, that it is a wretched thing to languish from day to day, that he is only a burden to them, and offer other similar arguments, by means of which they make the sick man resolve to [19] die. And then they take away from him all food, give him his beautiful robe of Beaver or other fur, and place him in a half-reclining posture upon his bed, singing to him praises of his past life, and of his fortitude in death; to this he agrees, and replies with his last chant, like the Swan; When it is finished, all leave him, and he considers himself happy to die rather than to linger on. For these people, being nomadic, and not being able to continue living in one place, cannot drag after them their fathers or friends, the aged, or the sick. That is why they treat them in this manner. If they are sick, they first make incisions into their stomachs, from which the Pilotois,23 or sorcerers, suck the blood. And, whatever the cause, if they see a man can no longer drag himself along, they put him in the condition 153 above described, and throw upon his navel so much cold water, that Nature weakens little by little, and thus he dies with great steadfastness and fortitude.


152 Ainsi en avoit-on fait à Henri Membertou, qui se trouvoit indisposé. Mais il manda au sieur de Poutrincourt qu'il le vinst voir ce iour là, autrement qu'il estoit mort. Au mandement ledit Sieur va trouver Membertou au fond du Port Royal à quatre lieuës loin de son fort, auquel ledit Membertou conte son affaire, disant qu'il n'avoit point encore envie de mourir. Ledit Sieur le console, & le fait enlever de la pour le mener avec lui. Ce qu'ayant fait, & arrivé audit Fort, il lui fait preparer vn bon feu, le couche aupres sur vn bon lict, le fait frotter, dorlotter, [20] & bien penser, lui fait prendre medecine, d'où s'ensuivit qu'au bout de trois iours voila Membertou debout, prest à vivre encore cinquante ans.

This is the way they had treated Henry Membertou when he was sick. But he sent and asked sieur de Poutrincourt to come and see him that very day, otherwise he would be dead. At this request the Sieur went to seek Membertou at the farther end of Port Royal, four leagues away from his fort; to him the said Membertou related his story, saying he did not care to die yet. The Sieur consoled him, and had him lifted up and taken away with him. Then, when they arrived at the Fort, he had a good fire prepared for him, and, placing him near it upon a good bed, had him rubbed, [20] nursed, well cared for, and doctored; and the result was, at the end of three days, behold Membertou up and about, ready to live fifty years longer.


On ne peut arracher tout d'un coup les coutumes & façons de faire inveterées d'un peuple quel que ce soit. Les Apôtres ni plusieurs siecles apres eux ne l'ont pas fait, témoins les ceremonies des chandeles de la Chandeleur, les Processions des Rogations, les Feuz de ioye de la sainct Iehan Baptiste, l'Eau benite, & plusieurs autres traditions que nous avons en l'Eglise, lesquelles ont esté introduites à bonne fin, pour tourner en bon vsage ce que l'on faisoit par abus. Ainsi iaçoit que la famille de Membertou soit Chrétienne, toutefois elle n'avoit esté encore enseignée qu'il n'est pas loisible aux hommes d'abbreger les iours aux vieillars, ou malades, quoy qu'ilz pensent bien faire, mais faut attendre la volonté de Dieu, & laisser faire son office à la Nature. Et de verité vn Pasteur est excusable qui manque à faire chose dont il n'a connoissance.

You cannot all at once eradicate the deep-rooted customs and habits of any people, whoever they may be. The Apostles did not do it, neither was it done several centuries after them; witness the ceremonies of the candles on Candlemas, the Processions of the Rogation-days, the Bonfires of saint John the Baptist's day, the holy Water, and many other traditions that we have in the Church, which have been introduced for a laudable purpose, to convert to a good usage what had only been abused. So, although Membertou's family were Christians, nevertheless they had not yet been taught that it is not lawful for men to shorten the days of the aged, or sick, although they think they are doing right; but rather that they must await the will of God, and leave Nature to do her work. And certainly a Pastor is excusable who fails to do things of which he has no knowledge.


Vne chose de méme merite avint en la maladie de Martin. Car on lui ietta de l'eau semblablement, 154 pour ne le voir languir: & estant malade comme ledit Patriarche, & vn nommé de Montfort lui eussent pris à la chasse & fait manger quelques tourtres, lesquelles il trouva bonnes, il demandoit lors qu'on luy parloit de Paradis, si l'on y en mangeoit: A quoy on lui répondit qu'il y auoit chose meilleure, & qu'il y seroit content. Voila la simplicité d'un peuple [21] plus capable de posseder le royaume des cieux que ceux qui sçavent beaucoup, & font des œuvres mauvaises. Car ce qu'on leur propose, ilz le croyent & gardent soigneusement, voire reprochent aux nóstres leurs fautes, quand ilz ne prient point Dieu avant & apres le repas: ce qu'a fait plusieurs fois ledit Henri Membertou, lequel assiste volontiers au service divin, & porte toujours le signe de la Croix au devant de sa poitrine. Méme ne se sentant assez capable de former des prieres convenables à Dieu, il prioit le Pasteur de se souvenir de lui, & de tous ses freres Sauvages baptizés. Depuis le dernier bapteme duquel nous avons fait mention, il y en a eu plusieurs autres du 14. & 16. d'Aoust, 8. & 9. d'Octobre 1. de Decembre 1610. Et en somme ledit Pasteur fait estat d'en auoir baptizé sept vingts en vn an, ausquels ont esté imposez les noms de plusieurs personnes signalées de pardeça, selon l'affection de ceux qui faisoient l'office de parins, ou marines, lesquels ont baillé des filleuls à ceux & celles qui ensuiuent.

155 Something similar was done in Martin's sickness. For they threw water upon him in this way, in order not to see him linger along; during his sickness, when the Patriarch and a man named de Montfort had caught for him, and made him eat some wild pigeon, which he liked very much, he asked them, as they were speaking to him about Heaven, if there would be any wild pigeon there. To which they answered that there was something better there, and that he would be happy. Such is the simplicity of a people [21] more fit to possess the kingdom of heaven than those who know a great deal, and whose deeds are evil. For they believe and carefully observe what is proposed to them, even reproaching our people for their carelessness, if they do not pray to God before and after eating; this was done a number of times by Henry Membertou, who likes to attend divine service, and always wears the sign of the Cross upon his bosom. Furthermore, not being able to formulate suitable prayers to God, he begged the Pastor to remember him, and all his brother Savages who have been baptized. Since the last baptism, of which we have spoken, there were several others, on the 14th and 16th of August, the 8th and 9th of October, and the 1st of December, 1610. And altogether the Pastor calculates that he has baptized one hundred and forty in one year, to whom have been given the names of many distinguished people over here, according to the inclinations of those who held the position of godfathers or godmothers: these have given godsons to the following.





Quand aux femmes on a donné des filleules à celles qui ensuiuent.

As to the women, goddaughters were given to the following.


Voila ce que i'ay extrait d'un ordre confus des parins & marines, lesquels i'ay voulu coucher icy pour les inuiter a faire du bien à ceux qui ont eté baptizez soubs leurs noms, dont ie veux bien esperer méme de ceux de basse condition. Que si la conversion de ces peuples ne va par milliers, il faut considerer l'estat du païs qui n'est si frequent en hommes que noz villages de France. On pourroit faire plus grande moisson qui voudroit passer plus outre: mais il faut vouloir ce que l'on peut, & prie Dieu qu'il vueïlle faire le reste, puisque les hommes ont cette entreprise tãt à mépris.

The above are the extracts I have made from a confused list of godfathers and godmothers, whom I wish to enumerate here so that they may do some good to those who have been baptized under their names, which I am willing to hope for, even from those of humble condition. And if the conversion of these people is not effected by thousands, we must consider the state of the country, in which there are not as many men as in our villages in France. A greater harvest could be reaped by those who could go farther beyond; but we must be willing to do what we can, and pray God that he may consent to do the rest, since men look upon this enterprise with so much contempt.



La pieté du sieur de Poutrincourt veut que le premier 162 exercice de la journée en ce païs là soit de prier Dieu, à l'imitation d'Abel, lequel (ce dit Philon) offrit au matin son sacrifice. Ce que ne fit Cain. Et les sages remarquent par la comparaison de Iacob qui receut la premiere benediction d'Isaac, laquelle fut plus forte que celle qui fut donnée à Esau: que ceux qui prient du matin, receuans la premiere benediction de Dieu, ont aussi plus grande part en ses grâces. C'est pourquoy vn illustre personnage de nôtre temps entre ses preceptes moraux & sentences vrayement dorees, a écrit.

Avec le jour commence ta journee
De l'Eternel le sainct nom benissant:
Le soir aussi ton labeur finissant,
Louë-le encor, & passe ainsi l'annee.


Sieur de Poutrincourt's piety requires that the first exercise of the day in this country be to pray to God 163 like Abel, who (as Philo says) offered his sacrifice to God in the morning; which Cain did not do. And sages observe, by citing Jacob, who received Isaac's first blessing, which was stronger than that given to Esau, that those who pray in the morning and receive the first benediction of God, always have a greater share in his mercies. Hence an illustrious personage of our times has written, among his moral precepts and truly golden sentences;

With the light thy day beginning,
Then praise the name of the Eternal One;
Again at evening when thy work is done,
Thus spend the year his praises singing.

C'est ainsi que ledit Sieur en a fait, ayant exprés mené à ses dépens le susdit Patriarche, lequel ie voy par les memoires que i'ay ne s'estre iamais épargné à ce qui estoit de sa charge s'estant transporté quelquefois quatre, quelquefois douze lieuës loin pour baptizer des enfans de Sauvages, au mandement qu'ilz luy en faisoient, disans qu'ils vouloient estre comme Membertou, c'est à dire Chrétiens. Quelquefois aussi il a conduit sa troupe en processiõ sur vne montagne qui est au Nort de leur habitation, sur laquelle y a vn roc quarré de toutes [26] parts, de la hauteur d'une table, couvert d'vne mousse épesse où ie me suis quelquefois couché plaisammẽt: i'ay appellé ce lieu le mont de la Roque au pourtraict que i'ay fait du Port Royal en mon Histoire, en faveur d'un mien amy nõme de la Roque Prevost de Vimeu en Picardie, qui desiroit prendre là vne terre, & y enuoyer des hommes.

The Sieur has done this, having brought here, expressly at his own expense, the aforementioned Patriarch, who, I see from memoranda which I have, has never spared himself in the performance of his duties, going sometimes four, sometimes twelve leagues away to baptize some of the children of the Savages, in answer to their requests, saying they wanted to be like Membertou, namely, Christians. Also sometimes he has led his band in a procession to a mountain North of their settlement, upon which there is a square rock [26] as high as a table, covered with thick moss, where I have sometimes enjoyed a pleasant rest. I have called this place mount de la Roque, in the sketch I made of Port Royal in my History, after one of my friends named de la Roque, Provost of Vimeu in Picardy, who desired to take up land there and to send over some men.


Le second exercice c'est de pourvoir aux necessitez de la vie, à quoy il employa ses gens chacun selon sa 164 vacatiõ, estant arriué à la terre, qui au labourage, qui aux batimens, qui à la forge, qui a faire des ais, &c. Le Patriarche susdit s'empara de mon étude, & de mes parterres & jardinages, où il dit auoir trouvé arrivant là, quantité de raves, naveaux, carottes, panais, pois, féves, & toutes sortes d'herbes jardinieres bonnes & plãtureuses. A quoy s'estant occupé, il y a laissé à son retour (qui fut le 17. de Iuin dernier) vn beau champ de blé à beaux épics, & bien fleuri.

The second duty was to provide for the necessities of life, and to this end he employed his people, each according to his trade, as soon as they arrived; some were employed in tilling the ground, some in building, 165 some at the forge, some in making planks, etc. The Patriarch took possession of my apartment, and of my parterres and gardens, where he says he found, at his arrival, a great many radishes, parsnips, carrots, turnips, peas, beans, and all kinds of good and productive culinary herbs. Occupying himself with these things, upon his return (which was the 17th of last June), he left a beautiful field of wheat with fine, well-flowered heads.


Plusieurs autres se sont occupés à la terre, comme estant le premier métier & le plus necessaire à la vie de l'homme. Ils en ont (comme ie croy) maintenant recuilli les fruicts, hors-mis des arbres fruitiers qu'ils ont plantés, lesquels ne sont si prompts à cela.

Several others were occupied in agriculture, this being the occupation of prime importance, and most necessary to human life. They have now (I suppose) reaped the harvest thereof, except that of the trees they planted, which are not so prompt in bearing.


Quant aux Sauvages ils ne sçauent que c'est du labourage, & ne s'y peuvent addonner, courageux seulement & penibles à la chasse, & à la pécherie. Toutefois les Armouchiquois & autres plus esloignés plantent du blé & des fevés, mais ils laissent faire cela aux femmes.

As to the Savages, they know nothing about cultivating the land, and cannot give themselves up to it, showing themselves courageous and laborious only in hunting and fishing. However, the Armouchiquois and other more distant tribes plant wheat32 and beans, but they let the women do the work.33


[27] Nos gens outre le labourage & iardinage, avoient l'exercice de la chasse, de la pécherie, & de leurs fortifications. Ils ne manquerent aussi d'exercice à remettre & couvrir les batimens & le moulin delaissez depuis nótre retour en l'an 1607. Et d'autant que la fonteine estoit vn peu eloignée du Fort, ils firent vn pui dans icelui Fort, de l'eau duquel ils se sont fort bien trouvez. De sorte que (chose emerueillable) ils n'ont eu aucunes maladies, quoy qu'il y ait eu beaucoup de sujet d'en avoir par la necessité qu'ils ont soufferte. Car le Sieur de Sainct Iust fils dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt ayant eu mandement de retourner dans quatre mois (comme nous avons dit 166 ci-dessus) on l'attendoit dans la fin de Nouembre pour avoir du rafraichissement, & toutesfois il n'arriva que le iour de Pentecoste, qui fut le 22. de May ensuivant. Cela fut cause qu'il fallut retrencher les vivres qu'ils avoient en assez petite quantité. De manger toujours du poisson (s'il n'est bõ & ferme) ou des coquillages seuls sans pain, cela est dangereux, & cause la dysenterie, cõme nous avõs rapporté ci-dessus de quelques Sauuages qui en sont morts, & pouvons en avoir autre témoignage par les gens du Sieur de Monts, qui moururent en nombre de vingt la premiere année qu'ils hivernerent à Kebec, tãt pour la nouveauté de la demeure, que pour avoir trop mangé d'anguilles & autres poissõs. La chasse aussi ne se trouve pas à foison en vn lieu où il faut viure de cela, & où l'on fait vne demeure arrestée. C'est ce qui rend les [28] Sauvages vagabons, & fait qu'ilz ne peuvent vivre en vne place. Quand ils ont esté six semaines en vn lieu il faut changer de demeure. Ilz prindrent au terroir du Port Royal six Grignaces ou Ellans, cet hiver, dont ils en apportoient vn quartier ou moitié aux nótres. Mais cela ne va gueres loin à tant de gens. Le iour de Pasques fleuries le fils ainé de Membertou dit Louïs, en poursuivoit vn, qui s'estant venu rendre au Port Royal passoit l'eau, quand la femme dudit Louïs vint faire vne alarme en criant plusieurs fois, Ech'pada, Ech'pada, c'est à dire, Aux épées, Aux épées. On pensoit que ce fussent quelques ennemis, mais il fut le bien venu. Le Sieur de Poutrincourt se mit dans vne chaloupe pour aller au devant, & avec vn dogue il le fit tourner en arrière d'où il venoit. Il y avoit du plaisir à le cotoyer si proche de sa ruine. Si-tost qu'il approcha de terre, ledit Louïs le transperça 168 d'une fleche, le Sieur de Iouy luy tira vne arquebusade à la téte, mais Actaudinech' dit Paul fils puisné de Membertou lui coupa dextrement vne veine au col, qui l'atterra du tout. Ceci donna vne curée & consolation stomachale aux nótres. Mais cela ne dura pas toujours. Il fallut revenir à l'ordinaire. Et faut penser qu'en ce retranchement de vivres dont nous avons parlé il y eut de grandes affaires pour le chef, car des mutineries & conspirations survindrent, & d'vn costé le cuisinier déroboit vne partie de la portion des autres, & tel crioit à la faim, qui avoit abondance de pain & de chair dans sa [29] cellule, ainsi que s'est veu par experience. Ceux qui portoient le blé au moulin, de quinze boisseaux n'en rendoient que douze de farine au lieu de dix-huict. Et de la necessité d'autrui ils troquoient avarement des Castors auec les Sauvages. Neantmoins (par trop de bonté) tant de fautes leur furent pardonnées apres visitation faite. Pauvres sots qui font des conseils si legers, & ne voyent point ce qu'ils deviendront par apres, & que leur vie ne peut estre asseurée que par vn perpetuel exil de leur patrie, & de tout ce qu'ils ont de plus cher au monde.

[27] Our people, besides the farm and garden work, passed their time in hunting, fishing, and in making fortifications. Work was not wanting also in repairing and roofing the buildings and the mill, abandoned since our return in 1607. And, as the spring was some little distance from there, they dug a well in the Fort, and found the water very good. So that (wonderful to relate) they had no sickness, although there was sufficient cause for it in the privations they suffered. For Sieur de Sainct Just, son of Sieur de Poutrincourt, having been ordered to return in four months (as we have said above), was expected the last of November, with fresh supplies; yet he did not come until the day of Pentecost, the 22nd of the 167 following May. For this reason they were obliged to diminish their rations, of which they had rather a small quantity. To always eat fish (unless it is good and firm) or shellfish alone, without bread, is dangerous, and causes dysentery, as we have observed above in regard to certain Savages who died of it. We can prove this also by Sieur de Monts' men, who died, to the number of twenty, the first year they wintered at Kebec, both on account of their change of dwelling, and because they ate too many eels and other fish. Furthermore, game is not always to be found in abundance in a place where people are obliged to live on it, and where there is a permanent settlement. This is what makes [28] nomads of the Savages, and prevents them from remaining long in one place. When they have been six weeks in a place, they are obliged to leave their habitation. This winter, in the neighborhood of Port Royal they took six Grignaces34 or Elks, and brought a quarter or half of them to our people. But that did not go far with so many men. On Palm Sunday, Louis, the eldest son of Membertou, was on the trail of one which had reached Port Royal and was just crossing the river, when his wife caused an alarm by crying out several times, Ech'pada, Ech'pada, that is, "To arms, to arms." They thought it might be an enemy, but it was a welcome one. Sieur de Poutrincourt got into a boat to go and head it off, and, with the help of a big dog, made it turn back whence it came. There was some sport in chasing it so near its death. As soon as it approached the land, Louis pierced it through with an arrow, Sieur de Jouy discharged his arquebuse at its head, but Actaudinech', or Paul, the younger son of Membertou, dexterously cut a vein in 169 its neck, which completely finished it. This gave our people some game, and consolation to their stomachs. But it did not last always, and they had to come back to ordinary fare. You must bear in mind that, in this cutting down of supplies, of which we have spoken, there were great responsibilities for the commandant; for mutinies and conspiracies arose; and on the one hand the cook stole a part of what belonged to the others, while a certain one cried "hunger" who had plenty of bread and meat in his [29] cell, as has been proven. Those who carried wheat to the mill, from fifteen bushels brought back only twelve of flour, instead of eighteen. They also took advantage of the necessity of others, in miserly traffic in Beaver skins with the Savages. Nevertheless (through too much kindness), all these faults were pardoned after they had been looked into. Poor fools, who take good counsel so lightly, and do not see what will become of them afterwards, and that their lives can only be assured by a perpetual exile from their country, and from all they hold dearest in the world.


En cette disette on eut avis de quelques racines que les Sauvages mangent au besoin, lesquelles sont bonnes comme Truffes. Cela fut cause que quelques paresseux se mirẽt avec les diligens a fouiller la terre, & firent si bien par leurs iournées qu'ils en defricherent environ quatre arpens, là où on a semé des segles & legumes. C'est ainsi que Dieu sçait tirer du mal vn bien; il chastie les siens, & neantmoins les soutient de sa main.

During this scarcity they heard of some roots which the Savages eat in their time of need, and which are as good as Truffles.35 To seek for these, some of the lazy ones, as well as the more industrious, began to dig; and did so well that, by working daily, they cleared about four acres, in which rye and vegetables were planted. It is thus that God can draw good from evil; he chastises his people, and yet sustains them with his hand.


Quand l'hiver fut passé, & que la douceur du temps allecha le poisson à rechercher les eaux douces, on dépecha 170 des gens le 14. Avril pour faire la quéte de cela. Il y a nombre infini de ruisseaux au Port Royal, entre lesquels sont trois ou quatre où vient à foison le poisson au renouveau. L'vn apporte l'Eplan en Avril en quantité infinie. L'autre le Haren, l'autre l'Eturgeon & Saumõ, &c. Ainsi furent lors deputez quelques vns pour aller voir à la riviere qui [30] est au profond du Port Royal, si l'Eplan estoit venu. Ils y allerent, & leur fit Membertou (qui estoit cabanné là) bonne chere, de chair & de poisson. Delà ils allerent au ruisseau nommé Liesse par le Sieur des Noyers Advocat en Parlement, là où ils trouverent tant de poisson, qu'il fallut envoyer querir du sel pour en faire bonne prouision. Ce poisson est fort savoureux & delicat, & ne fait point de mal comme pourroient faire les coquillages: & vient enuiron l'espace de six semaines en ce ruisseau: lequel temps passé il y a vn autre ruisseau audit Port Royal, où vient le Haren, item vn autre où vient la Sardine en méme abondance. Mais quant à la riuiere dudit Port, qui est la riviere de l'Equille, depuis nommée la riviere du Dauphin, au temps susdit elle fournit d'Eturgeons & Saumons à qui veut prendre la peine d'en faire la chasse. Quand le Haren fut venu, les Sauvages (selon leur bon naturel) firent des feuz & fumees en leur quartier, pour en dõner avis à noz François. Ce qui ne fut negligé. Et est cette chasse beaucoup plus certaine que celle des bois.

When the winter was over and the mildness of the weather allured the fish to seek fresh water, upon the 14th of April, men were sent out fishing. There 171 are a great many streams at Port Royal, and among them three or four where the fish swarm in the spawning season. One contains vast numbers of Smelts36 in April. Another, Herring, another, Sturgeon and Salmon, etc. So some were then sent to the river at the [30] back of Port Royal, to see if the Smelts had come. When they reached the place, Membertou (who was encamped there), received them hospitably, regaling them with meat and fish. Thence they went to the stream called Liesse37 by Sieur des Noyers, an Advocate in Parliament, where they found so many fish that they had to send and get some salt, to lay in a store of them. These fish are very tempting and delicate, and are not so injurious as shellfish are apt to be. They remain about six weeks in this stream; after that there is another small river near Port Royal, where Herring is found, also another to which Sardines come in great abundance. But as to the river of the Port, which is the river Equille, since named the Dauphin,38 at the time of which we speak it furnished Sturgeon and Salmon to any one who would take the trouble to fish for them. When the Herrings came, the Savages (with their usual good-nature) let the French know it by signaling from their quarters with fires and smoke. The hint was not neglected, for this kind of hunting is much more sure than that of the woods.



Il estoit le 10. de May quand la derniere cuisson du pain faite, on tint conseil de retourner en France, si dãs le mois n'arriuoit secours. Ce qui fut prest 172 d'estre executé. Mais le iour de la Pentecoste [31] Dieu envoya son esprit consolateur à cette compagnie ja languissante, qui lui suruint bien à propos, par l'arrivée du Sieur de Sainct Iust, duquel il nous faut dire quelque chose: car ci-devant nous l'avons laissé au port de Dieppe, sans avoir veu ce qu'il a fait depuis. S'estant presenté à la Royne; elle fut merveilleusement rejouïe d'entendre la conversion de plusieurs Sauvages qui avoient esté baptizés avant le depart dudit sieur de Sainct Iust, dont ie fis vn recit public que ie presentay à sa Majesté. La dessus les Iesuites se presẽtẽt pour aller au secours. La Royne le trouve bon. Elle les recõmande. I'eusse desiré qu'avant partir quelqu'vn eust remontré à sa Majesté chose qu'elle n'eust fait que trop volontiers: C'est d'envoyer quelque present de vivres & d'habits à ces Neophytes & nouveaux Chrétiens qui portẽt les noms du feu Roy, de la Royne Regente, & de Messeigneurs & Dames les enfans de France. Mais chacun regarde à son profit particulier. Ledit sieur de Sainct Iust apres son rapport fait, pretendoit obtenir quelques defenses pour le cõmerce des Castors, cuidant que la cõsideration de la religion lui pourroit faire aisément accorder cela. Ce qu'il ne peut toutefois obtenir. Et voyant que cette affaire tiroit en longueur, & qu'il falloit aller secourir son pere, ayant mandement de faire en forte d'estre de retour dans quatre mois, il print cõgé de la Royne, laquelle luy bailla de compagnie deux Iesuites pour la conversion des peuples Sauvages de delà. Mais puis que le sieur de Poutrincourt avoit pris vn [32] homme capable à son partement, il me semble que ceux-ci (qui peuvent estre plus vtiles pardeça) se hasterẽt trop pour le profit dudit Sieur: Car 174 le retardement écheu à leur occasion lui a prejudicié de beaucoup, & causé la rupture de son association. Et faut en telles affaires fonder la Republique premierement, sans laquelle l'Eglise ne peut estre, ainsi que i'ay des-ja écrit ci-dessus. I'en avoy dit mon avis audit sieur de Sainct Iust, & qu'il falloit asseurer la vie avant toutes choses, faire vne cuillette de bledz, avoir des bestiaux, & des volatiles domestics, devant que pouvoir assembler ces peuples. Or ceste precipitation pensa, outre la perte susdite, reduire la troupe qui estoit pardela à vne miserable necessité, n'y ayant plus que la cuisson de pain ja faite & distribuée.


It was the 10th of May, when the last bread was baked, that they took counsel about returning to France, if help did not come within a month. This they were ready to do. But on the day of Pentecost [May 22nd] [31] God sent his consoling spirit to this 173 company, already so disheartened, and it came to them very opportunely in the arrival of Sieur de Sainct Just, of whom we must say a few words; for awhile ago we left him at the port of Dieppe, and have not seen what he has been doing since. When he was presented to the Queen, she was wonderfully pleased to hear about the conversion of several Savages, who had been baptized before the departure of sieur de Sainct Just, an account of which I published and presented to her Majesty. Thereupon the Jesuits offered themselves to aid in the work. The Queen favored the plan, and recommended them. I should have been glad, if, before their departure, some one had suggested to her Majesty a thing which she would willingly have done; namely, to send some presents of food and clothes to these Neophytes and new Christians, who bear the names of the deceased King, of the Queen Regent, and of my Lords and Ladies, the children of France.39 But every one looks out for his own interests. Sieur de Sainct Just, after his report had been made, meant to obtain protection for the Beaver trade, believing that considerations of a religious nature would easily secure this for him. However, he could not obtain it. And seeing that the affair was dragging on, and that he must go and relieve his father, having been ordered to so arrange affairs as to be back in four months, he took leave of the Queen, who sent with him two Jesuits for the conversion of the Savage tribes over there. But as sieur de Poutrincourt had taken an [32] able man at his departure, it seems to me that these men (who can be more useful here) were in too much of a hurry for the best interests of the Sieur; because the delay, which took place on their account, was very detrimental 175 to him, and caused a dissolution of his partnership. In such undertakings the State must first be founded, without which the Church cannot exist, as I have said before. I expressed my opinion on this subject to sieur de Sainct Just, to the effect that it was necessary to guarantee a living before anything else, to obtain a crop of wheat, to have cattle and domestic fowls, before they could bring these people together. Now this blind haste came very near, besides the above-mentioned losses, reducing the company that was over there to misery and want, as they had nothing left but the one baking of bread, already made and distributed.


Ledit Sieur de Poutrincourt s'estoit associé de deux marchans de Dieppe, lesquels voyans les susdits Iesuites, sçavoir le Pere Biar homme fort sçavant Gascon de nation duquel Monsieur le premier President de Bordeaux m'a fait bon recit; & le Pere Nemon prest à s'embarquer, s'opposerent à cela, & ne voulurent permettre qu'ils fussent du voyage, disant qu'ils nourriroient volontiers toute autre forte d'hommes, Capucins, Minimes, Cordeliers, Recollets, &c. mais quant à ceux-ci qu'ils n'en vouloient point, & ne pouvoient tenir leur bien-asseuré en leur compagnie. Que si la Royne vouloit qu'ils y allassent, on leur rendist leur argent, & qu'ils fissent ce que bon leur sembleroit. Là dessus voila vn retardemẽt. [33] Il faut écrire en Cour, remontrer à sa Majesté l'occasion de cela, demander de l'argent pour rembourser lesdits Marchans, faire des allées & venuës: cependant la saison se passe. La Royne leur ordonna deux mille escus, outre lesquels ils firent des collectes par les maisons des Princes, Seigneurs, & personnes devotes, d'où ilz tirent aussi de bon argent. Bref ilz remboursent lesditz Marchãs de chacũ deux milles livres, 176 & se mettent en fin à la voile le 26. de Ianvier 1611. Le temps estoit difficile, la plus rude saison de l'hiver. Ils furent quelque temps en mer pensans combattre le vent, mais ils furent contraints de relacher en Angleterre, là où ils furent iusques au 16. de Février. Et le 19. Avril ils furent sur le grand Banc des Moruës, où il trouverent des Navires de Dieppe & de Sainct Malo. Et le 29. estans entre ledit Banc & l'ile de Sable, ils cinglerent l'espace de douze lieuës parmi des glaces hautes comme montagnes, sur lesquelles ils descendirent pour faire de l'eau douce avec icelles, laquelle se trouva bonne. Au sortir desdites glaces, fut rencontré vn Navire du Sieur de Monts, auquel commandoit le Capitaine Champlein, duquel nous attendons le retour, pour entendre quelque nouuelle découverte. Depuis lesdites glaces, ils en rencontrerent d'autres continuellemẽt l'espace de cinquante lieuës, lesquelles ils eurent beaucoup de peines à doubler. Et le cinquiéme de May, ils decouvrirent la terre & port de Campseau, duquel on peut voir l'assiette dant la grande Table geographique de mõ Histoire. [34] Là ledit Pere Biar chanta la Messe. Et depuis ils allerent cotoyans la terre, en forte que le 21. de May ils mouïllerẽt l'ancre à l'entrée du passage du Port Royal.

Sieur de Poutrincourt had gone into partnership with two Dieppe merchants,40 who, seeing the two Jesuits,—namely, Father Biar[d], a very learned man, a native of Gascony, of whom Monsieur the first President of Bordeaux has given me a high opinion; and Father Nemon [Ennemond],—ready to embark, they objected, and did not want them to go upon the voyage, saying that they would willingly provide for all other kinds of men, Capuchins, Minimes, Cordeliers, Recollets, etc.;41 but, as to these, they did not want them at all, and could not consider themselves safe in their company; that if the Queen wished them to go there, let their [the merchants'] money be refunded, and they might do whatever they wished. Now there is a delay. [33] The Court must be written to, her Majesty must be informed of the situation, the money to reimburse the Merchants must be collected, and journeys must be made: meanwhile, the season is passing away. The Queen granted them two thousand écus, in addition to which collections were made from the families of Princes, Nobles, 177 and people devoted to the cause, whence they obtained a great deal of money. In short, they reimbursed each of the Merchants two thousand livres, and at last set sail, the 26th of January, 1611. The weather was disagreeable, this being the roughest part of the winter. They were some time upon the sea, thinking they would be able to resist the winds, but they were compelled to put into port in England, where they remained until the 16th of February. And the 19th of April they were upon the great Codfish Banks, where they found some Ships from Dieppe and Sainct Malo. The 29th, being between these Banks and the island of Sable, they sailed before the wind a distance of twelve leagues, in the midst of ice, mountain high, upon which they disembarked to get some fresh water, which they found good. In emerging from this ice, they met one of Sieur de Monts' ships, commanded by Captain Champlein,42 whose return we are awaiting to learn of some new discoveries. Afterwards, they continued to encounter other masses of ice, for a distance of fifty leagues, which they had much difficulty in outsailing. The fifth of May, they sighted the land and port of Campseau, the location of which can be seen in the great geographical Chart in my History.43 [34] Father Biar[d] sang Mass there; then they sailed along the coast, so that the 21st of May they cast anchor at the entrance to the passage which leads to Port Royal.


Le sieur de Poutrincourt avoit cedit iour fait assembler ses gens pour prier Dieu, & se preparer à la celebration de la féte de Pentecôte. Et comme chacun c'estoit rangé a son devoir, voici environ trois heures apres le coucher vne canonade, & vne trompette, qui reveille les dormans. On envoye au devant. On trouve que ce sont amis. Là dessus allegresse & rejouïssance, 178 & actions de graces à Dieu en procession sur la montagne que i'ay mentionné ci-dessus. La premiere demande que fit ledit Sieur à son fils, ce fut de la santé du Roy. Il luy fit réponse qu'il estoit mort. Et interrogé de quelle mort, il lui en fit le recit selõ qu'il l'avoit entendu en France. Là dessus chacun se print à pleurer, méme les Sauvages apres avoir entendu ce desastre, dont ils ont fait le dueil fort long temps, ainsi qu'ils eussent fait d'vn de leurs plus grands Sagamos.

The same day sieur de Poutrincourt had called his people together to pray to God, and to prepare themselves for the celebration of the Pentecostal feast. And, as each one had placed himself at his post of duty, suddenly, about three hours after bedtime, there is heard the sound of cannon and trumpet, 179 which awakes the sleepers. Scouts are sent out; they are found to be friends. Then there is joy and gladness, and thanksgivings to God in a procession to the mountain of which I have spoken above. The first question which the Sieur asked his son, was about the King's health. He answered that he was dead. In reply to further inquiries, he told the story as he had heard it in France. Thereupon, they all began to weep, even the Savages joining in after they had heard about the catastrophe; and they continued to mourn for a long time, just as they would have done for one of their greatest Sagamores.


A peine fut arriué ledit sieur de Sainct Iust, que les Sauvages Etechemins (qui ayment le sieur de Poutrincourt) lui vindrent annoncer qu'il y avoit en leurs cótes trois Navires, tant Maloins que Rochelois, lesquels se vantoient de le devorer ainsi que feroit le Gougou vn pauvre Sauvage. Ce qu'entendu par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt, il n'eut la patience de faire descharger le vaisseau nouuellemẽt arrivé, ains à l'instant méme alla ancrer au-devant desdits [35] trois Navires, & fit venir tous les Capitaines parler à lui, qui preterent obeïssance, & leur fit ledit sieur reconoitre l'authorité de son fils, comme Vic' Admiral esdictes terres du Ponant. Vn Navire Maloin voulant faire quelque rebellion, fut prins, mais ledit sieur selon sa debonnaireté accoustumée, le relacha, apres lui avoir remontré de ne plus venir en mer sans sa Charte partie. Là le pere Birat dit la Messe, & fit ce qu'il peut pour ranger vn chacun à ce qui estoit du devoir. Et particulierement il fit reconoître sa faute à vn ieune hõme qui avoit passé l'hiver parmi les hommes & les femmes Sauvages, lequel demanda pardon à qui il appartenoit, & receut la Communion de sa main. Cela fait chacun revint au Port Royal en grãde rejouïssance.

Sieur de Sainct Just had hardly arrived, when the Etechemin Savages (who love sieur de Poutrincourt) came to announce to him that there were three Ships upon their coasts, from St. Malo and Rochelle, which were boasting that they would devour him as the Gougou44 would a poor Savage. Upon hearing this, sieur de Poutrincourt would not even wait to have the lately-arrived ship unloaded; but straightway went and anchored opposite [35] these three Ships, and summoned all the Captains to come and speak with him. They obeyed, and the sieur made them acknowledge the authority of his son, as Vice-Admiral in the said lands of the West. One of the Malouin Ships, while trying to make some resistance, was taken, but the sieur, with his usual good-nature, released it, after having admonished it never again to come to sea without its Charter-party.45 There Father Birat [Biard] said Mass, and did all he could to bring each one to a sense of his duty. In particular, he caused a young man to acknowledge his transgressions, who had passed the winter with the men and women Savages: he [the young man] asked pardon from him [Poutrincourt] to whom this was due; 181 and received the Communion from his [the Father's] hand. After this they all returned to Port Royal, with great rejoicing.


180 Le retardement susdit est cause que lesditz navires & autres estãs arrivés devant ledit sieur de Sct. Iust; ils ont enlevé tout ce qui estoit de bon au païs pour le commerce des Castors & autres pelleteries, lesquelles fussent venuës és marins du Sieur de Poutrincourt si son fils fust retourné par-dela au temps qui lui avoit esté enioint. Et davantage on en eust sauvé pour plus de six mille escus que les Sauvages ont mangées durant l'hiver, lesquelles ilz fussent venus troquer audit Port Royal s'il y eust eu les choses qui leur sont necessaires. Vne faute aussi fut cõmise avant le partement de Dieppe par l'infidelité du Contre-maistre de navire, lequel ayant charge d'enruner (c'est à dire mettre dedans) le blé, le détournoit à son profit. [36] Ce qui ayda à la disette que noz François ont par-dela soufferte. Et neantmoins Dieu les a tellement sustentés, qu'il n'y a eu aucun malade: voire ceux qui en sont de retour se plaisent à cela, & n'y en a pas vn qui ne soit en volonté d'y retourner.

In the delay previously mentioned may be found the reason why these ships and others, having arrived before sieur de Sainct Just, took away all that was valuable in the country as regards the Beaver and other fur trade, which would have reverted to Sieur de Poutrincourt's sailors if his son had returned from over the sea at the time stipulated. And besides, more than six thousand escus [écus] worth of peltries would have been saved which the Savages devoured during the winter, and which they would have come to Port Royal to exchange, had they found there what they needed. A wicked act was also committed before the ship's departure from Dieppe, by the Overseer of the boat, who, being charged to load [enruner] the wheat, appropriated it to his own profit, [36] which contributed to the scarcity which our countrymen suffered over there. And yet God so sustained them, that no one has been sick; even those who have come back, are fortunate in that respect, and there is not one of them who would not like to return to that country.



Nous pouvons mettre ce que ie viens de dire entre les effects de la grace de Dieu: comme aussi les racines qu'il leur envoya au besoin, dont nous avons parlé, & sur-ce l'exercice des paresseux qui ne s'estoient voulu occuper à la terre, lesquels sans y penser en cultiverent vn beau champ en cherchant desdites racines. Mais particulierement encore l'exemption de maladies, qui est vn miracle tres-evident. Car és voyages precedens il ne s'en est iamais passé vn seul sans mortalité, quoy qu'on fust bien à l'aise. Et en cetui-ci non seulement les sains ont esté preseruez, 182 mais aussi ceux qui estoient affligez de maladie en France ont la receu guarison. Tesmoin vn honéte personnage nommé Bertrand, lequel à Paris estoit journellement tourmenté de la goutte, de laquelle il a esté totalement exempt par dela. Mais depuis qu'il est de retour, le méme mal est retourné avec plus d'effects de douleurs qu'auparauant, quoy qu'il se garde sans aucun exercice.


What I have just related may be attributed to the grace of God; as also the roots that were sent them in their need, which we have already mentioned; and furthermore, the exercise given the lazy ones who would not take part in tilling the soil, and who, without intending it, prepared for cultivation a fine field, while seeking for these roots. But more particularly the exemption from sickness; which is a 183 very evident miracle. For, as to former sojourns, not one has been passed without some deaths, although they were well provided for. And in this one not only the healthy remained well, but also those who were afflicted with ill-health in France have there recovered. A witness of this is a worthy man named Bertrand,29 who, at Paris, was daily tormented with the gout, from which he was entirely free over there. But, since he came back here, the same trouble has returned with more severity than ever, although he takes care not to indulge in excesses.


[37] Mais qui ne recoignoistra vne speciale grace de Dieu en la persone dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt & ses gens, lors qu'il fut porté par vn vent de terre à la haute mer en danger d'aller voir la Floride, ou d'estre accablé des ondes, au retour de la conduite de son fils, ainsi que nous avons rapporté ci-dessus.

[37] But who will not recognize God's peculiar grace in the case of Sieur de Poutrincourt and his crew, when, upon his return from accompanying his son, he was carried by a land breeze out into the open sea, in danger of making a visit to Florida, or of being overwhelmed by the billows, as we have stated above.


I'appelle aussi miracle de voir que les pauvres peuples de delà ont conceu telle opinion de la Religion Chrétienne, que si-tost qu'ilz sont malades ilz demãdent estre baptizez, voire encore qu'ilz soient sains, ils y vont avec vne grande Foy, & disent qu'ilz veulent estre semblables à nous recognoissans fort bien leur defaut en cela. Membertou grand Sagamos exhorte vn chacũ des Sauvages à se faire Chretiens. Et tesmoignẽt tous que depuis qu'ils ont receu le baptéme ils ne craignent plus rien, ilz vont hardiment de nuict, le diable ne les tourmente plus.

I call it also a miracle that these poor people have conceived such an opinion of the Christian Religion, that as soon as they are sick they ask to be baptized; and, even when they are well, they approach it with great Faith, saying they wish to be like us, fully recognizing their own shortcomings. Membertou, the great Sagamore, exhorts every one of the Savages to become Christians. All bear witness that since they have been baptized they are afraid of nothing, and go out boldly at night, the devil no longer tormenting them.


Quand le Sieur de Sainct Iust arriva à Campseau, les Sauvages non baptizez s'enfuioient de peur. Mais les baptizés en nombre d'environ cinquante s'approcherent hardiment disans, Nous sommes tes freres Chretiens comme toy, & tu nous aymes. C'est pourquoy nous ne fuyons point, & n'avons point de peur: Et porterent ledit Sieur sur leurs bras & épaules jusques en leurs cabannes.

When Sieur de Sainct Just arrived at Campseau, the Savages who had not been baptized ran away in fear. But those who were baptized, about fifty in number, approached boldly, saying, "We are thy brothers, Christians as thou art, and thou lovest us. Hence we fly not away and are not afraid:" and 185 they carried the Sieur upon their arms and shoulders to their wigwams.


184 Sur la fin du Printemps les enfans de Membertou estans allés à la chasse, en laquelle ilz firent long seiour, avint que ledit Membertou fut pressé de necessité de vivres, & en cette disette [38] il se souvint de ce qu'il avoit autrefois oui dire à noz gẽs que Dieu qui nourrit les oiseaux du ciel, & les bétes de la terre, ne delaisse iamais ceux qui ont esperance en lui, selon la parolle de nôtre Sauveur.

Towards the end of Spring, when Membertou's children had gone hunting, where they remained a long time, it happened that Membertou was sorely pressed for food; and in this time of need [38] he remembered that he had formerly heard our people say that God, who feeds the birds of the air and the beasts of the fields, never abandons those who have hope in him, according to the words of our Savior.


En cette necessité donc il se met à prier Dieu, ayant enuoyé sa fille voir au ruisseau du moulin s'il y auroit point apparence de pouuoir faire pecherie. Il n'eust esté gueres long temps en prieres que voici sadite fille arriver criant à haute voix, Nouchich', Beggin pech'kmok, Beggin ëta pech'kmok: c'est à dire: Père, le haren est venu; le haren certes est venu. Et vit par effect le soin que Dieu a des siens, à son contentement. Ce qu'il avoit vne autrefois eprouvé, ayant eu (ou les siens) à tel besoin la rencontre d'un Ellan, & encore vne autrefois vne Baleine échouée.

So, in this necessity, he began to pray to God, after having sent his daughter to see if there were any signs of fish in the mill-creek. He had not been a long time in prayer, when lo, his daughter comes running back crying in a loud voice, Nouchich', Beggin pech'kmok, Beggin ëta pech'kmok; that is, "Father, the herring have come; the herring have come indeed." And he saw effectually, and to his satisfaction, God's care over his own. He (or some of his family) also had proof of this upon another occasion, in a like time of need, when he encountered an Elk, and another time a stranded Whale.


Qui voudra nier que ce ne soit vn special soin de la providence de Dieu envers les siens, quand il enuoya au Sieur de Poutrincourt le secours desiré le iour de la Pentecoste derniere, duquel nous avons fait mention cy-dessus?

Who will deny that it was a special manifestation of the providence of God towards his own, when he sent to Sieur de Poutrincourt the desired help upon the day of last Pentecost, of which we have made mention above?


Ie ne veux rememorer ce que i'ay écrit en mon Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, livre 4. chap. 4. de la merveille avenuë au premier voyage du Sieur de Monts en la personne de Maitre Nicolas Aubri Prestre d'vne bonne famille de Paris, lequel fut se[i]ze iours perdu dans les bois, & au bout dudit temps trouvé fort extenué, à la verité, mais encore vivant, & vit encore à present, aymant singulierement les entreprises qui se font pour ce païs là, où le desit [39] le porte plus 186 qu'il ne fit iamais, comme aussi tous autres qui y ont fait voyage, lesquels i'ay préque tous veux desireux d'y hazarder leur fortune, si Dieu leur ouvroit le chemin pour y faire quelque chose. A quoy les grans ne veulent point entendre, & les petits n'ont les ailes assez fortes pour voler iusques là. Neantmoins c'est chose étrange & incroyable de la resolution tant dudit Sieur de Monts, que dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt, le premier desquels a toujours continué depuis dix ans d'envoyer par delà: & le second, nonobstant les difficultez que nous avons recitées ci-dessus, n'a laissé d'y r'envoyer nouuellement, attendant ici le renouveau, pour aller revoir les gens. Dieu doint à l'vn & à l'autre le moyen de faire chose qui reüsisse à la gloire de son nom, & au bien des pauvres peuples que nous appellons Sauvages.


I will not repeat what I have written in my History of New France, book 4, chap. 4, of the wonderful thing which happened, during Sieur de Monts' first sojourn, to Master Nicolas Aubry,46 Priest, of a good family in Paris, who was sixteen days lost in the woods, and at the end of that time was found, very much emaciated, in truth, but still living; and he is living yet, and is singularly devoted to the enterprises187 being carried on in behalf of that country, whither his [39] desires more than ever attract him, as well as all others who have once made the voyage; these I have observed are almost all desirous of risking their fortunes there, if God would open up the way for them to do something. To this the great do not care to lend their ears, and the small have not wings strong enough to fly so far. Nevertheless there is something strange and incredible in the perseverance of both Sieur de Monts and Sieur de Poutrincourt; the former having continued to send expeditions over there for ten years; and the latter, in spite of the difficulties enumerated above, having recently sent over another one, awaiting here the return of spring, to go again to see his people. May God grant to both the means of doing something which may succeed to the glory of his name, and to the welfare of the poor people whom we call Savages.



[40] Extrait du Priuilege du Roy. 188

Par grace & Priuilege du Roy, il est permis à Iean Millot Marchant Libraire en l'Vniversité de Paris, d'imprimer, ou faire imprimer, vendre & distribuer par tout nostre Royaume tant de fois qu'il luy plaira, en telle forme ou charactere que bõ luy semblera, vn liure intitulé Histoire de la Nouvelle-France contenant les nauigations faites par les François és Indes Occidentales, & terres-neuves de la Nouuelle-France, & les decouuertes par eux faites esditz lieux, A quoy sont adjoutées les Muses de la Nouvelle France. Ensemble plusieurs Chartes en taille douce, où sont les figures des Provinces, & Ports, & autres choses seruans a ladicte Histoire, composée par Marc Lescarbot Advocat en la Cour de Parlement. Et ce jusques au temps & terme de six ans finis & accomplis, à cõpter du jour que ledit livre sera achevé d'imprimer. Pendant lequel tẽps defenses sont faictes à tous Imprimeurs, Libraires, & autres de quelque estat, qualité ou condition qu'ils soient, de non imprimer, vendre, contrefaire, ou alterer ledit liure, ou aucune partie d'iceluy, sur peine de cõfiscation des exemplaires, & de quinze cens livres d'amende appliquable moitié à nous, & moitié aux pauvres de l'hostel Dieu de cette ville de Paris, & despens, dommages, & interests dudit exposant: Nonobstant toute clameur de Haro, Charte Normande, Privileges, lettres ou autres appellations & oppositiõs formees à ce contraires faictes ou a faire. Et veut en outre ledit Seigneur, qu'en mettant vn extraict dudit Privilege au cōmencement, ou à la fin dudit livre, il soit 190 tenu pour deuëment signifié, cõme plus amplement est declaré par les patentes de sa Majesté. Donné à Paris le 27. iour de Novembre, l'an de grace 1608. Et de nostre regne l'vnziéme.

Par le Roy en son Conseil.

Signé, Brigard.

189 [40] Extract from the Royal License.

By the grace and Prerogative of the King, permission is granted to Jean Millot, Bookseller in the University of Paris, to print or to have printed, to sell and distribute throughout all our Kingdom, as often as he may desire, in such form or character as he may see fit, a book entitled, History of New France, containing the voyages made by the French to the West Indies, and new countries of New France, and the discoveries made by them in said places. To which are added The Muses of New France. Also a number of Charts in copper-plate, which represent the Provinces, Ports, and other things appertaining to said History, composed by Marc Lescarbot, Advocate in the Court of Parliament. And this to remain valid until the expiration of six full and complete years, counting from the day upon which said book shall be finished. During said period of time, all Printers, Booksellers, and other persons of whatsoever rank, quality, or condition, are prohibited from publishing, selling, imitating, or changing said book, or any part thereof, under penalty of confiscation of the copies, and of fifteen hundred livres fine, one half of which is to be paid to us, and one half to the poor of the public hospital of this city of Paris, together with the costs, damages and interests of the aforesaid petitioner. Notwithstanding all cries of Haro, Norman Charter, Licenses, letters, or other appeals and counter-claims, opposed to this, now or in future.47 And His Majesty also wills that in placing an extract 191 from said License in the beginning or at the end of said book, it shall be regarded as a notice duly served, as has been more fully described in the patents of his Majesty. Given in Paris the 27th day of November, in the year of grace 1608, and of our reign the eleventh.

By the King in Council.

Signed, Brigard.



[Facsimile of Champlain's perspective sketch of fort at Port Royal, from "Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain" (Paris, 1613).]

Facsimile of Champlain's perspective sketch

Larger image

  • A. Logemens des artisans.
  • B. Plate forme où estoit le canon.
  • C. Le magasin.
  • D. Logemẽt du sieur de Pontgraué & Champlain.
  • E. La forge.
  • F. Palissade de pieux.
  • G. Le four.
  • H. La cuisine.
  • O. Petite maisonnette où l'on retiroit les vtansiles de nos barques; que de puis le sieur de Poitrincourt fit rebastir et & y logea le sieur Boulay quand le sieur du Pont s'en riuint en France.
  • P. La porte de l'abitation.
  • Q. [K] Le cemetiere.
  • R. La riuiere.


Relatio Rerum Gestarum
in Nova-Francica Missione, Annis 1613 & 1614

Lyons: CLAUDE CAYNE, 1618

Source: We follow the general style of O'Callaghan's Reprint No. 6. The Title and Tabula Rerum are the work of that Editor. The Text is from the original volume of Annuæ Litteræ Societatis Iesu, Anni CIↃ IↃC XII, pp 562-605, in the Riggs Library, Georgetown, D. C. The bracketed pagination is that of the Annuæ; that in Roman, of O'Callaghan.



Rervm Gestarum


Novo-Francica Missione

Annis 1613 & 1614.


Ex Annvis Litteris Societatis Iesv impressis

Apvd Clavdivm Cayne,



Of Occurrences


Mission of New France



From the Published Annual Letters of the Society of Jesus

Claude Cayne,



[iii] Tabvla Rervm 196

I QUID sit Nova Francia 1
II De climate 2
III De moribus gentivm 4
IV De prima exploratione Novæ Franciæ 4
V De situ, flvviis et incolis 5
VI De promontorijs, de quinqve Francorvm domicilijs 8
  De ortu domicilij Sancti Saluatoris ad ostivm amnis Pentegoetij 9
VII Appvlvnt nostri ad Portvm Regalem 16
VIII De laboribus nostrorvm 17
IX De rebvs angvstis 25
X Patres radices legvnt et pisces ad svstentvm domicilij [iv] 36
XI Saussæus ex Francia solvit ad novas missionis sedes collocandas et Sancti Saluatoris domicilivm inchoat 37
XII De impetu Anglorum in missionem Sancti Saluatoris et de ruina Sanctæ Crucis et Regii Portis arcium 41
XIII Patres in Virginiam et inde in Angliam deportati 53
XIV Svmma rervm in Novo-Francica missione gestarvm 59

[iii] Table of Contents. 197

I WHAT New France is 1
II Climate 2
III Customs of the people 4
IV First exploration of New France 4
V Location, rivers, and inhabitants 5
VI The capes; the five settlements of the French 8
  Origin of the settlement of St. Sauveur at the mouth of the river Pentegoët 9
VII Our fathers land at Port Royal 16
VIII Labors of our fathers 17
IX Their hardships 25
X The Fathers gather roots and fish for the support of the colony [iv] 36
XI La Saussaye leaves France for the purpose of establishing new missionary stations, and begins the settlement of St. Sauveur 37
XII Attack of the English upon the mission of St. Sauveur, and destruction of the forts of Ste. Croix and Port Royal 41
XIII The Fathers are carried to Virginia and thence to England 53
XIV Summary of occurrences, in the mission of New France 59

[562] In Novam Franciam, sev Canadiam Missio. 198

NOVA FRANCIA, Brasiliæ ac Peruuio continens ad Boream vastissima regio, Aquitanico Galliæ littori ad occasum obuersa, directas ab Occidente in Orientem, & contrà, lineas cum [563] nostra Francia communes habet; ab eaque non ita longo maris traiectu octingentarum, aut is vbi latissimus est, mille leucarum dirimitur interuallo. Ex huiusmodi oppositu & vicinitate nostratis Frãciæ, Nouam Franciam maiores eam appellarunt; cui nomenclationi & illa altera, rei maximè congruens, accessit ex euentu causa, quòd eam terrarum adhuc incognitam oram primi mortalium Franci nostrates deprehenderunt, crebrísque nauigationibus, centum eóque ampliùs abhinc annis, frequentarunt. Canadiæ verò nomen, quod vulgò vniuersam in eam regionem confertur, eius modò plagæ Septemtrionalis proprium est, quæ Canadæ fluminis, & nobilis sinus, cui à Sancto Laurentio nomen est, copiosis aquis alluitur. Enimuerò vniuersæ Nouæ Franciæ amplitudo, nunc, ad Floridæ confinia, multò licet quam nuper contractior, vndequadragesimo tamen gradu, versùs Austrum, determinatur: vltráque nostratis Franciæ latitudinem non paucis leucis porrigitur: exinde autem ignotis adhuc finibus in Aquilonem, sicut & immẽsis tractibus in Sinicum mare ad Occidentem excurrit: quà denique Eurum spectat, nostro Aquitanico Oceano, Britannicóque, ipsi linearum parallelis obiecto, definitur.

199 [562] The Mission in New France, or Canada.

NEW FRANCE, an immense region adjoining Brazil and Peru on the North, and opposite the coast of Aquitaine in a westerly direction, is situated between the same parallels of latitude as [563] is our France; and is separated from it by the very moderate voyage of 800 leagues, or, where the ocean is broadest, of 1,000 leagues. Because it is thus opposite and near to our France, our ancestors called it New France; and for this nomenclature another especially appropriate reason occurred in the good fortune by which our French fellow-countrymen were the first to take possession of this hitherto unknown region, and visited it in frequent voyages more than a hundred years ago. But the name of Canada, which is commonly given to this entire country, belongs only to that Northern region which is washed by the abundant waters of the river Canada,48 and of the noble gulf which is called St. Lawrence. Indeed, the whole territory of New France, although now much more confined than formerly, towards the frontiers of Florida, is nevertheless bounded on the South by the thirty-ninth parallel, and extends many leagues beyond the breadth of our France. Moreover, it stretches with yet unknown limits towards the North, and in vast expanses to the Chinese sea on the West; finally it is bounded Eastward by our Aquitanian and Breton Ocean, lying opposite and between the same parallels.


200 Caeli eadem omnino, quæ nostri Gallici temperatio, ex ea ratione Climatis eiusdem, quam indicauimus, inesse illi regioni debet, vti reuera inest. Soli autem quin par quoque sit ratio, nihil prohiberet, si iugis adesset campestris terræ cultura: & perpetuarum ferè siluarum abesset densa opacitas. [564] Nam opima omnino vniuersi terreni viscera, facilè prodit ingens arborum amplitudo, atque proceritas: summam quoque glebam vbertate multa pinguem, tota planitie camporum, hilariter herbescens terræ viriditas ostendit.

201 There ought to be in that region the same sort of Climate in every respect as that of our France, from the fact, as we pointed out, of its similar situation, and this is actually the case. Moreover, there is no reason why the soil should not be equally fertile, if the cultivation of the plains were long continued upon the uplands, and if it were not for the dense shades of the almost unbroken forests. [564] For the subsoil of the whole country is very rich, as trees of immense size and height readily demonstrate. That the surface-soil is also endued with great fertility is shown by the pleasing luxuriance of the vegetation over all the plains.


Gens ea distinctis lingua & sede multis populis continetur, nulla vsquam consiliorum aut fortunarum communione deuinctis: nulla nec lege, nec arte; nullo nisi piscatus, & venatus vitæ subsidio instructis: vix vlla Numinis cogitatione, aut salutis cura informatis: ad omne opus ignauis: stupidis ad artes, quæ ingenio aut memoria nitantur: in summa, belluinis pænè hominibus constat ea natio. Populus cum longinquo propinquóve populo vix habet commercium, nisi quod bello inferendo, aut defendendo potest interuenire. Immo, neque idem populus, eadem loci regione, ac tugurioram vicinitate iunctus, fermè vnquam coire solet, nisi vt de armis, aduersùm communes hostes capita conferat. Exterarum verò nationum Francicam vnam ferè suos in portus admittunt, Fibrinis, atque huiusmodi pellibus suis distrahendis, necessariáque veste, ac supellectile permutandis.

The people comprise many tribes diverse in language and situation, united by no mutual purposes or interests; possessing neither laws nor arts, and knowing no other means of gaining a livelihood than by fishing and hunting; having almost no conception of Deity or concern for salvation; indolent in every occupation, and dull in those pursuits which depend upon talent or memory. On the whole, the race consists of men who are hardly above the beasts. One tribe hardly ever has intercourse with another, either distant or near, except such as may arise in the prosecution of offensive or defensive warfare. Even the members of the same tribe, united by a common location and the vicinity of their dwellings, are seldom accustomed to meet together, except to take measures concerning war against a common enemy. Of foreign nations, the French are almost the only people whom they admit to their harbors, for the sake of disposing of their Beaver skins and other peltries, in exchange for necessary clothing and utensils.


Hanc noui orbis partem ex Francis nauarchis primi explorarunt Britones, anno quarto post millesimum 202 quingentesimum; de qua vbi renunciauerant, eius repetendæ nauigationis, vel comites, vel æmulatores habuerunt deinceps frequentissimè, tum Normannos, turn cæteros Gallici Oceani accolas. Vndeuicesimo pòst anno, Ioannes Verazanus [565] Florentinus, vicesimo item, ac tricesimo quarto Iacobus Quartierus Gallus, Brito, cum imperio missi ab Francisco Primo, Gallorum Rege, ipsius auspiciis occupatam regionem illam, eius posterorumque Regum iurisdictioni vindicarunt, cuius possessionem, per interualla sussectæ aliæ atque aliæ Francorum expeditiones, in hanc vsque diem Gallorum Regibus asserere perseuerarunt. De nostris verò missi quoque sunt anno superiore, qui Henrici Quarti auctoritate populos, Francico nomini amicitia & Societate iunctos, ac reliquos etiam Canadios, Euangelij tanto sanctiore fœdere, Christo regum regi deuincirent. Quo de negotio antè quàm instituamus dicere, præter ea quæ generatim complexi sumus, necesse est de loco ac gente sigillatim quædam capita enucleatiùs explicemus.

Among French navigators, the Bretons first explored this part of the new world in 1504;49 and after they brought back reports of it, they had in 203 subsequent voyages thither, many companions or rivals,—not only the Normans, but also other dwellers on the Sea-coast of France. In the nineteenth and also in the twentieth year thereafter, John Verazano, [565] a Florentine; and, in the thirty-fourth year thereafter, Jacques Quartier, a Frenchman of Brittany, were sent as commanders by Francis I., King of France; and, by the occupation of this region under his authority, brought it under the jurisdiction of that King, and also of his successors. Various French expeditions, sent out at intervals, continue to this day to maintain that possession for the Kings of France. Some of our brethren were also sent last year in order, by the authority of Henry IV., to unite the tribes joined in friendship and Alliance with the French, and also the remaining Canadians, by the far holier tie of the Gospel, to Christ, the king of kings. Before we begin to speak concerning this undertaking, we must, in addition to our general description, explain more fully some matters concerning the country and people.


Nova Francia Gallis adeuntibus gemino littore patet; altero, quod angusta fronte Oceano nostro, & Orienti obtenditur: altero, quod productiore tractu ad Floridæ vsque confinia Austro obiacet. Istud latus portubus, atque ostiis fluminum frequens est, quibus commodè penetrari possit in regionis mediterranea, & hàc ferè Galli terras illas ineunt: illud verò, Franciæ nostræ obiectum littus, quoniam oppositu ingentis insulæ, quam Nouam Terram appellant, importuosum pænè est, ea regione nostrates non subeunt. Eius 204 orbis vastissimã planitiem ingentissimi aluei, aquis copiosissimum flumen irrigat, directo limite ab vltimo pænè occasu ad ortum, quoad angusto freto ad insulam Terræ [566] Nouæ, ipsiúsque insulæ oppositu, eius ostia in Austrinum littus inflectantur. Ei fluuio gentile nomen est Sacqué, Sanctum Laurentium Galli appellarunt; cuius caput ampliùs quingentis inde leucis indigenæ ab lacu in trecentas patente leucas repetunt. In hunc amnium principem alij amnes nobiles ab Aquilone influunt, nempe Saguenaiüm, Tergeminus amnis, seu tres amnes, simul coëuntes, Algomequium, & cæteri non pauci. Saguenaij quingentarum, Tergemini quadringentarum leucarum nauigatio longè porrigitur in Boream. E montibus, ad ripam Austrinam Saquéi amnis, transuersi feruntur in Meridianum Oceani littus alij quoque fluuij celebres; vnde populis, atque illius tractus regionibus plerisque gentilia ducta sunt nomina; sed eorum nonnullis sui moris appellationes Franci posteà indiderunt. Fluuij autem sunt hi ad Austrum conuersi, Sanctus Ioannes, Pentegoëtius, Quinibequius, Choüacoetius, Norembega, quem postremum amnem Champlænius eumdem ac Pentegoetium esse contendit. Populi trans Saquéum, Sanctúmve-Laurentium, versùs Aquilonem, non procul illius ostiis, sunt Canadij & Excomminquij: longè verò ab his, eadem Boreali ripa, versùs occasum, è regione Floridæ, incolunt Algomeguij, atque Ochasteguij. Cis Sanctum-Laurentium, in Australi ora degunt item Canadij, ad ipsum magni amnis flexum, ab Euro in Austrum declinãtis. Post eos ad Occasum 206 vergũt Souriquij, Acadiæ regionis incolæ: deinde ad Pentegoetium, seu Norembegam fluuium, Pentegoetij: [567] ad horum dextram, Occasum spectantium, circa Quebecum arcem, Montagnetij: post Pentegoetios recto tractu Eteminquij, ad amnem Quinibequium: inde Almochiquij ad flumen Choüacoetium, latissimis campis diffusi: denique inter Floridam, & Sacquéum magnum amnem, Iroquij campestribus, montosisque locis latissimè habitant. Reliquos Nouæ Franciæ populos multos, præsertim trans magnum Sacquéum amnem, Aquilonares, Galli nostrates non nisi ex auditione norunt. Ex notis autem, amicos, ac pæne Socios habent Souriquios, Eteminquios, Montagnetios, Almochiquios, Algomequios, & Ochasteguios: istis capitales hostes Iroquios, hostili quoque in se animo experiuntur, eo maximè nomine, quòd Iroquiis Galli cum ipsorum hostibus bellum intulerint. Horum quidem populorum soli agriculturam, inscienter tamen, exercent Almochiquij, Iroquij, & Ochasteguij, miliumque Indicum, & fabam Brasilicam ferunt.

New France presents to the French, as they approach it, two coasts, one which borders with a narrow frontage upon our Ocean to the East; and another far longer, which extends Southward to the confines of Florida. The former side abounds in bays and estuaries, by which one may readily penetrate into the interior; by these routes the French usually enter these regions; but, since the other coast, lying opposite our France, is rendered almost inaccessible by the intervention of a great island which they call Newfoundland, our people do not approach in that direction. The immense plain in that quarter is watered by a river of vast size and mighty volume, its course directly eastward from almost the farthest 205 west, until, by reason of the narrow strait at the island of Newfoundland [566] and the opposition of the island itself, its mouth is broadly curved towards the Southern coast. The native name of that river is Sacqué;50 the French have called it St. Lawrence; its source the natives seek more than 500 leagues distant, in a lake 300 leagues in width. Into this main stream other noble rivers flow from the North, such as the Saguenay,51 the Three Rivers,52—or three rivers flowing together,—the Algomequi,53 and many others. These rivers are open for navigation far Northward—the Saguenay five hundred leagues, the Three Rivers four hundred leagues, From the mountains54 upon the Southern bank of the Sacqué River other notable streams flow across to the Southern coast of the Ocean, and from these the native names for most of the tribes and districts of that region are derived; but upon some of them the French afterward conferred names after their own fashion. The rivers flowing Southward are the St. John, Pentegoët, Quinibequi, Choüacoet,11 and Norembega, which last stream Champlain55 asserts to be the same as the Pentegoët. The tribes across the Sacqué or St. Lawrence, towards the North, not far from its mouth, are the Canadis56 and Excomminquis;10 but at a distance from these, on the same Northern shore, toward the west, in the direction of Florida, dwell the Algomeguis57 and the Ochasteguis.58 Across the St Lawrence, on the Southern bank, the Canadi live also, directly at the bend of the great river, which turns from the East towards the South.59 Beyond them, toward the West, lie the Souriquois, inhabitants of the country of Acadia;60 thence, toward the Pentegoët or Norembega River, the Pentegoëts;6 [567] to their right, looking Westward, about the fortress at 207 Quebec,59 the Montagnais; beyond the Pentegoëts; directly toward the Quinibequi River, the Eteminquis; then the Almochiquois, at the Choüacoet River, scattered over a very extensive region; finally, between Florida and the great Sacqué River, the Iroquois inhabit enormous tracts of both level and mountainous country. Many of the remaining tribes of New France, especially those of the North, across the great Sacqué River, our French countrymen know only from hearsay. Among those whom they know, however, they have secured as friends, and almost as allies, the Souriquois, Eteminquis, Montagnais, Almochiquois, Algomequois, and Ochasteguis. The Iroquois, who are deadly enemies of these tribes, prove hostile to the French also, mainly because the latter have waged war against them, in company with their enemies. Certain of these tribes—the Almochiquois, Iroquois, and Ochasteguis—practice agriculture, though unskillfully, and plant Indian corn and the Brazilian bean.61


Promontoria celebria Franciam Nouam ineuntibus Meridiano littore occurrunt, Britonicum, ad ipsa ostia magni amnis, hoc est Sancti Laurentij; ab hoc deinde Heuæum, Arietinum, Sabulosum, Bifidum, Sanctus Ludouicus, Album, Sancta Helena. Eamdem oram à Promontorio Britonico legentibus obuij fiunt portus, Campsæus, Sesambræus, Regius, Pulcher. Mediterranea verò per Sacquéum amnem, & Canadiæ fines subire volentibus, præteruehenda sunt, Britonicum, ad ostia eiusdem fluuij; Sanctus-Laurentius; Episcopium, 208 [568] Chatæum, & alia nonnulla promontoria: Tadoussacus denique portus ad Saguenaij fluminis ostia Sacqéum ineuntis.

Numerous headlands meet those who approach New France by the Southern coast: Breton, at the very mouth of the great river St. Lawrence; next in order, La Hève, Mouton, Sable, Fourchu, St. Louis, Blanc, Ste. Hélène.62 Those who coast along the same shore from Cape Breton meet the harbors called Campseau, Sesambre, Port Royal, and Beaubassin.63 But those who wish to journey inland, beyond the borders of Canada, by way of the Sacqué river, must pass Cape Breton, at the mouth of the St. Lawrence; Cap de l'Evêque, [568] Cap Chat,64 and some other headlands,—finally reaching Tadoussac bay, at the mouth of the Saguenay river, where it enters the Sacqué.


Porrò in tam immenso terrarum ambitu, frequentibus expeditionibus, annis ampliùs centum, Franci domicilia omnino quinque constituerunt, quorum primum posuit Iacobus Quartierus posteriore sua nauigatione, non ad Sanctæ Crucis, quæ nunc est, importuosas angustias, & cautes: sed in iis pænè vestigiis vbi nunc est Quebecum, Sancta Cruce quindenis leucis citerius. Altertum Petrus du Gas, dominus de Monts, anno quarto supra millesimum sexcentesimum erexit, in angusta insula, inter Eteminquios, in Australi propemodum littore: cui domicilio ac insulæ nomen Sancta Crux indidit. Idem eodem anno, in quasi peninsula, oræ Acadicæ, ad Regium Portum, eiusdem nominis exiguam arcem fossa & aggere munitam exstruxit. Portus Regius, & portui cognominis arx, sunt in ea, quam Franciam Baïam vocant, centum quinquaginta leucis à Campsæo promontorio, leucas octo intra continentem. Baïa scilicet Francis, sicut Hispanis, est amplior terræ sinus ad oram maris, aut fluminis maioris, angulato orbiculatóve recessu, influenti aquæ ad interiora continentis præbens aditum. In extremo Francico Sinu portus est octingentorum passuum ostio peruius, duas leucas longus, vnam latus, duûm millium capax maiorum nauium, cui ab nobilitate Regius Portus nomen à Champlænio Franco est inditum. Tertiam sedem quarto pòst anno condidit dominus de [569] Monts ad Quebecium cornu, in 210 Australi ripa Sacquéi amnis, è regione Aurelianæ insulæ, in Montagnetiorum solo; quam arcem Champlænius, qui operi præfuit, Quebecum à soli nomine appellauit, & eodem pænè loco Sanctam Crucem Iacobi Quartieri arcem olim conditam fuisse obseruauit. Quinti & vltimi Francici domicilij fundamenta Patres nostri iaciebant, ad ostium amnis Pentegoetij, cùm ab irrumpentibus Anglis opere prohibiti, atque in captiuitatem contra fas, & ius gentium abducti sunt. Iis ad hunc modum præmissis capitibus, quæ alioqui moratura erant institutam rerum narrationem, ad susceptam à Patribus nostris Canadicam expeditionem stylum conferamus.

Moreover, in this great extent of territory, by 209 means of numerous expeditions and in more than a century, the French have established only five settlements;65 the first of these was founded by Jacques Quartier during his last voyage, not at the inaccessible narrows and rocks of the place now called Saincte Croix,66 but in almost the very spot where now stands Quebec, fifteen leagues on this side of Ste. Croix. Another was built by Pierre du Gas, sieur de Monts, in the year 1604, upon a small island, among the Eteminquis, close to their Southern shore, to which settlement and island he gave the name of Saincte Croix. He also in the same year, upon a sort of peninsula on the Acadian coast, near Port Royal, erected a small fort of the same name, defended by a ditch and a rampart. Port Royal, and the fort of the same name as the harbor, are on what is called French Bay, one hundred and fifty leagues from Cape Campseau, eight leagues from the sea. A bay among the French, as among the Spanish, is a large indentation in the land at the shore of the sea or of a great river, angular or round in shape, giving the waters entrance to the interior regions. At the head of French Bay is a harbor, reached by a channel three-quarters of a mile long; it is two leagues long and one wide, capable of receiving 2,000 large ships, and because of its majestic appearance was named Port Royal by the Frenchman Champlain. A third settlement was founded by sieur de [569] Monts, four years later, at the point of Quebec, on the Southern bank of the Sacqué river, near the isle of Orleans,67 in the territory of the Montagnais; Champlain, who was in charge of the work, called this fort Quebec, from the name of the district,41 and observed that in almost the same place Jacques Quartier's post of Ste. Croix had in former 211 days been built. Our Fathers were laying the foundations of the fifth and last French settlement at the mouth of the Pentegoët river, when they were prevented from prosecuting the work by a descent of the English, and carried off into captivity, contrary to justice and the law of nations. These details, which otherwise would have delayed the orderly narrative of events, having been thus first explained, let us devote our pen to the Canadian expedition undertaken by our Fathers.


Potrincourtius Regij Portus castellum à domino de Monts sibi dono datum, eo ipso tempore, quo condebatur, ab Henrico Quarto petiuerat, eo iure, quo optimo, sibi asseri, vindicarique? ac eius non modò vindicias, sed nexum etiam impetrauerat. Secundum quod ius arcis, & imperij prætereà certis finibus in Noua Francia Potrincourtio attributi, Rex Patri Cotono significat, velle se vti Sociorum opera in Barbaris illis ad Christum adiugendis; proinde scriberet ad Generalem Societatis Præpositum suo nomine, vti designarentur Patres in eam rem, quos primo quoque tempore illuc mittendos ipse Rex ad se accerseret, annuis duûm millium Librarum vectigalibus illi Missioni attributis. Annus huius sæculi octauus agebatur, cùm Rex ita de Canadicis rebus decerneret, cuius tamen cogitationes grauioribus negotiis aliò seuocantibus, 212 [570] eius quoque interueniente obitu, sed eorum maximè negligentia, qui Regio nomine Canadicam prouinciam, administrabant, nostrorum profectio in tertium pòst annum est dilata. Siue autem casu quopiam, siue hominum consilio, eam proferri trienni toto contigit, cùm iam in procinctu nostri essent; obortæ tamen subitò sunt eæ difficultates, quibus planum fieret, Cacodæmoni esse inuisa nostrorum in ea profectione consilia. Regina quingentos aureos nummos, ex defuncti Regis decreto numerauerat: Domina de Vernueil, de Sourdis, de Guercheuille, alia sacrum aræ instrumentum, alia linteam vestem copiosam, alia peramplum viaticum munificè contribuerant: Pater Petrus Biardus, & Pater Enemundus Massæus eò destinati animis ingentibus se comparauerant, vela & ventos auidè præstolantes. Status condictus dies vela faciendi eis conuenerat cum Biencourtio Potrincourtij filio, & Thoma Robinio, expeditionis ducibus, ad octauum calendas Nouembris anni decimi supra sexcentesimum; sed cùm eo die adfuissent, nauigium sarciebatur, & oscitanter quidem, in continenti; tantum aberat, vt idoneo commeatu & nauigationis, & Canadicæ familiæ instructum esset. Instaurandæ naui suas operas, materiamque locauerant Caluiniani duo, & quia Biencourtio ac Robinio ad operarum mercedem deerant facultates, Caluiniani mercatores certam nautici fructus partem pacti sibi erant, eóque nomine, pro dominis in ea naue gerere posse sibi videbantur Iesuitis igitur locum 214 in nauigio [571] non futurum palam, & asseueranter edicunt, aut si futurum sit, ab illius operis redemtura, & cætera omni pactione se iamiam discedere: qua de sententia nec ipsius Reginæ auctoritas, ab Domino de Cicoigne, Dieppensis vrbis regio Præside, grauiter, seuereque denunciata, Caluini asseclas non potuit dimouere. Desperata res planè videbatur, quòd hæc vna modò nauis in Nouam Franciam anno illo adornaretur; & non paterentur duo illi Caluiniani vlla se ratione demitigari: quæ nostra destitutio Dominam Guercheuillæam, religiosissimam, & ingentis animi feminam, acriter pupugit; sed ea qua est sollertia, confestim ad manum habuit rationem, qua non iam vt vectores nos, sed vt partiarios, exclusis inhumanis Hæreticis, in nauem induceret. Quattuor igitur millium Librarum stipem de principibus viris ac feminis ex Aula, paucis diebus, corrogat, quantum erat opus ad nauem instruendam; eaque collate summa, Caluinianos illos duos nautica societate deiicit, simulque idoneam fortem constituit, vnde Canadicæ negotiationis præfecti perpetuam quotannis pensionem nostræ Missioni penderent. Sublatis itaque, illius feminæ industria, quæ nos morabantur impedimentis, ternis serè mensibus adornandæ naui consumtis, huius tandem sæculi anno vndecimo, ante diem sextum calendas Februarias, è littore Dieppensi, Deo duce, soluimus, totóque quadrimestri nauigantes Campsæum in portum, Australis littoris Nouæ Franciæ appulsi sumus; inde centum viginti leucarum vel maritima, vel 216 terrestri via Portum [572] Regium lætantes iniuimus. Quæ sollemnia sunt Societatis hominibus in eo nautico cursu pietatis, demissionis, humanitatis erga omne hominum genus, hæc, tantò minùs ab nostris omissa sunt, quòd ingentis momenti expeditio instituebatur, & præter Caluinianos nonnullos, iis præfectis vel sociis rei nauticæ vtebamur, quos, nostræ consuetudinis ratione, omnino oportebat de Societatis Instituto rectiùs, quàm imbuti accesserant, imbui. Appellentibus nobis ad illius orbis littora nauigium, factus est obuiam Champlænius, cum cætera virtute, tum septenni iam illius maris nauigatione clarus, quem summo nostro stupore spectauimus aduersum glaciatas aquæ moles, ingentibus terræ collibus magnitudine pares, maximis animis, ac singulari industria & arte decertantem, interque illa pericula fortiter enauigantem. De Sancto-Laurentio, amne Canadiensium maximo, scribit idem Camplænius in nauigationum commentariis, eius summas aquas tribus totis in imum vlnis conglaciari Ianuario, & insequentibus mensibus duobus ab ostio sursum versùs, centum leucarum itinere, nec vltrà procedere rigorem aquæ, cum tamen nulla pars fluminis, directo alueo ab occasu in ortum manantis, sit Aquilonibus altera propior, aut montibus ad apricationem tectior. Addit etiam, ineunte Aprili, soluta glaciei tanta vi, Sancti-Laurenti laxissimum ostium congelatis molibus pæne obstrui, quas ait in altum mare longiùs prouectas, duodenis diebus, quotannis ferè liquari.

Potrincourt had asked of Henry IV. the fort at Port Royal, because it had been granted as a gift to him by sieur de Monts at the very time of its establishment, which was perhaps the best reason he could give for advancing and maintaining his pretensions, and had obtained not merely a claim upon it, but its possession. Following the grant of this fort, and also the government of a definite territory in New France, to Potrincourt, the King informed Father Coton68 that he wished to employ the services of our Brethren in bringing the Savages to Christ. He also desired him to write to the General of the Society, in his own name, in order that Fathers might be selected for this undertaking, whom the King himself would take measures to send thither at the first available opportunity, while an annuity of 2,000 livres was to be allowed the Mission. It was during the eighth year of this century when the King made this decision in regard to Canadian affairs; but, in spite of his plans, by reason of more weighty business which called his attention elsewhere, [570] and also the hindrance caused by his death, but especially because of the negligence of those who were managing the Canadian province for the Crown, the departure of our brethren was delayed until the third year thereafter. Moreover, 213 either by some accident, or by the purpose of men, it came to be delayed the entire space of three years, although our brethren were already equipped. Such difficulties, also, suddenly arose as plainly showed that our plans for this voyage were displeasing to the Evil Spirit. The Queen had paid over 500 golden crowns, according to the decree of the late King; Mesdames de Vernueil, de Sourdis, and de Guercheville had given generous contributions,—one, the sacred furniture of the altar; another, an abundance of linen vestments; the third, a very liberal allowance of money for the expenses of the voyage. Father Pierre Biard and Father Enemund Massé had been selected for the undertaking, and had prepared themselves with great courage, eagerly awaiting their departure. The day for sailing had been agreed upon by them with Biencourt, the son of Potrincourt, and Thomas Robin, the leaders of the expedition, for the 24th day of October, 1610; but, when they arrived upon that day, the ship was undergoing repairs, and that, too, in a negligent manner, upon the land; so far was it from being provided with suitable equipment either for navigation or for the Canadian colony. Two Calvinists had devoted their services and resources to the repair of the ship, and, because Biencourt and Robin lacked means to pay for the work, the Calvinist merchants had contracted for a specified portion of the profits of the voyage. By this right, as masters in the ship, they thought themselves able to declare, in the presence of the Jesuits, that there would be no place for them in the vessel; [571] and they emphatically asserted that, if it should be otherwise, they would straightway forsake the prosecution of the work, and all other business in their contract. From this resolution, not even the authority of the Queen 215 herself, pronounced with dignity and severity by Sieur de Cicoigne, the royal Governor of the city of Dieppe, could move these servants of Calvin. The matter was apparently in a desperate condition, because only this one ship was that year being fitted out for New France, and the two Calvinists would not permit themselves to be moved in any respect. This difficulty of ours deeply pained Madame de Guercheville, a woman of extreme piety and great spirit; but her ingenuity speedily devised a method by which she might place us on the ship, not as passengers, but as partners, to the exclusion of the churlish Heretics. She therefore collected in a few days, from the leading men and women of the Court, 4,000 livres, as much as was necessary for fitting out the ship; and by raising that sum deprived the two Calvinists of a share in the vessel, establishing at the same time a sufficient capital from which there might each year be paid to the director of the Canadian undertaking an allowance for our Mission. When, therefore, by the diligence of this woman, the obstacles which delayed us had been removed, although nearly three months had been spent in equipping the ship, still, in the eleventh year of this century, on the 24th day of January, we set sail under the leadership of God, from the shore at Dieppe; and, after a voyage lasting in all four months, arrived at Campseau harbor, on the Southern coast of New France; at a distance thence of 120 leagues, either by sea or land, we joyfully entered Port [572] Royal. The exercises of the members of the Society in piety, humility, and kindness toward all manner of men, were especially observed by our brethren during that sea-voyage, because an expedition of great importance was being undertaken, and also for 217 the reason that, besides a few Calvinists, we were associated with officers and seamen to whom it was absolutely necessary that we should, on account of our frequent intercourse, give more correct ideas concerning the Institutum69 of the Society than they had formerly received. When we brought the ship to the coast of this region, Champlain70 met us,—a man renowned not only for his valor in other respects, but also for his voyages in this sea for seven years past; whom, to our utter amazement, we have seen battling against masses of ice, equal in size to great hills upon land, with the greatest courage, and with remarkable activity and skill, sailing forth bravely amid all these dangers. Concerning the St. Lawrence, the greatest river of Canada, this same Champlain writes, in his commentaries upon his voyages, that its surface is frozen to the depth of three entire yards, during January and the two following months, to the distance of a hundred leagues upward from its mouth; and that the freezing of the water does not extend farther, although no part of the river, since it flows directly from west to east, is more Northerly than another, or more protected by mountains, so as to be warmer. He adds also that in the beginning of April, by the melting of so great a mass of ice, the broad mouth of the St. Lawrence is almost blocked with frozen masses, which, he says, are carried forth a long distance into the sea, and usually melt within twelve days, each year.


218 Appvlsvs nostrorum ad Francicum Sinum, [573] Portumque Regium, in ante diem septimum calendas Quintiles, eumdemque Pentecostes sacrum felicissimo planè omine incidit. Nihil Potrincourtio accidere poterat allato commeatu opportunius, si tamen is amplus esset, vt quem rei angustiæ coegerant, Barbaris partem familiæ alendam diuidere. Vt ne autem instructiores à commeatu veniremus, fecerat tum nauigij, sexaginta dumtaxat doliorum, breuitas; tum plus instrumenti piscatorij, quàm cibariorum in nauem immissum; tum deniq; ab tricenis senis capitibus, quot vehebamur, grauior in nauticam penum illata solido quadrimestri labes. Quamobrem Potrincourtio sexaginta hominum contubernio, tenuissima re domestica, iam eum pæne ipsis initiis opprimente, maturè prouidendum fuit, ne Portus Regij penuaria cella in sequentem hiemem exhausta relinqueretur. Cuius procurationis, vt familiæ patrem decuit, sumto sibi onere, ipse in Galliam traiecturus, de Porturegiensi multitudine pæne quadragesimus medio Iulio soluit, exeuntéque Augusto Galliæ littori appulsus est, relicto Biencourtio filio, cum reliqua cohorte, qui Porturegiensi arci præsideret.

The arrival of our brethren at French Bay [573] and Port Royal occurred on the 26th day of June, and also,—certainly a most auspicious omen,—the sacred feast of Pentecost. Nothing more opportune could have happened to Potrincourt than the arrival of supplies, if only these had been abundant, since his privations 219 had compelled him to place a portion of the colony to be supported among the Savages. Moreover, the fact that we had not come well-furnished with provisions was due, not only to the smallness of the ship, which was of only sixty tons burden, but also to the placing of more fishing tackle than provisions in the cargo; then, finally, by thirty-six persons, the number which was on board, there was a great consumption of the ship's stores during four entire months. Wherefore, Potrincourt, almost overwhelmed, at the outset, by the necessity of maintaining sixty men in this scarcity of provisions, was forced to take early precautions lest the meagerly furnished storehouse at Port Royal should be left bare for the coming winter. As behooved the father of the colony, he took upon himself the burden of managing this business, and resolved that he himself would cross over to France. With about forty of the people at Port Royal, leaving his son Biencourt in command of the fort there, and the rest of the company, he set sail in the middle of July; and, in the latter part of August, he reached the French coast.


Nostris interea, quod suarum partium esset, enixè satagentibus, cordi erat in primis popularis linguæ cognitio, quam Galli leuiter modò delibatam, si vnum exciperes, tradere præceptis, vsúve docere non poterant; vt vna dumtaxat reliqua esset ratio eius ab stupidis indigenis, non institutione, sed assidua consuetudine 220 tandem exprimendæ. His itaque, muneribus, comitate, atque [574] omni officij genere conciliandis cùm nostri nihil non tentassent, parum aut nihil permouerunt. Enimuerò, præterquam quod minimè idoneis ad disciplinam magistris vtebantur, à quibus nihil expromeres, nisi affluẽter antè saginato aqualiculo, & quos moræ, vel non diuturnæ, impatientissimos idemtidem abs te abalienaret, auelleretque studiosa cuiusque rei percontatio: ipsa quoque linguæ conditio, idoneorum, ad res etiam vulgatissimas, vocabulorum indigentissimæ, nostrorum incensa studia destituit, & animos grauiter afflixit. Rerum scilicet, quæ sub aspectum, tactum, & reliquos sensus cadunt, ex Barbarorum responsis nomenclatio vtcumque deprehendebatur: sed earum quæ sensuum vim fugiunt, summa est apud eam gentem appellationum penuria, & alta quoque rerum ignoratio. Posterioris autem generis desperata disciplina, cum neque priorem Barbari aut possent, aut vellent tradere; vna reliqua spes erat in adolescente Gallo, vernaculæ linguæ bene perito, eximia humanitate, & comitate, quem etiam Pater Biardus non vulgari beneficio sibi demeruerat. Is erat Pontgrauæus, Pongrauæi filius, egregij viri superioribus annis cum Champlænio vices Domini de Monts in Francia Noua gerentis; quem adolescentem, decem & octo leucis Regio portu non longiùs, hiemare parantem, ad amnem Sancti Ioannis, summa ipsius voluntate, nullius incommodo, nostri eius institutione Canadicum idioma erudiẽdi adire cuperent. Verumtamen Biencourtius eius profectionis 222 consultus, ac rogatus etiam à nostris, vt, eius bona venia, [575] proficere per Pontgrauæum in peregrino idiomate sibi liceret, cuius ignoratione, suæ nauigationis in Nouam Franciam fructu penitus exciderent: quòd ea communicatio cum Pontgrauæo nouarum rerum supicionem moueret Biencourtio, nihil impetrarunt. Tantisper ergo nostris has difficultates æquo animo tolerantibus, dum qua se aperiret via suo instituto conuenientior, Deus materiam non procul quæsitam subiecit, de grauiter ægroto. Henrico Membertouio, Sagamo, bene merendi; & corporis, & animi eius diligenter curanda salute. Sagamo apud eam gentem cuiusque populi præses appellatur: Sagamon verò agebat inter Souriquios, in Acadia, Membertouius, ad Aquilonare latus Porturegiensis castelli, ad Sancti Ioannis flumen. Cùm tamen dysenteria cœpit tentari, degebat in Baïa Mariana, vt vocant, hoc est, in Mariano Sinu, Portum Regium inter, Meridianumque littus, vnde asportari se iusserat in arcem, vt medicorum nostrorum curatione vteretur. Angusta sua cellula eum nostri exceperunt, diebusque non paucis, absente ipsius coniuge, ac filia, diu noctuque, in grauissimo sordidi morbi fœtore, pro assiduissimis, & maximè sollicitis ministris ei libentissimè operam suam nauauere. Is vbi Confessione fuerat expiatus, Sacróque inunctus oleo, de sepultura sua egit cum Biencourtio, seque humari velle ait in maiorum suo sepulcro. Biencourtius, qui tanti rem esse non putaret, facilè assentiebatur; auditisque Patris 224 Biardi contra suam sententiam rationibus, occurri posse incommodis censebat, si [576] sepulcrum illud ritu Christiano lustraretur; quæ Biencourtij opinio Membertouium tantò constantiorem in suo decreto cùm faceret, Pater Biardus neque id se illis assensurum confirmauit, & cur non assentiretur ostendit. Non dubium erat, quin si Sagamus in consilio perstaret, eiusque adstipulator fieri pergeret Biencourtius, offensionis atque turbarum inde quidpiam oriretur: sed huic malo Diuina occurrit prouidentia; postridie siquidem Membertouius sua sponte postulauit commune Christianorum cœmeterium, qua & in sententia mortem obiit; vti scilicet hoc suo facto fidem suam omnibus Christianis ac Barbaris testatam relinqueret, suffragiorumque Ecclesiæ fieret particeps. Magnus omnino vir fuit hic Sagamus, non suorum magis, quàm nostrorum iudicio, cuius eximiam indolem supra vulgare Canadiorum ingenium longè ideo extulisse visus est Deus optimus, vt hunc sibi iustas eius gentis primitias legeret. Ex octogenis ferè Nouo-Francis, quos ab ineunte Iunio anni sexcentesimi decimi, nulla planè imbutos catechesi, temere Baptismo impertierat Iossæus nescio quis, sui muneris parum intelligens sacerdos, vnus dumtaxat Membertouius, pro eo quantum suos omnes populares sagacitate & prudentia longo interuallo anteibat, sollerter dispexerat, quanti esset, Christianum non censeri quidem, sed reipsa idoneis eo nomine præditum moribus viuere. Et certè reliquis omnibus de illo octogenario 226 belluinum à Baptismo viuendi morem perpetuò retinentibus, hic solus vt Christiano dignum erat, in [577] multa etiam ignorantia, priusquam eò nostri aduenissent, vitam cum laude traduxit. Primus omnium de Nouo-Francis salutaribus aspersus aquis, earum vim potentissimam ita scilicet visus est combibisse, vt ei nihil longius esset quã vt eos nãcisceretur magistros, quorum disciplina Christianis institutis eò vsque instrueretur, dum idoneus fieret, qui suos inter populares Apostolicum ageret doctorem. Ardentis huius desiderij locupletes testes nostri, has voces eius ex ore sæpenumerò exceperunt: Per Deum immortalem, date operam Patres, nostrum vt idioma breui perdiscatis, vti vobis doctoribus vsus, sicuti vos estis, ego quoque concionator, & docendi magister euadã, nostráque coniuncta opera Nouo-Francorũ gens vniuersa ad Christum traducatur. Hunc virum, vix quindecim mensibus, ex quo in Christianorum numerum venerat, superstitem, paucis diebus nostra institutione informatum, multæ tamen verè Christiani ac pij animi virtutes illustrem fecerant; quam scilicet tam vberem frugem singulares probæ indolis dotes in eo nuper, patriis etiam moribus viuente, præsagierant. Omnium prouincialium testimonio, quotquot multis antè sæculis floruerant, Sagamos hic vnus animi robore, muneris militaris scientia, clientelarum multitudine, frequentiáque, potentia, & gloriosi nominis claritudine inter suos, atque ipsos hostes facilè superauit. Quem celebritatis splendorem perpetuum non potuit, 228 etiam inter Barbaros, nulla vllius rei doctrina imbutos, consequi, nisi ex certa fama, adeóque etiam notitia eximiæ in eo vigentis [578] æquitatis, atque temperantiæ. De temperantia quidem eius, vt prætereà nihil afferri possit, luculentum sanè fuit, sibi magnoperè moderantis hominis, documentum, perpetua in Membertouio monogamia, quo in genere solitarium verè phœnicem Nouo-Francia eum adhuc agnouit. Quod enim reliqui omnes indigenæ, sed Sagami præsertim, ex vxorum multitudine stirpis numerosam seriem expetunt summoperè, atque sperant, suæ vtique potentiæ singulare columen ac firmamentum; id vti more gentis vsurparet, adduci numquam potuit Membertouius, quòd altiore quadam, supra vulgus Sagamorum, sapientia perspiceret, grauiora inter discordes vxores, & earum liberos simultatum, sub eodem tecto, detrimenta existere, quàm emolumenta opum, & neutiquam consentientis potentiæ. Sollemne est illi genti, ex superstitioso ritu, quod genus omnes habent præcipuum, demortuorum neminem suo vnquam nomine appellare, sed aduentitium cuiuis, ex re nata, indere, quo cum perpetuo inter commemorandum denotent: quo ex more Henricum Membertouium ab virtutibus bellicis nuper clarissimum, congruenti eius laudibus nomenclatione, Magnum Imperatorem, suo idiomate, nuncuparunt.

Meanwhile, the greatest desire of our brethren, zealously occupied with the performance of their duties, was at the start to know the language of the natives, which the Frenchmen—caring but little for it, with one exception—could not impart by rules, or teach with advantage; so only one method remained, to learn it from the stupid natives, not by lessons, but by constant practice. Consequently, after our associates had made various attempts to conciliate the Savages, by gifts, by friendliness, and by [574] every sort of service, they accomplished little or nothing. For, besides the fact that they employed teachers not at all fitted for instruction, from whom nothing could 221 be obtained unless their stomachs were first liberally crammed, and who, being very impatient of even a short delay, would often be distracted and drawn away from one by earnest inquiry about any subject: the very nature of the language, also, so deficient in words suitable for the expression of even the most common ideas, evaded the eager pursuit of our men, and greatly disheartened them. Of those things, indeed, which fall under sight, touch, and the other senses, the names were obtained from the answers of the Savages in one way or another; but for those things which elude the senses, there is the greatest scarcity of names among that race, and also a profound ignorance of the things themselves. The knowledge of the latter class was despaired of, since the Savages either could not, or would not explain the former; one hope remained, in a young Frenchman, fluent in the native tongue, of remarkable kindness and affability, whom Father Biard also had laid under obligations to himself by no ordinary favors. This was Pontgravé, the son of Pontgravé,71 an excellent man, who in former years, together with Champlain, represented Sieur de Monts in New France; and this youth, who was preparing to pass the winter no farther than eighteen leagues from Port Royal, at the river St. John, our brethren were anxious to meet, with his own ready consent, and with inconvenience to no one, for the sake of the aid of his instruction in acquiring the Canadian language. Although Biencourt was consulted about this expedition, and also requested by our comrades that they might be allowed by his kind permission [575] to make progress through Pontgravé in the foreign idiom, by their ignorance of which, they were losing all the fruits of their voyage to New France,72 they did not 223 succeed; because such intercourse with Pontgravé inspired suspicion in Biencourt. While our brethren therefore patiently endured their troubles, until some path more suitable to their plans should be revealed, God placed within their reach the desired opportunity, for doing a kindness to Henry Membertou, a Sagamore who was dangerously ill, by caring diligently for the salvation of both his soul and his body. Among this people the chief of each tribe is called a Sagamore, and Membertou was Sagamore among the Souriquois, in Acadia, to the St. John river, North of the fort at Port Royal. However, when he began to be afflicted with dysentery, he was residing at Bay Ste. Marie, as they call it, between Port Royal and the Southern coast, whence he had ordered himself to be brought into the fort, in order that he might profit by the care of our physicians. Our fathers received him into their narrow cabin, and, for many days, in the absence of his wife and daughter, by day, and night, amid the noxious filth of a vile disease, freely bestowed upon him their services, as most assiduous and exceedingly solicitous attendants. When he had been absolved upon Confession, and anointed with the Holy oil, he arranged with Biencourt about his burial, and said that he wished to be interred in his own ancestral burial place. Biencourt, who did not think the matter of much importance, readily consented, and, upon hearing the objections of Father Biard to his decision, believed that trouble might be prevented if [576] that grave would be blessed according to the Christian rite. This opinion of Biencourt rendered Membertou so much the more steadfast in his resolution; Father Biard declared that he would not agree with them in this, and explained why he would not consent. There 225 was no doubt that, if the Sagamore persisted in his purpose, and Biencourt continued to support him, some offense and disturbance would arise therefrom; but Divine providence prevented this evil. The day thereafter, Membertou of his own accord requested the usual Christian burial, in which resolution he died, evidently purposing by this act to leave his faith attested to all Christians and Savages, and to become a participant in the privileges of the Church. This Sagamore was in every respect a great man, not only in the opinion of his own people but in ours; and the good God seems to have raised this man's excellent nature high above the ordinary character of the Canadians, in order that he might gather him to himself as the first fruits in righteousness of his race. Out of some 80 natives of New France whom since the beginning of June of the year 1610 a certain Josse,73 a priest unfamiliar with his duties, had heedlessly baptized, although they certainly had had no religious instruction, Membertou alone, who greatly excelled all his countrymen in acuteness and good sense, had wisely discerned how important it is not merely to be considered a Christian, but actually to live with a character agreeing to the name. And indeed, although the entire remainder of that 80 had continued their brutal mode of life ever since Baptism, this man alone deserved to be called a Christian, and indeed led a praiseworthy life in [577] the midst of dense ignorance, before our brethren had come thither. As he, first of all the inhabitants of New France, was sprinkled with the saving waters, it seems, beyond doubt, that he so imbibed their most potent virtue, that nothing remained for him but to secure those teachers, by whose instructions he would be trained in Christian principles until he should 227 become fit to introduce among his countrymen an Apostolic teacher. Our brethren are competent witnesses of this burning desire; they often heard from his lips these words: "By the immortal God, Fathers, endeavor to quickly learn our language, in order that, after having employed you as teachers, I also, like you, may go forth as a public exhorter and instructor; and by our united labors the entire population of New France may be brought to Christ." This man, who survived hardly fifteen months after becoming a Christian, and was accorded but a few days of our training, was nevertheless rendered illustrious by many virtues truly Christian and belonging to a pious spirit; and, indeed, unique marks of an upright character had presaged in him this fruit which was so rich, a short time previously, while he was still living according to his ancestral customs. By the testimony of all the inhabitants of the province, this one man, in strength of mind, in knowledge of the military art, in the great number of his followers, in power, and in the renown of a glorious name among his countrymen, and even his enemies, easily surpassed the Sagamores who had flourished during many preceding ages. This universal honor and renown he could not have attained, even among Savages utterly untaught, except from an established reputation, the knowledge also of the exceptional justice of his [578] character, and his temperance. Indeed, concerning this last virtue, although nothing additional can be cited, there was certainly a distinguished example of a man of great self-restraint in the continual monogamy of Membertou, in which rank, thus far, New France has recognized him alone as a phœnix indeed. For, though all the rest of the natives, but especially the Sagamores, covet above 229 all else from a multitude of wives a numerous train of progeny, and desire them as the especial support and foundation of their power; Membertou could never be induced to conform to this custom of the race, because, with a certain wisdom deeper than that of the mass of Sagamores, he perceived that the evils arising among the quarreling wives and among the children of these rivals, beneath the same roof, more than balanced the increase of resources and of power that might arise from a large family. It is an observance of that race, from a superstitious rite which all especially revere, to never mention by name any deceased person; but to give each, according to circumstances, an additional appellation, by which they always designate him whenever they mention him. In conformity with this custom, they called Henry Membertou, because he had of late been highly renowned in warlike virtues, by a name agreeing with his reputation, meaning, in their language, Great Chief.


Potrincovrtivs Biencourtij pater, in Galliam mense Iulio nauigarat, commeatus summittendi gratia, cuius erant magnæ angustiæ in Porturegiensi 230 familia, Octobri mense insequente; cibariorum tamen nihil è Gallia missum erat; idcirco Biencourtius ad Almochiquios, Choüacoetij fluminis [579] accolas, Indici milij copiis abundantes, nauigationem, comite Patre Biardo, instituit, Gallicarum mercium permutatione ad hibernam aliquam annonam frumentaturus. Sed quòd ex itinere ad Sancti Ioannis flumen, trans Francicum Sinum diuerterat, vt ex adolescente Pontgrauæo, reliquisque Maclouiensibus quintas exigeret Canadicæ negotiationis, diutiùs eum morantibus subortis cum ea familia discordiis, tempore frumentationis pæne exclusus est, ad quam deinde cùm est reuersus, Barbarorum delusus fraude, qui spem frumentariæ permutationis fecerant, vacuus in Portum Regium renauigauit. In ea excursione feliciter obtigit Patri Biardo, vt Pontgrauæo conciliaret Biencourtium, sicuti nuper Potrincourtium eidem insensum placauerat, & vt Merueillæo item Maclouiensi, de salute, ob nescio quas suspiciones, periclitanti grauiter, eadem pacificationis opera, vitam affereret; quo suo facto vtrumque sibi magnopere deuinxit. Nostro Sacerdoti demeritos esse beneficiis homines huiusmodi, cum ob cætera multa, tum ob id in primis opportunè accidebat, quòd eorum opera fideli, ac vtili esset vsurus in disciplina Canadicæ linguæ, quam Pontgrauæus callebat egregiè, si dies aliquot vnà viuere, aut certè frequentiùs congredi liceret. Id certè, vt Pater Biardus nõ expeteret, quod expetebat, ipsi vltrò ambiebant, delato ei perhumaniter suo contubernio; quibus 232 in præsentia Pater egit gratias, habuitque, rogatis tamen, vt sibi hanc benignitatem, in id tempus reseruarent, quo bene vti fas esset; tunc enim haud [580] decere Biencourtium, in periculosa præsertim nauigatione, ab se deseri. Biencourtio deinde redeunti ex irrita illa Quinibequiensi frumentatione, quam modò indicauimus, cùm ad Pentegoetium amnem, & Sanctæ Crucis insulam ventum esset, suadere conatus est, immo supplex fuit Pater Biardus, vt se inde, loco ex propinquo, ad Pontgrauæum dimitteret, Canadici catechismi contexendi causa, quod inter eos antè conuenerat. Huic postulationi, licet æquissimæ, is cuius nihil planè intererat, non nisi eis conditionibus assensus est, quæ & iniquissimæ, & nequaquam in potestate Patris essent. Quamobrem facultate deiectus idiomatis vernaculi condiscendi, ad otiosam pæne vitam in arce degendam adactus est, ingenti sua molestia. Nouembri exeunte, iam ferme exausto penu, nulli nuncij afferebantur è Gallia; & quod reliquum esse poterat ab venatione subsidium, niuibus obsitũ solum intercipiebat; vt ex parsimonia petendum esset vectigal, quò plures in dies annona sufficeret. Demensum igitur cuiuslibet è familia, in quamque hebdomadam, ad denas panis vncias, lardi selibram, pisi aut fabæ ternas scutellas, & prunorum vnam denique redierat. Atque tametsi familia vniuersa eo commeatu, quem nostrum è Gallia importaueramus, vitam tolerabat, nihil nobis liberaliùs, quàm cuiuis de calonibus eo tempore indultum est, neque vt indulgeretur, 234 optauimus, quamquam nebulo quidam, scripto in Gallia edito, non est veritus multa secus per summam impudentiam & calumniam disseminare. Ad nonum calendas Februarias, anni [581] sexcentesimi duodecimi, tenuerunt cibariorum angustiæ, quem ad diem in Portum Regium inuecta est nauis cum mediocri admodum annona, Dominæ Guercheuillææ sumtibus emta, & transmissa. Mille aureos nummos, ex pacto societatis cum Robinio & Patribus Canadiensibus initæ, contributos hæc pia matrona numerauerat Roberto du Thet, fratri nostro coemendis transmittendisque Porturegiensi contubernio cibariis; sed eorum quadringentis fratrem nostrum, non satis cautum depositi custodem, Potrincourtius oblata suæ syngraphæ cautione, confestim emunxit; sicque res tota rediit ad sexcentos, vnde annona nobis exigua conflaretur. Sed neque tot aureorum cibaria in nauem illata sunt, nam Potrincourtij naualis administer partem coemti frumenti auertit in Gallia, & eorum quæ aduecta erant, Porturegiensi Societati quantum collibuit, nec amplius, reddidit. Noster Gilbertus du Thet, cuius in oculis horum pleraque commissa erant, posteà quam vidit, ab eo qui annonæ transuehendæ præfuerat, nullas acceptorum rationes referri, assumto Patre Biardo, apud Biencourtium egit modestè, vti ab eo, qui mandato parentis eius, pro magistro in naui gesserat, acceptorum ratio reposceretur: interesse siquidem nauticorum omnium sociorum, vt constaret, quantũ à singulis expensum acceptũque esset. Biencourtius 236 quidem & tum, & deinde sæpius est professus, nihil moderatiùs, nihil æquiùs postulari à quoquam potuisse: nihilo tamen minùs, quasi à nostro atrociter insimularetur Simon Imbertus, cuius fides in [582] eo negotio desiderabatur; ita illius postulata isti de pinxit, vt eum nobis infensissimum faceret. Imbertus ergo vt Biencourtium sibi conciliatum à nobis abalienaret, seque referendæ rationis necessitate absolueret, malignè interpretatus consilium Dominæ Guercheuillææ, quæ paciscendæ societatis cum Robinio ansam captauerat, vt Missionis nostræ rebus tantò certiùs caueret; fraudulenter cauillatus est, per causam eius societatis intendi machinã, qua Biencourtiorum nomẽ Porturegiensi arce, atque vniuersa Noua Francia detruderetur. Ex hac calumnia illæ Biencourtij simultates exstiterunt, quibus factum est, vt nostrorum opera Nouo-francis populis, quin & ipsis quoque Gallis nihilo ferè quam isti minùs egentibus institutione, deinceps esset inutilis. Calumniatoris mendacia facile fuit nostris diluere, & semel, iterum, ac tertiò tam apertè ac validè apud Biencourtium, audiente vniuerso contubernio, diluerunt; vt postrema refutatione ad infantiam adactus Imbertus eò deueniret, vt excusandæ noxæ gratia profiteri non vereretur, sibi largiter temulento illas aduersum nos calumnias excidisse. Biencourtium acriter pupugerat nuncius, quo afferebatur, etiam conscio parente suo Potrincourtio, vniuersæ Nouæ Franciæ ius imperiumque à maximo amne Sacquéo ad Floridam, 238 Portu Regio demto, Guercheuillææ Regio diplomate esse cõcessum eidémq; à Domino de Monts quidquid Henrici Quàrti beneficio nuper in eadem ora possedisset, id omne tabulis publicè consignatis esse transcriptum. Atque, vt non putaret, hæc nobis [583] auctoribus gesta esse, perinde tamen posteà in nos affectus fuit quasi credidisset. Guercheuillææ quidem mens, fuit huius principatus sui reuerentia, velut potenti freno iniecto, Biencourtiorum vtrumque, patrem & filium, fidei hactenus in nos parum sinceræ, animique minus grati, suo in officio continere; nihil autem de Porturegiensi iure ipsis detrahere. Sed fui nimio plus amantes homines alienam in re propria cautionem, suam iniuriam interpretabantur: quòd tamen res iis esset angusta domi, nec viderent vnde commodiùs cella Porturegiensis instrui posset, quàm à Guercheuillæa in gratiam nostrorum Patrum, ne hac annona exciderent, suum dolorem taciti concoquebant. Nostrorum facillima fuit apud Biencourtium purgatio, quam cum accepisset in præsentia, reconciliatis animis Patres ad institutum Canadiensis idiomatis condiscendi magnis animis reuersi sunt, partitis inter se prouinciis, vt Pater Massæus ad Ludouicum Membertouium, Henrici vita functi filium, eius rei causa demigraret; Pater Biardus magistrum eius linguæ domi Barbarum sibi adhiberet. Patri Massæo ad Sancti Ioannis flumen apud hospitem, cum adolescente Gallo socio degenti, ex diuturna inedia, & Nomadicæ vitæ continentibus vexationibus, accidit 240 grauis ægrotatio, qua tantum non confectus ad vltima delaberetur, inter quem morbum Membertouio cum hospite Patre accidit ridicula planè, ac Canadico ingenio digna sermocinatio. Ad decumbentem scilicet Patrem is adiit, vt quidem eius vultus præferebat, Patris acerbo casu [584] valdè sollicitus ac mœrens, quem in hæc verba compellauit. Audi me, Pater, moreris omnino, vt ego quidem auguror: scribe igitur ad Biencourtium, itemque ad tuum fratrem, te à nobis nequaquam trucidatum occubuisse, sed morbo consumtum, ne qua in nobis tui obitus noxa resideat. Cui contrà retulit Pater Massæus: Non committam, vt quod mones, imprudenter ad meos scribam: ne tu ex mea imprudentia factus audacior, securiorque violentas manus afferas, nihilò tamen minùs innocentiæ testes meas litteras apud te habeas, quæ te noxa eximant. Inexspectato, & arguto responso perculsus Barbarus, quasi ex alto sopore mox ad se rediit, atque renidenti ore, ait: Iesum igitur tuis precibus tibi propitium facito, vt te periculo mortis eruat, ne quis in nos tui occasus culpam conferat. Illud ipsum curo, inquit, Pater, desine esse sollicitus, nec enim me hic morbus exhauriet. In Porturegiensi quiete Pater Biardus interea doctore Barbaro vtebatur ad condiscendam barbariem, quæ se idoneum Euangelij præconem in rudi admodum gente præstaret: cui doctori quamdiu habuit vnde mensam insterneret, eius facili, vtilíque opera profecit, sed discendi docendíque cursum post aliquot hebdomadas inhibuit penus inopia. 242 Cuius angustiis quoq; prohibiti sunt nostri, ne quattuor Barbaros, quos Pater Biardus & Biencourtius in maritimo discrimine, ipsis Barbaris ratum votum habẽtibus, futuros Christianos vouerant, si è præsenti naufragio incolumes euaderent. Erepti periculo cum ad Regium Portum appulissent nauem, non fuit in cella vnde alerentur Barbari, quoad idonea Catechesi essent imbuti, qua destitutione affectis nobis rei bene gerendæ occasio periit, nec postea rediit.

Potrincourt, the father of Biencourt, had sailed for France in the month of July for the sake of procuring supplies, of which there was a great scarcity in the colony at Port Royal; but up to the following month of October no provisions had been sent from France; therefore, Biencourt decided to make a trip, in company with Father Biard, to the Almochiquois, who lived near the Choüacoet river, [579] and had plenty of Indian corn, in order by the exchange of French goods to obtain some food for the winter. But because he turned aside from the journey across French Bay, to the St. John river, in order that he might exact from the young Pontgravé and the rest of the Maclouins a tax upon their Canadian traffic, and being longer delayed by disputes which arose with that colony, he waited almost beyond the time for obtaining231 corn; and, when he finally returned to that business, deceived by the pretensions of the Indians, who had held out the hope of buying food, he sailed back empty-handed to Port Royal. During this trip Father Biard fortunately succeeded in reconciling Biencourt to Pontgravé, just as he had lately conciliated Potrincourt, who had been enraged at the same man; and also, by the same office of pacification, in preserving the life of Merveille, the Malouin, who was in great jeopardy on account of certain suspicions; by which actions he acquired the greatest influence over them both. It was advantageous to our Priest to have men of this character indebted for favors to him, not only for many other reasons, but especially, because he designed to make use of their faithful and effective services in learning the Canadian language, in which Pontgravé was unusually skilled, if they should be allowed to reside together for a few days, or to meet even more frequently. They, of their own accord, took care that Father Biard might not request what he desired, by very politely offering him the privileges of their home; the Father was grateful to them, and for the present returned thanks, requesting them, however, to postpone their kindness to him until that time when it would be proper for him to accept it; for it was not then fitting for him [580] to desert Biencourt, especially when he was engaged in a dangerous journey. Afterwards, while Biencourt was returning from that unsuccessful trip to the Quinibequi for provisions, which we have just described, when they had arrived at the Pentegoët river and the island of Ste. Croix, Father Biard endeavored to persuade him, and even begged him, to send him to Pontgravé from that place, which was near at hand, for the purpose of composing a Canadian catechism, 233 which had previously been agreed upon between them. To this request, although most just, and although it certainly made no difference to him, Biencourt would not consent, except under conditions which were both exceedingly unjust and by no means in the power of the Father. Therefore he was disappointed of the opportunity of learning the language of the natives, and was compelled to lead an almost inactive existence in the fort, to his great vexation. By the end of November, although the provisions were already almost exhausted, no tidings were received from France; and what aid they might have obtained by hunting was cut off by the deep snow that covered the ground; so it was necessary to exercise the greatest economy, in order that the provisions might last longer. The weekly allowance, therefore, of every one in the colony had finally been fixed at ten ounces of bread, half a pound of lard, three dishes of peas or beans, and one of prunes. And, although the whole colony was living upon the provisions which we had brought from France for our own use, we were treated with no more indulgence at that time than any one of the servants, nor did we wish for special privileges; although a certain rascal, in a writing published in France,74 has not hesitated to circulate many statements to the contrary, in the most shameless and calumnious manner. Until the 24th of January, in the year [581] 1612, the scarcity of provisions lasted, upon which day a ship entered Port Royal with a small quantity of supplies, bought and sent over by Madame de Guercheville. This pious lady had paid to brother Robert du Thet, 1,000 golden crowns, contributed according to the agreement between Robin75 and the Canadian Fathers, for the purpose of purchasing and conveying235 provisions to the colony at Port Royal; but Potrincourt, by means of his promissory note, straightway cheated our brother out of 400, as he was not a sufficiently careful guardian of his trust, and so the whole sum was reduced to 600, by means of which a scanty store was provided for us. But not even provisions to the value of that number of crowns were placed in the vessel, for Potrincourt's naval agent76 embezzled in France part of the grain purchased; and, of the supplies carried over, he delivered to the Society at Port Royal as much as he pleased, and no more. Our brother Gilbert du Thet, before whose eyes most of these acts had been committed, when he saw that no account was rendered, by the person in charge of the transportation of the supplies, of what had been received by him, in company with Father Biard modestly requested Biencourt that a reckoning concerning his trust be demanded from the man who, by order of his father, had acted as captain of the vessel; saying that it was to the interest of all the ship's company that it should be made manifest how much had been received and expended by each individual. Biencourt indeed admitted at that time, and often thereafter, that nothing more modest or more just could be asked by any person; but, nevertheless, just as if Simon Imbert, whose account in [582] the matter was desired, had been cruelly accused by our brother, he so represented to the former the request of the latter, that he made him our bitter enemy. Therefore Imbert, in order to make Biencourt his friend and alienate him from us, and to release himself from the necessity of rendering an account, placing an evil interpretation upon the plan of Madame de Guercheville, who had taken occasion to make an agreement between the society and Robin, in order that he 237 might more securely guard the interests of our Mission, falsely charged that by means of it a conspiracy of the society was in progress, by which the authority of the Biencourts was to be destroyed in the fort at Port Royal and in the whole of New France. From this slander arose those quarrels with Biencourt by which our services were rendered useless to the tribes of New France, nay, more, to the French themselves, who needed instruction scarcely less than the natives.

It was easy for our brethren to refute the falsehoods of their defamer; and once, twice, and a third time they so plainly and completely disproved them, before Biencourt, in the hearing of the whole settlement, that Imbert was rendered speechless by the final refutation, and was so reduced that he did not hesitate to claim, for the sake of excusing his wickedness, that these slanders had been uttered by him while much intoxicated. Biencourt had been deeply vexed by the news which was brought, to the effect that, even with the knowledge of his father, Potrincourt, the possession and government of the whole of New France from its greatest river, the Sacqué to Florida, except Port Royal, had been granted by a Royal charter to Madame de Guercheville; and that, by documents under public authority, there had been transferred to her also by Sieur de Monts everything which he had recently possessed in this region by the grant of Henry IV. And, although he could not suppose that these things were done because of our [583] influence, still he thereafter acted towards us just as if he had so believed. The idea of Madame de Guercheville was, indeed, that their respect for her authority might serve as a strong restraint to hold to their duty the Biencourts, both father and son, who up to this time had kept poor faith with us and felt 239 little gratitude toward us; but not by any means to deprive them of their right to Port Royal. But these men, too fond of their private interests, considered as an injury to themselves the solicitude of others in regard to their own affairs; but because their affairs at home were embarrassed, and they knew no more convenient source of provisions for Port Royal than Madame de Guercheville, for the sake of our Fathers, they silently smothered their vexation, in order not to lose these supplies. Our brethren very easily exonerated themselves before Biencourt, and when he had for the time being accepted their excuses, and harmony had been restored, the Fathers returned with great determination to their purpose of learning the Canadian language, dividing the business between them, so that Father Massé should go for this purpose to Louis Membertou, son of the late Henry: while Father Biard should have a Savage to teach him the language at home. While Father Massé, with a young French companion, was residing with his host at the St. John river, he fell seriously ill from long fasting and the continual annoyances of a wandering life; and, although he did not die, he was reduced to the utmost weakness. During this illness a very ridiculous discussion, worthy of a Canadian intellect, took place between Membertou and his guest, the Father. The savage approached the prostrate Father, very anxious and grieved, as his countenance actually showed, because of the Priest's unfortunate condition, [584] whom he addressed with these words: "Hear me, Father, you will surely die, as I indeed anticipate; write therefore to Biencourt, and also to your brother, that you have by no means perished at our hands, but been overcome by disease, in order that no 241 harm may come to us because of your death." Father Massé answered him in turn: "I shall not do as you advise me, and imprudently write to my friends, lest you should become bolder and more careless, because of my lack of foresight, and lay violent hands upon me, while nevertheless possessing my letter as proof of your innocence, which would save you from punishment." The Savage, astonished by this unexpected and keen reply, soon came to himself, as if from a deep sleep, and said with a smile: "Therefore make Jesus favorable to you by your prayers, in order that he may save you from the danger of death, and no one may lay the blame of your fate upon us." "I am attending to that very thing," said the Father, "cease to be anxious, for this disease will not end me." In the calm of Port Royal Father Biard, in the meantime, employed a Savage as teacher, that he might learn the barbarous tongue, which presented itself as the suitable vehicle for the Gospel among this utterly rude people. As long as he had provisions with which to furnish the table for his teacher, he made progress by the aid of his willing and efficient services, but after a few weeks the scarcity of supplies interrupted the course of learning and teaching. By these difficulties our brethren were also hindered in the case of four Savages, whom Father Biard and Biencourt, in a time of peril upon the sea, had vowed, with the concurrence of the Savages themselves, to make Christians, if they should safely escape from the threatened shipwreck. When they were delivered from this danger, and had brought the ship to Port Royal, there was nothing in the storehouse with which to feed the Savages until they should be suitably instructed in the Catechism; and, because of this poverty of our brethren, the opportunity of successfully 243 accomplishing the undertaking passed by, and did not afterwards recur.


In Nouembrem eius sæculi annus duodecimus iam processerat, cùm exigua cibaria superiore Februario allata, aut absumta penitus, aut tenuissimis arcta reliquiis Biencourtium valdè anxium habebant: sed eò maximè, quòd ex Galliis nauis nulla veniebat. Nostris, posteriore Februarij mensis commeatu, summissa fuerant priuatim quaterna puri tritici dolia, vnumque hordei, quæ in futurum sibi seposuerant; quam annonam, accisis communibus contubernij rebus, conferendam in medium rati, Biencourtio eam permiserunt, vt in quotidianos familiæ totius vsus diuideret, ipsosque in diurno demenso cum cæteris domesticis æquaret. Eo subsidio ad tempus subleuatæ sunt publicæ necessitates, sed in tota hiberna multitudine, tametsi non numerosæ, tenuius id fuit vectigal, quàm pro soli conditione, nullam frumentationis, incertam venatus, piscatusque spem offerentis. Vt autem dierum tempestiuitas omnis adesset ad piscatum, locorumque opportunitas: aberat tamen necessarium ad hanc operam piscatorij lembi instrumentum. 244 Cæteris igitur contubernalibus hiberna solatia ex luculento foco segniter capessentibus, quasi oblitis suam penuriam, nostri appellunt studium, operamque aba lintrem fabricandam. |aRectius "ad."| Eis ad eiusmodi opus accinctis, suspicere, demirari vniuersum contubernium, quid moliantur homines à fabrili arte, ab armis fabrilibus, à materia tam imparati: apud focum [586] de tam nouo instituto multa verba facere, subitarios Argonautas dicteriis figere: sed nostri ab opere neutiquam discedere, rem vrgere. Medio Martio, stupentibus suis irrisoribus, nostri lintrem in aquam deducunt, fluminum ac maris ipsius patientem, nec verentur adolescente famulo atque alio contubernalium comitibus, aduerso flumine, Sinum Francicum influente, in siluas ad glandem Chiquebiamque radicem legendam contendere. Chiquebi radix est illius oræ præcipua, nostris tuberibus haud absimilis, sed vescentibus iucundior ac vtilior, cuius multiplices bulbi, tenui filo catenati, sub summa terra nascuntur. Sed omnia eius radicis cubilia iam à peritis locorum Barbaris delibata nostri leguli deprehendebant, vt multa indagine, quilibet eorum eius cibi vnum diarium vix sibi quæreret. Ab hac glandaria, bulbariaque messe, quandoquidem eius leue fuit momẽtum, ad Eplani piscatum studia conuertentes, altiùs versùm amnis caput nauigium promouent. Eplanus, seu Epelanus, est pisciculus Trichiæ Rothomagensis magnitudine, hoc est eius, quem Sardinam vulgus appellat, qui mari egressus ineunte Aprili, magnis agminibus dulcis aquæ 246 riuos subit, vbi fundendis ouis feturæ operam det, cuius ingens est copia, quattuor leucis à Porturegiensi statione, frequentibus riuorũ alueis. Eplanici piscatus laborem excepit Halecis, ac cæterorum seu fluuiatilis seu marini generis piscium præda, prout cuiusque captandi se dabat & tempestas, & locus idoneus, ad Maïum vsque mensem; sed contrà quàm maximè omnium vellent, nostri piscatores, [587] Euangelij vel hamo, vel reti capiebant homines, in longè amplissimo Canadiorum Oceano, non nisi paucissimos.

The twelfth year of this century had already advanced to November, when the fact that the scanty supplies, brought the preceding February, were either entirely consumed, or reduced to extremely scanty remnants, caused Biencourt great anxiety, but especially, because no ship was coming from France. There had been sent to our brethren privately, among the preceding February's supplies, four casks of pure wheat and one of barley, which they had laid aside for their own use in the future. This grain, because of the general extremities of the colony, they judged should be added to the common stock; and gave it to Biencourt, in order that he might distribute it for the daily needs of the whole settlement, and give them an equal allowance each day with the rest of the people. By this aid the general necessities were relieved for a time; but for the winter, and among all that crowd of people, although not numerous, this was a scanty supply, considering the condition of the ground, which presented no opportunity for agriculture, and an uncertain chance for hunting and fishing. Moreover, even if the weather and the accessibility of the places had been every way favorable for fishing, there was still lacking for this pursuit the necessary aid of a fishing boat. Therefore, while the rest of the settlers were slothfully enjoying winter cheer before the blazing hearth, as if forgetful of their poverty, our brethren devoted their attention and labor to the construction of a boat. While they were engaged in this sort of work, the whole colony guessed and wondered what men so unskilled in the carpenter's art, unprovided with working tools, and unsupplied with material, were trying 245 to do; they talked a great deal before the hearth [586] concerning this novel venture, and flung taunts at these rash Argonauts; but our brethren never left their work, and hurried on the undertaking. In the middle of March, to the amazement of their scoffers, our friends launched their boat, which endured the violence of the rivers and even of the sea; nor did they fear, in company with their young servant and another of the household, to ascend the river flowing into French Bay, to gather acorns and the Chiquebi root77 in the forest. The Chiquebi root is peculiar to this coast, and is not unlike our potatoes, but more pleasant and useful for eating; its numerous bulbs, joined by a slender thread, grow deep in the earth. However, our collectors found that all the spots where this root grew had been already visited by the Savages, who were acquainted with the places; so that after long search each one of them could scarcely find a quantity of this food sufficient for one day. From this harvest of acorns and roots, since it was of small importance, they turned their attention to fishing for the Eplanus,36 and advanced their boat, farther toward the head of the river. The Eplan or Epelan is a little fish of the size of the Trichia Rothomagensis, that is, of the fish which is commonly called the Sardine; and, in the beginning of April, it leaves the ocean, and in great shoals enters the fresh-water streams, where it lays the eggs for its abundant young, these streams being very numerous four leagues from the post at Port Royal. Fishing for the Eplanus was succeeded by that for the Halecis, and for other sorts of river and sea-fishes, just as opportunity and suitable place offered for capturing each, up to the month of May; but, contrary to what they most of all wished, our 247 fishermen, [587] with the hook or net of the Gospel, took only a very few men in the immense Ocean of the Canadian tribes.


Interea tẽporis in Gallia Reginæ auctoritas interponebatur, vt primo quoque tẽpore Porturegiẽsi seruitute liberaremur, nobis vti liceret, in quolilibet Nouæ Franciæ tractu, aut patrium idioma perdiscere, aut quod iam didicissemus nostro iure, nullius exspectata venia, inter Barbaros exercere. In eam rem igitur Regio diplomate instructi Sociorum duo, Pater Quintinus, & qui antè in Galliam renauigarat è Portu Regio, Gilbertus du Thet Nouo-Frãcicum littus, anno sexcentesimo decimo tertio, medio Maïo incolumes lætique tenuerunt. Diplomate cauebatur, vti liceret nobis nouũ domiciliũ commodo loco ædificare, ac idoneam familiam domicilio tuendo habere, ad cuius instructum annua tricenûm capitum cibaria, equi prætereà, capræ, ac cætera id genus largiter summissa erant. Ad vim quoque propulsandam instrumenti bellici, & commeatus nonnihil, militaria item quattuor tabernacula, quibus tegeremur, dum muri assurgerent nouæ domus, Reginæ beneficentia accesserant. 248 Sausseius militari titulo imperioque domesticæ cohorti, domicilio ædificando, eidemque exstructo, ac munito præfuturus erat, vti nihil deesset ad ingruẽtes casus, quin sedes familiáque omnis sarta tectaque consisteret. His in Regium Portum appellentibus, quini tantum de toto contubernio aderamus, absente inter cæteros Biencourtio, cuius vices obeunti Hèberto cùm Reginæ litteræ lectæ fuissent, [588] quibus dimitti iubebamur, nostras nobis licuit colligere sarcinas, quibus collectis post biduũ Porturegiensi statione, ad nouas sedes collocandas in Norembegensi regione soluimus. Kadesquitum, Norembegæ oræ portus, nautis edicebatur ex pacto, vt eò nauigium appellerent, vnde vniuersa familia exscensionem faceret, futuri domicilij locum auspicatò captura in proximis collibus; sed cùm in propiore portu hæsissent, cui à Sancto Saluatore nomen, ex fausto euentu, indidimus, asserebant se pactam fidem abunde exsoluisse, neque longiùs cursum prouecturos. Inter eam contentionem sermo incidit cum indigenis Barbaris, quibus suam oram mirificè præ Kadesquito collaudantibus, & ad eam sedem deligendam magnoperè hortantibus, eius explorandæ cupido nobis incessit; qua explorata, impenséque probata ab omnibus, totius multitudinis eò incubuit animus, vt opportuno in colle area excitando ædificio designaretur. Loco itaque inaugurando Crux erigitur, solum exstruendis ædibus describitur, iaciendis fundamentis terra effoditur, eodem nomine, quo subiectus portus, nascens tenuibus exordiis 250 domus Sanctus Saluator appellatur. Sausseïo cohortis Duci rusticæ rei tam acris cura principio insederat, vt id vnum cogitaret, cætera negligeret omnia, exque nimio agriculturæ studio, magnam familiæ partem ab opere fabrili ad rusticum seuocaret. Mottæus Sausseïo Legatus, Ronseræus Signifer, Ioubertus ordinum Instructor, cæterique de Cohorte primores erant in ea sententia, omnibus reliquis posthabitis curis, ædificandum [589] esse domicilium, eóque conferendas vniuersæ cohortis operas, quoad aduersùm hostilẽ vim munitionibus cinctum, tutò habitari posset. Quamobrem ægerrimè ferebant, contubernalium plerosque ab ædificando abductos arationibus ab Sauseïo adhiberi, apud quem vehementer instabant, vt omnium manus & studia in ædificationem, vtilius in præsentia vtique negotium, conuerteret; sed surdo canebatur. Ita variantibus procerum sententiis atque institutis, exoriebantur contentiones, cuiusmodi solent inter diffentiẽtes nasci, dum quod quisque optimum censet, id aliorum consiliis atque cœptis præuertendum putat: fiebatque vt altercationibus dies ab opera inanes traducerentur. Quam inertiam, & discordantium iudiciorum obstinationem, rei Christianæ cultuique Diuino in ea ora valdè infestam, Deus visus est improuiso infortunio voluisse multare.

Meantime in France the authority of the Queen was interposed, that we might at the first opportunity be relieved from our bondage at Port Royal, and that we might be allowed, in any part of New France, either to study the language of the natives, or practice among the Savages what we had already learned by our own right, and seeking the permission of no man. Therefore two of our members, provided with a Royal commission for this undertaking,—Father Quintin,78 and he who previously had sailed from Port Royal for France, Gilbert du Thet,—safely and joyfully reached the coast of New France in the middle of May of the year 1613. It was provided in the commission that we should be allowed to establish a new settlement in a suitable place, and to have a sufficient number of colonists to protect it;79 and for its provision there had generously been sent a year's supply of food for thirty persons, and also horses, goats, and other things of the sort. By the kindness of the Queen there were also added weapons for our defense, some supplies, and also four military tents, by which we might be sheltered while our new residence was being built. La Saussaye, with a military title and command, was to have charge of the household of colonists, not only while the buildings were in process of erection, but also when they had been completed and fortified, in order that in case of attack nothing might be neglected, but the entire colony should be in a condition of defense, and the buildings in good repair. When the supplies were landed at Port Royal, only five of us were there, out of the whole population, Biencourt 249 being absent with the others. When the letter of the Queen, [588] in which were orders for our dismissal, had been read to Hèbert,80 who represented Biencourt, we were allowed to collect our baggage; having done this, two days later we left Port Royal, with the intention of founding a new settlement in the neighborhood of Norembega. The boatmen had been notified, according to their agreement, to land at Kadesquit,81 a harbor on the shore of Norembega, in order that the whole colony might there disembark, and auspiciously take possession of a site for the future settlement upon the neighboring hills; but when we had stuck in a bay, this side of that,82 to which from the favorable outcome, we gave the name of St. Sauveur, they declared that they had abundantly fulfilled their agreement, and that they would not continue the voyage any further. During this dispute, we engaged in conversation with the Savages inhabiting the spot; and since they praised their own country as being far superior to that at Kadesquit, and earnestly solicited us to choose it for our settlement, we conceived a desire to explore it. After we had examined this region, which was heartily approved by all, the whole company turned their attention to selecting a site for the building upon a suitable hill. Therefore, a Cross was erected, by way of consecrating the place; the ground was marked out for the erection of the buildings; the earth was dug up for laying the foundations; and our abode, while still in its infancy, was called by the same name as the harbor, St. Sauveur. La Saussaye, the commander of the colonists, took, from the beginning, so deep an interest in agriculture that he thought of that alone, and neglected everything else; and through his excessive zeal for husbandry, called off a large 251 portion of the colony from the work of building, and set them to farming. La Motte,83 Saussaye's Lieutenant, Ronseraye, the Color-bearer, Joubert, the Drill-master, and other leading men of the Company were of the opinion that, postponing all other enterprises, the building [589] ought to be completed, and the energies of the entire company be devoted to this, until it should be protected by fortifications against hostile violence, and might safely be inhabited. Wherefore, they were greatly displeased because most of the colonists were taken away from building and employed in plowing by La Saussaye, whom they eagerly urged to apply the labors and zeal of all in building, a more profitable undertaking for the present; but it fell upon deaf ears. So, as the views and plans of the leaders were at variance, disputes arose, such as usually take place between those who differ, when each one thinks that what he deems best ought to be preferred to the projects and undertakings of others; the result was, that days were idly spent, away from work, in quarreling. This inactivity, and obstinacy in contrary opinions, so inimical to Christian interests and the Divine worship upon that shore, God seems to have willed to punish by means of an unforeseen calamity.

Angli paucis abhinc annis Virginiam occuparunt, quam Ioannes Vezaranus Francisci I Gallorum Regis auspiciis exploratam, quingentesimo vicesimo tertio anno sub eius iurisdictionem redegerat. Eadem ipsa est continens inter Floridam Nouamque Franciam, 252 quam tricesimo sexto, septimo, & octauo gradibus substratã, Mocosæ nomine? veteres designarunt, ducẽtenis quinquagenis leucis versùs Occasum ab Sancti Saluatoris statione dissitæ. Ex Ieutomo arce, quam egregiè munitam, & præsidiario milite instructam inibi octauo ab hinc anno habent, quotannis æstiuam nauigationem instituunt ad Peucoïtiarum insularum cetarias, piscariæ [590] annonæ in futuram hiemem comparandæ. Eò cùm deueherentur huius anni æstate, inciderunt in eas cæli caligines, quæ huic mari densissimæ solent per eos menses incubare, in quibus dum incerti locorum diutius hærent, frequentibus eos trahentibus æstuariis, paullatim nostrũ in littus delati sunt, haud procul portu Sancti Saluatoris. Inde Barbarorum imprudentia lapsorum indicio, qui eos pro fœderatis Gallis sumerent, didicerunt Gallicam nauem in proximo portu versari, atque illam quidem neque grandem, neque à numerosis epibatis, neq; ab æneis tormentis validè instructam. Eo nuncio nihil opportuniùs accidere poterat hominibus seminudis, & cibariorum copia exhaustis, quos præter hanc inopiam, insita rapiendi cupiditas, & prædæ maioris opinio, quàm quanta ex direpto nostro nauigio poterat cogi, sua sponte ad vim inferendã, etiam contra ius naturale ac gentium, accendebant. Arma igitur expediunt, passis velis, instructa acie, directo cursu in nostrum portum inuehuntur. Quibus argumentis Barbarus ille, cuius maximè indicio fueramus proditi, cùm hostilem in nos Anglorum animum collegisset, 254 tum suum errorem agnoscere, & quod in nos deliquerat, quibus se crederet gratificari, multo detestari fletu, quem fletum deinde crebrò integrauit, cùm à nobis errati sui veniam peteret, & à Barbaris ipsis popularibus, qui nostrũ casum, suam iniuriam interpretati, sæpe illi manus intentarunt. Nos interea ancipiti opinione suspẽsi, amicos an hostes censeremus, quos rectà in nostrã stationem secundus ventus inferebat, euentum trepidi [591] opperiebamur, cùm nauigij gubernator scapha vectus ad explorandum obuiam processit, longo tamen circuitu, ne non esset receptui locus, maximè quòd is aduerso, illi obsecundante vento vterentur. Sed explorato nihil fuit opus, classicum canentes inuehebantur, tela eatenus modò inhibentes, dū ea ex propinquo liceret adiicere; atque ipsos nauis defensores sigillatim destinare. Quattuordecim grandioribus tormentis, catapultis verò maioris modi, Mosquetos vocant, sexagenis, impetu facto in nauigium nostrum, non sublatis anchoris ad motū inhabilem, decem modò propugnatoribus instructum, ærearum cannarum absente libratore, non multæ operæ fuit illius, atque omnium nostrum expugnatio, quos in continente Saussæïus distinuerat. Gilbertus du Thet noster propugnatorem in naui agebat, cùm ab hostibus funestarum glandium tempestas maximè ingrueret; qua in procella confossus letali plaga, chirurgi Angli Catholici multa licèt diligentia curatus, postridie Sacramentorum opportuno solatio adiutus, religiosa morte occubuit. Nos verò vniuersi in potestatem 256 Hæretici Angli veneramus, qui vt erat insigniter versutus, clam subducto ex Saussæij capsis Regio diplomate, cuius fide nostræ coloniæ Nouo-Francicæ tota ratio nitebatur, vt ne prædatoris more, sed æquo iure, nobiscum agere videretur, Saussæïum vrgere institit, vti probaret, cuius auctoritate coloniam in Canadiæ oras deduxisset. Saussæïus vbi Gallorũ Regis voluntatem atque diploma laudauerat, quod se in scriniis luculentum habere diceret, allatis capsis, [592] cuius claues adhuc seruauerat, iussus est illud expromere; sed ad capsas vbi ventum est, cætera omnia integra, suisque locis digesta agnoscebat Saussæïus, diploma tamen non comparebat: quod vbi nullum proferebatur, tum Prætor Anglus vultu ac voce ad seueritatem compositis, vehementer offendi, fugitiuos, & meros piratas nos omnes asserere, dignos nece prædicare, rem nostram militi suo diripiendam tradere, nos denique hostium loco habere. Quod autem facinus Angli ab summa iniuria exorsi suerant, videbantur maiore quoque iniquitate pertexturi, vt prioris noxæ memoriam posteriore obruerent, nisi maturè obuiã iretur. Quare Prætorẽ nostri adeunt, se, adhuc ignoranti qui essent, ingenuè aperiunt, ne imbelli victoria elatus de contubernio suo statuat seueriùs, obsecrant; humanæ conditionis vti meminerit, studiosè admonent: quàm benignè suis rebus vellet consultum, vbi similis ipsum perculisset casus, tam humaniter alienis consuleret: in primis autem consideraret sibi rem esse cum innocentissimis hominibus, 258 quibus nihil noxæ obiici posset, quàm ab sua innocentia in pacato solo fuisse nimium securos. Comiter admodum sunt auditi à Prætore, atq; honorificis accepti verbis, id vnum dumtaxat nõ probante, quòd Patres Societatis, ab religionis & prudentiæ fama benè vulgò audientes, in fugitiuorum & prædonum turba versarentur. Contubernij verò sui vniuersi cum cæteram probam vitam, tum in eo, quo de agebatur, summam innocentiã cùm nostri validis probassent argumentis, visus est Prætor, [593] assensionem præbuisse, atque id modò habuisse, quod in nobis argueret, negligentiam in conseruãdo nostræ expeditionis diplomate. Ab eo igitur tẽpore Patres nostros perhumaniter habuit, atque honorificè in omnibus, mensáque benignè accepit. Vno interea scrupulo angebatur, quòd cum parte remigum gubernator nostræ nauis euaserat, cuius fuga, & rei gestæ nuncius per ilium allatus, ne quid incommodi alicunde sibi arcesseret, verebatur, eóque magis, quòd ille de nocte scapha sua ad nauim captiuam appulsa, reliquam remigum manum inde subduxerat. Hic certè gubernator, tametsi Caluinianus, adiit de nocte ad Patrem Biardum, eiusque apprehensa manu, multis obsecrationibus adhibitis, iussit eum cæterosque Patres de se, quantumuis fide ac ritibus alieno, omnia Christiani ac popularis hominis officia exspectare, ac persuasum habere, nulli rei defuturũ, quæ salutẽ ipsorum spectaret: vterentur modò liberè ipsius opera, viderẽtque quid animi sumturi essent ad fugã capescendã. Prolixè 260 gratias egit Pater Biardus, memoremque se futurum spopõdit tam studiosæ in se ac suos voluntatis: de se autem ait nihil se statuere, quoad totius contubernij res tuto loco positas videret, tum sui arbitrium Deo permissurum: caueret interea ipse sibi gubernator, Prætorem quidpe Anglum omnia moliri, vt eum comprehenderet. His monitis ille instructus, vt sui discessus opinionem Anglorum animis ingeneraret, quasi receptus ad notam Gallicam nauem captandi causa festinaret, per ipsa frementium Anglorum ora intrepidè, ac insultantis [594] ore voceque, triduo pòst, scapham traduxit, longioreque simulato cursu, ponè vicinam insulã flexit iter, ibique delituit nostræ captiuitatis euentum obseruaturus. Nobis verò inter dubiam aut necis aut seruitutis aleam fluctuantibus, cùm apud notos Barbaros increbuisset nostræ calamitatis fama, frequentes ad nos ventitabant, magnopere miserantes nostrum infortunium, & suarum fortunarum tenuitatem in sequentem annum totum, si apud se restare vellemus, officiosissimè deferentes. De nobis tamen Argallus Prætor Anglus, & ei Legatus Turnellus mitiùs cogitauerant, in speciem certè, quàm rebamur initio: pacti nempe cũ Saussæïo coloniæ nostræ Duce fuerant nostrum in Galliam reditum: sed reditus conditiones erant eiusmodi, quæ parum differrent ab certa nostra pernicie. Triginta capitibus quot censebamur, vnus linter dumtaxat, haudquaquam omnium, etiam densissimè stipatorum, capax, concedebatur, hasque cõditiones acceperat Saussæïus, 262 quin chirographo suo erat testatus, hanc suam fuisse optionem, quæ reuera erat optio certissimi naufragij. Nostri tamẽ euicerunt, vt ne præsens periculum adiret vniuersa simul turba, impetratumque est; vt quindeni modò cymbæ imponerentur, quorum vnus esset Pater Massæus, duo reliqui Patres delati ad insulas Peucoïtias Anglis piscatoribus traiiciendi in Galliam commendarentur: cætera pars contubernij, quæ libens in Virginiam ibat, eò deportaretur. Altera igitur pars contubernaliũ nauigatura in Galliam Saussæïo duce lintrem conscendit, locorum, & maritimæ [595] artis ignara, nauticis præterea tabulis destituta, cui Deus in tempore summisit Caluinianum illum nauis gubernatorem, valdè intentum in popularium suorum obseruandos casus, vt si qua posset via, ipsorum aduersis rebus opem ferrer. In continentem exscenderat, & Canadico cultu atque more, quasi vnus è Barbaris, tota ora maritima ferebatur, res nostras exploraturus, cùm opportunissimè incidit in proficiscentem lintrem, qua exceptus, valdè idoneum ducem hæsitantibus se præbuit, suamque cymbam & remiges quattuordecim eis socios viæ ac laborum adiunxit. Eorum penuriam, quoad inuentæ essent Gallicæ naues, opimus piscatus bis subleuauit; varius item Barbarorum in ea ora occursus, quorum Ludouicus Membertouius lauta visceratione Orignacij famelicos accepit; Rolandus, & alij Sagami panis nonnullam copiam, alij piscium volucrúmque non exiguam annonam beneuolentissimè diuiserunt. Omnium verò benefactorum id 264 fuit iucundissimum, quod Rolandus Sagamus admonuit, in propinquo littore ad Sesamabræum, & Passepecum portum versari geminas naues reditum in Franciam adornantes. Eò cùm citissimè cursum direxissent duæ lintres, opportunè adfuerunt, antè quàm solueretur, admissique omnes, velis factis in Francicam Britanniam, salui & incolumes Maclouiense oppidũ tenuerunt, vbi Pater Massæus singulari Maclouiensis Antistitis, Magistratuum, oppidanorumque humanitate ac beneficentia liberalissimè acceptus est. De Patribus autem Biardo & Quintino, vti diximus, conuenerat, [596] vt in insulas Peucoïtias transuecti, opera piscatorum Anglorum inde in Franciam deportarentur: sed mutata pòst sententia, in Virginiã sunt destinati, cùm in captiuam nauem cui Turnellus præerat, essent impositi cum aliis quinque de contubernio, cæteris octo sociis in Argalli Prætoriam ingressis. Virginiensis præsidij præfectus de captiuis Iesuitis nescio quid inaudierat, eisque diras cruces struebat, cuius decreti nuncius ad nostros in naues & ad cæteros captiuos aduolarat, qui nonnullis nocturnam quietem adimeret, nec ille quidẽ inani rumore nixus; cùm enim ad Virginiam naue appulsi essent nostri, eius furori destinabantur. Argallus autem, qui fidem suam nostris obligasset, vt suo nomine ac genere dignum erat, intrepidè acriterque Præfecto suppliciis nostros addicenti obstitit, seque incolumi captiuis suis nihil periculi futurum asseuerauit: Præfecto tamen institutum suũ obstinatiùs tenente, Regium diploma, 266 quo nostra colonia in Nouam-Frãciam deducebatur, protulit, cuius auctoritate repressus Præfectus vltrà tendere non ausus est. Coacto posteà concilio, cùm de re tota deliberaretur accuratiùs, ab omnibus itum est in eam sententiam, vt Argallus cum triplici instructa naue in Nouam-Frãciam Iesuitas reduceret; eos inde cum certis captiuis in Galliam transmitteret; Saussæium, & eius cohortem militarem, quæ in Porturegiensi arce præsidere, falsò tamen, dicebatur, in crucem ageret; Gallorum omnia domicilia diriperet, ac solo æquaret. Reditum est igitur in Nouo-Franciæ oram Gallis habitatam, vbi Sanctæ [597] Crucis, Regij Portus arces defensoribus vacuas spoliauit, & incẽdit, omnia Gallici nominis monumenta deleuit, Britannici aliquot locis inscripsit, oram omnem in Anglici sceptri potestatem asseruit. His gerendis rebus cùm inibi degeretur, bis periculum vitæ adiit Pater Biardus, quòd multis dissuaserat Argallo aditum in Portum Regium, vt nullius emolumenti operam, cuius tamen nõ vulgaris fuisset deinde præda; quòd se indicem eorum locorum præbere noluerat, qui ad prædam quærebantur; nonnullorum præterea Gallorum calumniæ iis locis in eum exstitissent: quibus omnibus grauiter atque ingenti suo discrimine apud Argallum Turnellumque offendit.

The English, a few years before, had occupied Virginia, which John Verazano, in 1523, had explored under the authority of Francis I., King of France, and brought under his jurisdiction. It is the portion of the continent between Florida and New France, which, covering the thirty-sixth, thirty-seventh, and thirty-eighth parallels, was formerly called by the name of Mocosa,84 situated two hundred and fifty leagues Westward from the station at St. Sauveur. From the fort [at Jamestown], which they have held 253 for eight years, strongly fortified and occupied by a garrison of soldiers, they make a voyage every summer to the fishing grounds of the Peucoit85 islands, to obtain fish [590] for food during the coming winter. While they were sailing thither in the summer of this year, they encountered the heavy fogs which commonly prevail upon this sea during these months; and while they were thus long delayed, and ignorant of their situation, they were gradually borne by the currents to our shore, not far from the harbor of St. Sauveur. Then, by the information of the Savages, who sinned unwittingly, and took them for friendly Frenchmen, they learned that there was a French ship in the next bay, and that, too, not a large vessel, nor defended by a numerous crew, and but lightly armed with brass cannon. Of course, no more welcome news than this could come to half-naked men, whose stock of provisions was exhausted,—men who, in addition to this poverty, were incited by an inborn love of robbery, and an expectation of greater booty than could have been obtained from the plunder of our ship, to willingly employ violence, even against natural justice and the law of nations. So they prepared their weapons, and under full sail, and with decks cleared for action, entered directly into our harbor.86 When the Savage by whose information we had been especially betrayed perceived from these signs the hostile intentions of the English towards us, he at once recognized his mistake, and with many tears declared that he had been at fault toward us whom he thought to please. These lamentations he often thereafter repeated, when he sought pardon from us for his error, and even from his Savage countrymen, who considered our misfortune their own injury, and often threatened him with violence. Meanwhile, 255 we were in doubt whether we should judge as friends or enemies those whom an in-shore breeze was bearing straight towards our position; [591] while the pilot of the ship set out to meet and reconnoiter them in a small boat, by a long circuit, however, in order that he might not be left without a way of retreat, but especially because the wind was contrary to him, but favorable to the strangers. But there was no need of reconnoitering, for they advanced, sounding the signal for battle, only reserving their fire until they could use it at close quarters, and aim at the defenders of the ship one by one. With fourteen great cannon, and sixty guns of the larger size, which they call Mosquets, they made their attack upon our ship, which was unprepared for sailing because the anchors had not been raised, and was furnished with only ten defenders, while the gunner of the brass cannon was absent; and so the capture of our ship and all of us, whom La Saussaye had scattered about upon the shore, was a matter of no great difficulty. Our brother Gilbert du Thet was assisting in the defence of the vessel, when an especially violent shower of bullets assailed them, in which he was stricken with a mortal wound; and, although attended with great devotion by an English surgeon who was a Catholic, on the following day he died most piously, after receiving the consolation of the Sacraments. But all of us had come into the power of the English Heretic,87 who, being extremely crafty, secretly abstracted from La Saussaye's trunk, the Royal commission, upon which authority rested the entire establishment of our colony in New France, in order that he might appear to treat with us not as a robber, but upon an equal footing; and then he began to urge La Saussaye to prove by what right he had planted a settlement 257 upon the shores of Canada. When La Saussaye had cited the authority and commission of the King of France, which important document he declared that he had in his chest, his baggage, [592] of which he still retained the keys, was brought, and he was ordered to produce it; but when he opened the chest, La Saussaye recognized everything else untouched and in its proper place, but no commission appeared. When this was not forthcoming, the English Commander assumed a severe countenance and tone, and was deeply angered, calling us all runaways and mere pirates, and, declaring us worthy of death, handed over our property to his crew to be pillaged, and, finally, treated us as enemies. Now it seemed probable that the English, unless they should quickly be hindered, were about to cover up the outrage which they had already begun, with some greater crime, in order that they might conceal the memory of the previous injury by a fresh offence. Wherefore our brethren approached the Captain; frankly revealed themselves to him, as he was still ignorant of their identity; and begged him not, in elation over his easy victory, to adopt severe measures against their colony; they earnestly warned him to remember the conditions of human life, saying that just as he would wish his own interests mildly handled, if a similar calamity had fallen upon him, so he ought to act humanely in the case of others; moreover, that he should especially consider that he was dealing with innocent men, to whom no fault could be charged beyond the fact that, because of their blamelessness, they had been too careless in a peaceful spot. They were heard somewhat kindly by the Captain, and received with respectful address; the only thing of which he disapproved being that Fathers of 259 the Society, who had commonly so good a reputation for piety and wisdom, should be among a band of runaways and pirates. When our brethren had proved by strong evidence the entire blamelessness of their colony, not only in respect to their honorable life in other ways, but also in that which was the subject of the conversation, the Captain seemed [593] to yield his assent, and to find as the only fault in us our neglect to preserve the commission of our expedition. From that time on, he treated our Fathers with great consideration, and received them in all matters with honor, and with kindness at his table. In the meantime he was troubled because the pilot88 of our ship had escaped, together with a part of the crew; and he feared that harm might in some way fall upon himself, because of the pilot's being free to announce what had taken place; and the more so, because the latter came in his boat at night to the captured ship and took off from it the rest of the crew. This pilot, indeed, although a Calvinist, came by night to Father Biard, and, taking him by the hand, with many protestations bade him and the other Fathers to expect from him, as far as faithfulness and devotion could go toward another, all the services of a Christian and a fellow-countryman, and to be persuaded that he would neglect nothing which might contribute to their safety; to employ his aid freely, and consider what they should decide upon, as to making their escape. Father Biard thanked him profusely, and promised that he would remember such earnest good-will towards himself and his associates; but added, that he would make no plans concerning himself until he should see the entire colony placed in safety, and then he would leave to God the decision of his own case; that in the meantime the pilot ought 261 to look out for himself, as the English Captain was making every effort to capture him. When the pilot had received these warnings, in order that he might cause the English to think he had gone away, three days afterwards, fearlessly, and with taunting [594] expression and words, he passed in his boat before the faces of the angry English, as if he were hastening to seek refuge with some French ship of which he knew; and, while pretending to go farther, turned about behind a neighboring island and there lay in hiding to observe the outcome of our capture. While we were wavering between the doubtful chance of either death or imprisonment, our Savage acquaintances, having received the news of our calamity, visited us in great numbers, deeply pitying our misfortune, and most dutifully offering us the use of their scanty resources for the whole coming year, if we were willing to remain among them. However, Argall the English Captain, and his Lieutenant Turnell,89 had decided upon milder measures toward us, in appearance certainly, than we at first expected; indeed, they had agreed with La Saussaye, the Leader of our colony, to send us back to France; but the conditions of return were of such a character that they differed little from our certain destruction. There was allowed to us, although numbering thirty persons, only one boat, which could not hold us all, even if we were crowded together as closely as possible; and these conditions, La Saussaye had accepted, nay, more, he had borne witness with his own handwriting that this had been his preference, which was really the choice of certain shipwreck. However, the efforts of our Brethren prevailed, that the whole colony should not together incur imminent danger; and it was allowed that only fifteen should be placed on board the boat, of whom 263 one should be Father Massé, while the two remaining Fathers should be carried to the Peucoit islands and entrusted to English fishermen for conveyance to France. The rest of the colonists were, in accordance with their own desire, to be carried to Virginia. Therefore one portion of the settlers, under the lead of La Saussaye, entered the boat to set out for France, although ignorant of the region and of seamanship, [595] and unprovided with charts, to whom God in time sent the Calvinistic pilot, who had taken great pains to observe the fortunes of his countrymen, in order that if any opportunity should offer, he might bear aid to them in their distress. He had landed upon the continent, and, in the Canadian manner of life and custom, like one of the Savages, was traversing the entire coast, in order to ascertain our condition, when very fortunately he happened upon the boat which had set out. Upon being received on board, he showed himself a truly able leader in their perplexities, and united his boat and fourteen sailors to ours as comrades in the voyage and its labors. Up to the time the French ships were found, a lucky catch of fish twice assuaged their hunger; they were also aided by various meetings with the Savages upon that coast, of whom Louis Membertou received them, when famishing, with a liberal present of elk meat,90 Roland and some other Sagamores furnished a supply of bread, and others most generously gave a bountiful provision of fish and birds. But of all blessings, the most grateful was the news, which the Sagamore Roland gave us, that on the neighboring coast, at Sesambre and Passepec91 harbor, were two ships preparing to return to France. The two boats, quickly directing their course thither, fortunately arrived before the vessels left; and, all having265 been received on board, they made sail and arrived safe and sound at St. Malo, a town in Brittany, where Father Massé was received with the greatest kindness and generosity by the Bishop of St. Malo and the magistrates and people of the town. Moreover, concerning Fathers Biard and Quintin, as we have said, it had been decided [596] that they should be conducted to the Peucoit islands, and thence, by the aid of the English fishermen, should be conveyed to France; but these plans having afterward been changed, it was resolved that they should be sent to Virginia, they, with five others of the colonists, being placed on board the captured vessel, which was in command of Turnell, while eight other settlers had entered Captain Argall's ship. The governor of Virginia had heard something concerning the captive Jesuits, and was preparing severe punishment for them; this news had come to our brethren and the rest of the prisoners on board the ships, and deprived some of their nightly rest. This report did not rest on idle rumor, for when the ship bearing our brethren had reached Virginia, they were exposed to his fury. Argall, however, who had given his word to our brethren, boldly and vehemently, as was fitting his name92 and race, opposed the Governor in his attempt to punish them, and declared that, as long as he lived, no danger should befall his prisoners. But, when the Governor obstinately persisted in his purpose, Argall produced the Royal charter, in dependence upon which our colony had been introduced into New France; and by its authority the Governor was restrained, and dared proceed no farther. In a meeting of the council, therefore, the whole affair was more carefully discussed, and all agreed upon the decision that Argall, with three ships, should take the 267 Jesuits back to New France; that he should thence send them and certain other prisoners to France; that he should chastise La Saussaye and his military force, who were said, although falsely, to be in possession of the fort at Port Royal; and that he should plunder and level with the ground all the houses of the French. He therefore returned to that coast of New France occupied by the French, where he despoiled and burned the forts of Ste. [597] Croix and Port Royal, which were bare of defenders, destroyed all evidences of the French occupation, and erected English monuments in various places, declaring the whole coast to be under the sway of the British King. While Father Biard was present during these proceedings, his life was twice endangered, because he had dissuaded Argall with many words from entering Port Royal, on the ground that there would be no profit in the undertaking, from which they, nevertheless, afterwards obtained an uncommon booty; because he was unwilling to become a guide to those places where plunder was sought; moreover, because slanders had been uttered against him by some Frenchmen in that region; for all of which reasons he offended Argall and Turnell deeply, to his own great peril.

Regio Portu digressus Argallus in Virginiam contendebat, ineunte Nouembri, anno sexcentesimo decimo tertio, sed postridiè quàm soluerat, atrocissima tempestate diuulsæ naues in lõgè diuersas oras abierunt: 268 Argalli quidem Prætoria in Virginiam tandem est delata: minor è duabus nostris captiuis cum suis vectoribus nũquam deinde comparuit: alia captiua maior, cui Turnellus præsidebat, quaque vehebamur, sedecim dierum continentibus procellis fœdè vexata, pæne absumtis cibariis desperationem iam adierat, cùm cadente denique tempestate, in Virginiam secundo vento iter intendere cœpimus. Vicenis quinis leucis, haud ampliùs, aberamus Virginiæ littore, vbi de nostra nece à Præfecto decernebatur eóque nobis ea nauigatio erat odiosa, cùm derepente coortus aduersus ventus proram in Asoras Lusitanorum insulas [598] obuertit, septingentis pæne leucis inde recto itinere in Ortum sitas. Eius certè venti vis quòd nihil intermitteret, Turnellus præuidebat non nisi capitis sui periculo in Lusitanorum potestatem se vẽturum, qui captiuos Sacerdotes, per summam iniuriam domicilio suo auulsos, spoliatosque secum traheret; & eo quidem angebatur magis, quòd Patrem Biardum Hispaniensis generis esse crederet, falsis Porturegiensium Gallorum accusationibus persuasus, vt eius noxæ criminationem apud Lusitanos non immeritò reformidaret, si nostri Patres ad se accusandum animos adiicerent. Ea re ingenuè fatebatur vim Numinis, innocentium iniuriã vlciscentis, sibi ac suis in ea nauigatione infestam meritò esse, qua calamitate fractus, qui calumniis sua culpa temerè persuasus, Patri Biardo valdè infensus in eum diem fuerat, magnopere deinde mitigari, eique placatior cœpit fieri. 270 Vt autem ventorum violentia non adigeret ad Asoras: cibariorum tamen eò etiam nolentes amandabat, & aquæ dulcis penuria; quamobrem Turnello videndum erat, ne quid ipsi damni arcesseret Patrum nostrorum præsentia, ex quibus periculi nihil imminebat, si naue procul in anchoris inhærente, per scapham in portum missam necessaria annona pararetur, quod futurum Turnellus sperauerat. Contrà verò quàm crederet, accidit: appulsis enim ad Faëalem insulã Asorarum vnam, subeundum fuit in portum intimum, atque in ciuium oculis inter cæteras naues consistendum: quò vehementiùs paullò inuectis, cùm nostra nauis in Hispaniensem saccari nauẽ impacta, [599] proræ anterius velum detersisset, Nauarchus Hispanus piratam conclamauit, turbamque nauticam ad arma exciuit. Paucis antè hebdomadis Gallus subita irruptione nauem in eodem portu spoliauerat, vnde Hispani similem casum veriti, hoc vehementiùs trepidauerant, tantóque sagaciùs in Anglum inquirendum arbitrabantur. Quare Turnello exscendendum in continentem fuit, quem obsidis loco haberent Hispani, dum accuratè lustrarentur interiora nauis, Patribus interim ponè lintrem studiosissimè delitescentibus, ne quid detrimenti ex eis Anglo crearetur, si comparerent. Perdifficilis erat latebra loco minimè idoneo, re adeò repentina, tamque accuratis scrutatoribus, nauis omnia intima rimantibus: sed lynceos eorum oculos fugerunt nostri, magna sua voluptate, quòd Anglum ita seruassent: maiore Angli gaudio, quòd præter spem, 272 ac suum meritum, ab iis seruatum se agnosceret, quibus libertatem per summũ scelus ademerat. Id beneficij genus, singularemque fidem, Angli & in præsentia ingentibus grati animi argumentis agnoscebant, & deinceps sæpenumerò, maximè apud suos Ministros, cum summa Patrum laudatione, prædicarunt. Tres solidas hebdomadas substitit in eo portu nauis Anglicana, tantumdemque abditi Patres sole caruerunt; inde omisso in Virginiam itinere, Turnellus in Britanniam contendit, sed recta nauigationis semita cum nos tempestas deiecisset, in oram Vualliæ ad Occasum violenter nos impegit: vbi cùm nauem annona deficeret, Turnellus Pembrochum [600] oppidum adiit commeatus parandi gratia. Eius oppidi magistratibus Turnellus mouit suspicionem maritimi latronis, quòd & homo Anglus Francica verehetur naui, & nullam litteram scriptæ auctoritatis proferret, qua suam nauigationem tueretur: neque vel iurato asseueranti, se tempestate diuulsum à Prætore suo Argallo, fides habebatur. Cum eum igitur omne probationum genus destituisset, citauit dictorum suorum testes duos Iesuitas, quos haberet in naui, quorumque incorruptæ fidei neminem mortalium diceret posse meritò refragari. Patribus ergo perhonorificè interrogatis, cùm pro testimonio apud magistratum publicè dixissent, Turnellus fuit in honore, atque vt virum nobilem decuerat, probè omnia gessisse creditus est: nostris verò est honor habitus, & apud Maiorem Vrbis, vt vocant, Magistratum plebeium scilicet, hospitium est 274 assignatum. Qui pro Præfecto rei maritimæ ius Pembrochij tum dicebat Nicolaus Adams, apud quem nostri testimonium dixerant, vbi audiit pessimè iis esse in nauigio, iussit eos diuersari apud eũ Magistratum, quem indicauimus, suaque fide omnia eis suppeditari copiosè, quibus si deesset vnde sibi rependerent, Dei causa se iis sumtuum gratiam libenter facere dicebat, quòd putaret minimè decere, ab omni dignitate ac doctrina instructis viris nihil apud Pembrochios ciues humanitatis relinqui. Missum erat ad Britanniæ Regem de nostris, cuius dum rescriptum exspectatur, frequentes visendi conferendique gratia vndique ad nostros adeunt de nobilitate, de magistratibus, ac ministris [601] etiam, quorum quaternos in disputationis palæstra cum illis commisit quidam de proceribus, doctrinæ periclitandæ studio. De illorum autem negotio cùm in Regiam allatum esset, iam inaudierat Regis Christianissimi legatus captiuum esse nauigium, & Francos Iesuitas, vrgebatque omnium, ac maximè nostrorum libertatem, quòd eius rei habuerat ab suo Rege studiosiùs iniuncta mandata. Nihil itaque moræ fuit, quin nostri Pembrochio Douerum arcesserentur, vnde breui traiectu Itium Portum, Francicæ oræ oppidum, incolumes lætique deportati sunt, decimo suæ captiuitatis pæne affecto mense, quo loco Darquieni Dynastæ, Regio præsidio Præfecti, & Baulæi Decani eximia humanitate, beneficentiaque lautissimè accepti sunt, idoneo præterea donati viatico, quod Ambianos iter intendentibus in suum Collegium abunde esset.

Argall left Port Royal and started for Virginia in the early part of November of the year 1613, but, on the day after he set sail, an exceedingly violent storm arose, by which the ships were driven asunder in very diverse directions. Captain Argall's vessel, indeed, was finally borne to Virginia; the smaller of the two captured ships, with its crew, was never seen thereafter; the larger of these, which Turnell commanded, and on board of which we were, after being dreadfully beaten for sixteen days by continuous 269 tempests, had reached almost desperate straits, because of the exhaustion of its provisions, when the storm finally ceased, and we resumed our voyage towards Virginia with a favoring wind. We were distant not more than twenty-five leagues from the coast of Virginia, where the Governor was planning our destruction, and for this reason the voyage was hateful to us; when a contrary wind which suddenly arose turned our bow towards the Asores islands of Portugal, [598] situated at a distance of almost 700 leagues due East from that point. Since the force of this wind did not at all abate, Turnell foresaw that his life would be endangered should he come into the power of the Portuguese, because he was conveying as prisoners, Priests, who, with the greatest injustice, had been torn from their settlement and despoiled; and he was still more troubled because, persuaded by the false charges of the French at Port Royal, he believed Father Biard to be a Spaniard, so that he dreaded, with good reason, a denunciation of his offense before the Portuguese, if our Fathers should resolve to accuse him. Therefore he frankly acknowledged that the power of the Deity, which avenges injury done to the innocent, was deservedly hostile to him and his upon that voyage; and, overcome by this calamity, although he had, through his own fault in rashly believing slanders, been extremely unfriendly to Father Biard up to that time, he began to soften greatly and become more amiable toward him. Moreover, even if the force of the wind were not driving them to the Asores, still, scarcity of provisions and fresh water compelled them to go thither, though against their will; wherefore, it was necessary for Turnell to take precautions lest the presence of our Fathers should cause him damage; as no danger was to be feared 271 from them, if the ship should remain at a distance at anchor, and the necessary provisions should be secured by sending a small boat into the harbor, as the Captain hoped to do. Matters turned out, however, contrary to his expectations; for when we approached Faëal, one of the Asores islands, we were compelled to enter the inmost harbor, and take a position among the other ships under the eyes of the inhabitants. Having entered thither a little too swiftly, when our vessel collided with a Spanish treasure-ship [599] and carried away its forward jib, the Spanish Captain shouted out that we were pirates, and aroused his crew to arms. A few weeks before, a Frenchman had plundered a ship in the same harbor by a sudden attack; whence the Spaniards, fearing a similar fate, had been the more alarmed on this occasion, and thought an investigation still more necessary in the case of an Englishman. Turnell was therefore obliged to disembark upon the land, where the Spanish held him as a hostage while the interior of the ship was being thoroughly searched, the Fathers, in the meantime, carefully hiding behind a boat, in order that the Englishman might suffer no harm on their account if they should be discovered. Concealment was very difficult in a place not at all convenient, as the affair arose very suddenly, and there were so careful searchers, who rummaged the entire interior of the ship; but our brethren escaped their lynx eyes, greatly to their own delight, because they had thus preserved the Englishman; but with greater pleasure to the Englishman, because he recognized that he had been saved, contrary to his expectations and his deserts, by those whom he had most wickedly deprived of their liberty. This service and remarkable good-faith the English recognized at that time with 273 marked signs of gratitude, and often thereafter spoke of the Fathers with great praise, especially before their Ministers. Three entire weeks the English ship remained in that harbor, and the same length of time the Fathers were hidden away and deprived of the sunlight; then, abandoning the voyage to Virginia, Turnell proceeded to Britain. But, when a storm had diverted us from the direct prosecution of our voyage, it carried us violently Westward to the coast of Vuallia;93 and when here provisions failed the ship, Turnell entered the town of Pembroke [600] for the sake of obtaining supplies. The officials of this town suspected him of piracy upon the high seas, because, although an Englishman, he was sailing in a French vessel, and produced no written testimonials of the authority under which he was making his voyage; and when he made oath that he had been separated by a storm from his Captain, Argall, he was not believed. When, therefore, every sort of evidence had failed him, he cited as witnesses for his statements the two Jesuits whom he had on board the ship, whose incorruptible integrity, he said, no mortal could deservedly call in question. Therefore, when the Fathers had been very respectfully interrogated, and had given their testimony in public before the magistrate, Turnell was placed in honor, and was believed to have done everything honestly, as befitted a gentleman; but our brethren were treated with distinction, and were entertained as guests by the Mayor of the City, as he is called, that is, the Magistrate of the common people. When Nicholas Adams, who then represented the Minister of the marine at Pembroke, and in the presence of whom our brethren had given their testimony, heard that they had extremely bad fare upon the ship, he directed 275 that they should be entertained at the home of the Magistrate whom we have mentioned, and that upon his own responsibility everything should be abundantly supplied to them; and if they should lack the means to repay him, he said that for the sake of God he would willingly do them the favor of meeting the expense, because he thought it very unbecoming that no kindness should be shown among the citizens of Pembroke to men distinguished in every way for merit and learning. A message had been sent to the King of Britain concerning our brethren; and, while an answer thereto was being awaited, many came, for the purpose of seeing and conversing with the fathers, from the ranks of the nobles, of the officials, and even of the ministers, [601] four of whom one of the councilors put into the arena of debate with our brethren, with the desire of testing their doctrine. Moreover, when their case had been reported at Court, the ambassador94 of the Most Christian King had already heard that a ship with French Jesuits had been captured, and urged the release of all and especially of our brethren, because he had from his King strict commands to this effect. There was therefore no delay in the conveyance of our brethren from Pembroke to Dover, whence, after a short passage, they safely and joyfully arrived, after almost ten months of captivity, at Itius Portus,95 a town on the French coast. Here they were received most honorably, with especial kindness and favor from Sieur d'Arquien, Commander of the Royal garrison, and Dean Boulaye; a suitable viaticum was also given to them, which was abundant for their needs during the trip to their College at Ambians96 [Amiens].


276 Iam Nouo-Francicæ Missionis operæ quantum promouerint rem Christianam inter Barbaros, non facile dispiciet, qui rem vulgi trutina metietur: qui verò negotium natura sua perarduum, interuenientibus etiam aliunde casibus valdè impeditum, æquis momentis volet æstimare, maximè idoneis, atque illustribus initiis asperrimum solum Euangelicæ sementi præparatum, fateatur necesse est. In primis enim quantum, quæso, illud est, belluini prorsus ingenij atque moris gentem, nuper ab omni commercio externo alienissimam, ab sua impotentia suspiciosissimam, sic nunc esse nobis cõciliatã, ea de nostris hominibus opinione imbutam, vt eos summo ambitu quilibet Barbarorũ cõuentus [602] expetat, in sua ora domicilium habere cupiat, de suis copiolis annua cibaria deferat, mœrore ac fletu suum eorum desiderium testetur, implacabili odio in Britannos, nostræ infestos quieti, feratur? Magnum quiddam profecto est, & ingentis ad fidem illis animis ingenerandam momenti, erga illius præcones tam propensa ferri voluntate, fiducia, & veneratione. Illud autem alterum longè maius est, tantóque ad Barbaroram efficiendam salutem potentius, quantò alienius est ab humanarum affectionum ratione, diuinisque motionibus proprium magis. Altè iam insedit Canadiorum animis illa sententia, æternis addici cruciatibus, qui Baptismi expertes è viuis decedant, vt tametsi valẽtes Christianæ legis conditiones, suo sensu paullò asperiores, haud facilè subeant, moribundi tamen Baptismum ingentis omnino beneficij 278 esse ducant, cupidéque appetant. Cuius doctrinæ quoniam Patres Societatis auctores habent, eamque combiberunt intimis sensibus, eius sua sponte illos admonent, & memores esse iubent, quoties popularium quis deteriùs affectus decumbit, hortanturque suos Doctores vti obitum ægroti præuertant, salutaribus aquis lustrantes, antè quàm occumbat. Atque hos quidem animorum motus, in barbarissimis alioqui hominibus, biennij cultura, & ea quidem non assidua, sed frequentibus interpellata difficultatibus, duo Patres effecerunt, non leuibus certè momentis ad Euangelici verbi satus in ea gente magnis incrementis propagandos. Quam ad propagationem, sacrarum precationum, & Baptismi [603] inusitata vis, insignibus aliquot documentis apud eam nationem interdum prodita, incitamento non mediocri videtur olim futura. Patri Biardo ad Eplani piscis amnem die quodam agenti affertur nuncius ab ægrota, & animam agente muliere, quæ ipsum videre atque alloqui valdè cuperet, ad Sanctæ Mariæ Sinum, duabus ab eo amne leucis. Eò ducem habuit vnum de contubernio, feminamque more gentis præter focum stratam deprehendit, tertia iam hebdomada miserè languentem: ægram, quoad per eius morbum licuit, Catechesi necessaria instruit, adhibitisq; pro re nata precibus cruce ad pectus appensa munit, seque vocari iubet, si quid ei posteà deterius accidat. Postridie mulier bene sana è foco exsilit, & graui onusta sacco ad maritum quattuor inde leucas vegeta contendit. Eam sanationem 280 Caluinianus Dieppensis omnium primus obseruauit, confestimque illius euentum mirabilem nunciaturus ad Patrem Biardum accurrit. Idem Pater in ora Pentegoetia cum Biencourtio versabatur, vbi pro instituto mapalia Barbarorum circumiens, ægros visebat, solabatur, precibus, ac Christianis documentis iuuabat. Ibi tertium iam mensem æger decumbebat, cuius salus erat conclamata, quem Barbari visendum Patri obtulerunt. Frigido sudore totus manabat, certo fere mortis indice, cùm iam eum grauis æstus tenuisset, cui post preces, & breuia fidei documenta, cùm Pater crucem sæpius exosculandam porrexisset, eique de collo pensilem reliquisset, frequentibus Barbaris audientibus, & quæ gererentur mirè [604] probantibus ab eo ad nauẽ & Biencourtium rediit. Postera verò die Biencourtio cum indigenis in naue permutationibus mutuis occupato, in eã nauem sanus ingressus ille æger, heri moribũdus, crucemque gratulabũdus, magnificè ostentãs, adiit ad P. Biardũ, ingentiq; gaudio suam ei sanitatem testatus, virtuti S. Crucis acceptã tulit. Illustrius multò est id quod sequitur, & ad Barbarorũ sensum in Baptismi laudẽ singulare. P. Biardus, & Mottæus Saussæij Legatus, Simonque Interpres vnà iuerant ad considerandam areã Sancti Saluatoris domicilio designatã, vnde redeuntibus procul ad aures accidit lamẽtabilis vlulatus quærentibusq; à Barbaro comite causã lugubris clamoris, responsum est, sollemne illud esse alicuius iam iam vita functi argumentũ. 282 Sed propiùs ad Barbarica tuguria succedentibus puer interrogatus indicauit, nõ mortui, sed morientis esse cõpliorationẽ; atque ad P. Biardum conuersus; Quin tu, inquit, accurris, si forte in viuentẽ adhuc incidas, & eius morti Baptismum præuertas? Ea pueri vox, tamquã cælo missa, Patrem & comites ad cursum vehementer accendit, quibus ad agrestes casas appulsis, Barbarorũ sub dio stantium lōgissima ala, directo ordine instructa occurrit, atq; in spectãtis alæ, & mœrore defixæ oculis obambulans pater, cuius in vlnis tenellus moriebatur puer. Hic vt animam ægerrimè trahebat, interruptis debilitate singultibus ad mortem properans, miserum parentem miseratione cruciabat & dolore. Ad quoslibet autem infantis singultus, horrendùm eiulabat parens, cuius eiulatum adstantis Barbaricæ concionis mox luctuosus [605] excipiebat vlulatus. Pater Biardus adiit ad afflictum puelli parentem, rogauitque an ipso volente moribundum infantem Baptismo esset lustraturus. Ingenti mœrore percitus Barbarus vocem mittere non potuit, sed deposito in postulantis manibus puero, reipsa, quid cuperet, ostendit. Pater aquam poposcit, puellumque Mottæo ardentissimè suscipienti tenendum tradit, salutaribus aquis aspergit, Nicolaum de Mottæi nomine appellat, concepta precum formula Barbaris lumẽ ad fidei agnoscendas ingentes opes à Deo precatur. Sub eam precationem receptum de Mottæi manibus infantem matri eius præsenti defert, mater filio mammam continuò porrigit, puer oblatam 284 cupidè arripit, lac ad satietatem haurit, atque deinceps sanus vegetúsque vixit. Vniuersus interim Barbarorum, qui circumsteterat, globus rei haud vsitatæ defixus miraculo, petrarum instar immotus, ac tacitus hærebat in vestigio. Ad eos igitur sic animo comparatos noster, quæ visa sunt in rem præsentem quadrare, verba fecit, quæ auidis mentibus hauserunt, atque vbi perorauerat, iussit singulos in tuguria se recipere. Vti venerabundi ac trementes eius sermonem summa reuerentia exceperant, ita cùm cœtus facta missione receptum in suas casas indixit, alto silentio præferentes inusitatum obsequium, in sua quisque tuguria pacatissimè, citissimeque dilapsi sunt. Hæc & huiusmodi alia in Barbarorum oculis, summa ipsorum admiratione, nec minore fructu gesta, quisquis perpenderit, vtilissimis principiis inchoatam Nouo-Francicam Missionem meritò iudicabit.

Now he who measures the undertaking by ordinary 277 standards, will not easily see how greatly the work of the Mission of New France has advanced the Christian religion among the Savages; he who will fairly estimate an enterprise very difficult in its nature, and greatly hindered also by the interruption of calamities from without; must confess that the rugged soil has been prepared for the seed of the Gospel with very advantageous and glorious beginnings. For, in the first place, is it not a great thing, I ask, that a race of utterly brutal disposition and manners, lately keeping itself far aloof from all external intercourse, extremely suspicious by reason of its impotence, should be now so conciliated towards us, and entertain such sentiments for our brethren, that Savages of every tribe seek them out with the greatest pains, [602] desire them to have a residence in their territory, offer them annual supplies from their scanty store, testify by grief and weeping to their longing for them, and regard the English, the enemies of our peace, with implacable hatred? It is indeed something great, and of the utmost importance to the implanting of the faith in those minds, that they meet its heralds with such emphatic good-will, confidence, and veneration. Moreover there is another influence far greater, and so much the more powerful in effecting the salvation of the Savages as it is remote from the sphere of human affections and more characteristic of heavenly emotions. Already there has become deeply seated in the minds of the Canadians the belief that those who die without Baptism are consigned to eternal torments; consequently, as long as they are in health, they do not readily submit to the rules of the Christian faith, which to their ideas are a little too harsh; but when at the point of death, they regard Baptism as certainly a great blessing, 279 and eagerly seek it. Since they have the Fathers of the Society as authorities for this doctrine, and have absorbed it into their inmost souls, of their own accord they warn and remind their Teachers of it, whenever any one of their friends is prostrated by some severe complaint, and urge them to anticipate the death of the patient by sprinkling him with the saving waters, before he shall perish. And, indeed, these emotions of the mind, in men who are in other respects most savage, two Fathers have created by a training of two years, and that indeed not continuous, but interrupted by numerous difficulties, which is certainly no light incentive toward propagating the seed of the Gospel among that race with flourishing increase. To this propagation, the unaccustomed power of holy prayers and of Baptism, [603] sometimes disclosed among this people in several remarkable instances, seems likely to be no small incentive in the future. When Father Biard was occupied one day at the river of the Eplan fish, a message was brought to him from a sick woman at the point of death, who was very anxious to see and converse with him, at Bay Ste. Marie, two leagues from that river. He had one of the colonists as a guide thither, and found the woman lying, according to the manner of her race, near the hearth, and now miserably languishing in the third week of her illness. He instructed the invalid, as far as her disease permitted, in the necessary parts of the Catechism; strengthened her by prayers adapted to the circumstances, and a cross hung upon her breast; and directed that he should be called, if she should thereafter grow worse. The next day the woman arose from the hearth entirely well, and, loaded with a heavy bag, started briskly for her husband, who was at a distance 281 of four leagues. A Calvinist from Dieppe first of all observed this cure, and immediately ran to Father Biard to announce the wonderful event. The same Father was with Biencourt on the banks of the Pentegoët, where, according to his custom, he was going about among the cabins of the Savages, visiting and comforting the sick and aiding them with prayers and Christian instruction. There a sick man was lying, who had already been ill three months, whose recovery had been despaired of, and whom the Savages brought to the Father's notice. He was completely bathed in cold perspiration, an almost certain sign of death, since a heavy fever had taken possession of him. After prayers had been said and a short lesson in the faith given, when the Father had held out a cross to him to be repeatedly kissed, and had left it hanging about his neck, many Savages listening to him, and heartily [604] approving what was done, he returned to the ship and Biencourt. But the next day, when Biencourt was engaged upon the ship in trading with the natives, that sick man, yesterday at the point of death, came on board in a state of health, and, joyfully and reverently displaying the cross, went to Father Biard, and, testifying with great delight to his recovery, ascribed it to the power of the Holy Cross. That which follows is much more remarkable, and by the Savages was ascribed solely to the merit of Baptism. Father Biard, La Motte, the Lieutenant of La Saussaye, and Simon the Interpreter, had gone together to examine the site selected for the settlement of St. Sauveur. While returning thence, they heard at a distance a lamentable wail, and, when they asked of their Savage companion the cause of this mournful outcry, the answer was made that it was the customary token 283 that some one had already departed this life. But as they approached nearer to the huts of the Savages, a boy, on being questioned, informed them that the lamentation was not for a dead, but for a dying person; and, turning to Father Biard, he said: "Why do you not hurry thither, if perchance you may find him still living, and administer Baptism before his death?" The voice of that boy, just as though sent from heaven, caused the Father and his companions to run swiftly, and as they reached the rude dwellings, there appeared a great crowd of Savages, drawn up in regular order, standing in the open air; and among this mournful-looking company a father walked about, in whose arms a delicate boy was dying. As the child struggled for breath, hastening towards death, and weakly gasping, it tortured the unfortunate parent with grief and sorrow. Moreover, at each gasp of the infant, the father wailed dreadfully, and his lamentation was immediately answered by a howl from the gloomy throng of Savages standing near. [605] Father Biard went to the afflicted parent of the boy, and asked whether he might, with his consent, baptize the dying child. The Savage, overcome by the depth of his grief, could not utter a word; but his action showed, by placing the child in the arms of the petitioner, what he desired. The Father asked for water, and giving the child to La Motte to hold, who eagerly received it, he sprinkled it with the saving waters, christened it Nicholas de la Motte, and formulating a prayer, begged from God light for the Savages, that they might recognize the immense blessings of the faith. After this prayer he took the infant from the hands of La Motte and gave it to its mother, who was present; the mother immediately gave her breast to the child, who greedily accepted 285 it, partook of the milk to satiety, and finally lived, healthy and vigorous. In the meantime, the whole circle of Savages who had stood about, struck by the marvelousness of the unusual occurrence, remained motionless as stones, and stood silently in their tracks. Therefore, while they were thus prepared in mind, our brother addressed to them such words as seemed appropriate to the subject in hand; and when he had finished, bade them depart to their own huts. As they, trembling and reverential, received his discourse, with the greatest respect, so when, the object of their gathering having been accomplished, he ordered them to depart to their huts, they slipped away, silently exhibiting this unusual obedience, quietly and quickly, each to his own dwelling. Whoever shall carefully examine these and other like acts which have been performed in the sight of the Savages, greatly to their astonishment, and no less to their benefit, will justly conclude that the Mission of New France has been commenced under very advantageous beginnings.




Our copy of Biard's letter (written in French) to his provincial, dated January 31, 1612, is from Carayon's Première Mission, pp. 44-76, noted under Bibliographical Data of Documents III.-VI., in our Volume I.


We follow the style and make-up of O'Callaghan's Reprint of Biard's Missio Canadensis, designated as "No. 1" in the Lenox Catalogue. According to Sommervogel's Bibliothèque de la Campagnie de Jésus (Paris, 1890), vol. i., p. 1439, this document was originally published in the Annuæ Litteræ Societatis Jesu, an. 1611 (Dillingen, n. d.), pp. 121-143. The British Museum has a copy of this volume of Annuæ Litteræ, described in its catalogue as published at "Dilingæ [1615?]." Sommervogel adds, regarding Missio Canadensis: "Was it not published separately? I find it thus indicated in the catalogue of Mr. Parison, no. 1786." According to a letter written by Father Carrère (June 17, 1890) to Father Jones, of Montreal, the original MS. of this letter was then in the archives of Roder, France.

In Carayon's Première Mission (pp. 77-105) there is given a French version of this letter.

It is internally evident that the letter was commenced January 22nd, and finished "vltimo die Januarÿ." In Father Martin's MS. (translated) copy,288 preserved in the Library of Parliament, at Ottawa, he wrote upon it the former date, and it is so calendared in the catalogue of that library. Carayon first applied to it the latter date. This of itself has led to some bibliographical confusion.

In Carayon's Bibliographie Historique de la Compagnie de Jésus (Paris, 1864), p. 178, a notice of the original publication is thus given: "P. Biard.—Epistola ad R. P. Præpositum generalem, e Portu Regali in Nova Francia, data ultimo die Januarii anni 1611, qua regionem illam describit, et Patrum Societatis Jesu in eam profectionem.—'Ea inserta est annuis litteris Soc. Jesus ejusdem anni Provinc. Franc. ad finem.' (Sotwell.)."

O'Callaghan obtained the originals of some of his reprints from the Annuæ Litteræ Societatis Jesu, of which there are incomplete files in the libraries of John Carter Brown; Harvard College; St. John's, College, Fordham, N. Y.; St. Francis Xavier, New York City; the Jesuit colleges at Woodstock, Md., and Georgetown, D. C.; and St. Mary's College, Montreal. The Brown Library has the richest collection.

See references to the O'Callaghan Reprint of Missio Canadensis, in Harrisse's Notes, no. 405; Lenox Catalogue, p. 18; Sabin, vol. xvi., p. 542; Brown Catalogue, vol. ii., no. 119; Winsor, p. 300; Henry C. Murphy Sale Catalogue (N. Y., 1884), no. 2960; O'Callaghan Sale Catalogue (N. Y., 1882), nos. 178, 1205, 1250.

Title-page. O'Callaghan's Reprint is closely imitated.

Collation of O'Callaghan Reprint. Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Editio ad XXV exemplaria 289restricta. O'C.", 1 p.; Lectori, pp. iii-iv.; text, pp. 5-37; blank, 1 p.; Index, pp. 39-45; colophon (p. 46): "Albaniae Excvdebat Joel Munsellius | Mense Septembri Anno | CIↃ.IↃCCC.LXX.," 1 p.


The copy of Lescarbot's Relation Dernière herein followed is in Harvard College Library, where it is bound in with the same author's Les Muses de la Nouvelle France (Paris, 1612). The Harvard copy is the only original of which the present editor has knowledge; it is not listed in Gagnon's Essai de Bibliographie Canadienne (Quebec, 1895), but reference to it will be found in Harrisse, no. 26; Sabin, no. 40178; and Winsor, p. 300. There is a reprint of it in Cimber (Lafaist) and Danjou's Archives Curieuses de l'Histoire de France, depuis Louis XI. jusqu'à Louis XVIII., first series, tome XV. (Paris, 1837), pp. 377-406, which, however, omits the list of names on pp. 21-24 of the original. The first series of this collection (15 vols.) was edited by L. Lafaist ("L. Cimber," pseud.) and F. Danjou, assistants in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; the second series (12 vols.), by Danjou alone, who, on the title of tome viii. of this series, is styled "Bibliothécaire de l'Arsenal." The 27 volumes were published at Paris between 1834 and 1840.

The orthography of the printed original of the Relation Dernière is an interesting mixture of old and new styles. It has many instances of modern spellings not found even in the Cramoisy Relation of 1632, which was printed twenty years later.

It will be noticed that the "Privilege" is that granted for the publication of Lescarbot's Histoire de la Nouvelle France (1608).

290 Title-page. The one given in the present volume is a photographic facsimile of the Harvard original.

Collation. Title, 1 p.; blank, reverse of title, 1 p.; text, pp. 3-39; privilege, reverse of p. 39, 1 p.—making a total of 40 pp.


In our reissue of the Relatio Rerum Gestarum (1613-14), we follow the original text and its pagination, as given on pp. 562-605 of the Annuæ Litteræ Societatis Jesu, for 1612, printed at Lyons in 1618, which we found at the Riggs Memorial Library, Georgetown University, Washington, D. C. This forms the text of O'Callaghan's Reprint, which is arbitrarily designated in the Lenox Catalogue as "no. 6." See references in Sabin, no. 69245; Winsor, p. 300; Lenox, p. 19; and Brown Catalogue, no, 170, and p. 166. Sales are noted in Barlow (no. 1272), Murphy (no. 2960), and O'Callaghan (no. 1250), sale catalogues.

Title-page. We closely imitate that of the O'Callaghan Reprint.

Collation of Reprint. Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Editio viginti quinque exemplaria. O'C," 1 p.; Tabula Rerum, pp. iii., iv.; text, pp. 1-66; colophon (p. 67): "Albaniae Excvdebat Joel Munsellius | Mense Martis Anno | CIↃ IↃCCC LXXI," 1 p.


(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text.)

1 (p. 7).—Carayon prints neuf, but this is either a slip of the pen upon the part of Father Biard, or a misprint. The Fathers arrived at Port Royal, May 22, 1611, so that this portion of the letter was written just eight (huit) months after.

2 (p. 27).—Kennebec River. Sometimes written, also, Rimbegui, Kinibequi, Kinibeki, and Quinebequy. Maurault says that the Abenakis called this river Kanibesek, meaning "river that leads to the lake."—Histoire des Abenakis (Quebec, 1866), pp. iv., 5, and 89, note 2.

3 (p. 27).—Penobscot River. It was sometimes written, also, Pemptegoet and Potugoët.

4 (p. 27).—In their first voyage (1604), De Monts and Poutrincourt visited and named the river St. John; and at the mouth of the Rivière des Etechemins (so named by Champlain; by the Indians called Scoodick or Schoodic), they found an island which they called St. Croix, a name in later days given to the river itself. It lies in the middle of the river, opposite to the dividing line between Calais and Robbinston, Me. Here De Monts, Champlain, and their 77 fellows spent a miserable winter, while Poutrincourt returned to France for colonists and supplies to plant his proposed settlement at Port Royal. Thirty-five of the St. Croix party had died of scurvy before relieved in June, 1605, by Pontgravé, De Monts' lieutenant. In August, after a fruitless voyage along the New England coast, De Monts took his party to Port Royal, and there began a settlement before Pontgravé's arrival. Biard's letter, indicates that winter fur-trading posts were maintained both at St. Croix and on the St. John, for several years thereafter.—See Parkman's Pioneers, pp. 291-293.

Champlain's chart of the island may be found in his Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. ii., p. 32. Lescarbot, in Nouv. France (Paris, 1612), p. 469, says of the soil: "It is very good, and delightfully prolific."

The identity of St. Croix Island was determined in 1798, by the commissioners appointed, under the treaty of 1783, to determine the 292 boundary-line between New Brunswick and the territory of the United States. Holmes says, in Annals of America (Cambridge, Mass., 1829), vol. i., p. 122, note 1: "Professor (afterwards President) Webber, who accompanied the commissioners in 1798, informed me that they found an island in this river, corresponding to the French descriptions of the Island St. Croix, and, near the upper end of it, the remains of a very ancient fortification, overgrown with large trees; that the foundation stones were traced to a considerable extent; and that bricks (a specimen of which he showed me) were found there. These remains were, undoubtedly, the reliques of De Monts's fortification." Several cannon balls were also discovered while making excavations on this island, about 1853. The island has been known as Dochet's Island and Neutral Island; but in recent years it has been formally and appropriately named De Monts' Island. See Godfrey's Centennial Discourse (Bangor, 1870), cited in Champlain's Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. ii., p. 33; also Williamson's Maine, vol. i., p. 88, and vol. ii., p. 578.

5 (p. 47).—George Weymouth, a Bristol navigator, entered Kennebec River in June, 1605. The stream was called by the natives Sagadahoc (sometimes spelled Sagadahock). Weymouth's enthusiastic reports led the Plymouth Company—of which Lord John Popham and Sir Ferdinando Gorges were leading members—to plant a colony in August, 1607, at first probably on Stage Island, but later on the shores of Atkins' Bay, ten miles up the Kennebec. Owing to the death of Popham, their chief patron, and other misfortunes, the colonists returned to England in 1608. For several years thereafter, Gorges and Sir Francis Popham—son of Lord John—fitted out trading and fishing expeditions to the region, but no permanent colony was again attempted on the Kennebec until 1630. Weymouth had serious difficulties with the natives (1605), and kidnapped several of them; the colonists themselves were, towards the close of their stay, cruel to their neighbors; the outrages in 1609 were doubtless the operations of visiting English traders. The boats and other English property seen by the French in 1611, at the Penobscot and Kennebec, of course belonged to traders, who were at this time numerous along the main shore. Cf. Williamson's Maine, vol. i., pp. 53, 191-239; and Memorial Volume of Popham Celebration, Aug. 29, 1862. (Portland, 1863).

6 (p. 49).—These Indians were the Tarratines (called Penobscots by the English), one of the three tribes of the Etchemins,—the other two being the Openangos (the Quoddy Indians of English chronicles) of New Brunswick, and the Marachites of Nova Scotia. For origin of their name, see Maine Hist. Colls., vol. vii., p. 100. 293 The principal Tarratine village was, a half century later, near where Bangor now stands. The town visited by Biard was apparently at or near the present Castine, on Major-bigyduce Point (for derivation of this name see Maine Hist. Colls., vol. vi., pp. 107-109). See topographical description in Williamson's Maine, i., pp. 70, 71. The "Chiboctous" River, of Biard, was, apparently, but the "wide-spread" of the Penobscot, stretching eastward of Castine. French traders were at Castine at a very early date. The English built a trading fort there in 1625-26, which fell into the hands of the French in 1632. It was styled Pentagoët in those days; but in 1667, was rechristened Castine, after Baron de St. Castine, who for several years maintained a station there. The Dutch were in possession for a time,—indeed, Castine was continuously fortified by English, French, and Dutch, in turn, from about 1610 to 1783.

7 (p. 61).—This introductory note, "To the Reader," is furnished by Dr. O'Callaghan, in his Albany reprint of 1870, which we are here following.

The Jesuits had been banished from France by Henry IV., in 1595. He recalled them in 1603, making Father Coton, of their number, his confessor.

8 (p. 61).—It is internally evident that the document, like many others of our series, was written at intervals; this one was undoubtedly commenced in 1611 and closed in 1612. In a hurry to catch the home-returning vessel, the writer appears to have forgotten the change in the year.

9 (p. 67). It is possible that the Biscayans originally named what is still known as Placentia Bay, Newfoundland, after the city of that name in Spain. It was known to the English by that name in Biard's time;—see John Guy's letter, May 16, 1611, in Prowse's History of Newfoundland (London, 1895), p. 127. Biard merely gallicizes the word. Placentia is the chief seat of French settlement in Southern Newfoundland.—See Howley's Ecclesiastical History of Newfoundland (Boston, 1888), pp. 128, 129.

10 (p. 67).—Reference is here made to the Eskimos of Labrador. Says Prowse, (Hist. N. F., pp. 590, 591); "The name Esquimaux is a French corruption of the Abenaki word 'Eskimatsie,' an eater of raw flesh. The native word is 'Innuit,' meaning 'the people.' Eskimo is the Danish form of the name, and has now quite supplanted the old French name." They were probably dubbed "Excommunicated" in Biard's time, because of the marked hostility to them of all the other savage tribes in Canada; and the French early joined the latter in opposing them.—See Prowse, ut supra, p. 591. The missionaries found the Eskimos difficult material on which to work; although an occasional captive slave, brought to 294 the St. Lawrence by the Indians, would yield to priestly ministrations.—See Shea's Charlevoix, vol. iii., p. 30.

11 (p. 69).—Reference is here made to the mouth of what is now Saco River. Choüacoët was the French rendering of a native word from which the modern Saco is derived.—Champlain's Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. ii., p. 64.

12 (p. 81).—No map could be found in the archives of the Society at Rome, where the original of this letter is preserved.

13 (p. 127).—See vol. i., note 2.

14 (p. 131).—Casquet ("les Casquetes," on maps of that period): a dangerous group of rocks in the English Channel, seven miles west of Alderney.

15 (p. 133).—See notes 3, 6, ante; and vol. i., note 11.

16 (p. 133).—See note 4, ante.

17 (p. 135).—Matachias, or matachiats; described by Champlain, in Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. i., p. 241, as "beads and braided strings, made of porcupine quills, which they dye in various colors." Lescarbot says that the Armouchiquois, like the Brazilians and Floridians, make ornaments from bits of shell, polished and strung together in bracelets, etc.; these are called bou-re in Brazil, and matachiaz among the Northern tribes:—See his Nouv. France, p. 732.

18 (p. 137).—Nuncio of Pope Paul V. to Henry IV. of France; was created a cardinal, December 2, 1615.—See Laverdière's Champlain, p. 492; also Faillon's Col. Fr., vol. i., p. 99. A fortification erected by Poutrincourt, at the entrance of Port Royal harbor, was named by him Fort d'Ubaldini.—See Lescarbot's chart of Port Royal, in vol. i. of this series.

19 (p. 141).—Named by Champlain, from its forked shape, now known as Cape Split; a promontory at entrance of Mines Bay, where it opens into the Bay of Fundy. Jean Blaeu's map Extrema Americæ (1620), shows it as C. de Poitrincourt; for explanation of this name, see Laverdière's Champlain, pp. 271, 272.

20 (p. 141).—Sable Island is thus described by Champlain, Voyages, (Prince Soc.), ii., p. 8: "This island is thirty leagues distant north and south from Cape Breton, and in length is about fifteen leagues. It contains a small lake. The island is very sandy, and there are no trees at all of considerable size, only copse and herbage, which serve as pasturage for the bullocks and cows which the Portuguese carried there more than sixty years ago."

The origin of the cattle here mentioned is thus explained by Edward Haies, in his report on Sir Humphrey Gilbert's voyage of 1583, in Goldsmid's Hakluyt, vol. xii., p. 345: "Sablon lieth to the seaward of Cape Briton about 25 leagues, whither we were determined295 to goe vpon intelligence we had of a Portugal—who was himselfe present when the Portugals (abotte thirty yeeres past) did put in the same Island both Neat and Swine to breede, which were since exceedingly multiplied." Lescarbot, however, says the cattle were landed there about 1528, by Baron de Léry; see his Nouv. France, p. 22. Sable Island is noted as the scene of La Roche's unfortunate attempt at colonization in 1598, for a graphic description of which see Parkman's Pioneers, pp. 231-235. See Dionne's note on "Les Sablons," in his Nouvelle France (Quebec, 1891), pp. 311-316.

21 (p. 141).—The name Bacallaos (see vol. i., note 7) was long given to the region afterwards known as Canada. Peter Martyr says: "Sebastian Cabot him selfe, named those lands Baccallaos bycause that in the seas thereabout he founde so great multitudes of certeyne bigge fysshes much like vnto tunies (which th[e] inhabitantes caule Baccallaos) that they sumtymes stayed his shippes."—See Eden's Three English Books on America (Arber ed., Birmingham, 1885), pp. 161, 345. Fournier's Hydrographie (Paris, 1667), cited in Browne's History of Cape Breton (London, 1869), p. 13, says: "It cannot be doubted this name was given by the Basques, who alone in Europe call that fish Bacalaos, or Bacaleos; the aborigines term them Apagé." See also Lescarbot's Nouv. France, p. 237; and Dionne's Nouv. France, pp. 327-331. Cf. Prowse (Hist. N. F., p. 589); he says, in claiming the discovery of Newfoundland for the English, that Baccalao was but "an ordinary trade word, in use at that period." For an interesting sketch of the Basque fisheries in Newfoundland, up to the end of the 17th century, see Prowse, ut supra, pp. 47-49.

That part of the mainland appears on Ribero's map (1529) as "Tiera de los Bacallaos," shown also by Agnese (1554), Zaltieri (1566), Martines (1578), and in map of "Nova Francia et Canada, 1597," in Wytfleit's Descriptionis Ptolemaicæ Augmentum. The name was restricted to the southern part of the island of Newfoundland, by Ramusio (1556); to the island of Cape Breton, by Lescarbot (1612); to an island east of Newfoundland by De Laet (1640). The name Baccalos "still clings to an islet about forty miles north of the capital [St. John's], in which multitudes of sea-birds now build their nests."—Bourinot, in Canad. Mo., vol. vii., p. 290. See also, Anspach's Hist. N. F., pp. 296, 297.

22 (p. 147).—A long, narrow inlet, nearly parallel to the sea on western coast of Digby County, N. S., and still known as St. Mary's Bay.

23 (p. 151).—A Basque word, meaning sorcerer, corresponding to the native aoutmoin. See Biard's Relation of 1616, post. Champlain (Laverdière's ed., p. 82) calls them Pilotoua; and Sagard (Canada, pp. 98, 656), Pirotois.

296 24 (p. 157).—Henry II. of Bourbon; prince of Condé, born in 1588; nephew of and next in succession to Henry IV.; a leader in the Catholic League, and father of the great Condé. He married, in 1609, Charlotte de Montmorency, then fifteen years old, one of the most beautiful women of her day. The king fell in love with her, and his attempted intrigue led to complications that almost caused a war between France and Spain. Condé rebelled against Louis XIII., and in September, 1616, was captured and imprisoned; but he soon afterwards regained his power, which he retained until the ascendancy of Richelieu displaced it, in 1623; he died in 1646.

The house of Conti was a younger branch of the house of Condé; that of Soissons was also nearly related to the reigning family of Bourbon. Charles de Bourbon, count of Soissons, was born in 1556. He acted for a time with the League, but left it, in the hope of securing as his wife Catherine of Navarre, and became a military officer under both Henry III. and Henry IV.; Sully, however, compelled him to give up his proposed marriage with Catherine. He was Grand Master of France, under Henry IV.; later, was governor of Dauphiny, and, at his death, of Normandy. At Champlain's solicitation, he consented to become the head of De Monts's scheme for the colonization of Canada; and he was appointed (October 8, 1612) by the king lieutenant general and governor of New France, Champlain becoming commandant under him. But Soissons died, on November 1 following; and he was succeeded by Henry, prince of Condé, with the title of viceroy of New France. Mareschal de Thémins was appointed by Marie de Médicis, acting viceroy during Condé's imprisonment. Upon his liberation (1619), Condé sold his position as viceroy of Canada to Henry, duke of Montmorency, who in turn sold it (January, 1625) to his nephew, Henry de Lévis, duke of Ventadour.—See Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., pp. 126, 127, 134, 144, 149.

Champlain (see his map of 1632) named the lake at the mouth of the Ottawa River, Lac de Soissons, in honor of his viceroy; it is now called Lake of Two Mountains.

25 (p. 157).—Charles de Gonzague, duke of Nevers, was born about 1566; his father was a prominent chief in the Catholic League, and, in 1592, introduced the order of Récollets into France. His sister, Catherine de Gonzague, married Henry I., duke of Longueville, in 1588.

26 (p. 157).—Charles de Lorraine, duke of Guise, Grand Master of France, and governor of Champagne and Provence, was born in August, 1571, and died 1640. In 1615, he was the proxy of Louis XIII., in the marriage of the latter to the Spanish infanta, Anne of Austria.

297 27 (p. 157).—Sieur de Praslin was captain of the royal bodyguards, and lieutenant of Champagne.

28 (p. 157).—The Parliament of Paris originated in a division of the king's court, made necessary by the increase of its functions, consequent upon the progress of the royal power in France. Judicial affairs were allotted to the decision of Parliament; its organization was defined in 1302, by Philip the Fair, who ordained that it should assemble at Paris twice a year, for two months, exercising jurisdiction over the whole kingdom. Charles V. (1364-80) made the Parliament permanent. Its jurisdiction was much restricted, successively by Charles VII., Louis XI., and Francis I.; eight other provincial Parliaments had been formed, by the early part of the 16th century, which reduced that of Paris to little more than a municipal jurisdiction, and all had been thoroughly subjected to royal authority. The Parliament of Paris refused, from 1554 to 1662, to admit the Jesuits into the kingdom, and, later, opposed Henry IV.; but it was compelled to submit by Mazarin, and, later, by Louis XIV. and Louis XV. In 1762, however, it decreed the abolition of the order of Jesuits, and Louis XV. was obliged to confirm this action; though he exiled the Parliament, eight years later. Within four years, it was recalled by Louis XVI.; but supporting, in 1789, the privileged orders against the people, it lost all popularity, and in the following year was suppressed by the Constituent Assembly. It had been mainly composed of lawyers ever since Louis XII. forbade any to enter the Parliament, or to sit as judges, who were not "literate and graduate."

29 (p. 157).—The author of the Lettre Missive (vol. i. of this series). He is again mentioned by Lescarbot, in this Relation.

30 (p. 157).—The original church of Ste. Genevieve (dedicated to the patron saint of Paris) was built by Clovis, about 510. Near the beginning of the 13th century, it was replaced by another building, erected by King Philippe Augustus; this having, in time, become almost a ruin, gave way to the present handsome edifice, which was begun in 1758, and built under the auspices of Louis XV. See Hunnewell's Historic Monuments of France (Boston, 1884), pp. 195, 196.

31 (p. 159).—Short robe. A term used, at that time, to designate the military profession.

32 (p. 165).—Wheat (blé) is here used generically, but meaning maize; or, more probably, as a shortened form of blé d'Inde, the term applied by Champlain and other French explorers to the corn cultivated by the aborigines.

33 (p. 165).—The subject of agriculture among the Indians is exhaustively 298treated in Carr's "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley," in Smithsonian Report (Washington, 1891), pp. 507-533. His general conclusion is that corn was "cultivated in greater or less quantities by all the tribes living east of the Mississippi and south of the great lakes and the St. Lawrence,"—indeed, far more extensively than is generally supposed; and that "the Indian looked upon it as a staple article of food, both winter and summer; that he cultivated it in large fields, and understood and appreciated the benefits arising from the use of fertilizers." Beans, squashes, and pumpkins were also staple crops. In regard to the labor of women, Carr says: "The Iroquois or Six Nations are the only people among whom, so far as I know, it cannot be shown that the warriors did take some part either in clearing the ground or in cultivating the crop; and we find that even among them the work was not left exclusively to the women, but that it was shared by the children and the old men, as well as the slaves, of whom they seem to have had a goodly number. *** This statement ['that the field-work was not left entirely to the women'], as to the actual condition of a large majority of the tribes living east of the Mississippi and south of the St. Lawrence, is believed to be true; yet it is not denied that there were many instances in which this labor was, practically, left to the women, owing to the fact that the men were away from home, hunting or fighting. This fact was, unfortunately, of frequent recurrence; but, as it was the result of an accidental and not of a permanent condition of affairs, it would hardly be fair to ascribe it to the existence of any custom, or to any belief in the derogatory character of the work."—Cf. Rochemonteix (Jésuites, vol. i., p. 97, note).

34 (p. 167).—A word derived, according to Littré, from the Basque orenac, meaning "deer;" elsewhere written orignac, orignas, and orignat; by modern writers, orignal. The "Canadian elk" (orignac being used interchangeably with élan, the elk of Northern Europe), or moose (the latter an Indian name), is Alces Americanus, the largest of the Cervus family. The males are said to attain a weight of 1,100 or 1,200 pounds, and a height of five feet at the shoulder. See also Champlain's Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. i., p. 265.

35 (p. 169).—Slafter thinks that these roots were probably those of Jerusalem artichoke, Helianthus tuberosus. This plant, indigenous in the Northern regions of America, had been carried to Europe by the Italians, who named it girasole (their word for the sunflower, another species of Helianthus), afterwards corrupted to Jerusalem. Champlain saw these plants cultivated by the Indians—in 1605, near Cape Cod; and again at Gloucester, in 1606.—See Champlain's Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. ii., pp. 82, 112. The savages also cultivated ground-nuts, of several varieties; among them,299 Arachis hypogæa and Apios tuberosa.—See Carr's "Food of Certain American Indians," in Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society, vol. x., part i., pp. 168, 169.

Lescarbot says the roots mentioned in the text were called canadas; Ferland thinks they were those of Apios tuberosa (Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 84).

36 (p. 171).—The smelt, Salmo eperlanus, is found in both salt and fresh water; it is four to eight inches in length.

37 (p. 171).—A small, narrow inlet (Ance, on Bellin's map, 1764), at the head of which is a portage to St. Mary's Bay.

38 (p. 171).—Haliburton, in his Nova Scotia (Halifax, 1829), p. 15, note, says it is the stream now known as the Allen River; but Lescarbot, in our text, and in his chart of Port Royal, identifies it with the larger river now called Annapolis. He says it was "named l'Equille, because the first fish taken therein was an équille." Its length is about 70 miles, 30 of which are navigable. Littré defines équille as "the name, on the coasts between Caen and Havre, of the fish called lançon at Granville and St. Malo, a kind of malacopterygian fish, living on sandy shores, and hiding in the sand at low tide."

39 (p. 173).—The legitimate children of the king himself, as distinguished from those of other branches of the royal family, the latter being only "princes and princesses of the blood."

40 (p. 175).—Du Chesne (or Duquesne), and Du Jardin; see Relation of 1616, post. Ferland says (Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 80, note): "In the History of Dieppe, vol. ii., mention is made of Abraham Du Quesne, a Calvinist, who commanded a Dieppe vessel engaged in the American and Senegal trade. He was father of the celebrated admiral of the same name, born at Dieppe in 1610." Shea adds (Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 262, note), that he "was an ancestor of the Governor of Canada, whose name was once borne by Pittsburgh."

41 (p. 175).—These orders, except the Minimes, were Franciscan. The Capuchins (so named from the sharply-pointed capuce, or hood, of their robe) were organized in 1528, as a new division of the Fratres Minores of St. Francis of Assisi; and were received into France in 1573, at the request of Charles IX., and at the recommendation of Cardinal Lorraine. In 1632, they, were asked by Richelieu to take charge of the religious affairs of Canada; but, they declined this proposal, ostensibly through unwillingness to displace the Jesuits, and later went to Acadia. For an account of their work in Maine, see Historical Magazine, vol. viii., p. 301.

The Cordeliers, named from the knotted cord worn at the waist, have two branches,—the conventuals, who are allowed to possess real estate; and the observants, who may not own any property.

300 The Récollets, strictest of all the Franciscan orders, were thus termed because, devoting themselves to religious meditation (Fr. récollection), they asked from Pope Clement VII., in 1531, permission to retire into special convents, that they might more literally observe their founder's rule. For an account of their missionary work in Canada, see Editor's Introduction, vol. i. of this series. They carried on extensive missionary labors in Spanish America, where, in 1621, they had 500 convents, distributed in 22 provinces.—Ferland's Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 169.

The Minimes were founded in 1453, by St. Francis de Paula, of Calabria. Their rule is especially austere, involving total abstinence from wine, flesh, and fish, and even from eggs, milk, or butter. Their founder named them Minimos Fratres, as a special indication of humility. He also instituted an order of Minimes for women, in 1493.

42 (p. 177).—Samuel de Champlain was born probably between 1567 and 1570 (the exact date is unknown); his parents lived at Brouage, a fortified town in Saintonge, where was a large manufacture of salt and the finest harbor on the French coast. Champlain became a navigator early in life, and was also a quartermaster in the royal army in Brittany, from 1592 to 1598.

His first voyage to America was in the service of the King of Spain; he spent the time from January, 1599, to March, 1601, in the West Indies and Mexico, and on the northern coast of South America. His valuable MS. report of this voyage, illustrated by his own sketches, was first printed in 1859 (but in an English translation), by the Hakluyt Society, at London; in it he suggests a ship canal across the isthmus of Panama. In 1603, he sailed, with Pontgravé to Canada, exploring the St. Lawrence as far as the Falls of St. Louis; and again, with De Monts, early in 1604, when they founded the St. Croix colony. Champlain remained in Canada three years, carefully exploring the Atlantic coast from Canso to Wood's Holl, and returned to France in October, 1607. The next summer, he explored the valley of the St. Lawrence, with the Saguenay and other tributaries, and founded the settlement of Quebec. October 15, 1612, he was formally appointed commandant in New France. Quebec was captured by the English, July 20, 1629; but was restored to the French by the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, March 29, 1632. Champlain, being again appointed governor of New France, returned to Quebec in May, 1633, where he died December 25, 1635.

43 (p. 177).—This chart was drawn by Lescarbot, and engraved by Jan Swelinck; it appears in his Nouv. France (Tross ed., Paris, 1866), facing page 208. It has been reproduced for the present series.

301 44 (p. 179).—Gougou, a frightful monster, in the superstitious belief of the savages, who supposed it to dwell on an island near the Bay of Chaleurs; to have the form of a woman, though of horrible aspect, and so tall that the masts of a ship would not reach to the monster's girdle; and to carry off and devour men. Champlain gives a full account of this belief, and regards Gougou as a demon who tormented the natives; see Laverdière's Champlain, pp. 125-126. Lescarbot, in his Nouv. France, pp. 397-403, gives the same description, and tries to prove, in a long discussion, that Gougou is a sort of personification of a tormenting conscience.

45 (p. 179).—Charter party. A document which states the terms of rent for the whole or part of a ship. The term is derived from an old usage; instead of making a duplicate of the contract, it was cut in two, each of the parties retaining one of the halves.—Littré's Dictionnaire de la langue française (Paris, 1878).

46 (p. 185).—This young priest had sailed with De Monts, desiring to see the New World. On the shores of St. Mary's Bay, he became lost in the woods; De Monts searched for him, but in vain, and left the bay. A fortnight later, an expedition sent to St. Mary's Bay, to search for silver and iron ore, accidentally encountered poor Aubry, almost dead with fatigue and hunger, and brought him back to Port Royal. This rescue was especially gratifying to De Monts, as the priest's disappearance had caused a Protestant, who had quarreled with him about religious questions, to be accused of murdering Aubry.—Champlain's Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. ii., pp. 20, 21.

47 (p. 189). See vol. i., note 4.

48 (p. 199).—One of the numerous names given to the St. Lawrence by early explorers and writers; it thus appears on the map of Jean Allefonsce, given in his Cosmographie (Paris, ed., 1575), fol. 183A; and is so named by Champlain, in his Voyages. The origin of the name Canada is variously explained; but there are two leading theories: (1) That the word signifies, in Iroquois, "town," or "village." See Laverdière's Champlain, p. 89, note 4; Faillon's Col. Fr. vol. i., p. 14; Hist. Mag. vol. i., pp. 153, 217, 349; and Mag. Amer. Hist., vol. x., pp. 161, 162. (2) That it comes from another and similar Iroquois word, meaning "lake," being applied to the country as a region abounding in lakes. See Hist. Mag., vol. i., pp. 188, 315; cf. Winsor's N. and C. Hist. vol. iv., p. 67, note 1.—Cf. Ferland's Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 25. The name was applied in the earlier maps (e.g., Zaltieri, 1566; Ortelius, 1570; Judæis, 1593) to a district lying along the St Lawrence, between the Saguenay and Isle aux Coudres, or thereabouts. Later, it was given to all, or nearly all, of the valley of the St. Lawrence. See also vol. i., note 6.

302 49 (p. 201).—This date is evidently obtained from the "Discorso d'un gran Capitano di Mare Francese," found in Ramusio's Raccolta (Venice, 1556), vol. iii., p. 423. The "Discorso" is supposed to have been written in 1539; the name of the author was unknown to Ramusio himself, but is said by Estancelin, in Recherches * * * des navigateurs Normands (Paris, 1832), to be Jean Parmentier, of Dieppe. See Winsor's N. and C. Hist., vol. iv., pp. 16, 63: cf. also Harrisse's Discovery of North America (London, 1892), p. 180. note 2, and D'Avezac's Introduction to Cartier's Brief Recit (Tross reprint, 1865), fol. vii.; both say that the "Discorso" was written by Pierre Crignon, an astronomer and pilot, and a companion of Parmentier in his voyages.

50 (p. 205).—Another name for the St. Lawrence River. The apparent etymology of this name would suggest that it was given on account of the powerful current of the river, and its discharge into the Gulf of St. Lawrence. See Trumbull's "Composition of Indian Geographical Names," in Conn. Histor. Soc. Colls., vol. ii., p. 30. Laverdière erroneously considers Sacqué as another form of Sagné, or Saguenay.

51 (p. 205).—One of the principal tributaries of the St. Lawrence, entering the latter 120 miles N. E. of Quebec. It is 100 miles in length, and remarkable for its wild and picturesque scenery; along the lower half of its course the banks vary in height from 500 to 1,500 feet, often overhanging the swift current below. Its ordinary depth varies from 100 to 1,000 feet, and even reaches over 3,000 feet near its month. It is the outlet of Lake St. John, and was for the French the chief avenue of approach to the Indian tribes around that lake, and even (by portages) to those of Hudson Bay region. This river was, throughout the French régime, the center of both trading and missionary activities for all Northeastern Canada. Tadoussac, at its month, from earliest times a favorite rendezvous of the Montagnais and other Eastern tribes, became under the French an important fur-trade center and Jesuit mission; and is, to-day, a notable watering-place.

The name is also spelled Sagnay, Sagné, Saghuny, etc. Thévet, in his Grande Insulaire (a MS. preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris, and written before 1571: see Harrisse's notes sur la Nouvelle France, p. 278), declares that the savages then called this river Thadoyseau; while Lalemant (in Relation of 1646) says that they called Tadoussac Sadilege. Probably these names were indifferently applied, in that early time, alike to river and village. Laverdière derives Saguenay from the Montagnais saki-nip, "the rushing water." See his Champlain, pp. 68, 69; also Trumbull, in Conn. Hist. Colls., vol. ii., p. 31.

303 52 (p. 205).—Now the St Maurice; named Trois Rivières, because two islands at its mouth divide it into three channels. On Creuxius' map (1660), it appears as Metaberoutin River, or Three Rivers; on Duval's (1679), the Rivière de Foix. This last appellation seems to be another form of Riuiere du Fouez, given to this river by Cartier. See Champlain's Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. i., p. 257. At its mouth is the town of Three Rivers, founded by Champlain in 1634.

53 (p. 205).—The Ottawa River—Champlain's Riuière des Algommequins; see his "Explanation of the Map of New France," in Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. i., p. 302. Also named, in early days, Rivière des Prairies; so in Relation of 1640, post, and on Creuxius' map (1660): Faillon (Col. Fr., i., p. 82, note * *) says it was thus named from its discoverer, a young sailor from St. Malo; he is mentioned by Champlain as "a very courageous man," in Voyages (Paris, 1632), p. 159.

54 (p. 205).—The Chicchack (or Shickshock) Mountains; called Notre-Dame by Champlain and other early writers. A range of highlands in the Gaspé peninsula, the easternmost part of the Appalachian system, forming the watershed between streams flowing into the St. Lawrence and Bay of Chaleurs. They lie about twelve miles from the St. Lawrence, extending a distance of some 65 miles, between the Ste. Anne des Monts and the Matane rivers; they range in height from 3,000 to 4,000 feet.—See Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., p. 91; also Laverdière's Champlain, p. 1090.

55 (p. 205).—See Laverdière's Champlain, p. 179.

56 (p. 205).—Canadis, the Indians of the vicinity of Quebec. Lescarbot says (Nouv. France, p. 238) that "the tribes of Gachepé and Chaleur bay call themselves Canadocoa, that is, Canadaquois," Sagard (Canada, p. 152) mentions a village of Canadians near Tadoussac.

57 (p. 205).—Algomeguis (also spelled Algoumequins, Algonmequins, and Algumquins); the Algonquins or Algonkins. Some authors consider this name generic for the Armouchiquois, the Montagnais, the "Petite Nation," the Nation of the Isle, and the Nipissiriniens.—See Martin's edition of Bressani's Relation Abrégée (Montreal, 1852), p. 319. Champlain limits this appellation to the tribes that dwell upon the Ottawa.

58 (p. 205).—Ochasteguis, according to Laverdière (Champlain, pp. 317, 346) called by Champlain Ochastaiguins or Ochatequins, from the name of one of their chiefs; a name applied to the Hurons. This last appellation was but a nickname of the tribe, which was properly called Wendot or Wyandot. They inhabited the region east of Lake Huron, to Lake Simcoe.

304 59 (p. 205).—The site of Quebec was first visited by Cartier in 1535, and was then occupied by an Indian village, named Stadacona. The foundation of the present city was laid by Champlain, July 3, 1608; for his chart of Quebec and vicinity (with valuable notes thereon, by the editor), and an engraved illustration of the buildings erected by him, see Laverdière's Champlain, pp. 296, 303. Quebec is also written Quebeck, Quebecq (Champlain), and Kebec, Kébec, or Kebek (Relations); the word, in various Algonkin dialects, signifies "the narrowing of the water," referring to the contraction of the St. Lawrence, opposite Cape Diamond, to a space of only 1,314 yards; while below, at the confluence of the St. Charles, it spreads into a basin over 2,500 yards in width. See Ferland's Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 90; and Parkman's Pioneers, p. 329.

The first known mention of this name, to designate the locality of the present city, is in Champlain's Voyages, ut supra, p. 89.

60 (p. 205).—See vol. i., note 2.

61 (p. 207).—See notes 32, 33, ante. Brazilian bean; the common bean, Phaseolus vulgaris, indigenous to America. Called "Brazilian bean," because it resembled a bean then known in France by that name.—Champlain's Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. ii., p. 64, note.

62 (p. 207).—Breton. This name (spelled also Bretton, Briton, Brittayne, etc.), was given, at an early date, to the most eastern point of Cape Breton Island, "first seen by some French sailors, who named it either after Bretagne, or from Cape Breton, a town in the election of Landes, in Gascony."—Bourinot (Canad. Mo., vol. vii., p. 292). Cf. Margry's Navigations Françaises (Paris, 1867), p. 113. It appears on Verrazano's map (1529). See also Laverdière's Champlain, p. 155; and on same page is a quotation from Thévet's Gr. Insul. (1556) which mentions "the cape or promontory of Lorraine, so named by us; others have given it the name of Cape of the Bretons," etc. The island itself was known, during the 16th century, as Isle du Cap Breton, or Isle des Bretons; Champlain, in Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. i., p. 280, calls it St. Lawrence; the French named it Isle Royale, upon its cession to them by the treaty of Utrecht (1713); its old name, Cape Breton Island, was resumed in 1758, after the capture of Louisbourg by the English. On Gastaldo's map (1548), the name Breton is applied both to this island and to Nova Scotia. See Dionne's note on Cape Breton (Nouv. France, pp. 283-286).

On La Hève, see vol. i., note 42. Champlain's chart of the harbor of La Heve is given in Laverdière's Champlain, p. 156.

Mouton, probably at Port Mouton; so named, according to Lescarbot, because a drowned sheep came ashore there.—Nouv. France, p. 449.

305 Sable, the most southern point of Nova Scotia, on Cape Sable Island. Champlain says: "The next day we went to Cape Sable, also very dangerous, on account of certain rocks and reefs extending almost a league into the sea."—Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. ii., p. 13.

St. Louis, thus named by De Monts; but now known as Brant Point; two leagues from Plymouth Harbor, in Massachusetts.

Blanc, so named by Champlain, from its white sands; three years earlier, named Cape Cod, by Gosnold, from the multitude of codfish in its vicinity. It is shown on Juan de la Cosa's map (1500); but without name; on Ribero's (1529), as C. de arenas; on Vallard's (1543), as C. de Croix.

63 (p. 207). On Campseau, see vol. i., note 40.

Sesambre, "an island thus named by some Mallouins, distant 15 leagues from La Héve," says Champlain. Laverdière thus explains the name: "In remembrance of a small island of that name which lies in front of St. Malo. Sésambre became S. Sambre; and the English sailors, who are not greatly devoted to the saints, have called it simply Sambro" (its present name). A cape and harbor near the island bear the same name. Sesambre appears on De Laet's map (1633), as Sesambre; on Bellin's (1744), as Sincembre; but in his Petit Atlas Maritime (1764), also on Chabert's map (1746), as St. Cendre. In Champlain's Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. ii.; p. 151. note 263, the island at St. Malo is called Cézembre.

Beaubassin, the present Chignecto Bay; the northern arm at the head of the Bay of Fundy. Blaeu's map (1620), and De Laet's (1633), show it as B. des Gennes; Bellin's (1744), as Chignitou or Beaubassin.

64 (p. 207).—Sanson's map of Canada (1656) shows Cap de l'Evesque; and Creuxius's (1660), prom. Episcopi. Bellin's map of the St. Lawrence River (1761) enables us to identify this point as the present Cape Magdalen, or Magdalaine, west of Cape Rosier. Cf. Laverdière's Champlain, p. 116, note; and Champlain (Prince Soc.), vol. i., p. 281, note.

Chat, a corruption of Chaste, the name of Champlain's early patron. Sieur Aymar de Chaste (Chattes, or Chastes), for many years the governor of Dieppe, distinguished both as soldier and sailor, and a personal friend of Henry IV., had formed at Rouen, under a royal commission, a company to prosecute further explorations in Canada. In March, 1603, he sent Pontgravé and Champlain thither, to select a location for the colony he proposed to establish, and to make other preliminary explorations and arrangements; see Laverdière's Champlain, pp. 700-704, and 1090, note. During their absence, De Chaste died (May 13, 1603), and his schemes were soon taken up by De Monts (vol. i., note 2).—See Faillon's Col. Fr., vol.306 i., pp. 74-84. An account of De Chaste's voyage to Terceira (whither he was sent in 1583, with a military force by Catherine de Médicis), forms part of Thévenot's Relations de divers Voyages Curieux (Paris, 1596), under the heading "Voyage de la Tercere."

65 (p. 209).—Of these five settlements, the first was made in 1535, by Jacques Cartier, at the mouth of the river called by him St. Croix, but afterwards named St. Charles, by the Récollet missionaries, in honor of Charles des Boues, grand vicar of Pontoise.—See Shea's ed. of Le Clercq's Establishment of the Faith (N. Y., 1881), p. 149. Those of De Monts, at St. Croix and Port Royal, have been already described by Lescarbot. In regard to the settlement at Quebec, which the text inadvertently mentions as the third, instead of the fourth, it was on the northern bank of the St. Lawrence, not the southern, as he says here. The fifth, that of St. Sauveur, is fully described in the present volume.

66 (p. 209).—Pointe St. Croix, now named Point Platon, about 35 miles above Quebec. A small island, not far from this point, was called Ste. Croix Island, up to 1633; after that time, Richelieu, for the great cardinal. As intimated in the text, there has been a difference of opinion as to the place where Cartier spent the winter of 1535-36. Charlevoix (Shea's ed., vol. i., p. 116), claimed that the point mentioned above (Platon) was the St. Croix of Cartier; but Champlain and other authorities have shown that it was, instead, at St. Charles River. See Laverdière's Champlain, pp. 90-93, and 304-309; also Faillon's Col. Fr. vol. i., pp. 496-499.

67 (p. 209).—Named by Cartier (1535), Island of Bacchus, from the profusion of wild grapes found there. Thévet (Gr. Insul.) says it was called by the natives Minigo. Its later name, Isle of Orleans, would seem to have been given by Cartier, during his first sojourn at Quebec. See Laverdière's Champlain, p. 88. Le Jeune (Relation of 1632, post) mentions it as St. Lawrence Island. It is 20 miles long, and six miles in its greatest width.

68 (p. 211).—Pierre Coton (also written Cotton) was born in 1564, at Neronde, and belonged to a distinguished family of Forez; became a Jesuit priest, and confessor of Henry IV. (see note 7, ante, and vol. i., note 39), and afterwards of Louis XIII. This position he resigned about 1618, then spent six years at Rome. Returning to France (1624) as provincial of his order, he died at Paris, March 19, 1626.

69 (p. 217).—Institutum, the published collection of the laws regulating the order of Jesuits (official ed., Prague, 1757; new ed., Avignon, 1827-38). For description of this work, see McClintock & Strong's Cyclopædia of Biblical Literature, vol. iv., pp. 865, 866.

70 (p. 217).—See vol. i., note 2.

307 71 (p. 221).—De Monts's lieutenant, Pontgravé, who is mentioned by Champlain as Sieur de Pont Gravé, also as Pont. Lescarbot, in Nouv. France, calls the lieutenant "du Pont, surnamed Gravé." He was a merchant of St. Malo, interested with Chauvin in the Canada trade, and an intimate friend of Champlain; he made trading voyages to Canada during some thirty years. Concerning his son, see vol. i., notes 13, 44. See Dionne's account of Chauvin and his enterprises (Nouv. France, pp. 193-212, 318-328); on p. 198, he cites from Bréard some information regarding Pontgravé's family.

72 (p. 221).—Faillon discusses at length the statement of Charlevoix, that Canada was first called New France in 1609; and he brings much evidence, both circumstantial and direct, to show that this appellation was of much earlier date. He considers it highly probable that this name was applied to Canada at least as early as Cartier's first voyage (1534).—See his Col. Fr., vol. i., pp. 511-513. The "Shorte and briefe narration" of Cartier's second voyage, given in Goldsmid's Hakluyt, vol. xiii., p. 146, says: "Here endeth the Relation of Iames Cartiers discouery and Nauigation of the Newfoundlands, by him named New France." Biard says (Relation of 1616, post): "I believe it was Jean Verazan who was godfather to the title of New France."

73 (p. 225).—Josse, the priest Jessé Fléché; see vol. i., note 25.

74 (p. 233).—Probably referring to the anonymous author of the Factum; see post, Relation of 1616, chap. x., and note 97, on the Factum.

75 (p. 233).—Robin de Coulogne; see vol. i., notes 31, 37.

76 (p. 235).—This man, whom Champlain calls Simon Imbert Sandrier, is said by Biard (chap. xx., post) to have been formerly a tavern keeper at Paris.

77 (p. 245).—Chiquebi, the "MicMac potato," as Bourinot calls it (Canad. Mo., vol. vii., p. 292); the ground-nut, sgabun or segubbun, in the Micmac tongue. See note 35, ante; also Trumbull, in Conn. Hist. Colls., vol. ii., p. 26.

78 (p. 247).—Father Jacques Quentin, born in February, 1572, at Abbeville, France; entered the order of Jesuits, June 30, 1604. He was appointed at the close of his novitiate, professor at Bourges; here and at Rouen he remained three years; and in 1609 he was sent to the college of Eu, as acting superior. Four years later, he went to Acadia. After returning to France he devoted himself to preaching in cities and villages. In 1616, he became a "spiritual coadjutor" in his order—according to Littré, one who publicly takes the three religious vows, but not the fourth, which is to go on whatever mission he may be sent. His death occurred April 18, 1647.—See Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., p. 83, note.

308 79 (p. 247).—These colonial experiments were not, for a long time, favorably regarded by the Protestants, or by most Catholics. Sully, minister of Henry IV., says in his Memoirs (Bonn's ed., London, 1856), vol. ii., p. 453: "The colony that was sent to Canada this year (1603) was among the number of those things that had not my approbation; there was no kind of riches to be expected from all those countries of the New World which are beyond the fortieth degree of latitude. His majesty gave the conduct of this expedition to the Sieur du Mont."

80 (p. 249).—Louis Hébert, born at Paris, an apothecary, was one of Pontrincourt's colony at Port Royal. In 1617, he returned to Canada with his family, at Champlain's request, as one of the latter's colonists at Quebec. He was the first settler with a family, and the first at Quebec to cultivate the soil as a means of livelihood; and on this account has sometimes been called "the father of Canada,"—an appellation also given, and with even more propriety, to Champlain. His dwelling was the first in Upper Town, and, according to Ferland (Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 190), was between the present Ste. Famille and Couillard streets.—Cf. Laverdière's Champlain, p. 988. He was in many ways prominent in the early history of the colony. In 1621, he bore the title of "royal procurator." In 1622, he was, according to Champlain, in Tadoussac, acting as commander of De Caen's ship during the latter's temporary absence. In 1626, the fief of St. Joseph, on the river St. Charles, was granted by Ventadour to Hébert, under the title of Sieur d'Espinay. In January, 1627, a fall caused Hébert's death; he was buried in the cemetery of the Récollets, by whom, as well as by Champlain, he seems to have been greatly esteemed.—See Sagard's Canada, pp. 590, 591. When Quebec was taken by the English, in 1629, Louis Kirk, at Champlain's solicitation, sent a guard of soldiers to protect the widow Hébert's house, as well as the mission chapels. Many distinguished Canadian families trace their descent from Hébert; as is shown in Tanguay's Dictionnaire Généalogique (Montreal, 1871-90), vol. i., p. 301.—Cf. Ferland's Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 180, note. His daughter Anne married Stephen Jonquest, in the autumn of 1617—this was the first marriage in Canada according to church rites, and was performed by the Récollet Father Le Caron; she died in 1620. Another daughter, Guillemette, married William Couillard, August 26, 1621; she died in October, 1684. An island in the harbor of Port Royal was named for Hébert, but is now known as Bear Island.

81 (p. 249).—The name given by the natives to the river now called Kenduskeag, apparently a corruption of Kadesquit. It enters the Penobscot near the present city of Bangor, on which site Biard 309 and Massé had intended to establish their mission. See Champlain's Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. i., p. 42.

82 (p. 249).—Frenchman's Bay; see vol. i., note 61.

83 (p. 251).—Nicholas de la Mothe, or de la Motte le Vilin. After his capture by the English, he was among those taken to Virginia, and finally sent back to France. In 1618, he came with Champlain to Canada, where he remained during the following winter.

84 (p. 251).—Champlain says (Laverdière's ed., pp. 61, 1307), that Virginia was at first called Mocosa by the English. Ortelius's map of 1570 shows Mocosa lying southwest of New France; and his second map (1572) names the region south of the St. Lawrence and east of the Richelieu River, Moscosa. Biard (Relation of 1616) seems to apply this name to the region of Chesapeake Bay.

85 (p. 253).—A group of islands 25 leagues from St. Sauveur, according to Biard's Relation of 1616, post; but 16 leagues, according to Champlain (Laverdiere's ed., p. 773). Apparently the Matinic or Matinicus Islands (also spelled Emmetinic). See also Emmetenic, on p. 31 of this volume.

86 (p. 253).—Argall's ship was named "Treasurer." Champlain says (Laverdière's ed., p. 773), that ten other English ships were approaching, but without the knowledge of the French; these, however, were probably part of the usual fishing fleet, and not directly under Argall's command.

87 (p. 255).—English heretic: Captain Samuel Argall, of Virginia, afterwards governor of that colony (see vol. i., note 63): during the first quarter of the 17th century, prominent as an English naval commander. His mother was married a second time, to Laurence Washington, an ancestor of George Washington. His destruction of the French settlements has been bitterly censured by some writers, as the act of a buccaneer and pirate; but he was commissioned to do this by the Virginia colonial authorities, who afterwards declared that, in the encounter at St. Sauveur, the first shot was fired by the French. A letter was written by Montmorency, admiral of France, to King James of England, October 28, 1613, asking for the release of the Jesuit fathers, and redress for the injuries done to the property of Madame de Guercheville. The Virginia Council, when called to account for Argall's doings, made a spirited reply in his and their own defense; and the English Privy Council refused to make any reparation to Madame de Guercheville, alleging that "her ship entered by force the territory of the said colony [Virginia] to settle there, and to trade without their permission." These documents are given in Brown's Genesis of the United States, pp. 573, 664, 665, 725-734. Cf. "Aspinwall Papers," pp. 41-46, in Mass. Hist. Colls., 4th series, vol. ix. The ship, however, 310 was afterwards restored (see Biard's Relation of 1616, post).

88 (p. 259).—This pilot is called Le Bailleur, of Rouen, in Biard's Relation of 1616. Charlevoix (Shea's ed., vol. i., pp. 280-281) erroneously confounds him with one Lamets, named by Champlain as among the five who escaped from the ship, but after the pilot had left it on his reconnoitring trip. These men seem to have later joined the pilot, as he had 14 men when he encountered La Saussaye.

89 (p. 261).—See vol. i., note 66.

90 (p. 263).—Orignac, in the original; see note 34, ante.

91 (p. 263).—Passepec, shown on Sanson's map (1656), as Paspey; on Bellin's (1744) and D'Anville's (1746), as Paspebiac; named Sheet Harbor on Gesner's (1849).

92 (p. 265).—This allusion is a word-play upon Argall's name—argali being an appellation of the wild ram (Ovis aries), found in the mountains of Greece, in Corsica, and in the steppes of Tartary.

93 (p. 273).—Vuallia; Wales.

94 (p. 275).—Sieur de Buisseaux (also spelled Bisseaux); he also aided Sieur de la Motte to regain his liberty, as Biard narrates in his Relation of 1616. In 1617, he was addressed by Raleigh as "member of the Council of State of France."

95 (p. 275).—Itius Portus, the place whence Cæsar sailed for Britain; generally identified with Wissant, a village in Pas-du-Calais, ten miles S. W. of Calais. Biard says, however, in the Relation of 1616, that it was Calais where they landed.

96 (p. 275).—The modern Amiens occupies the site of the ancient Samarobriva, capital of the Ambiani; hence its name.


Larger image

This extra copy of the "MAP OF NEW FRANCE, 1610-1791," is sent, with the compliments of THE BURROWS BROTHERS COMPANY, to subscribers to "THE JESUIT RELATIONS AND ALLIED DOCUMENTS." It may be found convenient in consulting volumes subsequent to Volume I.

Transcriber's Note.

Variable spelling and hyphenation have been retained. Minor punctuation inconsistencies have been silently repaired.


The first line indicates the original, the second the correction.

p. 12:

p. 30:

p. 62:

p. 64:

p. 68:

p. 76:

p. 98:

p. 108:

p. 158:

p. 186:

p. 216:

p. 220:

p. 240:

p. 252:

p. 264:

End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Jesuit Relations and Allied
Documents, Vol. II:  Acadia, 16, by Various


***** This file should be named 45256-h.htm or *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:

Produced by Karl Hagen, Eleni Christofaki and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions

Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.

Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial



To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at

Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works

1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.  See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United

1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at

1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or

1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.

1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.

1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (,
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided

- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."

- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
     License.  You must require such a user to return or
     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
     Project Gutenberg-tm works.

- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
     of receipt of the work.

- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.

1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.


1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.

of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal

defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER

1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm

Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation web page at

Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.

The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email  Email contact links and up to date contact
information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
page at

For additional contact information:
     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
     Chief Executive and Director

Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
To donate, please visit:

Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic

Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.

Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:

This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.