Produced by StevenGibbs, Julia Neufeld and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net







Transcriber's note:

Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.

The carat character (^) indicates that the following letter is
superscripted (example: N^o).

++ indicates a Maltese Cross symbol.

*** indicates an asterism.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Illustration: titlepage]

[Illustration: REV. SAMUEL PEGGE, LL.D F.S.A.

_Born 1704; Died 1796._

_Engraved by Philip Audinet from an Original Painting by Elias
Needham 1788 in the Possession of Sir Christopher Pegge, M.D._

_Published by Nichols, Son & Bentley, Jan. 1, 1818._]




  Curialia Miscellanea,

  OR

  _ANECDOTES OF OLD TIMES_;

  REGAL, NOBLE, GENTILITIAL,

  AND

  MISCELLANEOUS:

  INCLUDING AUTHENTIC ANECDOTES OF

  THE ROYAL HOUSEHOLD,

  AND THE

  MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE COURT,

  AT AN EARLY PERIOD OF THE

  English History.

  BY SAMUEL PEGGE, ESQ. F.S.A.

  AUTHOR OF THE "CURIALIA,"

  AND OF

  "ANECDOTES OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE."

  PRINTED BY AND FOR J. NICHOLS, SON, AND BENTLEY,

  AT THE PRINTING-OFFICE OF THE NOTES OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,
  25, PARLIAMENT STREET, AND 10, KING STREET, WESTMINSTER;

  SOLD ALSO AT THEIR OLD OFFICE IN RED LION PASSAGE,
  FLEET STREET, LONDON.
  1818.




LIST OF PLATES.


  Portrait of the Rev. Samuel Pegge, LL.D.      _Frontispiece._

  Whittington Church      p. lix.

  Whittington Rectory      lxii.

  Whittington Revolution House      lxiii.




ADVERTISEMENT.


The publication of this Volume is strictly conformable to the
testamentary intentions of the Author, who consigned the MSS. for
that express purpose to the present Editor[1].

  [1] See the Extract in page vi.

Mr. Pegge had, in his life-time, published Three Portions of
"_Curialia_, or an Account of some Members of the Royal Houshold;"
and had, with great industry and laborious research, collected
materials for several other Portions, some of which were nearly
completed for the press.

Mr. Pegge was "led into the investigation," he says, "by a natural
and kind of instinctive curiosity, and a desire of knowing what was
the antient state of the Court to which he had the honour, by the
favour of his Grace William the late Duke of Devonshire, to compose
a part."

Two more Portions were printed in 1806 by the present Editor. Long,
however, and intimately acquainted as he was with the accuracy and
diffidence of Mr. Pegge, he would have hesitated in offering those
posthumous Essays to the Publick, if the plan had not been clearly
defined, and the Essays sufficiently distinct to be creditable to
the reputation which Mr. Pegge had already acquired, by the Parts of
the "Curialia" published by himself, and by his very entertaining
(posthumous) "Anecdotes of the English Language;"--a reputation
which descended to him by _Hereditary Right_, and which he
transmitted untarnished to a worthy and learned Son.

It was the hope and intention of the Editor to have proceeded with
some other Portions of the "Curialia;" but the fatal event which (in
February 1808) overwhelmed him in accumulated distress put a stop
to that intention. Nearly all the printed Copies of the "Curialia"
perished in the flames; and part of the original MS. was lost.

A few detached Articles, which related to the College of Arms,
and to the Order of Knights Bachelors (which, had they been more
perfect, would have formed one or more succeeding Portions) have
since been deposited in the rich Library of that excellent College.

The Volume now submitted to the candour of the Reader is formed from
the wreck of the original materials. The arranging of the several
detached articles, and the revisal of them through the press, have
afforded the Editor some amusement; and he flatters himself that
the Volume will meet with that indulgence which the particular
circumstances attending it may presume to claim.--If the Work has
any merit, it is the Author's. The defects should, in fairness, be
attributed to the Editor.

  J. N.

  _Highbury Place, Dec. 1, 1817._


*** Extract from Mr. PEGGE'S Will.

     "Having the Copy-right of my little Work called _Curialia_ in
     myself, I hereby give and bequeath all my interest therein,
     together with all my impressions thereof which may be unsold at
     the time of my decease, to my Friend Mr. John Nichols, Printer,
     with the addition of as much money as will pay the Tax on this
     Legacy. I also request of the said Mr. John Nichols, that he
     would carefully peruse and digest all my Papers and Collections
     on the above subject, and print them under the title of
     _Curialia Miscellanea_, or some such description.--There is also
     another Work of mine, not quite finished, intitled _Anecdotes of
     the English Language_, which I wish Mr. Nichols to bring forward
     from his Press. SAMUEL PEGGE."




CONTENTS.


  PARENTALIA: or, Memoirs of the Rev. Dr. Samuel
        Pegge, compiled by his Son                Page ix-lviii


               Appendix to the Parentalia:

  Description of Whittington Church                         lix

  Description of Whittington Rectory                       lxii

  Description of The Revolution House at Whittington      ibid.

  Origin of the Revolution in 1688                         lxiv

  Celebration of the Jubilee in 1788                        lxv

  Stanzas by the Rev. P. Cunningham                        lxxi

  Ode for the Revolution Jubilee                         lxxiii

  Extracts from Letters of Dr. Pegge to Mr. Gough         lxxiv

  Memoirs of Samuel Pegge, Esq. by the Editor            lxxvii

  Appendix of Epistolary Correspondence                 lxxxiii


                   HOSPITIUM DOMINI REGIS:
            or, The History of the Royal Household.

  Introduction                                          Page  1

  William I.                                                  6

  William Rufus                                              18

  Henry I.                                                   24

  Stephen                                                    38

  Henry II. (Plantagenet)                                    48

  Richard I.                                                 63

  Henry IV.                                                  68

  Edward IV.                                                 69

  Extracts from the _Liber Niger_                            71

  Knights and Esquires of the Body                           73

  Gentleman Usher                                            74

  Great Chamberlain of England                               76

  Knights of Household                                       77

  Esquires of the Body                                       79

  Yeomen of the Crown                                        84

  A Barber for the King's most high and dread Person         86

  Henxmen                                                    88

  Master of Henxmen                                          89

  Squires of Household                                       91

  Kings of Arms, Heralds, and Pursuivants                    95

  Serjeants of Arms                                          97

  Minstrels                                                  99

  A Wayte                                                   101

  Clerk of the Crown in Chancery                            103

  Supporters, Crests, and Cognizances, of the Kings of
        England                                             104

  Regal Titles                                              109

  On the Virtues of the Royal Touch                         111

  Ceremonies for Healing, for King's Evil                   154

  Ceremonies for blessing Cramp-Rings                       164

  _Stemmata Magnatum_: Origin of the Titles of some of
        the English Nobility                                173

  English Armorial Bearings                                 201

  Origin and Derivation of remarkable Surnames              208

  _Symbola Scotica_: Mottoes, &c. of Scottish Families      213

  Dissertation on Coaches and Sedan Chairs                  269

  Dissertation on the Hammer Cloth                          304

  Articles of Dress.--Gloves                                305

  Ermine--Gentlewomen's Apparel                             312

  Apparel for the Heads of Gentlewomen                      313

  Mourning                                                  314

  Beard, &c.                                                316

  Origin of the Name of the City of Westminster             320

  Memoranda relative to the Society of the Temple in
        London, written in 1760                             323

  Dissertation on the Use of _Simnel_ Bread, and the
        Derivation of the Word _Simnel_                     329

  Historical Essay on the Origin of "Thirteen Pence
        Half-penny," as Hangman's Wages                     331

  Custom observed by the Lord Lieutenants of Ireland        349




Parentalia:

OR,

MEMOIRS OF THE REV. DR. PEGGE,

COMPILED BY HIS SON.


The Rev. Samuel Pegge, LL. D. and F.S.A. was the Representative
of one of four Branches of the Family of that name in Derbyshire,
derived from a common Ancestor, all which existed together till
within a few years. The eldest became extinct by the death of Mr.
William Pegge, of Yeldersley, near Ashborne, 1768; and another by
that of the Rev. Nathaniel Pegge, M.A. Vicar of Packington, in
Leicestershire, 1782.

The Doctor's immediate Predecessors, as may appear from the
Heralds-office, were of Osmaston, near _Ashborne_, where they
resided, in lineal succession, for four generations, antecedently
to his Father and himself, and where they left a patrimonial
inheritance, of which the Doctor died possessed[2].

  [2] In Church-street, at Ashborne, is an Alms-house, originally
  founded by Christopher Pegge, Esq. The name occurs also on the table
  of Benefactors in Ashborne Church.

Of the other existing branch, Mr. Edward Pegge having [1662] married
Gertrude, sole daughter and heir of William Strelley, Esq. of
Beauchief, in the Northern part of Derbyshire, seated himself there,
and was appointed High Sheriff of the County in 1667; as was his
Grandson, Strelley Pegge, Esq. 1739; and his Great-grandson, the
present Peter Pegge, Esq. 1788.

It was by Katharine Pegge, a daughter of Thomas Pegge, Esq. of
Yeldersley, that King Charles II. (who saw her abroad during his
exile) had a son born (1647), whom he called Charles _Fitz-Charles_,
to whom he granted the Royal arms, with a baton sinister, Vairé,
and whom (1675) his Majesty created Earl of _Plymouth_, Viscount
_Totness_, and Baron _Dartmouth_[3]. He was bred to the Sea, and,
having been educated abroad, most probably in Spain, was known by
the name of _Don Carlos_[4]. The Earl married the Lady Bridget
Osborne, third Daughter of Thomas Earl of Danby, Lord High
Treasurer (at Wimbledon, in Surrey), 1678[5], and died of a flux
at the siege of Tangier, 1680, without issue. The body was brought
to England, and interred in Westminster Abbey[6]. The Countess
re-married Dr. Philip Bisse, Bishop of Hereford, by whom she had
no issue; and who, surviving her, erected a handsome tablet to her
memory in his Cathedral.

  [3] Docquet-book in the Crown-office.

  [4] See Sandford, p. 647, edit. 1707. Granger erroneously calls him
  _Carlo_; and also, by mistake, gives him the name of _Fitz-roy_.

  [5] See Mr. Lysons's Environs of London, vol. I. p. 537.

  [6] Dart's History of Westminster Abbey, vol. II. p. 55.

Katharine Pegge, the Earl's mother, married Sir Edward Greene, Bart.
of Samford in Essex, and died without issue by him[7].

  [7] There is a half-length portrait of the Earl, in a robe de
  chambre, laced cravat, and flowing hair (with a ship in the back
  ground of the picture), by Sir Peter Lely, now in the family: and
  also two of his Mother, Lady Greene; one a half-length, with her
  infant Son standing by her side; the other, a three-quarters; both
  either by Sir Peter Lely, or by one of his pupils.

But to return to the Rev. Dr. Pegge, the outline _only_ of whose
life we propose to give. His Father (Christopher) was, as we have
observed, of Osmaston, though he never resided there, even after
he became possessed of it; for, being a younger Brother, it was
thought proper to put him to business; and he served his time with
a considerable woollen-draper at Derby, which line he followed
till the death of his elder Brother (Humphry, who died without
issue 1711) at Chesterfield in Derbyshire, when he commenced
lead-merchant, then a lucrative branch of traffick there; and,
having been for several years a Member of the Corporation, died in
his third Mayoralty, 1723.

He had married Gertrude Stephenson (a daughter of Francis
Stephenson, of Unston, near Chesterfield, Gent.) whose Mother was
Gertrude Pegge, a Daughter of the before-mentioned Edward Pegge,
Esq. of Beauchief; by which marriage these two Branches of the
Family, which had long been diverging from each ether, became
reunited, both by blood and name, in the person of Dr. Pegge, their
only surviving child.

He was born Nov. 5, 1704, N.S. at Chesterfield, where he had his
school education; and was admitted a Pensioner of St. John's
College, Cambridge, May 30, 1722, under the tuition of the Rev. Dr.
William Edmundson; was matriculated July 7; and, in the following
November, was elected a Scholar of the House, upon Lupton's
Foundation.

In the same year with his Father (1723) died the Heir of his
Maternal Grandfather (Stephenson), a minor; by whose death a moiety
of the real estate at Unston (before-mentioned) became the property
of our young Collegian, who was then pursuing his academical
studies with intention of taking orders.

Having, however, no immediate prospect of preferment, he looked
up to a Fellowship of the College, after he had taken the degree
of A.B. in January 1725, N.S.; and became a candidate upon a
vacancy which happened favourably in that very year; for it was a
Lay-fellowship upon the Beresford Foundation, and appropriated to
the Founder's kin, or at least confined to a Native of Derbyshire.

The competitors were, Mr. Michael Burton (afterwards Dr. Burton),
and another, whose name we do not find; but the contest lay between
Mr. Burton and Mr. Pegge. Mr. Burton had the stronger claim,
being indubitably related to the Founder; but, upon examination,
was declared to be so very deficient in Literature, that his
superior right, as Founder's kin, was set aside, on account of the
insufficiency of his learning; and Mr. Pegge was admitted, and sworn
Fellow March 21, 1726, O. S.

In consequence of this disappointment, Mr. Burton was obliged
to take new ground, to enable him to procure an establishment
in the world; and therefore artfully applied to the College for
a testimonial, that he might receive orders, and undertake some
cure in the vicinity of Cambridge. Being ordained, he turned the
circumstance into a manœuvre, and took an unexpected advantage
of it, by appealing to the Visitor [the Bishop of Ely, Dr. Thomas
Greene], representing, that, as the College had, by the testimonial,
thought him qualified for Ordination, it could not, in justice, deem
him unworthy of becoming a Fellow of the Society, upon such forcible
claims as Founder's kin, and also as a Native of Derbyshire.

These were irresistible pleas on the part of Mr. Burton; and the
Visitor found himself reluctantly obliged to eject Mr. Pegge; when
Mr. Burton took possession of the Fellowship, which he held many
years[8].

  [8] Dr. Burton was President (_i. e._ Vice-master of the College)
  when Mr. Pegge's Son was admitted of it, 1751; but soon afterwards
  took the Rectory of Staplehurst in Kent, which he held till his
  death in 1759.

Thus this business closed; but the Visitor did Mr. Pegge the favour
to recommend him, in so particular a manner, to the Master and
Seniors of the College, that he was thenceforward considered as an
honorary member of the body of Fellows (_tanquam Socius_), kept his
seat at their table and in the chapel, being placed in the situation
of a Fellow-commoner.

In consequence, then, of this testimony of the Bishop of Ely's
approbation, Mr. Pegge was chosen a Platt-fellow on the first
vacancy, A. D. 1729[9]. He was therefore, in fact, _twice_ a Fellow
of St. John's.

  [9] The _Platt-fellowships_ at St. John's are similar to what are
  called _Bye-fellowships_ in some other Colleges at Cambridge, and
  are not on the Foundation. The original number was _six_, with a
  stipend of 20_l., per annum_ each, besides rooms, and commons at
  the Fellows' table. They were founded by William Platt, Esq. (Son
  of Sir Hugh Platt, Knt.) an opulent citizen of London, out of an
  estate then of the annual value of 140_l._ Being a rent-charge,
  the Fellowships cannot be enlarged in point of revenue, though the
  number has been increased to _eight_, by savings from the surplus.
  There is a good portrait of Mr. Platt in the Master's Lodge at St.
  John's, with the date of 1626, æt. 47. He died in 1637. More of him
  may be seen in Mr. Lysons's Environs of London, vol. III. pp. 59,
  66, 70, 71, 110, 376.

There is good reason to believe that, in the interval between his
removal from his first Fellowship, and his acceding to the second,
he meditated the publication of Xenophon's "_Cyropædia_" and
"_Anabasis_," from a collation of them with a Duport MS. in the
Library at Eton--to convince the world that the Master and Seniors
of St. John's College did not judge unworthily in giving him so
decided a preference to Mr. Burton in their election.

It appears that he had made very large collections for such a
work; but we suspect that it was thrown aside on being anticipated
by Mr. Hutchinson's Edition, which was formed from more valuable
manuscripts.

He possessed a MS "Lexicon Xenophonticum" by himself, as well
as a Greek Lexicon in MS.; and had also "An English Historical
Dictionary," in 6 volumes folio; a French and Italian, a Latin, a
British and Saxon one, in one volume each; all corrected by his
notes; a "Glossarium Generale;" and two volumes of "Collections in
English History."

During his residence in Kent, Mr. Pegge formed a "Monasticon
Cantianum," in two folio MS volumes; a MS Dictionary for Kent;
an Alphabetical List of Kentish Authors and Worthies; Kentish
Collections; Places in Kent; and many large MS additions to the
account of that county in the "Magna Britannia."

He also collected a good deal relative to the College at Wye, and
its neighbourhood, which he thought of publishing, and engraved the
seal, before engraved in Lewis's Seals. He had "Extracts from the
Rental of the Royal Manor of Wye, made about 1430, in the hands of
Daniel Earl of Winchelsea;" and "Copy of a Survey and Rental of the
College, in the possession of Sir Windham Knatchbull, 1739."

While resident in College (and in the year 1730) Mr. Pegge was
elected a Member of the Zodiac Club, a literary Society, which
consisted of twelve members, denominated from the Twelve Signs.
This little institution was founded, and articles, in the nature
of statutes, were agreed upon Dec. 10, 1725. Afterwards (1728)
this Society thought proper to enlarge their body, when six select
additional members were chosen, and denominated from six of the
Planets, though it still went collectively under the name of the
_Zodiac Club_[10]. In this latter class Mr. Pegge was the original
_Mars_, and continued a member of the Club as long as he resided
in the University. His secession was in April 1732, and his seat
accordingly declared vacant.

  [10] Of this little academical literary Society the late Samuel
  Pegge, Esq. possessed a particular History in MS. EDIT.

In the same year, 1730, Mr. Pegge appears in a more public literary
body;--among the Members of the Gentlemen's Society at Spalding,
in Lincolnshire, to which he contributed some papers which will be
noticed below[11].

  [11] In 1733, his Life of Archbishop Kempe was in forwardness for
  press, and he solicited assistance for it from MSS.

  In 1734, he sent them a critical letter on the name and town of Wye.

  In 1739, an Account of a Religious House in Canterbury, not noticed
  before, his conjectures on which were approved by Mr. Thorpe.

  An Account of the Endowment of the Vicarage of Westfield in Sussex,
  by Richard second Bishop of Chichester, 1249, in the hands of Sir
  Peter Webster, Bart.

  Account of the Amphitheatre in the Garden of the Nuns of Fidelite at
  Angers: the arena 150 feet diameter, outer wall 20 feet thick, the
  caveæ 14 feet long and wide, with layers of Roman brick and stone 3
  or 4 feet asunder.

Having taken the degree of A. M. in July 1729, Mr. Pegge was
ordained Deacon in December in the same year; and, in the February
following, received Priest's orders; both of which were conferred by
Dr. William Baker, Bishop of Norwich.

It was natural that he should now look to employment in his
profession; and, agreeably to his wishes, he was soon retained
as Curate to the Rev. Dr. John Lynch (afterwards [1733] Dean of
Canterbury), at Sundrich in Kent, on which charge he entered
at Lady-day 1730; and in his Principal, as will appear, soon
afterwards, very unexpectedly, found a Patron.

The Doctor gave Mr. Pegge the choice of three Cures under
him--of Sundrich, of a London Living, or the Chaplainship of St.
Cross, of which the Doctor was then Master. Mr. Pegge preferred
Sundrich, which he held till Dr. Lynch exchanged, that Rectory for
Bishopsbourne, and then removed thither at Midsummer 1731.

Within a few months after this period, Dr. Lynch, who had married a
daughter of Archbishop Wake, obtained for Mr. Pegge, unsolicited,
the Vicarage of Godmersham (cum Challock), into which he was
inducted Dec. 6, 1731.

We have said _unsolicited_, because, at the moment when the Living
was conferred, Mr. Pegge had more reason to expect a _reproof_
from his Principal, than a _reward_ for so short a service of these
Cures. The case was, that Mr. Pegge had, in the course of the
preceding summer (unknown to Dr. Lynch) taken a little tour, for a
few months, to Leyden, with a Fellow Collegian (John Stubbing, M.
B. then a medical pupil under Boerhaave), leaving his Curacy to the
charge of some of the neighbouring Clergy. On his return, therefore,
he was not a little surprized to obtain actual preferment through
Dr. Lynch, without the most distant engagement on the score of the
Doctor's interest with the Archbishop, or the smallest suggestion
from Mr. Pegge.

Being now in possession of a Living, and independent property, Mr.
Pegge married (April 13, 1732) Miss Anne Clarke, the only daughter
of Benjamin, and sister of John Clarke, Esqrs. of Stanley, near
Wakefield, in the county of York, by whom he had one Son [Samuel, of
whom hereafter], who, after his Mother's death, became eventually
heir to his Uncle; and one Daughter, Anna-Katharina, wife of
the Rev. John Bourne, M.A. of Spital, near Chesterfield, Rector
of Sutton cum Duckmanton, and Vicar of South Winfield, both in
Derbyshire; by whom she had two daughters, Elizabeth, who married
Robert Jennings, Esq. and Jane, who married Benjamin Thompson, Esq.

While Mr. Pegge was resident in Kent, where he continued twenty
years, he made himself acceptable to every body, by his general
knowledge, his agreeable conversation, and his vivacity; for he was
received into the familiar acquaintance of the best Gentlemen's
Families in East Kent, several of whom he preserved in his
correspondence after he quitted the county, till the whole of those
of his own standing gave way to fate before him.

Having an early propensity to the study of Antiquity among his
general researches, and being allowedly an excellent Classical
Scholar, he here laid the foundation of what in time became a
considerable collection of books, and his little cabinet of Coins
grew in proportion; by which two assemblages (so scarce among
Country Gentlemen in general) he was qualified to pursue those
collateral studies, without neglecting his parochial duties, to
which he was always assiduously attentive.

The few pieces which Mr. Pegge printed while he lived in Kent
will be mentioned hereafter, when we shall enumerate such of his
Writings as are most material. These (exclusively of Mr. _Urban_'s
obligations to him in the Gentleman's Magazine) have appeared
principally, and most conspicuously, in the _Archæologia_, which may
be termed the Transactions of the Society of Antiquaries. In that
valuable collection will be found more than fifty memoirs, written
and communicated by him, many of which are of considerable length,
being by much the greatest number hitherto contributed by any
individual member of that respectable Society.

In returning to the order of time, we find that, in July 1746, Mr.
Pegge had the great misfortune to lose his Wife; whose monumental
inscription, at Godmersham, bears ample testimony of her worth:

  "MDCCXLVI.
   Anna Clarke, uxor Samuelis Pegge
   Vicarii hujus parochiæ;
   Mulier, si qua alia, sine dolo,
   Vitam æternam et beatam fidenter hic sperat;
   nec erit frustra."

This event entirely changed Mr. Pegge's destinations; for he now
zealously meditated on some mode of removing himself, without
disadvantage, into his Native County. To effect this, one of two
points was to be carried; either to obtain some piece of preferment,
tenable in its nature with his Kentish Vicarage; or to exchange the
latter for an equivalent; in which last he eventually succeeded
beyond his immediate expectations.

We are now come to a new epoch in the Doctor's life; but there is
an interval of a few years to be accounted for, before he found an
opportunity of effectually removing himself into Derbyshire.

His Wife being dead, his Children young and at school, and himself
reduced to a life of solitude, so ungenial to his temper (though no
man was better qualified to improve his leisure); he found relief by
the kind offer of his valuable Friend, Sir Edward Dering, Bart.

At this moment Sir Edward chose to place his Son[12] under the care
of a private Tutor at home, to qualify him more competently for the
University. Sir Edward's personal knowledge of Mr. Pegge, added to
the Family situation of the latter, mutually induced the former
to offer, and the latter to accept, the proposal of removing from
Godmersham to Surrenden (Sir Edward's mansion-house) to superintend
Mr. Dering's education for a short time; in which capacity he
continued about a year and a half, till Mr. Dering was admitted of
St. John's College, Cambridge, in March 1751.

  [12] Afterwards Sir Edward Dering, the sixth Baronet of that Family,
  who died Dec. 8, 1798.

Sir Edward had no opportunity, by any patronage of his own,
permanently to gratify Mr. Pegge, and to preserve him in the circle
of their common Friends. On the other hand, finding Mr. Pegge's
propensity to a removal so very strong, Sir Edward reluctantly
pursued every possible measure to effect it.

The first vacant living in Derbyshire which offered itself was the
Perpetual Curacy of _Brampton_, near Chesterfield; a situation
peculiarly eligible in many respects. It became vacant in 1747; and,
if it could have been obtained, would have placed Mr. Pegge in the
centre of his early acquaintance in that County; and, being tenable
with his Kentish living, would not have totally estranged him from
his Friends in the South of England. The patronage of Brampton is in
the Dean of Lincoln, which Dignity was then filled by the Rev. Dr.
Thomas Cheyney; to whom, Mr. Pegge being a stranger, the application
was necessarily to be made in a circuitous manner, and he was
obliged to employ more than a double mediation before his name could
be mentioned to the Dean.

The mode he proposed was through the influence of William the
third Duke of Devonshire; to whom Mr. Pegge was personally known
as a Derbyshire man (though he had so long resided in Kent),
having always paid his respects to his Grace on the public days
at Chatsworth, as often as opportunity served, when on a visit in
Derbyshire. Mr. Pegge did not, however, think himself sufficiently
in the Duke's favour to make a direct address for his Grace's
recommendation to the Dean of Lincoln, though the object so fully
met his wishes in moderation, and in every other point. He had,
therefore, recourse to a friend, the Right Rev. Dr. Fletcher, Bishop
of Dromore, then in England; who, in conjunction with Godfrey
Watkinson, of Brampton Moor, Esq. (the principal resident Gentleman
in the parish of Brampton) solicited, and obtained, his Grace's
interest with the Dean of Lincoln: who, in consequence, nominated
Mr. Pegge to the living.

One point now seemed to be gained towards his re-transplantation
into his native soil, after he had resisted considerable offers
had he continued in Kent; and thus did he think himself virtually
in possession of a living in Derbyshire, which in its nature was
tenable with Godmersham in Kent. Henceforward, then, he no doubt
felt a satisfaction that he should soon be enabled to live in
Derbyshire, and occasionally visit his friends in Kent, instead of
residing in that county, and visiting his friends in Derbyshire.

But, after all this assiduity and anxiety (as if _admission_ and
_ejection_ had pursued him a second

time), the result of Mr. Pegge's expectations was far from answering
his then present wishes; for, when he thought himself secure by the
Dean's nomination, and that nothing was wanting but the Bishop's
licence, the Dean's _right of Patronage_ was controverted by the
Parishioners of Brampton, who brought forward a Nominee of their own.

The ground of this claim, on the part of the Parish, was owing
to an ill-judged indulgence of some former Deans of Lincoln, who
had occasionally permitted the Parishioners to send an Incumbent
directly to the _Bishop_ for his licence, without the intermediate
nomination of the _Dean_ in due form.

These measures were principally fomented by the son of the last
Incumbent, the Rev. Seth Ellis, a man of a reprobate character,
and a disgrace to his profession, who wanted the living, and was
patronised by the Parish. He had a desperate game to play; for
he had not the least chance of obtaining any preferment, as no
individual Patron, who was even superficially acquainted with his
_moral_ character alone, could with decency advance him in the
church. To complete the detail of the fate of this man, whose
interest the deluded part of the mal-contents of the parish so
warmly espoused, he was soon after suspended by the Bishop from
officiating at Brampton[13].

  [13] The Bishop's Inhibition took place soon after the decision of
  the cause at Derby, and was not revoked till late in the year 1758,
  which was principally effected by Mr. Pegge's intercession with
  his Lordship, stating Mr. Ellis's distressed circumstances, and
  his having made a proper submission, with a promise of future good
  behaviour. This revocation is contained in a letter addressed to Mr.
  Pegge, under the Bishop's own hand, dated Oct. 30, 1758.

Whatever inducements the Parish might have to support Mr. Ellis so
strenuously we do not say, though they manifestly did not arise from
any pique to one Dean more than to another; and we are decidedly
clear that they were not founded in any aversion to Mr. Pegge
as an individual; for his character was in all points too well
established, and too well known (even to the leading opponents to
the Dean), to admit of the least personal dislike in any respect. So
great, nevertheless, was the acrimony with which the Parishioners
pursued their visionary pretensions to the Patronage, that, not
content with the decision of the Jury (which was highly respectable)
in favour of the Dean, when the right of Patronage was tried in
1748; they had the audacity to carry the cause to an Assize at
Derby, where, on the fullest and most incontestable evidence, a
verdict was given in favour of the Dean, to the confusion and
indelible disgrace of those Parishioners who espoused so bad a
cause, supported by the most undaunted effrontery.

The evidence produced by the Parish went to prove, from an entry
made nearly half a century before in the accompts kept by the
Churchwardens, that the _Parishioners_, and not the _Deans of
Lincoln_, had hitherto, on a vacancy, nominated a successor to the
Bishop of the Diocese for his licence, without the intervention of
any other person or party. The Parish accompts were accordingly
brought into court at Derby, wherein there appeared not only a
palpable erasement, but such an one as was detected by a living and
credible witness; for, a Mr. _Mower_ swore that, on a vacancy in the
year 1704, an application was made by the Parish to the _Dean of
Lincoln_ in favour of the Rev. Mr. Littlewood[14].

  [14] We believe this witness to have been _George Mower_, Esq. of
  Wood-seats, in this county, who served the office of Sheriff in 1734.

In corroboration of Mr. Mower's testimony, an article in the Parish
accompts and expenditures of that year was adverted to, and which,
when Mr. Mower saw it, ran thus:

"Paid William Wilcoxon, for going _to Lincoln to the Dean_
concerning Mr. Littlewood, five shillings."

The Parishioners had before alleged, in proof of their title, that
they had _elected_ Mr. Littlewood; and, to uphold this asseveration,
had clumsily altered the parish accompt-book, and inserted the
words "to _Lichfield_ to the BISHOP," in the place of the words "to
_Lincoln_ to the DEAN."

Thus their own evidence was turned against the Parishioners; and not
a moment's doubt remained but that the patronage rested with the
DEAN _of Lincoln_.

We have related this affair without a strict adherence to
chronological order as to facts, or to collateral circumstances,
for the sake of preserving the narrative entire, as far as it
regards the contest between the _Dean of Lincoln_ and the _Parish of
Brampton_; for we believe that this transaction (uninteresting as it
may be to the publick in general) is one of very few instances on
record which has an exact parallel.

The intermediate points of the contest, in which Mr. Pegge was more
peculiarly concerned, and which did not prominently appear to the
world, were interruptions and unpleasant impediments which arose in
the course of this tedious process.

He had been nominated to the Perpetual Curacy of Brampton by Dr.
_Cheyney_, Dean of Lincoln; was at the sole expence of the suit
respecting the right of Patronage, whereby the verdict was given in
favour of the Dean; and he was actually licensed by the Bishop of
Lichfield. In consequence of this decision and the Bishop's licence,
Mr. Pegge, not suspecting that the contest could go any farther,
attended to qualify at Brampton, on Sunday, August 28, 1748, in
the usual manner; but was repelled _by violence_ from entering the
Church.

In this state matters rested regarding the Patronage of Brampton,
when Dr. Cheyney was unexpectedly transferred from the Deanry of
_Lincoln_ to the Deanry of _Winchester_, which (we may observe by
the way) he solicited on motives similar to those which actuated
Mr. Pegge at the very moment; for Dr. Cheyney, being a Native of
Winchester, procured an exchange of his Deanry of Lincoln with the
Rev. Dr. William George, Provost of Queen's college, Cambridge, for
whom the Deanry of Winchester was intended by the Minister on the
part of the Crown.

Thus Mr. Pegge's interests and applications were to begin _de novo_
with the Patron of Brampton; for, his nomination by Dr. Cheyney,
in the then state of things, was of no validity. He fell, however,
into liberal hands; for his activity in the proceedings which had
hitherto taken place respecting the living in question had rendered
fresh advocates unnecessary, as it had secured the unasked favour
of Dr. George, who not long afterwards voluntarily gave him the
Rectory of _Whittington_, near Chesterfield, in Derbyshire; into
which he was inducted Nov. 11, 1751, and where he resided for
upwards of 44 years without interruption[15].

  [15] Dr. George's letter to Mr. Pegge on the occasion has been
  preserved, and is conceived in the most manly and generous terms.
  On account of the distance, Mr. Pegge then residing in Kent, the
  Dean was so obliging as to concert matters with Bishop (Frederick)
  Cornwallis, who then sat at Lichfield, that the living might _lapse_
  without injury to Mr. Pegge, who therefore took it, in fact, from
  his Lordship by _collation_.

Though Mr. Pegge had relinquished all farther pretensions to
the living of _Brampton_ before the cause came to a decision at
Derby, yet he gave every possible assistance at the trial, by the
communication of various documents, as well as by his personal
evidence at the Assize, to support the claim of the new Nominee, the
Rev. John Bowman, in whose favour the verdict was given, and who
afterwards enjoyed the benefice.

Here then we take leave of this troublesome affair, so nefarious
and unwarrantable on the part of the Parishioners of _Brampton_;
and from which PATRONS of every description may draw their own
inferences.

Mr. Pegge's ecclesiastical prospect in Derbyshire began soon to
brighten; and he ere long obtained the more eligible living of
_Whittington_. Add to this that, in the course of the dispute
concerning the Patronage of Brampton, he became known to the
Hon. and Right Rev. Frederick (Cornwallis) Bishop of Lichfield
and Coventry; who ever afterwards favoured him not only with his
personal regard, but with his patronage, which extended even beyond
the grave, as will be mentioned hereafter in the order of time.

We must now revert to Mr. Pegge's old Friend Sir Edward Dering,
who, at the moment when Mr. Pegge decidedly took the living of
_Whittington_, in Derbyshire, began to negotiate with his Grace
of Canterbury (Dr. Herring), the Patron of _Godmersham_, for an
exchange of that living for something tenable with Whittington.

The Archbishop's answer to this application was highly honourable to
Mr. Pegge: "Why," said his Grace, "will Mr. Pegge leave my Diocese?
If he will continue in Kent, I promise you, Sir Edward, that I will
give him preferment to his satisfaction[16]."

  [16] Mr. Pegge became known, at least by name, to Dr. Herring, when
  Archbishop of York, by an occasional Sermon (which will be adverted
  to among Mr. Pegge's writings), on the publication whereof his
  Grace sent him a letter in handsome terms. When the Archbishop was
  translated to Canterbury, Mr. Pegge was, most probably, personally
  known to him as the Diocesan.

No allurements, however, could prevail; and Mr. Pegge, at all
events, accepted the Rectory of _Whittington_, leaving every other
pursuit of the kind to contingent circumstances. An exchange was,
nevertheless, very soon afterwards effected, by the interest of Sir
Edward with the _Duke of Devonshire_, who consented that Mr. Pegge
should take his Grace's Rectory of _Brinhill_[17] in Lancashire,
then luckily void, the Archbishop at the same time engaging
to present the _Duke's_ Clerk to _Godmersham_. Mr. Pegge was
accordingly inducted into the Rectory of _Brindle_, Nov. 23, 1751,
in less than a fortnight after his induction at _Whittington_[18].

  [17] More usually called _Brindle_.

  [18] The person who actually succeeded to the Vicarage of Godmersham
  was the Rev. _Aden Ley_, who died there in 1766.

In addition to this favour from the Family of _Cavendish_, Sir
Edward Dering obtained for Mr. Pegge, almost at the same moment,
a _scarf_ from the _Marquis of Hartington_ (afterwards the fourth
Duke of Devonshire), then called up to the House of Peers, in
June 1751, by the title of Baron _Cavendish_ of _Hardwick_. Mr.
Pegge's appointment is dated Nov. 18, 1751; and thus, after all his
solicitude, he found himself possessed of two livings and a dignity,
honourably and indulgently conferred, as well as most desirably
connected, in the same year and in the same month; though this
latter circumstance may be attributed to the voluntary lapse of
Whittington[19]. After Mr. Pegge had held the Rectory of _Brinhill_
for a few years, an opportunity offered, by another obliging
acquiescence of the Duke _of Devonshire_, to exchange it for the
living of _Heath_ (alias _Lown_), in his _Grace's_ Patronage,
which lies within seven miles of Whittington: a very commodious
measure, as it brought Mr. Pegge's parochial preferments within a
smaller distance of each other. He was accordingly inducted into the
Vicarage of _Heath_, Oct. 22, 1758, which he held till his death.

  [19] Soon after the fourth Duke of Devonshire came of age, 1769,
  finding that he had many friends of his own to oblige, it was
  suggested to the Senior Chaplains that a resignation would be deemed
  a compliment by his Grace. Mr. Pegge, therefore (among some others),
  relinquished his Chaplainship, though he continued to wear the
  _scarf_.

This was the last favour of the kind which Mr. Pegge _individually_
received from the DUKES OF DEVONSHIRE; but the Compiler of this
little Memoir regarding his late Father, flatters himself that it
can give no offence to that Noble Family if he takes the opportunity
of testifying a sense of his own _personal_ obligations to William
the fourth DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE, when his Grace was _Lord Chamberlain_
of his MAJESTY'S _Household_.

As to Mr. Pegge's other preferments, they shall only be briefly
mentioned in chronological order; but with due regard to his
obligations. In the year 1765 he was presented to the Perpetual
Curacy of _Wingerworth_, about six miles from. Whittington, by the
Honourable and Reverend James _Yorke_, then _Dean of Lincoln_,
afterwards _Bishop of Ely_, to whom he was but little known but by
name and character. This appendage was rendered the more acceptable
to Mr. Pegge, because the seat of his very respectable Friend Sir
Henry Hunloke, Bart. is in the parish, from whom, and all the
Family, Mr. Pegge ever received great civilities.

We have already observed, that Mr. Pegge became known, insensibly
as it were, to the Honourable and Right Reverend Frederick
(_Cornwallis_), Bishop of Lichfield, during the contest respecting
the living of _Brampton_; from whom he afterwards received more
than one favour, and by whom another greater instance of regard was
intended, as will be mentioned hereafter.

Mr. Pegge was first collated by his Lordship to the Prebend of
_Bobenhull_, in the Church of _Lichfield_, in 1757; and was
afterwards voluntarily advanced by him to that of _Whittington_ in
1763, which he possessed at his death[20].

  [20] It is rather a singular coincidence, that Mr. Pegge should have
  been at the same time _Rector_ of _Whittington_ in _Derbyshire_
  and _Prebendary_ of _Whittington_ in _Staffordshire_, both in one
  Diocese, under different patronages, and totally independent of each
  other. These two _Whittingtons_ are likewise nearly equidistant from
  places of the name of _Chesterfield_.

In addition to the Stall at Lichfield, Mr. Pegge enjoyed the Prebend
of _Louth_, in the Cathedral of _Lincoln_, to which he had been
collated (in 1772) by his old acquaintance, and Fellow-collegian,
the late Right Reverend John _Green_, Bishop of that See[21].

  [21] The Prebend of _Louth_ carries with it the _Patronage_ of the
  Vicarage of the _Parish_ of _Louth_, to which Mr. Pegge presented
  more than once. On the first vacancy, having no Clerk of his own,
  he offered the nomination to his Benefactor Bishop _Green_; at the
  last, he gave the living, uninfluenced, to the present Incumbent,
  the Rev. _Wolley Jolland_, son of the Recorder of Louth.

This seems to be the proper place to subjoin, that, towards the
close of his life, Mr. Pegge declined a situation for which, in more
early days, he had the greatest predilection, and had taken every
active and modest measure to obtain--a _Residentiaryship_ in the
Church of _Lichfield_.

Mr. Pegge's wishes tended to this point on laudable, and almost
natural motives, as soon as his interest with the Bishop began to
gain strength; for it would have been a very pleasant interchange,
at that period of life, to have passed a portion of the year at
_Lichfield_. This expectation, however, could not be brought forward
till he was too far advanced in age to endure with tolerable
convenience a removal from time to time; and therefore, when the
offer was realized, he declined the acceptance.

The case was literally this: While Mr. Pegge's elevation in the
Church of _Lichfield_ rested solely upon Bishop (_Frederick_)
Cornwallis, it was secure, had a vacancy happened: but his
Patron was translated to _Canterbury_ in 1768, and Mr. Pegge had
henceforward little more than personal knowledge of any of his
Grace's Successors at _Lichfield_, till the Hon. and Right Reverend
_James_ Cornwallis (the Archbishop's Nephew) was consecrated Bishop
of that See in 1781.

On this occasion, to restore the balance in favour of Mr. Pegge,
the Archbishop had the kindness to make an _Option_ of the
_Residentiaryship_ at _Lichfield_, then possessed by the Rev. Thomas
_Seward_. It was, nevertheless, several years before even the tender
of this preferment could take place; as his _Grace_ of _Canterbury_
died in 1783, while Mr. _Seward_ was living.

_Options_ being personal property, Mr. Pegge's interest, on the
demise of the _Archbishop_, fell into the hands of the Hon. Mrs.
_Cornwallis_, his Relict and Executrix, who fulfilled his _Grace's_
original intention in the most friendly manner, on the death of Mr.
_Seward_, in 1790[22].

  [22] It was said at the time, as we recollect, that this piece of
  preferment was so peculiar in its tenure, as not to be strictly
  _optionable_; for, had the _See_ of _Lichfield_ been possessed by a
  Bishop inimical to the Archbishop or to Mr. Pegge at the time of the
  vacancy of the Stall, such Bishop might have defeated his _Grace's_
  intentions. The qualifications of the Residentiaries in this
  Cathedral we understand to be singular, dependent on the possession
  of certain _Prebendal Houses_, which are in the absolute disposal of
  the Bishop, as a _sine quâ non_, to constitute the eligibility which
  is vested in the _Dean_ and _Chapter_. As matters stood, in this
  case, at the death of Mr. _Seward_, the present Bishop of Lichfield
  (_Dr. James Cornwallis_), Mr. Pegge's warm Friend, co-operating with
  the Dowager Mrs. _Cornwallis_, removed every obstruction.

The little occasional transactions which primarily brought Mr.
Pegge within the notice of Bishop (_Frederick_) Cornwallis at
Eccleshall-castle led his Lordship to indulge him with a greater
share of personal esteem than has often fallen to the lot of a
private Clergyman so remotely placed from his Diocesan. Mr. Pegge
had attended his Lordship two or three times on affairs of business,
as one of the Parochial Clergy, after which the Bishop did him the
honour to invite him to make an annual visit at Eccleshall-castle
as an _Acquaintance_. The compliance with this overture was not
only very flattering, but highly gratifying, to Mr. Pegge, who
consequently waited upon his Lordship for a fortnight in the
Autumn, during several years, till the Bishop was translated to the
Metropolitical See of _Canterbury_ in 1768. After this, however,
his Grace did not forget his humble friend, the _Rector of_
_Whittington_, as will be seen; and sometimes corresponded with him
on indifferent matters.

About the same time that Mr. Pegge paid these visits at
Eccleshall-castle, he adopted an expedient to change the scene,
likewise, by a journey to London (between Easter and Whitsuntide);
where, for a few years, he was entertained by his old Friend and
Fellow-collegian the Rev. Dr. _John Taylor_, F. S. A. Chancellor of
Lincoln, &c. (the learned Editor of Demosthenes and Lysias), then
one of the Residentiaries of St. Paul's.

After Dr. Taylor's death (1766), the Bishop of Lincoln, Dr. _John
Green_, another old College-acquaintance, became Mr. Pegge's
London-host for a few years, till _Archbishop Cornwallis_ began
to reside at Lambeth. This event superseded the visits to Bishop
_Green_, as Mr. Pegge soon afterwards received a very friendly
invitation from his _Grace_; to whom, from that time, he annually
paid his respects at _Lambeth-palace_, for a month in the Spring,
till the _Archbishop's_ decease, which took place about Easter 1783.

All these were delectable visits to a man of Mr. Pegge's turn of
mind, whose conversation was adapted to every company, and who
enjoyed _the world_ with greater relish from not living in it every
day. The society with which he intermixed, in such excursions,
changed his ideas, and relieved him from the _tædium_ of a life of
much reading and retirement; as, in the course of these journeys, he
often had opportunities of meeting old _Friends_, and of making new
_literary acquaintance_.

On some of these occasions he passed for a week into _Kent_, among
such of his old Associates as were then living, till the death of
his much-honoured Friend, and former Parishioner, the elder _Thomas
Knight_, Esq. of Godmersham, in 1781[23]. We ought on no account to
omit the mention of some _extra-visits_ which Mr. Pegge occasionally
made to Bishop _Green_, at _Buckden_, to which we are indebted for
the Life of that excellent Prelate _Robert Grosseteste_, Bishop of
_Lincoln_;--a work upon which we shall only observe here, that it
is Dr. Pegge's _chef-d'œuvre_, and merits from the world much
obligation. To these interviews with Bishop _Green_, we may also
attribute those ample Collections, which Dr. Pegge left among his
MSS. towards a History of the _Bishops_ of _Lincoln_, and of that
_Cathedral_ in general, &c. &c.

  [23] The very just character of Mr. _Knight_ given in the
  Gentleman's Magazine, vol. LI. p. 147, was drawn by Mr. _Pegge_, who
  had been intimate with him very nearly half a century.

With the decease of Archbishop Cornwallis (1783), Mr. Pegge's
excursions to London terminated. His old familiar Friends, and
principal acquaintance there, were gathered to their fathers; and
he felt that the lot of a long life had fallen upon him, having
survived not only the _first_, but the _second_ class of his
numerous distant connexions.

While on one of these visits at Lambeth, the late _Gustavus
Brander_, Esq. F. S. A. who entertained an uncommon partiality for
Mr. Pegge, persuaded him, very much against his inclination, to
sit for a Drawing, from which an octavo _Print_ of him might be
engraved by Basire. The Work went on so slowly, that the Plate was
not finished till 1785, when Mr. Pegge's current age was 81. Being a
_private Print_, it was at first only intended for, and distributed
among, the particular Friends of Mr. Brander and Mr. Pegge. This
Print, however, _now_ carries with it something of a publication;
for a considerable number of the impressions were dispersed after
Mr. _Brander_'s death, when his Library, &c. were sold by auction;
and the Print is often found prefixed to copies of "The Forme of
Cury," a work which will hereafter be specified among Mr. Pegge's
literary labours[24].

  [24] This Print has the following inscription:

        "SAMUEL PEGGE, A.M. S.A.S.
          A.D. MDCCLXXXV. Æt. 81.

    Impensis, et ex Voto, Gustavi Brander, Arm.
            Sibi et Amicis."

  We cannot in any degree subscribe to the resemblance, though, the
  print is well engraved. There is, however, a three-quarters portrait
  in oil (in the possession of his grandson, Sir Christopher Pegge,
  and much valued by him) painted in 1788, by Mr. Elias Needham, a
  young Provincial Artist, and a native of Derbyshire, which does
  the Painter great credit, being a likeness uncommonly striking.
  Dr. Pegge being an old gentleman well known, with a countenance
  of much character, the Portrait was taken at the request of Mr.
  Needham; who, after exhibiting it to his Patrons and Friends, made a
  present of it to Mr. Pegge. Those who knew Dr. Pegge, and have had
  an opportunity of comparing the Portrait with the Print, will agree
  with us, that no two pictures of the same person, taken nearly at
  the same point of life, and so unlike each other, can both be true
  resemblances.--A faithful Engraving from Mr. Needham's Portrait is
  prefixed to the present Volume.

The remainder of Mr. Pegge's life after the year 1783 was, in a
great measure, reduced to a state of quietude; but not without an
extensive correspondence with the world in the line of Antiquarian
researches: for he afterwards contributed largely to the
_Archæologia_, and the Bibliotheca_ Topographica Britannica_, &c.
&c. as may appear to those who will take the trouble to compare the
dates of his Writings, which will hereafter be enumerated, with the
time of which we are speaking.

The only periodical variation in life, which attended Mr. Pegge
after the Archbishop's death, consisted of Summer visits at
Eccleshall-castle to the present Bishop (_James_) Cornwallis, who
(if we may be allowed the word) _adopted_ Mr. Pegge as his guest so
long as he was able to undertake such journeys.

We have already seen an instance of his Lordship's kindness in the
case of the intended _Residentiaryship_; and have, moreover, good
reasons to believe that, had the late _Archdeacon_ of _Derby_ (Dr.
Henry Egerton) died at an earlier stage of Mr. Pegge's life, he
would have succeeded to that dignity.

This part of the Memoir ought not to be dismissed without observing,
to the honour of Mr. Pegge, that, as it was not in his power to
make any individual return (in his life-time) to his Patrons, the
two Bishops of _Lichfield_ of the name of _Cornwallis_, for their
extended civilities, he directed, by testamentary instructions, that
_one hundred volumes_ out of his Collection of Books should be given
to the Library of the Cathedral of _Lichfield_[25].

  [25] He specified, in writing, about fourscore of these volumes,
  which were chiefly what may be called Library-books; the rest were
  added by his Son.

During Mr. Pegge's involuntary retreat from his former associations
with the more remote parts of the Kingdom, he was actively awake to
such objects in which he was implicated nearer home.

Early in the year 1788 material repairs and considerable alterations
became necessary to the Cathedral of _Lichfield_. A subscription
was accordingly begun by the Members of the Church, supported by
many Lay-gentlemen of the neighbourhood; when Mr. Pegge, as a
Prebendary, not only contributed handsomely, but projected, and drew
up, a circular letter, addressed to the Rev. Charles Hope, M. A. the
Minister of All Saints (the principal) Church in Derby, recommending
the promotion of this public design. The Letter, being inserted in
several Provincial Newspapers, was so well seconded by Mr. Hope,
that it had a due effect upon the Clergy and Laity of the Diocese in
general; for which Mr. Pegge received a written acknowledgment of
thanks from the present Bishop of _Lichfield_, dated May 29, 1788.

This year (1788), memorable as a Centenary in the annals of England,
was honourable to the little Parish of _Whittington_, which
accidentally bore a subordinate _local_ part in the History of the
_Revolution;_ for it was to an inconsiderable public-house _there_
(still called the _Revolution-house_) that the Earl of Devonshire,
the Earl of Danby, the Lord Delamere, and the Hon. John D'Arcy, were
driven for shelter, by a sudden shower of rain, from the adjoining
common (_Whittington-Moor_), where they had met by appointment,
disguised as farmers, to concert measures, unobservedly, for
promoting the succession of King William III. after the abdication
of King James II.[26]

  [26] In this year he printed "A Narrative of what passed at the
  Revolution-house at Whittington in the year 1688, with a view and
  plan of the house by Major Rooke (reprinted in Gent. Mag. vol. LIX.
  p. 124)." [See the Appendix.]

The celebration of this Jubilee, on Nov. 5, 1788, is related at
large in the Gentleman's Magazine of that month[27]; on which day
Mr. Pegge preached a Sermon[28], apposite to the occasion, which
was printed at the request of the Gentlemen of the Committee who
conducted the ceremonial[29], which proceeded from his Church to
Chesterfield in grand procession.

  [27] See the Appendix to this Memoir.

  [28] In this Discourse the venerable Preacher, taking for his text
  Psalm cxviii. 24, first recites, in plain and unaffected language,
  the blessings resulting from the event here commemorated to Church
  and State; and then points out the corruptions of the present age,
  with advice for their reformation.

  [29] This solemnity took place on _Wednesday_; and, the Church being
  crowded with strangers, the Sermon was repeated to the parochial
  congregation on the following _Sunday_.--Mr. Pegge was then very
  old, and the 5th of November N. S. was his birth-day, when he
  entered into the 85th year of his age.

In the year 1791 (July 8) Mr. Pegge was created D. C. L. by the
University of OXFORD, at the Commemoration. It may be thought a
little extraordinary that he should accept an advanced Academical
Degree so late in life, as he wanted no such aggrandizement in the
Learned World, or among his usual Associates, and had _voluntarily_
closed all his expectations of ecclesiastical elevation. We are
confident that he was not ambitious of the compliment; for, when
it was first proposed to him, he put a _negative_ upon it. It must
be remembered that this honour was not conferred on an unknown man
(_novus homo_); but on a _Master of Arts of_ CAMBRIDGE, of name and
character, and of acknowledged literary merit[30]. Had Mr. Pegge
been desirous of the title of _Doctor_ in earlier life, there can
be no doubt but that he might have obtained the superior degree of
D. D. from Abp. Cornwallis, upon the bare suggestion, during his
familiar and domestic conversations with his Grace at Lambeth-palace.

  [30] Mr. Pegge, at the time, was on a visit to his Grandson, the
  present Sir Christopher Pegge, M. D. then lately elected Reader of
  Anatomy at Christ Church, Oxford, on Dr. Lee's foundation.

Dr. Pegge's manners were those of a gentleman of a liberal
education, who had seen much of the world, and had formed them upon
the best models within his observation. Having in his early years
lived in free intercourse with many of the principal and best-bred
Gentry in various parts of Kent; he ever afterwards preserved the
same attentions, by associating with respectable company, and (as we
have seen) by forming honourable attachments.

In his avocations from reading and retirement, few men could relax
with more ease and cheerfulness, or better understood the _desipere
in loco_;--could enter occasionally into temperate convivial mirth
with a superior grace, or more interest and enliven every company by
general conversation.

As he did not mix in business of a public nature, his better
qualities appeared most conspicuously in private circles; for he
possessed an equanimity which obtained the esteem of his Friends,
and an affability which procured the respect of his dependents.

His habits of life were such as became his profession and station.
In his clerical functions he was exemplarily correct, not entrusting
his parochial duties at _Whittington_ (where he constantly resided)
to another (except to the neighbouring Clergy during the excursions
before-mentioned) till the failure of his eye-sight rendered it
indispensably necessary; and even _that_ did not happen till within
a few years of his death.

As a Preacher, his Discourses from the pulpit were of the didactic
and exhortatory kind, appealing to the understandings rather than
to the passions of his Auditory, by expounding the Holy Scriptures
in a plain, intelligible, and unaffected manner. His voice was
naturally weak, and suited only to a small Church; so that when
he occasionally appeared before a large Congregation (as on
Visitations, &c.), he was heard to a disadvantage. He left in his
closet considerably more than 230 Sermons composed by himself, and
in his own hand-writing, besides a few (not exceeding 26) which he
had transcribed (in substance only, as appears by collation) from
the printed works of eminent Divines. These liberties, however,
were not taken in his early days, from motives of idleness, or
other attachments--but later in life, to favour the fatigue of
composition; all which obligations he acknowledged at the end of
each such Sermon.

Though Dr. Pegge's life was sedentary, from his turn to studious
retirement, his love of Antiquities, and of literary acquirements
in general; yet these applications, which he pursued with, great
ardour and perseverance, did not injure his health. Vigour of mind,
in proportion to his bodily strength, continued unimpaired through
a very extended course of life, and nearly till he had reached
"_ultima linea rerum_:" for he never had any chronical disease; but
gradually and gently sunk into the grave under the weight of years,
after a fortnight's illness, Feb. 14, 1796, in the 92d year of his
age.

He was buried, according to his own desire, in the chancel at
_Whittington_, where a mural tablet of black marble (a voluntary
tribute of filial respect) has been placed, over the East window
with the following short inscription:

  "At the North End of the Altar Table, within the Rails,
                    lie the Remains of
                   SAMUEL PEGGE, LL. D.
     who was inducted to this Rectory Nov. 11, 1751,
                 and died Feb. 14, 1796;
               in the 92d year of his Age."

Having closed the scene; it must be confessed, on the one hand,
that the biographical history of an individual, however learned,
or engaging to private friends, who had passed the major part of
his days in secluded retreats from what is called _the world_, can
afford but little entertainment to the generality of Readers. On
the other hand, nevertheless, let it be allowed that every man of
acknowledged literary merit, had he made no other impression, cannot
but have left many to regret his death.

Though Dr. Pegge had exceeded even his "_fourscore_ years and ten,"
and had outlived all his more early friends and acquaintance; he
had the address to make new ones, who _now_ survive, and who, it is
humbly hoped, will not be sorry to see a modest remembrance of him
preserved by this little Memoir.

Though Dr. Pegge had an early propensity to the pursuit of
_Antiquarian_ knowledge, he never indulged himself materially in it,
so long as more essential and _professional_ occupations had a claim
upon him; for he had a due sense of the _nature_ and _importance_
of his _clerical_ function. It appears that he had read the Greek
and Latin _Fathers_ diligently at his outset in life. He had also
re-perused the _Classicks_ attentively before he applied much to the
_Monkish_ Historians, or engaged in _Antiquarian_ researches; well
knowing that a thorough knowledge of the Learning of the _Antients_,
conveyed by _classical_ Authors, was the best foundation for any
literary structure which had not the _Christian Religion_ for its
_cornerstone_.

During the early part of his incumbency at Godmersham in Kent, his
reading was principally such as became a _Divine_, or which tended
to the acquisition of _general knowledge_, of which he possessed a
greater share than most men we ever knew. When he obtained allowable
leisure to follow _unprofessional_ pursuits, he _attached_ himself
more closely to the study of _Antiquities_; and was elected a Fellow
of the SOCIETY of ANTIQUARIES, Feb. 14, 1751, N. S. in which year
the _Charter_ of _Incorporation_ was granted (in November), wherein
his name stands enrolled among those of many very respectable and
eminently learned men[31].

  [31] The only Member of the Society at the time of its
  Incorporation, who survived Dr. Pegge, was _Samuel Reynardson_, Esq.

Though we will be candid enough to allow that Dr. Pegge's _style_ in
general was not sufficiently terse and compact to be called elegant;
yet he made ample amends by the matter, and by the accuracy with
which he treated every copious subject, wherein all points were
matured by close examination and sound judgment[32].

  [32] The first Piece that appears to have been, in any degree,
  _published_ by Dr. _Pegge_, was, A _Latin_ Ode on the Death of King
  George I. 1727. See "Academiæ Cantabrigiensis Luctus" Signature
  Z. z. fol. b. [Dr. Pegge was then lately elected Fellow of St.
  John's College (the first time) as he signs it "Sam. Pegge, A.
  B. Coll. Div. Joh. Evang. Soc." See before, p. xiii.]--1731. An
  _irregular English_ Ode on Joshua vi. 20, which he contributed to
  a Collection of "Miscellaneous Poems and Translations," published
  (with a numerous subscription) by the Rev. Henry Travers, 1731,
  octavo, p, 170. [See "Anonymiana," p. 327, for an account of Mr.
  Travers, and this publication.] A marginal note in Dr. Pegge's
  copy of Mr. Travers's publication tells us, that this _Ode_ was an
  _academical exercise_, when the Doctor was an _under-graduate_ at
  St. John's, which was sent to the _Earl_ of _Exeter_. His Lordship's
  Ancestors had been Benefactors to the College, a circumstance which,
  we presume, gave rise to the custom of sending such _periodical
  exercises_ to the then Earl; though the practice, as far as we
  know, does not continue. Thus much of this Commemoration, as we
  believe, remains, that _two_ Sermons are still annually preached
  (the one at _Hatfield_, and the other at _Burleigh)_ by Fellows
  of the College, which we apprehend to have been enjoined by the
  Benefactor. The _Ode_, of which we have spoken, became some years
  after an _auxiliary_ contribution to Mr. _Travers's_ Collection from
  Dr. Pegge, jointly with other contemporaries, to relieve the Editor
  from some pecuniary embarrassments.--An Examination of "The Enquiry
  into the meaning of Demoniacks in the New Testament; in a Letter to
  the Author," 1739. An octavo (of 86 pages), with his name prefixed.
  [This controversy originated from the Rev. Dr. Arthur-Ashley Sykes,
  who published "An Enquiry into the Meaning of the Demoniacks in the
  New Testament" (1737). under the obscure signature of "T. P. A.
  P. O. A. B. I. T. C. O. S." The interpretation of this is, _T_he
  _P_recentor _A_nd _P_rebendary _O_f _A_lton-_B_orealis, _I_n _T_he
  _C_hurch _O_f _S_alisbury. Dr. Sykes had been vicar of Godmersham;
  so that _two_ vicars of Godmersham became, incidentally, parties
  in the controversy. The question engaged several other Writers;
  _viz._ Rev. Leonard Twells, Rev. Thomas Hutchinson, and Rev. William
  Winston, who were followed by Dr. Pegge. He, however, entered so
  late into the lists, after the subject was almost worn out, that
  his Publication was not much attended to, though it attracted
  the applause of several competent judges, such as the Rev. Dr.
  Newcome, Master of St. John's College, Cambridge; Rev. Dr. Taylor
  (late Residentiary of St. Paul's); the very learned Bp. Smalbroke;
  and some others.]--A Sermon on St. John i. 5: "The Light Shineth
  in Darkness," preached on St. John's-day, 1742, at _Canterbury_
  cathedral, and inscribed to his much-respected friend, Thomas
  Knight, Esq. of _Godmersham_, in _Kent_.--A Sermon, preached
  also at _Canterbury_ Cathedral during the Rebellion, 1746. [The
  avowed design of the Discourse was, to prove that "Popery was an
  encouragement to vice and immorality." This Sermon attracted the
  civilities (mentioned in p. xxxi.) which Dr. Pegge received from
  _Archbishop_ Herring.

  These are the principal _professional_ Publications by Dr. Pegge;
  to which ought to be added some short _pastoral_ and _gratuitous_
  printed distributions at various times; _viz._ 1755. A Discourse
  on Confirmation (of 23 pages, octavo), being an enlarged Sermon,
  preached at _Chesterfield_ previously to the Bishop's triennial
  Visitation, and dispersed.--1767. A brief Examination of the Church
  Catechism, for the Use of those who are just arrived at Years of
  Discretion.--1790.

A short Paraphrase of the Lord's Prayer (4 pages octavo), first
addressed to his Parishioners of Brindle, in Lancashire, 1753;
and afterwards reprinted and distributed in his three parishes of
Whittington, Heath, and Wingerworth, in Derbyshire, 1790. and a fund
of knowledge, more than would have displayed itself in any greater
work, where the subject requires but _one_ bias, and _one_ peculiar
attention[33].

  [33] An accurate list of these detached publications may be seen in
  the Gentleman's Magazine for 1796, pp. 979, 1081.

Frivolous as many detached _morsels_, scattered up and down in the
GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE, may appear to some Readers, they may be called
the ruminations of a busy mind; which shews an universality of
reading, a love of investigation,

It is but justice to say, that few men were so liberal in the
diffusion of the knowledge which he had acquired, or more ready to
communicate it, either _vivâ voce_, or by the loan of his MSS. as
many of his living Friends can testify.

In his publications he was also equally _disinterested_ as in his
private communications; for he never, as far as can be recollected,
received any _pecuniary_ advantage from any pieces that he printed,
committing them all to the press, with the sole reserve of a few
copies to distribute among his particular Friends[34].

  [34] We shall here specify Mr. Pegge's several Memoirs printed (by
  direction of the Council of the Society of Antiquaries) in the
  Archæologia, as being the principal _combined_ work to which he
  contributed. Herein we shall proceed as they successively occur in
  those volumes, rather than by the times at which the communications
  themselves were actually read before the Society.

  Vol. I. No. XXXVII. p. 155. Some Observations on an antique Marble
  of the Earl of Pembroke.--No. XXXVIII. p. 161. Dissertation on an
  Anglo-Saxon Jewel.--No. LV. p. 319. Of the Introduction, Progress,
  State, and Condition, of the Vine in Britain.--No. LVII. p. 335.
  A Copy of a Deed in Latin and Saxon of Odo, Bishop of Baieux, with
  some Observations thereon.

  Vol. II. No. IX. p. 68. Observations on the Mistakes of Mr.
  Lisle and Mr. Hearne in respect of King Alfred's Present to the
  Cathedrals. The late use of the Stylus, or metalline Pen. Mr.
  Wise's Conjecture concerning the famous Jewel of King Alfred
  further pursued; shewing it might possibly be part of the Stylus
  sent by that King, with Gregory's Pastorals, to the Monastery
  at Athelney.--No. XIII. p. 86. The Bull-running at Tutbury, in
  Staffordshire, considered.--No. XVI. p. 100. Observations on Dr.
  Percy's (afterwards Bishop of Dromore) Account of Minstrels among
  the Saxons. [See vol. III. Art. XXXIV. p. 310.]--No. XIX. p. 124.
  Observations on Stone Hammers.--No. XXV. p. 171. A Dissertation on
  the Crane, as a Dish served up at great Tables in England.--No.
  XXXVI. p. 276. A succinct and authentic Narrative of the Battle of
  Chesterfield [co. Derby], A. D. 1266, in the Reign of K. Henry III.

  Vol. III. No. I. p. 1. Of the Horn, as a Charter, or Instrument
  of Conveyance. Some Observations on Mr. Samuel Foxlow's Horn; as
  likewise on the Nature and Kinds of those Horns in general.--No. X.
  p. 39. On Shoeing of Horses among the Antients.--No. XI. p. 53. The
  Question considered, whether England formerly produced any Wine from
  Grapes. [See vol. I. Art. LV. p. 319. This Question was answered by
  the Hon. Daines Barrington in the 12th article of this volume, p.
  67.]--No. XIV. p. 101. Remarks on Belatucader.--No. XVIII. p. 125.
  Memoir concerning the Sac-Friars, or _Fratres de Pœnitentiâ
  Jesu Christi_, as settled in England.--No. XIX. p. 132. Ἀλεκτρυόνων
  Ἀγών. A Memoir on Cock-Fighting; wherein the Antiquity
  of it, as a Pastime, is examined and stated; some Errors of the
  Moderns concerning it are corrected; and the Retention of it among
  Christians absolutely condemned and proscribed.--No. XX. p. 151. An
  Inscription in honour of Serapis, found at York, illustrated.--No.
  XXXIV. p. 310. A Letter to Dr. Percy (afterwards Bishop of Dromore),
  on the Minstrels among the antient Saxons, occasioned by some
  Observations on the Subject printed in the second Volume, p. 100.
  [In this short Letter, Dr. Pegge very candidly acknowledges that
  the Bishop had removed all his doubts in the most satisfactory
  manner, by a more copious discussion of the subject in a subsequent
  edition, which the Doctor had not seen when he wrote the Memoir in
  vol. II. p. 100]--No. XXXVI. p. 316. Remarks on the first Noble
  (coined 18 Edw. III. A. D. 1344) wherein a new and more rational
  Interpretation is given of the Legend on the Reverse.--No. XLII. p.
  371. Observations on two Jewels in the Possession of Sir Charles
  Mordaunt, Bart.

  Vol. IV. No. III. p. 29. An Enquiry into the Nature and Cause of
  King John's Death; wherein it is shewn that it was not effected by
  Poison.--No. IV. p. 47. Illustrations of a Gold enamelled Ring,
  supposed to have been the Property of Alhstan, Bishop of Sherburne,
  with some Account of the State and Condition of the Saxon Jewelry in
  the more early Ages.--No. VIII. p. 110. Observations on Kits Cotty
  House in Kent.--No. XVII. p. 190. A Dissertation on a most valuable
  Gold Coin of Edmund Crouchback, son of King Henry III.--No. XXVI. p.
  414. Remarks on the Bones of Fowls found in Christ-church Twynham,
  Hampshire.

  Vol. V, No. I. p. 1. Observations on the History of St. George,
  the Patron Saint of England; wherein Dr. Pettingall's allegorical
  Interpretation of the Equestrian Figure on the George, and the
  late Mr. Byrom's Conjecture, that St. George is mistaken for Pope
  Gregory, are briefly confuted; and the Martyr of Cappadocia, as
  Patron of England, and of the Order of the Garter, is defended
  against both. [N. B. Dr. Pegge's Name to this Article is omitted in
  the Contents to the Volume; but see the Signature, p. 32.]--No. V.
  p. 95. On the Rudston Pyramidal Stone.--No. VII. p. 101. Remarks
  on Governor Pownall's Conjecture concerning the Croyland Boundary
  Stone.--No. XIII. p. 160. An Examination of a mistaken Opinion
  that Ireland, and [The Isle of] Thanet, are void of Serpents.--No.
  XXI. p. 224. Observations on the Stone Coffins found at Christ
  Church [in Hampshire].--No. XXVII. p. 272. An important Historical
  Passage of Gildas amended and explained.--No. XXXVI. p. 346. The
  Question discussed concerning the Appearances of the Matrices of so
  many Conventual Seals.--No. XXXIX. p. 369. Remarks on the ancient
  Pig of Lead [then] lately discovered in Derbyshire. [The Date is
  1777.]--No. XLI. p. 390. The Penny with the name of Rodbertus IV.
  ascribed to Robert Duke of Normandy, and other Matters relative to
  the English Coinage, occasionally discussed.

  Vol. VI. No. VIII. p. 79. Observations on the Plague in England--No.
  XX. p. 150. The Commencement of the Day among the Saxons and Britons
  ascertained.

  Vol. VII. No. II. p. 19. Illustration of some Druidical Remains in
  the Peak of Derbyshire, drawn by Hayman Rooke, Esq.--No. IX. p.
  86. Observations on the present Aldborough Church, in Holderness;
  proving that it was not a Saxon Building, as Mr. Somerset [_i.
  e._ John-Charles Brooke, Esq. Somerset Herald] contends.--No.
  XIII. p. 131. A Disquisition on the Lows, or Barrows, in the Peak
  of Derbyshire, particularly that capital British Monument called
  Arbelows.--No. XVIII. p. 170. Description of a Second Roman Pig of
  Lead found in Derbyshire, in the Possession of Mr. Adam Wolley,
  of Matlock, in that County, with Remarks.--No. XXIV. p. 211.
  Observations on the Chariots of the Antient Britons.--No. XXXVIII.
  p. 362. Observations on a Seal of Thomas, Suffragan Bishop of
  Philadelphia.

  Vol. VIII. No. I. p. 1. A Sketch of the History of the Asylum, or
  Sanctuary, from its Origin to the final Abolition of it in the
  Reign of King James I.--No. III. p. 58. Observations on the Stanton
  Moor Urns, and Druidical Temples.--No. XX. p. 159. A circumstantial
  Detail of the Battle of Lincoln, A. D. 1217 (1 Henry III).

  Vol. IX. No. V. p. 45. Description of another [a third] Roman Pig of
  Lead found in Derbyshire.--No. IX. p. 84. Observations on some Brass
  Celts, and other Weapons, discovered in Ireland, 1780.--No. XVIII.
  p. 189. Discoveries on opening a Tumulus in Derbyshire.

  Vol. X. No. II. p. 17. Derbeiescira Romana.--No. IV. p. 50. Some
  Observations of the Paintings in Brereton Church.--No. XIX. p. 156.
  On the hunting of the antient Inhabitants of our Island, Britons
  and Saxons.--No. XXIII. p. 177. Observations on an antient Font at
  Burnham-Deepdale, in Norfolk.

  The following articles appear to have been contributed by Mr. Pegge
  to that useful and interesting reservoir of British Topographical
  History, the _Bibliotheca Topographica Britannica; viz._ No. XVII.
  A Memoir on the Story of Guy Earl of Warwick [1783].--No. XXI. The
  History and Antiquities of Eccleshal-Manor and Castle, in the County
  of Stafford; and of Lichfield House in London [1784]. [This Memoir
  is inscribed to four successive Bishops of Lichfield: the Right Rev.
  Dr. John Egerton (then Bishop of Durham); Hon. and Right Rev. Dr.
  Brownlow North, then (and still) Bishop of Winchester; Right Rev.
  Dr. Hurd, then Bishop of Worcester; and the Hon. and Right Rev. Dr.
  Cornwallis, the present Bishop of Lichfield, who has done Dr. Pegge
  the honour to deposit a copy of it among the Archives belonging to
  that See.--No. XXIV. The Roman Roads (Ikenild-Street and Bath-Way)
  discovered and investigated through the Country of the Coritani,
  or the County of Derby; with the Addition of a Dissertation on the
  Coritani. [1784.]--No. XXV. An Historical Account of that venerable
  Monument of Antiquity, the Textus Roffensis; including Memoirs
  of Mr. William Elstob, and his Sister, Mrs. Elizabeth Elstob.
  [1784.]--No. XXVIII. Some Account of that Species of Prelates
  formerly existing in England, usually called "Bishops _in Partibus
  Infidelium_." [1784.] [The article before us is combined with some
  others to consolidate what has been written on the subject. It
  begins with a Letter from the Rev. Thomas Brett, LL. D. on Suffragan
  Bishops in England, extracted from Drake's Antiquities of York (p.
  539), which is followed by a Memoir on the same Topick from the Rev.
  Mr. Lewis, of Margate. To these is subjoined Dr. Pegge's Account
  of "Bishops _in Partibus Infidelium_." [N. B. This Number closes
  with "A List of the Suffragan Bishops in England, drawn up by the
  late Rev. Henry Wharton, M.A. and extracted from his MSS. in the
  Lambeth Library."]--No. XXXII. Sketch of the History of Bolsover
  and Peak Castles, in the County of Derby (in a Letter to his Grace
  the Duke of Portland), illustrated with various Drawings by Hayman
  Rooke, Esq. [1785].--No. XLI. A Sylloge of the authentic remaining
  Inscriptions relative to the Erection of our English Churches,
  embellished with Copperplates. Inscribed to Richard Gough, esq.
  [1787.]

  Independent Publications on Numismatical, Antiquarian, and
  Biographical Subjects: 1756. No. I. "A Series of Dissertations on
  some elegant and very valuable Anglo-Saxon Remains." [42 pages,
  4to. with a Plate.] 1. A Gold Coin in the Pembrochian Cabinet, in a
  Letter to Martin Folkes, Esq. late President of the Royal Society,
  and Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries. [Dated Godmersham,
  1751.] 2. A Silver Coin in the Possession of Mr. John White.
  [Dated Whittington, 1755.] 3. A Gold Coin in the Possession of Mr.
  Simpson, of Lincoln, in a Letter to Mr. Vertue. [Dated Godmersham,
  1751.] 4. A Jewel in the Bodleian Library. [No place or date.]
  5. Second Thoughts on Lord Pembroke's Coin, in a Letter to Mr.
  Ames, Secretary to the Society of Antiquaries. [Dated Whittington,
  1755.] [These Dissertations are prefaced by a Question, candidly
  debated with the Rev. George North, Whether the Saxons coined any
  Gold?]--No. II. 1761. "Memoirs of Roger de Weseham, Dean of Lincoln,
  afterwards Bishop of Lichfield; and the principal Favourite of
  Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln." [60 pages, 4to.] [This
  work (as we are told in the title-page) was intended as a prelude
  to the Life of that most excellent Bishop, Robert Grosseteste;
  which accordingly appeared (as will be mentioned) in the year 1795.
  These Memoirs were compiled soon after Dr. Pegge was collated, by
  Bishop [Frederick] Cornwallis, to the prebend of _Bobenhull_, in
  the church of Lichfield, 1757, (founded by Bishop Weseham) and
  gratefully inscribed to his patron the Bishop of Lichfield, and to
  his friend Dr. John Green, then Dean of Lincoln, as Roger de Weseham
  had successively filled both those dignities.-- No. III. 1766. "An
  Essay on the Coins of Cunobelin; in an Epistle to the Right Rev.
  Bishop of Carlisle [Charles Lyttelton], President of the Society of
  Antiquaries." [105 pages, 4to.] [This collection of coins is classed
  in two plates, and illustrated by a Commentary, together with
  observations on the word _tascia_. N. B. The impression consisted
  of no more than 200 copies.]--No. IV. 1772. "An Assemblage of Coins
  fabricated by Authority of the Archbishops of Canterbury. To which
  are subjoined, Two Dissertations." [125 pages, 4to.] 1. On a fine
  Coin of Alfred the Great, with his Head. 2. On an Unic, in the
  Possession of the late Mr. Thoresby, supposed to be a Coin of St.
  Edwin; but shewn to be a Penny of Edward the Confessor. [An Essay
  is annexed on the origin of metropolitical and other subordinate
  mints; with an Account of their Progress and final Determination:
  together with other incidental Matters, tending to throw light on a
  branch of the Science of Medals, not perfectly considered by English
  Medalists.]--No. V. 1772. "Fitz-Stephen's Description of the City of
  London, newly translated from the Latin Original, with a necessary
  Commentary, and a Dissertation on the Author, ascertaining the exact
  Year of the Production; to which are added, a correct Edition of
  the Original, with the various Readings, and many Annotations." [81
  pages, 4to.] [This publication (well known _now_ to have been one
  of the works of Dr. Pegge) was, as we believe, brought forward at
  the instance of the Hon. Daines Barrington, to whom it is inscribed.
  The number of copies printed was 250.]--No. VI. 1780. "The Forme of
  Cury. A Roll of antient English Cookery, compiled about the Year
  1390, Temp. Ric. II. with a copious Index and Glossary." [8vo.] [The
  curious Roll, of which this is a copy, was the property of the late
  Gustavus Brander, esq. It is in the hand-writing of the time, a
  facsimile of which is given facing p. xxxi. of the Preface. The work
  before us was a _private_ impression; but as, since Mr. Brander's
  decease, it has fallen, by sale, into a great many hands, we refer
  to the Preface for a farther account of it. Soon after Dr. Pegge's
  elucidation of the Roll was finished, Mr. Brander presented the
  autograph to the British Museum.]--No. VII. 1789. "Annales Eliæ de
  Trickenham, Monachi Ordinis Benedictini. Ex Bibliothecâ Lamethanâ."
  To which is added, "Compendium Compertorum. Ex Bibliothecâ Ducis
  Devoniæ." [4to.] [Both parts of this publication contain copious
  annotations by the Editor. The former was communicated by Mr.
  John Nichols, Printer, to whom it is _inscribed_. The latter was
  published by permission of his Grace the Duke of Devonshire, to whom
  it is _dedicated_. The respective Prefaces to these pieces will best
  explain the nature of them.]--No. VIII. 1793. "The Life of Robert
  Grosseteste, the celebrated Bishop of Lincoln." [4to.] [This Work
  we have justly called his _chef-d'œuvre_; for, in addition to
  the life of an individual, it comprises much important history of
  interesting times, together with abundant collateral matter.]--The
  two following works have appeared since the Writer's death: No. IX.
  1801. "An Historical Account of Beauchief Abbey, in the County of
  Derby, from its first Foundation to its final Dissolution. Wherein
  the three following material Points, in opposition to vulgar
  Prejudices, are clearly established: 1st, That this Abbey did not
  take its name from the Head of Archbishop Becket, though it was
  dedicated to him. 2d, That the Founder of it had no hand in the
  Murder of that Prelate; and, consequently, that the House was not
  erected in Expiation of that Crime. 3d, The Dependance of this House
  on that of Welbeck, in the County of Nottingham; a Matter hitherto
  unknown." [4to.]--No. X. 1809. "_Anonymiana_; or, Ten Centuries of
  Observations on various Authors and Subjects. Compiled by a late
  very learned and reverend Divine; and faithfully published from the
  original MS. with the Addition of a copious Index." [8vo.]]

In the following Catalogue we must be allowed to deviate from
chronological order, for the sake of preserving Dr. Pegge's
_contributions_ to various _periodical_ and _contingent_
Publications, distinct from his independent WORKS; to all which,
however, we shall give (as far as possible) their respective dates.

The greatest honour, which a literary man can obtain, is the
_eulogies_ of those who possessed equal or more learning than
himself. "_Laudatus à laudatis viris_" may peculiarly and deservedly
be said of Dr. Pegge, as might be exemplified from the frequent
mention made of him by the most respectable contemporary writers in
the _Archæological_ line; but modesty forbids our enumerating them.

[Illustration: WHITTINGTON CHURCH, DERBYSHIRE.

_Gent. Mag. Supp. 1809. Pl. II, p. 1201._

_Schnebbelie del. 1789._]




APPENDIX TO THE PARENTALIA.


1. WHITTINGTON CHURCH.

The annexed View was taken in 1789, by the ingenious Mr. Jacob
Schnebbelie; and the following concise account of it was
communicated in 1793, by the then worthy and venerable Rector.

"WHITTINGTON, of whose Church the annexed Plate contains a Drawing
by the late Mr. Schnebbelie, is a small parish of about 14 or 15
hundred acres, distant from the church and old market-place of
Chesterfield about two miles and a half. It lies in the road from
Chesterfield to Sheffield and Rotherham, whose roads divide there
at the well-known inn _The Cock and Magpye_, commonly called _The
Revolution House_.

The situation is exceedingly pleasant, in a pure and excellent
air. It abounds with all kinds of conveniences for the use of the
inhabitants, as coal, stone, timber, &c.; besides its proximity to a
good market, to take its products.

The Church is now a little Rectory, in the gift of the Dean of
Lincoln. At first it was a Chapel of Ease to Chesterfield, a very
large manor and parish; of which I will give the following short
but convincing proof. The Dean of Lincoln, as I said, is Patron of
this Rectory, and yet William Rufus gave no other church in this
part of Derbyshire to the church of St. Mary at Lincoln but the
church of Chesterfield; and, moreover, Whittington is at this day
a parcel of the great and extensive manor of Chesterfield; whence
it follows, that Whittington must have been once a part both of the
rectory and manor of Chesterfield. But whence comes it, you will
say, that it became a rectory, for such it has been many years? I
answer, I neither know how nor when; but it is certain that chapels
of ease have been frequently converted into rectories, and I suppose
by mutual agreement of the curate of the chapel, the rector of the
mother church, and the diocesan. Instances of the like emancipation
of chapels, and transforming them into independent rectories, there
are several in the county of Derby, as Matlock, Bonteshall, Bradley,
&c.; and others may be found in Mr. Nichols's "History of Hinckley,"
and in his "Bibliotheca Topographica Britannica," No. VI.

_Fig._ 1 is an inscription on the _Ting-tang_, or Saints Bell, of
Whittington Church, drawn by Mr. Schnebbelie, 27 July, 1789, from an
impression taken in clay. This bell, which is seen in the annexed
view, hangs within a stone frame, or tabernacle, at the top of the
church, on the outside between the Nave and the Chancel. It has a
remarkable fine shrill tone, and is heard, it is said, three or four
miles off, if the wind be right. It is very antient, as appears
both from the form of the letters, and the name (of the donor, I
suppose), which is that in use before surnames were common. Perhaps
it may be as old as the fabrick of the church itself, though this is
very antient.

_Fig._ 2 is a stone head, near the roof on the North side of the
church.

In the East window of the church is a small Female Saint.

In this window, A. a fess Vaire G. and O. between three
water-bougets Sable. _Dethick._

Cheque A. and G. on a bend S. a martlet. _Beckering._

At the bottom of this window an inscription,

  Rogero Cric.

Roger Criche was rector, and died 1413, and probably made the
window. He is buried within the rails of the communion-table, and
his slab is engraved in the second volume of Mr. Gough's "Sepulchral
Monuments of Great Britain," Plate XIX. p. 37. Nothing remains of
the inscription but Amen.

In the upper part of the South window of the Chancel, is a picture
in glass of our Saviour with the five Wounds; an angel at his left
hand sounding a trumpet[35].--On a pane of the upper tier of the West
window is the portrait of St. John; his right hand holding a book
with the Holy Lamb upon it: and the forefinger of his left hand
pointing to the Cross held by the Lamb, as uttering his well-known
confession: "Behold the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sin of
the world[35]."

  [35] Both these are engraved in the "Antiquaries Museum," from
  drawings made by Mr. Schnebbelie. EDIT.

In the South window of the Chancel is, Barry wavy of 6 A. and G. a
chief A. Ermine and Gules. _Barley._

Ermine, on a chief indented G. or lozengé.

In the Easternmost South window of the nave is A. on a chevron
Sable, three quatrefoils Argent. _Eyre._

This window has been renewed; before which there were other coats
and some effigies in it.

  _Jan. 1, 1793._

  SAMUEL PEGGE, Rector."


2. WHITTINGTON RECTORY.

This View was taken also, in 1789, by Mr. Schnebbelie; and the
account of it drawn up in 1793 by Dr. Pegge, then resident in it, at
the advanced age of 88.

"The Parsonage-house at Whittington is a convenient substantial
stone building, and very sufficient for this small benefice. It
was, as I take it, erected by the Rev. Thomas Callice, one of my
predecessors; and, when I had been inducted, I enlarged it, by
pulling down the West end, making a cellar, a kitchen, a brew-house,
and a pantry, with chambers over them. There is a glebe of about 30
acres belonging to it with a garden large enough for a family, and a
small orchard. The garden is remarkably pleasant in respect to its
fine views to the North, East, and South, with the Church to the
West. There is a fair prospect of Chesterfield Church, distant about
two miles and a half; and of Bolsover Castle to the West; and, on
the whole, this Rectorial house may be esteemed a very delightful
habitation.

  S. PEGGE."

In this Parsonage the Editor of the present Volume, accompanied by
his late excellent Friend Mr. Gough, spent many happy hours with
the worthy Rector for several successive years, and derived equal
information and pleasure from his instructive conversation.

[Illustration: WHITTINGTON RECTORY.

_Gent. Mag. Sep. 1810. Pl. II, p. 217._

_Schnebbelie del._]


3. THE REVOLUTION HOUSE.

To complete the little series of Views at Whittington more
immediately connected with Dr. Pegge, a third plate is here given,
from another Drawing by Mr. Schnebbelie, of the small public-house
at Whittington, which has been handed down to posterity for above a
century under the honourable appellation of "The Revolution House."
It obtained that name from the accidental meeting of two noble
personages, Thomas Osborne Earl of Danby, and William Cavendish
Earl of Devonshire, with a third person, Mr. John D'Arcy[36],
privately one morning, 1688, upon Whittington, Moor, as a middle
place between Chatsworth, Kniveton, and Aston, their respective
residences, to consult about the Revolution, then in agitation[37];
but a shower of rain happening to fall, they removed to the village
for shelter, and finished their conversation at a public-house
there, the sign of _The Cock and Pynot_[38].

  [36] It appears, from traditional accounts, that Lord Delamere, an
  ancestor of the present Earl of Stamford and Warrington, was also at
  this meeting. H. ROOKE.

  [37] Kennett.

  [38] A Provincial name for a _Magpye_.

The part assigned to the Earl of Danby was, to surprize York; in
which he succeeded: after which, the Earl of Devonshire was to take
measures at Nottingham, where the Declaration for a free Parliament,
which he, at the head of a number of Gentlemen of Derbyshire, had
signed Nov. 28, 1688[39], was adopted by the Nobility, Gentry, and
Commonalty of the Northern Counties, assembled there for the defence
of the Laws, Religion, and Properties[40].

  [39] Rapin, XV. 199.

  [40] Deering's Nottingham, p. 258.

The success of these measures is well known; and to the concurrence
of these Patriots with the proceedings in favour of the Prince of
Orange in the West, is this Nation indebted for the establishment of
her rights and liberties at the glorious Revolution.

The cottage here represented stands at the point where the road from
Chesterfield divides into two branches, to Sheffield and Rotherham.
The room where the Noblemen sat is 15 feet by 12 feet 10, and is
to this day called _The Plotting Parlour_. The old armed chair,
still remaining in it, is shewn by the landlord with particular
satisfaction, as that in which it is said the Earl of Devonshire
sat; and he tells with equal pleasure, how it was visited by his
descendants, and the descendants of his associates, in the year
1788. Some new rooms, for the better accommodation of customers,
were added about 20 years ago.

     The Duke of LEEDS' own account of his meeting the Earl of
     DEVONSHIRE and Mr. JOHN D'ARCY[41] at Whittington, in the County
     of Derby, A. D. 1688.

  [41] Son and heir of Conyers Earl of Holderness.

The Earl of Derby, afterwards Duke of Leeds, was impeached, A.D.
1678, of High Treason by the House of Commons, on a charge of being
in the French interest, and, in particular, of being Popishly
affected: many, both Peers and Commoners, were misled, and had
conceived an erroneous opinion concerning him and his political
conduct. This he has stated himself, in the Introduction to his
Letters, printed A. 1710, where he says, "That the malice of my
accusation did so manifestly appear in that article wherein I was
charged to be Popishly affected, that I dare swear there was not one
of my accusers that did then believe that article against me."

       *       *       *       *       *

His Grace then proceeds, for the further clearing of himself, in
these memorable words, relative to the meeting at Whittington, the
subject of this memoir.

"The Duke of Devonshire also, when we were partners in the secret
trust about the Revolution, and who did meet me and Mr. John D'Arcy,
for that purpose, at a town called Whittington, in Derbyshire,
did, in the presence of the said Mr. D'Arcy, make a voluntary
acknowledgment of the great mistakes he had been led into about me;
and said, that both he, and most others, were entirely convinced of
their error. And he came to Sir Henry Goodrick's house in Yorkshire
purposely to meet me there again, in order to concert the times
and methods by which he should act at Nottingham (which was to be
his post), and one at York (which was to be mine); and we agreed,
that I should first attempt to surprize York, because there was a
small garrison with a Governor there; whereas Nottingham was but
an open town, and might give an alarm to York, if he should appear
in arms before I had made my attempt upon York; which was done
accordingly[42]; but is mistaken in divers relations of it. And I
am confident that Duke (had he been now alive) would have thanked
nobody for putting his prosecution of me amongst the glorious
actions of his life."

  [42] For the Earl of Devonshire's proceedings at Derby and
  Whittington see Mr. Deering's History of Nottingham, p. 260. Mr.
  Drake, p. 177 of his Eboracum, just mentions the Earl of Danby's
  appearance at York.

       *       *       *       *       *

     Celebration of the REVOLUTION JUBILEE, at Whittington and
     Chesterfield, on the 4th and 5th of November, 1788.

On Tuesday the 4th instant, the Committee appointed to conduct
the Jubilee had a previous meeting, and dined together at the
Revolution House in Whittington. His Grace the Duke of Devonshire,
Lord Stamford, Lord George and Lord John Cavendish, with several
neighbouring Gentlemen, were present. After dinner a subscription
was opened for the erecting of a Monumental Column, in Commemoration
of the Glorious Revolution, on that spot where the Earls of
Devonshire and Danby, Lord Delamere, and Mr. John D'Arcy, met to
concert measures which were eminently instrumental in rescuing
the Liberties of their Country from perdition. As this Monument
is intended to be not less a mark of public Gratitude, than the
memorial of an important event; it was requested, that the present
Representatives of the above-mentioned families would excuse their
not being permitted to join in the expence.

On the 5th, at eleven in the morning, the commemoration commenced
with divine service at Whittington Church. The Rev. Mr. Pegge, the
Rector of the Parish, delivered an excellent Sermon from the words
"This is the day, &c." Though of a great age, having that very
morning entered his 85th year, he spoke with a spirit which seemed
to be derived from the occasion, his sentiments were pertinent, well
arranged, and his expression animated.

The descendants of the illustrious houses of Cavendish, Osborne,
Boothe, and Darcy (for the venerable Duke of Leeds, whose age would
not allow him to attend, had sent his two grandsons, in whom the
blood of Osborne and D'Arcy is united); a numerous and powerful
gentry; a wealthy and respectable yeomanry; a hardy, yet decent and
attentive peasantry; whose intelligent countenances shewed that they
understood, and would be firm to preserve that blessing, for which
they were assembled to return thanks to Almighty God, presented a
truly solemn spectacle, and to the eye of a philosopher the most
interesting that can be imagined.

After service the company went in succession to view the old
house, and the room called by the Anti-revolutionists "The
Plotting-Parlour," with the old armed-chair in which the Earl of
Devonshire is said to have sitten, and every one was then pleased to
partake of a very elegant cold collation, which was prepared in the
new rooms annexed to the cottage. Some time being spent in this, the
procession began:

Constables with long staves, two and two.

The Eight Clubs, four and four; _viz_.

     1. Mr. Deakin's: Flag, blue, with orange fringe, on it the
     figure of Liberty, the motto, "The Protestant Religion, and the
     Liberties of England, we will maintain."

     2. Mr. Bluett's: Flag, blue, fringed with orange, motto,
     "Libertas; quæ sera, tamen respexit inertem." Underneath the
     figure of Liberty crowning Britannia with a wreath of laurels,
     who is represented sitting on a Lion, at her feet the Cornucopiæ
     of Plenty; at the top next the pole, a Castle, emblematical of
     the house where the club is kept; on the lower side of the flag
     Liberty holding a Cap and resting on the Cavendish arms.

     3. Mr. Ostliff's: Flag, broad blue and orange stripe, with
     orange fringe; in the middle the Cavendish arms; motto as No. 1.

     4. Mrs. Barber's: Flag, garter blue and orange quarter'd,
     with white fringe, mottoes, "Liberty secured." "The Glorious
     Revolution 1688."

     5. Mr. Valentine Wilkinson's: Flag, blue with orange fringe, in
     the middle the figure of Liberty; motto as No. 1.

     6. Mr. Stubbs: Flag, blue with orange fringe, motto, "Liberty,
     Property, Trade, Manufactures;" at the top a head of King
     William crowned with laurel, in the middle in a large oval,
     "Revolution 1688." On one side the Cap of Liberty, on the other
     the figure of Britannia; on the opposite side the flag of the
     Devonshire arms.

     Mrs. Ollerenshaw's: Flag, blue with orange fringe; motto as No.
     1. on both sides.

     Mr. Marsingale's: Flag, blue with orange fringe; at the top the
     motto, "In Memory of the Glorious Assertors of British Freedom
     1688," beneath, the figure of Liberty leaning on a shield, on
     which is inscribed, "Revolted from Tyranny at WHITTINGTON 1688;"
     and having in her hand a scroll with the words "Bill of Rights"
     underneath a head of King William the Third; on the other side
     the flag, the motto, "The Glorious Revolter from Tyranny 1688"
     underneath the Devonshire arms; at the bottom the following
     inscription, "WILLIELMUS DUX DEVON. Bonorum Principum Fidelis
     Subditus; Inimicus et Invisus Tyrannis."

  The Members of the Clubs were estimated 2000
  persons, each having a white wand in his hand
  with blue and orange tops and favours, with
  the REVOLUTION stamped upon them.

  The Derbyshire militia's band of music.

  The Corporation of Chesterfield in their formalities,
  who joined the procession on entering the town.

  The Duke of Devonshire in his coach and six.

  Attendants on horseback with four led horses.

  The Earl of Stamford in his post chaise and four.

  Attendants on horseback.

  The Earl of Danby and Lord Francis Osborne in their
  post-chaise and four.

  Attendants on horseback.

  Lord George Cavendish in his post-chaise and four.

  Attendants on horseback.

  Lord John Cavendish in his post-chaise and four.

  Attendants on horseback.

  Sir Francis Molyneux and Sir Henry Hunloke, Barts.
  in Sir Henry's coach and six.

  Attendants on horseback.

  And upwards of forty other carriages of the neighbouring
  gentry, with their attendants.

  Gentlemen on horseback, three and three.

  Servants on horseback, ditto.

The procession in the town of Chesterfield went along
Holywell-Street, Saltergate, Glumangate, then to the left along
the upper side of the Market-place to Mr. Wilkinson's house, down
the street past the Mayor's house, along the lower side of the
Market-place to the end of the West Barrs, from thence past Dr.
Milnes's house to the Castle, where the Derbyshire band of music
formed in the centre and played "_Rule Britannia_," "_God save the
King, &c._" the Clubs and Corporation still proceeding in the same
order to the Mayor's and then dispersed.

[Illustration: REVOLUTION House at WHITTINGTON.

_Gent. Mag. Suppl. to Vol. LXXX. Part II, p. 609._

_Schnebbelie del._]

The whole was conducted with order and regularity, for
notwithstanding there were fifty carriages, 400 gentlemen on
horseback, and an astonishing throng of spectators, not an accident
happened. All was joy and gladness, without a single burst of unruly
tumult and uproar. The approving eye of Heaven shed its auspicious
beams, and blessed this happy day with more than common splendour.

The company was so numerous as scarcely to be accommodated at the
three principal inns. It would be a piece of injustice not to
mention the dinner at the Castle, which was served in a style of
unusual elegance.

The following toasts were afterwards given:

  1. THE KING.
  2. The glorious and immortal Memory of King William the IIId.
  3. The Memory of the Glorious Revolution.
  4. The Memory of those Friends to their Country, who, at the risk of
           their lives and fortunes, were instrumental in effecting
           the Glorious Revolution in 1688.
  5. The Law of the Land.
  6. The PRINCE of WALES.
  7. The QUEEN, and the rest of the Royal Family.
  8. Prosperity to the British Empire.
  9. The Duke of Leeds, and prosperity to the House of Osborne.
  10. The Duke of Devonshire, and prosperity to the House of
            Cavendish.
  11. The Earl of Stamford, and prosperity to the united House of
            Boothe and Grey.
  12. The Earl of Danby, and prosperity to the united House of Osborne
            and Darcy.
  13. All the Friends of the Revolution met this year to commemorate
            that glorious Event.
  14. The Dke of Portland.
  15. Prosperity to the County of Derby.
  16. The Members for the County.
  17. The Members for the Borough of Derby.
  18. The Duchess of Devonshire, &c.

In the evening a brilliant exhibition of fireworks was played off,
under the direction of Signor Pietro; during which the populace were
regaled with a proper distribution of liquor. The day concluded with
a ball, at which were present near 300 gentlemen and ladies; amongst
whom were many persons of distinction. The Duchess of Devonshire,
surrounded by the bloom of the Derbyshire hills, is a picture not to
be pourtrayed. Near 250 ball-tickets were received at the door.

The warm expression of gratitude and affection sparkling in every
eye, must have excited in the breasts of those noble personages,
whose ancestors were the source of this felicity, a sensation which
Monarchs in all their glory might envy. The utmost harmony and
felicity prevailed throughout the whole meeting. An hogshead of ale
was given to the populace at Whittington, and three hogsheads at
Chesterfield; where the Duke of Devonshire gave also three guineas
to each of the eight clubs.

It was not the least pleasing circumstance attending this meeting,
that all party distinctions were forgotten. Persons of all ranks
and denominations wore orange and blue, in memory of our glorious
Deliverer; And the most respectable Roman Catholic families,
satisfied with the mild toleration of government in the exercise of
their Religion, vied in their endeavours to shew how just a sense
they had of the value of CIVIL LIBERTY.


Letter from the Rev. P. CUNNINGHAM to Mr. PEGGE.

     _Eyam, near Tideswal,
     Nov. 2, 1788._

     REV. AND DEAR SIR,

     You will please to accept of the inclosed Stanzas, and the
     Ode for the Jubilee, as a little testimony of the Author's
     respectful remembrance of regard; and of his congratulations,
     that it has pleased Divine Providence to prolong your days, to
     take a distinguished part in the happy commemoration of the
     approaching Fifth of November.

     Having accidentally heard yesterday the Text you proposed for
     your Discourse on Wednesday, I thought the adoption of it, as an
     additional truth to the one I had chosen, would be regarded as
     an additional token of implied respect. In that light I flatter
     myself you will consider it.

     I shall be happy if these poetic effusions should be considered
     by you as a proof of the sincere respect and esteem with which I
     subscribe myself,

     Dear Sir, your faithful humble servant,
     P. CUNNINGHAM.


Stanzas, by the Rev. P. _Cunningham_, occasioned by the
     Revolution Jubilee, at Whittington and Chesterfield, Nov. 5,
     1788. Inscribed to the Rev. SAMUEL PEGGE, Rector of Whittington.

"This is the day which the Lord hath made; we will rejoice and be glad
in it." Psalms.

     "Esto perpetua!" _F. P. Sarpi da Venez._

    Round the starr'd Zodiack, now the golden Sun
      Eventful Time a Century hath led;
    Since Freedom, with her choicest wreath, begun
      Smiling, to grace her long-loved Nation's head.

    Welcome again, the fair auspicious Morn!
      To Freedom, first and fairest of the year;
    When from her ashes, like a Phœnix born,
      Reviving Britain rose in Glory's sphere.

    When, starting from their mournful death-like trance,
      Her venerable Laws their fasces rais'd.
    Her stern-eyed Champions grasp'd th' avenging lance,
      And pure Religion's trembling altars blaz'd.

    For then, from Belgia, through the billowy storm,
      And, heaven-directed in an happy hour,
    Britain's good Genius, bearing WILLIAM'S form,
      Broke the dire Sceptre of Despotic Power.

    Ev'n now, to Fancy's retrospective eyes,
      Fix'd on the triumphs of his Patriot-Reign;
    Majestic seems the Hero's shade to rise,
      With Commerce, Wealth, and Empire, in his train.

    Undimm'd his[43] Eagle-eye, serene his air,
      Of Soul heroic, as in Fields of Death;
    See! Britain's Weal employs his latest care,
      Her Liberty and Laws his latest breath.

    "Visions of Glory! crouding on his sight,"
      With your still-growing lustre gild the day,
    When Britons, worthy of their Sires, unite
      Their Orisons at Freedom's Shrine to pay.

    To eternize the delegated hand,
      That seal'd their great forefathers' fields their own;
    Rais'd ev'ry art that decks a smiling land,
      And Laws that guard the Cottage as the Throne.

    That to the free, unconquerable mind
      Secur'd the sacred Rights of Conscience, given
    To Man, when tender Mercy first design'd
      To raise the Citizen of Earth to Heaven.

    And hark! the solemn Pæans grateful rise
      From rural Whittington's o'erflowing fane;
    And, with the heart's pure incense to the skies,
      Its venerable Shepherd's[44] hallow'd strain.

    See! pointing to the memorable scene,
      He bids that Heath[45] to latest times be known,
    Whence her three Champions[46], Freedom, heaven-born Queen,
      Led with fresh glories to the British Throne.

    Oh, Friend! upon whose natal morn[47] 'tis given,
      When seventeen Lustres mark thy letter'd days,
    To lead the Hymn of Gratitude to Heav'n,
      And blend the Christian's with the Briton's praise.

    Like hoary Sarpis[48], patriot Sage, thy pray'r
      With Life shall close in _his_ emphatic Strain;
    "As on _this_ day, may Freedom, ever fair,
      In Britain flourish, and for ever reign!"

     _Eyam, Derbyshire._
     P. C.

  [43] Sir John Dalrymple's "Continuation of Memoirs of Great Britain."

  [44] Samuel Pegge.

  [45] Whittington Moor.

  [46] Earl of Devon, Earl of Danby, and Mr. John D'Arcy.

  [47] Birth-day of the Rev. Samuel Pegge, 1704.

  [48] Father Paul.

       *       *       *       *       *

Ode for the Revolution Jubilee, 1788.

    When lawless Power his iron hand,
    When blinded Zeal her flaming brand
      O'er Albion's Island wav'd;
    Indignant freedom veil'd the sight;
    Eclips'd her Son of Glory's light;
      Her fav'rite Realm enslav'd.

    Distrest she wander'd:--when afar
    She saw her NASSAU'S friendly star
      Stream through the stormy air:
    She call'd around a Patriot Band;
    She bade them save a sinking land;
      And deathless glory share.

    Her cause their dauntless hearts inspir'd,
    With ancient Roman virtue fir'd;
      They plough'd the surging main;
    With fav'ring gales from Belgia's shore
    Her heaven-directed Hero bore,
      And Freedom crown'd his Reign.

    With equal warmth her spirit glows,
    Though hoary Time's centennial snows
      New silver o'er her fame.
    For hark, what songs of triumph tell,
    Still grateful Britons love to dwell,
      On WILLIAM'S glorious name.


EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS TO MR. GOUGH.

     DEAR SIR,
     _Whittington, Oct. 11, 1788._

     We are to have most grand doings at this place, 5th of November
     next, at the _Revolution House_, which I believe you saw when
     you was here. The Resolutions of the Committee were ordered to
     be inserted in the London prints[49]; so I presume you may have
     seen them, and that I am desired to preach the Sermon.

     I remain your much obliged, &c.
     S. PEGGE.

  [49] "The Committee appointed by the Lords and Gentlemen at the
  last Chesterfield Races, to conduct and manage the Celebration of
  the intended Jubilee, on the Hundredth Anniversary of the glorious
  Revolution, at the Revolution House in Whittington, in the County of
  Derby, where measures were first concerted for the promotion of that
  grand constitutional event, in these midland parts, have this day
  met, and upon consideration, come to the following resolutions:

  That General Gladwin do take the chair at this meeting. That the
  Rev. Samuel Pegge be requested to preach a Sermon on the occasion,
  at Whittington Church, on the 5th day of November next. That the
  Gentlemen who intend to honor the meeting with their company, do
  assemble at Whittington Church, exactly at eleven o'clock in the
  forenoon of that day to attend divine service. That immediately
  after service, they meet at the Revolution House, where a cold
  collation will be provided. That they go in procession from thence
  to Chesterfield, where ordinaries will be provided at the Angel,
  Castle, and Falcon inns. That the meeting be open to all friends of
  the Revolution. That letters be written to the Dukes of Devonshire
  and Leeds, and the Earl of Stamford, to request the honour of
  their attendance at that meeting. That there be a ball for the
  Ladies in the evening at the Assembly Room in Chesterfield. That a
  subscription of one guinea each be entered into for defraying the
  extraordinary expenses on the occasion, and that the same be paid
  into the hands of Messrs. Wilkinson's, in Chesterfield. That the
  Committee do meet again on Wednesday the 8th of October next, at the
  Angel Inn, in Chesterfield, at one o'clock. That these resolutions
  be published in the Derby and Nottingham newspapers, and in the St.
  James's of Whitehall, and Lloyd's Evening Posts, and the London and
  English Chronicles.

       _Chesterfield, Sept. 27, 1788._
       HENRY GLADWIN, Chairman."

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Whittington, Nov. 29, 1788._

     MY DEAR MR. GOUGH,

     Mr. Rooke slept at the Vicarage on the 4th, in order to be ready
     for our grand celebrity the next day; and to distribute then to
     his friends his drawing, which he had caused to be engraved by
     Basire, of the _Revolution House_ at Whittington, which he did,
     with a paper of mine, respecting the meeting there of the Earl
     of Devonshire, the Earl of Derby, &c. in 1688, annexed.

     The 5th of November is now gone and over, and they said I
     acquitted myself very well. Indeed, I was in good spirits, and,
     as my Son-in-law read the prayers, I went fresh into the pulpit.
     The Duke of Devon was too late; but we had the Earl of Stamford
     at church, with Lord George and Lord John Cavendish, Lord Danby
     (Son of the Marquis of Carmarthen), and Lord Francis Osborne,
     with their Preceptor Dr. Jackson, Prebendary of Westminster, &c.
     The cavalcade from Whittington to Chesterfield, where we were
     to dine at four o'clock, was amazingly grand, no less than 50
     coaches and chaises with horses dressed with orange ribbons;
     large and fine banners, with sundry bands of music. There were
     about 1000 on foot, with orange cockades, and about 300 on
     horseback, many of whom, besides cockades, were in blue, with
     orange capes. At half past six the fireworks, by an Italian
     artist, began, and very admirable they were; he had twenty
     pounds given him by the _Managers_. The ball room, at nine, was
     so crowded that, though it is large, there could be but little
     dancing. The ball was given to the Ladies, with an entertainment
     of cakes, sweetmeats, negus, &c. It was a fine day; and not the
     least accident happened, though it is supposed not less than
     30,000 people were assembled. Hogsheads of liquor were given by
     the Managers at Whittington and Chesterfield, and the Duke of
     Devon gave twenty-four guineas to the footmen mentioned above. I
     saw nobody however in liquor; and when Mr. Rooke and I returned
     to Whittington, at one o'clock or after, we had a sober driver.

     It happened to be my birth-day; which being known to some
     gentlemen at all the three great inns where the company dined,
     they drank my health with three cheers, requesting me to print
     my Sermon. This request I have complied with, and it is now
     printed at Chesterfield; I will take care that a copy be sent to
     you and Mr. Nichols. But I must observe to you on the occasion,
     that the Sermon will not read so well as it was heard, because
     having good command over myself at the time, I delivered it with
     energy and emphasis.

     There will be a monument erected at the Revolution House in
     Whittington; a column I suppose; and 148 guineas are already
     subscribed. N. B. The Duke of Devon and the Earl of Stamford
     were excepted from subscribing, so they reluctantly desisted.
     Sir H. Hunloke, a Catholic, is a subscriber, and went in the
     cavalcade, but was not at church, as you may suppose.

     We have a very fine time here, no signs of winter but the
     absence of leaves; the want of water however is very wonderful,
     considering the time of year, and is even distressing. I grow
     very idle and good for nothing; but, such as I am, I remain your
     very affectionate and much obliged servant,

     S. PEGGE.

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Whittington, Dec. 22, 1788._

     DEAR SIR,

     By this time I hope you are in possession of my Sermon, as I
     desired my Son to send one copy to you, and another to Mr.
     Nichols. If I know you, your sentiments in politics coincide
     with mine; so that I have no fear of your concurrence in that
     respect and have only to wish that the composition may please
     you.

     I am, dear Sir, your truly affectionate and much obliged servant,

       S. PEGGE.




SEQUEL TO THE PARENTALIA.

BY THE EDITOR.


Samuel Pegge, Esq. the only surviving Son[50] of the venerable
Antiquary whose Life has just been recorded, was born in 1731.
After an excellent classical education, at St. John's College,
Cambridge, he was admitted a Barrister of the Middle Temple; and
was soon after, by the favour of the Duke of Devonshire, then
Lord Chamberlain, appointed one of the Grooms of His Majesty's
Privy-Chamber, and an Esquire of the King's Household.

  [50] Another son, Christopher, died an infant in 1736.

Mr. Pegge married Martha, daughter of Dr. Henry Bourne, an eminent
Physician, of Spital, near Chesterfield, in Derbyshire[51], and
sister to the Rev. John Bourne[52], Rector of Sutton, and Vicar of
South Wingfield, co. Derby.

  [51] Who died in 1775, in his 89th year.

  [52] Who married Anne-Katharine, Mr. S. Pegge's only sister.

By this lady, who was born in 1732, and died in 1767, he had
one son, Christopher, of whom hereafter; and one daughter,
Charlotte-Anne, who died, unmarried, March 17, 1793.

Mr. Pegge married, secondly, Goodeth Belt, daughter of Robert Belt,
Esq. of Bossall, co. York, by whom he had no issue[53].

  [53] She died Oct. 23, 1807, in her 82d year.

After the death of his Father, Mr. Pegge, though somewhat advanced
in life, was desirous of becoming a Member of the Society of
Antiquaries. He was accordingly elected in 1796; having previously
shewn that he was well deserving of that distinction, by the
accuracy and intelligence displayed in the "Curialia."

He survived his Father little more than four years; during which
period he enjoyed but an indifferent state of bodily health. His
mental faculties, however, were, to the last, strong and unimpaired;
his manners truly elegant; his conversation always sensible and
pleasant; and his epistolary correspondence[54] lively and facetious.

  [54] A few extracts from his Letters are given in p. lxxxiii.

His death is thus recorded on an upright stone on the West side of
Kensington church-yard:

          "SAMUEL PEGGE, Esq.
  died May the 22d, 1800, aged 67 years.

    MARTHA, Wife of SAMUEL PEGGE, Esq.
    died June 28, 1767, aged 35 years.

    CHARLOTTE-ANNE, the only Daughter
        of SAMUEL and MARTHA PEGGE,
   died March 17, 1793, aged 31 years.

  Mrs. CHRISTIANA PEGGE died July 1, 1790."

To Mr. Pegge, we are indebted for the foregoing circumstantial
Memoir or his very learned Father; and for several occasional
communications to the Gentleman's Magazine.

But his principal Work Was intituled, "_Curialia_; or, an Historical
Account of some Branches of the Royal Household[55];" Three
Portions of which he published in his life-time:

     Part I. consisted of "Two Dissertations, addressed to the
     President of the Society of Antiquaries, London; _viz._ 1. On
     the obsolete Office of the Esquires of the King's Body. 2. On
     the original Nature, Duty, &c. of the Gentlemen of the King's
     Most Honourable Privy Chamber, 1782."

     Part II. contains "A Memoir regarding the King's Honourable Band
     of Gentlemen Pensioners, from its Establishment to the present
     Time, 1784."

     Part III. is "A Memoir respecting the King's Body-Guard of
     Yeomen of his Guard, from its Institution, A. D. 1485; 1791."

  [55] Had Mr. Pegge lived to have completed his whole design, the
  Title would have run thus: "_Hospitium Regis_; or, a History of
  the Royal Household, and the several Officers thereof, principally
  in the Departments of the Lord Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, the
  Master of the Horse, and the Groom of the Stole. Collected and
  digested by Samuel Pegge, Esq. F.S.A."

During the remaining period of his life, Mr. Pegge amused himself
in preparing several other Numbers of his "Curialia" for the press;
the materials for which, and also his "Anecdotes of the English
Language," he bequeathed to Mr. Nichols; who printed "The Anecdotes
of the English Language" in 1803. This Work having been noticed
with much approbation in the principal Reviews, and very favourably
received by the Publick at large, a Second Edition (corrected and
improved from his own detached MSS.) was published in 1814. To this
Edition was added, "A Supplement to the Provincial Glossary of
Francis Grose, Esq." compiled by Mr. Pegge.

In 1806 Mr. Nichols published Two additional Numbers of the
"Curialia:"

     Part IV. "A History of Somerset House[56], from the Commencement
     of its Erection in 1549."

     Part V. "A Dissertation[57] on the ancient Establishment and
     Function of the Serjeant at Arms."

  [56] The History of Somerset House was with Mr. Pegge a favourite
  subject; and to this, with the exception of the two concluding
  pages, he had put the finishing hand.

  [57] Announced by the Author in his Introduction to Part III. and by
  himself very nearly completed for the press.

The further continuation of that interesting work was broken off by
the melancholy accident mentioned in page v.

In the early part of his life Mr. Pegge was a considerable
proficient in Musick. He composed a complete Melo-Drama, both the
words and the musick in score, which still remains in MS. Many
Catches and Glees also, and several of the most popular Songs for
Vauxhall Gardens were written and set to music by him.

His Muse was very fertile; and though his modesty forbade the
avowal, he was the Author of some occasional Prologues and Epilogues
which were favourably received by the Publick: a Prologue,
particularly, spoken by Mr. Yates at Birmingham in 1760, on taking
the Theatre into his own hands; an Epilogue spoken by the same
excellent Actor, at Drury Lane, on his return from France, and
another Epilogue, filled with pertinent allusions to the Game of
Quadrille, spoken by Mrs. Yates, at her Benefit, in three different
seasons, 1769, 1770, and 1774. He was the Author also of a pathetic
Elegy on his own Recovery from a dangerous Illness; and of some
pleasant Tales and Epigrammatic Poems.

His other acknowledged writings were,

1. "An Elegy on the Death of Godfrey Bagnall Clerke, Esq. (late one
of the Representatives in Parliament for the County of Derby), who
died Dec. 26, 1774.[58]"

2. "Memoirs of Edward Capell, Esq."[59]

3. "Illustrations of the Churchwardens' Accompts of St. Michael
Spurrier Gate, York," in the "Illustrations of the Manners and
Expences of Antient Times, 1797."

4. "On a Custom observed by the Lord Lieutenants of Ireland."
(Antiquarian Repertory, Edit. 1809, vol. IV. p. 622.)

5. "Historical Anecdotes of the French Word Carosse." (Ibid. p.
642.)--The two last mentioned Tracts are re-printed in the present
volume.

  [58] Of this Elegy Mr. Pegge printed only a few copies to be given
  to particular Friends; but, by his permission, it was re-printed for
  sale by Mr. Joseph Bradley, of Chesterfield.

  [59] See the "Illustrations of Literature," vol. I. p. 427.

Mr. Pegge also superintended through the Press the greater part of
his Father's "History of Beauchief Abbey;" but died before it was
completed.

His only Son, the present Sir Christopher Pegge, was admitted a
Commoner at Christ Church, Oxford, in 1782; took the Degree of B. A.
there in 1786; was elected Fellow of Oriel College in 1788; resigned
his Fellowship in 1790, and was re-admitted of Christ Church, having
been appointed, through favour of the Dean and Chapter, Dr. Lee's
Reader in Anatomy (which situation he resigned in 1816, an asthmatic
complaint having rendered change of residence adviseable); took the
Degrees of M. A. and M. B. 1789, and that of M. D. 1792. He was
elected one of the Physicians to the Radcliffe Infirmary in 1791
(which he resigned in 1803); F. L. S. 1792; F.R.S. 1795; and Fellow
of the College of Physicians 1796; received from his Majesty the
Honour of Knighthood in 1799, and the Dignity of Regius Professor of
Physic in 1801.

Sir Christopher Pegge married, in 1791, Amey, the eldest daughter of
Kenton Couse, Esq. of Whitehall; by whom he has issue one daughter,
Mary, married in 1816 to the Rev. Richard Moore Boultbee, of Merton
College, Oxford (second son of Joseph Boultbee, Esq. of Springfield
House, near Knowle, Warwickshire), and had a daughter, born Dec. 9,
1817.


APPENDIX, No. II.

To RICHARD GOUGH, Esq.

_Whittington, March 17, 1796._

DEAR SIR,

There are no persons in the world to whom so much regard is due,
respecting my late Father's Collections in the literary line, as
to yourself and Mr. Nichols. I daily see obligations, from Books
which you have respectively conferred upon him, which call for every
acknowledgement. I am as daily concerned in looking over papers of
various kinds; and will preserve them all sacredly, and report upon
them when I return to Town, which must be in May or June.

I am labouring to keep possession of this house as long as I can,
and believe I shall be amply indulged; a circumstance which will
enable me to pay every attention to what may be of real use to my
Father's Friends: for, as Botanists allow nothing to be weeds, so I
admit nothing to be waste paper.

What I write to you I mean should be said to Mr. Nichols, with every
kind remembrance. I have only to desire that I may be considered (by
descent at least) as

  Your obliged Friend,
  S. PEGGE.

       *       *       *       *       *

To Mr. Deputy NICHOLS.

  _Whittington, March 30, 1796._

  DEAR SIR,

A peck of March dust is said to be worth a King's ransom;--and to
you (who know this house) I may say that I am enveloped in as much
dust[60] as would ransom an Emperor. I shall be in Town at the end
of May at the farthest, and would wish to work double tides in
the History of Beauchief-Abbey while I stay; for I shall find it
necessary to pass as long a Summer as I can here, where (by the new
Rector's leave) I hope to continue till the approach of Winter.

  S. PEGGE.

  [60] The Books in the Library at Whittington had, probably, not been
  dusted for 20 to 30 years.

       *       *       *       *       *

  _Whittington, April 12, 1796._

  DEAR SIR,

I am really so much engaged (for I am not half through my Herculean
labour) that I have not leisure to think of my late nearest Friend,
so as to _erect_ any memorial in the Gentleman's Magazine _at
present_.

I have written to Lord Leicester and to Mr. Topham by this post, to
request that I may be _hung up, according to Law_, at the Society of
Antiquaries, in hopes of being honourably cut down, and receiving
Christian Burial. The _Director_[61], I trust, will appear _to
character_ when my Trial comes up. God send me a good deliverance!
What I write to you, I write to Mr. Gough also through you.

  Your obliged Friend, &c.
  S. PEGGE.

  [61] Mr. Gough was then Director of the Society of Antiquaries.

       *       *       *       *       *

To GEORGE ALLAN, Esq. Darlington.

  _Whittington, May 2, 1796._

  SIR,

In the course of the last year my late Father (Rev. Dr. Pegge) among
other Books made me a present off "The Northumberland Household
Book;" which he told me (as I since find by his memoranda) was lent
to you. I take the liberty of wishing to have it returned soon,
directed to my Friend Mr. Nichols.

I have heard my Father often speak of you, Sir, with much respect,
and I shall always honour my Father's Friends. I am, &c.

  S. PEGGE.

       *       *       *       *       *

  _Whittington, May 23, 1796._
  SIR,

I thank you for the favour of your Letter, which was anticipated
by a line from Mr. Nichols, advising me that "The Northumberland
Household Book" was safe in his hands. The honourable mention I
hear of my late Father, almost every day, is very gratifying to me,
though I know it is not undeserved on his part. As to Mr. Brander's
Print of my father, I have a very few in London; and one of the
best of them shall be at your service. I cannot think the Print in
the least like my Father; but I have a Painting[62] which is a very
strong resemblance.

Your very obedient humble servant,

  S. PEGGE.

  [62] This striking resemblance of my worthy old friend Dr. Pegge,
  which I have often had the agreeable opportunity of comparing with
  the Original when conversing with the good Doctor at Whittington,
  is now in the possession of his Grandson, Sir Christopher Pegge;
  by whose kind permission a faithful Engraving from it, admirably
  executed by Philip Andinet, accompanies the present Publication.

       *       *       *       *       *

To Mr. NICHOLS.

  _Whittington, July 28, 1796._

  DEAR SIR,

We left London on Monday the eleventh; but did not _make_
Whittington till last Sunday the 24th inst. We passed part of
Wednesday the 13th, and all the 14th and 15th, at Southwell, with
the new Rector of Whittington, and had a very pleasurable visit. We
next _touched_ at Spital, and as we thought only for three or four
days, but were detained there by _contrary winds_, which _blew_ us
into parties of company and venison.

I am, dear Sir, yours very sincerely, S. PEGGE.

       *       *       *       *       *

  _York, Sunday, Sept. 11, 1796._

  DEAR SIR,

Where and when this will find you, whether in _Urban_ or in _Sylvan_
scenes, I know not: but the purport of it is to desire that you
would send me (to Whittington) the _last Impression_ of the Family
Pedigree of _Bourne_.

Whether you ever insert it in your _Leicestershire_ or not, I wish
to have it completed, as far as may be, from my own connexion with
it; and because I know that every difficulty is doubled to every
succeeding generation. The Historian of Leicestershire must have had
repeated experience of this circumstance in his investigations.

  Yours, &c.
  S. PEGGE.

       *       *       *       *       *

  _Scotland yard, Feb. 20, 1797._

  DEAR SIR,

I am now going seriously to work, to bring the Coins forward by
auction. The whole collection amounts in number to between 1100 and
1200; but of what value the hammer must determine.

  S. PEGGE.

       *       *       *       *       *

  _June 10, 1797._

  DEAR SIR,

Mr. Gough was so obliging as to mention hopes of seeing us at
Enfield; and I have been for several days on the point of writing to
him a line of thanks, and to express the willingness of the spirit,
and the weakness of the flesh; for, alas! I have got as much gout as
will last me till we go into Derbyshire in the second week in July.
In this situation it would be much to the honour of your humanity to
come and pass an evening with us. I am sure to be found at home.

  S. P.

       *       *       *       *       *

  _Scotland yard, June 18, 1797._

  DEAR SIR,

I hope this will find you safely returned from your excursion,
and disengaged, as I wish you to pass a _long_ evening with me.
Mr. Bowyer Nichols would tell you that I am now at leisure to go
on with "Beauchief Abbey" for a little while; but without your
assistance, know not how. Send me word what evening you can best
spare, and bring your Son with you, and let it be very _speedily_. I
shall soon put an end to the Session, and this _Printing-ment_ will
be prorogued to the 5th of October, then to meet for dispatch of
business.

  S. PEGGE.

       *       *       *       *       *

  _December 7, 1797._

  DEAR SIR,

As you are connected with the Representatives of Dr. Farmer, or the
person who acts for them, I wish you would procure a receipt for a
copy of Skelton, which was found in my Father's collection after his
death, and which was evidently Mr. Farmer's property.

As I hear that Dr. Farmer's Library is intended for sale, I should
be glad that this book might be soon restored to the Executors; and
my original wish to return it, may appear from a letter of mine to
Dr. Farmer, dated so long ago as the 4th of February last, which has
probably been found among his papers. I received no answer to it,
which I imputed to his then bad state of health.

  Yours, &c.
  S. PEGGE.

       *       *       *       *       *

  _Harrowgate, Aug. 25, 1799._

  DEAR SIR,

Our history, since I saw you, is briefly this. We left London on
the 18th of July, and made a journey of three days to Spital, near
Chesterfield. After resting there, for as many days, we set off for
this place, which we found very full, and made our quarters good
at the humblest house we could find; but with the most comfortable
accommodations that a very uncomfortable place can afford; and
are reconciled to our situation. We dine (_en masse_) about 20 on
the average, keep good hours, and are not pestered with gamblers,
ladies-maids, or lap-dogs. In some houses they dine 120 people!!!

The water of this place is a very strong sulphur, and I believe,
is the most powerful of any in the kingdom. The most quiet of this
sort of houses is much too turbulent for me; besides that it is
difficult for one who cannot walk, or even saunter about, as others
do, to fill up the chasms between meals, except by reading, which
is scarcely practicable here. I find myself, however, tolerably
habituated to noise and talk; and as to the art of doing nothing, I
have made myself perfectly master of it. As a proof of it, I have
been three weeks in writing this letter.

If you ask me how I do? I answer, I don't know at present. I have
experienced much _non_-valescence, and am told _con_-valescence will
follow.

  S. PEGGE.

       *       *       *       *       *

  _Monday, January 27, 1800._

  DEAR SIR,

The Lady[63] mentioned in the enclosed Article is my Niece, who
hopes to open the Ball in the List of Marriages in this Month. I
send also an article for the Obituary[64], the death of a Brother of
my Wife, and whose death has long been expected. I am a lodger in my
own first-floor, with some gout, which will neither lead nor drive;
but I should be very happy to receive a charitable visit of chat in
any evening that you can spare. I do not ask Mr. Bowyer Nichols, as
I cannot encounter more than one person at a time.

  Your very sincere friend,
  S. PEGGE.

  [63] Elizabeth, daughter of the Rev. John Bourne, of Spital, was
  married, Jan. 1, 1800, to Robert Jennings, Esq. of Hull.

  [64] Mr. John Belt, of York, Surgeon, died Jan. 23, 1800.

       *       *       *       *       *

  _March 17, 1800._

  DEAR SIR,

Presuming that you are returned from Hinckley, and _have nothing
in the world to do_, I hope you will give us your company in an
evening very soon; for at that time of the day I see nobody else.
Let me hear by one of your _Representatives in Parliament_[65] on
what evening I may expect you, that I may _rectify_ my spirits
accordingly.

     Adieu!
     S. PEGGE.

  [65] So he humourously styled the Printer's Errand Boys.




Hospitium Domini Regis;

OR,

THE HISTORY

OF THE

ROYAL HOUSEHOLD.




INTRODUCTION.


I was led into the following investigation from a natural and kind
of instinctive curiosity, and a desire of knowing what was the
antient state of the Court to which I have the honour, by the favour
of his Grace William the late Duke of Devonshire, to compose a part.
It is obvious to suppose that so large a body must have undergone
various revolutions, and have borne very different complexions
according to times and circumstances: and having occasion to consult
some MSS. in the Lord Chamberlain's Office, by his Lordship's
permission, upon a matter of no consequence to relate, I thought
I discerned, in the course of my search, that materials were to be
found sufficient to furnish out a detail. Having free access to the
use of a large Library, and by the favour of many friends, to whom
I take this opportunity of testifying my obligations, I was enabled
to trace back the state of the Court in darker ages, though but by a
glimmering light.

Notwithstanding ample revenues have always been provided for support
of the dignity and splendour of the Royal House of the Kings of
England, equal, if not perhaps superior, to those of any Court in
Europe, yet we shall find they have varied very much in different
Reigns, as times and circumstances have required; though not always
for laudable reasons. Some of our Kings have been so profuse,
that, either from their extensive liberality, or more frequently
worse inducements, they have thereby lessened the estates of the
Crown so very much, that retrenchments, either in the number or
expence of their Households (and sometimes both) have become the
necessary consequence. Others[66] have found the Crown Revenues so
much contracted at their Accession, that they have been obliged to
demand resumptions of grants made by their immediate Predecessor,
in order to enable themselves to support the Regal dignity with a
proper degree of splendour. Others[67], again, from a wanton spirit
of prodigality, have rendered it necessary for them to resume even
_their own_ grants; a measure equally scandalous to the character of
the Prince, as derogatory to the honour of the Crown.

As to _resumptions_, several of each sort will be seen in the
following sheets, antecedent to the Reformation; and since that
period there have been repeated occasions for _reductions (ex
necessitate rei)_ in the tumultuous reigns of Charles the First,
Charles the Second, and James the Second.

When we speak of the superior magnificence of our own Court, we may
add, that no other makes so liberal appointments to its Officers,
could we know the Establishments of the rest.

  [66] Henry II.

  [67] William Rufus.

In France they figure away with thousands of livres _per annum_;
but, when these come to be liquidated into pounds sterling, the idea
is lost, and the appointment of a Lord of the Bed-chamber sinks down
into a salary not superior to our Gentlemen Ushers.

In Poland the Officers of the State and Household have no salaries
nor fees[68]; but are content with the honour, unless the King chose
to reward them with a _Starostie_, a kind of Fiefs inherent in the
Crown for this purpose.

  [68] See Letters concerning the present state of Poland, printed for
  T. Payne, 1773, Letter iii. p. 57.

At the Court of Turin, the salaries of the Officers of the Court
are extremely small, and every way inadequate to their rank.
Frugality and œconomy, exercised in a Royal manner, are the
characteristics of that Court; insomuch as that, if the Officers of
State had not an income arising from their patrimony, their salaries
would not afford them food and raiment[69].

  [69] Lord Corke's Letters from Italy, published 1773, p. 52.

The Emperor of Germany has one very singular prerogative, very
inconvenient to the inhabitants of Vienna, that of taking to himself
the _first floor_ of every house in the City (a few privileged
places excepted) for the use of the _Officers of his Court and
Army_; so that, on this account, says my Author[70], "Princes,
Ambassadors, and Nobles, usually inhabit the second stories; and
the third, fourth, and even fifth floors (the houses being large
and high) are well fitted up for the reception of opulent and noble
families." The houses being so large, a single floor suffices for
most of the principal and largest families in the City.

  [70] Dr. Burney, in his Present State of Munich, in Germany, vol. I.
  pp. 205, 295.

For particulars relative to the Court of Denmark, it may be
sufficient to refer to the account given by Lord Molesworth, who
resided several years as Envoy Extraordinary from King William III.




WILLIAM I.


After that great Revolution called _The Conquest_, it is to be
supposed that a competent part, and that no inconsiderable one,
was allotted for the support of the Dignity of the King's House.
How large the establishment of the Household was, it would be very
difficult to ascertain at this distance of time; but we know that
the Conqueror's Revenues were very great, and that, besides the
public branch of it for the defence of the Kingdom against invasions
from abroad, there must have been an ample residue to maintain the
Court in dignity and magnificence at home. William, as soon as he
was seated on his new Throne, was careful to make a general and
accurate Survey of the whole kingdom, notwithstanding there had
been a Survey taken within less than 200 years by King Alfred, then
remaining at Winchester.[71] But William's jealous caution did
not permit him to trust to this. He saw the necessity there was to
make the most of things; and, looking on money as a necessary means
of maintaining and increasing power, he accumulated as much as he
could, though rather, perhaps, from an ambitious than a covetous
motive; at least his avarice was subservient to his ambition; and he
laid up wealth in his coffers, as he did arms in his magazines, to
be drawn out on proper occasions, for the defence and enlargement of
his dominions[72].

  [71] Called Codex Wintoniensis. See Sir John Spelman's Life of
  Alfred.

  [72] Lord Lyttelton's Life of Henry II. vol. i. p. 74; edit. 8vo.

In William's Survey, which we call _Domesday Book_, particular
attention was first paid to the King's right; and the _Terra Regis_
(as it was called), which consisted of such lands as either had
belonged to the Crown, or to the King individually, was placed
first; and, upon the whole, 1422[73] manors, or lordships, were
appropriated to the Crown; besides lands and farms, and besides
quit-rents paid out of other subordinate manors. Whether William
assumed to himself and the Crown more than he ought, is hard to
say; but it is to be supposed he was not very sparing or delicate.
The _Terra Regis_ is said to have consisted of such lands as Edward
the Confessor was found to have been possessed of, the alienation
of which was held impious; to which some think William added the
forfeited estates of those who opposed him at the decisive battle of
Hastings[74]; and likewise the lands of such Barons, and others, who
afterwards forsook him. These advantages he might, perhaps, be glad
to take, as they enabled him better to reward his Norman friends
and followers, who were numerous; and furnished him likewise with a
plea to enrich himself, by annexing part of such lands to the Crown,
and distributing the rest, with a reservation of quit-rents and
services. We may add to these, many apparently unjustifiable means
which the Conqueror used to enrich himself, though by the greatness
of the antient Crown-estate, and the feudal profits to which he
was legally entitled, he was already one of the richest Monarchs
in Europe. The Saxon Chronicle says, he omitted no opportunity of
extorting money from his subjects upon the slightest pretext, and
speaks of it as a thing of course[75]. It must be owned, however,
(says Lord Lyttelton) that, if his avarice was insatiably and
unjustly rapacious, it was not meanly parsimonious, nor of that
sordid kind which brings on a Prince dishonour and contempt. He
supported the _dignity of the Crown_ with a _decent magnificence_;
and, though he never was _lavish_, he was sometimes _liberal_[76].

  [73] Domesday Book.

  [74] Rapin.

  [75] "_Pro more suo_, extorsit multum pecuniæ suis subditis
  ubicunque haberet aliquem pretextum, sive jure sive aliter."
  Chron. Sax. p. 187. In another place the writer says, he extorted
  money, "partim justè, maximâ verò ex parte injustè, rebus parùm
  urgentibus." p. 191.

  [76] Lord Lyttelton's Henry II. vol. i. p. 74.

Thus did the Conqueror leave an ample and splendid revenue to
his Successor, sufficient to maintain his Court in dignity and
magnificence, and adequate to every expence both foreign and
domestic. It is, at this day, almost impossible to discover the
nature and magnitude of William's Household; but most probably,
as it was numerous, it was likewise magnificent; though, perhaps,
composed of Officers and Offices very different from what have been
adopted in succeeding Reigns.

We read of Treasurers, for such a King _must_ have: and in the
next Reign mention is made of Robert Fitz-Hamon, _Gentleman of the
Bed-chamber_[77], who conquered Wales, while William Rufus was
engaged in a war with Scotland, anno 1091; and we afterwards read
of other Officers similar to what we have at present, though the
rudeness of the times rendered most of the offices now in being
unnecessary, which seem to have been added from time to time, as
luxury and refined necessity required, and in conformity to the
pride and ostentatious spirit of the Prince who erected them.

  [77] _Gentleman of the Bed-chamber_ means what we now call a _Lord
  of the Bed-chamber_; which last is a title of a late introduction.
  When the _Gentleman_ was the superior, the next subordinate Officer
  was the _Groom_; which last title continues to this day. Had the
  first been originally called _Lords_, the latter would probably have
  been styled the _Gentleman_. William of Malmsbury speaks of the
  _Cubicularius_ in that ridiculous instance of William Rufus's absurd
  profusion with respect to the price of a pair of hose; by whom, I
  should suppose, he means an inferior Officer of the _Bed-chamber_,
  by the rough language he uses to him; no less than calling him a
  _son of a whore.--Filî, ait, meretricis._

It is probable, however, that what was wanting in parade, was
equalled by an expence in hospitality, which must, of course,
employ a great many Domestics of different kinds in their several
departments, to which we may suppose were added many of a Military
nature, which the situation of the Conqueror rendered necessary in
his new dominion.

There being but few Placemen in those times, the Court was chiefly
composed of Ecclesiastics, Barons, Knights, and other Military
Gentlemen, led by the hopes of preferment or promotion; and Lord
Lyttelton says, William was always liberal to his Soldiers and to
the Church[78]. The Barons were, at this time of day, the chief
Council of the Realm; they held their Baronies of the King, for
which they were perpetually doing homage; and on these accounts the
Court must have been crowded,--at least much frequented.

  [78] Life of Henry II. vol. i. p. 74.

As to the internal part of the Court, I mean the Attendants on the
Royal person, we know but very little. King Alfred, however, who
lived 200 years before the Conquest, during his attention to the
Police of his Kingdom in general, did not forget the internal good
government of his Household; for we learn from Ingulphus[79] that
he divided his Attendants into three classes, who were appointed to
wait by turns, _monthly_.

  [79] Dividens Familiam in tres Turmas, singulis Turmis singulos
  Principes imposuit; et unusquisque Princeps cum suâ Turmâ per unum
  mensem in Regis Ministerio Palatium conservavit. Uno mense completo,
  exiens ad proprios agros cum suâ Turmâ, propriis negotiis per duorum
  mensium spatium intendebat; et interim secundus Princeps per unum
  mensem, et tertius Princeps per alium mensem post illum in Regis
  Palatio ministrabat: ut postea propriis utilitatibus per duos menses
  quælibet Turma vacaret. Hâc revolutione Servorum suorum, totiusque
  familiæ suæ rotatione, usus est omni tempore vitæ suæ. Ingulph.
  Hist. p. 870.

Whether this mode was continued by his Successors, I do not
learn. William might perhaps reject it as being Saxon, and
adopt a plan similar to the French Court, in compliment to his
Norman adherents. This routine of waiting, not much unlike the
present mode, rendered the service of Alfred's attendants both
œconomical, and agreeable to themselves. Sir John Spelman, in
his Life of King Alfred, supposes that the Officers who are now
called _Quarter-waiters_ are, from their title, a relique of this
mode of waiting established by Alfred. But this (with deference to
the Gentlemen of that Corps) seems to be going too far, and does
not agree with Ingulphus, from whom Sir John takes his account; who
says, that the Officers of King Alfred's Household were divided
into three classes, and that each class waited alternately monthly,
not quarterly; so that no one class waited two consecutive months,
and each would, of course, wait _four months_ in the year, with an
interval of two months between each wait. It is true, they would
renew their waiting once in a quarter of course, from the number of
classes, but no part of them attended for a quarter together; and
I apprehend the Quarter-waiters received their name because they
waited a quarter of a year at a time by turns, as their superiors,
the Daily-waiters, waited daily by turns. Alfred's Household most
resembled the Gentlemen Pensioners in the mode of attendance, who,
to this day, wait in _classes_ quarterly.

I shall now give Sir John Spelman's account at large (as I have
Ingulphus's), where he gives a supposed, and not improbable, reason
for this mode of attendance.

"He [Alfred] having, it seems, observed the course that Solomon
took in preparing timber at Lebanon for the Temple, where thirty
thousand, assigned to the work, went by ten thousand at a time,
wrought there a month, and then returning, stayed two months at
home, until their turn in the fourth month came about again[80]--he,
applying this to his own occasions, ordained the like course in
his attendance, making a triplicate thereof, insomuch that he had
a three-fold shift of all Domestic Officers; each of which were,
by themselves, under the command of a several _Major-domo_[81], or
Master of the Household, who, coming with his servants under his
charge, to wait at Court, stayed there a month, and then returning
home, were supplied by the second ternary, and they again by the
third, until the course coming about, the first of them (after
two months recess at home) did, with the quarter[82], renew their
monthly service at the Court. I should conjecture (continues he)
that the King, for his more honourable attendance, took this course
in point of Royalty and State, there being (as it then stood with
the State) very few men of quality fit to stand before a King,
who, by their fortunes or dependency, were not otherwhere besides
engaged; neither was there, in those times, any great assurance
to be had of any man, unless he were one of such condition, whose
service, when the King was fain to use one month in the quarter,
it was necessary for the common-wealth that he should remit them
the other two months unto their own occasions. Neither used he
this course with some of his Officers only (as there are those who
understand it to have been a course taken only with those of his
Guard), but with all his whole attendance; neither used he it for a
time only, but for his whole life; and I little doubt but that the
use at Court, at this day, of Officers, _Quarter-waiters_, had the
first beginning even from this invention of the King[83]."

  [80] Ingulph. ubi supra.

  [81] Princeps. Ingulphus, in eod.

  [82] This, I suppose, led Sir John into the above supposition about
  the Quarter-Waiters.

  [83] Spelman's Life of Alfred, edit. Hearne, p. 198.

The Translator of this Life of Alfred into Latin, Dr. Obadiah
Walker, has taken a little latitude in the last sentence of
this passage, and has wandered totally from the mark. His
words are, "Neque multum dubito quin _Dapiferi_ hodierni (quos
_Quarter-waiters_ appellamus) qui per singulos anni quadrantes,
Regi ad _mensam_ ministrant, ab hoc Regis instituto, manarint." Now
it is pretty certain that the Quarter-waiters are not Officers at
all connected, by their post, with the King's _table_, they being a
secondary degree of _Gentlemen Ushers_, called in a grant of Fees
temp. Car. I. (in Rymer's Fœdera) _Ante-Ambulones_. The Doctor
seems, by the word _Dapiferi_, to have confounded them with the
_Sewers_; which is strengthened by the following words, "qui ad
_mensam_ ministrant."

It is allowed that King Alfred enlarged his Household very much;
but, what was the nature and office of the individuals of it, we
shall probably never be able to gather. We may, however, fairly
suppose his Retinue in number, and his Court in splendour, was far
superior to those of any of his Predecessors.

Of the _Conqueror's Court_ we know still less, neither do I learn
that King Alfred's establishment was followed by his immediate
successors; but it is reasonable to suppose that the _Court_, as
well as the _Kingdom_, would be new-modelled, and assume a different
face, upon so great a revolution as that of the Conquest.




WILLIAM RUFUS.


Notwithstanding the fair inheritance left by the Conqueror, equal
to the Regal Dignity, and the exigences of the State, William
Rufus, the successor, not only dissipated the great treasure of
which he was possessed at the demise of his Father, but ran into so
extravagant a profusion of expence, that he was at last obliged to
apply to resources, unwarrantable in themselves, and derogatory to
his Crown and Dignity. The late King's treasures were said to amount
to 60,000_l._; but, according to Henry of Huntingdon[84], who lived
very near the time, to 60,000 pound _weight_ of silver, exclusive of
gold, jewels, plate, and robes; and "the silver money alone (says
Lord Lyttelton[85]), according to the best computation I am able to
make, was equivalent at least to nine hundred thousand pounds of our
money at present:" but this would not suffice; for the Crown-lands,
which were held so sacred by his ancestors, were alienated; and
he was at last compelled, as a dernier resort, to resume his own
grants, a practice now used for the first (but not the last) time,
and a measure equally scandalous and iniquitous. Rufus's ordinary
revenues did not probably exceed those of his Father; but, as he
ran into more needless and wanton expenses, he was necessitated to
make frequent demands upon his people. Considering the influence
of artful Churchmen, in those times of Papal tyranny, over weak
Princes, it is not to be wondered that Rufus should be easily
prevailed upon by Ranulphus, Bishop of Durham[86], who was Master
both of his Councils and his Conscience, to resume his own grants,
though made for valuable considerations; or to take any measure,
however unwarrantable and unprecedented--

  "Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum."

  [84] Erant autem in Thesauro 60 Mille Libræ Argenti. Lib. vi.

  [85] Introduction to the Life of Henry II. The Reader may see his
  Lordship's grounds of computation in a long note on this passage.
  The Saxon Chronicle says, the King's Treasures were _difficiles
  numeratu_, p. 192.

  [86] Lord Lyttelton calling him Ralph Flambard, a Norman. Life of
  Henry II. vol. i. p. 87, where his character may be seen at large.

Amongst other acts of rapacity, made in a manner necessary by his
former profusion, he kept the See of Canterbury vacant four years
(upon the death of Lanfranc), that he might take the profits to
his own use; nay, he did the same by the Bishoprick of Lincoln,
and all others that became void in his Reign; and at the time of
his death he had in his hands the Sees of Canterbury, Winchester,
Salisbury, twelve[87] rich Abbeys, besides many other Benefices
of less consideration[88]; so little regard has ever been paid to
things _sacred_ by Arbitrary Princes (as our Kings were at that
time) to gratify either their necessities or their passions. But
this was not the worst part of the story; for, not satisfied with
the First-fruits, to which he was entitled,--after he had seized the
vacant Benefices, and pillaged them of every thing valuable (even
to the very Shrines), he sold them publicly to the best bidder,
without regard to merit or capacity[89].

  [87] The Saxon Chronicle says but Eleven.

  [88] Matthew Paris.

  [89] Saxon Chronicle.

After having been led, by the nature of the subject, to speak thus
freely of this King's rapacity, it is but justice to mention an
instance of his generosity. It is related that, two Monks striving
to outbid each other for a rich Abbey, the King perceived a third
standing by, who did not bid any thing; to whom the King addressing
himself, asked "how much _he_ would give?" The Monk replied, "he had
no money, and, if he had, his conscience would not suffer him to lay
it out in that manner:" upon which the King swore his usual oath[90]
"that he best deserved it, and should have it for nothing[91]."

  [90] "Per Vultum di Lucca." See Lord Lyttelton's note, vol. i. p.
  424, octavo. I have seen a private letter from his Lordship in
  defence of his opinion.

  [91] Higden.

Though William was thus continually filling his coffers with these
dishonourable and sacrilegious spoils, yet was he avaricious
without frugality, covetous and prodigal at the same time; always
in want, and devising new ways to raise money, however mean and
despicable. I cannot omit one artful and almost ludicrous method
which Rufus practised to raise money, in the war with his brother
Robert, who had engaged the French in his interest. "Under pretence
(says M. Rapin, from Simeon Dunelmensis, Matthew Paris, &c.) that
there was occasion for supplies of men, William Rufus [then in
Normandy] sent orders into England, to raise, with all possible
speed, 20,000 men. In raising this army, such were purposely
taken for soldiers who were well to pass, or to whom it was very
inconvenient to leave their families. When these levies were going
to embark, the King's Treasurer told them, by his order, "that
they might every man return home, upon payment of ten shillings
each." This news was so acceptable to the soldiers, listed thus
against their wills, that there was not one but who was glad to be
dismissed at so easy a rate. By this means William raised the sum
of 10,000_l._ with which he bribed the French to retire. Various
other instances of extortion and rapacity (though not attended with
so much ingenuity as this) might be adduced from the history of
this Reign, recorded by contemporary writers; but enough has been
mentioned to convince us that but little order or decorum is to be
expected within the walls of the Court of so unprincipled a King.
On the contrary, indeed, all writers agree[92] in their accounts of
the dissolute manners of his Household and Adherents, which called
forth rigid edicts in the next Reign, for the suppression of vices
which had grown too flagrant to be removed by reprobation alone. The
crimes laid to the charge of his retinue were, some of them, of the
most serious nature, and required an uncommon exertion of severity;
as we shall see presently. "In the magnificence of his _Court_
and buildings, however, (says Lord Lyttelton[93],) he _greatly_
exceeded any King of that age. But though his profuseness (continues
his Lordship) arose from a noble and generous nature, it must be
accounted rather a vice than a virtue; as, in order to supply the
unbounded extent of it, he was very rapacious. If he had lived long,
his expences would have undone him, and they had brought him some
years before his death into such difficulties, that even if his
temper had not been despotic, his _necessities_ would have rendered
him a Tyrant.

  [92] "Ipse namque, et qui ei famulabantur (says Matthew Paris) omnia
  rapiebant, omnia conterebant, et subvertebant. Adulteria violenter,
  et _impunè_ committebant, quicquid fraudis et nequitiæ antea non
  erat, his temporibus pullulavit." Henry of Huntingdon uses nearly
  the same, but rather stronger, expressions.

  [93] Introduction to History of Henry II.




HENRY I.


After so bad an œconomist (to say no worse of William Rufus),
we may hope to see a more prudent direction of the revenues of the
State, and a less abandoned Retinue about the Royal Person. This
is, however, no great compliment to Henry, who succeeded: for a
moderate character will appear with some degree of lustre, after
one so very much disfigured as that of Rufus. Henry had, without
question, many good qualities. He was a wise and prudent Prince,
and, as the Saxon Chronicle says, "magno honore habitus[94];" but
yet, we shall discover, one of his ruling passions was avarice, when
we come to look nearly into his interior conduct in life. There was
a glaring inconsistency in his very outset; for, soon after his
accession, we find him punishing and imprisoning the abettors of
William Rufus's exactions, and, among the rest, Ranulph Bishop of
Durham, the _Minister_ and instrument of all those oppressive and
unwarrantable measures; and yet, very soon after, we behold Henry
sequestering to his own use the revenues of the Archbishopric of
Canterbury, and keeping them in his hands for five years, after the
example of the very man whose rapacious conduct he had, but just
before, publicly condemned[95]. It is true he recalled many grants
bestowed upon _creatures_ and undeserving persons in the late Reign;
but whether upon motives of justice or avarice I do not determine.
It will be found that he died exceedingly rich for those times (by
whatever means the wealth was amassed); for he did not omit any
opportunity of taxing his subjects, where he could do it with a
tolerable grace, though he did it not in so bare-faced a manner as
Rufus had done. Thus he availed himself of an antient Norman feudal
custom, on occasion of the marrying his eldest daughter[96]. This
custom was not now first established by Henry himself, as some have
supposed[97]; but was one of the antient aids due to the King from
his subjects, and having lain dormant many years, was now revived,
but not introduced otherwise, than that Henry happened to be the
first King, of the Norman race, who married his eldest daughter.
In this he might be justifiable enough; but then he seems to have
laid the tax at a prodigious high rate, for it is said, by some
calculations, to have amounted to upwards of 800,000_l._ sterling.
Among other things, Henry was very attentive to the reformation of
abuses and irregularities that had crept into the _Court_ during the
Reign of his Brother.

  [94] Saxon Chronicle, p. 237.

  [95] Morem fratris sui Willielmi Regis secutus. Eadmer.

  [96] Aide à Fille marier.

  [97] Polydore Vergil.

The accounts given of William's Court are surprizing for that
age, when one would suppose our ancestors to have been rough and
unpolished, little addicted to the softer vices, and totally
unacquainted with the effeminacies of succeeding times; but we
find that, notwithstanding men's minds were then so much turned
to war and athletic diversions, excess and sensuality prevailed
in a very scandalous manner among the Nobility, and even among
the Clergy. Vanity, lust, and intemperance, reigned through the
whole kingdom. The men appeared so effeminate in their dress and
manners, that they shewed themselves men in nothing but their
attempts upon the chastity of women[98]. So William of Malmsbury,
speaking of the effeminacy of William Rufus's Court, says,
"Mollitie corporis certare cum fœminis--gressum frangere--gestu
soluto--et latere nudo incedere, Adolescentium specimen erat:
enerves--emolliti--expugnatores alienæ pudicitiæ, prodigi suæ." By
many evidences it appears that a luxury in apparel was very general
among the Nobles and Gentry of that age; even the Nuns were not free
from it.

  [98] Eadmer.

The garments of the English, before their intermixture with the
Normans, were generally plain; but they soon adopted the fashions of
these new-comers, and became as magnificent in their dress as their
fortunes could bear[99]. So that we see the French have, ever since
the Conquest, been the standard of the English dress; and though we
often complain of the folly of our times, in adopting French modes,
it appears to be a practice that has existed time immemorial. Lord
Lyttelton informs us (from Ordericus Vitalis) that there was a
revolution in dress in William Rufus's reign, not only in England,
but in all the Western parts of Europe; and that, instead of close
coats, which till then had been used, as most commodious for
exercise and a military life, trailing garments with long sleeves,
after the manner of the Asiaticks, were universally worn. The men
were also very nice in curling and dividing their hair, which,
on the fore-part of their heads, was suffered to grow very long,
but cut short behind[100];--a style of head-dressing, which, if
introduced now, would spoil all the _Macaroni's_ of the age; for
their comfort, however, it may be inferred from hence that similar
beings have long subsisted in some shape or other.

  [99] Lord Lyttelton.

  [100] Introduction to Life of Henry II.

To return to Henry. We find the reformation of his _Court_ was one
of the first steps towards ingratiating himself with his subjects.
The _Courtiers_, for the most part, sure of impunity, were wont to
tyrannize over the people in a shameful manner. Not content with
every species of oppression, and of secretly attempting the chastity
of women, they gloried in it publicly. To remedy these disorders
in his _Court_, Henry published a very severe edict against all
offenders in general, and particularly against _Adulterers_; and
such as abused their power by oppressing the people, he ordered to
be put to death without mercy. Some who were already notorious on
that account were banished the Court, among whom was Ranulph Bishop
of Durham, who was likewise imprisoned by the advice of the great
Council of the Kingdom[101]. This was in the first year of Henry's
Reign; but it had so little effect, that five years afterwards we
find a _second_ reformation; for, the former proclamation being
ineffectual, it was necessary to publish another, with still greater
penalties; and this severity was unavoidably necessary, to check the
licentiousness that had crept in, from the connivance which offences
of every kind had hitherto met with.

  [101] Matthew Paris.

Thus, we see, the dissoluteness of William Rufus's Court did not
die with him; nor is it an easy thing to subdue so many-headed a
monster as Vice in power. When the Magnates set bad examples in
_Courts_, the inferior Officers are always ready to ape them;
and crimes that in the commission are common to all men very soon
descend from the _Prince_ to the _Page_. In the King's progresses
during the late Reign, the _Court_ and its Followers committed many
outrages of a very serious nature, in places where they lodged; such
as extorting money from the hosts who entertained them, and abusing
the chastity of women without restraint. But now the grievance
was become much worse; for Henry's Attendants, in his progresses,
plundered every thing that came in their way; so that the country
was laid waste wherever the King travelled; for which reason people,
when they knew of his approach, left their houses, carrying away
what provisions they could, and sheltering themselves in the woods
and bye-places, for fear their provisions should be taken away by
the King's Purveyors[102]. These things called loudly for redress:
it was therefore made public, by the King's command, that whoever,
belonging to the Court, spoiled any goods of those who entertained
them in these progresses, or abused the persons of their hosts,
should, on proof, have their eyes put out, or their hands and feet
cut off[103]. To us these seem cruel and unwarrantable punishments;
but it must be remembered that, at this day, punishments were not
prescribed, but arbitrary; there was no common law, and but little
statute-law, and nothing to regulate the hand of Justice, which was
directed by caprice, and the temper of the reigning King. Coiners
of false money were grown so numerous and bare-faced, employed and
even protected by the great men about the Court, that this kind
of imposition on the publick became, among the rest, an object of
redress, and the penalty inflicted was the loss of eyes and genitals.

  [102] Eadmer.

  [103] Eadmer.

Taking the whole together, one must conclude that the profligacy,
and wanton cruelty, of the King's _Suite_ must have been very
enormous, to have required punishments so repugnant to natural
mercy;--but we can but ill judge, at so distant a period, of the
necessity there might be for such severity.

The Kings, in these ages, moved their _Court_ very frequently, and
often to considerable distances; and, as the state of the roads
would not permit them to travel far in a day, they were forced to
accommodate themselves as well as they could at such houses as lay
convenient, there being then no receptacles of a public nature.
These motions of so large a body of people, added to the frequency
of them, were often, of themselves, very oppressive to the Yeomanry,
who were obliged to supply the Court with carts and horses from
place to place; and the abuse the people sustained in this kind of
Purveyance was the occasion of edicts afterward to restrain any from
_taking carriages_ from the subject, for this purpose, except by
the persons authorized and appointed to the office, who were called
the King's _Cart-takers_, a post which is now in being, though out
of use. But, although the Court was not fixed in these times, yet
the Kings generally kept the Feast of Christmas in one place[104],
according to their liking or convenience. The other Feasts they kept
at different places, as it happened, they having Palaces almost
at every considerable place in the Kingdom, _viz._ besides London
and its environs, at York, at Gloucester, Winchester, Salisbury,
Marlborough, Bath, Worcester, and many other places, too numerous
to mention _nominatim_. The great Feasts (together with that of St.
George, after the institution of the Order of the Garter,) were kept
with great solemnity, even so late as the Reign of King ... when the
public observance of them was dropped by the King and Court.

  [104] _Pro more_, as the Monkish writers say: though Henry I. does
  not appear to have confined himself to keep the Feast of Christmas
  at one place. According to the Saxon Chronicle, William I. had
  stated places for each Feast; and on these occasions the Kings wore
  their Crowns. "Ter gessit [Willielmus] suam Coronam singulis annis
  quoties esset in Angliâ; ad _Pascha_ eam gessit in _Winchester;_
  ad Pentecosten in _Westminster;_ et ad _Natales_ in _Gloucester_."
  Chronic. Saxon. p. 190. So before anno 1085 "Rex _induta Corona_
  tenuit Curiam in _Winchester_ ad _Pascha_, atque ita Itinera
  instituit ut esset ad _Pentecosten_ apud _Westminster;_ ubi armis
  militaribus honoravit filium suum Henricum;" p. 187.

  William Rufus was not so uniform. He sometimes held his Court
  at one, and sometimes at another; but for the most part the
  Easter-Court at Winchester, as his Father had done. At Whitsuntide
  1099, he kept his Court for the first time in his new Hall at
  Westminster (Saxon Chronicle); for which purpose, I suppose, he
  built it. Henry I. was not regular in the places where he kept his
  Court, but it was held oftener in Westminster Hall than any where
  else, perhaps on account of its novelty and convenience in point of
  magnitude, or for greater magnificence. The custom of wearing the
  Crown during the celebration of the great Festivals was much left
  off, however, after Henry II. It is said to have grown by degrees
  into disuse after Henry II. and his Queen, 1136, laid their Crowns
  on the Altar, after their third Coronation at Worcester, vowing they
  would never wear them again. What the occasion of this vow was,
  nobody has told us; and Lord Lyttelton does not even guess at the
  reason.

Henry was not wanting in splendour and magnificence on these
occasions. Eadmerus, speaking of one of them, and more might be
produced, says, "Rex Henricus [in Festivitate Pentecostes] _curiam_
suam Lundoniæ in _magnâ_ mundi _gloriâ_, et _diviti apparatu_
celebravit." Wherever the King kept his Court, or indeed wherever
he resided, _there_ was, of course, the general resort of all the
great men of the time, who brought with them, no doubt, large
retinues; and in so great a concourse it is no wonder there should
be many disorderly and abandoned people, in spite of all edicts and
penalties.

Hitherto I have met with very little mention of any Officers
of the _Court_ or _Household_. In this Reign, however, we hear
of William de Tankerville, whom Lord Lyttelton calls, "Henry's
_Great Chamberlain_." The Annotator on M. Rapin calls him
only _Chamberlain_; and Matthew Paris, _Camerarius_; but this
unquestionably means _Treasurer_, or _High Treasurer_, and not
the great Officer we now understand by the _Chamberlain_, or the
_Great Chamberlain_. The Latin term for these is _Cambellanus_,
which Du Cange says, is--"diversus à _Camerario_, penes quem erat
cura _Cameræ_ seu Thesauri Regii--_Cambellano_ autem fuit cura
_Cubiculi_[105]. We have the term _Chamberlain_, in the sense of
_Camerarius_, still preserved in the City of London, where the
Treasurer is called the _Chamberlain_, and the office the _Chamber_;
and indeed this Officer, of every Corporation, is, for the most
part, called the _Chamberlain_. In the account given by the Saxon
Chronicle[106] of the persons who were so unfortunately drowned with
Prince William, King Henry's son, in returning from Normandy, in the
year 1120, it is said there perished "quamplurimi de Regis familiâ,
_Dispensatores_[107], _Cubicularii_[108], _Pincernæ_[109], aliique
Ministri;" indeed all who were on board perished, except one man.
These, it is supposed, were all menial and inferior Officers of the
King's Household; those of a higher rank, and who appertained to the
King's person, probably being on board the same ship with himself.

  [105] Du Cange, Gloss. in voce _Cambellanus_.

  [106] P. 222.

  [107] The _Dispensatores_ should seem to be something like our
  Gentlemen of the Buttery, Pantry, &c.; or such as delivered out
  provisions of various sorts in their several provinces.

  [108] The _Cubicularii_ I have already supposed to mean the inferior
  Officers of the Bed-chamber.

  [109] The _Pincernæ_, Butlers,--"_Pincerna_, qui Vinum Convivis
  miscet;" Du Cange in voce: and _Pincernare_, he says, is "Vinum
  prægustare priusquam Principi propinetur;" Idem in voce. So that it
  seems to be what we call _A Yeoman of the Mouth_.




STEPHEN.


Stephen, at his accession, found in his Uncle's Treasury upwards of
100,000_l._[110] besides plate and jewels, the fruits of Henry's
rapacity and oppression. As Stephen came in upon a doubtful
title, the people were willing to take this opportunity of
securing themselves against future usurpations and exactions; and
accordingly, after some debate about the succession, when Stephen
was placed on the throne, they imposed a new oath upon their new
King; which imported, that he should fill the vacant Bishoprics,
that he should not seize the Woods which belonged to private
persons, upon frivolous pretences, as his Predecessors had done; but
be content with the Forests which belonged to the two Williams, and
make restitution of such as Henry had usurped. The Bishops, on the
other hand, took a conditional oath, that they would pay allegiance
no longer than he should continue to maintain the privileges of the
Church. All this, and more, Stephen afterwards confirmed by Charter;
but yet it tended only to amuse the people, till he was fully seated
in his Throne, and felt himself a King; for, not many months after
the signing the Charter, wherein he particularly covenants not to
meddle with vacant Bishoprics, do we find that, upon the death of
the Archbishop, he seized the revenues of the See of Canterbury, and
kept them in his hands above two years. It is true, he only followed
the examples of his Predecessors; but with this aggravation, that
Stephen had given the most sacred engagements that can be had
between men, that he would not intermeddle with the revenues of the
vacant Bishoprics, but that they should be sequestered in the hands
of Ecclesiastics till the vacancy was filled. No wonder then that
a King, with so little regard to every tie, however sacred, should
soon be involved in tumultuous scenes of disaffection and revolt. To
heal this wound, and to buy off the reproaches of his subjects (of
whose assistance he foresaw he should soon have occasion, in growing
ruptures with neighbouring Powers), he not only became lavish of
_titles_ and _honours_, but alienated many of the Crown lands, to
secure the interest of such as he thought might be serviceable to
him. But this bounty had not the desired effect: some who accepted
his favours thought them no more than their due; others, who were
passed by, became jealous, and thought themselves neglected, and
soon shewed their resentment, which proved the source of the
approaching troubles. So difficult is it to regain the lost esteem
of a brave and spirited people!

  [110] William of Malmesbury; "Æstimabantur denarii fere ad centum
  millia libras," p. 179.

One very great error in the politics of the preceding three Kings
was, heaping favours and honours on the Normans, to the exclusion
of the English; by which the affection of the Natives was warped,
the natural security of the Kingdom (the People) divided, and their
hearts turned against the King and his Adherents. The filling the
Court with Normans, and lavishing honours and estates amongst them,
was weakening the attachment of the English to such a degree, that
it became eventually out of the power of the latter to support the
Royal Family when it wanted protection. Stephen, at his accession,
had made large promises to the Barons, to engage them in support of
his weak title to the Throne; and had given them strong assurances
that they should enjoy more privileges and offices under him, than
they had possessed in the Reigns of his Norman Predecessors. These
promises (which, perhaps, were never intended to be performed)
answered Stephen's end, by securing to him the Crown, and were the
sole motive that induced the Barons to concur so warmly in his
interest; and the non-performance was the cause of the general
revolt that happened in a few years. From the time of Stephen's
accession, he had been perpetually reminded by his _Courtiers_ of
his large promises, which he was forced to parry by other still
larger promises, and often by actual grants, to satisfy those that
were most importunate.

Their private resentments were covered with public outside[111]; but
most Writers agree that this was only an ostensible excuse for an
opportunity to gratify their revenge; and that the true reasons of
discontent were, that they did not receive rewards and emoluments
equal to their expectations, and Stephen's promises. The greatest
after-engagements that the King could devise were not, however,
sufficient to secure the allegiance of his Courtiers; every one was
grasping at the same posts, the same estates, the same honours.
Reason has little weight among such claimants; and it is no wonder
that the situation of the parties should kindle a flame that should
spread itself over the whole Kingdom.

  [111] The breach of his oath to Matilda.

During so turbulent a period, it is not to be supposed that much
attention should be paid to the interior regulation of the King's
House or Household; it was probably as much distracted as the rest
of the Kingdom. The King being obliged to fly about from place
to place, as the exigency of affairs required, there was little
time to study _State_ and _Magnificence_ in his _Court_. In the
former part of Stephen's Reign his Court was extremely magnificent,
exceeding that of his Predecessors. He held his Court at Easter,
in the first year of his Reign, at London, which was the most
splendid, in every respect, that had yet been seen in England[112].
One may judge a little of the hospitality of the Court in those
days, by the manner of living among the Nobility: for at this time,
and many ages after, the great halls of the castles or principal
manor-houses of the Nobility and Gentry were crowded with vast
numbers of their vassals and tenants, who were daily fed at their
cost. And in houses of inferior rank, upon occasions of feasting,
the floor was strewed with flowers, and the jovial company drank
wine out of gilded horns, and sang songs when they became inebriated
with their liquor[113]. This custom of strewing the floor, in those
days, was a part of the luxury of the times; and _Becket_, when
he was Chancellor, in the next Reign, according to a contemporary
Author[114], ordered his hall to be strewed every day, in the winter
with fresh straw or hay, and in summer with rushes, or green leaves,
fresh gathered; and this reason is given for it, that such Knights
as the benches could not contain might sit on the floor without
dirtying their fine cloaths. But even this rustic simplicity was
mixed with great magnificence in gold and silver plate[115]. This
custom of strewing the rooms extended to the apartments of the Kings
themselves in those days; for in the time of Edward I. "Willielmus
filius Willielmi de Aylesbury tenet tres virgatas terræ ... per
serjeantiam inveniendi _stramen_ ad straminandam cameram Domini
Regis in _Hyeme_ et in _Æstate Herbam_ ad juncandam[116] cameram
suam[117]." It may be observed, further, that there is a relique
of this custom still subsisting; for at Coronations the ground is
strewed with flowers by a person who is upon the establishment,
called the _Herb-strewer_, with an annual salary.

  [112] Quâ nunquam fuerat splendidior _in Angliâ_ multitudine,
  magnitudine, auro, argento, gemmis, Vestibus, omnimodâ dapsilitate.
           Henry of Huntingdon, Lib. viii.

  [113] Lord Lyttelton, from John of Salisbury.

  [114] Fitzstephen.

  [115] Idem. Vide Lord Lyttelton's Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 483.

  [116] _Juncare_ is properly, to strew with rushes.

  [117] Blount's Jocular Tenures.

But the commotions of this Reign even put a stop to these meetings
of the Court and Council[118], and all Royal magnificence was broken
down and defaced. Had it not been for the turbulency of the times,
Stephen might doubtless have kept a very large Household, and a
splendid Court; for, added to the wealth he inherited with the Crown
from his Predecessor, he had large revenues, derived from different
sources; _viz._ the demesnes of the Crown, escheats, feudal profits
from the demesnes of others, fines, aids, and several others; but
the exigency of his affairs, and the situation to which he was
reduced with his Barons, obliged him to give largely, and at last
to resume what he had before given, the price of the dissembled
affection of his Courtiers.

  [118] Jam quippe Curiæ solennes, et ornatus Regii Schematis prorsus
  evanuerant. Annals of Waverly.

Stephen had liberality, and loved splendour; so that, had he lived
in times more favourable to it, he would, probably, have shone with
great lustre in his _Court_ and _Household_, if we may take the
Court which attended him in his first year, and the magnificence
there exhibited, for a specimen.

King Stephen, being a Foreigner, and an Usurper, might not choose
to ask _Aids_ of the people of England, and it does not appear that
he did. He had two sons, Eustace and William, both of whom lived to
be married, and no doubt were _Knights_, which, according to the
complexion of the times, every person of the least consequence was,
though these Princes do not appear to have received that honour in
England. King Stephen was unpopular; and being embroiled in domestic
wars with his Cousin the Empress Maud, made no demands of _aids_ of
this sort of which we are speaking. His two elder Sons died in his
life-time; and his third, William, was by Henry II. restored to his
titles of Earl of Bolleigne, Surrey, and Mortaine; and dying without
issue, was succeeded by his sister Mary, who, after having been
Abbess of Ramsey, was married to the second son of Theodoric, Earl
of Flanders, who, in her right, was Earl of Bolleigne.

King Stephen, during the internal disquietudes in the Kingdom, was
taken prisoner by _Maud_, the Empress, and afterwards released at
the suit of his Son _Eustace_. It is not said that any sum of money
was paid on the occasion, and indeed it will admit of a question
whether the Norman _aid_, allowed for ransom of the King's Person
if taken prisoner, would extend to such a domestic war. The Kingdom
was divided; and the Title to the Crown suspended, and in such an
unquiet hour, it was difficult for the Nation at large to refuse or
comply.




HENRY II. (PLANTAGENET.)


Henry at his Accession found himself so contracted in his Royal
Revenues, by the imprudence of his immediate Predecessor, Stephen,
that some spirited measures became necessary, to enable him to
support his dignity equal to the Sovereign of a great Kingdom, and
his own wishes.

Henry soon saw that the resumption of several grants made by
Stephen was absolutely necessary; and these having been conferred
on great and powerful men, the measure must be conducted with
firmness and delicacy. In a Treaty made at Winchester, after the
close of the Civil Commotions in the late Reign, after Stephen
had contented himself that Henry, then Duke of Normandy, should
assume the Rights and Power of a King, reserving to himself only
_the Image of the Royal Dignity_, it was stipulated, _inter alia_,
by a separate and secret article, that the King (Stephen) "should
resume what had been alienated to the Nobles, or usurped by them,
of the Royal Demesne[119]." This article was limited to whatever
lands or possessions had belonged to the Crown at the death of
King Henry I.; all which were to be restored, except those that
Stephen had granted to William his Son, or had bestowed on the
Church. Among these resumable gifts were some made by Matilda; for
she too, acting as Sovereign, had followed Stephen's example, in
giving away certain parts of the Estate of the Crown, to reward
her adherents. Add to these, much that had been usurped by the
Barons of both Parties, without any warrant, by the licence of the
times, on unjustifiable pretences[120]. No article of the Treaty
of Winchester was more necessary to be fulfilled than a resumption
of all these alienations, which had been neglected by Stephen,
indigent as he was; for, had this not been now executed, Henry
would have been little better than Stephen, a Sovereign without
a Royal Revenue--"Rex et preterea nihil."--His power would soon
have vanished; and the Barons, having usurped the Crown Lands,
would very soon have contended for the Sovereign Power: and had
not Henry exerted the spirit and conduct which he soon shewed, it
is more than probable the Government of the Kingdom at this period
had sunk into an Aristocracy. Henry, therefore, as soon as he was
well and fully confirmed on the Throne, set about the execution of
this secret article of the Treaty of Winchester, relating to the
alienated lands, which Stephen had neglected. The necessity of this
measure, however arduous and disagreeable in itself, appeared in the
most glaring colours to Henry; for Stephen's extravagance, and the
insatiable demands of his faction, had induced him to alienate so
much of the ancient Demesne of the Crown, that the remaining Estate
was not (as has been said) sufficient to maintain the Royal Dignity.
Royal Cities, and Forts of great consequence, had been also granted
away, which could not be suffered to continue in the hands of the
Nobles, without endangering the peace of the Kingdom. Policy and Law
concurred in demanding these concessions back again. The Antient
Demesne of the Crown was held so very sacred, and so inalienable,
that no length of time could give a right of prescription to any
other possessors, even by virtue of grants from the Crown, against
the claim of succeeding Princes[121]. William Rufus made grants, and
revoked them at pleasure, to supply his extravagance and ridiculous
humour. This was base and unmanly. Henry's resumptions neither
impeached his generosity nor his justice. The grants he reclaimed
were such as sound policy and the exigencies of the State demanded,
being made by a weak Prince in embarrassed situations; as they were
all of no earlier date than the Reign of King Stephen, and had not
been transmitted down through several generations. Foreseeing,
however, that this step would raise much discontent in those who
were to be affected by it, who were numerous and powerful, Henry was
cautious not to act without a legal sanction, and the approbation
of his Council. He therefore summoned a Parliament, wherein almost
all his Nobles were present; and having properly laid before them
the wants of the Crown, the losses it had suffered, the illegality
of the grants, and the urgent necessity of a speedy resumption;
obtained their concurrence to it, and proceeded to put it into
immediate execution. The vigour of his government was such, that he
met with less opposition than he had reason to expect; very near
all that had been granted to Laymen, or usurped by them, from the
Royal Demesne, was surrendered to him without bloodshed, after a
little delay, and some ineffectual marks of reluctance in a few of
the greatest Barons[122]. The cause assigned for these resumptions
was not a defect in the title of the grantor, nor any unworthiness
in the grantee, but the apparent and indispensable necessity
of recovering the just and inseparable Rights of the Crown. No
distinction was made between the grants of Stephen and Matilda;
for that would have carried an appearance of Henry's acting from
motives, not of Royal economy and public expediency, but of party
revenge; and by this equal and impartial proceeding, he left the
adherents of Stephen no reason to complain. In the course of this
business, however, Henry was once very near losing his life; for
Roger de Mortimer would not submit, which obliged Henry, incensed by
his obstinacy, to lead an army against him, with which he assaulted,
among others, the castle of Bridgnorth, in Shropshire, which was
defended by Mortimer himself. Henry commanded in person, and exposed
himself to so much danger, that he would have been infallibly slain,
if a faithful vassal (Hubert de St. Clare[123]) who stood by his
side, had not preferred the King's life to his own; for, seeing an
arrow aimed at Henry by one of Mortimer's archers, he stepped before
him, and received it in his own breast. The wound proved mortal,
and he expired in Henry's arms; recommending his daughter, an only
child, and an infant, to the care of that Prince[124]. It is hard
to say which deserves the most admiration (continues my Noble
Author[125]) a subject who died to save his King, or a King whose
personal virtues could render his safety so dear to a subject whom
he had not obliged by any extraordinary favours[126].

  [119] Lord Lyttelton.

  [120] Lord Lyttelton.

  [121] Lord Lyttelton.

  [122] Lord Lyttelton.

  [123] Constable or Governor of Colchester Castle.

  [124] The daughter was educated by Henry with all the affection he
  owed to the memory of her father, and was afterwards married to a
  Nobleman of great distinction.

  [125] Lord Lyttelton.

  [126] A very similar circumstance happened in our times in Poland.
  The King, anno 1771, being shot at with arrows by the Regicides, H.
  Butzau, a Hussar, interposed, and received the arrows in his own
  breast, of which wounds he died. The King erected a monument (1773)
  to his memory. See the public prints of the years 1771 and 1773.

Henry, now firmly seated on his Throne, possessed of an ample Royal
Revenue, confirmed the Charter of his Grandfather, Henry I; but, not
content only to restore good Laws, he enforced a due execution of
them. This Reign is so pregnant with interesting events, and shining
transactions of a public nature, that it is no wonder Historians
are silent as to lesser matters, such as the internal direction of
his _Court_; but there is, I think, little question to be made but
that it was magnificent; and as England became in his Reign one
of the most powerful States in Europe, one would infer that his
_Court_ was likewise equal (at least) to any other in dignity and
splendour. He entertained at one time, in his Palace at Westminster,
the several Ambassadors of Manuel, Emperor of Constantinople; of
Frederic, Emperor of the Romans; of William, Archbishop of Triers;
of the Duke of Saxony; and of Philip, Earl of Flanders: an uncommon
resort in these days, who, doubtless, were attracted by the power
of the King, and both received from, and added, lustre to the
brilliancy and magnificence of his Court[127].

  [127] Speed, p. 519.

Lord Lyttelton, after giving an account of his person and temper,
speaking of his munificence, says, he assigned the tenth part of
the Provisions of his _Household_ to be constantly given in daily
alms to the poor; which one must imagine to have been a very
considerable donation, considering the hospitable manner of living
in those days. "His own table (continues his Lordship) was frugal,
his diet plain, and in his dress he affected the utmost simplicity,
disliking all ornaments which might encumber him in his exercise, or
shew an effeminate regard to his person." He introduced the Angevin
fashion of wearing short cloaks or mantles (contrary to the mode
that prevailed in William Rufus's Reign), which he himself had worn
from his childhood, and from which he obtained the sobriquet, or
nick-name, of Court-Mantle[128]. In this he would soon be followed
by his Court, and the People; for it is every day seen how fast
the fashions of the Great descend into the remotest parts of the
Kingdom. Lord Lyttelton, however, observes, that the long garments
introduced temp. Will. Rufus, were not wholly laid aside; so that
Henry's fashion did not prevail universally[129]. The use of silk
made by silk-worms (the _Bombycina_) was brought hither from Sicily
about this time; there was also a costly stuff at this day in great
request here, called in Latin _Aurifrisium_. What it was called in
English, Mr. Camden declares himself ignorant[130]; but supposes it
_not_ to mean Embroidery, although, by other testimonies, _that_ was
much worn by the Nobility, and was termed in Latin _Opera Phrigia_,
and the corruption seems very easy and allowable. "Whatever it was,"
says he, "it was much desired by the Popes, and highly esteemed in
Italy."

  [128] _i.e._ Short Mantle.--"Ab Infantiâ vocabatur Henricus
  _Curtmantell_, nam iste primus omnium _curta mantella_ ab Andegaviâ
  (Anjou) in Angliam transvexit." Brompton, p. 1150.

  [129] Vide note to vol. iii. octavo.

  [130] Camden's Remains, p. 194.

Hitherto I have not been able to learn any thing concerning Henry's
_Household_, or the internal disposition of his Family. He appears
himself to have lived in a great degree of familiarity with his
Courtiers, whom he honoured with his intimacy; and would frequently
unbend, and lay aside the King, and was fond of the _desipere in
loco_. But "his good humour and jocularity," says Lord Lyttelton,
"seems to have been sometimes too _playful in the eye of the
public_; and to have carried him into things that were _infra_
_dignitatem_[131]." In a note on this passage, his Lordship gives
a pleasant story, which I shall relate, to relieve the Reader, and
certainly cannot do it better than in his Lordship's own words, from
Fitz-Stephen's Life of Archbishop Becket. "As the King and Becket,
his Chancellor[132], were riding together through the streets of
London, in cold and stormy weather, the King saw, coming towards
them, a poor old man, in a thin coat, worn to tatters. Would it not
be a great charity (said he to the Chancellor) to give this naked
wretch, who is so needy and infirm, a good warm cloak? Certainly,
answered that Minister; and you do the duty of a King, in turning
your eyes and thoughts to such objects. While they were thus
talking, the man came near; the King asked him if he wished to have
a good cloak? and, turning to the Chancellor, said,--_You shall have
the merit of this good deed of charity_; then suddenly laying hold
on a fine new scarlet cloak, lined with fur, which Becket had on,
he tried to pull it from him, and, after some struggle, in which
they had both like to have fallen from their horses, prevailed.
The poor man had the cloak, and the Courtiers laughed, like good
Courtiers, at the pleasantry of the King[133]."

  [131] Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 40.

  [132] He was not then Archbishop.

  [133] Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 311.

King Henry II. in the early part of his life, was in a very doubtful
situation with regard to his accession to the Crown of England,
which depended upon the success of his Mother, the Empress, against
the Usurper, King Stephen. As soon, however, as he attained his
_sixteenth_ year, A. D. 1149, he came over into England; and at
Carlisle, where his Great Uncle David, King of Scots, then lay, was
by him made a Knight, among several others of equal age, at the
feast of Pentecost[134], and for which no _Aid_ could be demanded.

  [134] Gervas. Dorob. inter Decem Scriptores, col. 1366.

His issue, which is all that concerns the matter before us,
consisted of four Sons: Henry, Richard, Geoffrey, and John; and
three Daughters, Maud, Alianor, and Joan.

It is difficult, in a Reign where the subjects were so loaded with
taxations of every kind, and so generally and indiscriminately
imposed, to separate any particular charge from the aggregate.
Henry was a Prince that would not forego his rights and privileges;
and, as his Children were all natives of England, would doubtless
avail himself of such laws and indulgences as he found established,
and as would operate in his favour on their account. It does not
appear, upon the face of common history, that any _Aid_ was paid
for the _Knighthood_ of his eldest Son, though I have not the
least doubt but that it was comprehended in some of those numerous
subsidies, tallages, &c. which he levied, from time to time, on
his subjects, for his transfretations (to use a Monkish word) into
foreign parts. There is some ground for the surmise that the charge
might be enveloped in some of those exactions; for, though there
was a national contribution or _Aid_ demanded for the marriage of
one of his daughters, yet it does not transpire but in a general
Inquisition for the purpose of discoverig what monies had been
received, in every County, by the Sheriffs, &c. This was effected by
Itinerant Justices, who were dispatched over the whole Kingdom; and,
among other articles contained in their general commission, they
were directed to inquire--"concerning the _Aid_ to marry the King's
Daughter, what was received in every hundred, in every township, and
of every man, and who received it[135]." This took place in the year
1170, in the sixteenth year of the King's Reign.

  [135] From Brady's History, p. 309, who cites Gervas. Dorob. col.
  1410.

With regard to this King's _transfretations_, as I have called
them, he was not contented with mere feudal contributions in lieu
of personal service; but, upon a rupture with France, respecting
settlements upon an intended marriage between two Sons of Henry
(Henry, the then eldest, and Richard, the then second Son) with two
Daughters of France; the King commanded all his _Tenants in capite_,
Earls, Barons, and Knights, to attend him in person, properly
prepared with horse and arms, who were to serve a whole year in
Normandy at their own charge[136].

To conclude all I have to observe upon the subject of exactions
towards the King's expences in foreign wars, when he passed
_outre-mer_; I can but remark one, which fell not a little heavy on
the subject, imputable indeed to the religious frenzy of the times,
which was occasioned by a joint resolution of _Henry of England_ and
_Philip of France_ to go to the relief of _Jerusalem_, in what is
known by the name of the _Holy War_. These levies were made in the
most oppressive manner; every one who _did not_ go in person being
taxed to the extent of his property real and personal; and this was
not called an _Aid_, a _Subsidy_, or a _Tallage_, but (forsooth!)
an ALMS[137]. It ought not to be forgotten that those who _did_ go,
whether Clerk or Layman, were to have a free pardon of all sins
repented of; and their securities were God, St. Peter, St. Paul, and
the Pope[138].

  [136] Brady, 330; A. D. 1177.

  [137] Consult Brady, who gives authorities, p. 344.

  [138] Ibid.




RICHARD I.


The following Reign is too full of the business of the Holy War,
with which Richard was, above all men, most infatuated, to afford
much matter for our purpose. Henry had, by the good government and
direction of his revenues, left behind him great treasures; but
these, or ten times as much, would not answer the purpose of his
Successor, who ransacked every corner of his Kingdom for money
to carry on this work of zeal, which had seized all Christendom,
whereby Richard, on the Throne of a great and opulent Kingdom,
thought he saw so fair a prospect of reaping honour and renown.

Henry left in his treasury at Winchester more than nine hundred
thousand pounds[139], besides jewels, and other valuable
things[140]; but this would go but a very little way towards
recovering Jerusalem, which had been taken, and was now in the
hands of the Saracens. Before the death of Henry, Richard had bound
himself in a vow to Philip of France, to join in this undertaking;
and every one, _ad Regis exemplum_, strove either to go in person,
or to supply money towards the expence of the expedition. Nothing,
however sacred, could withstand Richard, in his schemes to raise
money for this purpose. Most of the Crown lands which Henry had,
with so much prudence and address, but a few years before, recovered
out of private hands, and annexed to the State, were again put
up to public sale, to be purchased by such as were able. Every
expedient was devised, to create a fund for this enterprize; and
among the rest, he obtained of the Pope a power to dispense with
the vows of such who had rashly engaged in the Crusade, by which he
raised very large sums. The Bishop of Norwich paid him 1000 marks,
to be excused. Where he could, he borrowed; and where he could not
borrow, he compelled. The people murmured at his oppression, and
the alienation of the estates of the Crown; but Richard told them,
_he would sell London itself, if he could meet with a purchaser_.
So great, however, was the general infatuation, that he had less
difficulty in raising men than money. The Clergy laboured as
zealously to procure him soldiers, as he himself had been active
in raising subsidies; his army soon became very numerous, and at a
cheap rate, for every officer and private soldier provided himself
with necessaries. One would think the great wealth that Richard had
amassed would have answered all his purposes; but in a few years
after, he had occasion for fresh supplies, to carry on a war with
Philip of France; not to mention the ransom which was paid for his
release, on his being taken prisoner by the Emperor Henry, amounting
to 150,000 marks, which were raised for the occasion by his subjects
in England. Philip of France had so maltreated Richard, by leaguing
himself with his Brother John, and bribing the Emperor to detain
him prisoner, that, as soon as Richard returned home, he could no
longer deny himself the satisfaction of revenge. His Kingdom was
already drained, and little able to furnish out supplies for a war
with France; but Richard was resolved, and money must be had at any
rate, let the means be ever so dishonourable. For this purpose he
revoked all the grants of the Crown lands, which he had made before
his expedition to Palestine. The pretext for this was, that the
purchasers had enjoyed them long enough to re-imburse themselves
out of the profits, and therefore he did them no injury by taking
the lands back again. This was one device; the next was, to avail
himself of the loss of the Great Seal, by ordering a new one to be
made; and obliged all who had commissions under the old one, to
renew them, and have them resealed, by which he must have raised a
considerable sum[141].

  [139] "Numero et Pondere." Brompton.

  [140] "Præter Utensilia, et Jocalia, et Lapides pretiosos." Matthew
  Paris.

  [141] In passing between Cyprus and Rhodes, in his Expedition to
  the Holy War, three of his Ships were lost, and among other persons
  that perished was the Vice-Chancellor, who had the Great Seal in his
  custody, and was afterwards found with it about his neck. Brompton.
  This was the manner in which the Seal was formerly carried by the
  Chancellor himself--"_circa_ cujus _Collum suspensum_ Regis Sigillum
  postea repertum est," are Brompton's words.

King Richard I. having no child of either sex, there was not an
opening for demanding the two common _Aids_; but the third, in
the order they are usually placed, _viz._ for the _ransom_ of the
_King's Person_, was exercised for the first time in this Reign.
Other taxations, heavy and enormous, on frivolous and nugatory
occasions, not to our immediate purpose, were copiously extorted
from the subject, and even in a shameful manner[142]. If ever the
Latin adage, "Quicquid delirant Reges," &c. could be properly
applied, it belonged to Richard.

  [142] Sir Richard Baker, p. 73.

The favourite system of this King was the _Holy-War_, and his
intemperate zeal led to the point before us. Failing in the attempt
to recover Jerusalem from the Saracens, he concluded a truce of
three years with Saladan their King; and, on his return towards
England through Germany, was made prisoner by the Arch-duke of
Austria (upon a pretext that he had killed the Margrave Conrade at
Tyre); who delivered him into the hands of the Emperor, where he
remained a captive full _fifteen months_, till he was ransomed[143].

  [143] Consult the Monkish Historians.

The sum demanded for the King's release is generally allowed to have
been 100,000_l._; though some writers reduce it a third part, and
call it 100,000 _marks_; but, let it be either of them, it was, in
those days, a sum not to be raised without the greatest extortion;
and I am justified in saying, it was not done without what,
eventually, almost amounted to _sacrilege_[144]. The church was
ransacked for plate, which was pretended to have been only borrowed
for the moment--but the debt was never repaid.

  [144] Sir Richard Baker reckons this no more than a voluntary
  contribution, forgetting that it was one of the established Norman
  _Feudal Aids_, though now first brought forward since the Conquest.




HENRY IV.


In the eleventh year of King Henry IV. a certain portion of the
customs in the several ports, of subsidies in several ports, of the
issues of the hamper [now the Hanaper], and of the profers [_sic_]
of escheators and sheriffs, were, by the King's letters patent,
set apart for the expences of his Household. This was done by the
assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, assembled in the King's
Council[145].

  [145] Rymer's Fœdera, tom. viii. p. 610.--From Madox's MSS. n.
  4486, p. 70.




EDWARD IV.


In the Reign also of King Edward IV. it was usual for the King to
grant to his servants, or ministers, assignments for their salaries,
or debts, upon divers officers who were concerned in receiving
his revenue; _viz._ upon Sheriffs of Counties, Bailiffs, or _Men_
[fortè Mayors] of Towns, Collectors of Customs, Subsidies, &c.
Upon these assignments the Assignees had Patent-Letters, Tallies
of the Exchequer, or Writs of Liberate currant, made forth for
their avail; and, in default of payment, they brought actions of
debt in the Court of Exchequer, upon such Assignments, Tallies, or
Liberates, against the Sheriffs, or other Officers aforesaid; many
instances of which may be seen in the fifth year of King Edward IV.
in the Placita coram Baronibus, 5 Edward IV. in the Rolls of the
Exchequer[146].

  [146] Madox's MSS. n. 4486, p. 71.

The King was wont to distribute his revenue in such manner as
he thought fit. He assigned, at his pleasure, part of it to the
expences of his Household, and other parts to the expences of either
civil government or war[147].

  [147] Idem, p. 69.

An act done within the verge of the King's Palace was said to be
done in _præsentiâ Regis_. The party offending was tried in the
Court held in the Palace, before the Steward and Marshal; and
the proceedings there, were styled _Placita Aulæ Domini Regis de
Coronâ_[148].

  [148] Idem, pp. 22, 23.




EXTRACTS

FROM THE

LIBER NIGER.


The Liber Niger Domûs Regis Angliæ[149] [_i. e._ Edward IV.]
contains Orders for his said Majesty's Household, anno 1478; and
relates to the following Officers:

  A Chamberlain.
  Bannerets, or Bachelor Knights, to be Carvers and Cup-bearers (four).
  Knights of Household (twelve) to do the Office of Ewerers.
  A Secretary.
  Chaplains (four).
  Esquires for the Body (four).
  A Sewer for the King.
  Surveyor for the King, _i. e._ of the Dresser.
  Wardrobe.
  Gentlemen Ushers of Chamber (four).
  Yeomen of the Crown (twenty-four).
  Yeomen of Chamber (four).
  Wardrobe of Robes.
  Wardrobe of Beds.
  Grooms of Chamber (ten).
  Pages of Chamber (four).
  Jewel-house.
  Doctor of Physic.
  Master Surgeon.
  Apothecary.
  Barber.
  Henxmen. Six Infants.
  Master of the Henchmen.
  Squires of Household.
  Kings of Arms, Heralds, and Pursuivants.
  Serjeants at Arms (four).
  Minstrels (thirteen).

     A Wayte. N. B. This Yeoman (for such was his rank) waiteth (_i.
     e._ playeth; I suppose) at the making of Knights of the Bath,
     watching upon them by night-time in the Chapel. Wherefore he
     hath of fee all the watching cloathing that the Knights should
     wear upon [them.]

  Messagers (four).
  Dean of the Chapel.

  Chaplains, and Clerks of the Chapel (twenty-six).
  Yeomen of the Chapel (two).
  Children of the Chapel (eight).
  Clerk of the Closet.
  Master of Grammar, to teach the Henxmen and Children of the Chapel.
  Office of Vestiary, _i. e._ Vestry.
  Clerk of Crown in Chancery.
  Clerk of the Market.
  Clerk of the Works.
  Marriage of Wards.
  Steward of Household.
  Treasurer of Household.
  Controller of Household.
  Cofferer.
  Clerks of Green Cloth.

  [149] Harleian MSS. in the British Museum, N^o 369, corrected by N^o
  642.


EXTRACTS FROM THE LIBER NIGER.

KNIGHTS AND ESQUIRES OF THE BODY.

Item, that all Knights for the Body, Cup-Bearers, and Knight
Carvers, Squires for the Body, &c. be put to their attendance,
and a book thereof delivered from the King's Highness into the
compting-house, for a quarter of a year; the quarters to begin at
October, January, April, and July.

Among the provisions, it is said

_Knights of the Body_, Carvers, and Cup-Bearers, [may have] every
of them, _two_ Yeomen sitting in the hall; and for their livery
at night, _one_ loaf and _an half_, and _a_ gallon of ale; _one_
talshed and an _half_, and _three_ sizes of white lights[150].

  [150] By white lights I understand tallow candles, they being so
  distinguished from wax in other places: which last, I presume, at
  that time were yellow.


GENTLEMAN USHER.

Item, that the Marshall, ne Usher of the Chamber, send his _rod_ by
any mean person or persons, to pantry, buttery, or cellar, spicery,
chaundry, or any other office; but go in his own person. But if he
be occupied, so that he may not, then he send such one with his
_rod_, as he will answer for on the morrow, and also that he will
breve for, upon pain of six days wages.

Item, that weekly there be warned and appointed by the Huishiers
[Ushers] of the Chamber, [those] who shall attend and serve the
King for the week next following, that is to say, Carvers, Sewers,
Cup-Bearers, _Squires for the Bod_y, and others.

Item, that every Lord, Knight, and Esquire, as well _Squire for the
Body_, as other within the Household, wear daily a collar of the
King's livery about their _nekket_ (sic) as to them appertaineth,
and that none of the said Squires fail hereof, upon pain of losing a
week's wages.

Item, that the liveries for _All-night_, for the King and Queen be
set by day-light, from Candlemas to Michaelmas; and in the winter
time, to eight of the clock at farthest.

Item, after the King and Queen's liveries delivered as aforesaid, no
officer abide in his office, nor resort unto his said office after
his departing, without a special commandment of the King or of the
Queen; or else by special token from the Steward of the Household,
or from the King or Queen's Chamberlains.

Punishment for neglect of Duty.

For the first offence, the party to be warned to amend.

For the second offence, imprisonment at the discretion of his
Superior.

And for the third offence, a discharge from his office[151].

  [151] In the time of Henry the Eighth (as in some cases in these
  Orders) they used stoppages of wages in lieu of imprisonment. This
  was called _checquing_. Hence, I apprehend, the office of a Clerk of
  the Cheque.


GREAT CHAMBERLAIN OF ENGLAND,

cometh to this Court at the six principal feasts of the year;
takes such livery and service after the estate he is of; and for
his winter and summer robes, for the feasts of Christmas and
Whitsuntide, to be taken of the counting-house by even portions, ten
pounds thirteen shillings and four pence; and for his fee of the
King's Household, at the two terms of Easter and Michaelmas, by even
portions, twenty marks in the counting-house.


KNIGHTS OF HOUSEHOLD[152].

  [152] Of this Office, and that of the Esquires of the Body, see Mr.
  Pegge's Curialia, Part I.

Twelve Bachelors, sufficient and most valiant men of that order, of
every Country, and more in number if it please the King, whereof
_four_ to be continually abiding and attending upon the King's
Person in Court, beside the Carvers abovesaid, for to serve the King
of his bason, or such other service as they may do the King, in
absence of the Carvers, sitting in the King's Chamber and Hall with
persons of like service; every of them have eating in the hall one
Yeoman, and taking for his chamber, at noon and night, one loaf, one
quart of wine, one gallon of ale, one pitcher of wine, one candle
wax, two candles pis, one tallwood and an half, for winter livery,
from All-Hallowen-tide till Easter: rushes and litter all the year,
of the Serjeant Usher, and for keeping of their stuff and Chamber,
and to purvey for their stuff. Also at their livery in the Country,
amongst them all, four Yeomen, after time eight of these Knights be
departed from Court, and the four Yeomen to eat daily in the hall
with Chamberlains, till their said Masters come again; so that the
number of Knights' servants be not increased when their Masters be
present. Every Knight shall have into this Court resorting, _three_
persons, Waiters; the remanent of their servants to be at their
livery in the Country, within seven miles to [of] the King, by the
Herbergers sufficiently lodged; and, if it may be, _two_ Knights
together. Also they pay, in this Court, for the carriage of their
own stuff. And if a Knight take clothing, it is by warrant made to
the King's Wardrober, and not of the Treasurer of Household. Some
time Knights took a fee here yearly, of _ten_ marks, and clothing;
but because[153] their clothing is not according for the King's
Knights, therefore it was left.

  [153] N^o 369 reads _Ray_ Clothing.

Item, if he be sick, or specially let blood, or clystered, then he
taketh livery, _four_ loaves, _two_ mess of great meat and roast,
half a pitcher of wine, _two_ gallons of ale. This letting blood,
or clystering, is to avoid pestilence; and therefore the people
take livery out of the Court, and not for every sickness in man
continuing in this Court.


ESQUIRES FOR THE BODY.

_Four_ Noble, of condition, whereof always two be attendant on
the King's person, to array him, and unarray him; watch day and
night; and to dress him in his cloaths. And they be callers to the
Chamberlaine, if any thing lack for his person or pleasance. Their
business is in many _secrets_, some sitting in the King's chamber,
some in the hall with persons of like service, which is called
_Knight's service_. Taking, every of them, for his livery at night,
half a chet loaf, one quart of wine, one gallon of ale; and for
winter livery, from All-Hallowtide till Easter, one _percher_ wax,
one candle wax, two candles pric.[154] one talshide and an half,
and wages in the compting-house. If he be present in the Court
daily, seven-pence halfpenny; and cloathing with the Household,
winter and summer, or else forty shillings, besides his other fee
of the Jewel-house, or of the Treasurer of England; and besides
his watching cloathing of Chamber of the King's Wardrobe. He hath,
abiding in this Court, but two servants; livery sufficient for his
horses in the country, by the Herberger. And if any Esquire be
let blood, or else fore-watched, he shall have like livery with
Knights. Litter and rushes all the year, of the Serjeant Usher of
the Hall and Chamber. Oftentimes these stand instead of Carvers and
Cup-bearers.

  [154] Fortè _Prickets_.

       *       *       *       *       *

_In the "Statutes of Eltham."_

Esquires of the Body, every of them, to have ordinary within the
Court _four_ persons, of the which to have sitting in the Hall two
persons, and the residue _ut supra_ [_i. e._ to have no meat or
drink within the House, but to be at board wages in the town]; and
for their bouche of Court, every of them to have for their livery at
night, one chet loaf, half a pitcher of wine, and one gallon of ale,
one size wax, three white lights, two talsheds, and two faggots.

In the appointment of Herbagage be ordinary for all Noble Estates,
and others, for stabling of their horses, and beds for their
servants, appointed by the King's Highness, at his Manor of Eltham,
the 19th of January, in the 17th year of his Noble Reign.

It is appointed to Knights for the Body, and other Knights, _six_
horses and _two_ beds.

To every Esquire for the Body, _five_ horses and two beds.

[N. B. Every Gentleman Usher of the Privy Chamber, whereof six,
_six_ horses and _two_ beds.

Every Groom of the Privy Chamber, _two_ horses and _two_ beds.

Every Gentleman Usher Daily Waiter, _three_ horses and _one_ bed.

Every Gentleman Usher of the Privy Chamber, _four_ horses and _one_
bed[155].]

  [155] _Sic_: but query if not Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber; they
  not being otherwise mentioned in either copy.

For the good order of the King's Chamber, it is said, the Pages
of the King's Chamber must daily arise at _seven_ o'clock, or soon
after, and make a fire; and warn the Esquires of the Body of that
hour, to the intent they may then arise, so as they may be ready,
and the King's Chamber dressed in every thing as appertaineth, by
_eight_ of the clock at the farthest.

Item, that none of the servants of the said Esquires come within
the Pallet Chamber; but be attendant at the door, as well at night
as in the morning, with such gear as their Masters shall wear. And
the said Pages, at the request of the said Esquires, to fetch in,
and bear out, their night-gear, and all other their apparel, and
likewise to make them ready, both at night and in the morning.

Item, that, if the Esquires for the Body do not arise at the warning
of the Pages, so as the King's Chamber may be ready and dressed by
the hour afore limited; that then immediately the Pages are to shew
the same to the Lord Chamberlain.

[In the appointment of Lodgings, is a chamber for the _six_
Gentlemen _and_ Ushers of the Privy Chamber, to sup in; which
explains the above article.]

The Esquires for the Body, mentioned to have been at Eltham at that
time, were, Sir Arthur Poole, Sir Edward Baynton, Sir Humphrey
Forster, and [Mr.] Francis Pointz.

       *       *       *       *       *

In the New Book of the King's Household of Edward IV. anno 1478:

Six Knights and five Squires appear to have been on duty for eight
weeks from the last day of October, at the end of which they were
relieved by _five_ Knights and four Esquires. Sir Roger Ray, being
Vice Chamberlain, was in both lists; for it is said afterwards,
"We will that Sir Roger Ray, Deputy to my Lord Chamberlain, two
Gentlemen Ushers, and two Yeomen Ushers, at least, be always
attending upon us."


YEOMEN OF THE CROWN[156].

  [156] See the "Curialia," Part III.

Twenty-four most seemly persons, cleanly and strongest Archers,
honest of conditions, and of behaviour, bold men chosen and tried
out of every Lord's house in England for their cunning and virtue
thereof. One to be Yeoman of the Robes, another to be Yeoman of
the Wardrobe of Beds in Household. These two, in certainty, eat in
the King's Chamber daily. Other two be Yeomen Ushers of Chamber,
eating there also. Another to be Yeoman of the Stole, if it please
the King. Another to be Yeoman of the Armory. Another to be Yeoman
of the Bows for the King. Another Yeoman to keep the King's Books.
Another to keep his Dogs for the Bow. And, except the first four
persons, the remnant may to the Hall, as the Usher, &c. or another
to keep his best; and thus they may be put to business. Also
it accordeth that they be chosen men of manhood, shooting, and
specially of virtuous conditions. In the King's Chamber be daily
sitting four messes of Yeomen; and all the remnant eating in the
Hall, sitting together above, joining to the Yeomen of Household;
except at the five Great Feasts of the year, then as many Yeomen of
Crown and Chamber as may sit in the King's Chamber shall be served
there during the Feast; and every of them present in Court, hath
daily allowed in the counting-house _three-pence_, and cloathing
for winter and summer, and ... yearly, or else eighteen shillings,
beside their watching cloathing of the King's Wardrobe. And if
any of them be sent out by the King's Chamberlain, then he taketh
his wages of the Jewel-house, and vacat in the Cheque Roll till
he be seen in Court again. Also lodging in the town, or in the
country, sufficient for their horses, as nigh together as the
Herbiger of Household may dispose; and always two Yeomen of Crown
to have an honest servant in to [the] Court, in the Noble Edward's
Statutes. And these were called "The Twenty-four Archers de pié
courants entièrement devant le Roy par pairs pour Gard [de] Corps
du Roy[157]." These were called the King's Watchment. At this [or
rather that] day, a Yeoman took but ten shillings for his gown, and
four shillings and eight pence for his hosen and shoone. They have
nothing else with the Household _sans_ carriage of their beds, two
men together, by deliverance or assignment for that carriage of
the Controllers, and litter for their beds of the Serjeant Usher
of the Hall and Chamber. And if any of them be sick, or let blood,
he taketh for all day a cast of bread, one mess of great meat, one
gallon of ale; and if it be of great sickness, he must remove out of
the Court.

  [157] Sic lego.

Also, when they make watch nightly, they should be gird with their
swords, or with other weapons ready, and harness about them.


A BARBER FOR THE KING'S MOST HIGH AND DREAD PERSON.

To be taking in this Court after that he standeth in degree,
Gentleman, Yeoman, or Groom. It hath been much accustomed to one or
two well-known Officers of the Ewry in Household, such as been for
the month, Serjeant, or other. Also we find how this hath been used
among ... by a well-betrusted Yeoman of Chamber, for lack of cunning
of these other men. It is accustomed that a Knight of Chamber, or
else Squire for the Body, or both, be present every time when the
King will be shaven.

This Barber shall have every Saturday at night, if it please the
King to cleanse his head, legs, or feet, and for his shaving, two
loaves, one pitcher of wine; and the Ushers of Chamber ought to
testify this, if this be necessary dispended or no.

Also, this Barber taketh his shaving cloths, basons, and all his
other towels[158], and things necessary, by the Chamberlain's
assignment, of the Jewel-house; no fees of plate or silver, but
it be in his instrumental tools used by occupation, and that by
allowance of the King's Chamberlain.

  [158] _Tools_ in No. 642, in Bib. Harl.


HENXMEN.

Six infants, or more, as it shall please the King, all these
eating in the Hall, and sitting at one board together; and to be
served two or three to a mess, as the Sovereigns appoint; taking
daily for their breakfasts, amongst them all, two loaves, a mess
of great meat, a gallon of ale. Also, for their supper in fasting
days, according to their age, and livery nightly for them all to
their chamber, one loaf, one gallon of ale; and for winter livery,
two candles wax, four candles p'is, three talsheds, for them all.
Rushes and litter all the year, of the Serjeant Usher of the Hall
and Chamber. And if these Gentlemen, or any of them, be Wards; then,
after their births and degrees, the Steward and Treasurer, with
the Chamberlain, may appoint the service more large in favour by
their discretions, when as often as them needeth, till the King's
Grace hath given or sold[159] their lands and wards. And all their
competent harness to be carried, and beddings. Two lodged together
at the King's carriage, by oversight of the Comptroller; and every
of them an honest servant to keep their chamber and harness, and to
array him in this Court whilst their Masters be present in Court; or
else to allow here no chamber dokyns, &c. And all other findings for
their beds they take of the King's Wardrobe, by suit of the Master
of Henxmen, made to the King's Chamberlain for warrants.

  [159] _i. e._ granted them during non-age.


MASTER OF HENXMEN.

To shew the schools of urbanity and nurture of England; to learn
them to ride cleanly and surely; to draw them also to justs; to
learn them wear their harness; to have all courtesy in words, deeds,
and degrees; diligently to keep them in rules of goings and sittings
after they be of honour. Moreover to teach them sundry languages,
and other learnings virtuous; to harping, to pipe, sing, and dance,
with other honest and temperate behaving and patience; and to
keep daily and weekly with these children due [discipline], with
corrections in their chambers, according to such gentlemen; and each
of them to be used to that thing of virtue that he shall be most
apt to learn, with remembrance daily of God's service accustomed.
This Master sitteth in the Hall next unto beneath these Henxmen,
at the same board; to have his respects unto their demeanings,
how mannerly they eat and drink; and to their communication, and
other forms curial, after the book of urbanity. He taketh daily, if
he be present in Court, wages, cloathing, and other liveries, as
other Esquires of Household, save he is not charged with serving
of the Hall. Carriage also for harness in Court competent by the
Comptroller to be with the Henxmen his harness in Court; and to have
into this Court one servant, whilst he is present; and sufficient
liveries for his horses, in the town or country, by the Herberger.
And if he be sick in Court, or let blood, he taketh two loaves, two
mess of great meat, one gallon ternoise[160]. And for the fees that
he claimeth among the Henxmen of all their apparel, the Chamberlain
is the judge.

  [160] Fortè _Tournois_.


SQUIRES OF HOUSEHOLD.

Forty, or more, if it please the King, by the advice of his High
Council, to be chosen men of their profession, worship, and wisdom;
also to be of sundry Shires, by whom it may be known the disposition
of the Countries. And of these, to be continually in this Court
Twenty Squires attendant upon the King's Person, in riding and going
at all times, and to help serve his table from the Surveying-board,
and from other places, as the Assewar will assign.--Also, by their
common assent, to assign amongst themselves some to serve the King's
Chamber, at one day, week, or time, some to serve the Hall at
another time, of every mess that cometh from the dressing-board to
their hands for such service, so that thereof be nothing withdrawn
by the Squires, upon such pain as Steward, Treasurer, or Controller,
or in their absence other Judges at the counting-board, will award,
after their demerits.--They eat in the hall, sitting together at
any of the both meals as they serve, some the first meal, some the
latter, by assent. This hath be [been] always the manner amongst
them for honour [and] profit to the King.--It may be, that the King
taketh into Household in all Sixty Squires, and yet, amongst them
all, Twenty take not the whole wages _of the year_ [sic]; wherefore
the number of persons may be received and suffered the better in
the checque-roll for a worship, and the King's profit saved, and
ease to them self.--Every of them taketh for his livery at night,
half a gallon of ale; and for winter season, each of them taketh two
candles parris, one faggot, or else half talwode.

When any of them is present in Court, he is allowed for daily wages,
in the checque roll, seven-pence halfpenny, and clothing winter and
summer; or else forty shillings. It hath ever been in special charge
to Squires in this Court, to wear the King's Livery customably,
for the more glory, and in worship of this honourable Household:
and every of them to have in to this Court an honest servant, and
sufficient livery in the towns or countries for their horses, and
other servants, by the herberger. Two Gentlemen lodged together, and
they be coupled bed-fellows by the Gentlemen Ushers.--And if any
of them be let blood or sick in Court, or nigh, thereto, he taketh
livery in eating days, two loaves, two mess of great meat, one
gallon of ale, for all day, and litter all the year of the Serjeant
Usher of the hall for their beds in Court.--And if any of these
Squires be sent out of Court, by Steward, Treasurer, or Controller,
or other of the counting-house, for matter touching the Household,
then he hath daily allowed him twelve pence by petition. Also they
pay for their carriage of harness in Court. They take no part of
the general gifts, neither with chamber nor with hall, but if the
giver give them specially a part by express name or words. None of
these should depart from Court but by licence of Steward, Treasurer,
or Sovereigns of the Counting-house, that know how the King is
accompanied best: and to take a day when they should come again,
upon pain of loss of wages at his next coming.--That no Serjeant
of Office, nor Squire, nor Yeoman, nor Groom, but as be appointed
in this Book, to dine or sup out of Hall and King's Chamber, nor to
withdraw any service, or else to hurt or little the almesse [alms]
of Hall or Chamber, upon such pain as the Sovereigns of Household
will award by the Statutes of Noble Edward III. "In none office, &c."

It hath been often, in days before, commanded by the Counting-house,
that in ferial days, after that the King and Queen, and their
Chambers, and the Sovereigns of Household in the Hall, be served,
that then such honest Yeomen of Household be called or assigned to
serve from the dresser to the hall the remnant, specially such as
bear wages, that, if any service be withdrawn by them, that then
they to be corrected therefor.

These Squires of Household, of old, be accustomed, winter and
summer, in afternoons and in evenings, to draw to Lord's Chambers
within Court, there to keep honest company, after their cunning, in
talking of chronicles of Kings, and of other policies, or in piping
or harping, songings, or other acts marriables[161]; to help to
occupy the Court, and accompany strangers, till the time require of
departing.

  [161] Sic.

"Item, that daily there awaite twenty-four Squires to serve the King
and Queen, of whom _twelve_ to serve at the first dinner, and to
dine at the second; and the twelve sitting at the first dinner, to
serve the second dinner, and there to awaite to serve the King and
Queen[162]."

Dom. Regis Angliæ. The Esquires--"oftentimes these stand instead of
Carvers and Cup-Bearers[162]."

  [162] Harleian MSS. 642, p. 177.--Rigid Orders regarding Offenders,
  p. 97. b.


KINGS OF ARMS, HERALDS, AND PURSUIVANTS.

Coming into this Royal Court to the worship of these five Feasts in
the year, sitting at meats and suppers in the Hall, and to begin
that one end of the table together, upon days of estate, by the
Marshall's assignation, at one meal. And if the King keep estate,
by the Marshall's assignation, in the Hall, then these walk before
the Steward, Treasurer, and Comptroller, coming with the King's
Surveyor[163] from the surveying-board at every course. And, after
the last course, they cry the King's largesse, shaking their great
cup. They take their largesse of the Jewel-house; and during these
Festival-days they wait upon the King's Person coming and going
to and from the Church, Hall, and Chamber, before his Highness,
in their coats of arms. They take neither wages, cloathing, nor
fees, by the Compting-house; but livery for their chamber, day and
night, amongst them two loaves, a pitcher of wine, two gallons of
ale; and for winter season, if there be present a King of Arms, for
them all, one tortays at chandry, two candles wax, three candles
p'is, three talsheds. These Kings of Arms are served in the Hall
as Knights, service and livery for their horses nigh the Court, by
the Herberger.--Alway remembered, that the cup which the King doth
create any King of Arms or Herald withal, it standeth in the charge
of the Jewel-house, and not upon the Treasurer of Household.

  [163] Rectiùs, No. 642 reads _Service_.

The fees that they shall take at the making of Knights of the Bath,
it appeareth next after the chapter of Squires.


SERJEANTS OF ARMS[164].

  [164] See the "Curialia," Part V.

Four chosen proved men, of haviour and condition, for the King and
his Honourable Household; whereof two alway to be attending upon the
King's Person and Chamber; and to avoid the press of people before
where as the King shall come: in like wise at the conveyance of his
meat at every course from the surveying board; also observing for
[of] the King's commandments, and so after the Steward, Chamberlain,
Treasurer, and Controller, for the King, or for his Household. They
eat in the Hall, together or with Squires of Household, taking their
wages of twelve-pence by [the] day, or four-pence, as it pleaseth
the King, after their abilities, by letters patents; and clothing
also, to be taken of the issue and profit growing to the King in
divers counties of England, by the hands of the receivers of them.
No more having in Household; but every of them, when he is present
in Court, at night, a gallon of ale; and for winter livery, one
candle wax, two candles p'is, one talshed; rushes [and] litter for
their chamber of the Serjeant Usher all the year. They pay for the
carriage of their proper harness and bedding; and every of them to
have in to this Court, one honest servant. By the Statutes of the
Noble Edward, were thirty Serjeants of Arms, sufficiently armed and
horsed, riding before his Highness when he journeyed by the country
for a Garde de Corps du Roi. And if any of these be sick, or be
let blood, he taketh daily two loaves, two messes of great meat,
one gallon of ale, and thus to be brevied in the Pantry-Roll. Also
sufficient lodging assigned these Serjeants together, not far from
Court, for hasty errands [when] they fall.


MINSTRELS.

Thirteen; whereof one is Verger, that directeth them all in festival
days to their stations, to blowings and pipings to such offices
as must be warned to prepare for the King and his Household, at
meats and suppers, to be the more ready in all services; and all
these sitting in the Hall together, whereof some use trumpets, some
shalmuse[165] and small pipes, and some are strange-men coming to
this Court at five feasts of the year; and then to take their wages
of Household after four-pence halfpenny a day, if they be present
in Court; and then they to avoid the next day after the feasts be
done. Besides each of them another reward yearly, taking [taken]
of the King, in the Receipt of the Chequer, and cloathing with the
Household, winter and summer, or twenty shillings a-piece, and
livery in Court at even--amongst them all four gallons of ale; and
for winter season, three candles wax, six candles p'is, four tallow
candles, and sufficient lodging, by the Herbergers for them and
their horses in the Court. Also having in the Court two servants,
honest, to bear the trumpets, pipes, and other instruments; and a
torch for winter nights, whilst they blow to suppers, and other
revels at Chaundry. And always two of these persons to continue
in Court in wages, being present to warn at the King's ridings,
when he goeth to horseback, as oft as it shall require. And by
their blowings the Household-men may follow in the countries. And
if any of these two Minstrels be sick in Court, he taketh two
loaves, a mess of great meat, a gallon of ale. They have part of
any rewards given to the Household. And if it please the King to
have two strange Minstrels to continue in like wise. The King woll
not for his worship that his Minstrels be too presumptuous, nor too
familiar, to ask any rewards of the Lords of his land, remembering
"De Henrico Secundo Imperatore, qui omnes Joculatores suos et ...
monuerit ut nullus eorum in ejus nomine, vel dummodo steterunt in
servicio suo, nihil ab aliquo in regno suo deberent petere donandum,
scilicet, quod ipsi Domini donatores pro Regis amore citius
pauperibus erogarent."

  [165] Shawms.


A WAYTE.

That nightly, from Michaelmas till Shere-Thursday[166], pipeth the
watch within this Court _four_ times, and in summer nights _three_
times, and he to make _bon Gayte_, and every chamber-door and
office, as well for fire as for other pikers, or pellys[167]. He
eateth in the Hall with the Minstrels, and taketh livery at night,
half a paine, half a gallon of ale; and for summer nights, _two_
candles p'is, half a bushel of coals; and for winter nights, half
a loaf, half a gallon of ale, four candles p'is, half a bushel of
coals; and daily, if he be present in Court, by the Cheque Roll,
_four-pence halfpenny_, or _three pence_, by the discretion of
Steward and Treasurer, and after the cunning that he can, and good
deserving. Also cloathing with the Household Yeomen, or Minstrels,
according to the wages that he taketh. And if he be sick, or let
blood, he taketh _two_ loaves, half a mess of great meat, [and]
one gallon of ale. Also he partaketh with the general gifts of
Household, and hath his bedding carried, and his grooms together, by
the Controller's assignment. And under this Yeoman, _a Groom Wayte_;
if he can excuse the Yeoman in his Office, and absence, then he
taketh reward and cloathing, meet rewards, and other things, like to
the other _Grooms_ of Household. Also this _Yeoman_ wayteth at the
makings of _Knights_ of the Bath, watching by night-time upon them
in the chapel; wherefore he hath of fee all the watching cloathing
that the Knights do wear upon [them].

  [166] _i. e._ Maunday Thursday.

  [167] Perhaps Perils.


CLERK OF THE CROWN IN CHANCERY.

This Officer was anciently one of the Chancellor's Family[168].

  [168] Lex Parliamentaria.

Formerly accompanied the Masters in Chancery in carrying Bills to
the Lower House[169].

  [169] Ibid. p. 195.

Reads the Titles of Bills in the House of Lords[170].

  [170] Ibid. 197.

Sir George Copping was Clerk of the Crown, anno 1 Jac. I.[171]

  [171] Ibid. 301.

The fee of the Clerk of the Crown, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth,
was 20_l._[172]

  [172] See Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, vol. i. p. 51.




SUPPORTERS,

CRESTS, AND COGNIZANCES,

OF THE

KINGS OF ENGLAND.


RICHARD II.

Was the first who bore his Escocheon supported; _viz._ by Two
_Angels_.

_Cognizances._--A White Hart couchant, gorged with a Gold Chain and
Coronet, under a Tree; derived from the Princess Joan his Mother.

Also a Peascod Branch, with the Pods open, but the Peas out.


HENRY IV.

Dexter, a _Swan_. Sinister, an _Antelope_.

_Cognizance._--A Fox's Tail dependant.


HENRY V.

Two _Swans_, when Prince of Wales, holding in their beaks an
Ostrich-feather and a Scroll; when King, a _Lion_ and an _Antelope_.

N. B. He first bore three Fleurs de Lis, instead of the Semée; and
wrote himself King of _England_ and _France_, whereas those before
him wrote _France_ and _England_.


HENRY VI.

Two Antelopes, Argent, attired, accolled with Coronets, and chained
Or.

_Cognizance._--Two Feathers in Saltire.


EDWARD IV.

A _Lion_ for Marche; and a _Bull_ for Clare.

_Two Lions_, Argent.

The _Lion_ and the _White Hart_ of Richard II.

_Cognizances._--The _White Rose_.

The _Fetter-Lock_.

The _Sun_ after the Battle of Mortimer's Cross, when three _Suns_
were seen, which immediately conjoined.

The Rose is in the centre.


EDWARD V.

The _Lion_ and a _Hinde_, Argent.

_Cognizance._--The Rose and the Falcon in a Fetter-Lock.


RICHARD III.

Two _Boars_.

A White Boar.

    "The Cat, the Rat, and Lovel the Dog,
    Rule all England under the _Hog_."

_i. e._ Sir William Catesby, Sir Richard Ratcliff, and Lord Lovel,
creatures of King Richard. One Collingborne was executed for this
poetry[173].

  [173] Leigh's Choice Observations.

_Cognizance._--The Rose.


HENRY VII.

_Red Dragon_ (for Cadwallader), Dexter.

A _Greyhound_, Argent, accolled Gules, Sinister, for Nevile.

_Cognizances._--The _White Rose_ united to the _Red_.

A Portcullis for Beaufort.

A Hawthorn Bush with the Crown in it.

Richard's Crown was found in a Hawthorn Bush after the Battle of
Bosworth[174].

  [174] Leigh's Choice Observations, p. 151.


HENRY VIII.

The _Red Dragon_ and _Greyhound_.

Afterwards, the _Lion_ Dexter; the _Dragon_ Sinister.

_Cognizances._--A Red Rose.

A Fleur de Lis.

A Portcullis.

An Archer (Green) drawing his Arrow to the Head; with "Cui adhæreo
præest." taken at the interview between him and Francis I.


EDWARD VI.

The Lion and Red Dragon.

_Cognizance._--He bore the device of Prince of Wales, though never
created.


QUEEN MARY.

An Eagle and Lion.--These are the Supporters in the Coat of
Philip and Mary, impaled, over the chimney in the Hall of Trinity
College, Oxford, as of the year 1554, put up 1772, when Lord North,
afterwards Earl of Guilford, became Chancellor[175].

  [175] Churchill, in his Divi Britannici, gives a Lion and a Griffin.

_Cognizance._--When Princess, the White and Red Rose for York and
Lancaster, with a Pomegranate for Spain.--When Queen, Time winged,
drawing Truth out of a Pit; with "Veritas Temporis Filia."


_Queen Elizabeth._

A Lion and Red Dragon.

_Cognizance._--A Sieve, without a motto.

The words Video; Taceo. Semper Eadem[176].

  [176] Vide Camden's Remains.


JAMES I.

The Lion (for England), and the Unicorn (for Scotland).

_Cognizances._--A Rose; a Fleur de Lis; a Harp (for Ireland); a
Greyhound current.




REGAL TITLES.


"HIS MOST CHRISTIAN MAJESTY THE KING OF FRANCE."

Stowe says that Charlemagne, being chosen Emperor, A.D. 800, on
account of his great zeal for the good of Christendom, was the first
King of France that attributed to himself (I rather think received
from the Pope) the Style and Title of _The Most Christian King of
France_; and from him his Successors have continued it[177].

  [177] Chronicle, p. 693.


HIS SACRED MAJESTY THE KING OF GREAT BRITAIN.

First given to (or rather assumed by) King James I.[178]--GRACE was
the old Title.--MAJESTY succeeded to it at the latter end of the
Reign of Henry VIII.[179]

  [178] Mortimer's Dictionary, in voce _Sacred_.

  [179] Mortimer's Dictionary.


HIS CATHOLIC MAJESTY.

(SPAIN.)

About the year 1493, Pope Alexander VI. gave to Ferdinand, King of
Spain, the Title of _Catholick King_, in memory and acknowledgment
of the many Victories he had obtained over the Moors[180].

  [180] Platina.




ON THE

VIRTUES

OF

The Royal Touch.


KINGS OF ENGLAND.

As the following subject, which has exercised the faith and
incredulity of mankind for so many ages, comes before me in the
light of a religious ceremonial, I shall not attempt to defend or
depreciate the validity of this gift; though it may be necessary to
observe some circumstances as they occur, which may point different
ways. Well-attested instances of the effect of this power of healing
may be produced; though other examples are too ludicrous and futile
to attract serious attention. We may, however, in these enlightened
and unsuperstitious times, speak freely on a subject, which for
many years, I may say centuries, absorbed the faith of whole
Nations; _viz._ the Cure of the King's Evil by the Royal Touch. As
Mr. Addison, in the quality of The Spectator, professed a modest
veneration for a couple of sticks, if concealed under petticoats;
so am I loyally and religiously induced to "honour the King," as a
part of our excellent Constitution: but why Kings should have in
themselves a preternatural gift above other men, by healing the most
stubborn of all diseases, exceeds my comprehension. Every body is,
at this time, I dare believe, of the same opinion; and this foolish
affectation of a divine inherent power has wisely been laid aside,
ever since the accession of the House of Hanover.

If Kings really possessed such an uncommon, such a wonderful gift,
why has it been taken away? The same legal rights remain in the
Royal Person now that have adhered to it for ages--while this
Divine Prerogative has fallen away; or rather let us say, that the
incredulity of the world has increased.

The cases brought forward by the advocates for this Gift are
exceedingly strong and well attested; but yet there is something
so palpably absurd in the mere supposition, that the evidence,
when brought forward, will be found to destroy itself on a
cross-examination.

As to the subject, and all its wonderful consequences, I have just
as much faith as I have in the two following circumstances:

Lord Bolingbroke tells us, from Bodin, Amyot, and other writers,
that Ferdinand King of Spain, and Alphonsus King of Naples,
were cured of desperate distempers by reading Livy and Quintus
Curtius[181]. Again, there was such astonishing virtue in Quintus
Curtius, that we are further told, Alphonsus IX. King of Spain[182]
was healed by reading his works, after having in vain read the Bible
throughout fourteen times[183]. _Credat qui vult._ And yet I
could as soon subscribe to these, as to the cures performed by the
Royal Touch.

  [181] Bolingbroke, on the Study of History, p. 22.

  [182] Obiit 1214. Query if not the same as Alphonsus above?

  [183] Warton's History of English Poetry, p. 133.

Anciently there was great reputed sanative virtue in a seventh
son; and he was looked upon as a heaven-born Doctor, and those
his medical abilities were reverenced for that reason only by the
common people. So far the Doctor would be safe, and might kill with
impunity; but it was a crime to heal.

Thus I have a case before me in the Reign of King Charles I. where
a poor unfortunate man, who was the seventh son of a seventh
son, and never killed any body (for he was a gardener, and not a
physician), was severely treated, because he pretended to have in
him the faculty of healing several disorders, and especially the
King's Evil, by the Touch or stroking of his hand. This man was
imprudent enough to depreciate the Royal Touch; otherwise, at that
time, he might have obtained a comfortable subsistence from his
credulous patients; but that unfortunate intrenchment on the Royal
Prerogative drew down upon him the double vengeance of the Court of
Star-Chamber, and of the College of Physicians; which last, in the
most courtly manner, denounced him to be an impostor[184]. _Delenda
est Carthago._ It was highly necessary for the reputation of the
Royal pretensions that this man should be proscribed.

  [184] See the story at large in Granger, from Dr. Charles Goodall's
  Works.

The next person who appears to have usurped this Gift was Mr.
Valentine Greatrackes, a gentleman of Ireland, who first practised
his art of healing by the Touch in his own country; and afterwards
came into England, where, at first, he obtained great reputation,
which fell off by degrees, so that there was no occasion for any
violent measures to prevent his intrenching on the Royal Prerogative.

This gentleman wrote an account of his several cures, in a Letter to
the Honourable Robert Boyle, which was printed in 1668. Whether Mr.
Boyle was a believer I know not; but it was at a time when the King
practised, so that he might think it prudent to conceal his real
sentiments.

How far imagination will operate in such cases, as the old women,
even of this age, contend it does in Agues, is a question not for me
to discuss; but it tempts me to transcribe the following story, as
given by Mr. Granger, vol. IV. p. 32.

"I was myself a witness of the powerful workings of imagination in
the populace, when the waters of Glastonbury were at the height of
their reputation. The virtues of the spring there were supposed to
be supernatural, and to have been discovered by a revelation made in
a dream to one Matthew Chancellor. The people did not only expect
to be cured of such distempers as were in their nature incurable,
but even to recover their lost eyes, and their mutilated limbs.
The following story, which scarce exceeds what I observed upon the
spot, was told me by a gentleman of character. 'An old woman in the
workhouse at Yeovil, who had long been a cripple, and made use of
crutches, was strongly inclined to drink of the Glastonbury waters,
which she was assured would cure her of her lameness. The master of
the workhouse procured her several bottles of water, which had such
an effect, that she soon laid aside one crutch, and not long after,
the other. This was extolled, as a miraculous cure. But the man
protested to his friends, that he had imposed upon her, and fetched
the water from an ordinary spring.' I need not inform the Reader,
that when the force of imagination had spent itself, she relapsed
into her former infirmity."


FRENCH KINGS.

Whether the French Kings possessed this Gift in a greater or less
degree than our own, I cannot decide; but in point of antiquity, by
the accounts of their Historians, they exceed us by many centuries.

The advocates for the priority of the Kings of England in this
wonderful Gift, tell you, that the French, seeing it with a jealous
eye, invented a tale, and carried their claim up to Clovis, the
first of that name in France, and their first Christian King, who
acceded to the Throne A. D. 481; whereas we do not pretend to go
higher than Edward the Confessor, who died in 1066.

In reward for Clovis's faith and conversion, this Gift was bestowed
upon him at his baptism, A. D. 496; and which he accordingly
exercised immediately on one of his favourites[185].

  [185] See Mezeray. The name of this person was Lancinet.

How it was first discovered to be inherent in the French King we are
not told; though we are assured as to our own, that the knowledge of
such power in King Edward was discovered, like many other similar
wonders, from a dream.

The usual date of the introduction of this miraculous Gift
into France is fixed in the Reign of St. Louis [_i. e._ IX], a
contemporary with our Henry III. about 160 years after the death of
the Confessor[186].

  [186] Browne's "Adenochoiradelogia," 1684. See hereafter, under
  Charles II.

Unfortunately for the French Kings, there is a story extant, which
overthrows their healing power, in a palpable instance which
happened to Louis XI. who having had an apoplexy, sent for a famous
man to cure him, by name Francis of Poul. Francis, unhappily, had
the Evil; but, alas! the Saint could not cure the King; and, what
was worse, the King could not cure the Saint[187].

  [187] Davies, ii. 181.

On the other hand, as the French Kings possessed the faculty sooner
than our Kings, so did it last longer; for King George I. had the
good sense not to pretend to it; whereas the French Kings kept
up the farce at least till 1775, though with some address in the
words spoken by the King; _viz._ "The King touches you, and may
God heal you!" ["Le Roy te touche, Dieu te guerisse."] So that, in
case the Touch fails, it is known where the blame is to lie; which
is to be attributed to the anger of God, or the want of faith in
the party[188]. The French Kings gave alms on the occasion; but
I find no mention of particular pieces, as was the custom with
us. I do not find that the French Kings ever touched, except upon
Coronations; though it was a repeated, if not an annual ceremony
with us, performed daily for a certain season[189], attended with a
Form of Prayer, compiled for the purpose, which I shall hereafter
preserve at length in the Appendix, together with the Ceremonial,
after having given such accounts of the Practice itself, under the
respective Kings, as are recorded by Writers on the subject.

  [188] Louis XVI. of France went through this ceremony, as appears
  from the Formule of his Coronation, published at the time, A. D.
  1775. Louis XV. touched no less than 2000 persons, and Louis XIV.
  upwards of 2500.

  Gemelli(the famous Traveller) gives an account of 1600 persons being
  presented for this purpose to Louis XIV. on Easter Sunday 1686.
  Every Frenchman received 15 sous, and every Foreigner 30.

  In "De mirabili Strumas Sanandi vi solis Galliæ Regibus
  Christianissimis Divinitus concessa. Authore Andreâ Laurentio, Regis
  Consiliario et Medico Primario, 1609," is a very curious Print,
  representing King Henry IV. touching for the Evil; in which are
  introduced many Patients and Officers of the Court.

  The French confined their expression to the word _Touch_, though we
  use the term _Heal_.

  [189] See Browne.


EDWARD THE CONFESSOR[190].

To begin in order of time, I shall give you the narrative in Mr.
Stowe's words, from the Latin account by Alfred, Abbot of Rivaulx.
Thus then it is:

"A young woman, married, but without children, had a disease about
her jawes, and under her cheeke, like unto kernels, which they
termed akornes, and this disease so corrupted her face with stench,
that shee coulde scarce without great shame speake to any man. This
woman was admonished in her sleepe, to go to King Edwarde, and get
him to washe her face with water, and shee shoulde bee whole. To
the Court shee came; and the King hearing of this matter, disdained
not to doe it; having a bason of water brought unto him, hee dipped
his hand therein, and washed the womannes face, and touched the
diseased place; and this hee did oftentimes, sometimes also signing
it with the signe of the Crosse, which after hee hadde thus washed
it, the hard crust or skinne was softened and dissolved; and drawing
his hand by divers of the holes, out of the kernels came little
wormes, whereof they were full with corrupt matter and blood, the
King still pressed it with his handes to bring forth the corruption,
and disdained not to suffer the stench of the disease, untill hee
hadde brought forth all the corruption with pressing: this done,
hee commanded her a sufficient allowance every day for all thinges
necessary, untill she hadd received perfect health, which was within
a weeke after; and whereas shee was ever beefore barren, within one
yeere shee had a childe by her husband. And although this thing
seeme strange, yet the Normans sayde that hee often did the like in
his youth, when he was in Normandy[191]."

  [190] Dr. Plot, in his Natural History of Oxfordshire, c. 10, § 125,
  Plate 16, No. 5, gives a Drawing of the Touch-piece, supposed to
  have been given by Edward the Confessor. The ribbon, he says, was
  white.

  [191] Stowe's Annals, p. 98.

It does not appear that the King knew of this Gift before; but he
continued to use it ever after, and his successors followed him in
the practice.

But this is not all: for Stowe affords us but one instance of the
cure of a blind man by King Edward; whereas the Abbot's account[192]
extends to six men totally blind, besides another who had lost one
of his eyes; all of whom were restored to perfect sight by the
King[193].

  [192] See the "Decem Scriptores."

  [193] Mr. Browne likewise believes that several blind persons were
  restored to sight by King Charles II.


WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR

Had business enough upon his hands to employ his time, without
thinking of such a matter as this; but however, that he might, in
quieter times, enjoy this Kingly attribute (though only a Bastard
Son of a Territorial Duke), Voltaire tells us, that some dependants
endeavoured to persuade the world, that this Gift was bestowed upon
him from Heaven[194]. Whether he ever exercised it does not appear.
Nothing but a special bounty of Heaven could convey to him this
privilege; and such interference was necessary; for it was anciently
held not to be inherent in any but lawful Kings, and not to extend
to Usurpers; so that it must have slept during all the wars between
the Houses of York and Lancaster, till resumed by Henry VII. as will
be mentioned in its place.


EDWARD III.

Mr. Joshua Barnes, the most copious Historiographer of this Reign,
does not positively say that King Edward exercised this Gift,
presuming only that he had a double right to it, as Heir to both the
Realms of England and of France; and, consequently, more eminently
endowed than Philip of Valois, the then French King[195]. The
French, no doubt, would deny it to him, as an usurping claimant of
their Crown; though they could not refuse his right, as derived to
him as a legal King of England.

  [194] See Davies, ii. 180.

  [195] Barnes's History, b. ii. ch. 7. sect. 5.


HENRY VI.

I have already conceived the Gift of healing by the Touch to have
been, as it were, in abeyance during the Civil Wars between the
Houses of York and Lancaster; and therefore have found no historical
record of Cures performed by this _Saint-like_ King, who had such
ample religious claims. I have called him Saint-like, because he
never was canonized, though it was attempted and refused by the Pope
in the Reign of Henry VII. for reasons to be seen in Fuller's Church
History of Britain[196].

  [196] Book iv. p. 154.

Two reasons against the canonization are suggested by different
Writers:--1. That the then Pope thought King Henry VI. too simple
to be sainted:--2. That the contingent expence amounted to more than
King Henry VII. was willing to defray, being not less than 1500
ducats of gold, a large sum at that time of day[197].

  [197] Id. in eod.

But, however, although King Henry VI. performed no Cures in his
life-time, yet was a man miraculously saved from death at the
gallows by the appearance of the King, 40 years after his demise (in
the 10th year of Henry VII.), by which intervention the halter had
no effect; for the convict was found alive, after having hung the
usual hour, and went speedily (as in duty bound) to return thanks
at the King's Tomb at Chertsey, for such a wonderful deliverance.
The Story states, that the man was really innocent, though, from
circumstantial evidence, presumed to have been guilty; otherwise the
Ghost of so pious and merciful a King had doubtless never appeared
to him and interposed.


HENRY VII.

It is evident, from various concurrent circumstances, that this King
touched for the Evil, as the Religious Ceremonial used upon those
occasions, such as Prayers, Benedictions, Suffrages, &c. during
his Reign, are to be found not only in MS. in the British Museum,
but were afterwards printed by order of King James II. A. D. 1686;
both in Latin. Another proof arises from charges made for pieces of
money delivered for this purpose in that Reign; for, in the 18th
year of Henry VII. we find a disbursement of 20 shillings, made by
John Heron, "for heling 3 seke folks;" and again, "13_s._ 4_d._
for heling 2 seke folks." From these sums it is evident, that the
Touch-pieces given were Nobles, or 6_s._ 8_d._ in value[198]. The
accounts of this John Heron are preserved, together with those of
divers others, in the office of the Remembrancer of the Exchequer.
The fact is further established from the testimony of Polydore
Vergil, who wrote his History at the command of King Henry VII.
(though it was not made public till the following Reign); wherein
the Writer, after going a little into the origin of this Gift,
adds, that the Kings of England, even in his time, healed persons
afflicted with this disease ["Nam Reges Angliæ _etiam nunc_ Tactu
strumosos sanant."] He further subjoins, that the exercise of it was
attended with hymns, and other devout cæremonies; meaning, no doubt,
those above-mentioned: ["quibusdam hymnis non sine ceremoniis prius
recitatis[199]."] From looking over the Ceremonial, I conceive that
by hymns, Polydore Vergil means the Gospel, which at that time was
_sung_, or the suffrages, which might be chanted.

  [198] In the Ceremonial, the King crossed the Sore of the Sick
  Person, with an _Angel-Noble_.

  [199] Polydore Vergil, p. 143. Basil edit 1546.

Fabian Philips, in his Treatise on Purveyance, p. 257, asserts,
"that the Angels issued by the Kings of England on these occasions,
amounted to a charge of three thousand pounds _per annum_."]

I shall give a transcript of the service appropriated to this
occasion in the Appendix, (No. I.) as the printed copies are very
scarce.

I cannot dismiss this Reign without observing that the learned
Editor of the Northumberland Household Book[200] is hereby proved to
have been very inattentive, when he says that "this miraculous Gift
was left to be claimed by the _Stuarts_; our ancient _Plantagenets_
were humbly content to cure the _Cramp_[201]."

  [200] The late truly venerable Bishop Percy.

  [201] Notes to p. 334.--This Ceremony of consecrating the
  _Cramp-Rings_ will be added to this account of the King's Evil. See
  Appendix, No. III.

What part the _Plantagenets_ took in this business, for want of
information, must be left doubtful; but ample proof has been
offered, that the _Tudors_ possessed the Gift of Healing.


EDWARD VI.

The King now before us, though he kept a journal of all material
occurrences, does not, however, once hint that he touched for the
Evil, as probably his natural piety would have led him to have
done, had it ever taken place; but, if there be any truth in the
immediate prevalence of prayer on the ears of Heaven, an instance is
recorded wherein the King obtained his request, in a more notable
instance than any cure he might have performed by the operation
of his Touch. Sir John Cheke, his Tutor for the Greek language,
lay very dangerously ill, to the great disquiet and concern of the
King, who, after frequent and daily inquiries, learned from the
Physicians at last that there was not the least hope of life. "No,"
said the King, "he will not die now; for this morning I begged his
life from God in my prayers, and obtained it." This accordingly came
to pass; and Sir John recovered speedily, contrary to all medical
expectations. The truth was ascertained by an ear-witness, the Earl
of Huntingdon, who related it to the grandson of Sir John Cheke
(Sir Thomas Cheke, of Pirgo, Essex), by whom it was mentioned to my
Author[202].

  [202] Fuller's Church History of Britain, book vii. p. 425.

  "Nec Deus intersit nisi dignus vindice Nodus;"

and, if ever necessary, it was on this occasion; though the King
lived but one year afterwards; and Cheke survived, to disgrace the
Protestant Religion by his revolt.


QUEEN ELIZABETH.

That the Queen touched, is acknowledged; but it is as evident that
she had no high opinion of the efficacy of such operation; for she
once threw out an expression tending much to disparage the validity
of it. Being on a Progress in Gloucestershire, her Majesty was
so pestered with applications from diseased people, who pressed
about her person in hopes of obtaining the Royal Touch, that she
unguardedly, and in an ill-humour, exclaimed, "Alas, poor people,
_I_ cannot, _I_ cannot cure you; it is God alone who can do it."
This was interpreted by some, as a renunciation of the Gift; but,
nevertheless, the Queen afterwards admitted a general resort
to her for the purpose of being touched, and one in particular
was healed[203]. On this, or some other occasion, a rigid Papist
was under a necessity of applying for the Queen's Touch, after
having tried every other means in vain; and was, says my Author,
perfectly healed. This happening soon after the Pope had denounced
the sentence of Excommunication against her Majesty, raised the
reputation of this Gift in the Royal Line of England; seeing that
the Pope had no power to divest the Queen of it[204].

  [203] Browne, book iii. p. 124.

  [204] Browne in eod.; and Tooker's "Charisma," ch. 6.

The Queen, at another time, A. D. 1575, being on a Progress in
Warwickshire, where she was entertained by the Earl of Leicester at
Kenilworth Castle, during her abode there, "touched nine for the
King's Evil[205]."

  [205] Strype's Annals, iv. p. 394.


JAMES I.

It does not appear that the Kings of Scotland ever pretended to this
Gift; but when their James VI. came to the Throne of England, the
virtue appeared in him; and he exercised it, as is evident from a
passage in Macbeth[206], and still more strongly from Proclamations
in this Reign, still extant[207].

  [206] Davies, ii. 179.

  [207] By a Proclamation, March 25, 1616, it appears that the Kings
  of England would not permit patients to approach them during the
  summer.

Being lineally descended from Henry the Seventh's Daughter,
Margaret, this King had the same title to the Gift as Henry himself,
who, as has been seen, used it, though descended from a line of
Usurpers.


CHARLES I.

So pious a King, and so jealous of every prerogatory right,
divine and human, could not fail to exercise this preternatural
endowment[208]; and accordingly we find him regulating the manner
and time that persons shall be admitted to the Royal Touch, by
divers Proclamations[209]. One is dated soon after his Accession,
in 1621[210]; another in 1626; and a third in 1628[211]. He cured by
his words only[212].

  [208] The following interesting remarks on this subject were
  communicated to Mr. Nichols, in 1781, by the learned and very
  ingenious Dr. Aikin. "Though the superstitious notions respecting
  the cure of the King's Evil by the Touch of our English Kings are
  probably at present entirely eradicated, it is still a curious and
  not uninstructive object of enquiry, by what means they were so
  long supported, and by what kind of evidence they have been able to
  gain credit even in the dawning of a more enlightened period. The
  testimony of Richard Wiseman, Serjeant-Surgeon to King Charles I.
  has been alleged as one of the strongest and most unexceptionable
  in favour of the Touch. He was a man of the greatest eminence
  in his profession; and his Works (collected in a folio volume,
  intituled, "Several Chirurgical Treatises, by Richard Wiseman,
  Serjeant-Chirurgeon, 1676") bear all the marks of an honest and
  upright disposition in their author. On the subject of the Royal
  Touch he delivers himself in the following strong and unequivocal
  terms: 'I myself have been a frequent eye-witness of many hundreds
  of cures performed by his Majesty's Touch alone, without any
  assistance of Chirurgery; and those many of them such as had tired
  out the endeavours of able Chirurgeons before they came thither.
  It were endless to recite what I myself have seen, and what I have
  received acknowledgments of by letter, not only from the several
  parts of the Nation, but also from Ireland, Scotland, Jersey, and
  Guernsey.' The question which will naturally arise upon this passage
  is, Did Wiseman really believe what he asserted, or was he knowingly
  promoting an imposture? Both suppositions have their difficulties;
  yet both are in some degree probable. His warm attachment to the
  Royal Family, and early prejudices, might in some measure make his
  faith preponderate against his judgment; and, on the other hand,
  certain passages in his treatise necessarily shew a consciousness
  of collusion and fraudulent pretensions. It was his business, as
  Serjeant-surgeon, to select such afflicted objects as were proper
  to be presented for the Royal Touch. In the history of the disease,
  relating its various states and appearances, he says, 'Those which
  we present to his Majesty are chiefly such as have this kind of
  tumour about the _musculus mastoideus_, or neck, with whatever
  other circumstances they are accompanied; nor are we difficult in
  admitting the thick-chapped upper lips, and eyes affected with a
  _lippitudo;_ in other cases we give our judgment more warily.'
  Here is a selection of the slightest cases, and a manifest doubt
  expressed concerning the success in more inveterate ones. A little
  below, observing that the _strumæ_ will often be suppurated, or
  resolved unexpectedly from accidental ferments, he says, 'In case
  of the King's Touch, the resolution doth often happen where our
  endeavours have signified nothing; yea, the very _gummata;_ insomuch
  that I am cautious of predicting concerning them (though they appear
  never so bad) till 14 days be over.' From this we learn, that the
  Touch was by no means infallible, and that the pretence of its
  succeeding was not given up till a fortnight had passed without
  any change for the better. Indeed it appears very plain, that the
  worst kind of cases were seldom or never offered the Touch; for in
  no disease does Wiseman produce more observations from his practice
  of difficult and dangerous chirurgical treatment, and in not one
  of these did he call in the assistance of the Royal Hand. It was
  indeed proposed in a single instance, but under such circumstances
  as furnish a stronger proof of imposture than any thing hitherto
  related. A young gentlewoman had an obstinate scrophulous tumour
  in the right side of the neck, under the maxilla. Wiseman applied
  a large caustic to it, brought it to suppuration, treated it with
  escharotics, and cured it. 'About a year after,' he says, 'I saw her
  again in town, and felt a small gland, of the bigness of a lupin,
  lying lower on that side of the neck. I would have persuaded her
  to admit of a resolvent emplaster, and to be touched; but she did
  not, as she said, believe it to be the King's Evil.' Here, after
  allowing his patient to undergo a course of very severe surgery, he
  is willing to trust the relics of the disease to the Royal Touch,
  assisted by a resolving plaster; but the complaint was now too
  trifling to engage her attention. Surely the greatest opponent of
  the Touch will not place it in a more contemptible light!"

  [209] By a Proclamation, June 18, 1626, it is ordered, that no one
  shall apply for this purpose, who does not bring a certificate that
  he was never touched before; a regulation which undoubtedly arose
  from some supposed patients, who had attempted to receive the bit of
  gold more than once.

  [210] Rymer, tom, xviii. p. 118.

  [211] Id. p. 1023.

  [212] Browne, book iii. p. 135.

One would naturally be surprized to read of such numbers who
received the Royal Touch in the 17th century, when the disease is
now so nearly worn out; but Mr. Browne tells us it raged remarkably
at the period when he lived.

As to the giving of a piece of Gold, Mr. Browne says, "it only shews
his Majestie's Royal well-wishes towards the recovery of those
who come thus to be healed." In other parts of his book, however,
he tells us that "some, losing their Gold[213], their diseases
have seized them afresh; when, upon obtaining a second Touch, and
new Gold, their diseases have been seen to vanish." Again, as to
the virtue contained in the Gold, he relates a story of a father
and a son, who both were afflicted with the Evil, for which the
former was touched, and received a piece of Gold; but the latter
never was touched, and had no Gold; upon which the son borrows
the father's Gold, and received great relief from it. During this
interval the father grew worse, received back his Gold, and, after
wearing it a little time, became better; and this practice was
pursued for several years. Mr. Browne likewise gives other examples
of the operation of the Gold, on, persons who had never received
the Touch.--Though we have called it Gold, which, in itself, was
anciently reckoned to have a sanative quality in itself, yet Silver
would do as well; for Mr. Browne does not deny but that a Silver
two-pence has effectually done the business. The case was, that the
King (Charles I.), who was the Operator, was then a Prisoner at
Hampton Court, and perhaps had no Gold to spare; and therefore, in
several instances, he used Silver, with which many were known to
have been cured:--but, after all, by way of salvo, Mr. Browne adds,
that such as failed of their cure--_wanted Faith_. From another
passage in Mr. Browne's preface, one would be tempted to think that
the virtue neither consisted in the Gold or the Silver, but in the
Ribbon to which it was pendent; for he assures those who contended
that a _second_ piece of _Gold_ was necessary on a _second_ Touch,
that the same Gold, newly strung upon a White Ribbon, would work as
effectually as a fresh piece of Gold. Some, he tells us, have been
cured with the Touch only, without Gold or Silver.

  [213] Sir Kenelm Digby informed Mons. Monconys, that if the person
  had lost the piece of gold, the complaint immediately returned.

Among other salvos in case of failure of the Touch, added to the
want of faith, is, that the disease was mistaken in many instances;
and that the Patients did not labour under the Struma, or Evil, but
some other similar disorder, over which the Royal Hand had no divine
influence.

There was such sympathy between the Royal Hand and the part touched,
that Mr. Browne seems to believe a case that had been sent to him,
of a woman, at a distance from London, who had formerly been cured
by King Charles I. and whose sores broke out afresh upon the day of
the King's death, though she was so ignorant of the world as not to
know that it was to take place. But she soon recovered her health.

The effect of this Divine Emanation has been said even to extend
beyond the life of this unfortunate Monarch; for part of the blood
of this King being preserved on a piece of linen dipped therein, was
found to have the same effect as the Touch, or his Prayers, when he
was living[214].

  [214] Browne, book iii. p. 109.

A wen is said to be cured by the hand of a dead man while hanging on
the gallows. This is still a superstitious notion among the common
people at this day; and a child's cawl is a preservative against
drowning in the notions of sailors (who are extremely credulous in
general): one often sees them advertised for sale; and, if bought at
all, they find a vent, no doubt, at Wapping.

A wedding ring of gold, rubbed on a stye upon the eyelid, used to
be esteemed a sovereign remedy; but, if I mistake not, it must be
applied nine times.


CHARLES II.

In January 1683, the following Proclamation was ordered to be
published in every Parish in the Kingdom[215].

  [215] One of these is still preserved in a frame in the Vestry of
  St. Martin's Church at Leicester, placed there by the Rev. Samuel
  Carte, Vicar of that Parish, and brother of Mr. Thomas Carte the
  Historian.

     "At the Court at Whitehall, 9th of January 1683. Present, the
     King's Most Excellent Majesty; Lord Keeper, Lord Privy Seal,
     Duke of Ormond, Duke of Beaufort, Earl of Oxford, Earl of
     Huntingdon, Earl of Bridgewater, Earl of Peterborow, Earl of
     Chesterfield, Earl of Clarendon, Earl of Bathe, Earl of Craven,
     Earl of Nottingham, Earl of Rochester, Lord Bishop of London,
     Mr. Secretary Jenkins, Mr. Chancellor of the Duchy, Lord Chief
     Justice Jeffryes, Mr. Godolphin. Whereas, by the grace and
     blessing of God, the Kings and Queens of this Realm, by many
     ages past, have had the happiness, by their sacred Touch, and
     invocation of the name of God, to cure those who are afflicted
     with the disease called the King's Evil; and his Majesty, in
     no less measure than any of his Royal Predecessors, having
     had good success therein; and, in his most gracious and pious
     disposition, being as ready and willing as any King or Queen
     of this Realm ever was, in any thing to relieve the distresses
     and necessities of his good subjects; yet, in his princely
     wisdom, foreseeing that in this (as in all other things) order
     is to be observed, and fit times are necessary to be appointed
     for the performing of this great work of charity, his Majesty
     was therefore this day pleased to declare in Council his Royal
     will and pleasure to be, That (in regard heretofore the usual
     times of presenting such persons for this purpose have been
     prefixed by his Royal Predecessors) the times of public healings
     shall from henceforth be from the Feast of All-Saints, commonly
     called Alhallow-tide, till a week before Christmas; and after
     Christmas, until the first day of March, and then to cease
     till the Passion-week, being times most convenient, both for
     the temperature of the season, and in respect of contagion,
     which may happen in this near access to his Majesty's sacred
     Person. And when his Majesty shall at any time think fit to go
     any progress, he will be pleased to appoint such other times
     for healing as shall be most convenient. And his Majesty doth
     hereby accordingly order and command, that, from the time of
     publishing this his Majesty's order, none presume to repair to
     his Majesty's Court to be healed of the said disease, but only
     at or within the times for that purpose hereby appointed as
     aforesaid. And his Majesty was farther pleased to order, that
     all such as shall hereafter come or repair to the Court for
     this purpose, shall bring with them certificates, under the
     hands and seals of the parson, vicar, or minister, and of both
     or one of the churchwardens of the respective parishes where
     they dwell, and from whence they come, testifying, according to
     the truth, that they have not, at any time before, been touched
     by his Majesty, to the intent to be healed of their disease.
     And all ministers and churchwardens are hereby required to be
     very careful to examine into the truth before they give such
     certificates; and also to keep a register of all certificates
     they shall from time to time give. And, to the end that all his
     Majesty's loving subjects may the better take knowledge of this
     his Majesty's command, his Majesty was pleased to direct, that
     this Order be read publicly in all parish-churches, and then be
     affixed to some conspicuous place there; and for that end the
     same be printed, and a convenient number of copies sent to the
     Most Reverend Father in God the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury,
     and the Lord Archbishop of York, who are to take care that
     the same be delivered to all parishes within their respective
     provinces.

     LOYD.

     "London, printed by the Assigns of John Bill, deceased, and by
     Henry Hills, Printers to the King's Most Excellent Majesty."

A regular Notice to the same effect was published by authority in
the London Gazette.

In 1684, John Browne, Sworn Chirurgeon in Ordinary to the King's
Most Excellent Majesty, published a work, not now easily to be
met with, except in the Libraries of the curious; and perhaps,
for its general subjects, exploded at this day, as the fashion
of physick has much altered, as well as many new and important
discoveries been made, since it was written. It is in three Books.
The Titles to the three Books are--1. "_Adenochoiradelogia_; or,
an Anatomick-Chyrurgical Treatise of Glandules and Strumaes, or
King's Evil Swellings. Together with the Royal Gift of Healing or
Cure thereof, by contact or imposition of Hands, performed for above
640 years by our Kings of England, continued with their admirable
Effects and miraculous Events; and concluded with many wonderful
Examples of Cures by their Sacred Touch; all which are succinctly
described by John Browne, one of His Majesty's Chyrurgeons in
Ordinary, and Chyrurgeon of his Majesty's Hospital; published
with His Majesty's Royal Approbation: Together with the Testimony
of many eminent Doctors and Chyrurgeons. Sold by Samuel Lowndes,
over-against Exeter Change in the Strand." 2. "_Chæradelogia_; or
an Exact Discourse of Strumaes, or King's Evil Swellings; wherein
are discovered their Names and Natures, Differences, Causes, Signs,
Presages, and Cure, in that modest and plain Dress, that the meanest
capacity may hereby find out the Disease." 3. _Charisma Basilicon_;
or, the Royal Gift of Healing Strumaes, or King's Evil, Swellings,
by Contact or Imposition of the Sacred Hands of our Kings of
England and of France, given them at their Inaugurations. Shewing
the Gift itself, and its continued Use, declaring all Persons Healed
thereby, without any respect either to their Age, Sex, Temper,
or Constitution; with the Manner, Form, and Ceremonies thereof;
and divers general Rules for the meanest capacity to find out the
Disease. The best expedient to prevent poor People from unnecessary
Journeys. The whole concluded with above Sixty admirable Cures,
performed with and without Gold, by His Majesty's Benediction;
by His Late Majesty's precious Blood; and the like." Prefixed to
the work is a portrait of Browne, engraved by R. White, inscribed
"Johannes Browne, Regis Britannici necnon Nosocomii sui Chirurgus
Ordinarius;" and a curious frontispiece, also engraved by White,
entitled "The Royal Gift of Healing," representing Charles II.
seated on his Throne, surrounded by his Court, touching for the
King's Evil.

This ceremony seems to have been in high vogue during this reign.
"The King gives freely," says Mr. Browne, "not calling the Angels
to witness, nor sinking so low as others do, to perform the
same by Black Art or Inchantment. He does it with a pure heart,
in the presence of the Almighty, who knows all things, without
superstition, curing all that approach his Royal Touch. And this
I may frankly presume to aver, that never any of his Predecessors
have ever exercised it more, or more willingly or freely, whose
wonderful effects, and certainty of cure, we must and shall ever
acknowledge[216]."

  [216] Browne, book iii. p. 126.

This is followed by accounts of about 70 "wonderful and miraculous
cures, performed by his Majesty's Sacred Hands;" and also by "An
Account of the Number of Persons touched for the King's Evil, from
May 1660 to September 1664, from the Registers kept by Thomas
Haynes, Esq. Serjeant of the Chapel Royal; from which I shall copy
the totals of each year:

  1660       6725
  1661       4619
  1662       4275
  1663       4667
  1664       3335

Another account, kept by Mr. Thomas Donkley, Keeper of his Majesty's
Closet belonging to the Chapel Royal, continues the Numbers as
follows:

  1667       3078
  1668       3543
  1669       2983
  1670       3377
  1671       3568
  1672       3771
  1673       4457
  1674       5079
  1675       3471
  1676       4454
  1677       4607
  1678       3456
  1679       3752
  1680       3796
  1681       2461
  1682       8577

  Summa Totalis      92,107


QUEEN ANNE.

It appears by the Newspapers of the time, that on the 30th of
March, 1714, _two hundred_ persons were touched by Queen Anne[217].
Amongst these was _Samuel Johnson_, afterwards the justly celebrated
Moral Writer. He was sent by the advice of Sir John Floyer, then a
Physician at Lichfield; and many years afterwards, being asked if he
could remember Queen Anne, said, "he had a confused, but somehow a
sort of solemn recollection of a Lady in diamonds, and a long black
hood."

  [217] The Ceremony used in this Reign is given in the Appendix, No.
  II.

The Honourable Daines Barrington[218] has preserved an anecdote,
which he heard from an old man who was witness in a cause with
respect to this supposed miraculous power of Healing. "He had, by
his evidence, fixed the time of a fact, by Queen Anne's having
been at Oxford, and touched him, whilst a child, for the Evil.
When he had finished his evidence, I had an opportunity of asking
him, whether he was really cured? Upon which he answered, with a
significant smile, "that he believed himself to have never had any
complaint that deserved to be considered as the Evil; but that his
parents were poor, _and had no objection to the bit of gold_."

  [218] Observations on the Statutes.

The learned and honourable Writer very properly observes on this
occasion, "that this piece of gold, which was given to those who
were touched, accounts for the great resort upon this occasion, and
the supposed afterwards miraculous cures."


GEORGE I.

Although this Monarch, who succeeded to the Crown in 1714, had the
good sense not to pretend to this miraculous Gift, it was assumed by
the Descendants of the race of Stuarts. And it is well recollected,
that Mr. Carte's (in other respects very excellent) "History of
England" fell into almost immediate disrepute, on his making, in
one of his notes, a bold assertion, the substance of which shall be
here given:

     "Whatever is to be said in favour of its being appropriated to
     the eldest Descendant of the first branch of the Royal Line of
     the Kings of France, England, &c. I have _myself_ seen a very
     remarkable instance of such a cure, which could not possibly be
     ascribed to the Royal _Unction_. One Christopher Lovel, born at
     Wells in Somersetshire, but when he grew up residing in the City
     of Bristol, where he got his living by labour, was extremely
     afflicted for many years with that distemper, and such a flow
     of the scrophulous humour, that, though it found a vent by five
     running sores about his breast, neck, and arms, there was such
     a tumour on one side of his neck, as left no hollow between his
     cheek and the upper part of his left shoulder, and forced him
     to keep his head always awry. The young man was reduced, by
     the virulence of the humour, to the lowest state of weakness;
     appeared a miserable object in the eyes of all the inhabitants
     of that populous city; and, having for many years tried all
     the remedies which the art of physic could administer, without
     receiving any benefit, resolved at last to go _abroad_ to be
     touched. He had an uncle in the place, who was an old seaman,
     and carried him from Bristol, at the end of August, A. D. 1716,
     along with him to Cork in Ireland, where he put him on board a
     ship that was bound to St. Martin's in the Isle of Ree. From
     thence Christopher made his way first to Paris, and thence to
     the place where he was touched, in the beginning of November
     following, by the eldest lineal Descendant of a race of Kings,
     who had, indeed, for a long succession of ages, cured that
     distemper by the _Royal Touch_. But this descendant and next
     heir of their blood had not, at least at that time, been crowned
     or _anointed_. The usual effect, however, followed: from the
     moment that the man was touched and invested with the narrow
     riband, to which a small piece of silver was pendant, according
     to the rites prescribed in the office appointed by the Church
     for that solemnity, the humour dispersed insensibly, his sores
     healed up, and he recovered strength daily, till he arrived
     in perfect health, in the beginning of January following, at
     Bristol, having spent only four months and some few days in his
     voyage. There it was, and in the week preceding St. Paul's fair,
     that I saw the man, in his recovered vigour of body, without
     any remains of his complaint, but what were to be seen in the
     red scars then left upon the five places where the sharp humour
     had found a vent, but which were otherwise entirely healed, and
     as sound as any other part of his body. Dr. Lane, an eminent
     physician in the place, whom I visited on my arrival, told me of
     this cure, as the most wonderful thing that ever happened; and
     pressed me as well to see the man upon whom it was performed,
     as to talk about his case with Mr. Samuel Pye, a very skilful
     surgeon, and I believe still living in that city, who had tried
     in vain, for three years together, to cure the man by physical
     remedies. I had an opportunity of doing both; and Mr. Pye, after
     dining together, carrying me to the man, I examined and informed
     myself fully of all particulars, relating as well to his illness
     as his cure; and found upon the whole, that if it is not to be
     deemed miraculous, it at least deserved the character given it
     by Dr. Lane, of being one of the most wonderful events that has
     ever happened."


APPENDIX, No. I.

_The Ceremonies for the Healing of them that be diseased with the
King's Evil, as they were practised in the time of King Henry
VII_[219].

  [219] Published by Command of King Charles II.; and printed by
  Henry Hills, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, for his
  Household and Chapel, 1686.

_Rubrick._--First, the King, kneeling, shall begin, and say,

In nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritûs Sancti. Amen.

_Rubrick._--And so soon as He hath said that, He shall say,
Benedicite.

_Rubrick._--The Chaplain, kneeling before the King, having a stole
about his neck, shall answer, and say,

Dominus sit in corde tuo et labiis tuis, ad confitendum omnia
peccata tua, in nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritûs Sancti. Amen.

_Rubrick._--Or else to say,

Jesus nos exaudiat, in nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritûs Sancti.

_Rubrick._--Then by and by the King shall say, Confiteor Deo, Beatæ
Mariæ Virgini, Omnibus Sanctis, et Vobis, quia peccavi nimis in
cogitatione, locutione, et opere, mea culpa [sic.] Precor Sanctam
Mariam, omnes Sanctos Dei, et Vos, orare pro me.

_Rubrick._--The Chaplain shall answer, and say,

Misereatur Vestri Omnipotens Deus, et demittat Vobis omnia peccata
Vestra, liberet Vos ab omni malo, salvet et confirmet in bono, et ad
vitam perducat æternam. Amen.

Absolutionem et Remissionem omnium peccatorum Vestrorum, spatium
veræ pœnitentiæ, et emendationem vitæ, gratiam et consolationem
Sancti Spiritûs, tribuat Vobis omnipotens et misericors Dominus.
Amen.

_Rubrick._--This done, the Chaplain shall say, Dominus Vobiscum.

_Rubrick._--The King shall answer,

Et cum Spiritu tuo.

_Rubrick._--The Chaplain.

Sequentia Sancti Evangelii secundùm Marcum.

_Rubrick._--The King shall answer.

Gloria tibi, Domine.

_Rubrick._--The Chaplain shall read the Gospel.

In illo tempore, recumbentibus undecim Discipulis apparuit illis
Jesus; et exprobavit incredulitatem eorum, et duritiem cordis, qui
iis qui viderant eum resurrexisse, non crediderunt. Et dixit eis,
Euntes in mundum universum, prædicate Evangelium omni creaturæ.
Qui crediderit et baptizatus fuerit, salvus erit; qui verò non
crediderit, condemnabitur. Signa autem eos, qui crediderint, hæc
sequentur: In nomine meo dæmonia ejicient, linguis loquentur novis,
serpentes tollent; et si mortiferum quid biberint non eis nocebit;
super ægros manus imponent, et bene [seipsos] habebunt.

_Rubrick._--Which clause [super ægros, &c.] the Chaplain repeats as
long as the King is handling the Sick Person. And in the time of
the repeating the aforesaid words [super ægros, &c.] the Clerk of
the Closet shall kneel before the King, having the Sick Person upon
the right hand, and the Sick Person shall likewise kneel before the
King; and then the King shall lay his hand upon the Sore of the Sick
Person. This done, the Chaplain shall make an end of the Gospel;
and in the mean time the Chirurgeon shall lead away the Sick Person
from the King.

--Et Dominus quidem Jesus, postquam locutus est eis, assumptus
est in cœlum, et sedet à dextris Dei. Illi autem profecti,
prædicaverunt ubique, Domino cooperante, et sermonem confirmante,
sequentibus signis.

_Rubrick._--Then the Chaplain shall begin to say again, Dominus
Vobiscum.

_Rubrick._--The King shall answer,

Et cum spiritu tuo.

_Rubrick._--The Chaplain. Initium Sancti Evangelii secundum Joannem.

_Rubrick._--The King shall say.

Gloria tibi, Domine.

_Rubrick._--The Chaplain then shall say this Gospel following.

In principio erat Verbum, et Verbum erat apud Deum, et Deus erat
Verbum. Hoc erat in principio apud Deum. Omnia per ipsum facta sunt;
et sine ipso factum est nihil, quod factum est: in ipso vita erat,
et vita erat Lux hominum; et Lux in tenebris lucet, et Tenebræ
eam non comprehenderunt. Fuit homo missus a Deo, cui nomen erat
Joannes. Hic venit in testimonium, ut testimonium perhiberet de
lumine, ut omnes crederent per illum. Non erat ille Lux, sed ut
testimonium perhiberet de lumine. Erat Lux vera quæ illuminat omnem
hominem venientem in hunc mundum.

_Rubrick._--Which last clause [Erat Lux vera, &c.] shall still be
repeated so long as the King shall be crossing the Sore of the Sick
Person with an Angel Noble. And the Sick Person to have the same
Angel hanged about his neck, and to wear it until he be full whole.

This done, the Chirurgeon shall lead away the Sick Person, as he did
before; and then the Chaplain shall make an end of the Gospel.

--In mundo erat, et mundus per ipsum factus est, et mundus eum non
cognovit. In propria venit, et sui eum non receperunt. Quot quot
autem receperunt eum dedit eis potestatem filios Dei fieri, his, qui
credunt in nomine ejus, qui non ex sanguinibus, neque ex voluntate
carnis, neque ex voluntate viri, sed ex Deo nati sunt. Et Verbum
caro factum est, et habitavit in nobis; et vidimus gloriam ejus,
gloriam quasi unigeniti a Patre, plenum gratiæ et veritatis.

_Rubrick._--Then the Chaplain shall say,

Sit nomen Domini benedictum.

_Rubrick._--The King shall answer,

Ex hoc nunc et usque in seculum.

_Rubrick._--Then shall the Chaplain say this Collect following,
praying for the Sick Person or Persons.

Domine exaudi orationem meam [nostram].

_Rubrick._--The King shall answer,

Et clamor meus [noster] ad te veniat. Oremus.

Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, salus æterna credentium, exaudi nos pro
famulis tuis, pro quibus misericordiæ tuæ imploramus auxilium, ut,
redditâ sibi sanitate, tibi in Ecclesiâ tuâ referant actiones. Per
Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.

_Rubrick._--This Prayer is to be said secretly, after the Sick
Persons are departed from the King, at his pleasure.

Dominator Domine Deus Omnipotens, cujus benignitate cæci vident,
surdi audiunt, muti loquuntur, claudi ambulant, leprosi mundantur,
omnes infirmorum curantur languores, et à quo solo donum Sanationis
humano generi etiam tribuitur, et tanta gratia pro incredibili tuâ
ergà hoc regnum bonitate, Regibus ejusdem concessa est, ut solâ
manuum illorum impositione, morbus gravissimus fœtidissimusque
depellatur: concede propitius ut tibi propterea gratias agamus, et
pro isto singulari beneficio in nos collato, non nobis ipsis, sed
nomini tuo assiduè gloriam demus, nosque sic ad pietatem semper
exerceamus, ut tuam nobis donatam gratiam non solùm diligenter
conservare, sed indies magis magisque adaugere laboremus; et præsta
ut quorumcunque corporibus in nomine tuo manus imposuerimus, hâc
tuâ virtute in illis operante et nobis ministrantibus, ad pristinam
sanitatem restituantur, eam conservent, et pro eâdem tibi, ut summo
Medico et omnium morborum depulsori, perpetuò nobiscum gratias
agant; sicque deinceps vitam instituant, ut non corpus solùm ab
infirmitate, sed anima etiam à peccato omnino sanata videatur.
Per Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum Filium tuum, qui tecum vivit
et regnat in unitate Sancti Spiritûs, per omnia secula seculorum.
Amen.[220]

  [220] "Ritualia Varia," in the British Museum.


APPENDIX, No. II.

From a FOLIO PRAYER BOOK, printed 1710.

_At the Healing._

Prevent us, O Lord, &c.

Gospel.

From the 16th Chapter of St. Mark, beginning at the 14th Verse:
"Afterwards he appeared, &c." to the end of the Chapter: "and
confirming the Word with Signs following."

    Let us pray.
    Lord have mercy upon us.
    Christ, &c.
    Lord, &c.
    Our Father, &c.

--[Then shall the Infirm Persons, one by one, be presented to the
Queen upon_Rubrick._ their Knees; and, as every one is presented,
and while the Queen is laying her Hands upon them, and putting the
Gold about their necks, the Chaplain that officiates, turning
himself to her Majesty, shall say these words following:]

God give a Blessing to this Work; and grant that _these_ Sick
Persons, on whom the Queen lays her Hands, may recover, through
Jesus Christ our Lord.

_Rubrick._--[After all have been presented, the Chaplain shall say,]

_Verse._--O Lord, save thy Servants;

_Resp._--Who put their Trust in Thee.

_Verse._--Send them Help from thy Holy Place.

_Resp._--And evermore mightily defend them.

_Verse._--Help us, O God of our Salvation.

_Resp._--And, for the Glory of thy Name deliver us, and be merciful
to us Sinners for thy Name's Sake.

_Verse._--O Lord, hear our Prayers.

_Resp._--And let our Cry come unto Thee.

_Rubrick._--[These answers are to be made by them that come to be
healed.]

Let us pray.

O Almighty God, who art the Giver of all Health, and the Aid of them
that seek to thee for Succour, we call upon thee for thy Health and
Goodness mercifully to be shewed upon these thy Servants, that they,
being healed of their Infirmities, may give Thanks unto thee in thy
Holy Church, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

_Rubrick._--[Then the Chaplain, standing with his face towards them
that come to be healed, shall say,]

The Almighty Lord, who is a most strong Tower to all them that put
their Trust in him; to whom all things in Heaven, in Earth, and
under the Earth, do bow and obey, be now and evermore your Defence;
and make you know and feel, that there is none other Name under
Heaven given to Man, in whom, and through whom, you may receive
Health and Salvation, but only the Name of our Lord Jesus Christ.
Amen.

The Grace of our Lord, &c. Amen.


APPENDIX, No. III.

_The Ceremonies of Blessing Cramp-Rings on Good-Friday, used by the
Catholick Kings of England._

The Psalme "Deus misereatur nostri," &c. with the "Gloria Patri."

May God take pity upon us, and blesse us;* may he send forth the
light of his face upon us, and take pity on us.

That we may know thy ways on earth* among all nations thy salvation.

May people acknowledge thee, O God:* may all people acknowledge thee.

Let nations reioice, and be glad, because thou iudgest people with
equity,* and doest guide nations on the earth.

May people acknowledge thee, O God, may all people acknowledge
thee,* the earth has sent forth her fruit.

May God blesse us, that God who is ours: may that God blesse us,*
and may all the bounds of the earth feare him.

Glory be to the Father, and to the Son,* and to the Holy Ghost.

As it was in the beginning, and now, and ever,* and for ever, and
ever. Amen.

Then the King reades this Prayer:

Almighty eternal God, who by the most copious gifts of thy grace,
flowing from the unexhausted fountain of thy bounty, hast been
graciously pleased, for the comfort of mankind, continually to grant
us many and various meanes to relieve us in our miseries; and art
willing to make those the instruments and channels of thy gifts, and
to grace those persons with more excellent favours, whom thou hast
raised to the Royal dignity; to the end that, as by Thee they Reign,
and govern others, so by Thee they may prove beneficial to them, and
bestow thy favours on the people: Graciously heare our prayers, and
favourably receive those vows we powre forth with humility, that
Thou mayst grant to us, who beg with the same confidence the favour
which our Ancestours, by their hopes in thy mercy have obtained:
through Christ our Lord. Amen.

The Rings lying in one bason or more, this prayer is to be said over
them:

O God, the Maker of heavenly and earthly creatures, and the most
gracious Restorer of mankind, the Dispenser of spiritual grace, and
the Origin of all blessings; send downe from heaven thy Holy Spirit
the Comforter upon these Rings, artificially fram'd by the workman;
and by thy greate power purify them so, that all the malice of the
fowle and venomous Serpent be driven out; and so the metal, which by
Thee was created, may remaine pure, and free from all dregs of the
enemy: through Christ our Lord. Amen.

The Blessing of the Rings.

O God of Abraham, God of Isaac, God of Jacob, heare mercifully
our prayers. Spare those who feare Thee. Be propitious to thy
suppliants; and graciously be pleased to send downe from Heaven
thy holy Angel, that he may sanctify ++ and blesse ++ these Rings;
to the end they may prove a healthy remedy to such as implore thy
name with humility, and accuse themselves of the sins which ly
upon their conscience: who deplore their crimes in the sight of thy
divine clemency, and beseech, with earnestness and humility, thy
most serene piety. May they in fine, by the invocation of thy holy
name, become profitable to all such as weare them, for the health of
their soule and body, through Christ our Lord. Amen.

A Blessing.

O God, who hast manifested the greatest wonders of thy power by the
cure of diseases, and who were pleased that Rings should be a pledge
of fidelity in the Patriark Judah, a priestly ornament in Aaron,
the mark of a faithful guardian in Darius, and in this Kingdom a
remedy for divers diseases; graciously be pleased to blesse ++ and
sanctify ++ these Rings; to the end that all such who weare them may
be free from all snares of the Devil, may be defended by the power
of celestial armour; and that no contraction of the nerves, or any
danger of the falling-sickness, may infest them; but that in all
sort of diseases by thy help they may find relief. In the name of
the Father, ++ and of the Son, ++ and of the Holy Ghost. ++ Amen.

Blesse, O my soule, the Lord,* and let all things which are within
me praise his holy name.

Blesse, O my soule, the Lord,* and do not forget all his favours.

He forgives all thy iniquities,* he heales all thy infirmities.

He redeemes thy life from ruin,* he crownes thee with mercy and
commiseration.

He fils thy desires with what is good:* thy youth, like that of the
eagle, shall be renewed.

The Lord is he who does mercy,* and does, iustice to those who
suffer wrong.

The merciful and pitying Lord:* the long sufferer, and most mighty
merciful.

He wil not continue his anger for ever;* neither wil he threaten for
ever.

He has not dealt with us in proportion to our sins;* nor has he
rendered unto us according to our offences.

Because according to the distance of heaven from earth,* so has he
enforced his mercies, upon those who feare him.

As far distant as the east is from the west,* so far has he divided
our offences from us.

After the manner that a Father takes pity of his sons; so has the
Lord taken pity of those who feare him;* because he knows what we
are made of.

He remembers that we are but dust. Man, like hay, such are his
days;* like the flower in the field, so wil he fade away.

Because his breath wil passe away through him, and he wil not be
able to subsist,* and it wil find no longer its owne place.

But the mercy of the Lord is from all eternity;* and wil be for ever
upon those who feare him.

And his iustice comes upon the children of their children,* to those
who keep his wil.

And are mindful of his commandments,* to performe them.

The Lord in heaven has prepared himself a throne, and his kingdom
shall reign over all.

Blesse yee the Lord, all yee Angels of his; yee who are powerful in
strength:* who execute his commands, at the hearing of his voice
when he speakes.

Blesse yee the Lord, all yee vertues of his:* yee Ministers who
execute his wil.

Blesse yee the Lord, all yee works of his throughout all places of
his dominions:* my Soule praise thou the Lord.

Glory be to the Father, and to the Son,* and to the Holy Ghost.

As it was in the beginning, and now and ever,* and for ever and
ever. Amen.

Wee humbly implore, O merciful God, thy infinit clemency; that as we
come to Thee with a confident soule, and sincere faith, and a pious
assurance of mind: with the like devotion thy beleevers may follow
on these tokens of thy grace. May all superstition be banished
hence; far be all suspicion of any diabolical fraud; and to the
glory of thy name let all things succeede: to the end thy beleevers
may understand Thee to be the dispenser of all good; and may be
sensible, and publish, that whatsoever is profitable to soule or
body, is derived from Thee: through Christ our Lord. Amen.

These Prayers being said, the King's Highnes rubbeth the Rings
between his hands, saying,

Sanctify, O Lord, these Rings, and graciously bedew them with the
dew of thy benediction, and consecrate them by the rubbing of our
hands, which thou hast been pleased according to our ministery to
sanctify by an external effusion of holy oyle upon them: to the end
that what the nature of the mettal is not able to performe, may be
wrought by the greatnes of thy grace: through Christ our Lord. Amen.

Then must holy water be cast on the Rings, saying,

In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.
Amen.

O Lord, the only begotten Son of God, Mediatour of God and men,
Jesus Christ, in whose name alone salvation is sought for; and to
such as hope in thee givest an easy acces to thy Father: who, when
conversing among men, thyself a man, didst promise, by an assured
oracle flowing from thy sacred mouth, that thy Father should grant
whatever was asked him in thy name: Lend a gracious eare of pity to
these prayers of ours; to the end that, approaching with confidence
to the throne of thy grace, the beleevers may find, by the benefits
conferr'd upon them, that by thy mediation we have obtained what we
have most humbly begd in thy name: who livest and reignest with God
the Father, in the unity of the Holy Ghost, one God for ever and
ever. Amen.

Wee beseech thee, O Lord, that the Spirit, which proceedes from
thee, may prevent and follow on our desires; to the end that
what we beg with confidence for the good of the faithful, we may
efficaciously obtaine by thy gracious gift: through Christ our Lord.
Amen.

O most clement God; Father, Son, and Holy Ghost; wee supplicate and
beseech thee, that what is here performed by pious ceremonies to
the sanctifying of thy name, may be prevalent to the defense of our
soule and body on earth; and profitable to a more ample felicity in
heaven: who livest and reignest God, world without end. Amen.




Stemmata Magnatum.

ORIGIN OF THE TITLES

OF SOME OF THE

ENGLISH NOBILITY.


    "When Adam dolve, and Eva span,
    Who was then a Gentleman?
    Then came the Churle, and gather'd Good;
    And thence arose the Gentle Blood."

"It is an ancient received saying, that there is no Poverty but is
descended of Nobility; nor no Nobility but is descended of Beggary."

  History of the Gwedir Family, p. 94.


WESTMORELAND, Earl.--From the County.

_Burghersh_[221], Baron (_Fane_).--Bartholomew, Baron of Burghersh,
was the Tenth Knight of the Order of the Garter, at the Institution
1350; who left a Daughter and Heir, who married Edward Le Despenser;
which official Title was afterwards erected into a Barony by
Summons, A. D. 1285; and was for a long time merged in the Family
of Fane, Earl of Westmoreland, till the failure of Male Issue in a
direct line, 1762. The Earldom and Barony of Burghersh passed to a
distant branch, of the name of Fane; but the Barony of Le Despenser
went by a Female to Sir Francis Dashwood, Bart. in right of his
Mother.

  [221] A corruption of Burghwash, a little Village in Sussex, on the
  River Rother. See Camden's Brit.


LE DESPENSER, Baron (STAPLETON).--A nominal Title from official
derivation. It was held originally by Descent and Summons, A.D.
1295. Anno 23 Edward I. it passed by Marriage to the Earl of
Westmoreland; and, being a Fee, descended to Sir Francis Dashwood,
Bart.; and after him to his Sister, Lady Austen, and now, 1788, is
vested in Sir Thomas Stapleton, Bart. of Oxfordshire.


WENTWORTH[222], Viscount (NOEL).--After the Barony of _Wentworth_
had continued for several successions in the name of _Wentworth_,
of Nettlestead in Suffolk, the Title devolved on Anne, the Wife of
John Lord Lovelace, whose Daughter Martha inherited the Barony of
_Wentworth_, and to whom the Title was confirmed, by Descent, in
Parliament, A.D. 1702; and she walked at the Coronation of Queen
Anne as Baroness _Wentworth_ in her own right. She dying without
Issue, 1745, the Title devolved on the Descendants of Sir William
_Noel_, Bart. who had married Margaret, another Daughter of Lord
Lovelace, by Anne, the Heiress of Wentworth Lord _Wentworth_. Hence
the Title passed to Edward, the eldest Son of Sir Clobery _Noel_,
Bart. who succeeded to his Father's Title of Baronet, 1733; and
to the Barony of _Wentworth_, as Heir of Margaret, 1745. He was
created Viscount Wentworth of Wellesborough, co. Leic. 1762.

  [222] The Ancestor of this Family was Thomas Wentworth, _Earl of
  Cleveland;_ which Title became extinct, for want of Male Issue,
  1667. The Barony passed as above.


HOWLAND, Baron (RUSSELL).--A Barony in the Duke of Bedford, granted
in honour of Elizabeth, Daughter of John Howland, Esq. of Streatham
in Surrey (by whom the Family acquired that estate), who married
Wriothesley, Grandson of the first Duke of Bedford, and the eldest
Son of Lord William Russell, who was beheaded 1683[223].

  [223] See Collins's Baronage, i. 267, 272.


NORMANBY, Marquis, extinct (SHEFFIELD).--The second Title of
Sheffield Duke of Buckingham, taken from an obscure place in
Lincolnshire.


CHANDOS, Duke (BRYDGES).--The Patent is dated April 29, 1719,
wherein the Grantee is styled "Duke of Chandos in the County of
Hereford." The Dukedom became extinct, by the death of James the
third Duke, s. p. 1789. The Barony exists (1790), if a claim to it
can be established, as that creation bears date A. D. 1554.


ARUNDEL OF WARDOUR, Baron (ARUNDEL[224]).--From Wardour Castle in
Wiltshire. He is a Count of the Empire by Grant of Rodolph II. A. D.
1595[225].

  [224] See Camden's Britannia, col. 112.

  [225] See Camden, for the words of the Patent.


SONDES, Baron (WATSON).--A revived Title, from the inheritance of
part of the estates of Lewis Watson, Earl of Rockingham and Viscount
_Sondes_. Lewis Watson, having married the Heiress of Sir George
_Sondes_, K.B. was created Earl of Rockingham and Viscount _Sondes_,
in honour of his Wife's Father, 1714; so that the present Title is
nominal. The Estate at Lees-Court in Kent came by the above marriage.


ONSLOW AND CRANLEY, Baron (ONSLOW).--This Barony is both nominal and
local, for the Family came from Onslow in Shropshire. Their first
settlement in Surrey was at Knowle, in the Parish of _Cranley_,
whence came the second Barony by creation to George Onslow, the Son
of Arthur (the Speaker), in the life-time of his Cousin Richard,
then Lord Onslow, 1776. The original Patent, 1716, to Richard (who
was Speaker also) the eldest Son of Sir Arthur Onslow, Bart. was
limited to the Heirs Male of his Father, which carried the Title of
Baron Onslow of Onslow and Clendon[226], to the Son of Arthur (the
Speaker), on the death of his Cousin Richard Lord Onslow, 1776[227].

  [226] Clendon is the Seat of the Family in Surrey.

  [227] See Camden's Brit. col. 182, as to the Family.

N.B. George Lord Onslow and _Cranley_ was created into the latter
Title, May 14, 1776; and succeeded his Cousin Richard in the Title
of Onslow, on the 8th of the following October.


BERKELEY, Earl.--From Berkeley Castle, the present Seat of the
Family, in Gloucestershire. The Barony of Berkeley is a Feudal
Honour by the Tenure of the Castle of Berkeley; and the Possessor
of it had Summons to Parliament as a Baron by that Tenure, anno 23
Edward I.[228]

  [228] Dale's Catalogue of the Nobility, 1697, p. 72.


DURSLEY, Viscount.--From Dursley in Gloucestershire, the original
Seat of the Family.


DE CLIFFORD, Baron (SOUTHWELL).--From Clifford Castle in
Herefordshire; where Walter Fitz-Ponce, whose Father possessed it
by marriage, resided, and took the name of Clifford. The first
Fitz-Ponce came hither with the Conqueror, to whom he was related.
The Barony passed in the Female Line to the Family of Southwell, to
which it was confirmed A.D. 1775. The first Summons to Parliament
was anno 23 Edward I. 1295.


DUCIE, Baron, OF MORTON AND TORTWORTH (REYNOLDS).--The Peer of the
name of _Ducie_ was descended from Sir Robert Ducie, Lord Mayor
of London, 1631; and who had been created a Baronet[229]. The
Issue Male of the name of _Ducie_ failing, the Title was renewed
by Patent, 1763, to Matthew Ducie, Lord Ducie of _Morton_ in
Staffordshire; with a Limitation to Thomas and Francis _Reynolds_,
his Nephews, and their Heirs Male successively, by the Style of Lord
Ducie of _Tortworth_ in Gloucestershire. _Thomas_ Reynolds succeeded
to this Title on the death of his Uncle, 1770; and dying without
Issue 1785, it devolved on his Brother _Francis;_ who dying in 1808,
was succeeded by his Son Thomas, present Lord Ducie.

  [229] Pennant's London, fourth edition, p. 346.


POWIS, Earl (HERBERT).--Powis is a part of Shropshire bordering on
Wales; and was formerly a little Kingdom, still known by the name of
Powis-Land. The first Baron was created by Henry I. on a surrender
of the actual Territory, and an acknowledgment of service[230].

  [230] Pennant's Tour in North Wales, vol. II. p. 436.


LUDLOW, Viscount.--From the Town of that name in Shropshire[231].

  [231] The Barony of Herbert of Cherbury was revived in this Branch
in 1743.


AUDLEY, Baron (THICKNESSE-TOUCHET). Audley is in Staffordshire. John
Touchet married Joan, eldest Daughter of Lord Audley of Heleigh,
whose Descendant was found Heir, and had Summons to Parliament,
A.D. 1296[232]. The honour of Peerage in the name of Touchet, who
was also Earl of Castlehaven in Ireland, ended in a Daughter (Lady
Elizabeth), who married Philip Thicknesse, Esq. and died in 1762,
leaving Issue; the Barony (being a Fee) passed to George Thicknesse,
her Son, on the death of the Earl of Castlehaven, 1777; and who has
taken, by sign-manual, 1784, the additional name of Touchet. The
Earldom is extinct.

  [232] Collins's Peerage.


ABERGAVENNY, Earl (NEVILE).--This is a Title derived from a Lord
Marcher, and taken, among many others now merged or extinct, from
the place conquered. Mr. Pennant says, it is the only surviving
Title of that nature[233].

  [233] Tour in North Wales, vol. II. p. 439, 4to.


NEVILE, Viscount.--From the Name.


MIDDLETON, Baron (WILLOUGHBY).--From an obscure Village, near
Sutton-Coldfield, in Warwickshire[234].

  [234] Pennant's Journey from Chester to London, 4to, 1782, p. 127.


COVENTRY, Earl.--From the City, or the Name.


DEERHURST, Viscount (COVENTRY).--From a place in Gloucestershire.


STANHOPE, Earl.--A nominal Title. The first Peer of this Branch was
created Viscount Stanhope of Mahon, and Baron Stanhope of Elvaston,
in the County of Derby, 1717, from his having taken Port-Mahon, in
the Island of Minorca, 1708.


MAHON, Viscount (STANHOPE).--The same Peer was created Earl Stanhope
1718, by which his second Title became "Viscount Mahon."


DUDLEY AND WARD, Viscount (WARD).--The Barony of _Ward_ is nominal,
and was conferred in 1644. The Viscounty (by creation in 1763) is
derived from a Village near Birmingham in Warwickshire.

N. B. The Viscounty includes both Honours; the Title being Viscount
_Dudley and Ward_.


DORCHESTER, Earl (DAMER).--Lord Milton, a Baron both of England and
Ireland, was created Earl of Dorchester in _Dorsetshire_, 1792.


MILTON, Viscount.--From Milton Abbey, the Seat of the Family, in
Dorsetshire. The Title of Viscount was granted by the Patent in
1792.


DORCHESTER, Baron[235] (CARLETON).--Sir Guy Carleton, K. B. was
created Baron of Dorchester in _Oxfordshire_, 1786. Sir Dudley
Carleton was created Baron Carleton 1626, and Viscount Dorchester in
_Oxfordshire_ 1628. It is, however, denied by the Heralds that Sir
Guy is of that Family.

  [235] The Marquisate of Dorchester, which was in the late Dukes of
  Kingston, was from Dorchester, Dorset.


LEEDS, Duke (OSBORNE).--From the Town of Leeds in Yorkshire.


CARMARTHEN, Marquis.--From Carmarthen in Wales.


DANBY, Earl.--From a Castle of the name in Cleveland, a District of
Yorkshire.


ALBEMARLE, Earl.--otherwise Aumerle, and Aumale [Albo Marla, or
White Marle], from a Town in Normandy, which gave Title to a Peer of
France. It was conferred by William III. when at war with Louis XIV.


BURY, Viscount (KEPPEL).--In Suffolk.


HARRINGTON, Earl (STANHOPE[236]).--From a Village in
Northamptonshire.

  [236] Sir Michael Stanhope, of Harington in Northamptonshire, was
  the common Ancestor of the Earls of Chesterfield and of Harrington;
  as also of Earl Stanhope.


PETERSHAM, Viscount (STANHOPE).--A Village near Richmond in
Surrey[237].

  [237] At Petersham was a Villa belonging to the Earl of Rochester,
  which was burnt down in 1721; after which the Earl of Harrington
  possessed and took it for his second Title in 1742.


SUFFOLK, Earl.--From the County.


BINDON, Viscount (HOWARD).--In Dorsetshire. It was the Seat of Lord
Marney (A. D. 1607); and came to this Branch of the Family of Howard
by a Marriage with the Heiress of Lord Marney[238].

  [238] Camden, col. 57.


SHIPBROOKE, Viscount.--Richard Vernon was possessed of the Barony of
Shipbroke, in Cheshire, in the time of Richard the First[239].

  [239] Pennant's Journey from Chester, 1782, p. 19.


ORWELL, Baron (VERNON).--Vernon, Baron of Shipbroke, was one of the
Barons (of the Palatinate of Chester) created by Hugh Lupus, the
first Norman Earl of Chester. Extinct[240].

  [240] Pennant's Tour in North Wales, 1778, p. 125.


BEAULIEU, Earl; BEAULIEU, Baron (HUSSEY-MONTAGUE).--Beaulieu is an
Abbey in Hampshire, and was part of the Estate of John (Montagu)
Duke of Montagu, inherited by his Daughter and Co-heiress the
Duchess of Manchester, who married Sir Edward Hussey, K. B. Upon
this marriage he took the additional name of Montague.


VERNON, Baron (VERNON).--The Title is nominal and local,
from _Vernon_ in Normandy[241]. The Descent is from Hamon de
Massie-Venables, of Kinderton, in Cheshire, who was one of Hugh
Lupus's Palatinate Barons, as Earl of Chester.

  [241] Collins's Peerage, 1779.


HARCOURT, Earl.--The Title is from the Name, which is local, from a
Town in Normandy, and which is also the Title of a French Dukedom.


NUNEHAM, Viscount (HARCOURT).--From the Earl's Seat in Oxfordshire.
The Earldom was erected in 1749.


GRAFTON, Duke.--From a Village in Northamptonshire, which was
erected into an Honour, and conferred by King Charles II. on his
Natural Son by the Duchess of Cleveland.


EUSTON, Earl (FITZROY).--From the Seat in Suffolk.


DEVONSHIRE, Duke (CAVENDISH).--From the County. Descended from a
Gentleman Usher to Cardinal Wolsey[242].

  [242] See Cavendish's Life of Wolsey. Collins's Collections.


HARTINGTON, Marquis (CAVENDISH).--From an obscure Village (the
Property of the Duke) in the Peak of Derbyshire.


DORSET, Duke.--From the County. Sir Lionel Cranfield, Knight, Lord
Cranfield, &c. was a Shop-keeper in London, as his Father had been
before him[243].

  [243] Bibl. Top. Brit. vol. VI. No XV. from D'Ewes's MS Journal in
  the British Museum.


EFFINGHAM, Earl (HOWARD).--From Effingham in Surrey, a Seat of this
Branch of the Family, and where there was a Castle.


SUSSEX, Earl.--From the County.


LONGUEVILLE, Viscount (YELVERTON).--Sir Henry Yelverton, the Second
Baronet, married Susan Baroness Grey of Ruthyn, Daughter and sole
Heiress of Charles Longueville, Lord Grey of Ruthyn. To this Title
the eldest Son of Sir Henry succeeded on the death of his Mother
(being a Barony in Fee); and was followed by his Brother Henry, who
was created Viscount Longueville 1690. Talbot Yelverton, the eldest
Son of Henry, was created Earl of Sussex in 1717.


BEAUFORT, Duke.--Henry Beaufort, third Duke of Somerset, temp.
Henry VII. had a Natural Son, to whom he gave the names of Charles
Somerset (afterwards a Knight), whose Descendant was created Duke
of Beaufort. Thus, by a Child of Casualty, the Name and Title have
changed positions; as what was Beaufort Duke of Somerset is now
Somerset Duke of Beaufort.


WORCESTER, Marquis (SOMERSET). From the City.


MANCHESTER, Duke.--From the Town.


MANDEVILLE, Viscount (MONTAGU).--A nominal Title from Geoffrey de
Mandeville, who possessed Kimbolton, the Seat of the Family, temp.
Guil. Conq.[244]

[244] Kelham's Key to Domesday Book, p. 35.

Mandeville is a Village in Normandy (a corruption of Magnaville,
_i. e._ Magna Villa), which gave name to the person who accompanied
William the Conqueror[245].

  [245] Vincent on Brooke.


WALDEGRAVE, Earl.--Waldegrave is a Village in Northamptonshire.


CHEWTON, Viscount (WALDEGRAVE).--From a place in Somersetshire[246].

  [246] Camden's Britannia, col. 85.


MOUNT-EDGECUMBE, Earl.--Baron Edgecumbe by Creation, 1742. Earl of
Mount-Edgecumbe by Creation, 1789. From the Family Seat in Cornwall.


VALLETORT, Viscount (EDGECUMBE).--From an old Norman Barony (De
Valle Tortâ), with Lands annexed, in Devonshire, the property of the
Family[247].

  [247] Ibid. col. 21.


GAINSBOROUGH, Earl.--From the Town.


CAMPDEN, Viscount (NOEL).--Campden is in Gloucestershire.

Sir Baptist Hicks, created Viscount Campden 1628, left two
Daughters, the elder of whom married Lord Noel, one of whose
Descendants (Edward) was created Earl of Gainsborough 1682.


DIGBY, Earl.--This Title, when a Barony, was nominal (though local
in itself, from Digby, co. Lincoln) till Henry, the late Peer, was
created Earl of Digby in 1790. He dying in 1793, was succeeded by
Edward the present Earl.


COLESHILL, Viscount (DIGBY).--In Warwickshire. The Manor of
Coleshill was forfeited by Sir Simon Montfort, on a charge of High
Treason in supporting Perkin Warbeck; when it was given to Simon
Digby, then Deputy Constable of Coleshill Castle[248].

  [248] Pennant's Journey from Chester, p. 129.


MONTAGU, or MONTACUTE, Viscount (BROWNE).--From a high Hill in a
Village in Somersetshire; where William Earl of Moreton, Maternal
Brother to William the Conqueror, built a Castle, which, as it
rises from its base to a sharp point, he called _Mons acutus_. Thus
far the tradition; and Bishop Gibson, in his Edition of Camden's
Britannia, allows this to have been the place from which Sir Anthony
Browne, the first Viscount, had the Title[249].

  [249] Camden's Britannia, col. 72.


RUTLAND, Duke.--From the County.


GRANBY, Marquis (MANNERS).--From a Village in Nottinghamshire.

The Barony of Roos of Hamlake[250] gives Title to the eldest Son of
a Marquis of Granby, in his Father's life-time.

  [250] Collins, in his Peerage 1735, says, that _Hamlake_ is the same
  as _Hemsley_ in Yorkshire (North Riding).


KENT, Duke.--From the County.


HAROLD, Earl (GREY), Extinct.--From a place of the name in
Bedfordshire.

There was in this Family the Viscounty of _Gooderich_, from
_Gooderich_ Castle in Herefordshire.


ABINGDON, Earl.--In Berkshire.


NORREYS, Baron (BERTIE).--James Bertie, the first Earl of Abingdon
(who was the second Son of Montagu Bertie, the second Earl of
Lindsey) was the Issue of a second Wife; _viz._ Bridget Baroness
Norreys of Rycote in her own right. He had Summons to Parliament as
Baron Norreys in 1572, and was created Earl of Abingdon in 1682[251].

  [251] See Camden's Britannia, col. 315.


DACRE, Baron (ROPER, late BARRETT-LEONARD).--Originally both nominal
and local, the first Peer having been _Dacre_ of _Dacre_ Castle in
Cumberland.

Being a Barony in Fee, it has had owners of different names[252].

  [252] There were two Barons of this Title existing at the same time;
  _viz._ Lord Dacre of the North, and Lord Dacre of the South. Both at
  length centered in Barrett-Leonard Lord Dacre.


GODOLPHIN, Earl.--From a Hill (perhaps anciently a Seigniory)
in Cornwall. The proper name is _Godolcan_, corrupted into
_Godolphin_. The word signifies, in the Cornish language, "White
Eagle;" agreeably to which, the Arms of the Family are, "Gules, an
Eagle displayed between three Fleurs de Lis Argent [253]."

  [253] See Camden's Britannia, col. 14.


RIALTON, Viscount.--From a Village in Cornwall[254].

  [254] On the death of Francis Earl of Godolphin, 1766, the Barony
  devolved to Francis, his first cousin; and on his death, in 1785,
  became extinct.


TANKERVILLE, Earl.--Originally from a Town and Castle in
Normandy[255]. The present Title is derived from Ford Lord Grey
of Werk, who was created Earl of Tankerville (a dormant Title in
his Family) in 1695. This Earl left an only Daughter, who married
Charles Bennet, Baron of Ussulston, who was afterwards (1714)
created Earl of Tankerville.

  [255] See Peerage, 1711, vol. II.

USSULSTON, Baron (BENNET).--From one of the Hundreds of Middlesex.


ARLINGTON, Earl.--The Title was derived from Arlington in Middlesex,
the Seat of Sir Henry Bennet, who was created Baron Arlington 1664,
and Earl of Arlington in 1672. He died in 1685.


THETFORD, Viscount (BENNET), Extinct.--In Norfolk.


BRIDGEWATER, Duke (EGERTON).--The Lord Chancellor was the founder
of this Family, and was a Natural Son of Sir Richard Egerton,
Knight, of Ridley in Cheshire, by the Daughter of one Sparks of
Bickerton[256].

  [256] For other circumstances see Mr. Pennant's Tour in North
  Wales, vol. I. p. 105; and vol. II. p. 187, in the corrections and
  additions to vol. I.


GREY DE WILTON, Baron (EGERTON).--The present Peer (Sir Thomas
Egerton, Bart.) is descended from Bridget, sole Sister and Heir to
Thomas Lord Grey of Wilton, a Female Barony, denominated from Wilton
in the County of Hereford[257].

  [257] The Barony was conferred upon Sir Thomas Egerton by Creation
  in 1784, notwithstanding his claim by Descent.--His Lordship was in
  1801 advanced to the Titles of Viscount Grey de Wilton, and Earl of
  Wilton.


HERTFORD, Earl.--From the Town.


BEAUCHAMP, Viscount (CONWAY).--Nominal and local, from a place in
Normandy.


SCARBOROUGH, Earl.--From Scarborough in Yorkshire.


LUMLEY, Viscount (LUMLEY, with the additional name of
SANDERSON).--From Lumley Castle, in the Bishoprick of Durham.


RIVERS, Baron (PITT).--The first of the name, _De Redvers_, came
hither with William the Conqueror, and was made Earl of Devonshire.
Baldwin de _Redveriis_ (or _Riveriis_), Earl of Devonshire, had
Estates in the neighbourhood of Exeter[258].

  [258] See Tanner's Notitia.--The name is written _Ridvers_, alias
  _Redvers_, in Camden's Brit. col. 156.

George Pitt, Ancestor of the present Lord Rivers (created in 1776),
married Jane Daughter of Savage, Earl Rivers of Rock-Savage in
Cheshire, Relict of George, the sixth Lord Chandos. She brought a
large Estate to her second Husband, partly as Heiress of Savage Earl
Rivers, and partly from her first Husband.


DARLINGTON, Earl.--From Darlington, in the Bishoprick of Durham.


BARNARD, Viscount (VANE).--From Barnard-Castle, in the Bishoprick of
Durham.


BROWNLOW, Baron (CUST).--A nominal Title; for Sir Richard Cust,
Bart. married Anne Daughter of Sir William Brownlow, Bart. Sister,
and at length Heir, to John Brownlow, Viscount Tyrconnel, of the
Kingdom of Ireland, seated at Belton in Lincolnshire.


HAWKESBURY, Baron (JENKINSON).--Though this Family is styled of
Walcot in Oxfordshire, it was originally seated at Hawkesbury in
Gloucestershire.


HEATHFIELD, Baron (ELIOT).--Sir George Augustus Eliot, K. B. who
commanded at Gibraltar during the celebrated Siege, chose this
place in Sussex (his property) for his Title. It is said that the
decisive Battle, called "The Battle of Hastings," was fought on this
spot[259].

  [259] East-Bourne Guide, p. 73.


CAMDEN, Marquis.--From his House at Chislehurst in Kent, formerly
the residence of Camden the celebrated Antiquary, and now called
Camden Place.


BAYHAM, Viscount (PRATT).--From Bayham Abbey, in Sussex, an Estate
in the Family of Pratt, and now in possession of the Marquis.


DYNEVOR, Baroness (RICE and DE CARDONEL).--From Dinevawr in
Caermarthenshire. She is the Daughter of the first Earl Talbot,
and Widow of George Rice, Esquire. In the year 1780 the Earl was
created Baron of Dinevawr, with limitation to his Daughter and her
Issue male; and which took place on the Earl's death, in 1782. She
enjoyed the Title till her death, 1793, when it descended to her
eldest Son George Talbot Rice, who, in pursuance of the Will of
his Grandmother, Lady Talbot (whose maiden name was De Cardonel),
changed his Name, Arms, and Crest, to those of De Cardonel only, by
Sign Manual, in May 1793 [See the Gazette].[260]

  [260] The Baroness had taken the Name and Arms of De Cardonel on the
  death of her Mother in 1787. The Barony of Talbot, on the Earl's
  death, passed to his Nephew, though the Earldom became extinct, but
  was afterwards revived.


NEWCASTLE, Duke (HOLLES).--From Sir William Holles, Lord Mayor of
London[261].

  [261] See Collins's Collections.


HOLDERNESS, Earl (DARCY), Extinct.--For the origin of the Family,
see Leland's Itinerary, vol. VI. p. 24.


NORTHAMPTON, Marquis (PARR), Extinct.--For the origin of this
Family, see also Leland's Itinerary, vol. VIII. p. 96.




English Armorial Bearings.


_Edward_ IV. is by Shakespeare made to say that he would bear Three
fair shining Suns on his Target, from the time he is said to have
seen Three Suns at one time. (Hen. VI. Part III. Act ii. Sc. i.)[262]

  [262] Consult Sandford, &c. for his Armorial Bearings.

_Monteagle._--Stanley, Baron of Monteagle, so entitled for his
valour at Flodden Field, because his Ancestors bore an Eagle for
their Crest. Vide Hon. Anglic, p. 109.

_Carey.--_In the Reign of Henry V. was held, at Smithfield, a Just
between Robert Carey _of the West_, Son of Sir John Carey, Knight,
and a Foreign Knight, of the Kingdom of Aragon. Carey vanquished
the Aragonese, and took his Coat Armour in lieu of his own; _viz._
"Argent, on a Bend Sable, Three Roses of the First:" which have ever
since been borne by the name of _Carey_, whose antient Coat was
"Gules, a Chevron between Three Swans Proper, one whereof they still
retain in their Crest[263]."

  [263] Stowe's History of London, Book iii. p. 239.

N. B. These are the Arms of _Carey_; though, from the words "_of the
West_," one would think _Carew_ was intended. But the account agrees
with the Arms of Viscount _Falkland_.

_Cooper_ and _Cowper_.--Cooper Earl of Shaftesbury bears Three
Bulls: Cowper Earl Cowper does not.

"The Eagle and Child" having been adopted as the Crest of the Earl
of _Derby_, its Origin is a circumstance of no small curiosity.

Nothing is more common than for a Tenant or Dependant to take the
Crest of his Lord or Chief for a Sign; which will account for the
greatest part of the Bulls' Heads, Griffins, Falcons, Lions,
Boars, &c. in the Kingdom. Thus from one quarter they straggled
into different places, as those people who had occasion for Signs
emigrated from their own Counties and Districts. Amongst these the
Sign in question is one; and is to be found in various places that
have no present connexion with the original, the Importer of such
Device being, perhaps, long since dead. This, being the Crest or
Cognizance of the Stanleys, Earls of Derby, it most probably was
first used in Lancashire, and the parts contiguous, as a Sign.

I at first conceived it to be a fabulous affair; but find, from
good and respectable authorities, that there is not only probable,
but substantial History contained in it; as the major part of the
Estate is derived to the Family from the Issue of the very Child
in question. The first account of this matter I shall give from "A
Survey of the _Isle of Man_[264]," of which the _Stanleys_ were for
several ages Kings and Lords, holding of the Kings of England,
by Grant of Henry IV. (anno 7), by Homage and the Service of a
[265]Cast (of Falcons), payable on Coronations. The _Stanleys_
were Kings as much as any Tributary King whatsoever, making Laws,
&c. They appeared on a certain day in Royal Array, sitting in a
Chair, covered with a Royal Cloth and Cushions, with their Visage
to the East; the Sword borne before them, with the point upwards;
with their Barons, Knights, Squires, &c. about them. Such were the
Descendants of the Child we are going to speak of more largely.

  [264] By William Sacheverell, Esq. late Governor of the Island,
  printed at London, 1702.

  [265] _i. e._ Two Falcons. Dugdale's Baronage.

_Sir John Stanley_ (temp. Richard II.) was a Knight of the greatest
fame in matters of Chivalry; who, having been a great Traveller,
was known for his prowess in most parts of Europe. On his return,
he was followed by a _Frenchman_, who challenged the whole English
Nation. _Sir John_ accepted his challenge, fought, and slew him
in the presence of the King. This addition to his fame raised his
reputation among the men, and procured him so much favour with the
ladies, that he attracted the particular attention of the Heiress
of the Family of _Latham_, who was young, rich, and beautiful. _Sir
John_, with the true spirit of Errantry, declared it was for her he
fought; and at length, contrary to the inclination of her Father,
married the Lady.

Mr. Sacheverell then relates the story which gave birth to this
appendage to the Armorial Bearing of the _Stanley_ Family. These are
his words:

"The Lord of _Latham_ and his Lady, being Childless, as they were
walking in the Park, heard a Child crying in an Eagle's nest:
they immediately ordered their servants to search the Eyery, who
presented them with a beautiful Boy, in rich swadling-cloaths. The
good old lady looked upon it as a present sent from Heaven, ordered
it to be carefully educated, and gave it the Surname of _Latham_.
He (the Child) was knighted by King Edward III. by the name of Sir
_Oskytel Latham_, and left sole Heir of that vast estate. He had one
daughter, named _Isabella_, who by marriage brought the honours of
_Latham_ and _Knowsley_, with many other Lordships, to _Sir John
Stanley_."

Mr. Sacheverell goes no further into the Story; and the Reader
will be naturally inclined to know whose Child this was, and how
it was conveyed into the Eagle's nest. For this we must have
recourse to Sir William Dugdale[266], who relates the Story more
circumstantially, and, as he says, upon credible tradition; _viz._
That a _Sir Thomas de Latham_ had a natural Son, called _Oskytel_,
by an obscure woman, who lived near him; and, "having no Child by
his Lady, he designed to adopt this _Oskytel_ for his Heir; but so
that he himself might not be suspected to have been the Father.
Observing, therefore, that an Eagle had built her Nest in a large
spread oak within his Park at Lathom, he caused the Child in
swadling cloaths to be privily conveyed thither; and (as a wonder)
presently called forth his Wife to see it; representing to her,
that, having no Issue, God Almighty had thus sent him a Male Child,
and so preserved, that he looked upon it as a miracle; disguising
the truth so artificially from her, that she forthwith took him (the
Child) with great fondness into the house, educating him with no
less affection than if she had been his natural Mother; whereupon he
became Heir to that fair inheritance; and that, in token thereof,
not only his Descendants, whilst the Male Line endured, but the
_Stanleys_ proceeding from the said Isabel (the Heir Female), have
ever since borne the Child in the Eagle's Nest, with the Eagle
thereon, for their Crest.

  [266] Baronage, vol. II. p. 257.

       *       *       *       *       *

_Francis Bourgeois_, Member of the Royal Academy, had leave from
King George III. to wear the Polish Order "Merentibus." The Diploma
is dated Warsaw, February 16, 1791. Ordered to be registered in the
College of Arms.




ORIGIN AND DERIVATION

OF A FEW

Remarkable Surnames.


_Lewkenor._--Sir Lewis, Master of the Ceremonies; from one of the
Hundreds of Lincolnshire, called anciently _Levechenora_[267].

  [267] Brady's History of England, General Preface, p. 50.

_Kempe._--The same as _Champion_. The Danish word[268].

  [268] Brady's Preface to the Norman History, p. 150.

_Misenor._--From _Mesonero_, an Inn-keeper; Spanish.

_Muncaster._--The old name of Newcastle upon Tyne; quasi
_Monk-Caster_. The present name was perhaps taken on its being
rebuilt.

_Mease._--From _Meze_, a messuage[269].

  [269] See Blount's Dict.

_Hugesson._--Cardinal _Hugezun_ came over as the Pope's Legate,
temp. Henry II.[270]

  [270] Brady's Hist. p. 415.

_Dempster._--The Judges of the Isle of Man were called
Deemsters[271].

  [271] Sacheverell's History of the Island, p. 2.

_Eldred._--There was an Archbishop of York of the name of _Aldred_,
temp. William the Conqueror. Perhaps contracted from _Alured_, the
Latin of Alfred.

_Brettell._--There is a Seignory in Normandy of the name of
Bretteville. So we have corrupted the name of _Frescheville_ into
_Fretwell_.

_Belassis._--Something of this name may be seen in Brady's History,
p. 196.

_Larpent._--From the French, _L'Arpent_; _Arpent_ signifying an
acre. We drop the apostrophe.

_Duppa._--_De Uphaugh_ and, by apostrophe, _D'Uphaugh_, according to
Anthony Wood.

_Firmin._--From St. Fermin in France.

_Paliser._--An official name of such person or persons who had the
care of the pales of a forest[272].

  [272] Manwood's Forest Laws.

_Ord._--Signifies a Promontory in the Highland; and, I presume, is
Erse[273].

  [273] Pennant's Tour, p. 158.

_Bownas_ and _Bonas_.--Corrupted from _Buchan-Ness_, the seat of the
Earl of Errol[274].

  [274] Ibid. p. 124.

_Ridgeway._--A local term for the way of the ford, or passage over a
stream. _Ryd_ and _Rith_ signifying a ford[275].

  [275] Hasted's History of Kent.

_Fitzherbert._--It is written Filius-Herberti in very old
deeds[276]. The _Finches_ were called _Finch-Herbert_ formerly;
which led Daniel Earl of Winchelsea to think he was related to
the Fitzherberts. Thus Leland: "The Finches that be now, say,
that theire propre name is _Hereberte_; and that with mariage of
the Finche-Heyre, they tooke the Finche's name, and were called
Finche-Herebert, joining booth names[277]."

  [276] Ex inform. Dom. Gul. Fitzherbert, Baronetti.

  [277] Itinerary, VI. 52.

_Herbert_ of Kent married the heiress of Finch, and took that name
as a prefix, which they soon corrupted into _Fitz-herbert_. But the
Fitzherberts were a family before the _Finches_ were fledged; and
in old deeds the name is given _Filius Herberti_.

_Champernoun._--Devonshire: a corruption of _Campernulph_, or _De
Campo Arnulphi_; called, says Camden, _Champernoun_[278].

  [278] Britannia, col. 35.

_Smelt._--Ralph Luvel (or Lovel) an ancestor of the Percivals, was,
in the time of King Stephen, called also _Simelt_, for which no
reason is given[279].

  [279] See Collins's Peerage, 1779, art. _Lovel and Holland_.

Names of Men, of Places, and Things, have changed, and by seeming
corruption have come right again.

Thus, for Men.

  Tollemache                Talmash           Tollemache
  Legarde                   Ledgiard          Legarde
  Lyttelton                 Littleton         Lyttelton
  Fauconberg                Falconbridge      Fauconberg[280]
  Cholmondeley              Cholmley          Cholmondeley
  Osbaldiston.              Osberton          Osbaldiston.

  [280] So Shakspeare has it.

I take this to be a local name, from _Osbaldiston_ in Lancashire, q.
_Osbald his Town_. There is in Yorkshire _Osbaldwick_, pronounced
_Osberwick_. It should be _Oswald_, a Bishop of York and Martyr, in
both cases.

We have the name _Bernardiston_, from a place of the name in
Suffolk[281].

  [281] For both the places see Spelman's Villare.

       *       *       *       *       *

_Robertsbridge_, in Sussex, appears to be a corruption of
_Rothersbridge_, as it was long called, and with plausibility; for
it is situated on the river _Rother_: but the former is the truth,
as I have been informed that in old Latin deeds it is styled _Pons
Roberti_.

       *       *       *       *       *

There are some terms which, by a double corruption, have got
home again; as _Crevisses_, in Derbyshire; where _Crevise_, the
word for a _Cray-fish_, is a corruption: but it gets home by it;
for the French word from whence _cray-fish_ was first formed, is
_ecrevisse_. This too is the radical word; for the lobster is but a
species of it, and called _l'ecrevisse de mer_, or _sea-cray-fish_;
what is now called the sea-cray-fish, is properly the lobster. This
difference consists in the want of claws.




Symbola Scotica;

OR,


An Attempt to Elucidate some of the more Obscure Armorial Bearings,
principally the MOTTOES used by many of the Scottish Families.


_In a Letter to the Earl of LEICESTER, President of the Society of
Antiquaries,_

"Arma Viramque."

There seems to be something peculiarly significant and quaint in
the greatest part of the Mottoes and Devices used by the Scottish
Nobility, and perhaps in those of many Families of inferior Rank;
though these last do not so easily come under our observation.

My intention is, to trouble your Lordship with my thoughts on
a few of these Mottoes (as we call them); and refer to your
extensive knowledge in the science of Heraldry, and your love of
investigation, for the rest of these obscure impreses.

We must, however, distinguish between the Motto and the _Slug horn_
(or, as Sir George Mackenzie gives it, upon the more Southern
pronunciation, _Slogan_[282]); the latter being a _cry de guerre_,
whereas the former (though one may sometimes answer both purposes)
seems more to relate to some historical circumstance by which the
Family have been signalized. The original idea of these words, I
have no doubt, related to War, and operated as what we now call the
Watch-Word, and more emphatically _the Word_ by the circulation
of which the King can, at this day, call his guards about him, as
the Chiefs of Scotland formerly assembled their Vassals in their
respective divisions or clans. The French call it a _Mot_; and the
Italians, by an augmentation, _Motto_; which last we have adopted
when we speak in an heraldic style. The true Scottish term is a
_Ditton_, the _Slughorn_ being properly the _cry de Guerre_. Not
to go into the antiquity of Mottoes, or Armory, further than the
subject in question shall lead me, I shall content myself with
observing that Armorial Bearings in general, with us in England,
have little more than the fancy of the party, with Heraldic
sanction, for their foundation; or some distant allusion to the
name. Take one singular instance of this last case, which Mr. Boyer
(in his Theatre of Honour) gives, as a whimsical bearing. The Arms
of the name of _Matthias_ are three Dice (sixes as the highest
throw), having, I make no doubt (though Mr. Boyer gives no reason
for it), a reference to the election of St. Matthias into the
Apostleship: "And the lot fell upon Matthias." One of the writers
in the Antiquarian Discourses (Mr. Agarde) thinks the old Motto of
the _Caves_, of Stanford, in Northamptonshire, a happy conceit;
the ancient Crest being a Grey-hound currant, with a label issuing
out of its mouth, with these words, "Adsum; Cave." Had the _Cavè_
stood alone, without the Dog or the _Adsum_, it might have been
very well, and have operated religiously, morally, or politically:
but otherwise the Dog seems to run away with the Wit. The Family,
since Mr. Agarde's time, appear to have been sensible of this
awkward compound, and have adopted the French word _Gardez_ for
the Motto; though I think they had better have kept the _Cavè_ (as
I have observed), and hanged the Grey-hound; though perhaps it was
conceived at the time the _Adsum_ was dropped, that Ca-vè, in the
Latin, might be confounded with the English, _Cave_; and that it
would have appeared as if they had taken the name for the Motto,
without another Latin word to denote that language; and therefore
might take _Gardez_, which shews itself to be French.

  [282] The Glossary to Douglas's Virgil adduces the Term from the
  Anglo-Saxon _Slegan_, interficere.

Mr. Agarde's own Motto is much more apposite to his name; which,
he tells us at the end of his Memoir, was, _Dieu me Garde_; but
at the same time this would have admitted of improvement; for the
French verb _Garder_ was originally _Agarder_, which, had he known
it, would have enabled him to have made the pun complete--_Dieu
m'Agarde_.

Before I quit the subject in general, I cannot help mentioning
a _bon mot_ of a friend of mine (and he has so much wit that I
shall not rob him in the least by the repetition), on his visiting
Chatsworth, to see the house. The Motto of the noble owner is,
as your Lordship well knows, _Cavendo Tutus_, to which the Family
has happily adhered in their Political concerns. The state rooms
in that house are floored with old oak, waxed, and very slippery,
in consequence of which my friend had very near fallen down; when,
recovering his equilibrium, he observed, "that he rather supposed
the Motto related to the floors than the name."

       *       *       *       *       *

But it is time to lead to the matter I proposed, _viz._ the SCOTTISH
MOTTOES; and yet, before I proceed to them, I wish to premise
something on the grounds of a few of the ARMORIAL BEARINGS among the
most ancient Scottish Families, which have originated from History.

       *       *       *       *       *

The principal Family of the name of

DOUGLAS

carries "A Man's Heart Gules," as a fixed principal Charge, because
the Good Sir James Douglas, as he is styled, carried the Heart
of King Robert I. (of the name of Bruce) to Jerusalem, and there
interred it[283]. The original Coat Armour of Douglas was, "Azure,
in chief Three Stars Argent[284]." The Heart is now imperially
crowned; but that is a later introduction[285], not borne at least
by those who merely quartered the Arms.

  [283] Nisbet's Cadencies, p. 178.

  [284] Idem, p, 208.

  [285] Nisbet, Armories, p. 199.


CAMPBELL,

Duke of Argyle, Marquis of Lorn, &c. bears in the Second and Third
Quarters (for the Lordship of Lorn) a Feudal Charge of "Or, a
Limphad (or small Ship) Sable, with Flames of Fire issuing out of
the Top of the Mast, and from the Fore and Hindermost Parts of the
Ship:" which Fire, says my Author, was called in old blazonry St.
Anthony's Fire. The reason is, that, as the Territory lay upon the
Coast, this Bearing was indicative of the Tenure by which the Lands
were held in capite; _viz_. by supplying a Ship with twenty Oars in
time of War, if required. The _Reddendum_ runs, for the provision
of "Unam navem viginti Remorum, si petatur, tempore Belli, &c."[286]

  [286] Nisbet, Armories, p. 203.

By Marriage, this Lordship, after many generations, came into the
Family of Campbell, then Earl of Argyle; but, in process of time,
the Flames issuing from the Ship have been extinguished.

This was not an uncommon Armorial Appendage to other Feudal Lords,
and Lordships similarly situated.

Thus the Arms of the Isle of Arran are, "Argent, a Ship, with its
Sails furled, Sable."

The Earls of Orkney and Caithness have the Bearing of a Ship for the
like reason; being Lordships, or Feudal Earldoms, situate on the
Coast; but with Differences.

The Earl of Orkney (and from thence the Earl of Caithness) bears a
Ship of a more modern form, with three Masts; but it has the honour
of being within a double Tressure, counter-fleured, to shew its
connexion with Royalty.


DRUMMOND

carries, "Or, Three Bars wavy Gules." This simple Bearing, we are
told, involves a Piece of History; for that an Hungarian Gentleman,
of the name of Maurice, in the Reign of Malcolm III. had the
command of a Ship in which Edgar Atheline, his Mother Agatha, and
his Sisters Margaret and Christian, were embarked, in their return
from England to Hungary. A Storm arose, and drove them on the
Coast of Scotland, where they were landed in the Frith of Forth,
and entertained by the King, who afterwards married Margaret. This
Maurice so ingratiated himself with King Malcolm, that he was
solicited by the King to settle in Scotland, which he did, and had
grants of many Lands; and particularly those at Drymen or Drummond,
of which last he took the name. Drummond, as we must now call him,
was afterwards appointed Seneschal of Lenox; and the King assigned
him the above Arms, alluding to his original Profession of a Naval
Officer, and in memory of his having conducted the then Queen safe
through the Storm into the Port in Scotland[287].

  [287] Douglas's Peerage, p. 547. The Scottish Writers give different
  Derivations of the Name of Drummond, not to our present purpose;
  though all seem to agree as to the reason of the Armorial Bearing of
  the Family. See the Works of Drummond of Hawthornden.


SETON EARL OF WINTON.

The Paternal Arms of Seton, afterwards Earls of Winton, were
_Crescents_, for which no particular reason appears: but the Lords
of Seton have for some hundreds of years carried, "Or, a Sword
erected in pale, supporting an Imperial Crown Proper, betwixt
Three Crescents within a Double Tressure, counter-fleured, Gules."
This honourable Augmentation was granted by Robert the Bruce to
his Nephew Sir Alexander Seton, of that Ilk, for the special and
seasonable services performed by him and his Father Sir Christopher
to that Monarch during the time of his troubles. Sir Christopher
Seton, it seems, had lost two Estates of great value, one in
Scotland, the other in England, together with his Life, in the
Service of his King and Country; upon which account King Robert
(whose Sister, Christian Bruce, Sir Christopher had married), when
he had overcome his Enemies, restored his Nephew, Sir Alexander
Seton, to the Lands in Scotland which his Father had lost, though
he could not re-possess him of the English Estate; granted the
Augmentation of the _Sword and Crown_ to his Paternal Coat-Armour,
to perpetuate their gallant Actions; and added the Double Tressure,
which at that time was given to none but such as had married, or
were descended from, Daughters of the Blood-Royal[288]. One branch
of the Family, _viz._ Sir Alexander Seton of Pitwedden (at one time
a Lord of Session), upon the event of the death of his Father,
who, in the Reign of King Charles I. (during the Civil Commotions)
was killed by a Shot from the King's Enemies, with a Banner in his
hand, assumed the Armorial Bearing of "An Heart distilling Drops of
Blood[289]."

  [288] Nisbet, Cadencies, p. 191.

  [289] Ibid. p. 200.

These, my Lord, I offer in the line of _Nobility_, as Historical
Bearings; but many may likewise be found among the _Gentry_, who
have Armorial Devices allusive to gallant actions, high employments,
or other honourable circumstances.

Of those, the few that follow, most easily occur, from the works of
that laborious Herald, Mr. Alexander Nisbet.


GRAHAM

of Inchbrackie, descended of an eldest Son, of a second Marriage, of
the first Earl of Montrose, gives, "Or, a Dyke [or Wall] fess-wise,
Azure, broken down in several parts, &c." The Dyke there is assumed,
to difference the Bearer from his Chief, and to perpetuate that
action of Gramus (one of the Predecessors of the noble Family of
Graham) in pulling down the Wall [anno 420] built by the Roman
Emperor Severus, which was thereafter called "Graham's Dyke."

N. B. By the Dyke the Scots seem to mean the Wall, _i.e._ the
Vallum, which is formed out of the Dyke.


CLARK

of Pennycuik. Sir John Clark, of Pennycuik, had this Motto, "Free
for a Blast," which is explained in part by the Crest, which is a
Man blowing a Horn: but for both the Crest itself, and the Motto, we
must look into the Tenure of the Estate, which they derived, most
probably by Marriage, from the Pennycuiks of that Ilk, an old Family
in Mid-Lothian, who bore "Or, a Fess between Three Hunting Horns
Sable, stringed Gules;" and, by the ancient Tenure of their Lands,
were obliged, once a year, to attend in the Forest of Drumsleich,
since called Barrowmuir, to give a Blast of a Horn at the King's
Hunting.

The _Clarks_, holding by the same Tenure, preserved the Motto.


KIRKPATRICK,

who gave the last Blow to Cummin, supposed to have been slain, cried
out, "Lest he should not be quite dead, _I will secure him_," and
stabbed him with his Dagger. Hence the Family took the Crest of "A
Hand holding a Dagger in Pale, distilling Drops of Blood;" and with
the Motto "I'll make sicker (sure);" or, "I'll make sure."[290]

  [290] Nisbet, p. 147. See also Hume's History, ch. xiii.


CARRICK.

STEWART, Earl of Carrick. The Paternal Arms of Stewart, out of which
was a _Lion naissant_, all within a Double Tressure, counter-fleured
Gules: the Lion naissant intimating his original right to the
Crown[291].

  [291] Nisbet, Cadencies, p. 33.


FARQUHARSON,

of Invercald, carries, in addition to his Paternal Coat, "Argent, a
Fir Tree growing out of a Mount Proper on a Chief Gules,--the Banner
of Scotland in Bend, and on a Canton of the first (_viz._ Or), a
Dexter Hand couped at the wrist, grasping a Dagger, point downwards,
Gules." Mr. Nisbet says[292], they carried the Fir Trees because
their Country abounded with such Trees; the Hand grasping a Dagger,
for killing the Cumming; and the Banner is lately added, because
the Grand-father of the present John Farquharson (1702) was killed
at the Battle of Pinkie, carrying the Banner of Scotland.

  [292] Cadencies, p. 196.


WOOD.

The Chiefs of this name have given Trees in different forms; but
Wood of Largoe placed his Tree between Two Ships under sail, as
Admiral to King James III. and IV. in whose reigns he defeated the
English with an inferior Force. Another Branch of the Family gave a
Hunting-horn hanging upon the Branch of a Tree, to shew he was the
King's Forester[293].

  [293] Nisbet, Cadencies, p. 202.


FORBES,

of Watertown, charges his Coat with an "Escocheon Argent, a Sword
and Key in Saltire Gules," as being Constable of Aberdeen: and for a
Difference from the Grays, places a Quill or Pen in the Paw of the
Lion in the Arms of Gray, because his Ancestor was Sheriff's Clerk
of Angus[294].

  [294] Idem, p. 203.


JOHN RAMSAY,

descended of the Ramsays of Wylicleuch in the Merss, who was Page
to King James VI. thereafter Earl of Holdernesse, got for addition
to his Paternal Bearing, "An Arm holding a naked Sword enfilé of
a Crown, with a Man's Heart on the point," because he rescued
King James VI. from the Conspiracy of the Earl of Gowrie and his
Confederates. The Paternal Coat was, "Argent, an Eagle displayed
Sable."[295] These are what the Scottish Heralds call "Arms of
Special Concession."[296]

  [295] Nisbet, Cadencies, p. 196.

  [296] See Nisbet's Armories.


AYTON,

of Kippo. This Family bears "A Baton Peri Or, couped;" which, Mr.
Nisbet says, is an uncommon Bearing for a younger legitimate Son, it
being a mark of Bastardy by its position; but he tells us, the Baton
of this description, and thus borne, was granted to Sir John Ayton
of Kippo, Knight, by King Charles II. as an Augmentation, because he
had been Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod to that King. Upon the
Family Coat he therefore carried "A Baton Sable, charged on the top
with one of the Lions of England."


STIRLING,

of Glorat, carries "Argent, on a Bend engrailed Azure, Three
Buckles Or; a Chief Gules, charged with a Naked Arm issuing out
of a Cloud from the Sinister side, grasping a Sword in pale, and
therewith guarding an Imperial Crown; all within a double Tressure,
counterfleured of Thistles Vert." Which honourable Addition was
granted to this Family for special Services done to King Charles I.
and King Charles II. in their Troubles.


BINNING,

of Easter Binning, a Cadet of Binning of that Ilk, who carried
"Argent, a Bend engrailed Sable," added, for Difference, on the
Bend, a Waggon of the first, because he and his seven Sons went in
a Waggon covered with Hay, and surprised and took the Castle of
Linlithgow, then in the possession of the English, in the Reign of
David the Bruce[297].

  [297] Nisbet, Cadencies, p. 195.


LOCKART.

This Name now bears a Man's Heart Proper, within a Padlock Sable, in
perpetuation, they tell you, that one of the Name accompanied the
good Sir James Douglas to Jerusalem, with the Heart of King Robert
the Bruce. Be that as it may, it is intended to play upon the Name;
and, to preserve the Story the more entire, some Branches of the
Family have strengthened it by the Motto, "Corda serata Pando" [some
have it, Fero]. These Devices are differently placed by different
Branches; but Mr. Nisbet insinuates[298] that this Bearing is an
assumption of a modern date; and that the old Arms were, till within
a century before he wrote [1702], "Three Boars' Heads erazed; the
Crest, a Dexter Hand holding a Boar's Head erazed, Proper; the
Motto, 'Feroci Fortior.'"

  [298] Marks of Cadency, p. 199.


NORFOLK.

The Duke of Norfolk has an augmentation, _viz._ an _Escocheon Or_,
in the middle of the Bend, charged with a _Demi-Lion_ Rampant,
_pierced through the Mouth with an Arrow_, within a double Tressure
counterfleur'd Gules; which was granted by King Henry VIII. for his
services at the Battle of Flodden Field[299].

  [299] Nisbet's Cadencies, pp. 91, 92.

       *       *       *       *       *

Besides these and many other Bearings, not at this day easily,
if at all, to be accounted for, the Scots have, like ourselves,
several that are responsive to the Name. Of these I have selected
the few which follow, and have given their material Charge, without
attending to the Colours, or to the Blazonry of the whole. Thus

_Cockburn_ has a Charge of Three Cocks.

_Craw_ and _Craufurd_, Three Crows[300].

  [300] This Bearing is of late introduction, as alluding to the
  Name; for those of the Name anciently gave for Arms "Gules, a Fess
  Ermine;" and another Branch gave "Argent, Three Stags' Heads erased
  Gules." [Nisbet]. Crawfurd of Cloverhill has a still stronger
  relation both to the Name and to his Seat; for to the original
  Bearing he adds Three Crows; for Crest has a Garb (or Wheatsheaf);
  and for Motto, "God feeds the Crows." Id. p. 57.--Like the Motto of
  our Corbet, "Deus pascit Corvos."

_Fraser_, Three Frases or Cinquefoils.

_Falconer_, a Falcon.

_Forester_, Three Bugle Horns; and the Peer of that Name and Title
has for his Motto, "Blow, Hunter, thy Horn."

_Heart_, Three Men's Hearts.

_Hog_, Three Boars' Heads.

_Justice_, A Sword in Pale, supporting a Balance.

_Skene_, Three Daggers, in the Scottish Language called Skenes.




Mottoes.


The Motto of DALZIEL, Earl of CARNWARTH, now an attainted Title, is,
"I Dare;" the reason of which is given by Crawfurd, in his Peerage
of Scotland. The ancient armorial bearing of this Family was, A Man
hanging on a Gallows, though it is now only a Naked Man with his
Arms expanded. Some one of the Family having, perhaps, dropped the
Gallows and the Rope, as deeming it an ignominious Bearing.

But to proceed to the Motto. The Historian says, that a Favourite
of Kenneth II. having been hanged by the Picts, and the King being
much concerned that the Body should be exposed in so disgraceful
a situation, offered a large Reward to him who would rescue the
Body. Alpinus, the Father of Kenneth, with many of his Nobles, had
been inhumanly put to death; and the Head of the King (Alpinus),
placed upon a Pole, was exposed to the Populace. It was not for
the redemption of his Father's Body, that the new King, Kenneth,
offered the Reward; but for that of some young Favourite, perhaps
of equal age, who was thus ignominiously hanging as a public
spectacle, for the King appears to have been beheaded.[301] This
being an enterprize of great danger, no one was found bold enough
to undertake it, till a Gentleman came to the King and said, "Dal
Ziel," _i.e._ "I Dare," and accordingly performed the hazardous
exploit. In memory of this circumstance, the Family took the
above-mentioned Coat-Armour, and likewise the Name of _Dalziel_,
with the interpretation of it, "I Dare," as a Motto. The Maiden Name
(as I may call it) of this Family is not recorded, neither is the
original Coat Armour of the Gentleman mentioned. These circumstances
are related by Crawfurd, upon the authority of Mr. Nisbet, in his
Marks of Cadency, p. 41.

  [301] Buchanan.

Occasional changes in Coats of Arms, it is very well known, have
always been common, owing to accidents and incidents, as well as
atchievements, several instances of which may be seen in Camden's
Remains.

Similar to the case of Dalziel, is the reason given for the Motto
of _Maclellan_, Lord Kircudbright, which is, "Think on." Crawfurd's
account is to this effect. A Company of Saracens, from Ireland,
in the Reign of King James II. infested the County of Galloway,
whereupon the King issued a Proclamation, declaring that "Whoever
should disperse them, and bring their Captain, dead or alive, should
have the Barony of Bombie for his reward." This was performed by the
Son of the Laird of Bombie, who brought the Head of the Captain, on
the Point of his Sword, to the King, who put him into the immediate
possession of the Barony; to perpetuate which action, the Baron took
for his Crest a Moor's Head, on the Point of a Sword, with the words
"Think on," for his Motto.

It may be difficult to ascertain the meaning of these words; and one
is at liberty either to suppose he addressed them to the King on the
occasion, as if he had said "Think on your Promise:"--or they may
apply to Posterity, advising them to Think on the gallant Action
whereby they became ennobled: but I more incline to the former
interpretation, because, in Yorkshire, which abounds with Scottish
idioms, words, and proverbs, they say, "I will do so and so when I
think on;" and "I would have done so and so, but I did not think
on," Our expression is, "Think of it."

MAXWELL, of Calderwood, has the same Motto, on a different idea.
The _Crest_ is "A Man's Head looking upright," to which the _Motto_
seems to give a religious interpretation, and to imply, "Think on"
_Eternity_[302].

  [302] See Nisbet's Heraldry, p. 138.

A similar change appears to have been brought about, by religious
attachments, in the _Crest_ and _Motto_ of BANNERMAN, which seems to
extend to the rest of the Armorial Bearings. Sir Alexander Bannerman
of Elsick, the chief, bore, "Gules, a Banner displayed Argent, and
thereon a Canton Azure, charged with a St. Andrew's Cross. Crest, a
Demi-Man in Armour, holding in his Right Hand a Sword Proper. Motto,
_Pro Patriâ_." This Bearing is by Grant, 1692; but a younger Son
of this House bore (when Mr. Nisbet wrote) the Field and Banner as
above, "within a Bordure Argent, charged with Four Buckles Azure,
and as many Holly-Leaves Vert, alternately." Buckles, in certain
case we shall see hereafter, admit of a religious interpretation,
and the Holly-Leaves (quasi Holy-Leaves), seem to have a similar
import, especially when added to the new Crest, _viz_. "A Man
issuing out of the Wreath in a Priest's habit, and praying posture,"
with this Motto, "Hæc prestat Militia[303]." This change might
possibly take place about the enthusiastic time of the Union of the
two Kingdoms, when religious party spirit ran high in Scotland[304].

  [303] Nisbet's Heraldry, p. 414, 415.

  [304] See Memoirs of Ker of Kersland.

       *       *       *       *       *

Ross, Lord Ross, has the same Motto as Dalziel Earl of Carnwath; but
on what pretensions does not appear.

       *       *       *       *       *

I shall now proceed to another conjectural interpretation, as to the
Motto of Lord NAPIER; which is, "Ready, aye Ready." Sir Alexander
Napier was killed at the Battle of Flodden Field (1513), leaving
Issue Alexander, who married Margaret, the Daughter of Sir Duncan
Campbell of Glenorchy, ancestor of the Earls of Breadalbine. The
Motto, or rather, perhaps, Slug-Horn, of the Laird of Glenorchy,
was, "Follow me." On this marriage, therefore, I am led to believe
that Alexander Napier might take the responsive Slug-Horn of "Ready,
aye Ready," as if he had said, "always ready to follow you." This
may, perhaps, _primâ facie_, appear too hypothetical; but it is
grounded upon the authority of a Friend, a Native of Scotland, who
once told me that the Mottoes of the Lairds often had a reference to
that of their Chief.

Something like this appears in the Motto of FRASER, late Lord Lovat,
which is, "I am Ready." That Family is descended from a younger
Branch, the elder having ended in Daughters. They had for their
Ancestor, in the Female line, the Sister of King Robert I.; and the
Motto seems, if not responsive, at least expressive of Loyalty.

This sort of Motto seems to prevail in the Family of DOUGLAS. That
of the elder Branches is, "Forward;" to which the younger Branches
reply, "Jamais Arrière," which may, perhaps, be best translated by
the vulgar Scottish expression, "Hard at your Back."

The Motto of HAY, Earl of ERROL, which is, "Serva Jugum," deserves
our particular attention; and is founded on a well-attested
historical fact, related to this effect by Mr. Crawfurd. In the
Reign of Kenneth III. (anno 980), when the Danes invaded this
Island, and gave Battle to the Scots, whom they had routed at the
Village of Loncarty, near Perth, a certain Husbandman of the name
of Hay, who was tilling his Land, perceived his Countrymen flying
before the Enemy; when he and his two Sons, arming themselves with
their Plough-gear, the old Man having the Yoke of the Oxen for his
own Weapon, upbraided the Scots for their Cowardice, and, after much
difficulty, persuaded them to rally. They accordingly, under the
Command of this unexpected Leader and his Sons, armed with Yokes and
Plough-shares, renewed the Engagement; when the Danes, supposing
their Enemy had received a reinforcement, fled in their turn. The
King, in reward for this uncommon Service, advanced _Hay_ to the
Rank of Noblesse, and gave him as much Land as a Falcon, let loose
from the Fists, should compass at one flight. The lucky Bird, says
Dr. Abercrombie, seemed sensible of the merits of those that were to
enjoy it; for she made a circuit of seven or eight miles long, and
four or five broad; the limits of which are still extant. This Tract
of Ground, continues my Author, being called _Errol_, the Family
took from thence its designation, or title.

To these circumstances the Armorial Bearings of the Family have
very strong allusions; for the Supporters are Two Labourers with
each a Yoke on his Shoulder; the Crest is a Falcon; and the Motto
"Serva Jugum." The Coat Armour likewise is, Argent, Three Escocheons
Gules; or, to speak in the language of noble Blazonry, Pearl, Three
Escutcheons Ruby; to intimate that the Father and his Two Sons had
been the three fortunate Shields by which Scotland had been defended
and saved.

Another Branch of the Family (HAY, Earl of KINNOUL,) gives the same
Coat, with a Bordure for difference; the Supporters are likewise
Two Husbandmen, the one having a Plough-share, and the other a Pick,
or Spade, upon his Shoulder. The Yoke is preserved in the Crest,
upon the Shoulder of a Demi-Man, from the waist upwards; and the
Motto seems to refer to the rallying of the Scottish Army in these
words, "Renovate Animos."

Buchanan, further tells us, with regard to the modesty of these
unexpected Conquerors, that, when they were brought to the King,
rich and splendid Garments were offered to them, that they might
be distinguished in a Triumphal Entry which was to be made into
the Town of Perth; but the old Man rejected them with a decent
contempt; and, wiping the dust from his ordinary Clothes, joined
the Procession, with no other distinction than the Yoke upon his
shoulder, preceded and followed by the King's Train. More minute
circumstances of this extraordinary Victory, obtained, after a
palpable Defeat, at the instigation of one obscure Man, are related
by Buchanan, to whom I refer your Lordship; and you will find it
equal to any instance we have of Roman Virtue, and the _Amor
Patriæ_, so much boasted of among the Ancients.

Lloyd, in his Worthies, among his observations on the Life of James
Hay, Earl of Carlisle, tells us a chimerical story, but on what
authority I do not discover; after having mentioned slightly the
above fact, that James Hay, 600 years afterwards, "saved the King
of that Country from the Gowries at their House with a Cultre (or
Plough-share) in his hand;" and that he had as much Land assigned
him as he could ride round in two days. It does not appear from
the accounts we have of the Gowry conspiracy, that any person of
the name of Hay was concerned; but rather that this story has been
confounded with the other, because, according to Dr. Abercrombie's
account, the Land over which the Falcon flew in the first case, was
in a part of Scotland known by the name of Gowry.

       *       *       *       *       *

CONYNGHAM, Earl of GLENCAIRN, has this very singular Motto, "Over
Fork Over," alluding to the principal Charge upon the Shield, which
is the rude and ancient Hay-Fork, called in Scotland a Shake-Fork,
and is in shape not unlike the Roman letter Y.

This Bearing, some of their Heralds tell us, was official, because,
they say, the Family had been Hereditary Masters of the King's
Horses and Stables, of which employment this instrument was
indicative. Such official Charges and Sur-charges were common in
Scotland: thus, CARNEGIE, Earls of Southesk, charge the Breast of
their Blue Eagle with a Cup of Gold, being Hereditary Cup-Bearers
to the Kings of Scotland. But this will not hold good as to the
CONYNGHAMS; though their Sur-charge of a Man on Horseback upon
the Shake-Fork may perhaps be such an official Bearing. Different
conjectures have been brought forward; and Mr. Camden and some
others have interpreted the Fork to have been an Archiepiscopal
Pall; for which surmise a very vague reason is given, viz. that an
Ancestor of the Family was concerned in the Murder of Thomas Becket,
Archbishop of Canterbury. Which Bearing, Mr. Nisbet observes,
would in such case operate rather as an abatement than a badge
of honour[305]. This conjecture, however, will not hold good on
heraldic principles; for a Pall, when used as a Charge, is very
differently represented, the three ends of it being square, and even
touching the borders of the Escocheon; whereas the device before
us is pointed at the ends, and does not come in contact with the
edges of the Shield. But what has the Pall to do with the Motto? We
must therefore advert to other circumstances for an interpretation
of both the reason of the Armorial Bearing and the Motto, which
generally assist to explain each other. The account which comes
nearest the point in the present question is given by Mr. Nisbet
from Frederick Van Bassen, a Norwegian, who, he says, was a good
Genealogist, and left in MS. an account of the rise of some Scottish
Families, and among the rest of this of Conyngham; from which MS.
Mr. Nisbet gives this account--"that Malcome, the Son of Friskine,
assisting Prince Malcom (afterwards surnamed Canmore) to escape from
Macbeth's tyranny, and being hotly pursued by the Usurper's Men, was
forced at a place to hide his Master by forking Straw or Hay above
him. And after, upon that Prince's happy accession to the Crown,
he, the King, rewarded his Preserver Malcome with the Thanedom of
Cunnigham, from which he and his Posterity have their Surname, and
took this Figure to represent the Shake-Fork with which he, Malcome,
forked Hay or Straw above the Prince, to perpetuate the happy
deliverance their Progenitor had the good fortune to give to their
Prince." Admitting this to be a fact, or even a legendary tale,
credited by the Family when this Bearing was granted or assumed,
there is an affinity between the Device and the Motto not to be
found among the other conjectures.

  [305] Becket's Murderers were Four Barons, and Knights, no doubt,
  of course; _viz._ Reginald Fitz-Urse, William de Tracy, Hugh de
  Morville, and Richard Breto. [Consult Lord Lyttelton and his
  Authorities.]

There is another Family where the true Armorial Ensigns are
illustrated by the Motto; _viz._ the Arms of BAILIE of Lanington,
which have often been blazoned as Nine Mullets or Spurrials (or 3,
3, 2, and 1); whereas it is evident they were Stars from the Motto,
which is, "Quid clarius Astris?"

I make no doubt there are many others of a like kind to be found,
arising from inattention or ignorance. It has been observed, that
the Shake-Fork is now much obscured by an Armed Man on Horseback
within an Inescocheon, which is supposed to allude to the Hereditary
Office of Master of the Horse; though whether this was the case,
or whether that Bearing came by alliance, may be doubtful; for Mr.
Crawfurd, in his Peerage, does not give it as a part of the Family
Coat of Conyngham in 1716; though the more modern Peerages have it.
The shape of the Fork is more discernible in the Arms of Conyngham,
Peers of Ireland, where it is not covered by a Sur-charge. The
meaning of the name is local, _Konyng-Ham; i.e._ The King's Village
or Habitation; which Etymon has been so long obscured by age, that
the Lion Office, on granting Supporters to the Family, have given
Two Rabbits, or Conies. The Irish Branch has different Supporters;
_viz._ a Horse and a Buck; though it preserves the Motto.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Earl of TRAQUAIR has for his Motto "Judge noucht;" though there
is nothing in his Armorial Bearings to which it can allude. One
is therefore to look for some event interesting to the Family to
ground it upon, which probably was this: Sir John Stewart, first
created Baron, and afterwards Earl, of Traquair, by King Charles
I. was Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, anno 1635, and remained a
firm friend to the Royal Cause to the last. His adherence to it,
however, drew on him the resentment of the opposite party, insomuch
that he was, 1641, impeached of High Treason, and found guilty; but
the Parliament submitted his punishment to the King, who ordered
him a Pardon under the Great Seal, the Preamble to which sets forth
the King's high opinion of his abilities and his integrity in the
discharge of his duty. Upon this transaction, it seems more than
possible that the Earl, alluding to the rash and cruel treatment he
had received from the Parliament for his loyalty to the King, might
assume the Motto "Judge noucht;" the complement of which, we all
know, is, "That ye be not judged."

       *       *       *       *       *

JOHNSTON, Marquis of ANNANDALE.--The modern _Motto_ is "Nunquam
non paratus;" but in the original _Motto_ there is History, which
connects with other parts of the Bearing. The _Crest_ is "A winged
Spur," and one of the _Supporters_ is "A Horse furnished." The
_Crest_ was taken, because the _Johnstons_ were often Wardens of the
West Borders, and active in suppressing Thieves and Plunderers, who
infested them during the Wars between England and Scotland; whence
was derived the original _Motto_, "Alight Thieves all;" commanding,
either by their authority or prowess, those Thieves to surrender.
The _Horse_ as a _Supporter_ alludes to the same circumstance, or
might be considered as a Bearing of Conquest, from a _Horse_ taken
from some famous Marauder[306].

  [306] Peerage of Scotland, 1767, octavo.

The Johnstons of Westrow, or Westerhall, have a different principal
Bearing in their Arms; _viz._ "A Man's Heart, ensigned with an
Imperial Crown proper, in base," being part of the Arms of Douglas,
in memory of the apprehension of Douglas Earl of Ormond, when in
rebellion against James II.[307]

  [307] Nisbet's Heraldry, p. 146.

       *       *       *       *       *

HAMILTON, Duke of HAMILTON.--Motto, "Through." This Motto is older
than the Nobility of the Family, if my conjecture be true; as it
seems to have originated from a circumstance which happened in the
Reign of the Scottish King, Robert I. in England, at the Court of
our King Edward II. Battles, sieges, &c. had been maintained, with
various success, between the two Kings, for a long time. During
these animosities Sir Gilbert Hamilton, an Englishman, happening
to speak in praise of the intrepidity of Robert I. King of Scots,
one of the De Spencers (John, Mr. Crawfurd says,) who was of King
Edward's Bed-chamber, drew his falchion, and wounded him. Sir
Gilbert, more concerned at the contumely than at the wound, and
being prevented at the moment from resenting it; yet when he met
his antagonist the next day in the same place, ran him _through_
the body. On this he immediately fled for protection to the King of
Scots, who gave him lands and honours for this bold vindication of
his valour[308].

  [308] Crawfurd's Peerage, in Duke of Hamilton. Buchanan, vol. I.
  p. 332, 333. Dr. Abercrombie, however, gives us reasons to doubt
  that this was the first introduction of the name of Hamilton into
  Scotland: though that is not material, if it was the occasion which
  introduced the _Motto_. This has no apparent connexion with the
  Crest or Arms, and is therefore, more conclusive. Query as to the
  Crest?

       *       *       *       *       *

The Motto of MURRAY, now Duke of ATHOL, is, "Furth, Fortune,
and fill the Fetters;" but it was originally given to John
_Stewart, Earl_ of Athol, and came to the Family of Murray by
an intermarriage with the Heiress of Stewart. The first _Earl_
of Athol of the name of _Stewart_ was constituted Lieutenant to
King James III. (1457); and for his defeating, and bringing to
submission, Mac-Donald, Lord of the Isles, who had rebelled, he had
a special grant of several lands, and the above Motto added to his
Arms[309], which seems to mean, _Go forth, be successful, and fill
the Fetters with the Feet of all other rebellious Subjects_; for I
understand "_Fortune_" to be a verb, and chosen probably for the
sake of the alliteration. One appendage to the Arms of _Murray_,
probably received from Stewart, has an allusion to the Motto; for
the Supporter, on the Sinister side, is a Savage, with his Feet in
Fetters.

  [309] Crawfurd's Peerage.

       *       *       *       *       *

SETON, Earl of WINTON (attainted). The original Motto of _Lord_
Seton was "Invia Virtuti Via nulla;" but another was assumed by the
first _Earl_, alluding to an additional charge which he took, by
grant I presume, when he was created into that dignity with great
pomp (1601) at Holy-Rood House. To the original _Sword_ and Imperial
_Crown_ which he bore in an Inescocheon with a Tressure, was added
a Blazing Star of Twelve Points, with this new Motto, "Intaminatis
fulget honoribus[310]," expressive of the unshaken Loyalty of the
Family, which the last Peer unhappily forgot, and forfeited in the
Rebellion 1715.

  [310] Nisbet's Cadencies, p. 192. See also Douglas's Peerage.

The Slughorn of the Family is _Set on_[311], which, by
amplification, I apprehend, means _Set upon your Enemy_, as an
incitement to ardour; and is rather analogous to the Motto _Think
on_, of the Lord _Kirkcudbright_, before-mentioned.

  [311] Douglas's Peerage, in the Arms.

       *       *       *       *       *

BRUCE, Earl of ELGIN. This, and other Branches of that ancient
and once Kingly Family, has, for its Motto, "_Fuimus_," alluding
strongly to their having been formerly in possession of the Crown of
Scotland. The Crest is likewise denotative of Royal pretensions,
_viz._ "A Hand holding a Sceptre." Something, however, is worth
observing in several of the subordinate Branches, more distant from
the original Stock, where one may discern the gradual dispirited
declension of the Family, in point of Regal claims. One private
House, indeed, bears the Lion Rampant in the Arms, and likewise the
Crest, and the Motto of the Peer. Another descendant drops the Lion
in the Arms, and only bears for Crest, "_A Hand holding a Sword_,"
with this modest Motto, "_Venture forward_." A third seems to give
up all for lost, by the Crest, _viz._ "_A Setting Sun_," with this
Motto, "_Irrevocable_;" while a fourth appears to relinquish a
Temporal for the hope of an Eternal Crown, by this Motto, "_Spes mea
supernè_."[312]

       *       *       *       *       *

GORDON, Duke of GORDON. The primitive Bearing of this Family was,
"Azure, a Boar's Head couped, Or;" though at present it carries
"Azure, _Three_ Boars Heads couped, Or." The first is the more
honourable Charge, as the Unit is always accounted in Heraldry
preferable to Numbers, not only on account of its simplicity[313],
but in a religious sense (often couched in Armory), as it betokens
God the Father, while the Charge of Three has the like reference
to the Trinity. The traditional story, however, relating to the
particular Coat Armour before us, is told by Douglas, in his
Peerage of Scotland, to this effect; _viz._ that in the Reign of
King Malcolm Canmore, in the eleventh century, a valiant Knight,
of the name of _Gordon_, came into Scotland, but from whence is
not said, and was kindly received by that Prince. The Knight, not
long afterwards, killed a Wild _Boar_, which greatly infested the
Borders[314], when Malcolm gave him a grant of lands in the Shire
of Berwick. These lands, according to the custom of those times, the
Knight called _Gordon_, after his own name, and settled upon them,
taking a _Boar's_ Head for his Armorial Ensign, in memory of his
having killed "that monstrous animal[315]." This may seem a trivial
reason in itself, but we have another similar tradition in the Arms
of Forbes[316].

  [312] Nisbet's Heraldry, vol. I. p. 145.

  [313] Nisbet's Heraldry.

  [314] In rude times, such as those were of which we have been
  speaking, it was accounted an action of no small valour to kill so
  fierce an animal as a _Wild Boar_; being attended with considerable
  personal danger, for want of such weapons, offensive and defensive,
  as we have at present. On this account I may be excused bringing
  forward a parallel honour attending a circumstance of this sort,
  though I fetch it from the Hottentots, a people to whose very
  name we seem to have falsely annexed ideas, far from the truth,
  of every thing below the dignity of human nature, and placed them
  but one degree above the brute creation. On the contrary, they are
  represented by Kolben, who had opportunities of personal intercourse
  with them, and was well qualified to observe and reason upon what he
  saw, as a people much wronged by our unfavourable opinions of them.
  But to the point: their country appears to be, from its situation,
  exceedingly exposed to the incursions of the fiercest of beasts,
  lions and tigers; insomuch that a Hottentot who kills one of these
  animals with his own hand is _deified_, and his person held sacred
  ever after.

  [315] Douglas's Peerage, p. 295.

  [316] Nisbet's Heraldry, p. 327.

In process of time the Gordons, according to the practice in
Heraldry, increased the number of _Boars Heads_ to _three_, two and
one; and thus they continue to be borne at this day, with proper
differences; one of which, being particular, I shall mention,
_viz._ GORDON, _Earl_ of _Aboyne_. The reference contained in the
Motto of this Branch seems merely to be confined to the _Cheveron_
placed between the _Boars Heads_, in these words, "_Stant cætera
Tigno_," which last word is the acknowledged Latin word for the
_Cheveron_[317]. This is, perhaps, the greatest compliment ever paid
to the _Cheveron_, which is accounted one of the humblest Charges
known, in Heraldic language, by the name of Ordinaries.

  [317] Gibbon's Introd. ad Latinam Blazoniam. See also Nisbet's
  Heraldry, p. 316.

Thus much for the Arms of the _Duke of Gordon_, and for what has
been said both of the Arms and Motto of the Earl of Aboyne; but
the Motto of the Ducal Branch of the Family is yet unaccounted for,
which is "Bydand." This, I make no doubt, is a compound word, and
of no little antiquity; and I take the resolution of it to be, by
contraction, _Byde th' End_, with the letter D in the place of the
TH; for the Glossarist to some ancient Scottish Poems, published
from the MSS. of George Bannatyne, at Edinburgh, 1770, p. 247,
renders the word _Bidand, pendente Lite_. See also the Glossary, ad
calcem. As to its import, it may refer to Family transactions, in
two points of view; _viz._ either to loyal or religious attachments.
In support of the first, we find that Sir Adam Gordon was a
strenuous asserter of the claims of the Bruces, and peculiarly
active in the cause of King Robert I. (in that long contest), who
accordingly rewarded him with a large grant of land, sufficient to
secure his interest, and make him _byde the end_ of the contest as
a feudatory under that King. The Son and Grandson of Sir Adam were
both faithful to the interest of the Bruces, and had the above
grant confirmed by King David II.[318] If this is not satisfactory,
we have instances of acts of piety done by the early Branches of
this Family, sufficient to warrant the Motto on the interpretation
here given; for in the Reign of Malcolm IV. the Family had large
possessions, part of which they devoted to religious purposes, by
considerable endowments and benefactions given to the Abbey of
Kelso[319].

  [318] Crawfurd's Peerage.

  [319] Ibid.

I incline, however, more strongly to the military sense of the
Motto; and the more, as it is borne by other Families, manifestly
with that reference, though I cannot account for the connexion of
the two Houses. Thus, for instance, _Leith_, in one Branch, has for
the Motto, "_Semper Fidus_;" in another, "_Trusty to the End_;"
and in a third, "_Trusty and Bydand_;" in this last, I think the
contraction of the last word, as above suggested, is more clearly
established[320].

  [320] Nisbet's Heraldry, p. 217.

In these Mottoes of _Leith_, it must be confessed there is more
appearance of a religious application than in that of the Duke
of _Gordon_, as the Armorial Bearings are partly compounded of
Cross-Croslets, and the Crest of the first is likewise a Turtle-dove.

       *       *       *       *       *

ELPHINSTON, Lord ELPHINSTON; has for his Motto "_Caus Causit_[321],"
or, as written by Mr. Nisbet, "_Cause caused it_."[322]

  [321] Crawfurd's Peerage.

  [322] System of Heraldry, p. 154.

In Almon's Short Peerage of Scotland _Caus_ or _Cause_ is
interpreted _Chance_, which leads us to search for some casual
circumstance in the history of the Family, whereby it was elevated.

Alexander Elphinston was ennobled by King James IV. in the time of
our Henry VIII.; to whom a fatal incident happened, to which his
Descendants might have a retrospect when the Motto was assumed.
Some branches of the story are controverted; but enough is left by
tradition to found our conjecture, and for the Family to rest the
choice of their Motto upon. This Alexander, the first Peer, was
slain at the Battle of Flodden Field (1513), together with King
James IV.; and being, in his person and face, very like the King,
his body was carried by the English to Berwick, instead of that of
the King, and treated with some indignity. The controvertible part
of the circumstance is, that the King escaped by this means, and
lived to reward the Family who had thus lost their valiant Chief;
but strong proofs are to be found, that the King was actually
slain, though by some accounts not in the Battle, as his body was
identified by more than one of his confidential Servants, who
recognized it by certain private indelible marks[323].

  [323] Drake's Hist. Ang. Scot.

Buchanan allows that the King escaped from the Battle; but adds,
that he was killed the same day by a party of his own Subjects,
whose interest it was to take him off, to avoid a punishment due to
themselves for cowardice in the preceding Battle[324].

  [324] Buchanan's History, Book xiii. p. 26.

Holinshed tells us, that in order to deceive the Enemy, and
encourage his own Troops, the King caused several of his Nobles to
be armed and apparelled like himself[325]; and this practice, at
that time of day, seems not to have been uncommon; for Shakspeare
makes Richard say, during the Battle of Bosworth Field,

    "I think, there be _Six_ Richmonds in the Field:
    _Five_ have I slain to-day instead of him[326]."

  [325] Holinshed's Chronicle.

  [326] Act v. Sc. iv.

Let this pass for truth; yet was Lord Elphinston's case the most
remarkable, and most deserving of favour to his posterity, on
account of the insults offered to his body, under a supposition
that it was the body of the King. After the death of James IV. a
long Minority ensued, and consequently a Regency; but what reward
the Family of _Elphinston_ had, or what weight they bore in the
Reign of James V. or in that of Queen Mary, History is not minute
enough to inform us; though we find, that the Great Grandson of the
first Peer slain at Flodden-Field was of the Privy Council, and
High Treasurer to James VI. (anno 1599) before his accession to the
Crown of England. This King was too well read not to have known
what passed in the Reign of his Great Grandfather respecting the
first Lord _Elphinston_; and I am willing to suppose the Descendants
of that Peer were equally informed of the fact above related; and
that the Lord Treasurer _Elphinston_ modestly imputed his elevation
ultimately to that circumstance, and allusively took the Motto
before us.

Lest this surmise should not be satisfactory, I will offer another
on a very different ground, arising from the _Crest_, which is,
"A Lady from the middle richly attired, holding a _Castle_ in her
Right Hand, and in her Left a Branch of _Laurel_." This throws the
matter open to another conjecture; for the Bearing of the _Lady_,
with the _Castle_ in her Right Hand, may well be supposed to relate
to Alliances; several of the Ancestry of the Family, which came
originally from Germany in the time of Robert the Bruce (in the
Reign of our Edward II.) having married Heiresses[327], whereby
they obtained Lands, Castles, Power, and Nobility. These events
often repeated, which may be termed the effects of _chance_, give
us latitude to suppose the Motto may, on the other hand, relate to
those casual means, whereby the Family rose to the honour of the
Peerage.

  [327] Nisbet's Heraldry, p. 154.

These are the only two conjectures I have to offer; and I do not at
present meet with any other historical matter to warrant a third.

       *       *       *       *       *

LESLIE, Earl of ROTHES.--The Motto of this Family is "Grip (or
Gripe) Fast[328]," and seems to contain a double allusion; first
to the old Motto "Firmâ Spe," and afterwards to some parts of the
additional Armorial Appendages. I call it the old Motto, from the
account Mr. Nisbet gives of the original Bearing and its adjuncts;
_viz._ "Argent, on a Fess, between two Cross-Croslets Azure,
Three Buckles Or." Crest, "A Griphon's (or Griffin's) Head couped
Proper, charged with a Cross-Croslet fitched Argent." Motto, "Firmâ
Spe."[329] Herein the Cross-Croslets repeated, taken together with
the new Motto, admit of a religious allusion, as _holding fast_ the
Faith of Christ with _firm Hope_, expressed allegorically by the
Head of the Griffin. It may therefore be conceived, that the change
of the Motto might take place after the Family, on being ennobled,
chose Griffins for Supporters; thereby giving a loose and whimsical
translation, if I may call it so, of "Firmâ Spe," by the words
"Grip Fast." The ancient Bearings of the Cross-Croslets are now
discharged, nothing remaining on the Field but a _Bend_, instead of
a _Fess_, charged with Three Buckles; so that the meaning, couched
under the Cross-Croslets, the Griffin's Head, and the original words
of the Motto, is entirely lost: and at present nothing remains but
a quaint allusion to the group of those chimerical Animals. The
_Buckles_, borne first on the _Fess_, and afterwards on the _Bend_
(a Change not uncommon as a Difference, in token of Cadency or
Cadetship in Scotland), may likewise have regard to that strong
metaphorical description of Christian Defence against the Powers
of Darkness in the Sixth Chapter of the Epistle to the Ephesians,
or to the First Epistle to the Thessalonians (Chap. v. 21). "Hold
fast that which is good;" _viz_. the Faith and Hope in the Cross
of Christ. In support of this idea, as being primarily religious,
it appears that one subordinate Branch of the Family (_Leslie_ of
Talloch) bears for a Crest, not a Griffin's, but "An Eagle's Neck,
with Two Heads erased Sable;" with the Motto "Hold Fast:" and
another has for its Motto "Keep Fast:"[330] so that _Grip_, or
_Gripe Fast_, may be considered as a mere canting Motto, arising
from old Heraldic wit. _Leslie_ of Burdsbank, carries the quartered
Coat of the Earl of Rothes, with Differences; with the _Crest_, "A
Buckle Or," and the Motto "Keep Fast."

  [328] The traditional Family History of this Motto is, that a
  Countess of Rothes (then Head of the House in her own right), riding
  behind a servant through a dangerous ford, had nearly lost her seat
  from fear; when the man, encouraging her by the words "_Gryp Fast_,"
  the Countess took the advice, was rescued from imminent danger, and
  her life preserved. This account of the origin of the Motto was
  given by one of the Family to a Friend of mine; but how far it may
  gain credit I do not determine.

  [329] Nisbet's Heraldry, vol. i. p. 96.

  [330] Nisbet's Heraldry, vol. I. ubi supra.

       *       *       *       *       *

I close this attempt (for I call it nothing more) with a singular
Motto of a Private Family.

HAIG, or perhaps _Haigh_, of Bemerside, has for the Family Motto
"Tyde what may," founded on a Prophecy of Sir Thomas Lermont (well
known in Scotland by the name of "Thomas the Rhymer," because he
wrote his Prophecies in Rhyme), who was an Herald in the Reign of
Alexander III. He is said to have foretold the time of his own
death; and particularly, among other remarkable occurrences, the
Union of England and Scotland, which was not accomplished till the
Reign of James VI. some hundreds of years after this Gentleman died.
These Prophecies were never published in a perfect state; but the
Epitome of them is well known in Scotland, though Mr. Nisbet says
it is very erroneous. The original, he tells us, is a Folio MS.
which Mr. Nisbet seems to have seen; for he adds, "Many things are
missing in the small book which are to be met with in the original,
particularly these two lines, concerning his (Sir Thomas Lermont's)
neighbour, Haig of Bemerside:

    'Tyde what may betide,
    Haig shall be Laird of Bemerside.'

"And," continues Mr. Nisbet, "his Prophecy concerning that ancient
Family has hitherto been true; for since that time till this day
(1702) the Haigs have been Lairds of that place."[331]

  [331] Nisbet's Cadencies, pp. 158, 159.

       *       *       *       *       *

"Cave Adsum" is the Motto of JARDIN, of Applegirth, Bart. in
Scotland. The Ingredients (as they may be called) to which
it alludes, are very dispersed, and to be collected from the
Supporters, the Bearing, and Crest: the Arms having "Three Mullets
charged on the Chief;" the Supporters, "An Armed Man and a Horse;"
and the Crest, "A Mullet or Spur-Rowel." This might allude to Justs
and Tournaments[332].

  [332] See Nisbet's Heraldry.

       *       *       *       *       *

I shall conclude with one Irish Motto; that of FITZGERALD--"_Crom
a Boo_;" a Cri de Guerre, or Term of Defiance. _A Boo_ means _the
Cause_, or the _Party_, and _Crom_ was the ancient Castle of the
Fitz-Geralds. So _Butler_ a _Boo_ meant the Ormond Party, the Cri on
the other side; by which they insulted each other, and consequently
frays and skirmishes ensued[333].

  [333] I owe this observation to my noble Friend, and kind
  Correspondent, Lord Dacre.

       *       *       *       *       *

Simon Fitz-Alan had a Son Robert, who, being of a fair complexion,
was called _Boyt_, or _Boyd_, from the Celtic or Gallic word
_Boidh_, which signifies fair or _yellow_[334], from which he
assumed his Sur-name, and from him all the Boyds in Scotland are
descended[335].

  [334] So _Douglas_ means White Man. See "Armories."

  [335] Douglas, p. 373.

_Canmore_ is a Sobriquet. So might _GoldBerry_, from the colour
of Boyd's hair. Sobriquets common in England and France; there
was scarce a French King without some addition, relative to their
persons, or to their good or bad qualities.

_Goldberry_ is a Slughorn, for the Motto is _Confido_, as applying
to the confidence the Chief had in the Vassals belonging to the
Clan; though by the modern Crest (a Thumb and two Fingers pointing
to Heaven) it seems to admit of a religious interpretation.




DISSERTATION

ON

Coaches.


Every thing has History belonging to it, though perhaps it is seldom
worth investigation; and what follows will, I suspect, be thought
not unlike Gratiano's reasons; _viz_. "As two grains of wheat hid
in two bushels of chaff; you shall seek all day ere you find them,
and when you have them, they are not worth the search[336]." But,
as the History of Coaches in general, and particularly of Hackney
Coaches, has never been drawn together, I shall attempt to do it as
an historical detail of that species of luxury.

  [336] Merchant of Venice.

The Nobleman, and the man of fortune, steps into his own carriage;
and the humbler orders of men into their occasional coach, even
with the gout upon them, when walking is out of the question;
without ever thinking with the smallest gratitude of those who
introduced or improved such a convenience; and all this because
these Vehicles are now too common to attract our notice further than
their immediate use suggests.

It is the business of Antiquaries to rescue subjects of this sort
from oblivion, as to their origin, their improvements, &c. to the
present hour; who of course must leave it to others of the same
class, to shew their decline; for it is not improbable that even the
present gay families, or their posterity, may be witnesses of such a
revolution.

       *       *       *       *       *

The first Wheel-Carriages of the Coach kind were in use with us
in the Reign of King Richard II., and were called _Whirlicotes_;
though we cannot but suppose they were such as, but for the name of
riding, our ancestors might as well have walked on foot. Let us
hear the account given either by Master John Stowe, or some of his
Editors, on this matter, who tells us that "Coaches were not known
in this Island; but Chariots, or _Whirlicotes_, then so called, and
they only used of Princes, or men of great estates, such as had
their footmen about them. And for example to note, I read[337] that
Richard II. being threatened by the Rebels of Kent, rode from the
Tower of London to the Miles-End, and with him his Mother, because
she was sick and weak, in a Whirlicote.... But in the year next
following, the said Richard took to wife Anne, daughter to the King
of Bohemia, who first brought hither the riding upon side-saddles;
and so was the riding in those _Whirlicotes_ and Chariots forsaken,
except at Coronations, and such like spectacles. But now of late,"
continues he, "the use of Coaches brought out of Germany, is taken
up and made so common, as there is neither distinction of time, nor
difference of persons, observed; for the world runs on wheels with
many whose parents were glad to go on foot[338]."

  [337] He cites Lib. S. Mariæ Aborum.

  [338] Survey of London and Westminster, book i.

We may hence suppose that the _Whirlicote_ was not much more than a
Litter upon Wheels, and adapted both to state and invalidity, among
the higher orders of mankind; for we have seen that they gave place
even to riding on Horseback, among the Ladies, as soon as proper
Saddles were introduced.

The word _Coach_ is evidently French, from their word _Carrosse_,
and was formerly often written _Carroche_, as it appears in Stowe's
Chronicle, where the two words appear almost in the same sentence.
The French word, nevertheless, is not radically such, but formed
from the Italian _Carroccio_, or _Carrozza_, for they have both;
and that even the latter is a compound of _Carro Rozzo_, it being
a _red_ Carriage, whereon the Italians carried the Cross when they
took the field. So says Mr. Menage[339]; and if so, this Vehicle
passed from Italy to Germany, from thence to France, and at length
to us. According to Mr. De Caseneuve, the Italian _Carrocio_ had
four wheels; and he adds to what Mr. Menage has said, that they
carried their Standards upon it[340].

  [339] Orig. Ital.

  [340] Appendix to Menage, Orig. Fr.

The French _Charrette_, from whence our _Chariot_[341], had but two
wheels. But we may observe how our word is degraded, for it properly
signifies a _Cart_, though it had four wheels[342]. The French,
since Coaches came into use, have been ashamed of the term, and call
it a Carrosse Coupé, or Half-Coach.

  [341] Chariot--v. Carruca in Du Cange. Used in France at the end of
the Reign of Francis I. and Henry II.

  [342] Richelet.

By the above account the _Chariot_ seems to have been the elder
Vehicle, or rather the Coach in its infancy; which will lead us
towards the etymon of our word _Coach_, and to the original nature
of our _Chariot_, though both of them have the same common parent.

We may, however, collect enough from these accounts, to satisfy
ourselves that the introduction of Coaches took place in the Reign
of Queen Elizabeth; and Stowe's Continuator adds a very natural
consequence:--That, after the Royal example, "divers great ladies
made them Coaches, and rode in them up and down the countries, to
the great admiration of all the beholders." After this, he tells us,
they grew common among the Nobility and opulent Gentry; that within
twenty years Coach-making became a great trade, and that Coaches
grew into more general use soon after the accession of King James.

What sort of Carriages they originally were with us, in point of
elegance, is not easily said; but in Germany, about that period, we
are told they were--"ugly Vehicles made of four boards, which were
put together in a very clumsy manner[343]." Of these, however, my
Author adds, that John Sigismund, Elector of Brandenburg, when he
went to Warsaw to do homage for the Dutchy of Prussia, A. D. 1618,
had in his train thirty-six of these Coaches, each drawn by six
horses.

  [343] Memoirs of the House of Brandenburg, p. 222.

Either the Chariots of that time were usually more elegant, or the
Denmarkers had more taste than the Germans; for the same Author
tells us, that, when the King of Denmark passed through Berlin, in
the Reign of the Elector John George, who died 1598, the King made
his entry "in a black-velvet Chariot, laced with gold; drawn by
eight white coursers, with bits and caparisons all of silver[344]."

  [344] Memoirs, p. 221.

The Chariot I take to have been a much more ancient Vehicle, and an
open Vehicle; for we read of them in the Reign of our Henry VII. and
even of our Richard II.

Queen Elizabeth, when she went to St. Paul's, 1588, after the
Spanish Armada, was in a _Chariot_ supported by four pillars, and
drawn by two white horses[345].

  [345] Nichols's Preface to Queen Elizabeth's Progresses, p. xxiii.

It is generally agreed, by those Writers who have touched upon the
subject, that Coaches were introduced into this Kingdom in the Reign
of Queen Elizabeth; but they must have had an earlier appearance
amongst us than Anderson, in his History of Commerce, vol. I. p.
421, allows, who affirms, that the first of them was brought hither
by [Henry] Fitz-Alan, the last Earl of Arundel of that name, in the
year 1580; which cannot be the truth; for his Lordship died 1579.
This Earl, after having served Kings Henry VIII. and Edward VI. and
Queen Mary, became likewise high in the favour of Queen Elizabeth,
and was Lord Steward of her Household; but, finding himself
supplanted by the Earl of Leicester, he went abroad A. D. 1566[346].
It is to be supposed that he travelled to the sea-coast in the
accustomed manner on Horseback; but he is said to have returned in
his Coach, which, Mr. Granger says, was the first Equipage of the
kind ever seen in England[347]; but that Author has left us without
the date; so that we are yet to seek for that point.

  [346] Camden's Elizabeth.

  [347] Biographical History of England, I. 193, 8vo.

Another Writer robs his Lordship entirely of the honour of such
introduction; for Stowe's Continuator expressly says, that "In
the year 1564 (two years before the Earl of Arundel went abroad),
Guilliam Boonen, a Dutchman, became the Queen's Coachman, and was
the first that brought the use of Coaches into England[348]." This
very Coachman is said also to have driven the Queen's Coach, when
she visited Oxford, 1592. Which of these two stories be true, the
Relaters, Granger and Stowe, must answer for: but Anderson is
palpably wrong in his date.

  [348] Chronicle, p. 867. This Coachman's Wife had also the honour of
  introducing the Art of Starching Cambric and Lawn, and was the first
  Starcher the Queen had. Idem in eod.

I can form no better an idea of our first Coaches than that they
were heavy and unwieldy, as they continued to be for nearly two
centuries afterwards; and I can at best but take the standard from
the present State Coaches of the Archbishop of Canterbury and the
Speaker of the House of Commons[349].

  [349] I must here stop a moment to relate an Anecdote of the late
  Right Honourable Arthur Onslow, when Speaker of the House of
  Commons, whose ideas of travelling did not exceed the expedition of
  a pair of horses tugging his own lumbering State Coach. King George
  II. died on Saturday morning early, October 25, 1760. The Duke of
  Devonshire (then at Chatsworth) was Lord Chamberlain; and the Duke
  of Rutland (then at Belvoir Castle) was Lord Steward. Expresses
  were dispatched to these great Officers, among others, immediately;
  and the Duke of Devonshire arrived in Town on the Monday evening,
  though the distance was 150 miles. Tuesday and Wednesday came, but
  without the Lord Steward, to the utter astonishment of the Speaker,
  who knew that his distance from the Metropolis was not so great
  as that of the Duke of Devonshire, who had arrived on the Monday.
  "But I am told," cried he, "that his Grace of Devonshire travels
  at a prodigious rate; not less than _50 miles a day_!" Such was
  the prejudice of ideas, confirmed by long habitude, in a man who
  never extended his journeys further than his Seat in Surrey, a few
  miles from London; and in Parliament time did little more than
  oscillate between his Town House and the House of Commons.--It was
  a misconception on the part of the Duke of Rutland, who understood
  that the King of Prussia was dead, and not King George II. I mention
  the circumstance, only to shew the ignorance of some parts of
  mankind, when taken out of their routine.--The Duke of Devonshire at
  that time usually ran to or from Chatsworth in about 18 or 20 hours.

It cannot be any matter of surprize, after so luxurious a conveyance
had found its way into the Royal Establishment, that it should be
adopted by others who could support the expence, when not curbed by
sumptuary laws; and we have accordingly seen, that Coaches prevailed
much, early in the Reign of King James; but Hackney Coaches, which
are professedly the Subject of this Memoir, waited till luxury had
made larger strides among us, and till private Coaches came to
market at second hand.


HACKNEY COACH.

There having always been an imitative luxury in mankind, whereby the
inferior orders might approximate the superior; so those that could
not maintain a Coach _de die in diem_ contrived a means of having
the use of one _de horâ in horam_. Hence arose our occasional
Vehicles called Hackney Coaches.

The French word _Haquenée_[350] implies a common horse for all
purposes of riding, whether for private use or for hire; generally
an ambler, as distinguished from the horses of superior orders,
such as the _palfrey_ and the _great horse_. The former of these
are often called _pad-nags_, and were likewise _amblers_; while
horses for draught were called _trotting-horses_[351]: so that the
_Haquenée_ was in fact, and in his use, distinct from all the rest,
and inferior in rank and quality. This term for an ambling-nag
occurs in Chaucer[352]. Thus we obtained our _Haquenée_ or _Hackney
Horses_ long before we had any Coaches to tack to them; and the
term had likewise, at the same time, made its way into metaphor, to
express any thing much and promiscuously used. Thus Shakspeare, who
never lived to ride in a _Hackney Coach_, applies the word _Hackney_
to a common woman of easy access[353]: and again, in the First Part
of Henry IV. (Act iii. Sc. 4), the King says to the Prince of Wales,

  [350] See the French Lexicographers.

  [351] Northumberland Household Book, p. 127.

  [352] The Romaunt of the Rose.

  [353] Love's Labour's Lost, Act ii. Sc. 2.

    "Had I so lavish of my presence been,
    So common-_hackneyed_ in the eyes of men,
    So stale and cheap to vulgar company," &c.

Now Shakspeare died in the year 1616; whereas Hackney Coaches were
not known, in the Streets at least, till about the year 1625[354].

  [354] Mortimer's Pocket Dictionary.

Though the term _Haquenée_ is French, it is not used in France
for Coaches of a like kind; yet, after we had adopted the word as
applied to horses of the common sort, it was easy to put them in
harness, for the service of drawing, and the convenience of the
Inhabitants of the Metropolis; whereby the word _Hackney_ became
transferred to the whole Equipage, then in want of a differential
name; whereof the Coach, being the more striking part, obtained the
name by pre-eminence.

Before I return to my subject, give me leave to add a word or
two on the French Coaches of a similar nature, which are called
_Fiacres_[355]. The term is thus accounted for, though I did not
suspect I should have found the meaning in a Martyrology. _Fiacre_
was the name of a Saint, whose Portrait, like those of many other
famous men of their times both in Church and State, had the honour
to adorn a Sign-Post; and the Inn in Paris, Rue St. Antoine,
from which these Coaches were first let out to hire on temporary
occasions, had the Sign of _St. Fiacre_, and from thence they took
their name. M. Richelet, in his Dictionary[356], tells us, that a
_Fiacre_ is "Carosse de loüage, auquel on a donné ce nom à cause
de l'Enseigne d'un logis de la Rue St. Antoine de Paris ou l'on
a premierement löué ces sortes de Carosse. Ce logis avoit pour
Enseigne un _Saint Fiacre_." As to the Saint himself, he was no less
a personage than the second Son, and at length Heir, of Eugenius
IV. King of Scots, who lived in the Seventh Century. He went into
France, took a religious habit, refusing the Crown of Scotland some
years afterwards, on his Brother's death; and, when he died, was
canonized. There is a Chapel dedicated to him at St. Omer's. His
death is commemorated on the 30th of August[357].

  [355] About the same period that our Hackney Coaches became in use,
  a sort of Carriage arose at Paris under the name of a _Fiacre_. I
  mention them to account for the term, which in the common French
  Dictionaries is simply rendered a Hackney Coach.

  [356] Voc. _Fiacre_. See also Menage, Orig. de la Langue Françoise.

  [357] English Martyrology. Moreri's Dictionary. Collyer. St. Fiacre
  was the Patron Saint of persons afflicted with the _Piles_. "The
  Troops of Henry V. are said to have pillaged the Chapel of the
  Highland Saint; who, in revenge, assisted his Countrymen in the
  French Service to defeat the English at Bauge; and afterwards
  afflicted Henry with the _Piles_, of which he died. This Prince
  complained, that he was not only plagued by the living Scots, but
  even persecuted by those who were dead." Smollett's Travels, Letter
  IV.

  N. B. There was a Prelate of the name _Fiachre_ in Ireland, whose
  death is remembered there on the 8th of February. He lived about the
  same time. [British Piety, in the Supplement]. He was not a Saint.

As to the time when the French _Fiacres_ first came into use, we are
led pretty nearly to it by Mr. Menage, who, in his "Origines de la
Langue Françoise," published in Quarto, 1650, speaks of them as of a
late introduction. His words are, "On appelle ainsi [Fiacre] à Paris
_depuis quelques années_ un Carosse de loüage." He then gives the
same reason as we find in Richelet: but the words "_depuis quelques
Années_" shew, that those Coaches had not then been long in use, and
are to be dated either a little before or a little after our own;
insomuch that it is probable the one gave the example to the other,
allowing Mr. Menage credit for twenty-five years, comprehended in
his expression of _quelques Années_[358].

  [358] It is a little singular, that neither Cotgrave himself, in his
  Dictionary, first published in 1611, nor his Editor, James Howell,
  either in his Edition of 1650, or in that of 1673, take any notice
  of the word _Fiacre_ in the sense before us.

But to return to our Hackney Coaches, which took birth A. D. 1625
(the first year of King Charles I.); and either began to ply in
the Streets, or stood ready at Inns to be called for if wanted: and
at that time did not exceed _twenty_ in number[359]. But, as luxury
makes large shoots in any branch where it puts forth, so we find
that, in no more than ten years, this new-planted scyon had grown so
much as to require the pruning-knife; for that the Street Coaches
had become in reality a national nuisance in various particulars:
and accordingly a Proclamation issued A.D. 1635 in the following
words:

     "That the great numbers of Hackney Coaches of late time seen
     and kept in London, Westminster, and their Suburbs, and the
     general and promiscuous use of Coaches there, were not only
     _a great disturbance to his_ Majesty, his dearest Consort the
     Queen, the Nobility, and others of place and degree, in their
     passage through the Streets_; but the Streets themselves were
     so pestered, and the pavements so broken up, that the common
     passage is thereby hindered and made dangerous; and the prices
     of hay and provender, and other provisions of stable, thereby
     made exceeding dear: Wherefore we expressly command and forbid,
     That, from the Feast of St. John the Baptist next coming,
     no Hackney or Hired Coaches be used or suffered in London,
     Westminster, or the Suburbs or Liberties thereof, except they be
     to travel at least _three_ miles out of London or Westminster,
     or the Suburbs thereof. And also, that no person shall go in a
     Coach in the said Streets, except the owner of the Coach shall
     constantly keep up _Four able Horses for our Service, when
     required_[360]. Dated January 19, 1635-6."

  [359] Anderson on Commerce, II. 20.

  [360] Rymer, tom. XIX. p. 721.

This Proclamation, so long as it was observed, must have put a
considerable check to the use of these Carriages; nor can I think it
could operate much in the King's favour, as it would hardly be worth
a Coach-Master's while to be at so great a contingent charge as the
keeping of Four Horses to be furnished at a moment's warning for his
Majesty's occasional employment. We are to construe this, then, as
amounting to a prohibition, on account of the certain expence which
must follow an uncertain occupation. The nature of this penalty, as
I may call it, was founded on the Statute of Purveyance, not then
repealed.

But there was another co-operating cause that suspended the use
of Coaches for a short time, which was the introduction of the
_Hackney Chairs_, which took place a very little while before the
Proclamation. They arose from the incommodities stated in the Royal
Edict, and, no doubt, tended in some measure towards the suppression
of the Hackney-Coaches; till by degrees being found incompetent
to answer all their seemingly intended purposes, we shall see the
Coaches, in about _two_ years time, return into the streets, and
resume their functions. But to proceed with the History of the
_Chairs_. At the critical time, then, when Government was devising
measures to prevent the increase of _Coaches_ as much as possible,
for the reasons alleged in the Proclamation, there stepped in a
Knight, by name Sir Saunders Duncombe, a Gentleman-Pensioner, and a
travelled man, who proposed the introduction of _Chairs_, after the
model he had seen abroad[361]. This was in the year 1634; when Sir
Saunders obtained an exclusive Patent for the setting them forth
for hire, dated the first day of October, for the term of _fourteen_
years. The number is not specified, but left perhaps indefinite,
it being impossible to say what would be necessary in a new device
of this sort, tending to be beneficial to the introductor, as well
as convenient to the Publick. The tenor of the Grant, omitting the
words of course, runs thus:

  "CHARLES, &c.

  [361] He was knighted, together with fourteen other Gentlemen of
  the Band, by King James, in Scotland, 1617; as appears from a
  Catalogue of Knights, published by J. P. Esq. 1660.

     "Whereas the several Streets and Passages within our Cities of
     _London_ and _Westminster_, and the Suburbs of the same, are of
     late time so much encumbered and pestered with the unnecessary
     multitude of Coaches therein used, that many of our good and
     loving Subjects are by that means oftentimes exposed to great
     danger; and the necessary use of Carts and Carriages for the
     necessary Provisions of the said Cities and Suburbs thereby
     also much hindered. And whereas, our servant, _Sir Sanders
     Duncombe_, Knight, hath lately preferred his humble Petition
     unto us; thereby shewing, that in many parts beyond the Seas,
     the people there are much carried in the Streets in Chairs that
     are covered; by which means very few Coaches are used amongst
     them: and thereof he hath humbly besought us to grant unto him
     the sole using and putting forth to hire of certain covered
     Chairs, which he will procure to be made at his own proper costs
     and charges, for carrying such of our loving Subjects as shall
     desire to use the same, in and about our said Cities of _London_
     and _Westminster_, and the Suburbs thereof.

     "Know ye, that we, of our princely care of the good and welfare
     of all our loving Subjects, desiring to use all good and
     lawful ways and means that may tend to the suppressing of the
     excessive and unnecessary number of Coaches now of late used
     in and about our said Cities, and the Suburbs thereof; and to
     the intent the said _Sir Sanders Duncombe_ may reap some fruit
     and benefit of his industry, and may recompense himself of the
     costs, charges, and expences, which he shall be at in and about
     the directing, making, procuring, and putting in use of the
     said covered Chairs, of the purpose aforesaid; and for divers
     other good causes and considerations, us hereunto moving, of
     our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, have
     given and granted, and by these Presents, for Us, our Heirs
     and Successors, do give and grant, unto the said _Sir Sanders
     Duncombe_, his Executors, Administrators, and Assigns, and
     to his and their, and every of their, Deputy and Deputies,
     Servants, Workmen, Factors, and Agents, and to all and every
     such person and persons as shall have power and authority
     from him, them, or any of them, in that behalf, full and free
     Licence, Privilege, Power, and Authority, that they only, and
     none other, shall or may, from time to time, during the term of
     fourteen years hereafter granted, use, put forth, and lett to
     hire, within our said Cities of _London_ and _Westminster_, and
     the Suburbs and Precincts thereof, or in any part of them, or
     any of them, the said covered Chairs, to be carried and borne as
     aforesaid.

     "Witness Ourself at _Canbury_, the First day of October[362]."

  [362] Rymer, tom. XIX. p. 572.

The place principally hinted at in the above Grant, or Patent, seems
to have been the City of _Sedan_ in Champagne; where, we are at
liberty to suppose, these covered Chairs being most in use, they
obtained with us the name of _Sedan Chairs_, like the local names of
_Berlin_ and _Landau_[363].

  [363] Mr. Reed, the Editor of the Old Plays [2d Edit. 1780], from
  the above account, must therefore certainly be in an error, when
  he supposes that _Sedan Chairs_ were the introduction of the Duke
  of Buckingham, about the year 1619. [See Note to vol. V. p. 475.]
  _Sedan_--mentioned by the name only in the Life of Dr. Thomas
  Fuller, 1661, 18mo. p. 57.

These new Vehicles, hitherto unseen in our orbit, had, doubtless,
patrons among the beaus and fine gentlemen of the age; though, in
their general utility, they manifestly could not be so commodious
as Coaches, were it for no other reason than that they could carry
but one person. They might prevail with persons of a certain rank
and description; but the opulent Merchant, and others in a similar
line of family life, still were in want of a conveyance of greater
capacity; a circumstance which would depress the _Chairs_, and
gradually hasten the re-introduction of the _Coaches_, and which,
as has been observed, took place accordingly in little more than
two years. The following special commission was therefore granted
by the King, A. D. 1637, wherein the number of the Coaches seems
rather to have enlarged, and the management of them was placed in
the department of the Master of the Horse. It runs essentially in
the following words:

     "That we, finding it very requisite for our Nobility and Gentry,
     as well as for Foreign Ambassadors, Strangers, and others,
     that there should be a competent number of Hackney Coaches
     allowed for such uses, have, by the advice of our Privy Council,
     thought fit to allow _Fifty Hackney Coachmen_ in and about
     London and Westminster; limiting them not to keep above Twelve
     Horses a-piece. We therefore grant to you [the Marquis] during
     your Life, the Power and Authority to license _Fifty_ Hackney
     Coachmen, who shall keep no more than Twelve good Horses each,
     for their, or any of their, Coach and Coaches respectively. You
     also hereby have Power to license so many in other Cities and
     Towns of England as in your wisdom shall be thought necessary;
     with power to restrain and prohibit all others from keeping any
     Hackney Coach to let to hire, either in London or elsewhere.
     Also to prescribe _Rules_ and _Orders_ concerning the daily
     _Prices_ of the said licensed Hackney Coachmen, to be by them,
     or any of them, taken for _our own_ particular service, and in
     their employment for our Subjects; provided such orders be first
     allowed by us, under our Royal Hand."[364]

  [364] Rymer, tom. XX. fol. 159.

We may observe that the article of Purveyance is here very gently
touched upon, and confined to a sign-manual. Mr. Anderson supposes
that there must have been many more than _fifty_ Coaches introduced
by the above allowance of _twelve_ horses; but it seems rather to
imply that no Coach-Master should engross more than six Coaches to
himself. This also might be a tacit mode of preserving a supply of
horses to be purveyed for the King when necessary.

One may collect from hence that private Coaches were sparingly kept,
by the mention of the Nobility and Gentry.

Hitherto we have found the Hackney Coaches under the regulation
of the Crown, or its immediate Officers; but we are now to look
for them at a time when the Monarchical Government was suspended,
during the Protectorate. Whether the Master of the Horse received
any emolument from granting the above Licences, is not apparent;
but under the Commonwealth we find that the Coaches became subject
to a tax towards the expence of their regulation; for by an Act
of Oliver's Parliament, A. D. 1654, the number of such Coaches,
within London and Westminster, was enlarged to _two hundred_[365].
The outlying distance was also augmented to _six_ miles _round
the late lines of communication_, as the Statute expresses it; by
which I conceive that the greatest distance was extended to _nine_
miles, including the _three_ prescribed, or rather enjoined, by the
regulating proclamation of King Charles I. in the year 1635. By this
Act of Oliver's Parliament, the government of the Hackney Coaches,
with respect to their _stands_, _rates_, &c. was placed in the
Court of Aldermen of London; and as, of course, this new business
would require Clerks, and other officers, to supervise it, the
Coach-Masters were made subject to the payment of _twenty shillings_
yearly for every such Coach.

  [365] Anderson says _three hundred_, but that must be an error; for
  the Docquet of the Act in Scobel says, that "the number of persons
  keeping Hackney Coaches shall not at one time exceed _two hundred_."
  This must apply to the number of Carriages; and so Sir William
  Blackstone understood it. Commentaries, vol. I, 4to.

Here we have brought the Coaches under a Police similar to
that of our own time; but it did not long remain in the hands
of the Corporation; for in the year after the Restoration, the
establishment was new-modelled by an Act of the 13th and 14th of
King Charles II. 1661, wherein it is specified that no Coaches
were to be used without a Licence,--who may be entitled to such
Licences,--that the number shall not exceed 400,--what shall be the
rates,--with penalties for exacting more[366].

  [366] See the Act in the Statute Book.

Each of these four hundred Coaches so licensed was obliged to
pay annually five pounds for the privilege, to be applied towards
the keeping in repair certain parts of the streets of London and
Westminster[367]; a very rational appropriation of such fund, for
who ought so much to contribute to the amendment of the streets, as
those who lived by their demolition?

  "Nex Lex æquior ulla, quam," &c.

Within a few years after the Revolution (anno 5 Gul. et Mar. ch.
xxii.) the number of Coaches arose to seven hundred, each of which
paid to the Crown annually four pounds. This, primâ facie, one
would suppose was a relief to the Coach-Masters, and that the
reduction in the impost accrued from the number; but that was not
the case, for every Owner, for each Coach, was constrained to pay
down fifty pounds for his first Licence for twenty-one years, or
forego his employment; which seeming indulgence was, in fact, paying
five pounds _per annum_ for that term; whereas, probably, the
Coach-Master would rather have continued at the former five pounds,
and have run all risks, than have purchased an exclusive privilege,
in the gross, at so high a price.

  [367] Anderson, II. 115. Journals of the House of Commons.
  Blackstone.

The finances, and even the resources, of Government, must have been
very low at this moment, or Ministry could never have stooped to so
paltry and oppressive an expedient, to raise so small a sum as would
arise from these Licences. By the increase of the number of Coaches
from four hundred at five pounds _per annum_, to seven hundred
at four pounds _per annum_, the gain to the Treasury was £.800
annually:--and what did the licences at fifty pounds each Coach, for
the term of twenty-one years, yield to the State?--£.3,500! Whereas,
had such lease of the privilege of driving a Coach been kept at the
rack rent of five pounds _per annum_, it had produced in that period
£.14,700.

Thus, however the matter rested, till the ninth year of Queen Anne,
1710, when a Statute was made, which brought the business to its
present standard, with a few variations, which will be observed in
the order of time. By this Act every circumstance was new modelled;
for thereby the Crown was impowered to appoint five Commissioners
for regulating and licensing both Hackney Coaches and Chairs,
from the time the late Statute of the fifth of William and Mary
should expire, _viz._ at Midsummer A. D. 1715, authorizing such
Commissioners to grant licences to eight hundred Hackney Coaches
from that time for the term of thirty-two years, which should be
allowed to be driven in the Cities of London and Westminster, and
the Suburbs thereof, or any where within the Bills of Mortality;
each Coach paying for such privilege the sum of five shillings _per_
week[368]. It was at the same time enacted, that from the 24th of
June, 1711, all _horses_ to be used with an Hackney Coach shall be
fourteen hands high, according to the standard; and further, that
every _Coach_ and _Chair_ shall have a mark of distinction, "by
_figure_ or otherwise," as the Commissioners shall think fit; and
"the said _mark_ shall be placed on each side of every such Coach
and Chair respectively, in the most convenient place to be taken
notice of, to the end that they may be known if any complaints shall
be made of them[369]."

  [368] By Monthly Payments.

  [369] The Figures of the Chairs are too small and inconspicuous;
  there should be one both on the outside and inside of each.

This was all that could then be done respecting the _Coaches_,
forasmuch as the old term of twenty-one years, granted in the
fifth year of William and Mary, 1694, was subsisting, whereby
seven hundred Coaches were allowed, and for which privilege the
Owners had paid fifty pounds each, on whom Government shewed some
tenderness. With regard, however, to regulation, &c. there was,
no doubt, room sufficient for the exercise of the powers given to
the Commissioners. There was, likewise, another object involved in
this Statute; _viz._ the _Chairs_, which were not comprehended in
the same agreement and contract with the Coaches, but were open
immediately to new laws. Therefore under the same commissions was
placed the management and licensing of the Hackney Chairs, to
commence from the 24th of June in the following year, 1711, for the
said term of thirty-two years; which were thereby limited to the
number of _two hundred_, each paying for such licence the annual
sum of ten shillings[370]. As the number of both Coaches and Chairs
was enlarged, whereby many new persons would come forward, perhaps
to the ousting of the old Coach-Masters and Chair-Masters, it is
required by this Act that the Commissioners shall give a preference
to such of the Lessees, as I may call them, whose terms had not then
expired, whether the right remained in themselves or their widows,
if they applied within a given time[371].

  [370] By Quarterly Payments. Thus the Power of the Commissioners
  over the Chairs arose before that over the Coaches.

  [371] Some Lawsuits having arisen from this Clause, it was explained
  by a short Act of the 12th year of the Queen (1713), subjecting such
  _Widows_ to the same Rules, Penalties, &c. made, or to be made, as
  any acting Chairman. And thus it continues to this day; for the
  owner of a _Figure_, as it is called, is answerable for certain
  faults of his or her assignee.

By this statute likewise the rates were limited to time and
distance, at ten shillings by the Day.--One shilling and six
pence for the first Hour, and one shilling for every succeeding
Hour.--One shilling for the distance of a mile and a half.--One
shilling and six pence for any distance more than a mile and a half,
and not exceeding two miles; and so on, in the proportion of six
pence for every succeeding half mile.

The Chairs are likewise at the same time rated at two-thirds of the
distance prescribed to the Coaches, so that they were allowed to
take one shilling for a mile, and six pence for every succeeding
half mile.

Though the time of waiting is not specified in the Act with regard
to the Chairs, yet it follows, by implication, to be intended the
same as the Coaches. These have been altered by a very late Statute,
1785. It is well known that it is left in the option of either
Coachmen or Chairmen, whether they will be paid by the distance or
the time, which is but a reasonable privilege; but there is another
circumstance, not generally known, of which the passengers are not
perhaps aware, _viz_. that if the room which a Coach will occupy
in turning about should exceed the distance allowed, the Coachman
is entitled to a larger fare, that is, as much as if he had gone
another half mile. The doctrine is the same respecting Chairs, and
the room allowed is eight yards in the case of a Coach, and four
yards in the case of a Chair. As the Statute gives all competent
allowances to the Coachmen and Chairmen, so it was requisite, on
the other hand, to make the contract obligatory, and that each of
them should be compellable to perform their parts; and therefore,
to do this, and at the same time to prevent extortion, it became
necessary to add a severe penal clause, _viz._ "that if any
Hackney-Coachman or Chairman shall refuse to go at, or shall exact
more for his hire than, the several rates hereby limited, he shall,
for every such offence, forfeit the sum of _forty shillings_." These
penalties were, by this Act, to have gone in the proportion of
_two_-thirds to the Queen, and _one_-third to the Plaintiff. [Since
made half to the Crown and half to the Complainant.] The Coachmen
and Chairmen are thereby likewise liable to be deprived of their
Licences for misbehaviour, or by giving abusive language[372]. On
the other hand, that the Coachmen and Chairmen might have a remedy
in case of refusal to pay them their just fare, any Justice of the
Peace is impowered, upon complaint, to issue a warrant to bring
before him the Recusant, and to award reasonable satisfaction to
the party aggrieved, or otherwise to bind him over to the next
Quarter-Session, where the Bench is empowered to levy the said
satisfaction by distress. The Act proceeds to other matters touching
the Commissioners themselves, &c.; and then states, that whereas by
a Statute of the 29th of Charles II. the use of all Hackney Coaches
and Chairs had been prohibited on Sundays, it gives full power both
to stand and to ply as on other days.[373]

  [372] Turned afterwards into a mulct.

  [373] Restrained by a subsequent Act.

This is the substance of the Act before us; but it may here be
observed, that in the 10th year of the Queen, 1711, _one hundred
more Chairs_ were added by Statute, subject to the same regulations
as the rest, being found not only convenient but necessary; as the
number of Coaches, consistently with Public Faith, could not be
enlarged till the year 1715, when the old term of twenty-one years
should have expired.

Before all the provisions in the Act of the year 1710, referred to
the future period of 1715, could take place, a demise of the Crown
intervened, A. D. 1714, by which all such clauses, which extended to
a future time, were of course become a nullity.

By Act 12 George I. chap. 12, the number of Chairs was raised to
400, on account of the increase of Buildings Westward.[374]

       *       *       *       *       *

  [374] The MS here ends abruptly.--On the subject of Chairs, however,
  see Acts 3 Geo. I. chap. 7; 16 Geo. II. chap. 26; 20 Geo. II. chap.
  10; 30 Geo. II. chap. 22; 33 Geo. II. chap. 25.


THE HAMMER CLOTH.

To shew how trifling, though necessary conveniences, arise to great
and expensive luxuries, let us remark the original insignificant
appendage of what we call the Hammer Cloth. It was requisite that
the Coachman should have a few implements in case of accidents, or a
sudden and little repair was wanting to the Coach; for which purpose
he carried a hammer with a few pins, nails, &c. with him, and placed
them under his seat, made hollow to hold them, and which from thence
was called the Coach Box; and, in a little time, in order to conceal
this unsightly appearance, a cloth was thrown over the box and its
contents, of which a hammer was the chief, and thence took the name
of the Hammer-Cloth. This is my idea of the etymon of these two
common terms. And here again it can but be observed that this little
appendage is now become the most striking and conspicuous ornament
of the equipage.




Articles of Dress.


GLOVES.

About the year 790, Charlemagne granted an unlimited right of
hunting to the Abbot and Monks of Sithin, for making their _Gloves_
and Girdles of the Skins of the Deer they killed, and Covers for
their Books. [Mabillon de Re Diplom. p. 611. Grose.]

Anciently richly adorned and decorated with precious Stones,--as
in the Rolls of Parliament, anno 53 Hen. III. A. D. 1267. "Et de 2
Paribus _Chirothecarum_ cum lapidibus." [Warton's History of Poetry,
vol. I. p. 182, note. Grose.]

Edward Vere, Earl of Oxford, according to Mr. Walpole's account, on
the authority of Stowe,--"having travelled into Italy, is recorded
to have been the first that brought into England _embroidered_
GLOVES and Perfumes; and presenting the Queen [Elizabeth] with a
Pair of the former, she was so pleased with them, as to be drawn
with them in one of her Portraits." [Royal and Noble Authors, vol.
i. p. 159. Note to Winter's Tale, edit. Johnson and Steevens, 1778,
p. 388.]

  "Give _Gloves_ to the Reapers, a Largesse to cry."

  [Tusser, _v._ Hist. of Hawsted. 190.]

The Monastery of Bury allowed its Servants two pence apiece for
_Glove-Silver_ in Autumn. [Hist. of Hawsted. 190.]

The rural Bridegroom, in Laneham's (or Langham's) Account of the
Entertainment of Queen Elizabeth at Kenelworth Castle, 1575, had--a
Payr of _Harvest Gloves_ on his Hands, as a sign of good Husbandry.
Id. in eod.

When Sir Thomas Pope, the Founder of Trinity College, Oxford,
visited it, 1556, "The Bursars offered him a present of embroidered
_Gloves_." [Warton's Life of Sir Thomas Pope, p. 119.]

When Sir Thomas Pope had founded the College, the University
complimented him with a Letter of Thanks, which was accompanied
with a Present of _rich Gloves_, 1556. [Warton's Life, p. 132,
note.] The Gloves were sent both to himself and Lady, and cost 6_s._
8_d._ [Id. in eod.]

After the death of Sir Thomas Pope, his Widow married Sir Hugh
Powlett; on which occasion the College presented her, as the Wife
of the Founder, with a Pair of very rich Gloves, the charge for
which runs--Pro _Pari Chirothecarum_ dat. Dom. Powlett et Domine
Fundatrici, xvi s. Idem, p. 185. See also p. 191, ubi sæpe; and p.
411. "Pro Chirothecis Magistri Pope, xxxii s.

An article charged in the Bursar's books of Trinity College, Oxford,
is "pro fumigatis _Chirothecis_." [Warton.] These were often given
to College-Tenants, and Guests of Distinction; but this fell into
disuse soon after the Reign of Charles I. Idem. [Grose.]

George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, received a _Glove_ from Queen
Elizabeth. The Queen had dropped it, when he taking it up to return
to her, she presented it to him as a mark of her esteem. He adorned
it with Jewels, and wore it in the front of his Hat on days of
Tournaments. It is expressed in a print of him by Robert White.
[Bray's Tour, p. 319.]

See for Gloves worn in Hats, Old Plays, vol. ii. p. 132, second
edition: King Lear, act iii. sc. 4. edit, 1778 by Johnson and
Steevens.

N. B. Such Tokens as these were called _Favours_[375], from whence
we derive the term for Ribbons given on Weddings. I presume they are
supposed to be given by the hand of the Bride.

  [375] See Walpole's Royal and Noble Authors, vol. i. p. 131. So
  Shakspeare, Richard II. act v. sc. 2.

Dr. Glisson, in his last visit to Queen Elizabeth, received from her
a Pair of rich Spanish leather _Gloves_, embossed on the backs and
tops with gold embroidery, and fringed round with gold plate. The
Queen, as he tells us, pulled them from her own Royal Hands, saying,
"Here, Glisson, wear them for my sake." Life of Corinna (or Mrs.
Eliz. Thomas), p. xxxi.

Perfumed Gloves[376]; v. supra.

  [376] Mistress of the _Sweet_-Coffers, occurs in the Old
  Establishments. The present Queen (Charlotte) has her Gloves kept in
  a _perfumed_ box.

  "These Gloves the Count sent me; they are an excellent _Perfume_."

  Much Ado about Nothing, act ii. sc. 4.

Gloves given at Weddings. Old Plays, vol. v. p. 8.

A Glove hung up in a Church, as a public Challenge. Gilpin's Life of
Bernard Gilpin, by Mr. Gilpin, p. 179.

Swearing by Gloves, in jocular conversation, very common. "Aye, by
these Gloves!" is an expression I have somewhere seen.

Ladies' Sleeves, as well as Gloves, were worn as tokens of
Gallantry. Vide Troil. and Cress, act. v. sc. 2. edit. Johnson and
Steevens, 1778.

Gifts that admitted of it (especially to Women from Men) were
usually worn on the Sleeve.

  "I knew her by this Jewel on her _Sleeve_."

  Love's Labour Lost, act v. sc. 1.

Fairings, and such Tokens, were of this sort. Hence the Question and
Answer.

     Q. What have you brought me? (from the Fair, &c.) A. A _new
     nothing_, to pin on your _Sleeve_.

Hence also to _pin_ one's _Faith_ upon another's _Sleeve_.

  "Wear my Heart upon my Sleeve."

  Othello, act i. sc. 1.

       *       *       *       *       *

F. GROSE, Esq. to S. PEGGE, F. S. A.

     September 4, 1784.

     Dear Sir,

     I have had such a variety of interruptions (agreeable ones),
     that I have made no hand of your _Gloves:_ all that has occurred
     on that subject, I here send you.

     Blood, who attempted to steal the Crown, presented Mr. Edwards,
     Keeper of the Jewel Office, with _four_ Pair of White Gloves,
     as from his Wife, in gratitude for his civility to her in
     a pretended qualm or sickness. The whole transaction is in
     Maitland's History of London.

     To give one's Glove was considered as a challenge. See
     Shakspeare, in Hen. V. It is still considered in that light by
     the Highlanders, of which I once saw an instance in Flanders.
     Dropping the Gauntlet, at the Coronation, is a kind of challenge.

     When the Judge invites the Justices to dine with him at a County
     Assize, a Glove is handed about by the Crier or Clerk of the
     Court, who delivers the invitation; into this Glove every one
     invited puts a shilling.

     A Bribe is called a Pair of Gloves.

     In a Play, I think called the Twin Rivals, an Alderman presents
     his Glove, filled with Broad Pieces, to a Nobleman, as a Bribe
     to procure a Commission for his Son.

     Item, for three dozen Leder Gloves, 12s. Vide Account of Henry
     VII. in Remembrancer's Office.

     I set off next week for Christchurch, where I propose staying a
     month, or six weeks at farthest. My best wishes attend you and
     yours.

     Adieu!

     F. GROSE.

ERMINE

GENTLEWOMEN'S APPAREL.

What we call _Ermine_ is an erroneous conception, for we give the
name to White Fur tufted with Black, whereas it is the Black only
that is properly Ermine, of which numberless instances may be
produced, and this is one.

_Powderings on her Bonnet._--This may require an explanation to
those who are unacquainted with the language of that age. What we
call Ermine, is a compound, which will bear a little analysis, for
it is formed of the Fur of one animal, and the tip of the Tail of
another. The White Ground is, properly speaking, _Minever_, so
called from a Russian animal of that name. [v. Philips's Dictionary,
in voce.] The Ermine is the Armenian Mouse, the tip of whose Tail is
Black, which being placed as a falling tuft upon the Minever, forms
what we collectively call Ermine, the value of which is enhanced
the more, as one animal can afford but one tuft. [v. Bailey's Dict,
in voce.] Every one of these tufts is termed a _Powdering_.

The Heralds make a distinction between the singular _Ermine_, and
the Plural, _Ermines_; the latter, in their language, importing
Black powdered with White: and they go into still more minute
modifications, _Erminois_, &c.


APPAREL FOR THE HEADS OF GENTLEWOMEN.

First, none shall wear an Ermine, or Lettice-Bonnet, unless she be a
Gentlewoman born, having Arms.

Item, a _Gentleman_'s Wife, she being a Gentlewoman born, shall wear
an Ermine or Lettice Bonnet, having _one_ Powdering in the Top. And
if she be of honourable stock, to have _two_ Powderings, one before
another, in the Top.

Item, an _Esquire_'s Wife to have _two_ Powderings.

Item, an _Esquire_'s Wife _for the Body_ to wear _five_ Powderings;
and if she be of great Blood, _two_ before, which maketh seven.

Item, a _Knight_'s Wife to wear on her Bonnet, _seven_ Powderings,
or _eight_ at the most, because of higher Blood, as before.

Item, a _Banneret_'s Wife to wear _ten_ Powderings.

Item, a _Baron_'s Wife _thirteen_.

Item, a _Viscount_'s [Wife] to wear _eighteen_.

Item, a _Countess_ to wear _twenty-four_. And above that Estate the
number convenient, at their pleasures.

  Ex Bibl. Harl. No. 1776. fol. 31. b.


MOURNING.

The French Queens, before the Reign of Charles VIII. wore _White_
upon the death of the King; and were called "_Reines Blanches_." It
was changed to _Black_ on the death of Charles VIII. 1498. [See P.
Dan. Hist. iv. 590.]

In a Wardrobe account for half a year, to Lady-day 1684 (a MS.
purchased by Mr. Brander at the sale of the Library of Geo. Scot,
Esq. of Woolston-Hall, 1781), are the following entries for the
King's Mourning.

"A Grey Coat lined with Murrey and White flowered Silk, with Gold
Loops, and four Crape Hat-bands."

Again, "A Sad-coloured Silk Coat, lined with Gold-striped
Lutestring, with Silver-and-Silk Buttons; and a Purple Crape
Hatband."

Again, "A Purple Coat."

The Emperor Leopold, who died 1705, never shaved his Beard during
the time of Mourning, which often lasted for a long time. [Bancks's
Hist. of Austria, p. 277.]

The Empress-Dowagers never lay aside their Mourning, and even their
Apartments are hung with Black till their deaths. [Bancks's Hist. of
Austria, p. 400. He says this from Baron Polnitz's Memoirs, vol. iv.
p. 46.]

The Bavarian Family never give a Black Livery, or line their
Coaches, in the deepest Mourning. [Polnitz, i. letter 22.]

The Pope's Nieces never wear Mourning, not even for their nearest
Relations; as the Romans reckon it so great a happiness for a
Family to have a Pope in it, that nothing ought to afflict his
Holiness's kindred. [Polnitz's Memoirs, ii. letter 33.]

Queen Anne, on the death of Prince George of Denmark, wore Black
and White, with a mixture of Purple in some part of her Dress. The
precedent was taken from that worn by Mary Queen of Scots for the
Earl of Darnley, which was exactly in point. [Secret History of
England, ii. 299.]

King Charles I. put the Court into Mourning for one Day on the death
of the Earl of Portland (Richard Weston), Lord High Treasurer.
[Stafford's Letters, i. 389.]


BEARD, &c.

CHARLES I.[377]--WILLIAM I.

  [377] See "The Life of Corinna," or Mrs. Elizabeth Thomas, Jun.
  Printed in 1731.

Mrs. Thomas's Great Grand-Father was Mr. Richard _Shute_, a
Turkey Merchant, one of the Members for the City of London,
and much favoured by King Charles I. who gave him the Name of
_Sattin_-Shute, by way of distinction from another Branch of the
same Name and Family, and from his usually wearing a _Sattin_
Doublet cut upon White Taffata.

"Without doubt," says Mrs. Thomas (for she was her own Biographer),
"he was very nice in the mode of that Age, his Valet being some
hours every morning in _starching_ his _Beard_, and _curling_ his
_Whiskers_; but," continues she, "during that time a Gentleman, whom
he maintained as a Companion, always read to him on some useful
subject." He lived in Leaden-Hall Street, the site on which stands
the India House, and had a Country-seat at Berking, in Essex. Here
he had a very fine Bowling-green, as he delighted much in that
exercise. The King, who was fond of the diversion, once told Mr.
Shute, he would dine with him some day, and try his skill on his
Bowling-green. The King went, and was so pleased with the place, it
being very retired, and likewise with Mr. Shute's skill in Bowling
(he being accounted one of the best Bowlers of his time), that he
frequently visited afterwards Berking-Hall, without any Guards, and
with three or four select Gentlemen, his attendants, when, as the
King expressed it, he had a mind to _drop State, and enjoy himself
as a private man_:--"_Ah, Shute_," said he one day, with a deep
sigh, "how much happier than I art thou, in this blessed retirement,
free from the cares of a Crown, a factious Ministry, and rebellious
Subjects!" They generally played high, and punctually paid their
losings; and though Mr. Shute often won, yet the King would, one
day, set higher than usual, and, having lost several games, gave
over; when Mr. Shute said,--"An please your Majesty, _One thousand
pounds rubber more, perhaps Luck may turn_:"--"_No, Shute_," replied
the King, laying his hand gently on his shoulder, "_Thou hast won
the day, and much good may it do thee, but I must remember I have a
Wife and Children_." P. xxi.

This place was afterwards dismantled by Mr. Shute's heir, and in a
few years became a ploughed field. The King gave Mr. Shute several
places; among which were the Deputy Lieutenancy of the Ordnance,
and the Mastership of St. Cross's Hospital, to the amount of four
thousand pounds _per annum_. P. xxv.

These he gave up when the Civil War broke out; and retired to
Hamburgh, where he died a few years after the death of the King. P.
xxvii.

William the Conqueror played _deep_; for, tradition says, that
Walter Fitzbourne, a Norman Knight, and great Favourite of the King,
playing at Chess on a Summer's evening, on the banks of the _Ouse_,
with the King, won all he played for. The King threw down the Board,
saying he had nothing more to play for. "Sir," said Sir Walter,
"here is land." "There is so," replied the King; "and if thou
beatest me this Game also, thine be all the Land on this side the
Bourne, or River, which thou canst see as thou sittest." He had the
good fortune to _win_; and the King, clapping him on the shoulder,
said, "Henceforth thou shalt no more be called _Fitzbourne_, but
_Ousebourne_."' Hence it is supposed came the name of _Osborne_.
Life of Corinna, p. xxviii.




WESTMINSTER.


Lord Coke, in his 3d Inst. (cap. 51.) speaking of the City of
Westminster, says, "It hath its name of 'the Monastery,' which
_Minster_ signifieth, and it is called _West_minster, in respect of
_East_minster, not far from the Tower of London. This Westminster,
Sebert, the first King of the East Saxons that was christened,
founded." It is added in a note in the margin, Segbert began his
Reign A. D. 603.

Lord Coke, however excellent a Lawyer, I fear was but a bad
Antiquary; for the reverse rather seems to be the case, as it
will appear that _East_minster was so called in respect of
_West_minster. For in Stowe's Survey of London (edit. 1633), p.
497, he gives the following account of the Foundation of the Church
of Westminster:--"This Monasterie was founded and builded in the
year 605, by Sebert, King of the East Saxons, upon the perswasion
of Ethelbert, King of Kent, who, having embraced Christianity, and
being baptized by Melitus, Bishop of London, immediately (to shew
himself a Christian indede) built a Church to the honor of God and
St. Peter, on the West side of the City of London, in a place, which
(because it was overgrown with thornes, and environed with water)
the Saxons called 'Thornez,' or 'Thorney;' ... whereupon, partly
from the situation to the _West_, and partly from the Monasterie or
_Minster_, it began to take the name of _Westminster_:" and then he
goes on with the history of that Church.

So far of Westminster. Of Eastminster Stowe gives the following
account, by which it will appear that the foundation of Eastminster
was subsequent to that of Westminster, by at least 700 years. "In
the year 1348," says he, "the 23d of Edward the Third, the first
great Pestilence in his time began, and increased so sore, that for
want of roome in Church-yards to bury the dead of the City and of
the Suburbs, one John Corey, Clerke, procured of Nicholas, Prior of
the Holy Trinity within Ealdgate, one toft of ground neere unto
East Smithfield, for the buriall of them that dyed; with condition,
that it might be called the Church-yard of the Holy Trinity: which
ground he caused, by the ayd of divers devout Citizens, to be
inclosed with a wall of stone; ... and the same was dedicated by
Ralfe Stratford, Bishop of London, where innumerable bodies of the
dead, were afterwards buried, and a Chapel built in the same place
to the honour of God; to the which King Edward setting his eye
(having before, in a tempest on the sea, and peril of drowning, made
a vow to build a Monastery to the honour of God, and _our Lady of
Grace_, if God would give him _grace_ to come safe to land), builded
there a Monasterie, causing it to be named _Eastminster_, placing an
Abbot and Monks of the Cistercian or White order." P. 117.

In Stowe, p. 751, is a list of all the "Patrones of all the
Benefices in London," in which this Foundation seems to be twice
mentioned, first as the "Abbey of White Monks," and then as "Mary de
Grace, an Abbey of Monkes, by the Towre of London."




MEMORANDA

RELATIVE TO THE

Society of the Temple,

LONDON;

_Written in or about the Year 1760._


The Societies of the Temple have no Charter; but the Fee was granted
by a Patent to the Professors and Students of the Law, to them and
their Successors for ever.

The King is Visitor of the Temples; and orders have been sent down
from him so lately as Charles the Second's time, for the Regulation
of them, which were brought in great form by the Lord Chancellor and
twelve Judges, and signed by them.

The _Discipline_ of these Societies was formerly, till within
these eighty years, very strict. The Students appeared, upon all
occasions, and in all places, in their proper habits; and for
neglecting to appear in such habit, or for want of decency in
it, they were punished by being put two years backward in their
standing. This habit was discontinued, because the Templars having
been guilty of riots in some parts of the town, being known by their
habits to be such, a reproach was thereby reflected on the Society,
for want of discipline.

_Commons._--Till there was a relaxation of discipline, the Commons
were continued in the Vacation as well as in the Terms; and the
Members obliged to attend, upon severe penalties for neglect of
it. The Barristers, though they were called to their degree, were
not admitted to practise, but by special leave from the Judges,
till three years after their call, during which their attendance to
Commons, both in Term and Vacation, was not to be compounded for, or
dispensed with.

The Law Societies were, at first, under one general regulation and
establishment, till they branched out, and divided, as it were,
into Colonies. The Societies of each Temple are very zealous in
contending for the Antiquity of their Society.

_The Society of the Middle Temple_ must now be very rich; and it
consists in money, they having no real estate. I have been assured,
that the certain yearly expences of it, exclusive of repairs,
amounts to a considerable sum.

The _Benchers_ are generally in number about twenty, though there
is no fixed number. They may be called to the Bench at eighteen or
twenty years standing. The Bench have power to call whom they think
proper of such standing to the Bench; which if they answer not, they
pay a Fine of Fifty Pounds.

The Benchers eat at their own expence in this Society, having
nothing allowed but their Commons; which few, I believe none, of the
Benchers of the other Houses do.

The _Readings_, which generally were upon some Statute, continued
about eight days, when there were Treats and Balls at the Reader's
expence; and there is an Order of the House, of no very old date, by
which the Reader was restrained from having above Eight Servants,
which shews, in some measure, the luxury and expence attending
them. They have now been discontinued upwards of seventy years
(the last Reader being Sir William Whitlocke, 1684); but there is
a Reader still appointed every year, and some small Treat, at the
expence of the Society, of Venison, &c.; and the Arms of the Reader
are put up in a Pannel in the Hall.

Mr. Bohun, the Writer of several excellent Books in different
branches of the Law, having, when he was Reader at New Inn, put up a
question tending to Blasphemy, (I think it was, whether the Person
of our Saviour was God,) was _excommoned_ by the Society; that is,
he was denied the privilege of coming into the Hall, and at the same
time obliged to pay for full Commons. They judged expulsion too mild
a punishment.

The _Old Hall_ stood on the South side of Pump Court, which, upon
building a new one, was converted into Sets of Chambers; and which,
by Order of Queen Elizabeth, were not to exceed eight in number.
This was soon after pulled down, and Chambers built in its stead.

_Library._--Left by Will to the Society, by Astley, a Bencher of
it. It contains about Nine Thousand Volumes. Besides this, he left
a Set of Chambers, value three hundred pounds, for the maintenance
of a Librarian, who at first was a Barrister; but, not being thought
worth their acceptance, it is now in the Butler.

_Present Hall._--Built by Plowden, who was seven years in perfecting
it. He was three years Treasurer successively; and after he quitted
the Treasurership, he still continued the direction of the Building.

_The Temple Organ_ was made by _Smith_. The Societies, being
resolved to have a good Organ, employed one _Smith_ and one
_Harris_ to make each of them an Organ, value five hundred pounds;
and promised that they would give seven hundred pounds for that
which proved the best. This was accordingly done, and Smith's was
preferred and purchased. The other, made by Harris, was sold to
Christ-Church in Dublin; but, being afterwards exchanged for another
made by Byfield for four hundred pounds difference, it was sold by
Byfield to the Church at Woolwich[378].

  [378] Mr. Snetzler.

_Inns of Chancery_, like the Halls at Oxford.

_New-Inn_ belongs to the Middle Temple; and at the expiration of a
long lease, the Fee Simple will be vested in us.




Simnel.


"_Simnel.--Siminellus_ from the Latin _Simila_, which signifies
the Finest Part of the Flour. Panis similageneus, Simnel Bread. It
is mentioned in 'Assisa Panis;' and is still in use, especially in
Lent. Bread made into a Simnel shall weigh two shillings less than
Wastell Bread." Stat. 51 Henry III.

The Statute, intituled Assisa Panis et Cervisiæ, made Anno 51 Hen.
III. Stat. I.; and Anno Dom. 1266. Cotton MS. Claudius, D. 2.

... Panis verò de siminello ponderabit minus de Wastello de duobus
solidis, quia bis coctus est.

For the Ordinance for the Assise and Weight of Bread in the City of
London, see Stowe's Survey, p. 740, Edit. 1633.

It was sometime called _Simnellus_, as in the Annals of the Church
of Winchester, under the year 1042. "Rex Edwardus instituit,
et cartâ confirmavit, ut quoties ipse vel aliquis Successorum
suorum Regum Angliæ diadema portaret Wintoniæ vel Wigorniæ vel
Westmonasterii; Præcentor loci recipiet de fisco ipsâ die dimidiam
marcam, et conventus centum Sumnellos et unun modium vini." But,
indeed, the true reading is _Siminel_.

The English Simnel was the purest White Bread, as in the Book
of Battle Abbey. "Panem Regiæ Mensæ aptam, qui _Simenel_ vulgò
vocatur[379]."

  [379] Cowell's Interpreter. See also Blount's Glossary, in voce.

_Simula._--A Manchet, a White Loaf. Among the Customs of the Abbey
of Glastonbury: "In diebus solemnibus, cum Fratres fuerunt in
cappis, Medonem habuerunt in Justis, et Simulas super mensam, et
vinum ad caritatem, et tria generalia." Chartular. Abbat. Glaston.
MS. fol. 10.

For the use of Saffron, now used for colouring the Crust of the
Simnel, see Shakespear's Winter's Tale; where the Clown (Act iv.)
says, "Then I must have Saffron to colour the Warden Pyes."




Origin of Thirteen Pence Halfpenny,

AS

HANGMAN'S WAGES;


_In a Letter to_ EDWARD KING, _Esq. President of the Society of
Antiquaries_.

The vulgar notion, though it will not appear to be a vulgar error,
is, that Thirteen Pence Halfpenny is the fee of the Executioner in
the common line of business at Tyburn[380], and therefore is called
Hangman's Wages. The sum is singular, and certainly there is a
reason for its having obtained so odious an appellation, though it
may not be very obvious.

  [380] The Executions, on ordinary occasions, were removed from this
  memorable place, and were performed in the street of the Old Bailey,
  at the door of Newgate. This was first practised on the 9th of
  December 1783. See the printed account. Every of these Executions, I
  was told by Mr. Reed, 1785, is attended with an expence of upwards
  of nine pounds. Twenty persons were hanged at once in February 1785.

We find that anciently this Office was, in some parts of the
Kingdom, annexed to other Posts; for the Porter of the City of
Canterbury was the Executioner for the County of Kent, temporibus
Hen. II. and Hen. III. for which he had an allowance from the
Sheriff, who was re-imbursed from the Exchequer, of Twenty Shillings
_per annum_[381].

  [381] Madox's History of the Exchequer, ii. p. 373.

Though this is an Office in great and general disesteem, yet the
Sheriffs are much obliged to those who will undertake it, as
otherwise the unpleasant and painful duty must fall upon themselves.
They are the persons to whom the Law looks for its completion,
as they give a Receipt to the Gaoler for the Bodies of condemned
Criminals whom they are to punish, or cause to be punished,
according to their respective Sentences. The business is of such an
invidious nature, that, in the Country, Sheriffs have sometimes had
much difficulty to procure an Executioner, as, in the eyes of the
lower people, it carries with it a Stigma, apart from any shock that
it must give to Humanity and Compassion. I remember a very few years
ago, if the News-papers said true, the Sheriff of one of the Inland
Counties was very near being obliged to perform the unwelcome Office
himself.

So that in fact the Hangman is the Sheriff's immediate Deputy
in criminal matters, though there is always, at present, an
Under-Sheriff for civil purposes. But, before I bring you to the
point in question, it will not be amiss to lead you gradually to
it, by inquiring into the nature and dignity of the Office in some
particulars, and into the Rank of the Officer, for we have all heard
of _Squire Ketch_. These will be found to be supportable matters, as
well as the Fee of Office, which is our ground-work.

The Sheriff is, by being so styled in the King's Patent under the
Great Seal, an Esquire, which raises him to that Rank, unless he
has previously had the Title adventitiously. None were anciently
chosen to this Office, but such Gentlemen whose fortunes and
stations would warrant it; so, on the other hand, Merchants,
and other liberal branches of the lower order, were admitted
first into the rank of Gentlemen, by a grant of Arms, on proper
qualifications; from the Earl Marshal, and the Kings of Arms,
respectively, according to their Provinces. After a Negotiant has
become a Gentleman, courtesy will very soon advance that rank, and
give the party the title of Esquire; and so it has happened with
the worthy _Gentleman_ before us, for such I shall prove him once
with ceremony to have been created. This remarkable case happened
in the year 1616, and was as follows. Ralph Brooke, whose real name
was Brokesmouth, at that time York Herald, not content with being
mischievous, was the most turbulent and malicious man that ever wore
the King's Coat. After various malversations in Office, not to the
present purpose, he put a trick upon Sir William Segar, Garter King
of Arms, which had very nearly cost both of them their places. The
story is touched upon in Mr. Anstis's Register of the Order of the
Garter[382]; but is more fully and satisfactorily related in the
Life of Mr. Camden, prefixed to his "Britannia," to this effect.
Ralph Brooke employed a person to carry a Coat of Arms ready drawn
to Garter, and to pretend it belonged to one Gregory Brandon, a
Gentleman who had formerly lived in London, but then residing in
Spain, and to desire Garter to set his hand to it. To prevent
deliberation, the messenger was instructed to pretend that the
vessel, which was to carry this confirmation into Spain, when it had
received the Seal of the Office and Garter's Hand, was just ready to
sail[383]. This being done, and the Fees paid, Brooke carries it to
Thomas Earl of Arundel, then one of the Commissioners for executing
the Office of Earl Marshal; and, in order to vilify Garter, and to
represent him as a rapacious negligent Officer, assures his Lordship
that those were the Arms of Arragon, with a Canton for Brabant, and
that Gregory Brandon was a mean and inconsiderable person. This was
true enough; for he was the common Hangman for London and Middlesex.
Ralph Brooke afterwards confessed all these circumstances to the
Commissioners who represented the Earl Marshal; the consequence of
which was, that Garter was, by order of the King, when he heard
the case, committed to Prison for negligence, and the Herald for
treachery. Be this as we find it, yet was Gregory Brandon the
Hangman become a _Gentleman_, and, as the Bastard says in King John,
"could make any Joan a Gentlewoman."

  [382] Vol. ii. p. 399.

  [383] These Arms actually appear in Edmondson's Body of Heraldry,
  annexed to the name of _Brandon_, _viz_. the Arms of Arragon with a
  difference, and the Arms of Brabant in a Canton.

Thus was this Gregory Brandon advanced, perhaps from the state of a
Convict, to the rank of a Gentleman; and though it was a personal
honour to himself, notwithstanding it was surreptitiously obtained
by the Herald, of which _Gregory Brandon, Gentleman_, was perhaps
ignorant, yet did it operate so much on his successors in office,
that afterwards it became transferred from the Family to the Officer
for the time being; and from Mr. Brandon's popularity, though not
of the most desirable kind, the mobility soon improved his rank,
and, with a jocular complaisance, gave him the title of _Esquire_,
which remains to this day. I have said that Mr. Brandon was perhaps
a Convict; for I know that at York the Hangman has usually been a
pardoned Criminal, whose case was deemed venial, and for which the
performance of this painful duty to fellow-prisoners was thought a
sufficient infliction. It seems too as if this Office had once, like
many other important Offices of State, been hereditary; but whether
Mr. Brandon had it by descent I cannot say, yet Shakspeare has this
passage in Coriolanus[384]:

"_Menenius._--Marcius, in a cheap estimation, is worth all your
Predecessors, since Deucalion; though, peradventure, some of the
best of them were Hereditary Hangmen."

  [384] Act ii. sc. 1.

This looks as if the Office of Executioner had run in some Family
for a generation or two, at the time when Shakspeare wrote; and that
it was a circumstance well understood, and would be well relished,
at least by the Galleries. This might indeed, with regard to time,
point at the ancestors of Mr. Brandon himself; for it was in the
Reign of King James I. that this person was, as we have seen,
brought within the pale of Gentility. Nay, more, we are told by Dr.
Grey, in his Notes on Shakspeare[385], that from this Gentleman, the
Hangmen, his Successors, bore for a considerable time his Christian
name of Gregory, though not his Arms, they being a personal honour,
till a greater man arose, _viz. Jack Ketch_, who entailed the
present official name on all who have hitherto followed him[386].

  [385] Vol. ii. p. 163.

  [386] The Hangman was known by the name of _Gregory_ in the year
  1642, as we learn from the Mercurius Aulicus, p. 553.

Whether the name of _Ketch_ be not the provincial pronunciation of
_Catch_ among the Cockneys, I have my doubts, though I have printed
authority to confront me; for that learned and laborious Compiler,
B. E. Gent. the Editor of the Canting Dictionary, says that _Jack
Kitch_, for so he spells it, was the real name of a Hangman, which
has become that of all his successors. When this great man lived,
for such we must suppose him to have been, and renowned for his
popularity or dexterity, Biographical History is silent.

So much for this important Office itself; and we must now look
to the Emoluments which appertain to it, and assign a reason why
Thirteen Pence Halfpenny should be esteemed the standard Fee for
this definitive stroke of the law.

Hogarth has given a fine Picture of the _sang-froid_ of an
Executioner in his Print of the London Apprentice; where the Mr.
Ketch for the time being is lolling upon the Gallows, and smoaking
his Pipe; waiting, with the utmost indifference, for the arrival of
the Cart and the Mob that close the melancholy Procession. But Use
becomes Nature in things at which even Nature herself revolts.

Before we proceed to matters of a pecuniary nature, having said
so much upon the _Executioner_, permit me to step out of the way
for a moment, and add a word or two on the _Executioné_, which will
explain a Yorkshire saying. It was for the most unsuspected crime
imaginable, that the truly unfortunate man who gave rise to the
adage suffered the Sentence of the Law at York. He was a Saddler
at Bawtry, and occasioned this saying, often applied among the
lower people to a man who quits his friends too early, and will not
stay to finish his bottle; "That he will be hanged for leaving his
liquor, like the Saddler of Bawtry." The case was this: There was
formerly, and indeed it has not long been suppressed, an Ale-house,
to this day called "_The Gallows House_," situate between the City
of York and their Tyburne; at which House the Cart used always to
stop; and there the Convict and the other parties were refreshed
with liquors; but the rash and precipitate Saddler, under Sentence,
and on his road to the fatal Tree, refused this little regale, and
hastened on to the Place of Execution--when, very soon after he was
turned-off, a Reprieve arrived; insomuch that, had he stopped, as
was usual, at the Gallows House, the time consumed there would have
been the means of saving his life; so that he was hanged, as truly
as unhappily, for leaving his liquor.

The same compliment was anciently paid to Convicts, on their passage
to Tyburne, at St. Giles's Hospital; for we are told by Stowe[387],
that they were there presented with a Bowl of Ale, called "_St.
Giles's Bowl_;" "thereof to drink at their pleasure, as their last
refreshing in this life." This place (Tyburne) was the established
scene of Executions in common cases so long ago as the first year of
King Henry IV; Smithfield and St. Giles's Field being reserved for
persons of higher rank, and for crimes of uncommon magnitude; such
as treason and heresy: in the last of these, Sir John Oldcastle,
Lord Cobham, was burnt, or rather roasted, alive; having been
hanged up over the fire by a chain which went round his waist[388].

  [387] History of London, vol. II. p. 74.

  [388] Rapin. See also Bale's Life and Trial of Sir John Oldcastle.
  St. Giles's was then an independent Village, and is still called
  St. Giles's in the Fields, to distinguish it from St. Giles's,
  Cripplegate; being both in the same Diocese.

The Execution of the Duke of Monmouth (in July 1685) was peculiarly
unsuccessful in the operation.

The Duke said to the Executioner, "Here are Six Guineas for you:
pray do your business well; do not serve me as you did my Lord
Russell: I have heard you struck him three or four times. Here" (to
his Servant); "take these remaining Guineas, and give them to him if
he does his work well."

_Executioner._--"I hope I shall."

_Monmouth._--"If you strike me twice, I cannot promise you not to
stir. Pr'ythee let me feel the Axe." He felt the edge, and said, "I
fear it is not sharp enough."

_Executioner._--"It is sharp enough, and heavy enough."

The Executioner proceeded to do his office; but the Note says, "it
was under such distraction of mind, that he fell into the very error
which the Duke had so earnestly cautioned him to avoid; wounding him
so slightly, that he lifted up his head, and looked him in the face,
as if to upbraid him for making his death painful; but said nothing.
He then prostrated himself again, and received two other ineffectual
blows; upon which the Executioner threw down his Axe in a fit of
horror; crying out, "_he could not finish his work_." but, on being
brought to himself by the threats of the Sheriffs, took up the fatal
weapon again, and at two other strokes made a shift to separate the
Head from the Body." [Lord Somers's Tracts, vol. I. pp. 219, 220;
the Note taken from the Review of the Reigns of Charles and James,
p. 885.]

As to the Fee itself, which has occasioned me to give you so
much trouble, I incline to think this seeming singular sum must
have been of Scottish extraction, though not used for the like
purpose; for, I presume, from the value of money there, a man
might formerly be hanged at a much cheaper rate, and that we have
it by transplantation. The Scottish Mark (not ideal or nominal
money, like our Mark) was a Silver Coin, in value Thirteen Pence
Halfpenny and Two Placks, or Two-Thirds of a Penny; which Plack is
likewise a Coin. This, their Mark, bears the same proportion to
their Pound, which is Twenty Pence, as our Mark does to our Pound,
or Twenty Shillings; being Two-Thirds of it. By these divisions
and sub-divisions of their Penny (for they have a still smaller
piece, called a Bodel or Half a Plack) they can reckon with the
greatest minuteness, and buy much less quantities of any article
than we can[389]. This Scottish Mark was, upon the Union of the
two Crowns in the person of King James I. made current in England
at the value of Thirteen Pence Half-penny (without regarding the
fraction), by Proclamation, in the first year of that King; where
it is said, that "the Coin of Silver, called the Mark Piece, shall
be from henceforth currant within the said Kingdom of England, at
the value of Thirteen Pence Halfpeny[390]." This, probably, was a
revolution in the current money in favour of the Officer of whom
we have been speaking, whose Fee before was perhaps no more than
a Shilling. There is, however, very good reason to conclude, from
the singularity of the sum, that the odious title of _Hangman's
Wages_ became at this time, or soon after, applicable to the sum of
_Thirteen Pence Halfpenny_. Though it was contingent, yet at that
time it was very considerable pay; when one Shilling _per diem_ was
a standing annual stipend to many respectable Officers of various
kinds.

  [389] Mr. Ray, in his Itinerary, gives the Fractional Parts of the
  Scottish Penny.

  [390] The Proclamation may be seen in Strype's Annals, vol. IV.
  p. 384; where the Mark-Piece is valued exactly at Thirteen Pence
  Halfpenny.

After having discovered the pay of an Office, one naturally inquires
for Perquisites and other Emoluments; for all posts, from the High
Chancellor to the Hangman, carry some; and which, in many cases, as
well as this, often exceed the established pay itself. Nothing can
well vary more than the Perquisites of this Office; for it is well
known that Jack Ketch has a _Post-obit_ interest in the Convict,
being entitled to his Cloaths, or to a composition for them; though,
on the other hand, they must very frequently be such Garments that,
as Shakspeare says, "a Hangman would bury with those who wore
them[391]."

  [391] Coriolanus, Act i. Sc. 8.

This emolument is of no modern date; and has an affinity to other
Droits on very dissimilar occasions, which will be mentioned
presently. The Executioner's perquisite is at least as old as Henry
VIII.; for Sir Thomas More, on the morning of his Execution, put
on his best Gown, which was of Silk Camlet, sent him as a present,
while he was in the Tower, by a Citizen of Lucca with whom he
had been in correspondence; but the Lieutenant of the Tower was
of opinion that a worse Gown would be good enough for the person
who was to have it, meaning the Executioner, and prevailed upon
Sir Thomas to change it, which he did for one made of frize[392].
Thus the antiquity of this obitual emolument, so well known in
Shakspeare's time, seems well established; and, as to its nature,
has a strong resemblance to a fee of a much longer standing, and
formerly received by Officers of very great respectability: for
anciently Garter King of Arms had specifically the Gown of the Party
on the creation of a Peer; and again, when Archbishops, Bishops,
Abbots, and Priors, did homage to the King, their upper garment was
the perquisite even of the Lord Chamberlain of the Household. The
fee in the latter case was always compounded for, though Garter's
was often formerly received in kind, inasmuch as the Statute which
gives this fee to the Lord Chamberlain, directs the composition,
because, as the words are, "it is more convenient that religious
men should fine for their upper garment, than to be stripped[393]."
The same delicate necessity does not operate in the Hangman's case;
and his fee extends much farther than either of them, he being
entitled to _all_ the sufferer's garments, having first rendered
them useless to the party. Besides this perquisite, there has always
been a pecuniary compliment, where it could possibly be afforded,
given by the Sufferer to the Executioner, to induce him to be speedy
and dexterous in the operation, which seems to be of still greater
antiquity; for Sir Thomas More tells us that St. Cyprian, Bishop of
Carthage, gave his Executioner thirty pieces of gold; and Sir Thomas
himself gave (according to his Historian, his Great Grandson), on
the like occasion, an angel of gold, being almost the last penny he
had left. These outward gifts may likewise be understood as tokens
of inward forgiveness.

  [392] More's Life of Sir Thomas More, p. 271.

  [393] Stat. 13 Edward I.

Upon the whole, Sir, I conceive that what I have offered above,
though with much enlargement, is the meaning of the ignominious
term affixed to the sum of Thirteen Pence Halfpenny; and cannot but
commiserate those for whom it is to be paid.

  I am, Sir,
  Your faithful humble Servant,
  SAMUEL PEGGE.




CUSTOM

OBSERVED BY THE

LORD LIEUTENANTS OF IRELAND.


On the great road from London to West Chester, we find, at the
principal Inns, the Coats of Arms of several Lord Lieutenants of
Ireland, framed, and hung up in the best rooms. At the bottom of
these Armorial Pictures (as I may call them) is a full display of
all the Titles of the Party, together with the date of the year
when each Viceroyship commenced. I have often inquired the reason
of this custom, but never could procure a satisfactory answer.
I do not reprobate the idea of this relique of ancient dignity,
as these Heraldic Monuments were doubtless intended to operate
as public evidences of the passage of each Lord-Deputy to his
delegated Government. They now seem only to be preserved for the
gratification of the vanity of the capital Inn-keepers, by shewing
to Humble Travellers that such and such Lord-Lieutenants did them
the honour to stop at their houses; and yet I will not say, but that
for half-a-crown handsomely offered to his Excellency's Gentleman,
they might likewise become part of the furniture of every alehouse
in Dunstable.

After fruitless inquiry, accident furnished me with the ground of
this custom, which now only serves to excite a little transitory
curiosity. Having occasion to look into Sir Dudley Digge's "Complete
Ambassador," published in 1654, I was obliged to the Editor for
a solution, who, in the Preface (signed A. H.), speaking of the
reserve of the English Ambassadors, in not making public their
Negotiations, has this observation:--"We have hardly any notion of
them but by their _Arms_, which are hung up in _Inns_ where they
passed."

This paragraph at once accounts for the point before us, and
is sufficient, at the same time, to shew that the custom was
anciently, and even in the seventeenth century, common to every
Ambassador, though it now only survives with those who go in the
greater and more elevated line of Royal representation to Ireland.

  SAMUEL PEGGE.

THE END.




  _Of the Publishers of this Work may be had_

  ANONYMIANA;
  OR,
  TEN CENTURIES OF OBSERVATIONS
  ON VARIOUS AUTHORS AND SUBJECTS;

  (Compiled by the late very Learned and Reverend
  DR. PEGGE);

  _With a copious Index.----8vo. Price 12s._

  "Whether as an Antiquary, a classical, poetical, and historical
  Critick, a Biographer, or Enquirer into the Beauties and
  Niceties of Grammar and Languages, we find everywhere that
  Dr. Pegge's remarks are not only striking and useful, but
  original; and, in this last respect, we have little hesitation in
  preferring the _Anonymiana_ to the greater part of the Works
  of this description, which have been lately published, either at
  home or abroad. There is scarcely a taste among the various
  divisions of human liking, that will not find something appropriate
  and gratifying. It would be impossible to withhold, in
  these times of levity, just praise from a Work that so ably combines
  'light reading' with 'serious thinking.'"

  _Gent. Mag. 1809._

  ANECDOTES
  OF THE
  ENGLISH LANGUAGE,

  chiefly regarding the Local Dialect of London and it's Environs;
  whence it will appear, that the Natives of the Metropolis, and
  its Vicinities, have not corrupted the Language of their Ancestors.

  By SAMUEL PEGGE, Esq. F.S.A.
  Second Edition, enlarged and corrected.

  To which is added, A SUPPLEMENT to the PROVINCIAL
  GLOSSARY of FRANCIS GROSE, Esq.

  8vo. Price 12s. boards.

  *** The Provincial Glossary may be had separate, Price 3s.

  Printed at the VOTES Printing Office, King Street, Westminster,
  _By Nichols, Son, and Bentley_.

       *       *       *       *       *

Transcriber's note:

Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note.
Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been retained as
printed.

The illustrations have been moved so that they do not break up
paragraphs.

Mismatched quotes are not fixed if it's not sufficiently clear where
the missing quote should be placed.

The cover for the eBook version of this book was created by the
transcriber and is placed in the public domain.