The Golden Bough

                      A Study in Magic and Religion

                                    By

               James George Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D.

                   Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge

     Professor of Social Anthropology in the University of Liverpool

                             Vol. IX. of XII.

                         Part VI: The Scapegoat.

                           New York and London

                            MacMillan and Co.

                                   1913





CONTENTS


Preface.
Chapter I. The Transference of Evil.
   § 1. The Transference to Inanimate Objects.
   § 2. The Transference to Stones and Sticks.
   § 3. The Transference to Animals.
   § 4. The Transference to Men.
   § 5. The Transference of Evil in Europe.
   § 6. The Nailing of Evils.
Chapter II. The Omnipresence of Demons.
Chapter III. The Public Expulsion of Evils.
   § 1. The Occasional Expulsion of Evils.
   § 2. The Periodic Expulsion of Evils.
Chapter IV. Public Scapegoats.
   § 1. The Expulsion of Embodied Evils.
   § 2. The Occasional Expulsion of Evils in a Material Vehicle.
   § 3. The Periodic Expulsion of Evils in a Material Vehicle.
Chapter V. On Scapegoats in General.
Chapter VI. Human Scapegoats in Classical Antiquity.
   § 1. The Human Scapegoat in Ancient Rome.
   § 2. The Human Scapegoat in Ancient Greece.
Chapter VII. Killing the God in Mexico.
Chapter VIII. The Saturnalia and Kindred Festivals.
   § 1. The Roman Saturnalia.
   § 2. The King of the Bean and the Festival of Fools.
   § 3. The Saturnalia and Lent.
   § 4. Saturnalia in Ancient Greece.
   § 5. Saturnalia in Western Asia.
   § 6. Conclusion.
Note. The Crucifixion Of Christ.
Index.
Footnotes






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PREFACE.


With _The Scapegoat_ our general discussion of the theory and practice of
the Dying God is brought to a conclusion. The aspect of the subject with
which we are here chiefly concerned is the use of the Dying God as a
scapegoat to free his worshippers from the troubles of all sorts with
which life on earth is beset. I have sought to trace this curious usage to
its origin, to decompose the idea of the Divine Scapegoat into the
elements out of which it appears to be compounded. If I am right, the idea
resolves itself into a simple confusion between the material and the
immaterial, between the real possibility of transferring a physical load
to other shoulders and the supposed possibility of transferring our bodily
and mental ailments to another who will bear them for us. When we survey
the history of this pathetic fallacy from its crude inception in savagery
to its full development in the speculative theology of civilized nations,
we cannot but wonder at the singular power which the human mind possesses
of transmuting the leaden dross of superstition into a glittering
semblance of gold. Certainly in nothing is this alchemy of thought more
conspicuous than in the process which has refined the base and foolish
custom of the scapegoat into the sublime conception of a God who dies to
take away the sins of the world.

Along with the discussion of the Scapegoat I have included in this volume
an account of the remarkable religious ritual of the Aztecs, in which the
theory of the Dying God found its most systematic and most tragic
expression. There is nothing, so far as I am aware, to shew that the men
and women, who in Mexico died cruel deaths in the character of gods and
goddesses, were regarded as scapegoats by their worshippers and
executioners; the intention of slaying them seems rather to have been to
reinforce by a river of human blood the tide of life which might else grow
stagnant and stale in the veins of the deities. Hence the Aztec ritual,
which prescribed the slaughter, the roasting alive, and the flaying of men
and women in order that the gods might remain for ever young and strong,
conforms to the general theory of deicide which I have offered in this
work. On that theory death is a portal through which gods and men alike
must pass to escape the decrepitude of age and to attain the vigour of
eternal youth. The conception may be said to culminate in the Brahmanical
doctrine that in the daily sacrifice the body of the Creator is broken
anew for the salvation of the world.

J. G. Frazer.

CAMBRIDGE,
_21st June, 1913_.





CHAPTER I. THE TRANSFERENCE OF EVIL.




§ 1. The Transference to Inanimate Objects.


(M1) In the preceding parts of this work we have traced the practice of
killing a god among peoples in the hunting, pastoral, and agricultural
stages of society; and I have attempted to explain the motives which led
men to adopt so curious a custom. One aspect of the custom still remains
to be noticed. The accumulated misfortunes and sins of the whole people
are sometimes laid upon the dying god, who is supposed to bear them away
for ever, leaving the people innocent and happy. The notion that we can
transfer our guilt and sufferings to some other being who will bear them
for us is familiar to the savage mind. It arises from a very obvious
confusion between the physical and the mental, between the material and
the immaterial. Because it is possible to shift a load of wood, stones, or
what not, from our own back to the back of another, the savage fancies
that it is equally possible to shift the burden of his pains and sorrows
to another, who will suffer them in his stead. Upon this idea he acts, and
the result is an endless number of very unamiable devices for palming off
upon some one else the trouble which a man shrinks from bearing himself.
In short, the principle of vicarious suffering is commonly understood and
practised by races who stand on a low level of social and intellectual
culture. In the following pages I shall illustrate the theory and the
practice as they are found among savages in all their naked simplicity,
undisguised by the refinements of metaphysics and the subtleties of
theology.

(M2) The devices to which the cunning and selfish savage resorts for the
sake of easing himself at the expense of his neighbour are manifold; only
a few typical examples out of a multitude can be cited. At the outset it
is to be observed that the evil of which a man seeks to rid himself need
not be transferred to a person; it may equally well be transferred to an
animal or a thing, though in the last case the thing is often only a
vehicle to convey the trouble to the first person who touches it. In some
of the East Indian islands they think that epilepsy can be cured by
striking the patient on the face with the leaves of certain trees and then
throwing them away. The disease is believed to have passed into the
leaves, and to have been thrown away with them.(1) In the Warramunga and
Tjingilli tribes of Central Australia men who suffered from headache have
often been seen wearing women’s head-rings. “This was connected with the
belief that the pain in the head would pass into the rings, and that then
it could be thrown away with them into the bush, and so got rid of
effectually. The natives have a very firm belief in the efficacy of this
treatment. In the same way when a man suffers from internal pain, usually
brought on by overeating, his wife’s head-rings are placed on his stomach;
the evil magic which is causing all the trouble passes into them, and they
are then thrown away into the bushes, where the magic is supposed to leave
them. After a time they are searched for by the woman, who brings them
back, and again wears them in the ordinary way.”(2) Among the Sihanaka of
Madagascar, when a man is very sick, his relatives are sometimes bidden by
the diviner to cast out the evil by means of a variety of things, such as
a stick of a particular sort of tree, a rag, a pinch of earth from an
ant’s nest, a little money, or what not. Whatever they may be, they are
brought to the patient’s house and held by a man near the door, while an
exorcist stands in the house and pronounces the formula necessary for
casting out the disease. When he has done, the things are thrown away in a
southward direction, and all the people in the house, including the sick
man, if he has strength enough, shake their loose robes and spit towards
the door in order to expedite the departure of the malady.(3) When an
Atkhan of the Aleutian Islands had committed a grave sin and desired to
unburden himself of his guilt, he proceeded as follows. Having chosen a
time when the sun was clear and unclouded, he picked up certain weeds and
carried them about his person. Then he laid them down, and calling the sun
to witness, cast his sins upon them, after which, having eased his heart
of all that weighed upon it, he threw the weeds into the fire, and fancied
that thus he cleansed himself of his guilt.(4) In Vedic times a younger
brother who married before his elder brother was thought to have sinned in
so doing, but there was a ceremony by which he could purge himself of his
sin. Fetters of reed-grass were laid on him in token of his guilt, and
when they had been washed and sprinkled they were flung into a foaming
torrent, which swept them away, while the evil was bidden to vanish with
the foam of the stream.(5) The Matse negroes of Togoland think that the
river Awo has power to carry away the sorrows of mankind. So when one of
their friends has died, and their hearts are heavy, they go to the river
with leaves of the raphia palm tied round their necks and drums in their
hands. Standing on the bank they beat the drums and cast the leaves into
the stream. As the leaves float away out of sight to the sound of the
rippling water and the roll of the drums, they fancy that their sorrow too
is lifted from them.(6) Similarly, the ancient Greeks imagined that the
pangs of love might be healed by bathing in the river Selemnus.(7) The
Indians of Peru sought to purify themselves from their sins by plunging
their heads in a river; they said that the river washed their sins
away.(8)

(M3) An Arab cure for melancholy or madness caused by love is to put a
dish of water on the sufferer’s head, drop melted lead into it, and then
bury the lead in an open field; thus the mischief that was in the man goes
away.(9) Amongst the Miotse of China, when the eldest son of the house
attains the age of seven years, a ceremony called “driving away the devil”
takes place. The father makes a kite of straw and lets it fly away in the
desert, bearing away all evil with it.(10) When an Indian of Santiago
Tepehuacan is ill, he will sometimes attempt to rid himself of the malady
by baking thrice seven cakes; of these he places seven in the top of the
highest pine-tree of the forest, seven he lays at the foot of the tree,
and seven he casts into a well, with the water of which he then washes
himself. By this means he transfers the sickness to the water of the well
and so is made whole.(11) The Baganda believed that plague was caused by
the god Kaumpuli, who resided in a deep hole in his temple. To prevent him
from escaping and devastating the country, they battened him down in the
hole by covering the top with plantain-stems and piling wild-cat-skins
over them; there was nothing like wild-cat-skins to keep him down, so
hundreds of wild cats were hunted and killed every year to supply the
necessary skins. However, sometimes in spite of these precautions the god
contrived to escape, and then the people died. When a garden or house was
plague-stricken, the priests purified it by transferring the disease to a
plantain-tree and then carrying away the tree to a piece of waste land.
The way in which they effected the transference of the disease was this.
They first made a number of little shields and spears out of plantain
fibre and reeds and placed them at intervals along the path leading from
the garden to the main road. A young plantain-tree, about to bear fruit,
was then cut down, the stem was laid in the path leading to one of the
plague-stricken huts, and it was speared with not less than twenty reed
spears, which were left sticking in it, while some of the plantain-fibre
shields were also fastened to it. This tree was then carried down the path
to the waste land and left there. It went by the name of the Scapegoat
(_kyonzire_). To make quite sure that the plague, after being thus
deposited in the wilderness, should not return by the way it went, the
priests raised an arch, covered with barkcloth, over the path at the point
where it diverged from the main road. This arch was thought to interpose
an insurmountable barrier to the return of the plague.(12)

(M4) Dyak priestesses expel ill-luck from a house by hewing and slashing
the air in every corner of it with wooden swords, which they afterwards
wash in the river, to let the ill-luck float away down stream. Sometimes
they sweep misfortune out of the house with brooms made of the leaves of
certain plants and sprinkled with rice-water and blood. Having swept it
clean out of every room and into a toy-house made of bamboo, they set the
little house with its load of bad luck adrift on the river. The current
carries it away out to sea, where it shifts its baleful cargo to a certain
kettle-shaped ship, which floats in mid-ocean and receives in its
capacious hold all the ills that flesh is heir to. Well would it be with
mankind if the evils remained for ever tossing far away on the billows;
but, alas, they are dispersed from the ship to the four winds, and settle
again, and yet again, on the weary Dyak world. On Dyak rivers you may see
many of the miniature houses, laden with manifold misfortunes, bobbing up
and down on the current, or sticking fast in the thickets that line the
banks.(13)

(M5) These examples illustrate the purely beneficent side of the
transference of evil; they shew how men seek to alleviate human sufferings
by diverting them to material objects, which are then thrown away or
otherwise disposed of so as to render them innocuous. Often, however, the
transference of evil to a material object is only a step towards foisting
it upon a living person. This is the maleficent side of such
transferences. It is exemplified in the following cases. To cure toothache
some of the Australian blacks apply a heated spear-thrower to the cheek.
The spear-thrower is then cast away, and the toothache goes with it in the
shape of a black stone called _karriitch_. Stones of this kind are found
in old mounds and sandhills. They are carefully collected and thrown in
the direction of enemies in order to give them toothache.(14) In Mirzapur
a mode of transferring disease is to fill a pot with flowers and rice and
bury it in a pathway covered up with a flat stone. Whoever touches this is
supposed to contract the disease. The practice is called _chalauwa_, or
“passing on” the malady. This sort of thing goes on daily in Upper India.
Often while walking of a morning in the bazaar you will see a little pile
of earth adorned with flowers in the middle of the road. Such a pile
usually contains some scabs or scales from the body of a smallpox patient,
which are placed there in the hope that some one may touch them, and by
catching the disease may relieve the sufferer.(15) The Bahima, a pastoral
people of the Uganda Protectorate, often suffer from deep-seated
abscesses: “their cure for this is to transfer the disease to some other
person by obtaining herbs from the medicine-man, rubbing them over the
place where the swelling is, and burying them in the road where people
continually pass; the first person who steps over these buried herbs
contracts the disease, and the original patient recovers.”(16) The
practice of the Wagogo of German East Africa is similar. When a man is
ill, the native doctor will take him to a cross-road, where he prepares
his medicines, uttering at the same time the incantations which are
necessary to give the drugs their medical virtue. Part of the dose is then
administered to the patient, and part is buried under a pot turned upside
down at the cross-road. It is hoped that somebody will step over the pot,
and catching the disease, which lurks in the pot, will thereby relieve the
original sufferer. A variation of this cure is to plaster some of the
medicine, or a little of the patient’s blood, on a wooden peg and to drive
the peg into a tree; any one who passes the tree and is so imprudent as to
draw out the peg, will carry away with it the disease.(17)

(M6) Sometimes in case of sickness the malady is transferred to an effigy
as a preliminary to passing it on to a human being. Thus among the Baganda
the medicine-man would sometimes make a model of his patient in clay; then
a relative of the sick man would rub the image over the sufferer’s body
and either bury it in the road or hide it in the grass by the wayside. The
first person who stepped over the image or passed by it would catch the
disease. Sometimes the effigy was made out of a plantain-flower tied up so
as to look like a person; it was used in the same way as the clay figure.
But the use of images for this maleficent purpose was a capital crime; any
person caught in the act of burying one of them in the public road would
surely have been put to death.(18) Among the Sena-speaking people to the
north of the Zambesi, when any one is ill, the doctor makes a little pig
of straw to which he transfers the sickness. The little pig is then set on
the ground where two paths meet, and any passer-by who chances to kick it
over is sure to absorb the illness and to draw it away from the
patient.(19) Among the Korkus, a forest tribe of the Central Provinces in
India, when a person wishes to transfer his sickness to another, he
contrives to obtain the loin-cloth of his intended victim and paints two
figures on it in lamp black, one upright and the other upside down. As
soon as the owner of the loin-cloth puts it on, he falls a victim to the
ailment which afflicted the artist who drew the figures.(20) Every nine
years a Mongol celebrates a memorial festival of his birth for the purpose
of ensuring the continuance of his life and welfare. At this solemn
ceremony two lambskins, one black and the other white, are spread on the
floor of the hut, which is further covered with a felt carpet, and on the
carpet are made nine little ridges of earth brought from nine mountains,
the bottom of a river, and a sepulchral mound. The owner of the hut, for
whose benefit the rite is performed, next seats himself on the black
lambskin, and opposite him is set an effigy of himself made of dough by a
lama. The priest then throws a black stone at the effigy, praying that the
black arrow of death may pierce it, after which he throws a white stone at
the master of the hut, praying that the bright beam of life may endow him
with wondrous strength. After that the Mongol gets up, steps over one of
the ridges of earth and says, “I have overcome a mishap, I have escaped a
death.” This ceremony he performs nine times, stepping over all the
ridges, one after the other. Then he sits down on the white lambskin, and
the lama takes the dough effigy, swings it thrice round the man whom it
represents, spits on it thrice, and hands it to attendants who carry it
away into the steppe. A little holy water sprinkled over the Mongol now
completes his protection against perils and dangers.(21) This last is a
case of the beneficent transference of evil; for in it no attempt seems to
be made to shift the burden of misfortune to anybody else.




§ 2. The Transference to Stones and Sticks.


(M7) In the western district of the island of Timor, when men or women are
making long and tiring journeys, they fan themselves with leafy branches,
which they afterwards throw away on particular spots where their
forefathers did the same before them. The fatigue which they felt is thus
supposed to have passed into the leaves and to be left behind. Others use
stones instead of leaves.(22) Similarly in the Babar Archipelago tired
people will strike themselves with stones, believing that they thus
transfer to the stones the weariness which they felt in their own bodies.
They then throw away the stones in places which are specially set apart
for the purpose.(23) A like belief and practice in many distant parts of
the world have given rise to those cairns or heaps of sticks and leaves
which travellers often observe beside the path, and to which every passing
native adds his contribution in the shape of a stone, or stick, or leaf.
Thus in the Solomon and Banks’ Islands the natives are wont to throw
sticks, stones, or leaves upon a heap at a place of steep descent, or
where a difficult path begins, saying, “There goes my fatigue.” The act is
not a religious rite, for the thing thrown on the heap is not an offering
to spiritual powers, and the words which accompany the act are not a
prayer. It is nothing but a magical ceremony for getting rid of fatigue,
which the simple savage fancies he can embody in a stick, leaf, or stone,
and so cast it from him.(24)

(M8) An early Spanish missionary to Nicaragua, observing that along the
paths there were heaps of stones on which the Indians as they passed threw
grass, asked them why they did so. “Because we think,” was the answer,
“that thereby we are kept from weariness and hunger, or at least that we
suffer less from them.”(25) When the Peruvian Indians were climbing steep
mountains and felt weary, they used to halt by the way at certain points
where there were heaps of stones, which they called _apachitas_. On these
heaps the weary men would place other stones, and they said that when they
did so, their weariness left them.(26) In the passes of the eastern Andes,
on the borders of Argentina and Bolivia, “large cairns are constantly
found, and every Puna Indian, on passing, adds a stone and a coca leaf, so
that neither he nor his beast of burden may tire on the way.”(27) In the
country of the Tarahumares and Tepehuanes in Mexico heaps of stones and
sticks may be observed on high points, where the track leads over a ridge
between two or more valleys. “Every Indian who passes such a pile adds a
stone or a stick to it in order to gain strength for his journey. Among
the Tarahumares only the old men observe this custom. Whenever the
Tepehuanes carry a corpse, they rest it for some fifteen minutes on such a
heap by the wayside that the deceased may not be fatigued but strong
enough to finish his long journey to the land of the dead. One of my
Huichol companions stopped on reaching this pile, pulled up some grass
from the ground and picked up a stone as big as his fist. Holding both
together he spat on the grass and on the stone and then rubbed them
quickly over his knees. He also made a couple of passes with them over his
chest and shoulders, exclaiming ‘_Kenestíquai!_’ (May I not get tired!)
and then put the grass on the heap and the stone on top of the grass.”(28)
In Guatemala also piles of stones may be seen at the partings of ways and
on the tops of cliffs and mountains. Every passing Indian used to gather a
handful of grass, rub his legs with it, spit on it, and deposit it with a
small stone on the pile, firmly persuaded that by so doing he would
restore their flagging vigour to his weary limbs.(29) Here the rubbing of
the limbs with the grass, like the Babar custom of striking the body with
a stone, was doubtless a mode of extracting the fatigue from them as a
preliminary to throwing it away.

(M9) Similarly on the plateau between Lakes Tanganyika and Nyassa the
native carriers, before they ascend a steep hill with their loads, will
pick up a stone, spit on it, rub the calves of their legs with it, and
then deposit it on one of those small piles of stones which are commonly
to be found at such spots in this part of Africa. A recent English
traveller, who noticed the custom, was informed that the carriers practise
it “to make their legs light,”(30) in other words, to extract the fatigue
from them. On the banks of the Kei river in Southern Africa another
English traveller noticed some heaps of stones. On enquiring what they
meant, he was told by his guides that when a Caffre felt weary he had but
to add a stone to the heap to regain fresh vigour.(31) In some parts of
South Africa, particularly on the Zambesi, piles of sticks take the place
of cairns. “Sometimes the natives will rub their leg with a stick, and
throw the stick on the heap, ‘to get rid of fatigue,’ they avow. Others
say that throwing a stone on the heap gives one fresh vigour for the
journey.”(32)

(M10) From other accounts of the Caffre custom we learn that these cairns
are generally on the sides or tops of mountains, and that before a native
deposits his stone on the pile he spits on it.(33) The practice of
spitting on the stone which the weary wayfarer lays on the pile is
probably a mode of transferring his fatigue the more effectually to the
material vehicle which is to rid him of it. We have seen that the practice
prevails among the Indians of Guatemala and the natives of the Tanganyika
plateau, and it appears to be observed also under similar circumstances in
Corea, where the cairns are to be found especially on the tops of
passes.(34) From the primitive point of view nothing can be more natural
than that the cairns or the heaps of sticks and leaves to which the tired
traveller adds his contribution should stand at the top of passes and, in
general, on the highest points of the road. The wayfarer who has toiled,
with aching limbs and throbbing temples, up a long and steep ascent, is
aware of a sudden alleviation as soon as he has reached the summit; he
feels as if a weight had been lifted from him, and to the savage, with his
concrete mode of thought, it seems natural and easy to cast the weight
from him in the shape of a stone or stick, or a bunch of leaves or of
grass. Hence it is that the piles which represent the accumulated
weariness of many foot-sore and heavy-laden travellers are to be seen
wherever the road runs highest in the lofty regions of Bolivia, Tibet,
Bhootan, and Burma,(35) in the passes of the Andes and the Himalayas, as
well as in Corea, Caffraria, Guatemala, and Melanesia.

(M11) While the mountaineer Indians of South America imagine that they can
rid themselves of their fatigue in the shape of a stick or a stone, other
or the same aborigines of that continent believe that they can let it out
with their blood. A French explorer, who had seen much of the South
American Indians, tells us that “they explain everything that they
experience by attributing it to sorcery, to the influence of maleficent
beings. Thus an Indian on the march, when he feels weary, never fails to
ascribe his weariness to the evil spirit; and if he has no diviner at
hand, he wounds himself in the knees, the shoulders, and on the arms in
order to let out the evil with the blood. That is why many Indians,
especially the Aucas [Araucanians], have always their arms covered with
scars. This custom, differently applied, is almost general in America; for
I found it up to the foot of the Andes, in Bolivia, among the Chiriguana
and Yuracares nations.”(36)

(M12) But it is not mere bodily fatigue which the savage fancies he can
rid himself of by the simple expedient of throwing a stick or a stone.
Unable clearly to distinguish the immaterial from the material, the
abstract from the concrete, he is assailed by vague terrors, he feels
himself exposed to some ill-defined danger on the scene of any great crime
or great misfortune. The place to him seems haunted ground. The thronging
memories that crowd upon his mind, if they are not mistaken by him for
goblins and phantoms, oppress his fancy with a leaden weight. His impulse
is to flee from the dreadful spot, to shake off the burden that seems to
cling to him like a nightmare. This, in his simple sensuous way, he thinks
he can do by casting something at the horrid place and hurrying by. For
will not the contagion of misfortune, the horror that clutched at his
heart-strings, be diverted from himself into the thing? will it not gather
up in itself all the evil influences that threatened him, and so leave him
to pursue his journey in safety and peace? Some such train of thought, if
these gropings and fumblings of a mind in darkness deserve the name of
thought, seems to explain the custom, observed by wayfarers in many lands,
of throwing sticks or stones on places where something horrible has
happened or evil deeds have been done. When Sir Francis Younghusband was
travelling across the great desert of Gobi his caravan descended, towards
dusk on a June evening, into a long depression between the hills, which
was notorious as a haunt of robbers. His guide, with a terror-stricken
face, told how not long before nine men out of a single caravan had been
murdered, and the rest left in a pitiable state to continue their journey
on foot across the awful desert. A horseman, too, had just been seen
riding towards the hills. “We had accordingly to keep a sharp look-out,
and when we reached the foot of the hills, halted, and, taking the loads
off the camels, wrapped ourselves up in our sheepskins and watched through
the long hours of the night. Day broke at last, and then we silently
advanced and entered the hills. Very weird and fantastic in their rugged
outline were they, and here and there a cairn of stones marked where some
caravan had been attacked, and as we passed these each man threw one more
stone on the heap.”(37) In the Norwegian district of Tellemarken a cairn
is piled up wherever anything fearful has happened, and every passer-by
must throw another stone on it, or some evil will befall him.(38) In
Sweden and the Esthonian island of Oesel the same custom is practised on
scenes of clandestine or illicit love, with the strange addition in Oesel
that when a man has lost his cattle he will go to such a spot, and, while
he flings a stick or stone on it, will say, “I bring thee wood. Let me
soon find my lost cattle.”(39) Far from these northern lands, the Dyaks of
Batang Lupar keep up an observance of the same sort in the forests of
Borneo. Beside their paths may be seen heaps of sticks or stones which are
called “lying heaps.” Each heap is in memory of some man who told a
stupendous lie or disgracefully failed in carrying out an engagement, and
everybody who passes adds a stick or stone to the pile, saying as he does
so, “For So-and-so’s lying heap.”(40) The Dyaks think it a sacred duty to
add to every such “liar’s mound” (_tugong bula_) which they pass; they
imagine that the omission of the duty would draw down on them a
supernatural punishment. Hence, however pressed a Dyak may be for time, he
will always stop to throw on the pile some branches or twigs.(41) The
person to start such a heap is one of the men who has suffered by a
malicious lie. He takes a stick, throws it down on some spot where people
are constantly passing, and says, “Let any one who does not add to this
liar’s heap suffer from pains in the head.” Others then do likewise, and
every passer-by throws a stick on the spot lest he should suffer pains. In
this way the heap often grows to a large size, and the liar by whose name
it is known is greatly ashamed.(42)

(M13) But it is on scenes of murder and sudden death that this rude method
of averting evil is most commonly practised. The custom that every
passer-by must cast a stone or stick on the spot where some one has come
to a violent end, whether by murder or otherwise, has been observed in
practically the same form in such many and diverse parts of the world as
Ireland, France, Spain, Sweden, Germany, Bohemia, Lesbos, Morocco,
Armenia, Palestine, Arabia, India, North America, Venezuela, Bolivia,
Celebes, and New Zealand.(43) In Fiji, for example, it was the practice
for every passer-by to throw a leaf on the spot where a man had been
clubbed to death; “this was considered as an offering of respect to him,
and, if not performed, they have a notion they will soon be killed
themselves.”(44) Sometimes the scene of the murder or death may also be
the grave of the victim, but it need not always be so, and in Europe,
where the dead are buried in consecrated ground, the two places would
seldom coincide. However, the custom of throwing stones or sticks on a
grave has undoubtedly been observed by passers-by in many parts of the
world, and that, too, even when the graves are not those of persons who
have come to a violent end. Thus we are told that the people of Unalashka,
one of the Aleutian Islands, bury their dead on the summits of hills and
raise a little hillock over the grave. “In a walk into the country, one of
the natives, who attended me, pointed out several of these receptacles of
the dead. There was one of them, by the side of the road leading from the
harbour to the village, over which was raised a heap of stones. It was
observed, that every one who passed it, added one to it.”(45) The
Roumanians of Transylvania think that a dying man should have a burning
candle in his hand, and that any one who dies without a light has no right
to the ordinary funeral ceremonies. The body of such an unfortunate is not
laid in holy ground, but is buried wherever it may be found. His grave is
marked only by a heap of dry branches, to which each passer-by is expected
to add a handful of twigs or a thorny bough.(46) The Hottentot god or hero
Heitsi-eibib died several times and came to life again. When the
Hottentots pass one of his numerous graves they throw a stone, a bush, or
a fresh branch on it for good luck.(47) Near the former mission-station of
Blydeuitzigt in Cape Colony there was a spot called Devil’s Neck where, in
the opinion of the Bushmen, the devil was interred. To hinder his
resurrection stones were piled in heaps about the place. When a Bushman,
travelling in the company of a missionary, came in sight of the spot he
seized a stone and hurled it at the grave, remarking that if he did not do
so his neck would be twisted round so that he would have to look backwards
for the term of his natural life.(48) Stones are cast by passers-by on the
graves of murderers in some parts of Senegambia.(49) In Syria deceased
robbers are not buried like honest folk, but left to rot where they lie;
and a pile of stones is raised over the mouldering corpse. Every one who
passes such a pile must fling a stone at it, on pain of incurring God’s
malison.(50) Between sixty and seventy years ago an Englishman was
travelling from Sidon to Tyre with a couple of Musalmans. When he drew
near Tyre his companions picked up some small stones, armed him in the
same fashion, and requested him to be so kind as to follow their example.
Soon afterwards they came in sight of a conical heap of pebbles and stones
standing in the road, at which the two Musalmans hurled stones and curses
with great vehemence and remarkable volubility. When they had discharged
this pious duty to their satisfaction, they explained that the missiles
and maledictions were directed at a celebrated robber and murderer, who
had been knocked on the head and buried there some half a century
before.(51)

(M14) In these latter cases it may perhaps be thought that the sticks and
stones serve no other purpose than to keep off the angry and dangerous
ghost who might be supposed to haunt either the place of death or the
grave. This interpretation seems certainly to apply to some cases of the
custom. For example, in Pomerania and West Prussia the ghosts of suicides
are much feared. Such persons are buried, not in the churchyard, but at
the place where they took their lives, and every passer-by must cast a
stone or a stick on the spot, or the ghost of the suicide will haunt him
by night and give him no rest. Hence the piles of sticks or stones
accumulated on the graves of these poor wretches sometimes attain a
considerable size.(52) Similarly the Baganda of Central Africa used to
stand in great fear of the ghosts of suicides and they took many
precautions to disarm or even destroy these dangerous spirits. For this
purpose the bodies of suicides were removed to waste land or cross-roads
and burned there, together with the wood of the house in which the deed
had been done or of the tree on which the person had hanged himself. By
these means they imagined that they destroyed the ghost so that he could
not come and lure others to follow his bad example. Lest, however, the
ghost should survive the destruction of his body by fire, the Baganda, in
passing any place where a suicide had been burnt, always threw grass or
sticks on the spot to prevent the ghost from catching them. And they did
the same, for the same reason, whenever they passed the places on waste
ground where persons accused of witchcraft and found guilty by the poison
ordeal had been burnt to death. Baganda women had a special reason for
dreading all graves which were believed to be haunted by dangerous ghosts;
for, imagining that they could conceive children without intercourse with
the other sex, they feared to be impregnated by the entrance into them of
the ghosts of suicides and other unfortunate or uncanny people, such as
persons with a light complexion, twins, and particularly all who had the
mishap to be born feet foremost. For that reason Baganda women were at
pains, whenever they passed the graves of any such persons, to throw
sticks or grass upon them; “for by so doing they thought that they could
prevent the ghost of the dead from entering into them, and being reborn.”
Hence the mounds which accumulated over these graves became in course of
time large enough to deflect the path and to attract the attention of
travellers. It was not merely matrons who thus took care not to become
mothers unaware; the same fears were entertained and the same precautions
were adopted by all women, whether old or young, whether married or
single; since they thought that there was no woman, whatever her age or
condition, who might not be impregnated by the entrance into her of a
spirit.(53) In these cases, therefore, the throwing of sticks or grass at
graves is a purely defensive measure; the missiles are intended to ward
off the assaults of dangerous ghosts. Similarly we are told that in
Madagascar solitary graves by the wayside have a sinister reputation, and
that passers-by, without looking back, will throw stones or clods at them
“to prevent the evil spirits from following them.”(54) The Maraves of
South Africa, like the Baganda, used to burn witches alive and to throw
stones on the places of execution whenever they passed them, so that in
time regular cairns gradually rose on these spots.(55) No doubt with these
Maraves, as with the Baganda, the motive for throwing missiles at such
places is to protect themselves against the ghosts. A protective motive is
also assigned for a similar custom observed in Chota Nagpur, a region of
India which is the home of many primitive tribes. There heaps of stones or
of leaves and branches may often be seen beside the path; they are
supposed to mark the places where people have been killed by wild beasts,
and the natives think that any passer-by who failed to add a stone or a
stick to the pile would himself be seized and devoured by a wild
animal.(56) Here, though the ghost is not explicitly mentioned, we may
perhaps suppose that out of spite he is instrumental in causing others to
perish by the same untimely death by which he was himself carried off. The
Kayans of Borneo imagine that they can put evil spirits to flight by
hurling sticks or stones at them; so on a journey they will let fly
volleys of such missiles at the rocks and dens where demons are known to
reside.(57) Hence, whenever the throwing of stones at a grave is regarded
as an insult to the dead, we may suppose that the missiles are intended to
hit and hurt the ghost. Thus Euripides represents the murderer Aegisthus
as leaping on the tomb of his victim Agamemnon and pelting it with
stones;(58) and Propertius invites all lovers to discharge stones and
curses at the dishonoured grave of an old bawd.(59)

(M15) But if this theory seems adequately to account for some cases of the
custom with which we are concerned, it apparently fails to explain others.
The view that the sticks and stones hurled at certain places are weapons
turned against dangerous or malignant spirits is plausible in cases where
such spirits are believed to be in the neighbourhood; but in cases where
no such spirits are thought to be lurking, we must, it would seem, cast
about for some other explanation. For example, we have seen that it has
been customary to throw sticks or stones on spots which have been defiled
by deeds of moral turpitude without any shedding of blood, and again on
spots where weary travellers stop to rest. It is difficult to suppose that
in these latter cases the evil deeds or the sensations of fatigue are
conceived in the concrete shape of demons whom it is necessary to repel by
missiles, though many South American Indians, as we saw, do attribute
fatigue to a demon. Still more difficult is it to apply the purely
defensive theory to cases where beneficent spirits are imagined to be
hovering somewhere near, and where the throwing of the stones or sticks is
apparently regarded by those who practise it as a token of respect rather
than of hostility. Thus amongst the Masai, when any one dies away from the
kraal, his body is left lying on the spot where he died, and all persons
present throw bunches of grass or leaves on the corpse. Afterwards every
passer-by casts a stone or a handful of grass on the place, and the more
the dead man was respected, the longer is the usage observed.(60) It is
especially the graves of Masai medicine-men that are honoured in this
way.(61) In the forest near Avestad, in Sweden, the traveller, Clarke,
observed “several heaps made with sticks and stones; upon which the
natives, as they pass, cast either a stone, or a little earth, or the
bough of a tree; deeming it an uncharitable act to omit this tribute, in
their journeys to and fro. As this custom appeared closely allied to the
pious practice in the Highlands of Scotland, of casting a stone upon the
cairn of a deceased person, we, of course, concluded these heaps were
places of sepulture.” They were said to be the graves of a band of
robbers, who had plundered merchants on their passage through the forest,
but had afterwards been killed and buried where they fell.(62) However, in
all these cases the practice of throwing stones on the grave, though
interpreted as a mark of respect and charity, may really be based on the
fear of the ghosts, so that the motive for observing the custom may be
merely that of self-defence against a dangerous spirit. Yet this
explanation can hardly apply to certain other cases. Thus in Syria it is a
common practice with pious Moslems, when they first come in sight of a
very sacred place, such as Hebron or the tomb of Moses, to make a little
heap of stones or to add a stone to a heap which has been already made.
Hence every here and there the traveller passes a whole series of such
heaps by the side of the track.(63) In Northern Africa the usage is
similar. Cairns are commonly erected on spots from which the devout
pilgrim first discerns the shrine of a saint afar off; hence they are
generally to be seen on the top of passes. For example, in Morocco, at the
point of the road from Casablanca to Azemmour, where you first come in
sight of the white city of the saint gleaming in the distance, there rises
an enormous cairn of stones shaped like a pyramid several hundreds of feet
high, and beyond it on both sides of the road there is a sort of avalanche
of stones, either standing singly or arranged in little pyramids. Every
pious Mohammedan whose eyes are gladdened by the blessed sight of the
sacred town adds his stone to one of the piles or builds a little pile for
himself.(64)

(M16) Such a custom can hardly be explained as a precaution adopted
against a dangerous influence supposed to emanate from the saint and to
communicate itself even to people at a distance. On the contrary, it
points rather to a desire of communion with the holy man than to a wish to
keep him at bay. The mode of communion adopted, however strange it may
seem to us, is apparently quite in harmony with the methods by which good
Mohammedans in Northern Africa attempt to appropriate to themselves the
blessed influence (_baraka_) which is supposed to radiate on all sides
from the person of a living saint. “It is impossible to imagine,” we are
told, “the extremity to which the belief in the blessed influence of
saints is carried in North Africa. To form an exact idea of it you must
see a great saint in the midst of the faithful. ‘The people fling
themselves down on his path to kiss the skirt of his robe, to kiss his
stirrup if he is on horseback, to kiss even his footprint if he is on
foot. Those who are too far from him to be able to touch his hand touch
him with their staff, or fling a stone at him which they have marked
previously so as to be able to find it afterwards and to embrace it
devoutly.’ ”(65) Thus through the channel of the stone or the stick, which
has been in bodily contact with the living saint, his blessed influence
flows to the devotee who has wielded the stick or hurled the stone. In
like manner we may perhaps suppose that the man who adds a stone to a
cairn in honour of a dead saint hopes to benefit by the saintly effluence
which distils in a mysterious fashion through the stone to him.(66)

(M17) When we survey the many different cases in which passing travellers
are accustomed to add stones or sticks to existing piles, it seems
difficult, if not impossible, to explain them all on one principle;
different and even opposite motives appear, at least at first sight, to
have operated in different cases to produce customs superficially alike.
Sometimes the motive for throwing the stone is to ward off a dangerous
spirit; sometimes it is to cast away an evil; sometimes it is to acquire a
good. Yet, perhaps, if we could trace them back to their origin in the
mind of primitive man, we might find that they all resolve themselves more
or less exactly into the principle of the transference of evil. For to rid
ourselves of an evil and to acquire a good are often merely opposite sides
of one and the same operation; for example, a convalescent regains health
in exactly the same proportion as he shakes off his malady. And though the
practice of throwing stones at dangerous spirits especially at mischievous
and malignant ghosts of the dead, appears to spring from a different
motive, yet it may be questioned whether the difference is really as great
to the savage as it seems to us. To primitive man the idea of spiritual
and ghostly powers is still more indefinite than it is to his civilized
brother: it fills him with a vague uneasiness and alarm; and this
sentiment of dread and horror he, in accordance with his habitual modes of
thought, conceives in a concrete form as something material which either
surrounds and oppresses him like a fog, or has entered into and taken
temporary possession of his body. In either case he imagines that he can
rid himself of the uncanny thing by stripping it from his skin or
wrenching it out of his body and transferring it to some material
substance, whether a stick, a stone, or what not, which he can cast from
him, and so, being eased of his burden, can hasten away from the dreadful
spot with a lighter heart. Thus the throwing of the sticks or stones would
be a form of ceremonial purification, which among primitive peoples is
commonly conceived as a sort of physical rather than moral purgation, a
mode of sweeping or scouring away the morbid matter by which the polluted
person is supposed to be infected. This notion perhaps explains the rite
of stone-throwing observed by pilgrims at Mecca; on the day of sacrifice
every pilgrim has to cast seven stones on a cairn, and the rite is
repeated thrice on the three following days. The traditional explanation
of the custom is that Mohammed here drove away the devil with a shower of
stones;(67) but the original idea may perhaps have been that the pilgrims
cleanse themselves by transferring their ceremonial impurity to the stones
which they fling on the heap.

(M18) The theory that the throwing of stones is practised in certain
circumstances as a mode of purification tallies very well with the
tradition as to the origin of those cairns which were to be seen by
wayside images of Hermes in ancient Greece, and to which every passer-by
added a stone. It was said that when Hermes was tried by the gods for the
murder of Argus all the gods flung stones at him as a means of freeing
themselves from the pollution contracted by bloodshed; the stones thus
thrown made a great heap, and the custom of rearing such heaps at wayside
images of Hermes continued ever afterwards.(68) Similarly Plato
recommended that if any man had murdered his father or mother, his brother
or sister, his son or daughter, he should be put to death, and that his
body should be cast forth naked at a cross-road outside of the city. There
the magistrates should assemble on behalf of the city, each carrying in
his hand a stone, which he was to cast at the head of the corpse by way of
purifying the city from the pollution it had contracted by the crime.
After that the corpse was to be carried away and flung outside the
boundaries.(69) In these cases it would seem that the pollution incurred
by the vicinity of a murderer is thought to be gathered up in the stones
as a material vehicle and to be thrown away with them. A sacrificial
custom of the Brahmans, prescribed in one of their sacred books, is
susceptible of a like interpretation. At a certain stage of the ritual the
sacrificer is directed to put a stone into a water-pot and to throw it
away in a south-westerly direction, because that is the region of Nirriti,
the goddess of Evil or Destruction. With the stone and the pitcher he is
supposed to cast away his pain and evil; and he can transfer the pain to
another by saying, as he throws away the stone and the pitcher, “Let thy
pain enter him whom we hate,” or “Let thy pain enter so-and-so,” naming
his enemy; but in order to ensure the transference of the pain to his
enemy he must take care that the stone or the pitcher is broken.(70)

(M19) This mode of interpreting the custom of throwing sticks and stones
on piles appears preferable to the one which has generally found favour
with European travellers and writers. Imperfectly acquainted for the most
part with the notions which underlie primitive magic, but very familiar
with the religious conception of a deity who requires sacrifice of his
worshippers, they are apt to interpret the missiles in question as cheap
and easy offerings presented by pious but frugal worshippers to ghosts or
spirits whose favour they desire to win.(71) Whether a likely mode of
conciliating a ghost or spirit is to throw sticks and stones at him is a
question about which opinions might perhaps differ. It is difficult to
speak with confidence about the tastes of spiritual beings, but as a rule
they bear a remarkable likeness to those of mere ordinary mortals, and it
may be said without fear of contradiction that few of the latter would be
gratified by being set up as a common target to be aimed at with sticks
and stones by everybody who passed within range.(72) Yet it is quite
possible that a ceremony, which at first was purely magical, may in time
have a religious gloss or interpretation put on it even by those who
practise it; and this seems in fact to have sometimes happened to the
particular custom under consideration. Certainly some people accompany the
throwing of the stone on the pile with the presentation of useful
articles, which can hardly serve any other purpose than that of
propitiating some local spirits. Thus travellers in Sikhim and Bhootan
offer flour and wine, as well as stones, at the cairns; and they also burn
incense and recite incantations or prayers,(73) or they tear strips from
their garments, tie them to twigs or stones, and then lay them on the
cairn, calling out to the spirit of the mountain, “Pray accept our
offering! The spirits are victorious! The devils are defeated!”(74)
Indians of Guatemala offered, according to their means, a little cotton,
salt, cacao, or chili.(75) They now burn copal and sometimes dance on the
tops of the passes where the cairns are to be seen, but perhaps these
devotions may be paid to the crosses which at the present day are
generally set up in such situations.(76) The Indian of Bolivia will squirt
out the juice of his coca-quid, or throw the quid itself on the cairn, to
which he adds a stone; occasionally he goes so far as to stick feathers or
a leathern sandal or two on the pile. In passing the cairns he will
sometimes pull a hair or two out of his eyebrows or eyelashes and puff
them away towards the sun.(77) Peruvian Indians used similarly to make
cheap offerings of chewed coca or maize, old shoes, and so forth, on the
cairns.(78) In Sweden and Corea a little money is sometimes thrown on a
cairn instead of a stick or stone.(79) The shrine of the Jungle Mother in
Northern India is usually a pile of stones and branches to which every
passer-by contributes. When she is displeased, she lets a tiger or leopard
kill her negligent votary. She is the great goddess of the herdsmen and
other dwellers in the forest, and they vow to her a cock and a goat, or a
young pig, if she saves them and their cattle from beasts of prey.(80) In
the jungles of Mirzapur the cairn which marks the spot where a man has
been killed by a tiger, and to which each passer-by contributes a stone,
is commonly in charge of a Baiga or aboriginal priest, who offers upon it
a cock, a pig, or some spirits, and occasionally lights a little lamp at
the shrine.(81) Amongst the Baganda members of the Bean clan worshipped
the spirit of the river Nakiza. “There was no temple, but they had two
large heaps of sticks and grass, one on either side of the river by the
ford; to these heaps the members went, when they wished to make an
offering to the spirit, or to seek his assistance. The offerings were
usually goats, beer, barkcloth, and fowls. When people crossed the river
they threw a little grass or some sticks on to the heap before crossing,
and again a little more on to the second heap after crossing; this was
their offering to the spirit for a safe crossing.”(82) There is a ford on
the Calabar river in West Africa which has an ill repute, for the stream
is broad, the current rapid, and there are crocodiles in the deep places.
Beside the ford is a large oval-shaped stone which the Ekoi regard as an
altar of Nimm, a powerful goddess, who dwells in the depth of the river
Kwa and manifests herself in the likeness now of a crocodile and now of a
snake. In order to ensure a safe passage through the river it is customary
to pluck a leaf, rub it on the forehead over the pineal gland, and throw
it on a heap of leaves in front of the stone. As he rubs the leaf on his
forehead, the person who is about to plunge into the river prays, “May I
be free from danger! May I go through the water to the other side! May I
see no evil!” And when he throws the leaf on the heap he prays again,
saying, “I am coming across the river, may the crocodile lay down his
head!”(83) Here the leaves appear to be a propitiatory offering presented
to the dread goddess in the hope that she will suffer her worshipper to
pass the ford unmolested. At another but smaller stream, called the River
of Good Fortune, the Ekoi similarly rub leaves on their foreheads, praying
for luck, and throw them on a heap before they pass through the water.
They think that he who complies with this custom will have good luck
throughout the year. Again, when the Ekoi kill a chameleon on the road,
they do not throw the body away in the forest, but lay it by the wayside,
and all who pass by pluck a few leaves and drop them on the dead animal,
saying, “Look! Here is your mat.” In this way heaps of leaves accumulate
over the carcases of chameleons. The custom is intended to appease the
shade of the chameleon, who, if he were not pacified, would go to the
Earth-god Obassi Nsi and pray for vengeance on the race of those who had
caused his death.(84) The Washamba of German East Africa believe that
certain stony and dangerous places in the paths are the abodes of spirits;
hence at any such spot a traveller who would have a prosperous journey
must dance a little and deposit a few small stones.(85) The dance and the
stones are presumably intended to soften the heart of the spirits and
induce them to look favourably on the dancer. In Papa Westray, one of the
Orkney Islands, there is a ruined chapel called St. Tredwels, “at the door
of which there is a heap of stones; which was the superstition of the
common people, who have such a veneration for this chapel above any other,
that they never fail, at their coming to it, to throw a stone as an
offering before the door: and this they reckon an indispensable duty
enjoined by their ancestors.”(86)

(M20) Prayers, too, as we have seen, are sometimes offered at these piles.
In Laos heaps of stones may be seen beside the path, on which the
passenger will deposit a pebble, a branch, or a leaf, while he beseeches
the Lord of the Diamond to bestow on him good luck and long life.(87) In
the Himalayan districts of the North-Western Provinces of India heaps of
stones and sticks are often to be seen on hills or at cross-roads. They
are formed by the contributions of passing travellers, each of whom in
adding his stone or stick to the pile prays, saying, “Thou goddess whose
home is on the ridge, eater of wood and stone, preserve me.”(88) Tibetan
travellers mutter a prayer at the cairns on the tops of passes to which
they add a few stones gathered by them on the ascent.(89) A native of
South-Eastern Africa who places a small stone on a cairn is wont to say as
he does so, “Cairn, grant me strength and prosperity.”(90) In the same
circumstances the Hottentot prays for plenty of cattle,(91) and the Caffre
that his journey may be prosperous, that he may have strength to
accomplish it, and that he may obtain an abundant supply of food by the
way.(92) It is said that sick Bushmen used to go on pilgrimage to the
cairn called the Devil’s Neck, and pray to the spirit of the place to heal
them, while they rubbed the sick part of their body and cried, “Woe! woe!”
On special occasions, too, they resorted thither and implored the spirit’s
help.(93) Such customs seem to indicate the gradual transformation of an
old magical ceremony into a religious rite with its characteristic
features of prayer and sacrifice. Yet behind these later accretions, as we
may perhaps regard them, it seems possible in many, if not in all, cases
to discern the nucleus to which they have attached themselves, the
original idea which they tend to conceal and in time to transmute. That
idea is the transference of evil from man to a material substance which he
can cast from him like an outworn garment.




§ 3. The Transference to Animals.


(M21) Animals are often employed as a vehicle for carrying away or
transferring the evil. A Guinea negro who happens to be unwell will
sometimes tie a live chicken round his neck, so that it lies on his
breast. When the bird flaps its wings or cheeps the man thinks it a good
sign, supposing the chicken to be afflicted with the very pain from which
he hopes soon to be released, or which he would otherwise have to
endure.(94) When a Moor has a headache he will sometimes take a lamb or a
goat and beat it till it falls down, believing that the headache will thus
be transferred to the animal.(95) In Morocco most wealthy Moors keep a
wild boar in their stables, in order that the jinn and evil spirits may be
diverted from the horses and enter into the boar.(96) In some parts of
Algeria people think that typhoid fever can be cured by taking a tortoise,
putting it on its back in the road, and covering it over with a pot. The
patient recovers, but whoever upsets the pot catches the fever. In Tlemcen
a pregnant woman is protected against jinn by means of a black fowl which
is kept in the house from the seventh month of her pregnancy till her
delivery. Finally, the oldest woman in the house releases the fowl in the
Jews’ quarter; the bird is supposed to carry the jinn away with it.(97)
Amongst the Caffres of South Africa, when other remedies have failed,
“natives sometimes adopt the custom of taking a goat into the presence of
a sick man, and confess the sins of the kraal over the animal. Sometimes a
few drops of blood from the sick man are allowed to fall on the head of
the goat, which is turned out into an uninhabited part of the veldt. The
sickness is supposed to be transferred to the animal, and to become lost
in the desert.”(98) After an illness a Bechuana king seated himself upon
an ox which lay stretched on the ground. The native doctor next poured
water on the king’s head till it ran down over his body. Then the head of
the ox was held in a vessel of water till the animal expired; whereupon
the doctor declared, and the people believed, that the ox died of the
king’s disease, which had been transferred from him to it.(99) The Baganda
of Central Africa also attempted to transfer illness from a person to an
animal. “The medicine-man would take the animal, pass some herbs over the
sick man, tie these to the animal, and then drive it away to some waste
land, where he would kill it, taking the meat as his perquisite. The sick
man would be expected to recover.”(100) The Akikuyu of East Africa think
that a man can transfer the guilt of incest by means of “an ignoble
ceremony” to a goat, which is then killed; this saves the life of the
culprit, who otherwise must die.(101) When disease breaks out among the
cattle of the Bahima, a pastoral people of Central Africa, the priest
“collects herbs and other remedies to attract the disease from the cattle.
An animal is chosen from the herd in the evening, which is to be the
scapegoat for the herd; the herbs, etc., are tied round its neck, with
certain fetiches to ensure the illness leaving the other animals; the cow
is driven round the outside of the kraal several times, and afterwards
placed inside with the herd for the night. Early the following morning the
animal is taken out and again driven round the kraal; the priest then
kills it in the gateway, and some of the blood is sprinkled over the
people belonging to the kraal, and also over the herd. The people next
file out, each one jumping over the carcase of the cow, and all the
animals are driven over it in the same way. The disease is thus
transferred to the scapegoat and the herd is saved. All the fetiches and
herbs, which were upon the scapegoat, are fastened upon the door-posts and
lintel of the kraal to prevent the disease from entering again.”(102)

(M22) When the cattle of the Huzuls, a pastoral people of the Carpathians,
are sick and the owner attributes the sickness to witchcraft, he throws
glowing coals into a vessel of water and then pours the water on a black
dog; thus the sickness passes into the dog and the cattle are made
whole.(103) In Arabia, when the plague is raging, the people will
sometimes lead a camel through all the quarters of the town in order that
the animal may take the pestilence on itself. Then they strangle it in a
sacred place and imagine that they have rid themselves of the camel and of
the plague at one blow.(104) In Annam, when sickness is caused by the
presence of a demon in the body of the sufferer, a skilful exorcist will
decoy the unwary devil into a fowl and then, quick as thought, decapitate
the bird and throw it out of the door. But lest the fiend should survive
this severe operation, cabalistic figures are posted on the outside of the
door, which preclude him from entering the premises and assaulting the
patient afresh.(105) It is said that when smallpox is raging the savages
of Formosa will drive the demon of disease into a sow, then cut off the
animal’s ears and burn them or it, believing that in this way they rid
themselves of the plague.(106) When a Kabyle child is pining for jealousy
of a younger brother or sister, the parents imagine that they can cure it
as follows. They take fifteen grains of wheat, wrap them up in a packet,
and leave the packet all night under the head of the jealous child. Then
in the morning they throw the grains into an ant-hill, saying, “Salutation
to you, oh beautiful beings clad in black; salutation to you who dig the
earth so well without the aid of any hoe by the help of God and the
angels! May each of you take his share of the jealousy attached to these
grains!”(107)

(M23) Amongst the Malagasy the vehicle for carrying away evils is called a
_faditra_. “The faditra is anything selected by the sikidy [divining
board] for the purpose of taking away any hurtful evils or diseases that
might prove injurious to an individual’s happiness, peace, or prosperity.
The faditra may be either ashes, cut money, a sheep, a pumpkin, or
anything else the sikidy may choose to direct. After the particular
article is appointed, the priest counts upon it all the evils that may
prove injurious to the person for whom it is made, and which he then
charges the faditra to take away for ever. If the faditra be ashes, it is
blown, to be carried away by the wind. If it be cut money, it is thrown to
the bottom of deep water, or where it can never be found. If it be a
sheep, it is carried away to a distance on the shoulders of a man, who
runs with all his might, mumbling as he goes, as if in the greatest rage
against the faditra, for the evils it is bearing away. If it be a pumpkin,
it is carried on the shoulders to a little distance, and there dashed upon
the ground with every appearance of fury and indignation.”(108) A Malagasy
was informed by a diviner that he was doomed to a bloody death, but that
possibly he might avert his fate by performing a certain rite. Carrying a
small vessel full of blood upon his head, he was to mount upon the back of
a bullock; while thus mounted, he was to spill the blood upon the
bullock’s head, and then send the animal away into the wilderness, whence
it might never return.(109)

(M24) Among the Toradjas of Central Celebes a chief’s daughter, who
suffered from kleptomania, was healed by a wise woman, who placed a bag
containing spiders and crabs on the patient’s hands. The physician
calculated that the prehensile claws of these creatures, so suggestive of
a thief’s hands in the act of closing on his prey, would lay hold of the
vicious propensity in the young woman’s mind and extract it as neatly as a
pair of forceps nips out a thorn from the flesh.(110) The Battas of
Sumatra have a ceremony which they call “making the curse to fly away.”
When a woman is childless, a sacrifice is offered to the gods of three
grasshoppers, representing a head of cattle, a buffalo, and a horse. Then
a swallow is set free, with a prayer that the curse may fall upon the bird
and fly away with it.(111) “The entrance into a house of an animal which
does not generally seek to share the abode of man is regarded by the
Malays as ominous of misfortune. If a wild bird flies into a house, it
must be carefully caught and smeared with oil, and must then be released
in the open air, a formula being recited in which it is bidden to fly away
with all the ill-luck and misfortunes (_sial jambalang_) of the
occupier.”(112) In antiquity Greek women seem to have done the same with
swallows which they caught in the house: they poured oil on them and let
them fly away, apparently for the purpose of removing ill-luck from the
household.(113) The Huzuls of the Carpathians imagine that they can
transfer freckles to the first swallow they see in spring by washing their
face in flowing water and saying, “Swallow, swallow, take my freckles, and
give me rosy cheeks.”(114) At the cleansing of a leper and of a house
suspected of being tainted with leprosy among the Hebrews the priest used
to let a living bird fly away into the open field,(115) no doubt in order
to carry away the leprosy with it. Similarly among the ancient Arabs a
widow was expected to live secluded in a small tent for a year after her
husband’s death; then a bird or a sheep was brought to her, she made the
creature touch her person, and let it go. It was believed that the bird or
the sheep would not live long thereafter; doubtless it was supposed to
suffer from the uncleanness or taint of death which the widow had
transferred to it.(116)

(M25) Among the Majhwar, a Dravidian race of South Mirzapur, if a man has
died of a contagious disease, such as cholera, the village priest walks in
front of the funeral procession with a chicken in his hands, which he lets
loose in the direction of some other village as a scapegoat to carry the
infection away. None but another very experienced priest would afterwards
dare to touch or eat such a chicken.(117) Among the Badagas of the
Neilgherry Hills in Southern India, when a death has taken place, the sins
of the deceased are laid upon a buffalo calf. For this purpose the people
gather round the corpse and carry it outside of the village. There an
elder of the tribe, standing at the head of the corpse, recites or chants
a long list of sins such as any Badaga may commit, and the people repeat
the last words of each line after him. The confession of sins is thrice
repeated. “By a conventional mode of expression, the sum total of sins a
man may do is said to be thirteen hundred. Admitting that the deceased has
committed them all, the performer cries aloud, ‘Stay not their flight to
God’s pure feet.’ As he closes, the whole assembly chants aloud ‘Stay not
their flight.’ Again the performer enters into details, and cries, ‘He
killed the crawling snake. It is a sin.’ In a moment the last word is
caught up, and all the people cry ‘It is a sin.’ As they shout, the
performer lays his hand upon the calf. The sin is transferred to the calf.
Thus the whole catalogue is gone through in this impressive way. But this
is not enough. As the last shout ‘Let all be well’ dies away, the
performer gives place to another, and again confession is made, and all
the people shout ‘It is a sin.’ A third time it is done. Then, still in
solemn silence, the calf is let loose. Like the Jewish scapegoat, it may
never be used for secular work.” At a Badaga funeral witnessed by the Rev.
A. C. Clayton the buffalo calf was led thrice round the bier, and the dead
man’s hand was laid on its head. “By this act, the calf was supposed to
receive all the sins of the deceased. It was then driven away to a great
distance, that it might contaminate no one, and it was said that it would
never be sold, but looked on as a dedicated sacred animal.”(118) “The idea
of this ceremony is, that the sins of the deceased enter the calf, or that
the task of his absolution is laid on it. They say that the calf very soon
disappears, and that it is never after heard of.”(119) Some of the Todas
of the Neilgherry Hills in like manner let loose a calf as a funeral
ceremony; the intention may be to transfer the sins of the deceased to the
animal. Perhaps the Todas have borrowed the ceremony from the
Badagas.(120) In Kumaon, a district of North-Western India, the custom of
letting loose a bullock as a scapegoat at a funeral is occasionally
observed. A bell is hung on the bullock’s neck, and bells are tied to its
feet, and the animal is told that it is to be let go in order to save the
spirit of the deceased from the torments of hell. Sometimes the bullock’s
right quarter is branded with a trident and the left with a discus.(121)
Perhaps the original intention of such customs was to banish the contagion
of death by means of the animal, which carried it away and so ensured the
life of the survivors. The idea of sin is not primitive.




§ 4. The Transference to Men.


(M26) Again, men sometimes play the part of scapegoat by diverting to
themselves the evils that threaten others. An ancient Hindoo ritual
describes how the pangs of thirst may be transferred from a sick man to
another. The operator seats the pair on branches, back to back, the
sufferer with his face to the east, and the whole man with his face to the
west. Then he stirs some gruel in a vessel placed on the patient’s head
and hands the stir-about to the other man to drink. In this way he
transfers the pangs of thirst from the thirsty soul to the other, who
obligingly receives them in his stead.(122) There is a painful Telugu
remedy for a fever: it is to embrace a bald-headed Brahman widow at the
earliest streak of dawn. By doing so you get rid of the fever, and no
doubt (though this is not expressly affirmed) you at the same time
transfer it to the bald-headed widow.(123) When a Cinghalese is
dangerously ill, and the physicians can do nothing, a devil-dancer is
called in, who by making offerings to the devils, and dancing in the masks
appropriate to them, conjures these demons of disease, one after the
other, out of the sick man’s body and into his own. Having thus
successfully extracted the cause of the malady, the artful dancer lies
down on a bier, and shamming death, is carried to an open place outside
the village. Here, being left to himself, he soon comes to life again, and
hastens back to claim his reward.(124) In 1590 a Scotch witch of the name
of Agnes Sampson was convicted of curing a certain Robert Kers of a
disease “laid upon him by a westland warlock when he was at Dumfries,
whilk sickness she took upon herself, and kept the same with great
groaning and torment till the morn, at whilk time there was a great din
heard in the house.” The noise was made by the witch in her efforts to
shift the disease, by means of clothes, from herself to a cat or dog.
Unfortunately the attempt partly miscarried. The disease missed the animal
and hit Alexander Douglas of Dalkeith, who dwined and died of it, while
the original patient, Robert Kers, was made whole.(125) The Dyaks believe
that certain men possess in themselves the power of neutralizing bad
omens. So, when evil omens have alarmed a farmer for the safety of his
crops, he takes a small portion of his farm produce to one of these wise
men, who eats it raw for a small consideration, “and thereby appropriates
to himself the evil omen, which in him becomes innocuous, and thus
delivers the other from the ban of the _pemali_ or taboo.”(126)

(M27) “In one part of New Zealand an expiation for sin was felt to be
necessary; a service was performed over an individual, by which all the
sins of the tribe were supposed to be transferred to him, a fern stalk was
previously tied to his person, with which he jumped into the river, and
there unbinding, allowed it to float away to the sea, bearing their sins
with it.”(127) In great emergencies the sins of the Rajah of Manipur used
to be transferred to somebody else, usually to a criminal, who earned his
pardon by his vicarious sufferings. To effect the transference the Rajah
and his wife, clad in fine robes, bathed on a scaffold erected in the
bazaar, while the criminal crouched beneath it. With the water which
dripped from them on him their sins also were washed away and fell on the
human scapegoat. To complete the transference the Rajah and his wife made
over their fine robes to their substitute, while they themselves, clad in
new raiment, mixed with the people till evening. But at the close of the
day they entered into retreat and remained in seclusion for about a week,
during which they were esteemed sacred or tabooed.(128) Further, in
Manipur “they have a noteworthy system of keeping count of the years. Each
year is named after some man, who—for a consideration—undertakes to bear
the fortune good or bad of the year. If the year be good, if there be no
pestilence and a good harvest, he gets presents from all sorts of people,
and I remember hearing that in 1898, when the cholera was at its worst, a
deputation came to the Political Agent and asked him to punish the
name-giver, as it was obvious that he was responsible for the epidemic. In
former times he would have got into trouble.”(129) The nomination of the
eponym, or man who is to give his name to the year, takes place at a
festival called _Chirouba_, which falls about the middle of April. It is
the priests who nominate the eponym, after comparing his horoscope with
that of the Rajah and of the State generally. The retiring official, who
gave his name to the past year, addresses his successor as follows: “My
friend, I bore and took away all evil spirits and sins from the Rajah and
his people during the last year. Do thou likewise from to-morrow until the
next _Chirouba_.” Then the incoming official, who is to give his name to
the New Year, addresses the Rajah in these words: “O son of heaven, Ruler
of the Kings, great and ancient Lord, Incarnation of God, the great Lord
Pakhangba, Master of the bright Sun, Lord of the Plain and Despot of the
Hills, whose kingdom is from the hills on the east to the mountains on the
west, the old year perishes, the new cometh. New is the sun of the new
year, and bright as the new sun shalt thou be, and mild withal as the
moon. May thy beauty and thy strength grow with the growth of the new
year. From to-day will I bear on my head all thy sins, diseases,
misfortunes, shame, mischief, all that is aimed in battle against thee,
all that threatens thee, all that is bad and hurtful for thee and thy
kingdom.” For these important services the eponym or vicar receives from
the Rajah a number of gifts, including a basket of salt, and his grateful
country rewards his self-sacrificing devotion by bestowing many privileges
on him.(130) Elsewhere, perhaps, if we knew more about the matter, we
might find that eponymous magistrates who give their names to the year
have been similarly regarded as public scapegoats, who bore on their
devoted heads the misfortunes, the sins, and the sorrows of the whole
people.(131)

(M28) In the _Jataka_, or collection of Indian stories which narrate the
many transmigrations of the Buddha, there is an instructive tale, which
sets forth how sins and misfortunes can be transferred by means of spittle
to a holy ascetic. A lady of easy virtue, we are told, had lost the favour
of King Dandaki and bethought herself how she could recover it. As she
walked in the park revolving these things in her mind, she spied a devout
ascetic named Kisavaccha. A thought struck her. “Surely,” said she to
herself, “this must be Ill Luck. I will get rid of my sin on his person
and then go and bathe.” No sooner said than done. Chewing her toothpick,
she collected a large clot of spittle in her mouth with which she
beslavered the matted locks of the venerable man, and having hurled her
toothpick at his head into the bargain she departed with a mind at peace
and bathed. The stratagem was entirely successful; for the king took her
into his good graces again. Not long after it chanced that the king
deposed his domestic chaplain from his office. Naturally chagrined at this
loss of royal favour, the clergyman repaired to the king’s light o’ love
and enquired how she had contrived to recapture the monarch’s affection.
She told him frankly how she had got rid of her sin and emerged without a
stain on her character by simply spitting on the head of Ill Luck in the
royal park. The chaplain took the hint, and hastening to the park
bespattered in like manner the sacred locks of the holy man; and in
consequence he was soon reinstated in office. It would have been well if
the thing had stopped there, but unfortunately it did not. By and bye it
happened that there was a disturbance on the king’s frontier, and the king
put himself at the head of his army to go forth and fight. An unhappy idea
occurred to his domestic chaplain. Elated by the success of the expedient
which had restored him to royal favour, he asked the king, “Sire, do you
wish for victory or defeat?” “Why for victory, of course,” replied the
king. “Then you take my advice,” said the chaplain; “just go and spit on
the head of Ill Luck, who dwells in the royal park; you will thus transfer
all your sin to his person.” It seemed to the king a capital idea and he
improved on it by proposing that the whole army should accompany him and
get rid of their sins in like manner. They all did so, beginning with the
king, and the state of the holy man’s head when they had all done is
something frightful to contemplate. But even this was not the worst. For
after the king had gone, up came the commander-in-chief and seeing the sad
plight of the pious ascetic, he took pity on him and had his poor
bedabbled hair thoroughly washed. The fatal consequences of this
kindly-meant but most injudicious shampoo may easily be anticipated. The
sins which had been transferred with the saliva to the person of the
devotee were now restored to their respective owners; and to punish them
for their guilt fire fell from heaven and destroyed the whole kingdom for
sixty leagues round about.(132)

(M29) A less harmless way of relieving an army from guilt or misfortune
used in former times to be actually practised by the Baganda. When an army
had returned from war, and the gods warned the king by their oracles that
some evil had attached itself to the soldiers, it was customary to pick
out a woman slave from the captives, together with a cow, a goat, a fowl,
and a dog from the booty, and to send them back under a strong guard to
the borders of the country from which they had come. There their limbs
were broken and they were left to die; for they were too crippled to crawl
back to Uganda. In order to ensure the transference of the evil to these
substitutes, bunches of grass were rubbed over the people and cattle and
then tied to the victims. After that the army was pronounced clean and was
allowed to return to the capital. A similar mode of transferring evil to
human and animal victims was practised by the Baganda whenever the gods
warned the king that his hereditary foes the Banyoro were working magic
against him and his people.(133)

(M30) In Travancore, when a rajah is near his end, they seek out a holy
Brahman, who consents to take upon himself the sins of the dying man in
consideration of the sum of ten thousand rupees. Thus prepared to immolate
himself on the altar of duty as a vicarious sacrifice for sin, the saint
is introduced into the chamber of death, and closely embraces the dying
rajah, saying to him, “O King, I undertake to bear all your sins and
diseases. May your Highness live long and reign happily.” Having thus,
with a noble devotion, taken to himself the sins of the sufferer, and
likewise the rupees, he is sent away from the country and never more
allowed to return.(134) Closely akin to this is the old Welsh custom known
as “sin-eating.” According to Aubrey, “In the County of Hereford was an
old Custome at funeralls to hire poor people, who were to take upon them
all the sinnes of the party deceased. One of them I remember lived in a
cottage on Rosse-high way. (He was a long, leane, ugly, lamentable poor
raskal.) The manner was that when the Corps was brought out of the house
and layd on the Biere; a Loafe of bread was brought out, and delivered to
the Sinne-eater over the corps, as also a Mazar-bowle of maple (Gossips
bowle) full of beer, which he was to drinke up, and sixpence in money, in
consideration whereof he took upon him (ipso facto) all the Sinnes of the
Defunct, and freed him (or her) from walking after they were dead.... This
Custome (though rarely used in our dayes) yet by some people was observed
even in the strictest time of ye Presbyterian government: as at Dynder,
volens nolens the Parson of ye Parish, the kinred of a woman deceased
there had this ceremonie punctually performed according to her Will: and
also the like was donne at ye City of Hereford in these times, when a
woman kept many yeares before her death a Mazard-bowle for the
Sinne-eater; and the like in other places in this Countie; as also in
Brecon, _e.g._ at Llangors, where Mr. Gwin the minister about 1640 could
no hinder ye performing of this ancient custome. I believe this custom was
heretofore used over all Wales.... In North Wales the Sinne-eaters are
frequently made use of; but there, instead of a Bowle of Beere, they have
a bowle of Milke.”(135) According to a letter dated February 1, 1714-15,
“within the memory of our fathers, in Shropshire, in those villages
adjoyning to Wales, when a person dyed, there was notice given to an old
sire (for so they called him), who presently repaired to the place where
the deceased lay, and stood before the door of the house, when some of the
family came out and furnished him with a cricket, on which he sat down
facing the door. Then they gave him a groat, which he put in his pocket; a
crust of bread, which he eat; and a full bowle of ale, which he drank off
at a draught. After this he got up from the cricket and pronounced, with a
composed gesture, the ease and rest of the soul departed for which he
would pawn his own soul. This I had from the ingenious John Aubrey,
Esq.”(136) In modern times some doubt has been thrown on Aubrey’s account
of the custom.(137) The practice, however, is reported to have prevailed
in a valley not far from Llandebie to a recent period. An instance was
said to have occurred about sixty years ago.(138)

(M31) Aubrey’s statement is moreover supported by the analogy of similar
customs in India. When the Rajah of Tanjore died in 1801, some of his
bones and the bones of the two wives, who were burned with his corpse,
were ground to powder and eaten, mixed with boiled rice, by twelve
Brahmans. It was believed that the sins of the deceased passed into the
bodies of the Brahmans, who were paid for the service.(139) A Brahman,
resident in a village near Raipur, stated that he had eaten food (rice and
milk) out of the hand of the dead Rajah of Bilaspur, and that in
consequence he had been placed on the throne for the space of a year. At
the end of the year he had been given presents and then turned out of the
territory and forbidden apparently to return. He was an outcast among his
fellows for having eaten out of a dead man’s hand.(140) A similar custom
is believed to obtain in the hill states about Kangra, and to have given
rise to a caste of “outcaste” Brahmans. At the funeral of a Rani of Chamba
rice and ghee were eaten out of the hands of the corpse by a Brahman paid
for the purpose. Afterwards a stranger, who had been caught outside the
Chamba territory, was given the costly wrappings of the corpse, then told
to depart and never shew his face in the country again.(141) In Oude when
an infant was killed it used to be buried in the room where it had been
born. On the thirteenth day afterwards the priest had to cook and eat his
food in that room. By doing so he was supposed to take the whole sin upon
himself and to cleanse the family from it.(142) At Utch Kurgan in
Turkestan Mr. Schuyler saw an old man who was said to get his living by
taking on himself the sins of the dead, and thenceforth devoting his life
to prayer for their souls.(143)

(M32) In Tahiti, where the bodies of chiefs and persons of rank were
embalmed and preserved above ground in special sheds or houses erected for
them, a priest was employed at the funeral rites who bore the title of the
“corpse-praying priest.” His office was singular. When the house for the
dead had been prepared, and the corpse placed on the platform or bier, the
priest ordered a hole to be made in the floor, near the foot of the
platform. Over this he prayed to the god by whom it was supposed that the
soul of the deceased had been called away. The purport of his prayer was
that all the dead man’s sins, especially the one for which his soul had
been required of him, might be deposited there, that they might not attach
in any degree to the survivors, and that the anger of the god might be
appeased. He next addressed the corpse, usually saying, “With you let the
guilt now remain.” The pillar or post of the corpse, as it was called, was
then planted in the hole, and the hole filled up. As soon as the ceremony
of depositing the sins in the hole was over, all who had touched the body
or the garments of the deceased, which were buried or destroyed, fled
precipitately into the sea, to cleanse themselves from the pollution which
they had contracted by touching the corpse. They also cast into the sea
the garments they had worn while they were performing the last offices to
the dead. Having finished their ablutions, they gathered a few pieces of
coral from the bottom of the sea, and returning with them to the house
addressed the corpse, saying, “With you may the pollution be.” So saying
they threw down the coral on the top of the hole which had been dug to
receive the sins and the defilement of the dead.(144) In this instance the
sins of the departed, as well as the pollution which the primitive mind
commonly associates with death, are not borne by a living person, but
buried in a hole. Yet the fundamental idea—that of the transference of
sins—is the same in the Tahitian as in the Welsh and Indian customs;
whether the vehicle or receptacle destined to catch and draw off the evil
be a person, an animal, or a thing, is for the purpose in hand a matter of
little moment.(145)




§ 5. The Transference of Evil in Europe.


(M33) The examples of the transference of evil hitherto adduced have been
mostly drawn from the customs of savage or barbarous peoples. But similar
attempts to shift the burden of disease, misfortune, and sin from one’s
self to another person, or to an animal or thing, have been common also
among the civilized nations of Europe, both in ancient and modern times. A
Roman cure for fever was to pare the patient’s nails, and stick the
parings with wax on a neighbour’s door before sunrise; the fever then
passed from the sick man to his neighbour.(146) Similar devices must have
been resorted to by the Greeks; for in laying down laws for his ideal
state, Plato thinks it too much to expect that men should not be alarmed
at finding certain wax figures adhering to their doors or to the
tombstones of their parents, or lying at cross-roads.(147) Among the ruins
of the great sanctuary of Aesculapius, which were excavated not very long
ago in an open valley among the mountains of Epidaurus, inscriptions have
been found recording the miraculous cures which the god of healing
performed for his faithful worshippers. One of them tells how a certain
Pandarus, a Thessalian, was freed from the letters which, as a former
slave or prisoner of war, he bore tattooed or branded on his brow. He
slept in the sanctuary with a fillet round his head, and in the morning he
discovered to his joy that the marks of shame—the blue or scarlet
letters—had been transferred from his brow to the fillet. By and by there
came to the sanctuary a wicked man, also with brands or tattoo marks on
his face, who had been charged by Pandarus to pay his debt of gratitude to
the god, and had received the cash for the purpose. But the cunning fellow
thought to cheat the god and keep the money all to himself. So when the
god appeared to him in a dream and asked anxiously after the money, he
boldly denied that he had it, and impudently prayed the god to remove the
ugly marks from his own brazen brow. He was told to tie the fillet of
Pandarus about his head, then to take it off, and look at his face in the
water of the sacred well. He did so, and sure enough he saw on his
forehead the marks of Pandarus in addition to his own.(148) In the fourth
century of our era Marcellus of Bordeaux prescribed a cure for warts,
which has still a great vogue among the superstitious in various parts of
Europe. Doubtless it was an old traditional remedy in the fourth, and will
long survive the expiry of the twentieth, century. You are to touch your
warts with as many little stones as you have warts; then wrap the stones
in an ivy leaf, and throw them away in a thoroughfare. Whoever picks them
up will get the warts, and you will be rid of them.(149) A similar cure
for warts, with such trifling variations as the substitution of peas or
barley for pebbles, and a rag or a piece of paper for an ivy leaf, has
been prescribed in modern times in Italy, France, Austria, England, and
Scotland.(150) Another favourite way of passing on your warts to somebody
else is to make as many knots in a string as you have warts; then throw
the string away or place it under a stone. Whoever treads on the stone or
picks up the thread will get the warts instead of you; sometimes to
complete the transference it is thought necessary that he should undo the
knots.(151) Or you need only place the knotted thread before sunrise in
the spout of a pump; the next person who works the pump will be sure to
get your warts.(152) Equally effective methods are to rub the troublesome
excrescences with down or fat, or to bleed them on a rag, and then throw
away the down, the fat, or the bloody rag. The person who picks up one or
other of these things will be sure to release you from your warts by
involuntarily transferring them to himself.(153) People in the Orkney
Islands will sometimes wash a sick man, and then throw the water down at a
gateway, in the belief that the sickness will leave the patient and be
transferred to the first person who passes through the gate.(154) A
Bavarian cure for fever is to write upon a piece of paper, “Fever, stay
away, I am not at home,” and to put the paper in somebody’s pocket. The
latter then catches the fever, and the patient is rid of it.(155) Or the
sufferer may cure himself by sticking a twig of the elder-tree in the
ground without speaking. The fever then adheres to the twig, and whoever
pulls up the twig will catch the disease.(156) A Bohemian prescription for
the same malady is this. Take an empty pot, go with it to a cross-road,
throw it down, and run away. The first person who kicks against the pot
will catch your fever, and you will be cured.(157) In Oldenburg they say
that when a person lies sweating with fever, he should take a piece of
money to himself in bed. The money is afterwards thrown away on the
street, and whoever picks it up will catch the fever, but the original
patient will be rid of it.(158)

(M34) Often in Europe, as among savages, an attempt is made to transfer a
pain or malady from a man to an animal. Grave writers of antiquity
recommended that, if a man be stung by a scorpion, he should sit upon an
ass with his face to the tail, or whisper in the animal’s ear, “A scorpion
has stung me”; in either case, they thought, the pain would be transferred
from the man to the ass.(159) Many cures of this sort are recorded by
Marcellus. For example, he tells us that the following is a remedy for
toothache. Standing booted under the open sky on the ground, you catch a
frog by the head, spit into its mouth, ask it to carry away the ache, and
then let it go. But the ceremony must be performed on a lucky day and at a
lucky hour.(160) In Cheshire the ailment known as aphtha or thrush, which
affects the mouth or throat of infants, is not uncommonly treated in much
the same manner. A young frog is held for a few moments with its head
inside the mouth of the sufferer, whom it is supposed to relieve by taking
the malady to itself. “I assure you,” said an old woman who had often
superintended such a cure, “we used to hear the poor frog whooping and
coughing, mortal bad, for days after; it would have made your heart ache
to hear the poor creature coughing as it did about the garden.”(161) Again
Marcellus tells us that if the foam from a mule’s mouth, mixed with warm
water, be drunk by an asthmatic patient, he will at once recover, but the
mule will die.(162) An ancient cure for the gripes, recorded both by Pliny
and Marcellus, was to put a live duck to the belly of the sufferer; the
pains passed from the man into the bird, to which they proved fatal.(163)
According to the same writers a stomachic complaint of which the cause was
unknown might be cured by applying a blind puppy to the suffering part for
three days. The secret disorder thus passed into the puppy; it died, and a
post-mortem examination of its little body revealed the cause of the
disease from which the man had suffered and of which the dog had
died.(164) Once more, Marcellus advises that when a man was afflicted with
a disorder of the intestines the physician should catch a live hare, take
the huckle-bone from one of its feet and the down from the belly, then let
the hare go, pronouncing as he did so the words, “Run away, run away,
little hare, and take away with you the intestine pain.” Further, the
doctor was to fashion the down into thread, with which he was to tie the
huckle-bone to the patient’s body, taking great care that the thread
should not be touched by any woman.(165) A Northamptonshire, Devonshire,
and Welsh cure for a cough is to put a hair of the patient’s head between
two slices of buttered bread and give the sandwich to a dog. The animal
will thereupon catch the cough and the patient will lose it.(166)
Sometimes an ailment is transferred to an animal by sharing food with it.
Thus in Oldenburg, if you are sick of a fever you set a bowl of sweet milk
before a dog and say, “Good luck, you hound! may you be sick and I be
sound!” Then when the dog has lapped some of the milk, you take a swig at
the bowl; and then the dog must lap again, and then you must swig again;
and when you and the dog have done it the third time, he will have the
fever and you will be quit of it. A peasant woman in Abbehausen told her
pastor that she suffered from fever for a whole year and found no relief.
At last somebody advised her to give some of her food to a dog and a cat.
She did so and the fever passed from her into the animals. But when she
saw the poor sick beasts always before her, she wished it undone. Then the
fever left the cat and the dog and returned to her.(167)

(M35) A Bohemian cure for fever is to go out into the forest before the
sun is up and look for a snipe’s nest. When you have found it, take out
one of the young birds and keep it beside you for three days. Then go back
into the wood and set the snipe free. The fever will leave you at once.
The snipe has taken it away. So in Vedic times the Hindoos of old sent
consumption away with a blue jay. They said, “O consumption, fly away, fly
away with the blue jay! With the wild rush of the storm and the whirlwind,
oh, vanish away!”(168) In Oldenburg they sometimes hang up a goldfinch or
a turtle-dove in the room of a consumptive patient, hoping that the bird
may draw away the malady from the sufferer to itself.(169) A prescription
for a cough in Sunderland is to shave the patient’s head and hang the hair
on a bush. When the birds carry the hair to their nests, they will carry
the cough with it.(170) In the Mark of Brandenburg a cure for headache is
to tie a thread thrice round your head and then hang it in a loop from a
tree; if a bird flies through the loop, it will take your headache away
with it.(171) A Saxon remedy for rupture in a child is to take a snail,
thrust it at sunset into a hollow tree, and stop up the hole with clay.
Then as the snail perishes the child recovers. But this cure must be
accompanied by the recitation of a proper form of words; otherwise it has
no effect.(172) A Bohemian remedy for jaundice is as follows. Take a
living tench, tie it to your bare back and carry it about with you for a
whole day. The tench will turn quite yellow and die. Then throw it into
running water, and your jaundice will depart with it.(173) In the village
of Llandegla in Wales there is a church dedicated to the virgin martyr St.
Tecla, where the falling sickness is, or used to be, cured by being
transferred to a fowl. The patient first washed his limbs in a sacred well
hard by, dropped fourpence into it as an offering, walked thrice round the
well, and thrice repeated the Lord’s prayer. Then the fowl, which was a
cock or a hen according as the patient was a man or a woman, was put into
a basket and carried round first the well and afterwards the church. Next
the sufferer entered the church and lay down under the communion table
till break of day. After that he offered sixpence and departed, leaving
the fowl in the church. If the bird died, the sickness was supposed to
have been transferred to it from the man or woman, who was now rid of the
disorder. As late as 1855 the old parish clerk of the village remembered
quite well to have seen the birds staggering about from the effects of the
fits which had been transferred to them.(174) In South Glamorgan and West
Pembrokeshire it is thought possible to get rid of warts by means of a
snail. You take a snail with a black shell, you rub it on each wart and
say,


    “_Wart, wart, on the snail’s shell black,_
    _Go away soon, and never come back._”


Then you put the snail on the branch of a tree or bramble and you nail it
down with as many thorns as you have warts. When the snail has rotted away
on the bough, your warts will have vanished. Another Welsh cure for warts
is to impale a frog on a stick and then to rub the warts on the creature.
The warts disappear as the frog expires.(175) In both these cases we may
assume that the warts are transferred from the human sufferer to the
suffering animal.

(M36) Often the sufferer seeks to shift his burden of sickness or ill-luck
to some inanimate object. In Athens there is a little chapel of St. John
the Baptist built against an ancient column. Fever patients resort
thither, and by attaching a waxed thread to the inner side of the column
believe that they transfer the fever from themselves to the pillar.(176)
In the Mark of Brandenburg they say that if you suffer from giddiness you
should strip yourself naked and run thrice round a flax-field after
sunset; in that way the flax will get the giddiness and you will be rid of
it.(177) Sometimes an attempt is made to transfer the mischief, whatever
it may be, to the moon. In Oldenburg a peasant related how he rid himself
of a bony excrescence by stroking it thrice crosswise in the name of the
Trinity, and then making a gesture as if he were seizing the deformity and
hurling it towards the moon. In the same part of Germany a cure for warts
is to stand in the light of a waxing moon so that you cannot see your own
shadow, then hold the disfigured hand towards the moon, and stroke it with
the other hand in the direction of the luminary. Some say that in doing
this you should pronounce these words, “Moon, free me from these
vermin.”(178)

(M37) But perhaps the thing most commonly employed in Europe as a
receptacle for sickness and trouble of all sorts is a tree or bush. The
modes of transferring the mischief to it are many. For example, the
Esthonians say that you ought not to go out of the house on a spring
morning before you have eaten or drunk; for if you do, you may chance to
hear one of “the sounds which are not heard in winter,” such as the song
of a bird, and that would be unlucky. They think that if you thus let
yourself be deceived or outwitted, as they call it, by a bird, you will be
visited by all sorts of ill-luck during the year; indeed it may very well
happen that you will fall sick and die before another spring comes round.
However, there is a way of averting the evil. You have merely to embrace a
tree or go thrice round it, biting into the bark each time or tearing away
a strip of the bark with your teeth. Thus the bad luck passes from you to
the tree, which accordingly withers away.(179) In Sicily it is believed
that all kinds of marvellous cures can be effected on the night which
precedes Ascension Day. For example, people who suffer from goitre bite
the bark of a peach-tree just at the moment when the clocks are striking
midnight. Thus the malady is transferred to the sap of the tree, and its
leaves wither away in exact proportion as the patient recovers. But in
order that the cure may be successful it is absolutely essential that the
bark should be bitten at midnight precisely; a bite before or after that
witching hour is labour thrown away.(180) On St. George’s Day, South
Slavonian lads and lasses climb thrice up and down a cornel-tree, saying,
“My laziness and sleepiness to you, cornel-tree, but health and booty (?)
to me.” Then as they wend homewards they turn once more towards the tree
and call out, “Cornel-tree! cornel-tree! I leave you my laziness and
sleepiness.”(181) The same people attempt to cure fever by transferring it
to a dwarf elder-bush. Having found such a bush with three shoots
springing from the root, the patient grasps the points of the three shoots
in his hand, bends them down to the ground, and fastens them there with a
stone. Under the arch thus formed he creeps thrice; then he cuts off or
digs up the three shoots, saying, “In three shoots I cut three sicknesses
out. When these three shoots grow young again, may the fever come
back.”(182) A Bulgarian cure for fever is to run thrice round a
willow-tree at sunrise, crying, “The fever shall shake thee, and the sun
shall warm me.”(183) In the Greek island of Karpathos the priest ties a
red thread round the neck of a sick person. Next morning the friends of
the patient remove the thread and go out to the hillside, where they tie
the thread to a tree, thinking that they thus transfer the sickness to the
tree.(184) Italians attempt to cure fever in like manner by fastening it
to a tree. The sufferer ties a thread round his left wrist at night, and
hangs the thread on a tree next morning. The fever is thus believed to be
tied up to the tree, and the patient to be rid of it; but he must be
careful not to pass by that tree again, otherwise the fever would break
loose from its bonds and attack him afresh.(185) An old French remedy for
fever was to bind the patient himself to a tree and leave him there for a
time; some said that the ceremony should be performed fasting and early in
the morning, that the cord or straw rope with which the person was bound
to the tree should be left there to rot, and that the sufferer should bite
the bark of the tree before returning home.(186) In Bohemia the friends of
a fever patient will sometimes carry him head foremost, by means of straw
ropes, to a bush, on which they dump him down. Then he must jump up and
run home. The friends who carried him also flee, leaving the straw ropes
and likewise the fever behind them on the bush.(187)

(M38) Sometimes the sickness is transferred to the tree by making a knot
in one of its boughs. Thus in Mecklenburg a remedy for fever is to go
before sunrise to a willow-tree and tie as many knots in one of its
branches as the fever has lasted days; but going and coming you must be
careful not to speak a word.(188) A Flemish cure for the ague is to go
early in the morning to an old willow, tie three knots in one of its
branches, say, “Good-morrow, Old One, I give thee the cold; good-morrow,
Old One,” then turn and run away without looking round.(189) In Rhenish
Bavaria the cure for gout is similar. The patient recites a spell or
prayer while he stands at a willow-bush holding one of its boughs. When
the mystic words have been spoken, he ties a knot in the bough and departs
cured. But all his life long he must never go near that willow-bush again,
or the gout will come back to him.(190) In Sonnenberg, if you would rid
yourself of gout you should go to a young fir-tree and tie a knot in one
of its twigs, saying, “God greet thee, noble fir. I bring thee my gout.
Here will I tie a knot and bind my gout into it. In the name,” etc.(191)
Not far from Marburg, at a place called Neuhof, there is a wood of
birches. Thither on a morning before sunrise, in the last quarter of the
moon, bands of gouty people may often be seen hobbling in silence. Each of
them takes his stand before a separate tree and pronounces these solemn
words: “Here stand I before the judgment bar of God and tie up all my
gout. All the disease in my body shall remain tied up in this birch-tree.”
Meanwhile the good physician ties a knot in a birch-twig, repeating
thrice, “In the name of the Father,” etc.(192)

(M39) Another way of transferring gout from a man to a tree is this. Pare
the nails of the sufferer’s fingers and clip some hairs from his legs.
Bore a hole in an oak, stuff the nails and hair in the hole, stop up the
hole again, and smear it with cow’s dung. If, for three months thereafter,
the patient is free of gout, you may be sure the oak has it in his
stead.(193) A German cure for toothache is to bore a hole in a tree and
cram some of the sufferer’s hair into it.(194) In these cases, though no
doubt the tree suffers the pangs of gout or toothache respectively, it
does so with a sort of stoical equanimity, giving no outward and visible
sign of the pains that rack it inwardly. It is not always so, however. The
tree cannot invariably suppress every symptom of its suffering. It may
hide its toothache, but it cannot so easily hide its warts. In Cheshire if
you would be rid of warts, you have only to rub them with a piece of
bacon, cut a slit in the bark of an ash-tree, and slip the bacon under the
bark. Soon the warts will disappear from your hand, only however to
reappear in the shape of rough excrescences or knobs on the bark of the
tree.(195) Again in Beauce and Perche, two provinces of France, fever may
be transferred to a young aspen by inserting the parings of the patient’s
nails in the tree and then plastering up the hole to prevent the fever
from getting out. But the operation must be performed by night.(196) How
subject an aspen is to fever must be obvious to the meanest capacity from
the trembling of its leaves in every breath of wind; nothing therefore can
be easier or more natural than to transfer the malady, with its fits of
shaking, to the tree. At Berkhampstead, in Hertfordshire, there used to be
certain oak-trees which were long celebrated for the cure of ague. The
transference of the malady to the tree was simple but painful. A lock of
the sufferer’s hair was pegged into an oak; then by a sudden wrench he
left his hair and his ague behind him in the tree.(197)

(M40) It seems clear that, though you may stow away your pain or sickness
in a tree, there is a considerable risk of its coming out again. To
obviate this danger common prudence suggests that you should plug or bung
up the hole as tight as you can. And this, as we should naturally expect,
is often done. A German cure for toothache or headache is to wrap some of
the sufferer’s cut hair and nails in paper, make a hole in the tree, stuff
the parcel into it, and stop up the hole with a plug made from a tree
which has been struck by lightning.(198) In Bohemia they say that, if you
feel the fever coming on, you should pull out some of your hair, tear off
a strip of a garment you are wearing, and bore a hole in a willow-tree.
Having done so, you put the hair and the rag in the hole and stop it up
with a wedge of hawthorn. Then go home without looking back, and if a
voice calls to you, be sure not to answer. When you have complied with
this prescription, the fever will cease.(199) In Oldenburg a common remedy
for fever is to bore a hole in a tree, breathe thrice into the hole, and
then plug it up. Once a man who had thus shut up his fever in a tree was
jeered at by a sceptical acquaintance for his credulity. So he went
secretly to the tree and drew the stopper, and out came that fever and
attacked the sceptic.(200) Sometimes they say that the tree into which you
thus breathe your fever or ague should be a hollow willow, and that in
going to the tree you should be careful not to utter a word, and not to
cross water.(201) Again, we read of a man who suffered acute pains in his
arm. So “they beat up red corals with oaken leaves, and having kept them
on the part affected till suppuration, they did in the morning put this
mixture into an hole bored with an auger in the root of an oak, respecting
the east, and stop up this hole with a peg made of the same tree; from
thenceforth the pain did altogether cease, and when they took out the
amulet immediately the torments returned sharper than before.”(202) These
facts seem to put it beyond the reach of reasonable doubt that the pain or
malady is actually in the tree and waiting to pop out, if only it gets the
chance.




§ 6. The Nailing of Evils.


(M41) Often the patient, without troubling to bore a hole in the tree,
merely knocks a wedge, a peg, or a nail into it, believing that he thus
pegs or nails the sickness or pain into the wood. Thus a Bohemian cure for
fever is to go to a tree and hammer a wedge into it with the words “There,
I knock you in, that you may come no more out to me.”(203) A German way of
getting rid of toothache is to go in silence before sunrise to a tree,
especially a willow-tree, make a slit in the bark on the north side of the
tree, or on the side that looks towards the sunrise, cut out a splinter
from the place thus laid bare, poke the splinter into the aching tooth
till blood comes, then put back the splinter in the tree, fold down the
bark over it, and tie a string round the trunk, that the splinter may grow
into the trunk as before. As it does so, your pain will vanish; but you
must be careful not to go near the tree afterwards, or you will get the
toothache again. And any one who pulls the splinter out will also get the
toothache. He has in fact uncorked the toothache which was safely bottled
up in the tree, and he must take the natural consequence of his rash
act.(204) A simpler plan, practised in Persia as well as in France and
Germany, is merely to scrape the aching tooth with a nail or a twig till
it bleeds, and then hammer the nail or the twig into a tree. In the
Vosges, in Voigtland, and probably elsewhere, it is believed that any
person who should draw out such a nail or twig would get the
toothache.(205) An old lime-tree at Evessen, in Brunswick, is studded with
nails of various shapes, including screw-nails, which have been driven
into it by persons who suffered from aching teeth.(206) In the Mark of
Brandenburg they say that the ceremony should be performed when the moon
is on the wane, and that the bloody nail should be knocked, without a word
being spoken, into the north side of an oak-tree, where the sun cannot
shine on it; after that the person will have no more toothache so long as
the tree remains standing.(207) Here it is plainly implied that the
toothache is bottled up in the tree. If further proof were needed that in
such cases the malady is actually transferred to the tree and stowed away
in its trunk, it would be afforded by the belief that if the tree is cut
down the toothache will return to the original sufferer.(208) Rupture as
well as toothache can be nailed to an oak. For that purpose all that need
be done is to take a coffin-nail and touch with it the injured part of the
patient; then set the sufferer barefoot before an oak-tree, and knock the
nail into the trunk above his head. That transfers the rupture to the
tree, and that is why you may often see the boles of ancient oaks studded
with nails.(209)

(M42) Such remedies are not confined to Europe. At Bilda in Algeria, there
is a sacred old olive-tree, in which pilgrims, especially women, knock
nails for the purpose of ridding themselves of their ailments and
troubles.(210) Again, the Majhwars, a Dravidian tribe in the hill country
of South Mirzapur, believe that all disease is due to ghosts, but that
ghosts, when they become troublesome, can be shut up in a certain tree,
which grows on a little islet in a very deep pool of the Sukandar, a
tributary of the Kanhar river. Accordingly, when the country is infested
by ghosts, in other words when disease is raging, a skilful wizard seeks
for a piece of deer-horn in the jungle. When he has found it, he hammers
it with a stone into the tree and thus shuts up the ghost. The tree is
covered with hundreds of such pieces of horn.(211) Again, when a new
settlement is being made in some parts of the North-Western Provinces of
India, it is deemed necessary to apprehend and lay by the heels the local
deities, who might otherwise do a deal of mischief to the intruders on
their domain. A sorcerer is called in to do the business. For days he
marches about the place mustering the gods to the tuck of drum. When they
are all assembled, two men known as the Earthman and the Leafman, who
represent the gods of the earth and of the trees respectively, become full
of the spirit, being taken possession of bodily by the local deities. In
this exalted state they shout and caper about in a fine frenzy, and their
seemingly disjointed ejaculations, which are really the divine voice
speaking through them, are interpreted by the sorcerer. When the critical
moment has come, the wizard rushes in between the two incarnations of
divinity, clutches at the spirits which are hovering about them in the
air, and pours grains of sesame through their hands into a perforated
piece of the wood of the sacred fig-tree. Then without a moment’s delay he
plasters up the hole with a mixture of clay and cow-dung, and carefully
buries the piece of wood on the spot which is to be the shrine of the
local deities. Needless to say that the gods themselves are bunged up in
the wood and are quite incapable of doing further mischief, provided
always that the usual offerings are made to them at the shrine where they
live in durance vile.(212) In this case the source of mischief is
imprisoned, not in a tree, but in a piece of one; but the principle is
clearly the same. Similarly in Corea an English lady observed at a
cross-road a small log with several holes like those of a mouse-trap, one
of which was plugged up doubly with bungs of wood. She was told that a
demon, whose ravages spread sickness in a family, had been inveigled by a
sorceress into that hole and securely bunged up. It was thought proper for
all passers-by to step over the incarcerated devil, whether to express
their scorn and abhorrence of him, or more probably as a means of keeping
him forcibly down.(213) In Cochinchina a troublesome ghost can be confined
to the grave by the simple process of knocking a nail or thrusting a bar
of iron into the earth at the point where the head of the corpse may be
presumed to repose.(214)

(M43) From knocking the mischief into a tree or a log it is only a step to
knocking it into a stone, a door-post, a wall, or such like. At the head
of Glen Mor, near Port Charlotte, in Islay, there may be seen a large
boulder, and it is said that whoever drives a nail into this stone will
thereafter be secure from attacks of toothache. A farmer in Islay told an
enquirer some years ago how a passing stranger once cured his grandmother
of toothache by driving a horse-nail into the lintel of the kitchen door,
warning her at the same time to keep the nail there, and if it should come
loose just to tap it with a hammer till it had a grip again. She had no
more toothache for the rest of her life.(215) In Brunswick it is open to
any one to nail his toothache either into a wall or into a tree, as he
thinks fit; the pain is cured quite as well in the one way as in the
other.(216) So in Beauce and Perche a healer has been known to place a new
nail on the aching tooth of a sufferer and then knock the nail into a
door, a beam, or a joist.(217) The procedure in North Africa is similar.
You write certain Arabic letters and numbers on the wall; then, while the
patient puts a finger on the aching tooth, you knock a nail, with a light
tap of a hammer, into the first letter on the wall, reciting a verse of
the Coran as you do so. Next you ask the sufferer whether the pain is now
abated, and if he says “Yes” you draw out the nail entirely. But if he
says “No,” you shift the nail to the next letter in the wall, and so on,
till the pain goes away, which it always does, sooner or later.(218) A
Bohemian who fears he is about to have an attack of fever will snatch up
the first thing that comes to hand and nail it to the wall. That keeps the
fever from him.(219)

(M44) As in Europe we nail toothache or fever to a wall, so in Morocco
they nail devils. A house in Mogador having been infested with devils, who
threw stones about it in a way that made life a burden to the inmates, a
holy man was called in to exorcise them, which he did effectually by
pronouncing an incantation and driving a nail into the wall; at every
stroke of the hammer a hissing sound announced that another devil had
received his quietus.(220) Among the modern Arabs the soul of a murdered
man must be nailed down. Thus if a man be murdered in Egypt, his ghost
will rise from the ground where his blood was shed: but it can be
prevented from doing so by driving a new nail, which has never been used,
into the earth at the spot where the murder was committed. In Tripoli the
practice is similar. Some years ago a native was murdered close to the
door of a little Italian inn. Immediately the Arabs of the neighbourhood
thronged thither and effectually laid the ghost with hammer and nail. When
the innkeeper rashly attempted to remove the nail, he was warned that to
do so would be to set the ghost free.(221) In modern Egypt numbers of
people afflicted with headache used to knock a nail into the great wooden
door of the old south gate of Cairo, for the purpose of charming away the
pain; others who suffered from toothache used to extract a tooth and
insert it in a crevice of the door, or fix it in some other way, in order
to be rid of toothache for the future. A holy and miraculous personage,
invisible to mortal eyes, was supposed to have one of his stations at this
gate.(222) In Mosul also a sheikh can cure headache by first laying his
hands on the sufferer’s head and then hammering a nail into a wall.(223)
Not far from Neuenkirchen, in Oldenburg, there is a farmhouse to which,
while the Thirty Years’ War was raging, the plague came lounging along
from the neighbouring town in the shape of a bluish vapour. Entering the
house it popped into a hole in the door-post of one of the rooms. The
farmer saw his chance, and quick as thought he seized a peg and hammered
it into the hole, so that the plague could not possibly get out. After a
time, however, thinking the danger was past, he drew out the peg. Alas!
with the peg came creeping and curling out of the hole the blue vapour
once more. The plague thus let loose seized on every member of the family
in that unhappy house and left not one of them alive.(224) Again, the
great plague which devastated the ancient world in the reign of Marcus
Antoninus is said to have originated in the curiosity and greed of some
Roman soldiers, who, pillaging the city of Seleucia, came upon a narrow
hole in a temple and incautiously enlarged the opening in the expectation
of discovering treasure. But that which came forth from the hole was not
treasure but the plague. It had been pent up in a secret chamber by the
magic art of the Chaldeans; but now, released from its prison by the rash
act of the spoilers, it stalked abroad and spread death and destruction
from the Euphrates to the Nile and the Atlantic.(225)

(M45) The simple ceremony, in which to this day the superstition of
European peasants sees a sovereign remedy for plague and fever and
toothache, has come down to us from a remote antiquity; for in days when
as yet Paris and London were not, when France still revered the Druids as
the masters of all knowledge, human and divine, and when our own country
was still covered with virgin forests, the home of savage beasts and
savage men, the same ceremony was solemnly performed from time to time by
the highest magistrate at Rome, to stay the ravages of pestilence or
retrieve disaster that threatened the foundations of the national life. In
the fourth century before our era the city of Rome was desolated by a
great plague which raged for three years, carrying off some of the highest
dignitaries and a great multitude of common folk. The historian who
records the calamity informs us that when a banquet had been offered to
the gods in vain, and neither human counsels nor divine help availed to
mitigate the violence of the disease, it was resolved for the first time
in Roman history to institute dramatical performances as an appropriate
means of appeasing the wrath of the celestial powers. Accordingly actors
were fetched from Etruria, who danced certain simple and decorous dances
to the music of a flute. But even this novel spectacle failed to amuse or
touch, to move to tears or laughter the sullen gods. The plague still
raged, and at the very moment when the actors were playing their best in
the circus beside the Tiber, the yellow river rose in angry flood and
drove players and spectators, wading and splashing through the
fast-deepening waters, away from the show. It was clear that the gods
spurned plays as well as prayers and banquets; and in the general
consternation it was felt that some more effectual measure should be taken
to put an end to the scourge. Old men remembered that a plague had once
been stayed by the knocking of a nail into a wall; and accordingly the
Senate resolved that now in their extremity, when all other means had
failed, a supreme magistrate should be appointed for the sole purpose of
performing this solemn ceremony. The appointment was made, the nail was
knocked, and the plague ceased, sooner or later.(226) What better proof
could be given of the saving virtue of a nail?

(M46) Twice more within the same century the Roman people had recourse to
the same venerable ceremony as a cure for public calamities with which the
ordinary remedies, civil and religious, seemed unable to cope. One of
these occasions was a pestilence;(227) the other was a strange mortality
among the leading men, which public opinion traced, rightly or wrongly, to
a series of nefarious crimes perpetrated by noble matrons, who took their
husbands off by poison. The crimes, real or imaginary, were set down to
frenzy, and nothing could be thought of so likely to minister to minds
diseased as the knocking of a nail into a wall. Search among the annals of
the city proved that in a season of civil discord, when the state had been
rent by party feud, the same time-honoured remedy, the same soothing balm,
had been applied with the happiest results to the jarring interests and
heated passions of the disputants. Accordingly the old nostrum was tried
once more, and again success appeared to justify the experiment.(228)

(M47) If the Romans in the fourth century before Christ thus deemed it
possible to rid themselves of pestilence, frenzy, and sedition by
hammering them into a wall, even as French and German peasants still rid
themselves of fever and toothache by knocking them into a tree, their
prudent ancestors appear to have determined that so salutary a measure
should not be restricted in its scope to meeting special and urgent
emergencies as they arose, but should regularly diffuse its benefits over
the community by anticipating and, as it were, nipping in the bud evils
which, left unchecked, might grow to dangerous proportions. This, we may
conjecture, was the original intention of an ancient Roman law which
ordained that the highest magistrate of the republic should knock in a
nail every year on the thirteenth day of September. The law might be seen,
couched in old-fashioned language, engraved on a tablet which was fastened
to a wall of the temple of Capitoline Jupiter; and although the place
where the nails were driven in is nowhere definitely stated by classical
writers, there are some grounds for thinking that it may have been the
same wall on which the law that sanctioned the custom was exhibited. Livy
tells us that the duty of affixing the nail, at one time discharged by the
consuls, was afterwards committed to dictators, whose higher rank
consorted better with the dignity and importance of the function. At a
later time the custom fell into abeyance, and the ancient ceremony was
revived only from time to time in seasons of grave peril or extraordinary
calamity, which seemed to attest the displeasure of the gods at modern
ways, and disposed men to bethink them of ancestral lore and to walk in
the old paths.(229)

(M48) In antiquity the annual practice of hammering a nail into a wall was
not confined to Rome. It was observed also at Vulsinii, in Etruria, where
the nails thus fixed in the temple of the goddess Nortia served as a
convenient means of recording and numbering the years.(230) To Roman
antiquaries of a later period it seemed, naturally enough, that such a
practice had indeed no other object than that of marking the flight of
time in ages when writing was but little used.(231) Yet a little
reflection will probably convince us that this, though it was doubtless a
useful consequence of the custom, can hardly have been its original
intention. For it will scarcely be disputed that the annual observance of
the custom cannot be wholly dissociated from its occasional observance in
seasons of great danger or calamity, and that whatever explanation we give
of the one ought to apply to the other also. Now it is plain that if we
start from the annual observance and regard it as no more than a
timekeeper or mode of recording the years, we shall never reach an
adequate explanation of the occasional observance. If the nails were
merely ready reckoners of the years, how could they come to be used as
supreme remedies for pestilence, frenzy, and sedition, resorted to by the
state in desperate emergencies when all the ordinary resources of policy
and religion had failed? On the other hand, if we start from the
occasional observance and view it, in accordance with modern analogies, as
a rude attempt to dispose of intangible evils as if they were things that
could be handled and put away out of sight, we can readily understand how
such an attempt, from being made occasionally, might come to be repeated
annually for the sake of wiping out all the old troubles and misfortunes
of the past year and enabling the community to start afresh, unencumbered
by a fardel of ills, at the beginning of a new year. Fortunately we can
shew that the analogy which is thus assumed to exist between the Roman
custom and modern superstition is not a merely fanciful one; in other
words, it can be proved that the Romans, like modern clowns, did believe
in the possibility of nailing down trouble, in a literal and physical
sense, into a material substance. Pliny tells us that an alleged cure for
epilepsy, or the falling sickness, was to drive an iron nail into the
ground on the spot which was first struck by the patient’s head as he
fell.(232) In the light of the modern instances which have come before us,
we can hardly doubt that the cure was supposed to consist in actually
nailing the disease into the earth in such a way that it could not get up
and attack the sufferer again. Precisely parallel is a Suffolk cure for
ague. You must go by night alone to a cross-road, and just as the clock
strikes the midnight hour you must turn yourself about thrice and drive a
tenpenny nail up to the head into the ground. Then walk away backwards
from the spot before the clock is done striking twelve, and you will miss
the ague; but the next person who passes over the nail will catch the
malady in your stead.(233) Here it is plainly assumed that the ague of
which the patient is relieved has been left by him nailed down into the
earth at the cross-road, and we may fairly suppose that a similar
assumption underlay the Roman cure for epilepsy. Further, we seem to be
now justified in holding that originally, when a Roman dictator sought to
stay a plague, to restore concord, or to terminate an epidemic of madness
by knocking a nail into a wall, he was doing for the commonwealth exactly
what any private man might do for an epileptic patient by knocking a nail
into the ground on the spot where his poor friend had collapsed. In other
words, he was hammering the plague, the discord, or the madness into a
hole from which it could not get out to afflict the community again.(234)

(M49) Different in principle from the foregoing customs appears to be the
Loango practice of sticking nails into wooden idols or fetishes. The
intention of knocking a nail into a worshipful image is said to be simply
to attract the notice of the deity in a forcible manner to the request of
his worshipper; it is like pinching a man or running a pin into his leg as
a hint that you desire to speak with him. Hence in order to be quite sure
of riveting the god’s attention the nails are sometimes made red-hot.(235)
Even the most absent-minded deity could hardly overlook a petition urged
in so importunate a fashion. The practice is resorted to in many
emergencies. For example, when a man has been robbed, he will go and get a
priest to knock a nail into an idol. The sharp pang naturally exasperates
the deity and he seeks to wreak his wrath on the thief, who is the real
occasion of his suffering. So when the thief hears of what has been done,
he brings back the stolen goods in fear and trembling. Similarly a nail
may be knocked into an idol for the purpose of making somebody fall ill;
and if a sick man fancies that his illness is due to an enemy who has
played him this trick, he will send to the priest of the idol and pay him
to remove the nail.(236) This mode of refreshing the memory and
stimulating the activity of a supernatural being is not confined to the
negroes of Loango; it is practised also by French Catholics, as we learn
from Sir John Rhys. “Some years ago,” he writes, “when I was on a visit at
the late Ernest Renan’s house at Rosmapamon, near Perros-Guirec on the
north coast of Brittany, our genial host took his friends one day to see
some of the sights of that neighbourhood. Among other things which he
showed us was a statue of St. Guirec standing at the head of an open
creek. It was of wood, and altogether a very rude work of art, if such it
might be called; but what attracted our attention most was the fact that
it had innumerable pins stuck into it. We asked M. Renan what the pins
meant, and his explanation was exceedingly quaint. He said that when any
young woman in the neighbourhood made up her mind that she should marry,
she came there and asked the saint to provide her with a husband, and to
do so without undue delay. She had every confidence in the willingness and
ability of the saint to oblige her, but she was haunted by the fear that
he might be otherwise engaged and forget her request. So she would stick
pins into him, and thus goad him, as she fancied, to exert himself on her
behalf. This is why the saint’s statue was full of pins.”(237) Similarly
in Japan sufferers from toothache sometimes stick needles into a
willow-tree, “believing that the pain caused to the tree-spirit will force
it to exercise its power to cure.”(238)

(M50) Thus it would seem that we must distinguish at least two uses of
nails or pins in their application to spirits and spiritual influences. In
one set of cases the nails act as corks or bungs to bottle up and imprison
a troublesome spirit; in the other set of cases they act as spurs or goads
to refresh his memory and stimulate his activity. But so far as the
evidence which I have cited allows us to judge, the use of nails as
spiritual bungs appears to be commoner than their use as mental
refreshers.





CHAPTER II. THE OMNIPRESENCE OF DEMONS.


(M51) In the foregoing chapter the primitive principle of the transference
of ills to another person, animal, or thing was explained and illustrated.
A consideration of the means taken, in accordance with this principle, to
rid individuals of their troubles and distresses led us to believe that at
Rome similar means had been adopted to free the whole community, at a
single blow of the hammer, from diverse evils that afflicted it. I now
propose to shew that such attempts to dismiss at once the accumulated
sorrows of a people are by no means rare or exceptional, but that on the
contrary they have been made in many lands, and that from being occasional
they tend to become periodic and annual.

(M52) It needs some effort on our part to realise the frame of mind which
prompts these attempts. Bred in a philosophy which strips nature of
personality and reduces it to the unknown cause of an orderly series of
impressions on our senses, we find it hard to put ourselves in the place
of the savage, to whom the same impressions appear in the guise of spirits
or the handiwork of spirits. For ages the army of spirits, once so near,
has been receding further and further from us, banished by the magic wand
of science from hearth and home, from ruined cell and ivied tower, from
haunted glade and lonely mere, from the riven murky cloud that belches
forth the lightning, and from those fairer clouds that pillow the silver
moon or fret with flakes of burning red the golden eve. The spirits are
gone even from their last stronghold in the sky, whose blue arch no longer
passes, except with children, for the screen that hides from mortal eyes
the glories of the celestial world. Only in poets’ dreams or impassioned
flights of oratory is it given to catch a glimpse of the last flutter of
the standards of the retreating host, to hear the beat of their invisible
wings, the sound of their mocking laughter, or the swell of angel music
dying away in the distance. Far otherwise is it with the savage. To his
imagination the world still teems with those motley beings whom a more
sober philosophy has discarded. Fairies and goblins, ghosts and demons,
still hover about him both waking and sleeping. They dog his footsteps,
dazzle his senses, enter into him, harass and deceive and torment him in a
thousand freakish and mischievous ways. The mishaps that befall him, the
losses he sustains, the pains he has to endure, he commonly sets down, if
not to the magic of his enemies, to the spite or anger or caprice of the
spirits. Their constant presence wearies him, their sleepless malignity
exasperates him; he longs with an unspeakable longing to be rid of them
altogether, and from time to time, driven to bay, his patience utterly
exhausted, he turns fiercely on his persecutors and makes a desperate
effort to chase the whole pack of them from the land, to clear the air of
their swarming multitudes, that he may breathe more freely and go on his
way unmolested, at least for a time. Thus it comes about that the
endeavour of primitive people to make a clean sweep of all their troubles
generally takes the form of a grand hunting out and expulsion of devils or
ghosts. They think that if they can only shake off these their accursed
tormentors, they will make a fresh start in life, happy and innocent; the
tales of Eden and the old poetic golden age will come true again.

(M53) Hence, before we review some examples of these spirit-hunts, it may
be well to adduce evidence of the deep hold which a belief in the
omnipresence and malignity of spirits has upon the primitive mind. The
reader will be better able to understand the savage remedy when he has an
inkling of the nature of the evil which it is designed to combat. In
citing the evidence I shall for the most part reproduce the exact words of
my authorities lest I should incur the suspicion of deepening unduly the
shadows in a gloomy picture.

(M54) Thus in regard to the aborigines of Australia we are told that “the
number of supernatural beings, feared if not loved, that they acknowledge
is exceedingly great; for not only are the heavens peopled with such, but
the whole face of the country swarms with them; every thicket, most
watering-places, and all rocky places abound with evil spirits. In like
manner, every natural phenomenon is believed to be the work of demons,
none of which seem of a benign nature, one and all apparently striving to
do all imaginable mischief to the poor blackfellow.”(239) “The negro,”
says another writer, “is wont to regard the whole world around him as
peopled with invisible beings, to whom he imputes every misfortune that
happens to him, and from whose harmful influence he seeks to protect
himself by all kinds of magic means.”(240) The Bantu negroes of Western
Africa “regard their god as the creator of man, plants, animals, and the
earth, and they hold that having made them, he takes no further interest
in the affair. But not so the crowd of spirits with which the universe is
peopled, they take only too much interest, and the Bantu wishes they would
not and is perpetually saying so in his prayers, a large percentage
whereof amounts to, ‘Go away, we don’t want you.’ ‘Come not into this
house, this village, or its plantations.’ ” Almost all these subordinate
spirits are malevolent.(241) A similar but fuller account of the West
African creed is given by a German writer, whose statements apply
particularly to the Ewe-speaking negroes of the Slave Coast. He says:
“Thus the term fetishism denotes the attitude of the Ewes, or of West
African negro tribes in general, towards magic; it forms one of the
principal constituents of their religion. The other main constituent is
their attitude to the gods, which is properly demonolatry. The Ewe names
the gods _drowo_, that is, intermediaries, namely, between a Supreme
Being, whom he calls _Mawu_ (‘the Unsurpassable’), and mankind. The drowo
with whom the Ewe has to do, to whom his offerings and his respects are
paid, are thus subordinate deities, who according to the etymological
meaning of the word _dro_ are conceived as judging, composing disputes,
and mediating among men. The existence of a Supreme Being is by no means
unfamiliar to the Ewe; he has his _Mawu_ often in his mouth, especially in
talking with the missionary, and he willingly acknowledges that _Mawu_
created him and the gods. But he can only conceive of this Supreme Being
on the analogy of his own personality and not as omnipresent and so forth.
It is impossible that this Mawu can trouble himself about details in the
creation or even about every individual man and his petty affairs; what
would be the use of the many higher and lower spirits with which the world
is filled before his eyes? The West African perhaps conceives of God as
transcendant, but not as immanent; a creation he possibly apprehends, but
not an omnipresent government of the world by the Supreme Being. That
government is carried on by Mawu at a distance by means of the many
spirits or subordinate gods whom he has created for the purpose.... A
portion of the gods fills the air, wherefore the forces and the phenomena
of nature are deified as their manifestations. The elements are thought to
be moved by the gods of the air. In the storm and the wind, in thunder and
lightning the Ewe sees the manifestation of particularly powerful gods. In
the mysterious roll and roar of the deep sea the Ewe, like the negro in
general, beholds the sway of a very mighty god or of a whole host of gods.
Further, the earth itself is also the abode of a multitude of spirits or
gods, who have in it their sphere of activity. They inhabit certain great
mountains, great hollow trees, caves, rivers, and especially woods. In
such woods of the gods no timber may be felled. Thus the gods fill not
only the air and the sea, they also walk on earth, on all paths; they lurk
under the trees, they terrify the lonely wayfarer, they disquiet and
plague even the sleeper. When the negro rises from the stool on which he
has been sitting, he never fails to turn it upside down, to prevent a
spirit from sitting down on it.... The spirit-world falls into two main
classes: there are good and kindly spirits, whose help is eagerly sought
by offerings; but there are also gloomy and revengeful spirits, whose
approach and influence people eagerly endeavour to avert, and against whom
all possible means are employed to ban them from the houses and villages.
The people are much more zealous in their devotion to the evil spirits
than in their devotion to the good. The reason is that the feeling of fear
and the consciousness of guilt are much stronger than the emotions of love
and gratitude for benefits received. Hence the worship of the false gods
or spirits among this people, and among the West African negro tribes in
general, is properly speaking a worship of demons or devils.”(242)

(M55) Again, a missionary who spent fifteen years among the Boloki of the
Upper Congo River tells us that “the religion of the Boloki has its basis
in their fear of those numerous invisible spirits which surround them on
every side, and are constantly trying to compass their sickness,
misfortune and death; and the Boloki’s sole object in practising their
religion is to cajole, or appease, cheat, or conquer and kill those
spirits that trouble them—hence their _nganga_ [medicine-men], their
rites, their ceremonies and their charms. If there were no evil spirits to
be circumvented there would be no need of their medicine men and their
charms.”(243) “The Boloki folk believe they are surrounded by spirits
which try to thwart them at every twist and turn, and to harm them every
hour of the day and night. The rivers and creeks are crowded with the
spirits of their ancestors, and the forests and bush are full also of
spirits, ever seeking to injure the living who are overtaken by night when
travelling by road or canoe. I never met among them a man daring enough to
go at night through the forest that divided Monsembe from the upper
villages, even though a large reward was offered. Their invariable reply
was: ‘There are too many spirits in the bush and forest.’ ”(244) The
spirits which these people dread so much are the _mingoli_ or disembodied
souls of the dead; the life of the Boloki is described as “one long drawn
out fear of what the _mingoli_ may next do to them.” These dangerous
beings dwell everywhere, land and water are full of them; they are ever
ready to pounce on the living and carry them away or to smite them with
disease and kill them. Though they are invisible to common eyes, the
medicine-man can see them, and can cork them up in calabashes or cover
them up with saucepans; indeed, if it is made worth his while, he can even
destroy them altogether.(245) Again, of the Bantu tribes of South Africa
we read that “nearer than the spirits of deceased chiefs or of their own
ancestors was a whole host of hobgoblins, water sprites, and malevolent
demons, who met the Bantu turn which way they would. There was no
beautiful fairyland for them, for all the beings who haunted the
mountains, the plains, and the rivers were ministers of evil. The most
feared of these was a large bird that made love to women and incited those
who returned its affection to cause the death of those who did not, and a
little mischievous imp who was also amorously inclined. Many instances
could be gathered from the records of magistrates’ courts in recent years
of demented women having admitted their acquaintance with these fabulous
creatures, as well as of whole communities living in terror of them.”(246)
However, it would be no doubt a great mistake to imagine that the minds of
the Bantu, or indeed of any savages, are perpetually occupied by a dread
of evil spirits;(247) the savage and indeed the civilized man is
incapable, at least in his normal state, of such excessive preoccupation
with a single idea, which, if prolonged, could hardly fail to end in
insanity.

(M56) Speaking of the spirits which the Indians of Guiana attribute to all
objects in nature, Sir Everard F. im Thurn observes that “the whole world
of the Indian swarms with these beings. If by a mighty mental effort we
could for a moment revert to a similar mental position, we should find
ourselves everywhere surrounded by a host of possibly hurtful beings, so
many in number that to describe them as innumerable would fall
ridiculously short of the truth. It is not therefore wonderful that the
Indian fears to move beyond the light of his camp-fire after dark, or, if
he is obliged to do so, carries a fire-brand with him that he may at least
see among what enemies he walks; nor is it wonderful that occasionally the
air round the settlement seems to the Indian to grow so full of beings,
that a peaiman [sorcerer], who is supposed to have the power of
temporarily driving them away, is employed to effect a general clearance
of these beings, if only for a time. That is the main belief, of the kind
that is generally called religious, of the Indians of Guiana.”(248) The
Lengua Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco believe in certain demons which
they call _kilyikhama_. “The _kilyikhama_ are confined to no particular
place. Time and distance do not seem to affect them in the least. They are
held in great awe by the Indian, and whithersoever he turns, whether by
day or night, but particularly at night, he is subject to their malign
influences.... They live in constant dread of these supernatural beings,
and if nothing else contributed to make their life miserable, this
ever-present dread of the _kilyikhama_ would be in itself quite sufficient
to rob it of most of its joy.”(249)

(M57) Very different from the life of these Indians of the South American
forests and prairies is the life of the Esquimaux on the desolate shores
of Labrador; yet they too live in like bondage to the evil creatures of
their own imagination. “All the affairs of life are supposed to be under
the control of spirits, each of which rules over a certain element, and
all of which are under the direction of a greater spirit. Each person is
supposed to be attended by a special guardian who is malignant in
character, ever ready to seize upon the least occasion to work harm upon
the individual whom it accompanies. As this is an evil spirit, its good
offices and assistance can be obtained by propitiation only. The person
strives to keep the good-will of the evil spirit by offerings of food,
water, and clothing.” “Besides this class of spirits, there are the
spirits of the sea, the land, the sky (for be it understood that the
Eskimo know nothing of the air), the winds, the clouds, and everything in
nature. Every cove of the sea-shore, every point, island, and prominent
rock has its guardian spirit. All are of the malignant type, and to be
propitiated only by acceptable offerings from persons who desire to visit
the locality where it is supposed to reside. Of course some of the spirits
are more powerful than others, and these are more to be dreaded than those
able to inflict less harm. These minor spirits are under the control of
the great spirit, whose name is Tung ak. This one great spirit is more
powerful than all the rest besides. The lesser spirits are immediately
under his control and ever ready to obey his command. The shaman (or
conjuror) alone is supposed to be able to deal with the Tung ak. While the
shaman does not profess to be superior to the Tung ak, he is able to
enlist his assistance and thus be able to control all the undertakings his
profession may call for. This Tung ak is nothing more or less than death,
which ever seeks to torment and harass the lives of people that their
spirits may go to dwell with him.”(250)

(M58) Brighter at first sight and more pleasing is the mythology of the
islanders of the Pacific, as the picture of it is drawn for us by one who
seems to have felt the charm of those beliefs which it was his mission to
destroy. “By their rude mythology,” he says, “each lovely island was made
a sort of fairy-land, and the spells of enchantment were thrown over its
varied scenes. The sentiment of the poet that


    ‘_Millions of spiritual creatures walk the earth,_
    _Unseen, both when we wake, and when we sleep_,’


was one familiar to their minds; and it is impossible not to feel
interested in a people who were accustomed to consider themselves
surrounded by invisible intelligences, and who recognized in the rising
sun—the mild and silver moon—the shooting star—the meteor’s transient
flame—the ocean’s roar—the tempest’s blast, or the evening breeze—the
movements of mighty spirits. The mountain’s summit, and the fleecy mists
that hang upon its brows—the rocky defile—the foaming cataract—and the
lonely dell—were all regarded as the abode or resort of these invisible
beings.”(251) Yet the spiritual powers which compassed the life of the
islanders on every side appear to have been far from friendly to man.
Speaking of their beliefs touching the souls of the dead, the same writer
says that the Polynesians “imagined they lived in a world of spirits,
which surrounded them night and day, watching every action of their lives,
and ready to avenge the slightest neglect or the least disobedience to
their injunctions, as proclaimed by their priests. These dreaded beings
were seldom thought to resort to the habitations of men on errands of
benevolence.”(252) The Tahitians, when they were visited by Captain Cook,
believed that “sudden deaths and all other accidents are effected by the
immediate action of some divinity. If a man only stumble against a stone
and hurt his toe, they impute it to an _Eatooa_; so that they may be
literally said, agreeably to their system, to tread enchanted
ground.”(253) “The Maori gods,” says a well-informed writer, “were demons,
whose evil designs could only be counteracted by powerful spells and
charms; these proving effectual, sacrifices and offerings were made to
soothe the vanquished spirits and appease their wrath.” “The gods in
general appeared in the whirlwind and lightning, answering their votaries
in the clap of thunder. The inferior beings made themselves visible in the
form of lizards, moths, butterflies, spiders, and even flies; when they
spoke it was in a low whistling tone. They were supposed to be so numerous
as to surround the living in crowds, _kei te muia nga wairua penei nga
wairoa_, ‘the spirits throng like mosquitoes,’ ever watching to inflict
evil.”(254)

(M59) Again, we are informed that the popular religion of the Pelew
Islanders “has reference to the gods (_kaliths_) who may be useful or
harmful to men in all their doings. Their imagination peoples the sea, the
wood, the earth with numerous gods, and whatever a man undertakes, be it
to catch fish or fell a tree, he must first propitiate the deities, or
rather guard himself against their spiteful anger, which can only be done
by means of certain spells and incantations. The knowledge of these
incantations is limited to a very few persons, and forms in fact the
secret of the arts and industries which are plied in the islands. A master
of his craft is not he who can build a good house or a faultless canoe,
but he who possesses the _golay_ or magic power to ban the tree-gods, that
they may not prove hurtful to the workmen and to the people who afterwards
use the things. All these gods of the earth, the woods, the mountains, the
brooks are very mischievous and dangerous, and most diseases are caused by
them. Hence the persons who possess the magic power are dreaded,
frequently employed, and well paid; but in extreme cases they are regarded
as sorcerers and treated accordingly. If one of them builds a house for
somebody and is dissatisfied with his remuneration, he stirs up the
tree-god to avenge him. So the inhabitants of the house he has built fall
sick, and if help is not forthcoming they die.”(255) Of the Mortlock
Islanders we are told that “their imagination peopled the whole of nature
with spirits and deities, of whom the number was past finding out.”(256)

(M60) Speaking of the natives of the Philippine Islands a writer observes
that “the basis of all the superstitious beliefs of the Negritos, what
might else be termed their religion, is the constant presence of the
spirits of the dead near where they lived when alive. All places are
inhabited by the spirits. All adverse circumstances, sickness, failure of
crops, unsuccessful hunts, are attributed to them.”(257) As to the
Melanesians of New Britain we read that “another deeply rooted belief
which exercises an extraordinary influence on the life and customs of
these people is a belief in demons. To their thinking the demons,
_tambaran_ (a word synonymous with ‘poor wretch,’ ‘sufferer’) are spirits
entirely perverse, deceitful, maleficent, and ceaselessly occupied in
injuring us. Diseases, death, the perturbations of nature, all unfortunate
events are imputed to them. The demons exist in legions; they live
everywhere, especially in the forests, desert places, and the depths of
the sea.”(258) The beliefs and customs of one particular tribe of this
great island—the Livuans, who occupy the eastern coast of the Gazelle
Peninsula in New Britain—have been described by a Catholic missionary in
similar terms. “The distrustful natives,” he tells us, “have not attained
to a belief in a beneficent, compassionate deity. All the more numerous,
however, are the evil spirits with which they people the universe. These
are legion. The power which the natives ascribe to these spirits extends
not merely to the property of mankind but also to life and death. The
Livuan always believes that he can trace the pernicious influence of these
_tambaran_ (devils) on his actions. In his conviction, the whole thoughts
and endeavours of the evil spirits have no other object than to injure men
in every possible way. This dismal, comfortless superstition weighs heavy
on the native.”(259) Again, another writer who lived for thirty years
among the Melanesians of the Bismarck Archipelago, of which New Britain
forms part, observes that “we often find the view expressed that the
native is a being who lives only for the day, without cares of any kind.
The view is very erroneous, for in fact he leads a life which is plagued
by cares of all sorts. Amongst the greatest plagues of his life is his
bottomless superstition. He sees himself surrounded at every step by evil
spirits and their influences. He trusts nobody, for who knows whether his
nearest neighbour, his professedly best friend, is not plotting to bring
trouble, sickness, and even death on him by means of magic? Everywhere he
sees snares set for him, everywhere he scents treachery and guile. We need
not wonder, therefore, that mistrust is a leading feature in the character
not only of the New Britons, but of the Melanesians generally.... The
native is simply not accessible to rational motives. The only motive he
understands is sorcery on the part of malicious men or the influence of
evil spirits.”(260)

(M61) A Dutch missionary, who spent twenty-five years among the natives of
Dutch New Guinea, tells us that “in their ignorance of a living God the
Papuans people earth and air, land and sea with mysterious malignant
powers, which take up their abode in stones and trees or in men and cause
all kinds of misfortunes, especially sickness and death.”(261) Again,
speaking of the Bukaua, a tribe of German New Guinea, a German missionary
writes that “the Bukaua knows himself to be surrounded by spirits
(_balum_) at every step. An insight into the life and mode of thought of
the natives, as the latter is expressed especially in their stories,
confirms this view completely. What wonder that the fear of spirits
dominates the whole existence of the Bukaua and causes him to tremble even
in the hour of death? There are spirits of the beach, the water, the
fields, the forests, spirits that reside in the villages and particular
places, and a sort of vagabonds, who can take up their abode even in
lifeless things.” Then after describing the demons of the beach, the
water, and the field, the writer proceeds as follows: “Of forest spirits
the number is infinite; for it is above all in the mysterious darkness,
the tangled wildernesses of the virgin forest that the spirits love to
dwell. They hold their meetings in what are called evil places. They are
never bent on good. Especially at nightfall the native fancies he hears
the voice of the spirits in the hum and chirping of the insects in the
forest. They lure hunting dogs from the trail. They make wild boars rabid;
in the form of snakes they make inroads into human dwellings; they drive
men crazy or into fits; they play roguish tricks of all sorts.”(262)

(M62) Among the tribes who inhabit the south-eastern coasts of New Guinea
“a death in a village is the occasion of bringing plenty of ghosts to
escort their new companion, and perhaps fetch some one else. All night the
friends of the deceased sit up and keep the drums going to drive away the
spirits. When I was sleeping one night at Hood Bay, a party of young men
and boys came round with sticks, striking the fences and posts of houses
all through the village. This I found was always done when any one died,
to drive back the spirits to their own quarters on the adjacent mountain
tops. But it is the spirits of the inland tribes, the aborigines of the
country, that the coast tribes most fear. The road from the interior to
Port Moresby passed close to our house, and the natives told us that the
barking of our English dog at night had frightened the evil spirits so
effectually that they had had no ghostly visitors since we came. I was
camping out one night in the bush with some coast natives, at a time when
a number of the natives of the interior were hunting in the neighbourhood;
noticing that the men with me did not go to sleep, I asked if they were
afraid of the mountain men. ‘No,’ they replied, ‘but the whole plain is
full of the spirits who come with them.’ All calamities are attributed to
the power and malice of these evil spirits. Drought and famine, storm and
flood, disease and death are all supposed to be brought by ‘Vata’ and his
hosts.”(263)

(M63) The inhabitants of Timor, an island to the south-west of New Guinea,
revere the lord of heaven, the sun, the mistress of the earth, and the
spirits of the dead. “These last dwell, some with the mistress of the
earth under ground, others on graves, others in stones and springs and
woods, some on mountains and some in the habitations of their kinsfolk,
where they take up their abode in the middle of the principal post of the
house or in copper cymbals, in swords and pikes. Others again assume the
shape of pigs and deer and bees; men who have fallen in battle love
especially to turn into bees, that they may roam over the earth at will.
The ghosts who reside with the mistress of the earth are male and female,
and their offspring swarm by myriads in the air, so that the people think
you cannot stir without striking against one of them. According to their
whim of the moment the ghosts are good or bad.” “All diseases which are
not due to infection or transmitted by inheritance are ascribed to the
mistress of the earth, to the ghosts, and to their wicked offspring, who
inflict them as punishments for insults and injuries, for insufficient
food, for the killing of deer and of wild pigs, in which the ghosts take
up their abode temporarily, and also for the sale of cymbals, swords and
pikes, in which a ghost had settled.”(264) The natives of Amboyna think
that “woods, mountains, trees, stones, indeed the whole universe, is
inhabited by a multitude of spirits, of whom many are the souls of the
dead.”(265) In Bolang Mongondo, a district of Celebes, “all calamities,
great and small, of whatever kind, and by whatever name they are called,
that befall men and animals, villages, gardens and so forth, are
attributed to evil or angry spirits. The superstition is indescribably
great. The smallest wound, the least indisposition, the most trifling
adversity in the field, at the fishing, on a journey or what not, is
believed by the natives to be traceable to the anger of their ancestors.
The superstition cripples every effort to remedy the calamities except by
sacrifice. There is perhaps no country the inhabitants of which know so
little about simples as Bolang Mongondo. What a native of Bolang Mongondo
calls medicine is nothing but sacrifice, magic, and talismans. And the
method of curing a sick man always consists in the use of magic, or in the
propitiation of angry ancestral spirits by means of offerings, or in the
banishment of evil spirits. The application of one or other of these three
methods depends again on the decision of the sorcerer, who plays a great
part in every case of sickness.”(266)

(M64) In the island of Bali “all the attention paid to the sick has its
root solely in the excessive superstition of these islanders, which leads
them to impute every unpleasantness in life, every adversity to the
influence of evil spirits or of men who are in some way in league with
them. The belief in witches and wizards is everywhere great in the Indies,
but perhaps nowhere is it so universal and so strong as in Bali.”(267) In
Java, we are told, it is not merely great shady trees that are believed to
be the abode of spirits. “In other places also, where the vital energy of
nature manifests itself strikingly and impressively, a feeling of
veneration is stirred, as on the sea-shore, in deep woods, on steep
mountain sides. All such spots are supposed to be the abode of spirits of
various kinds, whose mighty power is regarded with reverence and awe,
whose anger is dreaded, and whose favour is hoped for. But wherever they
dwell, whether in scenes of loveliness that move the heart, or in spots
that affect the mind with fright and horror, the nature and disposition of
these spirits appear not to differ. They are a source of fear and anxiety
in the one case just as much as in the other. To none of them did I ever
hear moral qualities ascribed. They are mighty, they are potentates, and
therefore it is well with him who has their favour and ill with him who
has it not; this holds true of them all.” “The number of the spirits is
innumerable and inconceivable. All the phenomena of nature, which we trace
to fixed laws and constant forces, are supposed by the Javanese to be
wrought by spirits.”(268)

(M65) The natives of the valley of the Barito in Borneo hold that “the air
is filled with countless _hantoes_ (spirits). Every object has such a
spirit which watches over it and seeks to defend it from danger. It is
these spirits especially that bring sickness and misfortune on men, and
for that reason offerings are often made to them and also to the powerful
_Sangsangs_ (angels), whereas the supreme God, the original fountain of
all good, is neglected.”(269) Of the Battas or Bataks of Sumatra we are
told that “the key-note of their religious mood is fear of the unknown
powers, a childish feeling of dependence, the outcome of a belief in
supernatural influences to which man is constantly exposed, in wonders and
witchcraft, which hamper his free action. They feel themselves continually
surrounded by unseen beings and dependent on them for everything.” “Every
misfortune bespeaks the ill-will of the hostile spirits. The whole world
is a meeting-place of demons, and most of the phenomena of nature are an
expression of their power. The only means of remedying or counteracting
their baleful influence is to drive away the spirits by means of certain
words, as well as by the use of amulets and the offering of sacrifices to
the guardian spirits.”(270) To the same effect another authority on the
religion of the Battas remarks that “the common man has only a very dim
and misty notion of his triune god, and troubles himself far more about
the legions of spirits which people the whole world around him, and
against which he must always be protected by magic spells.”(271) Again,
speaking of the same people, a Dutch missionary observes that “if there is
still any adherent of Rousseau’s superficial theories about the
idyllically happy and careless life of people ‘in a state of nature,’ he
ought to come and spend a little time among the Bataks and keep his eyes
and ears open. He would soon be convinced of the hollowness and falsehood
of these phrases and would learn to feel a deep compassion for human
beings living in perpetual fear of evil spirits.”(272)

(M66) The religion of the Nicobar Islanders “is an undisguised animism,
and the whole of their very frequent and elaborate ceremonies and
festivals are aimed at exorcising and scaring spirits (‘devils,’ as they
have been taught to call them). Fear of spirits and ghosts (_iwi_) is the
guide to all ceremonies, and the life of the people is _very_ largely
taken up with ceremonials and feasts of all kinds. These are usually held
at night, and whether directly religious or merely convivial, seem all to
have an origin in the overmastering fear of spirits that possesses the
Nicobarese. It has so far proved ineradicable, for two centuries of varied
and almost continuous missionary effort has had no appreciable effect on
it.”(273) The Mantras, an aboriginal race of the Malay Peninsula, “find or
put a spirit everywhere, in the air they breathe, in the land they
cultivate, in the forests they inhabit, in the trees they cut down, in the
caves of the rocks. According to them, the demon is the cause of
everything that turns out ill. If they are sick, a demon is at the bottom
of it; if an accident happens, it is still the spirit who is at work;
thereupon the demon takes the name of the particular evil of which he is
supposed to be the cause. Hence the demon being assumed as the author of
every ill, all their superstitions resolve themselves into enchantments
and spells to appease the evil spirit, to render mild and tractable the
fiercest beasts.”(274) To the mind of the Kamtchatkan every corner of
earth and heaven seemed full of spirits, whom he revered and dreaded more
than God.(275)

(M67) In India from the earliest times down to the present day the real
religion of the common folk appears always to have been a belief in a vast
multitude of spirits, of whom many, if not most, are mischievous and
harmful. As in Europe beneath a superficial layer of Christianity a faith
in magic and witchcraft, in ghosts and goblins has always survived and
even flourished among the weak and ignorant, so it has been and so it is
in the East. Brahmanism, Buddhism, Islam may come and go, but the belief
in magic and demons remains unshaken through them all, and, if we may
judge of the future from the past, is likely to survive the rise and fall
of other historical religions. For the great faiths of the world, just in
so far as they are the outcome of superior intelligence, of purer
morality, of extraordinary fervour of aspiration after the ideal, fail to
touch and move the common man. They make claims upon his intellect and his
heart to which neither the one nor the other is capable of responding. The
philosophy they teach is too abstract, the morality they inculcate too
exalted for him. The keener minds embrace the new philosophy, the more
generous spirits are fired by the new morality; and as the world is led by
such men, their faith sooner or later becomes the professed faith of the
multitude. Yet with the common herd, who compose the great bulk of every
people, the new religion is accepted only in outward show, because it is
impressed upon them by their natural leaders whom they cannot choose but
follow. They yield a dull assent to it with their lips, but in their heart
they never really abandon their old superstitions; in these they cherish a
faith such as they cannot repose in the creed which they nominally
profess; and to these, in the trials and emergencies of life, they have
recourse as to infallible remedies, when the promises of the higher faith
have failed them, as indeed such promises are apt to do.(276)

(M68) To establish for India in particular the truth of the propositions
which I have just advanced, it may be enough to cite the evidence of two
writers of high authority, one of whom deals with the most ancient form of
Indian religion known to us, while the other describes the popular
religion of the Hindoos at the present day. “According to the creed of the
Vedic ages,” says Professor Oldenberg, “the whole world in which man lives
is animated. Sky and earth, mountain, forest, trees and beasts, the
earthly water and the heavenly water of the clouds,—all is filled with
living spiritual beings, who are either friendly or hostile to mankind.
Unseen or embodied in visible form, hosts of spirits surround and hover
about human habitations,—bestial or misshapen goblins, souls of dead
friends and souls of foes, sometimes as kindly guardians, oftener as
mischief-makers, bringing disease and misfortune, sucking the blood and
strength of the living. A soul is attributed even to the object fashioned
by human hands, whose functions are felt to be friendly or hostile. The
warrior pays his devotion to the divine war-chariot, the divine arrow, the
drum; the ploughman to the ploughshare; the gambler to the dice; the
sacrificer, about whom naturally we have the most exact information,
reveres the stone that presses out the juice of the Soma, the straw on
which the gods recline, the post to which the sacrificial victim is bound,
and the divine doors through which the gods come forth to enjoy the
sacrifice. At one time the beings in whose presence man feels himself are
regarded by him as really endowed with souls; at another time, in harmony
with a more advanced conception of the world, they are imagined as
substances or fluids invested with beneficent or maleficent properties:
belief oscillates to and fro between the one mode of thought and the
other. The art of turning to account the operations of these animated
beings, the play of these substances and forces, is magic rather than
worship in the proper sense of the word. The foundations of this faith and
of this magic are an inheritance from the remotest past, from a period, to
put it shortly, of shamanistic faith in spirits and souls, of shamanistic
magic. Such a period has been passed through by the forefathers of the
Indo-Germanic race as well as by other peoples.”(277)

(M69) Coming down to the Hindoos of the present day, we find that their
attitude towards the spiritual world is described as follows by Professor
Monier Williams. “The plain fact undoubtedly is that the great majority of
the inhabitants of India are, from the cradle to the burning-ground,
victims of a form of mental disease which is best expressed by the term
demonophobia. They are haunted and oppressed by a perpetual dread of
demons. They are firmly convinced that evil spirits of all kinds, from
malignant fiends to merely mischievous imps and elves, are ever on the
watch to harm, harass, and torment them, to cause plague, sickness,
famine, and disaster, to impede, injure, and mar every good work.”(278)
Elsewhere the same writer has expressed the same view somewhat more fully.
“In fact,” he says, “a belief in every kind of demoniacal influence has
always been from the earliest times an essential ingredient in Hindu
religious thought. The idea probably had its origin in the supposed
peopling of the air by spiritual beings—the personifications or companions
of storm and tempest. Certainly no one who has ever been brought into
close contact with the Hindus in their own country can doubt the fact that
the worship of at least ninety per cent. of the people of India in the
present day is a worship of fear. Not that the existence of good deities
presided over by one Supreme Being is doubted; but that these deities are
believed to be too absolutely good to need propitiation; just as in
ancient histories of the Slav races, we are told that they believed in a
white god and a black god, but paid adoration to the last alone, having,
as they supposed, nothing to apprehend from the beneficence of the first
or white deity. The simple truth is that evil of all kinds, difficulties,
dangers and disasters, famines, diseases, pestilences and death, are
thought by an ordinary Hindu to proceed from demons, or, more properly
speaking, from devils, and from devils alone. These malignant beings are
held, as we have seen, to possess varying degrees of rank, power, and
malevolence. Some aim at destroying the entire world, and threaten the
sovereignty of the gods themselves. Some delight in killing men, women,
and children, out of a mere thirst for human blood. Some take a mere
mischievous pleasure in tormenting, or revel in the infliction of
sickness, injury, and misfortune. All make it their business to mar or
impede the progress of good works and useful undertakings.”(279)

(M70) It would be easy but tedious to illustrate in detail this general
account of the dread of demons which prevails among the inhabitants of
India at the present day. A very few particular statements must suffice.
Thus, we are told that the Oraons, a Dravidian race in Bengal,
“acknowledge a Supreme God, adored as Dharmi or Dharmesh, the Holy One,
who is manifest in the sun, and they regard Dharmesh as a perfectly pure,
beneficent being, who created us and would in his goodness and mercy
preserve us, but that his benevolent designs are thwarted by malignant
spirits whom mortals must propitiate, as Dharmesh cannot or does not
interfere, if the spirit of evil once fastens upon us. It is, therefore,
of no use to pray to Dharmesh or to offer sacrifices to him; so though
acknowledged, recognised, and reverenced, he is neglected, whilst the
malignant spirits are adored.” Again, it is said of these Oraons that, “as
the sole object of their religious ceremonies is the propitiation of the
demons who are ever thwarting the benevolent intentions of Dharmesh, they
have no notion of a service of thanksgiving.” Once more, after giving a
list of Oraon demons, the same writer goes on: “Besides this superstitious
dread of the spirits above named, the Oraon’s imagination tremblingly
wanders in a world of ghosts. Every rock, road, river, and grove is
haunted.”(280) Again, a missionary who spent many years among the Kacharis
of Assam tells us that “the religion of the Kachári race is distinctly of
the type commonly known as ‘animistic’ and its underlying principle is
characteristically one of fear or dread. The statement _Timor fecit deos_
certainly holds good of this people in its widest and strictest sense; and
their religion thus stands in very marked, not to say violent, contrast
with the teaching of the Faith in Christ. In the typical Kachári village
as a rule neither idol nor place of worship is to be found; but to the
Kachári mind and imagination earth, air, and sky are alike peopled with a
vast number of invisible spiritual beings, known usually as _Modai_, all
possessing powers and faculties far greater than those of man, and almost
invariably inclined to use these powers for malignant and malevolent,
rather than benevolent, purposes. In a certain stage of moral and
spiritual development men are undoubtedly influenced far more by what they
fear than by what they love; and this truth certainly applies to the
Kachári race in the most unqualified way.”(281) Again, the Siyins, who
inhabit the Chin Hills of north-eastern India, on the borders of Burma,
“say that there is no Supreme God and no other world save this, which is
full of evil spirits who inhabit the fields, infest the houses, and haunt
the jungles. These spirits must be propitiated or bribed to refrain from
doing the particular harm of which each is capable, for one can destroy
crops, another can make women barren, and a third cause a lizard to enter
the stomach and devour the bowels.”(282) “Like most mountaineers, the
people of Sikhim and the Tibetans are thorough-going demon-worshippers. In
every nook, path, big tree, rock, spring, waterfall and lake there lurks a
devil; for which reason few individuals will venture out alone after dark.
The sky, the ground, the house, the field, the country have each their
special demons, and sickness is always attributed to malign demoniacal
influence.”(283) “Even the purest of all the Lamaist sects—the
Ge-lug-pa—are thorough-paced devil-worshippers, and value Buddhism chiefly
because it gives them the whip-hand over the devils which everywhere vex
humanity with disease and disaster, and whose ferocity weighs heavily on
all.”(284) The Lushais of Assam believe in a beneficent spirit named
Pathian, who made everything but troubles himself very little about men.
Far more important in ordinary life are the numerous demons (_huai_), who
inhabit every stream, mountain, and forest, and are all malignant. To
their agency are ascribed all the illnesses and misfortunes that afflict
humanity, and a Lushai’s whole life is spent in propitiating them. It is
the sorcerer (_puithiam_) who knows what demon is causing any particular
trouble, and it is he who can prescribe the sort of sacrifice which will
appease the wrath of the fiend. Every form of sickness is set down to the
influence of some demon or other, and all the tales about these spiritual
foes begin or end with the recurrent phrase, “There was much sickness in
our village.”(285) In Travancore “the minor superstitions connected with
demon-worship are well-nigh innumerable; they enter into all the feelings,
and are associated with the whole life of these people. Every disease,
accident, or misfortune is attributed to the agency of the devils, and
great caution is exercised to avoid arousing their fury.”(286)

(M71) With regard to the inhabitants of Ceylon we are told that “the
fiends which they conceive to be hovering around them are without number.
Every disease or trouble that assails them is produced by the immediate
agency of the demons sent to punish them: while, on the other hand, every
blessing or success comes directly from the hands of the beneficent and
supreme God. To screen themselves from the power of the inferior deities,
who are all represented as wicked spirits, and whose power is by no means
irresistible, they wear amulets of various descriptions; and employ a
variety of charms and spells to ward off the influence of witchcraft and
enchantments by which they think themselves beset on all sides.” “It is
probable that, by degrees, intercourse with Europeans will entirely do
away these superstitious fears, as the Cinglese of the towns have already
made considerable progress in subduing their gloomy apprehensions. Not so
the poor wretched peasants who inhabit the more mountainous parts of the
country, and live at a distance from our settlements. These unhappy people
have never for a moment their minds free from the terror of those demons
who seem perpetually to hover around them. Their imaginations are so
disturbed by such ideas that it is not uncommon to see many driven to
madness from this cause. Several Cinglese lunatics have fallen under my
own observation; and upon inquiring into the circumstances which had
deprived them of their reason, I universally found that their wretched
state was to be traced solely to the excess of their superstitious fears.
The spirits of the wicked subordinate demons are the chief objects of fear
among the Ceylonese; and impress their minds with much more awe than the
more powerful divinities who dispense blessings among them. They indeed
think that their country is in a particular manner delivered over to the
dominion of evil spirits.”(287)

(M72) In Eastern as well as Southern Asia the same view of nature as
pervaded by a multitude of spirits, mostly mischievous and malignant, has
survived the nominal establishment of a higher faith. “In spite of their
long conversion, their sincere belief in, and their pure form of,
Buddhism, which expressly repudiates and forbids such worship, the Burmans
and Taleins (or Mons) have in a great measure kept their ancient spirit or
demon worship. With the Taleins this is more especially the case. Indeed,
with the country population of Pegu the worship, or it should rather be
said the propitiation, of the ‘nats’ or spirits, enters into every act of
their ordinary life, and Buddha’s doctrine seems kept for sacred days and
their visits to the kyoung (monastery) or to the pagoda.”(288) Or, as
another writer puts it, “the propitiating of the nats is a question of
daily concern to the lower class Burman, while the worship at the pagoda
is only thought of once a week. For the nat may prove destructive and
hostile at any time, whereas the acquisition of _koothoh_ [merit] at the
pagoda is a thing which may be set about in a business-like way, and at
proper and convenient seasons.”(289) But the term worship, we are
informed, hardly conveys a proper notion of the attitude of the Burmese
towards the nats or spirits. “Even the Karens and Kachins, who have no
other form of belief, do not regard them otherwise than as malevolent
beings who must be looked up to with fear, and propitiated by regular
offerings. They do not want to have anything to do with the nats; all they
seek is to be let alone. The bamboo pipes of spirit, the bones of
sacrificial animals, the hatchets, swords, spears, bows and arrows that
line the way to a Kachin village, are placed there not with the idea of
attracting the spirits, but of preventing them from coming right among the
houses in search of their requirements. If they want to drink, the rice
spirit has been poured out, and the bamboo stoup is there in evidence of
the libation; the blood-stained skulls of oxen, pigs, and the feathers of
fowls show that there has been no stint of meat offerings; should the nats
wax quarrelsome, and wish to fight, there are the axes and dahs with which
to commence the fray. Only let them be grateful, and leave their trembling
worshippers in peace and quietness.”(290)

(M73) Similarly the Lao or Laosians of Siam, though they are nominally
Buddhists, and have monks and pagodas with images of Buddha, are said to
pay more respect to spirits or demons than to these idols.(291) “The
desire to propitiate the good spirits and to exorcise the bad ones is the
prevailing influence upon the life of a Laosian. With _phees_ [evil
spirits] to right of him, to left of him, in front of him, behind him, all
round him, his mind is haunted with a perpetual desire to make terms with
them, and to ensure the assistance of the great Buddha, so that he may
preserve both body and soul from the hands of the spirits.”(292)
“Independently of the demons who are in hell, the Siamese recognise
another sort of devils diffused in the air: they call them _phi_; these
are, they say, the demons who do harm to men and who appear sometimes in
horrible shapes. They put down to the account of these malign spirits all
the calamities which happen in the world. If a mother has lost a child, it
is a _phi_ who has done the ill turn; if a sick man is given over, it is a
_phi_ that is at the bottom of it. To appease him, they invoke him and
make him offerings which they hang up in desert places.”(293) As to the
Thay, a widely spread race of Indo-China,(294) a French missionary writes
as follows: “It may be said that the Thay lives in constant intercourse
with the invisible world. There is hardly an act of his life which is not
regulated by some religious belief. There are two worships, the worship of
the spirits and the worship of the dead, which, however, are scarcely
distinguishable from each other, since the dead become spirits by the mere
fact of their death. His simple imagination represents to him the world of
spirits as a sort of double of the state of things here below. At the
summit is Po Then, the father of the empyrean. Below him are the Then—Then
Bun, Then Kum, Then Kom, of whom the chief is Then Luong, ‘the great
Then.’ The dead go and cultivate his rice-fields in heaven and clear his
mountains, just as they did their own in their life on earth. He has to
wife a goddess Me Bau. Besides these heavenly spirits, the Thay reckons a
multitude of others under the name of _phi_. His science being not very
extensive, many things seem extraordinary to him. If he cannot explain a
certain natural phenomenon, his perplexity does not last long. It is the
work of a _phi_, he says, and his priests take care not to dissuade him.
Hence he sees spirits everywhere. There are _phi_ on the steep mountains,
in the deep woods, the _phi bai_ who, by night on the mountain, imitate
the rain and the storms and leave no trace of their passage. If they shew
themselves, they appear in the form of gigantic animals and cause terrible
stomach troubles, such as diarrhœa, dysentery, and so on.... The large
animals of the forest, wild oxen and buffaloes, rhinoceroses, elephants,
and so on, have their guardian spirits. Hence the prudent hunter learns at
the outset to exorcise them in order that, when he has killed these
animals, he may be able to cut them up and eat their flesh without having
to fear the vengeance of their invisible guardian. Spirits also guard the
clearings whither the deer come by night to drink. The hunter should
sacrifice a fowl to them from time to time, if he would bring down his
game with ease. The gun itself has a spirit who looks to it that the
powder explodes. In short, the Thay cannot take a single step without
meeting a spirit on the path.”(295) “Thus the life of the Thay seems
regulated down to its smallest details by custom founded on his belief in
the spirits. Spirits perpetually watch him, ready to punish his
negligences, and he is afraid. Fear is not only for him the beginning of
wisdom, it is the whole of his wisdom. Love has only a very moderate place
in it. Even the respect in which he holds his dead, and the honours which
he pays them on various occasions, seem to be dominated by a superstitious
fear. It seems that the sacrifices which he offers to them aim rather at
averting from himself the evils which he dreads than at honouring worthily
the memory of his deceased kinsfolk and at paying them the tribute of his
affection and gratitude. Once they sleep their last sleep yonder in the
shadow of the great trees of the forest, none goes to shed a tear and
murmur a prayer on their grave. Nothing but calamity suffices to rescue
them from the oblivion into which they had fallen in the memory of the
living.”(296)

(M74) “The dogma, prevailing in China from the earliest times, that the
universe is filled in all its parts with _shen_ and _kwei_, naturally
implies that devils and demons must also swarm about the homes of men in
numbers inestimable. It is, in fact, an axiom which constantly comes out
in conversing with the people, that they haunt every frequented and lonely
spot, and that no place exists where man is safe from them.”(297) “The
worship and propitiation of the gods, which is the main part of China’s
religion, has no higher purpose than that of inducing the gods to protect
man against the world of evil, or, by descending among men, to drive
spectres away by their intimidating presence. This cult implies invocation
of happiness; but as happiness merely means absence of misfortune which
the spectres cause, such a cult is tantamount to the disarming of spectres
by means of the gods.... Taoism may then actually be defined as Exorcising
Polytheism, a cult of the gods with which Eastern Asiatic imagination has
filled the universe, connected with a highly developed system of magic,
consisting for a great part in exorcism. This cult and magic is, of
course, principally in the hands of priests. But, besides, the lay world,
enslaved to the intense belief in the perilous omnipresence of spectres,
is engaged every day in a restless defensive and offensive war against
those beings.”(298)

(M75) In Corea, “among the reasons which render the shaman a necessity are
these. In Korean belief, earth, air, and sea are peopled by demons. They
haunt every umbrageous tree, shady ravine, crystal spring, and mountain
crest. On green hill-slopes, in peaceful agricultural valleys, in grassy
dells, on wooded uplands, by lake and stream, by road and river, in north,
south, east, and west, they abound, making malignant sport of human
destinies. They are on every roof, ceiling, fireplace, _kang_ and beam.
They fill the chimney, the shed, the living-room, the kitchen—they are on
every shelf and jar. In thousands they waylay the traveller as he leaves
his home, beside him, behind him, dancing in front of him, whirring over
his head, crying out upon him from earth, air, and water. They are
numbered by _thousands of billions_, and it has been well said that their
ubiquity is an unholy travesty of the Divine Omnipresence. This belief,
and it seems to be the only one he has, keeps the Korean in a perpetual
state of nervous apprehension, it surrounds him with indefinite terrors,
and it may truly be said of him that he ‘passes the time of his sojourning
here in fear.’ Every Korean home is subject to demons, here, there, and
everywhere. They touch the Korean at every point in life, making his
well-being depend on a continual series of acts of propitiation, and they
avenge every omission with merciless severity, keeping him under this yoke
of bondage from birth to death.” “Koreans attribute every ill by which
they are afflicted to demoniacal influence. Bad luck in any transaction,
official malevolence, illness, whether sudden or prolonged, pecuniary
misfortune, and loss of power or position, are due to the malignity of
demons. It is over such evils that the _Pan-su_ [shaman] is supposed to
have power, and to be able to terminate them by magical rites, he being
possessed by a powerful demon, whose strength he is able to wield.”(299)

(M76) Of the nomadic Koryaks of north-eastern Asia it is said that “all
their religious customs have only reference to the evil spirits of the
earth. Their religion is thus a cunning diplomacy or negotiation with
these spirits in order, as far as possible, to deter them from actions
which would be injurious to men. Everywhere, on every mountain, in the
sea, by the rivers, in the forest, and on the plains their fancy sees
demons lurking, whom they picture to themselves as purely malignant and
very greedy. Hence the frequent offerings by which they seek to satisfy
the greed of these insatiable beings, and to redeem that which they value
and hold dear. Those of the people who are believed to be able to divine
most easily the wishes of the evil ones and who enjoy their favour to a
certain extent are called shamans, and the religious ceremonies which they
perform are shamanism. In every case the shamans must give their advice as
to how the devils are to be got rid of, and must reveal the wishes of the
demons.”(300) As to these demons of the earth, who infest the Koryaks, we
are told that “when visiting the houses to cause diseases and to kill
people, they enter from under ground, through the hearth-fire, and return
the same way. It happens at times that they steal people, and carry them
away. They are invisible to human beings, and are capable of changing
their size. They are sometimes so numerous in houses, that they sit on the
people, and fill up all corners. With hammers and axes they knock people
over their heads, thus causing headaches. They bite, and cause swellings.
They shoot invisible arrows, which stick in the body, causing death, if a
shaman does not pull them out in time. The _kalau_ [demons] tear out
pieces of flesh from people, thus causing sores and wounds to form on
their bodies.”(301)

(M77) The Gilyaks of the Amoor valley in eastern Asia believe that besides
the gods “there are evil supernatural beings who do him harm. They are
devils, called _mil’k_, _kinr_. These beings appear in the most varied
forms and are distinguished according to the degree of their harmfulness.
They appear now in the form of a Gilyak, now in the form of an animal,
from a bear down to a toad and a lizard. They exist on the land and in the
sea, under the earth and in the sky. Some of them form special tribes of
treacherous beings whose essential nature it is to be destructive. Others
are isolated individuals, ruined beings, ‘lost sons’ of families of
beneficent beings, who are exceptional in their hostility to man. The
former class are naturally the most dangerous. Some are wholly occupied in
robbing the Gilyak on the road (the spirits of loss—_gerniwuch-en_);
others empty his barns, his traps, his pitfalls, and so on; lastly there
are such also, the most dreadful of all, who lie in wait for his life and
bring sickness and death. Were there no such beings, men would not die. A
natural death is impossible. Death is the result of the wiles of these
treacherous beings.”(302)

(M78) In the more westerly parts of the old world the same belief in the
omnipresence and mischievous power of spirits has prevailed from antiquity
to the present day. If we may judge from the fragments of their literature
which have been deciphered, few people seem to have suffered more from the
persistent assaults of demons than the ancient Babylonians and Assyrians,
and the evil spirits that preyed on them were of a peculiarly cruel and
malignant sort; even the gods themselves were not exempt from their
attacks. These baleful beings lurked in solitary places, in graves, in the
shadow of ruins and on the tops of mountains. They dwelt in the
wilderness, in the holes and dens of the earth, they issued from the lower
parts of the ground. Nothing could resist them in heaven above, nothing
could withstand them on earth below. They roamed the streets, they leaped
from house to house. The high and thick fences they penetrated like a
flood, the door could not stay them, nor the bolt make them turn back.
They glided through the door like a serpent, they pierced through the
planks like the wind. There was no place, however small, which they could
not invade, none so large that they could not fill. And their wickedness
was equal to their power. “They are wicked, they are wicked,” says an
incantation. No prayers could move them, no supplications could make them
relent; for they knew no pity, they hearkened not to reason, they knew no
troth. To them all manner of evil was ascribed. Their presence was felt
not only in the terrible winds that swept the land, in the fevers bred of
the marshes, and in the diseases engendered by the damp heat of summer.
All the petty annoyances of life—a sudden fall, an unlucky word, a
headache, a paltry quarrel—were set down to the agency of fiends; and all
the fierce emotions that rend the mind—love, hate, jealousy, and
madness—were equally the work of these invisible tormentors. Men and women
stood in constant danger of them. They tore the wife from the bosom of her
husband, the son from the knees of his father. They ate the flesh and
drank the blood of men, they prevented them from sleeping or taking food,
and to adopt a metaphor from one of the texts, “they ground the country
like flour.” Almost every part of the human frame was menaced by a special
fiend. One demon assailed the head, another the neck, another the hips,
and so on. They bound a man’s hands, they fettered his feet, they spat
poison and gall on him. Day and night must he wander without rest; sighs
and lamentations were his food. They attacked even the animals. They drove
doves from their dovecotes, and swallows from their nests; they smote the
bull and the ass. They pursued the cattle to their stalls: they lodged
with the horses in the stable: they caused the she-ass to miscarry, and
the young ass at its mother’s dugs to pine away. Even lifeless things
could be possessed by them; for there were demons that rushed against
houses and took walls by storm, that shut themselves up in doors, and hid
themselves under bolts. Indeed they threatened the whole world with
destruction, and there was none that could deliver from them save only the
mighty god Marduk.(303)

(M79) In the opinion of the ancient Egyptians “there were good spirits as
well as bad, but the _Book of the Dead_ practically ignores the former,
and its magical formulae were directed entirely against the operations of
evil spirits. Though naturally of a gay and light-hearted disposition, the
Egyptian must have lived in a perpetual state of fear of spirits of all
kinds, spirits of calamity, disease, and sickness, spirits of angry gods
and ancestors, and above all the spirit of Death. His imagination filled
the world with spirits, whose acts seemed to him to be generally
malevolent, and his magical and religious literature and his amulets
testify to the very real terror with which he regarded his future
existence in the world of spirits. Escape from such spirits was
impossible, for they could not die.”(304) In modern Egypt the jinn, a
class of spiritual beings intermediate between angels and men, are
believed to pervade the solid matter of the earth as well as the
firmament, and they inhabit rivers, ruined houses, wells, baths, ovens,
and so forth. So thickly do they swarm that in pouring water or other
liquids on the ground an Egyptian will commonly exclaim or mutter
“_Destoor!_” thereby asking the permission or craving the pardon of any
jinn who might chance to be there, and who might otherwise resent being
suddenly soused with water or unsavoury fluids. So too when people light a
fire, let down a bucket into a well, or perform other necessary functions,
they will say “Permission!” or “Permission, ye blessed!”(305) Again, in
Egypt it is not considered proper to sweep out a house at night, lest in
doing so you should knock against a jinnee, who might avenge the
insult.(306)

(M80) The earliest of the Greek philosophers, Thales, held that the world
is full of gods or spirits;(307) and the same primitive creed was
expounded by one of the latest pagan thinkers of antiquity. Porphyry
declared that demons appeared in the likeness of animals, that every house
and every body was full of them, and that forms of ceremonial
purification, such as beating the air and so forth, had no other object
but that of driving away the importunate swarms of these invisible but
dangerous beings. He explained that evil spirits delighted in food,
especially in blood and impurities, that they settled like flies on us at
meals, and that they could only be kept at a distance by ceremonial
observances, which were directed, not to pleasing the gods, but simply and
solely to beating off devils.(308) His theory of religious purification
seems faithfully to reflect the creed of the savage on this subject,(309)
but a philosopher is perhaps the last person whom we should expect to find
acting as a mirror of savagery. It is less surprising to meet with the
same venerable doctrine, the same world-wide superstition in the mouth of
a mediaeval abbot; for we know that a belief in devils has the authority
of the founder of Christianity and is sanctioned by the teaching of the
church. No Esquimau on the frozen shores of Labrador, no Indian in the
sweltering forests of Guiana, no cowering Hindoo in the jungles of Bengal,
could well have a more constant and abiding sense of the presence of
malignant demons everywhere about him than had Abbot Richalm, who ruled
over the Cistercian monastery of Schönthal in the first half of the
thirteenth century. In the curious work to which he gave the name of
_Revelations_, he set forth how he was daily and hourly infested by
devils, whom, though he could not see, he heard, and to whom he imputed
all the ailments of his flesh and all the frailties of his spirit. If he
felt squeamish, he was sure that the feeling was wrought in him by
demoniacal agency. If puckers appeared on his nose, if his lower lip
drooped, the devils had again to answer for it; a cough, a cold in the
head, a hawking and spitting, could have none but a supernatural and
devilish origin. If, pacing in his orchard on a sunny autumn morning, the
portly abbot stooped to pick up the mellow fruit that had fallen in the
night, the blood that mounted to his purple face was sent coursing thither
by his invisible foes. If the abbot tossed on his sleepless couch, while
the moonlight, streaming in at the window, cast the shadows of the
stanchions like black bars on the floor of his cell, it was not the fleas
and so forth that kept him awake—oh no! “Vermin,” said he sagely, “do not
really bite”; they seem to bite indeed, but it is all the work of devils.
If a monk snored in the dormitory, the unseemly noise proceeded not from
him, but from a demon lurking in his person. Especially dangerous were the
demons of intoxication. These subtle fiends commonly lodged at the taverns
in the neighbouring town, but on feast days they were apt to slip through
the monastery gates and glide unseen among the monks seated at the
refectory table, or gathered round the roaring fire on the hearth, while
the bleak wind whistled in the abbey towers, and a more generous vintage
than usual glowed and sparkled in the flagons. If at such times a jolly,
rosy-faced brother appeared to the carnal eye and ear to grow obstreperous
or maudlin, to speak thick or to reel and stagger in his gait, be sure it
was not the fiery spirit of the grape that moved the holy man; it was a
spirit of quite a different order. Holding such views on the source of all
bodily and mental indisposition, it was natural enough that the abbot
should prescribe remedies which are not to be found in the pharmacopœia,
and which would be asked for in vain at an apothecary’s. They consisted
chiefly of holy water and the sign of the cross; this last he recommended
particularly as a specific for flea-bites.(310)

(M81) It is easy to suggest that the abbot’s wits were unsettled, that he
suffered from hallucinations, and so forth. This may have been so; yet a
mode of thought like his seems to be too common over a great part of the
world to allow us to attribute it purely to mental derangement. In the
Middle Ages, when the general level of knowledge was low, a state of mind
like Richalm’s may have been shared by multitudes even of educated people,
who have not, however, like him, left a monument of their folly to
posterity. At the present day, through the advance and spread of
knowledge, it might be difficult to find any person of acknowledged sanity
holding the abbot’s opinions on the subject of demons; but in remote parts
of Europe a little research might shew that the creed of Porphyry and
Richalm is still held, with but little variation, by the mass of the
people. Thus we are told that the Roumanians of Transylvania “believe
themselves to be surrounded on all sides by whole legions of evil spirits.
These devils are furthermore assisted by _ismejus_ (another sort of
dragon), witches, and goblins, and to each of these dangerous beings are
ascribed particular powers on particular days and at certain places. Many
and curious are therefore the means by which the Roumanians endeavour to
counteract these baleful influences; and a whole complicated study, about
as laborious as the mastering of an unknown language, is required in order
to teach an unfortunate peasant to steer clear of the dangers by which he
supposes himself to be beset on all sides.”(311)

(M82) Similar beliefs are held to this day by the Armenians, who, though
they are not a European people, have basked in the light of Christianity
from a time when Central and Northern Europe was still plunged in heathen
darkness. All the activities, we are told, of these professing Christians
“are paralyzed after sunset, because at every step they quake with fear,
believing that the evil demons are everywhere present in the air, in the
water, on the earth. By day the evil ones are under the earth, therefore
boiling hot water may not be poured on the ground, because it sinks into
the earth and burns the feet of the children of the evil spirits. But in
the evening the superstitious Armenian will pour no water at all on the
earth, because the evil ones are everywhere present on the earth. Some of
them are walking about, others are sitting at table and feasting, so that
they might be disturbed by the pouring out of water, and they would take
vengeance for it. Also by night you should not smite the ground with a
stick, nor sweep out the house, nor remove the dung from the stable,
because without knowing it you might hit the evil spirits. But if you are
compelled to sweep by night, you singe the tip of the broom so as to
frighten the evil ones away in time. You must not go out at night
bareheaded, for the evil ones would smite you on the head. It is also
dangerous to drink water out of a vessel in the dark, especially when the
water is drawn from a brook or river; for the evil ones in the water hit
out, or they pass with the water into a man. Therefore in drinking you
should hold a knife with three blades or a piece of iron in the water. The
baleful influence of the nocturnal demons extends also to useful objects;
hence after sunset people do not lend salt or fire and do not shake out
the tablecloth, because thereby the salt would lose its savour and the
welfare of the house would depart.”(312)





CHAPTER III. THE PUBLIC EXPULSION OF EVILS.




§ 1. The Occasional Expulsion of Evils.


(M83) We can now understand why those general clearances of evil, to which
from time to time the savage resorts, should commonly take the form of a
forcible expulsion of devils. In these evil spirits primitive man sees the
cause of many if not of most of his troubles, and he fancies that if he
can only deliver himself from them, things will go better with him. The
public attempts to expel the accumulated ills of a whole community may be
divided into two classes, according as the expelled evils are immaterial
and invisible or are embodied in a material vehicle or scapegoat. The
former may be called the direct or immediate expulsion of evils; the
latter the indirect or mediate expulsion, or the expulsion by scapegoat.
We begin with examples of the former.

(M84) In the island of Rook, between New Guinea and New Britain, when any
misfortune has happened, all the people run together, scream, curse, howl,
and beat the air with sticks to drive away the devil (_Marsába_), who is
supposed to be the author of the mishap. From the spot where the mishap
took place they drive him step by step to the sea, and on reaching the
shore they redouble their shouts and blows in order to expel him from the
island. He generally retires to the sea or to the island of Lottin.(313)
The natives of New Britain ascribe sickness, drought, the failure of
crops, and in short all misfortunes, to the influence of wicked spirits.
So at times when many people sicken and die, as at the beginning of the
rainy season, all the inhabitants of a district, armed with branches and
clubs, go out by moonlight to the fields, where they beat and stamp on the
ground with wild howls till morning, believing that this drives away the
devils; and for the same purpose they rush through the village with
burning torches.(314) The natives of New Caledonia are said to believe
that all evils are caused by a powerful and malignant spirit; hence in
order to rid themselves of him they will from time to time dig a great
pit, round which the whole tribe gathers. After cursing the demon, they
fill up the pit with earth, and trample on the top with loud shouts. This
they call burying the evil spirit.(315) Among the Dieri tribe of Central
Australia, when a serious illness occurs, the medicine-men expel Cootchie
or the devil by beating the ground in and outside of the camp with the
stuffed tail of a kangaroo, until they have chased the demon away to some
distance from the camp.(316) In some South African tribes it is a general
rule that no common man may meddle with spirits, whether good or bad,
except to offer the customary sacrifices. Demons may haunt him and make
his life a burden to him, but he must submit to their machinations until
the matter is taken up by the proper authorities. A baboon may be sent by
evil spirits and perch on a tree within gunshot, or regale itself in his
maize-field; but to fire at the beast would be worse than suicide. So long
as a man remains a solitary sufferer, he has little chance of redress. It
is supposed that he has committed some crime, and that the ancestors in
their wrath have sent a demon to torment him. But should his neighbours
also suffer; should the baboon from choice or necessity (for men do
sometimes pluck up courage to scare the brutes) select a fresh field for
its depredations, or the roof of another man’s barn for its perch, the
case begins to wear a different complexion. The magicians now deal with
the matter seriously. One man may be haunted for his sins by a demon, but
a whole community infested by devils is another matter. To shoot the
baboon, however, would be useless; it would merely enrage the demon and
increase the danger. The first thing to do is to ascertain the permanent
abode of the devil. It is generally a deep pool with overhanging banks and
dark recesses. There the villagers assemble with the priests and magicians
at their head, and set about pelting the demon with stones, men, women,
and children all joining in the assault, while they load the object of
their fear and hate with the foulest abuse. Drums too are beaten, and
horns blown at intervals, and when everybody has been worked up to such a
frenzy of excitement that some even fancy they see the imp dodging the
missiles, he suddenly takes to flight, and the village is rid of him for a
time. After that, the crops may be protected and baboons killed with
impunity.(317)

(M85) When a village has been visited by a series of disasters or a severe
epidemic, the inhabitants of Minahassa in Celebes lay the blame upon the
devils who are infesting the village and who must be expelled from it.
Accordingly, early one morning all the people, men, women, and children,
quit their homes, carrying their household goods with them, and take up
their quarters in temporary huts which have been erected outside the
village. Here they spend several days, offering sacrifices and preparing
for the final ceremony. At last the men, some wearing masks, others with
their faces blackened, and so on, but all armed with swords, guns, pikes,
or brooms, steal cautiously and silently back to the deserted village.
Then, at a signal from the priest, they rush furiously up and down the
streets and into and under the houses (which are raised on piles above the
ground), yelling and striking on walls, doors, and windows, to drive away
the devils. Next, the priests and the rest of the people come with the
holy fire and march nine times round each house and thrice round the
ladder that leads up to it, carrying the fire with them. Then they take
the fire into the kitchen, where it must burn for three days continuously.
The devils are now driven away, and great and general is the joy.(318) The
Alfoors of Halmahera attribute epidemics to the devil who comes from other
villages to carry them off. So, in order to rid the village of the
disease, the sorcerer drives away the devil. From all the villagers he
receives a costly garment and places it on four vessels, which he takes to
the forest and leaves at the spot where the devil is supposed to be. Then
with mocking words he bids the demon abandon the place.(319) In the Kei
Islands to the south-west of New Guinea, the evil spirits, who are quite
distinct from the souls of the dead, form a mighty host. Almost every tree
and every cave is the lodging-place of one of these fiends, who are
moreover extremely irascible and apt to fly out on the smallest
provocation. To speak loudly in passing their abode, to ease nature near a
haunted tree or cave, is enough to bring down their wrath on the offender,
and he must either appease them by an offering or burn the scrapings of a
buffalo’s horn or the hair of a Papuan slave, in order that the smell may
drive the foul fiends away. The spirits manifest their displeasure by
sending sickness and other calamities. Hence in times of public
misfortune, as when an epidemic is raging, and all other remedies have
failed, the whole population go forth with the priest at their head to a
place at some distance from the village. Here at sunset they erect a
couple of poles with a cross-bar between them, to which they attach bags
of rice, wooden models of pivot-guns, gongs, bracelets, and so on. Then,
when everybody has taken his place at the poles and a death-like silence
reigns, the priest lifts up his voice and addresses the spirits in their
own language as follows: “Ho! ho! ho! ye evil spirits who dwell in the
trees, ye evil spirits who live in the grottoes, ye evil spirits who lodge
in the earth, we give you these pivot-guns, these gongs, etc. Let the
sickness cease and not so many people die of it.” Then everybody runs home
as fast as their legs can carry them.(320)

(M86) In the island of Nias, when a man is seriously ill and other
remedies have been tried in vain, the sorcerer proceeds to exorcise the
devil who is causing the illness. A pole is set up in front of the house,
and from the top of the pole a rope of palm-leaves is stretched to the
roof of the house. Then the sorcerer mounts the roof with a pig, which he
kills and allows to roll from the roof to the ground. The devil, anxious
to get the pig, lets himself down hastily from the roof by the rope of
palm-leaves, and a good spirit, invoked by the sorcerer, prevents him from
climbing up again. If this remedy fails, it is believed that other devils
must still be lurking in the house. So a general hunt is made after them.
All the doors and windows in the house are closed, except a single
dormer-window in the roof. The men, shut up in the house, hew and slash
with their swords right and left to the clash of gongs and the rub-a-dub
of drums. Terrified at this onslaught, the devils escape by the
dormer-window, and sliding down the rope of palm-leaves take themselves
off. As all the doors and windows, except the one in the roof, are shut,
the devils cannot get into the house again. In the case of an epidemic,
the proceedings are similar. All the gates of the village, except one, are
closed; every voice is raised, every gong and drum beaten, every sword
brandished. Thus the devils are driven out and the last gate is shut
behind them. For eight days thereafter the village is in a state of siege,
no one being allowed to enter it.(321)

(M87) The means adopted in Nias to exclude an epidemic from a village
which has not yet been infected by it are somewhat similar; but as they
exhibit an interesting combination of religious ritual with the purely
magical ceremony of exorcism, it may be worth while to describe them. When
it is known that a village is suffering from the ravages of a dangerous
malady, the other villages in the neighbourhood take what they regard as
effective measures for securing immunity from the disease. Some of these
measures commend themselves to us as rational and others do not. In the
first place, quarantine is established in each village, not only against
the inhabitants of the infected village, but against all strangers; no
person from outside is allowed to enter. In the second place, a feast is
made by the people for one of their idols who goes by the name of
_Fangeroe wõchõ_, or Protector from sickness. All the people of the
village must participate in the sacrifice and bear a share of the cost.
The principal idol, crowned with palm-leaves, is set up in front of the
chief’s house, and all the inhabitants who can do so gather about it. The
names of those who cannot attend are mentioned, apparently as a substitute
for their attendance in person. While the priest is reciting the spells
for the banishment of the evil spirits, all persons present come forward
and touch the image. A pig is then killed and its flesh furnishes a common
meal. The mouth of the idol is smeared with the bloody heart of the pig,
and a dishful of the cooked pork is set before him. Of the flesh thus
consecrated to the idol none but priests and chiefs may partake. Idols
called _daha_, or branches of the principal idol, are also set up in front
of all the other houses in the village. Moreover, bogies made of black
wood with white eyes, to which the broken crockery of the inhabitants has
freely contributed, are placed at the entrances of the village to scare
the demon and prevent him from entering. All sorts of objects whitened
with chalk are also hung up in front of the houses to keep the devil out.
When eight days have elapsed, it is thought that the sacrifice has taken
effect, and the priest puts an end to the quarantine. All boys and men now
assemble for the purpose of expelling the evil spirit. Led by the priest,
they march four times, with a prodigious noise and uproar, from one end of
the village to the other, slashing the air with their knives and stabbing
it with their spears to frighten the devil away. If all these efforts
prove vain, and the dreaded sickness breaks out, the people think it must
be because they have departed from the ways of their fathers by raising
the price of victuals and pigs too high or by enriching themselves with
unjust gain. Accordingly a new idol is made and set up in front of the
chief’s house; and while the priest engages in prayer, the chief and the
magnates of the village touch the image, vowing as they do so to return to
the old ways and cursing all such as may refuse their consent or violate
the new law thus solemnly enacted. Then all present betake themselves to
the river and erect another idol on the bank. In presence of this latter
idol the weights and measures are compared, and any that exceed the lawful
standard are at once reduced to it. When this has been done, they rock the
image to and fro to signify, or perhaps rather to ensure, thereby that he
who does not keep the new law shall suffer misfortune, or fall sick, or be
thwarted in some way or other. Then a pig is killed and eaten on the bank
of the river. The feast being over, each family contributes a certain sum
in token that they make restitution of their unlawful gains. The money
thus collected is tied in a bundle, and the priest holds the bundle up
towards the sky and down towards the earth to satisfy the god of the upper
and the god of the nether world that justice has now been done. After that
he either flings the bag of money into the river or buries it in the
ground beside the idol. In the latter case the money naturally disappears,
and the people explain its disappearance by saying that the evil spirit
has come and fetched it.(322) A method like that which at the present day
the people of Nias adopt for the sake of conjuring the demon of disease
was employed in antiquity by the Caunians of Asia Minor to banish certain
foreign gods whom they had imprudently established in their country. All
the men of military age assembled under arms, and with spear-thrusts in
the air drove the strange gods step by step from the land and across the
boundaries.(323)

(M88) The Solomon Islanders of Bougainville Straits believe that epidemics
are always, or nearly always, caused by evil spirits; and accordingly when
the people of a village have been suffering generally from colds, they
have been known to blow conch-shells, beat tins, shout, and knock on the
houses for the purpose of expelling the demons and so curing their
colds.(324) When cholera has broken out in a Burmese village the
able-bodied men scramble on the roofs and lay about them with bamboos and
billets of wood, while all the rest of the population, old and young,
stand below and thump drums, blow trumpets, yell, scream, beat floors,
walls, tin pans, everything to make a din. This uproar, repeated on three
successive nights, is thought to be very effective in driving away the
cholera demons.(325) The Shans of Kengtung, a province of Upper Burma,
imagine that epidemics are brought about by the prowling ghosts of wicked
men, such as thieves and murderers, who cannot rest but go about doing all
the harm they can to the living. Hence when sickness is rife, the people
take steps to expel these dangerous spirits. The Buddhist priests exert
themselves actively in the beneficent enterprise. They assemble in a body
at the Town Court and read the scriptures. Guns are fired and processions
march to the city gates, by which the fiends are supposed to take their
departure. There small trays of food are left for them, but the larger
offerings are deposited in the middle of the town.(326) When smallpox
first appeared amongst the Kumis of South-Eastern India, they thought it
was a devil come from Aracan. The villages were placed in a state of
siege, no one being allowed to leave or enter them. A monkey was killed by
being dashed on the ground, and its body was hung at the village gate. Its
blood, mixed with small river pebbles, was sprinkled on the houses, the
threshold of every house was swept with the monkey’s tail, and the fiend
was adjured to depart.(327) During the hot summer cholera is endemic in
Southern China, and from time to time, when the mortality is great,
vigorous attempts are made to expel the demons who do all the mischief.
For this salutary purpose processions parade the streets by night; images
of the gods are borne in them, torches waved, gongs beaten, guns fired,
crackers popped, swords brandished, demon-dispelling trumpets blown, and
priests in full canonicals trot up and down jingling hand-bells, winding
blasts on buffalo horns, and reciting exorcisms. Sometimes the deities are
represented in these processions by living men, who are believed to be
possessed by the divine spirit. Such a man-god may be seen naked to the
waist with his dishevelled hair streaming down his back; long daggers are
stuck in his cheeks and arms, so that the blood drips from them. In his
hand he carries a two-edged sword, with which he deals doughty blows at
the invisible foes in the air; but sometimes he inflicts bloody wounds on
his own back with the weapon or with a ball which is studded with long
sharp nails. Other inspired men are carried in armchairs, of which the
seat, back, arms, and foot-rest are set with nails or composed of rows of
parallel sword-blades, that cut into the flesh of the wretches seated on
them: others are stretched at full length on beds of nails. For hours
these bleeding votaries are carried about the city. Again, it is not
uncommon to see in the procession a medium or man-god with a thick needle
thrust through his tongue. His bloody spittle drips on sheets of paper,
which the crowd eagerly scrambles for, knowing that with the blood they
have absorbed the devil-dispelling power inherent in the man-god. The
bloody papers, pasted on the lintel, walls, or beds of a house or on the
bodies of the family, are supposed to afford complete protection against
cholera. Such are the methods by which in Southern China the demons of
disease are banished the city.(328)

(M89) In Japan the old-fashioned method of staying an epidemic is to expel
the demon of the plague from every house into which he has entered. The
treatment begins with the house in which the malady has appeared in the
mildest form. First of all a Shinto priest makes a preliminary visit to
the sick-room and extracts from the demon a promise that he will depart
with him at his next visit. The day after he comes again, and, seating
himself near the patient, beseeches the evil spirit to come away with him.
Meanwhile red rice, which is used only on special occasions, has been
placed at the sufferer’s head, a closed litter made of pine boughs has
been brought in, and four men equipped with flags or weapons have taken
post in the four corners of the room to prevent the demon from seeking
refuge there. All are silent but the priest. The prayer being over, the
sick man’s pillow is hastily thrown into the litter, and the priest cries,
“All right now!” At that the bearers double with it into the street, the
people within and without beat the air with swords, sticks, or anything
that comes to hand, while others assist in the cure by banging away at
drums and gongs. A procession is now formed in which only men take part,
some of them carrying banners, others provided with a drum, a bell, a
flute, a horn, and all of them wearing fillets and horns of twisted straw
to keep the demon away from themselves. As the procession starts an old
man chants, “What god are you bearing away?” To which the others respond
in chorus, “The god of the pest we are bearing away!” Then to the music of
the drum, the bell, the flute, and the horn the litter is borne through
the streets. During its passage all the people in the town who are not
taking part in the ceremony remain indoors, every house along the route of
the procession is carefully closed, and at the cross-roads swordsmen are
stationed, who guard the street by hewing the air to right and left with
their blades, lest the demon should escape by that way. The litter is thus
carried to a retired spot between two towns and left there, while all who
escorted it thither run away. Only the priest remains behind for half an
hour to complete the exorcism and the cure. The bearers of the litter
spend the night praying in a temple. Next day they return home, but not
until they have plunged into a cold bath in the open air to prevent the
demon from following them. The same litter serves to convey the evil
spirit from every house in the town.(329) In Corea, when a patient is
recovering from the smallpox, a farewell dinner is given in honour of the
departing spirit of the disease. Friends and relations are invited, and
the spirit’s share of the good things is packed on the back of a
hobby-horse and despatched to the boundary of the town or village, while
respectful farewells are spoken and hearty good wishes uttered for his
prosperous journey to his own place.(330) In Tonquin also a banquet is
sometimes given to the demon of sickness to induce him to go quietly away
from the house. The most honourable place at the festive board is reserved
for the fiend; prayers, caresses, and presents are lavished on him; but if
he proves obdurate, they assail him with coarse abuse and drive him from
the house with musket-shots.(331)

(M90) When an epidemic is raging on the Gold Coast of West Africa, the
people will sometimes turn out, armed with clubs and torches, to drive the
evil spirits away. At a given signal the whole population begin with
frightful yells to beat in every corner of the houses, then rush like mad
into the streets waving torches and striking frantically in the empty air.
The uproar goes on till somebody reports that the cowed and daunted demons
have made good their escape by a gate of the town or village; the people
stream out after them, pursue them for some distance into the forest, and
warn them never to return. The expulsion of the devils is followed by a
general massacre of all the cocks in the village or town, lest by their
unseasonable crowing they should betray to the banished demons the
direction they must take to return to their old homes. For in that country
the forest grows so thick or the grass so high that you can seldom see a
village till you are close upon it; and the first warning of your approach
to human habitations is the crowing of the cocks.(332) At Great Bassam, in
Guinea, the French traveller Hecquard witnessed the exorcism of the evil
spirit who was believed to make women barren. The women who wished to
become mothers offered to the fetish wine-vessels or statuettes
representing women suckling children. Then being assembled in the fetish
hut, they were sprinkled with rum by the priest, while young men fired
guns and brandished swords to drive away the demon.(333) When smallpox
breaks out in a village of the Cameroons, in West Africa, the spirit of
the disease is driven out of the village by a “bushman” or member of the
oppressed Bassa tribe, the members of which are reputed to possess high
magical powers. The mode of expulsion consists in drumming and dancing for
several days. Then the village is enclosed by ropes made of creepers in
order that the disease may not return. Over the principal paths arches of
bent poles are made, and fowls are buried as sacrifices. Plants of various
sorts and the mushroom-shaped nests of termite ants are hung from the
arches, and a dog, freshly killed, is suspended over the middle of the
entrance.(334) The Gallas try to drive away fever by firing guns,
shouting, and lighting great fires.(335) When sickness was prevalent in a
Huron village, and all other remedies had been tried in vain, the Indians
had recourse to the ceremony called _Lonouyroya_, “which is the principal
invention and most proper means, so they say, to expel from the town or
village the devils and evil spirits which cause, induce, and import all
the maladies and infirmities which they suffer in body and mind.”
Accordingly, one evening the men would begin to rush like madmen about the
village, breaking and upsetting whatever they came across in the wigwams.
They threw fire and burning brands about the streets, and all night long
they ran howling and singing without cessation. Then they all dreamed of
something, a knife, dog, skin, or whatever it might be, and when morning
came they went from wigwam to wigwam asking for presents. These they
received silently, till the particular thing was given them which they had
dreamed about. On receiving it they uttered a cry of joy and rushed from
the hut, amid the congratulations of all present. The health of those who
received what they had dreamed of was believed to be assured; whereas
those who did not get what they had set their hearts upon regarded their
fate as sealed.(336)

(M91) Sometimes, instead of chasing the demon of disease from their homes,
savages prefer to leave him in peaceable possession, while they themselves
take to flight and attempt to prevent him from following in their tracks.
Thus when the Patagonians were attacked by smallpox, which they attributed
to the machinations of an evil spirit, they used to abandon their sick and
flee, slashing the air with their weapons and throwing water about in
order to keep off the dreadful pursuer; and when after several days’ march
they reached a place where they hoped to be beyond his reach, they used by
way of precaution to plant all their cutting weapons with the sharp edges
turned towards the quarter from which they had come, as if they were
repelling a charge of cavalry.(337) Similarly, when the Lules or Tonocotes
Indians of the Gran Chaco were attacked by an epidemic, they regularly
sought to evade it by flight, but in so doing they always followed a
sinuous, not a straight, course; because they said that when the disease
made after them he would be so exhausted by the turnings and windings of
the route that he would never be able to come up with them.(338) When the
Indians of New Mexico were decimated by smallpox or other infectious
disease, they used to shift their quarters every day, retreating into the
most sequestered parts of the mountains and choosing the thorniest
thickets they could find, in the hope that the smallpox would be too
afraid of scratching himself on the thorns to follow them.(339) When some
Chins on a visit to Rangoon were attacked by cholera, they went about with
drawn swords to scare away the demon, and they spent the day hiding under
bushes so that he might not be able to find them.(340)




§ 2. The Periodic Expulsion of Evils.


(M92) The expulsion of evils, from being occasional, tends to become
periodic. It comes to be thought desirable to have a general riddance of
evil spirits at fixed times, usually once a year, in order that the people
may make a fresh start in life, freed from all the malignant influences
which have been long accumulating about them. Some of the Australian
blacks annually expelled the ghosts of the dead from their territory. The
ceremony was witnessed by the Rev. W. Ridley on the banks of the River
Barwan. “A chorus of twenty, old and young, were singing and beating time
with boomerangs.... Suddenly, from under a sheet of bark darted a man with
his body whitened by pipeclay, his head and face coloured with lines of
red and yellow, and a tuft of feathers fixed by means of a stick two feet
above the crown of his head. He stood twenty minutes perfectly still,
gazing upwards. An aboriginal who stood by told me he was looking for the
ghosts of dead men. At last he began to move very slowly, and soon rushed
to and fro at full speed, flourishing a branch as if to drive away some
foes invisible to us. When I thought this pantomime must be almost over,
ten more, similarly adorned, suddenly appeared from behind the trees, and
the whole party joined in a brisk conflict with their mysterious
assailants.... At last, after some rapid evolutions in which they put
forth all their strength, they rested from the exciting toil which they
had kept up all night and for some hours after sunrise; they seemed
satisfied that the ghosts were driven away for twelve months. They were
performing the same ceremony at every station along the river, and I am
told it is an annual custom.”(341)

(M93) Certain seasons of the year mark themselves naturally out as
appropriate moments for a general expulsion of devils. Such a moment
occurs towards the close of an Arctic winter, when the sun reappears on
the horizon after an absence of weeks or months. Accordingly, at Point
Barrow, the most northerly extremity of Alaska, and nearly of America, the
Esquimaux choose the moment of the sun’s reappearance to hunt the
mischievous spirit Tuña from every house. The ceremony was witnessed by
the members of the United States Polar Expedition, who wintered at Point
Barrow. A fire was built in front of the council-house, and an old woman
was posted at the entrance to every house. The men gathered round the
council-house, while the young women and girls drove the spirits out of
every house with their knives, stabbing viciously under the bunk and
deer-skins, and calling upon Tuña to be gone. When they thought he had
been driven out of every hole and corner, they thrust him down through the
hole in the floor and chased him into the open air with loud cries and
frantic gestures. Meanwhile the old woman at the entrance of the house
made passes with a long knife in the air to keep him from returning. Each
party drove the spirit towards the fire and invited him to go into it. All
were by this time drawn up in a semicircle round the fire, when several of
the leading men made specific charges against the spirit; and each after
his speech brushed his clothes violently, calling on the spirit to leave
him and go into the fire. Two men now stepped forward with rifles loaded
with blank cartridges, while a third brought a vessel of urine and flung
it on the flames. At the same time one of the men fired a shot into the
fire; and as the cloud of steam rose it received the other shot, which was
supposed to finish Tuña for the time being.(342)

(M94) In late autumn, when storms rage over the land and break the icy
fetters by which the frozen sea is as yet but slightly bound, when the
loosened floes are driven against each other and break with loud crashes,
and when the cakes of ice are piled in wild disorder one upon another, the
Esquimaux of Baffin Land fancy they hear the voices of the spirits who
people the mischief-laden air. Then the ghosts of the dead knock wildly at
the huts, which they cannot enter, and woe to the hapless wight whom they
catch; he soon sickens and dies. Then the phantom of a huge hairless dog
pursues the real dogs, which expire in convulsions and cramps at sight of
him. All the countless spirits of evil are abroad, striving to bring
sickness and death, foul weather and failure in hunting on the Esquimaux.
Most dreaded of all these spectral visitants are Sedna, mistress of the
nether world, and her father, to whose share dead Esquimaux fall. While
the other spirits fill the air and the water, she rises from under ground.
It is then a busy season for the wizards. In every house you may hear them
singing and praying, while they conjure the spirits, seated in a mystic
gloom at the back of the hut, which is dimly lit by a lamp burning low.
The hardest task of all is to drive away Sedna, and this is reserved for
the most powerful enchanter. A rope is coiled on the floor of a large hut
in such a way as to leave a small opening at the top, which represents the
breathing hole of a seal. Two enchanters stand beside it, one of them
grasping a spear as if he were watching a seal-hole in winter, the other
holding the harpoon-line. A third sorcerer sits at the back of the hut
chanting a magic song to lure Sedna to the spot. Now she is heard
approaching under the floor of the hut, breathing heavily; now she emerges
at the hole; now she is harpooned and sinks away in angry haste, dragging
the harpoon with her, while the two men hold on to the line with all their
might. The struggle is severe, but at last by a desperate wrench she tears
herself away and returns to her dwelling in Adlivun. When the harpoon is
drawn up out of the hole it is found to be splashed with blood, which the
enchanters proudly exhibit as a proof of their prowess. Thus Sedna and the
other evil spirits are at last driven away, and next day a great festival
is celebrated by old and young in honour of the event. But they must still
be cautious, for the wounded Sedna is furious and will seize any one she
may find outside of his hut; so they all wear amulets on the top of their
hoods to protect themselves against her. These amulets consist of pieces
of the first garments that they wore after birth.(343)

(M95) The Koryaks of the Taigonos Peninsula, in north-eastern Asia,
celebrate annually a festival after the winter solstice. Rich men invite
all their neighbours to the festival, offer a sacrifice to
“The-One-on-High,” and slaughter many reindeer for their guests. If there
is a shaman present he goes all round the interior of the house, beating
the drum and driving away the demons (_kalau_). He searches all the people
in the house, and if he finds a demon’s arrow sticking in the body of one
of them, he pulls it out, though naturally the arrow is invisible to
common eyes. In this way he protects them against disease and death. If
there is no shaman present, the demons may be expelled by the host or by a
woman skilled in incantations.(344)

(M96) The Iroquois inaugurated the new year in January, February, or March
(the time varied) with a “festival of dreams” like that which the Hurons
observed on special occasions.(345) The whole ceremonies lasted several
days, or even weeks, and formed a kind of saturnalia. Men and women,
variously disguised, went from wigwam to wigwam smashing and throwing down
whatever they came across. It was a time of general license; the people
were supposed to be out of their senses, and therefore not to be
responsible for what they did. Accordingly, many seized the opportunity of
paying off old scores by belabouring obnoxious persons, drenching them
with ice-cold water, and covering them with filth or hot ashes. Others
seized burning brands or coals and flung them at the heads of the first
persons they met. The only way of escaping from these persecutors was to
guess what they had dreamed of. On one day of the festival the ceremony of
driving away evil spirits from the village took place. Men clothed in the
skins of wild beasts, their faces covered with hideous masks, and their
hands with the shell of the tortoise, went from hut to hut making
frightful noises; in every hut they took the fuel from the fire and
scattered the embers and ashes about the floor with their hands. The
general confession of sins which preceded the festival was probably a
preparation for the public expulsion of evil influences; it was a way of
stripping the people of their moral burdens, that these might be collected
and cast out. This New Year festival is still celebrated by some of the
heathen Iroquois, though it has been shorn of its former turbulence. A
conspicuous feature in the ceremony is now the sacrifice of the White Dog,
but this appears to have been added to the festival in comparatively
modern times, and does not figure in the oldest descriptions of the
ceremonies. We shall return to it later on.(346) A great annual festival
of the Cherokee Indians was the Propitiation, “Cementation,” or
Purification festival. “It was celebrated shortly after the first new moon
of autumn, and consisted of a multiplicity of rigorous rites, fastings,
ablutions, and purifications. Among the most important functionaries on
the occasion were seven exorcisers or cleansers, whose duty it was, at a
certain stage of the proceedings, to drive away evil and purify the town.
Each one bore in his hand a white rod of sycamore. ‘The leader, followed
by the others, walked around the national heptagon, and coming to the
treasure or store-house to the west of it, they lashed the eaves of the
roofs with their rods. The leader then went to another house, followed by
the others, singing, and repeated the same ceremony until every house was
purified.’ This ceremony was repeated daily during the continuance of the
festival. In performing their ablutions they went into the water, and
allowed their old clothes to be carried away by the stream, by which means
they supposed their impurities removed.”(347)

(M97) In September the Incas of Peru celebrated a festival called Situa,
the object of which was to banish from the capital and its vicinity all
disease and trouble. The festival fell in September because the rains
begin about this time, and with the first rains there was generally much
sickness. And the melancholy begotten by the inclemency of the weather and
the sickliness of the season may well have been heightened by the
sternness of a landscape which at all times is fitted to oppress the mind
with a sense of desolation and gloom. For Cuzco, the capital of the Incas
and the scene of the ceremony, lies in a high upland valley, bare and
treeless, shut in on every side by the most arid and forbidding
mountains.(348) As a preparation for the festival the people fasted on the
first day of the moon after the autumnal equinox. Having fasted during the
day, and the night being come, they baked a coarse paste of maize. This
paste was made of two sorts. One was kneaded with the blood of children
aged from five to ten years, the blood being obtained by bleeding the
children between the eyebrows. These two kinds of paste were baked
separately, because they were for different uses. Each family assembled at
the house of the eldest brother to celebrate the feast; and those who had
no elder brother went to the house of their next relation of greater age.
On the same night all who had fasted during the day washed their bodies,
and taking a little of the blood-kneaded paste, rubbed it over their head,
face, breast, shoulders, arms, and legs. They did this in order that the
paste might take away all their infirmities. After this the head of the
family anointed the threshold with the same paste, and left it there as a
token that the inmates of the house had performed their ablutions and
cleansed their bodies. Meantime the High Priest performed the same
ceremonies in the temple of the Sun. As soon as the Sun rose, all the
people worshipped and besought him to drive all evils out of the city, and
then they broke their fast with the paste that had been kneaded without
blood. When they had paid their worship and broken their fast, which they
did at a stated hour, in order that all might adore the Sun as one man, an
Inca of the blood royal came forth from the fortress, as a messenger of
the Sun, richly dressed, with his mantle girded round his body, and a
lance in his hand. The lance was decked with feathers of many hues,
extending from the blade to the socket, and fastened with rings of gold.
He ran down the hill from the fortress brandishing his lance, till he
reached the centre of the great square, where stood the golden urn, like a
fountain, that was used for the sacrifice of the fermented juice of the
maize. Here four other Incas of the blood royal awaited him, each with a
lance in his hand, and his mantle girded up to run. The messenger touched
their four lances with his lance, and told them that the Sun bade them, as
his messengers, drive the evils out of the city. The four Incas then
separated and ran down the four royal roads which led out of the city to
the four quarters of the world. While they ran, all the people, great and
small, came to the doors of their houses, and with great shouts of joy and
gladness shook their clothes, as if they were shaking off dust, while they
cried, “Let the evils be gone. How greatly desired has this festival been
by us. O Creator of all things, permit us to reach another year, that we
may see another feast like this.” After they had shaken their clothes,
they passed their hands over their heads, faces, arms, and legs, as if in
the act of washing. All this was done to drive the evils out of their
houses, that the messengers of the Sun might banish them from the city;
and it was done not only in the streets through which the Incas ran, but
generally in all quarters of the city. Moreover, they all danced, the Inca
himself amongst them, and bathed in the rivers and fountains, saying that
their maladies would come out of them. Then they took great torches of
straw, bound round with cords. These they lighted, and passed from one to
the other, striking each other with them, and saying, “Let all harm go
away.” Meanwhile the runners ran with their lances for a quarter of a
league outside the city, where they found four other Incas ready, who
received the lances from their hands and ran with them. Thus the lances
were carried by relays of runners for a distance of five or six leagues,
at the end of which the runners washed themselves and their weapons in
rivers, and set up the lances, in sign of a boundary within which the
banished evils might not return.(349)

(M98) The negroes of Guinea annually banish the devil from all their towns
with much ceremony at a time set apart for the purpose. At Axim, on the
Gold Coast, this annual expulsion is preceded by a feast of eight days,
during which mirth and jollity, skipping, dancing, and singing prevail,
and “a perfect lampooning liberty is allowed, and scandal so highly
exalted, that they may freely sing of all the faults, villanies, and
frauds of their superiors as well as inferiors, without punishment, or so
much as the least interruption.” On the eighth day they hunt out the devil
with a dismal cry, running after him and pelting him with sticks, stones,
and whatever comes to hand. When they have driven him far enough out of
the town, they all return. In this way he is expelled from more than a
hundred towns at the same time. To make sure that he does not return to
their houses, the women wash and scour all their wooden and earthen
vessels, “to free them from all uncleanness and the devil.”(350) A later
writer tells us that “on the Gold Coast there are stated occasions, when
the people turn out _en masse_ (generally at night) with clubs and torches
to drive away the evil spirits from their towns. At a given signal, the
whole community start up, commence a most hideous howling, beat about in
every nook and corner of their dwellings, then rush into the streets, with
their torches and clubs, like so many frantic maniacs, beat the air, and
scream at the top of their voices, until some one announces the departure
of the spirits through some gate of the town, when they are pursued
several miles into the woods, and warned not to come back. After this the
people breathe easier, sleep more quietly, have better health, and the
town is once more cheered by an abundance of food.”(351)

(M99) The ceremony as it is practised at Gatto, in Benin, has been
described by an English traveller. He says: “It was about this time that I
witnessed a strange ceremony, peculiar to this people, called the time of
the ‘grand devils.’ Eight men were dressed in a most curious manner,
having a dress made of bamboo about their bodies, and a cap on the head,
of various colours and ornamented with red feathers taken from the
parrot’s tail; round the legs were twisted strings of shells, which made a
clattering noise as they walked, and the face and hands of each individual
were covered with a net. These strange beings go about the town, by day
and by night, for the term of one month, uttering the most discordant and
frightful noises; no one durst venture out at night for fear of being
killed or seriously maltreated by these fellows, who are then especially
engaged in driving the evil spirits from the town. They go round to all
the chief’s houses, and in addition to the noise they make, perform some
extraordinary feats in tumbling and gymnastics, for which they receive a
few cowries.”(352)

(M100) At Cape Coast Castle, on the Gold Coast, the ceremony was witnessed
on the ninth of October 1844 by an Englishman, who has described it as
follows: “To-night the annual custom of driving the evil spirit, Abonsam,
out of the town has taken place. As soon as the eight o’clock gun fired in
the fort the people began firing muskets in their houses, turning all
their furniture out of doors, beating about in every corner of the rooms
with sticks, etc., and screaming as loudly as possible, in order to
frighten the devil. Being driven out of the houses, as they imagine, they
sallied forth into the streets, throwing lighted torches about, shouting,
screaming, beating sticks together, rattling old pans, making the most
horrid noise, in order to drive him out of the town into the sea. The
custom is preceded by four weeks’ dead silence; no gun is allowed to be
fired, no drum to be beaten, no palaver to be made between man and man.
If, during these weeks, two natives should disagree and make a noise in
the town, they are immediately taken before the king and fined heavily. If
a dog or pig, sheep or goat be found at large in the street, it may be
killed, or taken by anyone, the former owner not being allowed to demand
any compensation. This silence is designed to deceive Abonsam, that, being
off his guard, he may be taken by surprise, and frightened out of the
place. If anyone die during the silence, his relatives are not allowed to
weep until the four weeks have been completed.”(353)

(M101) At Onitsha, on the Niger, Mr. J. C. Taylor witnessed the
celebration of New Year’s Day by the negroes. It fell on the twentieth of
December 1858. Every family brought a firebrand out into the street, threw
it away, and exclaimed as they returned, “The gods of the new year! New
Year has come round again.” Mr. Taylor adds, “The meaning of the custom
seems to be that the fire is to drive away the old year with its sorrows
and evils, and to embrace the new year with hearty reception.”(354) Of all
Abyssinian festivals that of Mascal or the Cross is celebrated with the
greatest pomp. During the whole of the interval between St. John’s day and
the feast a desultory warfare is waged betwixt the youth of opposite sexes
in the towns. They all sally out in the evenings, the boys armed with
nettles or thistles and the girls with gourds containing a filthy solution
of all sorts of abominations. When any of the hostile parties meet, they
begin by reviling each other in the foulest language, from which they
proceed to personal violence, the boys stinging the girls with their
nettles, while the girls discharge their stink-pots in the faces of their
adversaries. These hostilities may perhaps be regarded as a preparation
for the festival of the Cross. The eve of the festival witnesses a
ceremony which doubtless belongs to the world-wide class of customs we are
dealing with. At sunset a discharge of firearms takes place from all the
principal houses. “Then every one provides himself with a torch, and
during the early part of the night bonfires are kindled, and the people
parade the town, carrying their lighted torches in their hands. They go
through their houses, too, poking a light into every dark corner in the
hall, under the couches, in the stables, kitchen, etc., as if looking for
something lost, and calling out, ‘Akho, akhoky! turn out the spinage, and
bring in the porridge; Mascal is come!’... After this they play, and poke
fun and torches at each other.” Next morning, while it is still dark,
bonfires are kindled on the heights near the towns, and people rise early
to see them. The rising sun of Mascal finds the whole population of
Abyssinia awake.(355)

(M102) Sometimes the date of the annual expulsion of devils is fixed with
reference to the agricultural seasons. Thus at Kiriwina, in South-Eastern
New Guinea, when the new yams had been harvested, the people feasted and
danced for many days, and a great deal of property, such as armlets,
native money, and so forth, was displayed conspicuously on a platform
erected for the purpose. When the festivities were over, all the people
gathered together and expelled the spirits from the village by shouting,
beating the posts of the houses, and overturning everything under which a
wily spirit might be supposed to lurk. The explanation which the people
gave to a missionary was that they had entertained and feasted the spirits
and provided them with riches, and it was now time for them to take their
departure. Had they not seen the dances, and heard the songs, and gorged
themselves on the souls of the yams, and appropriated the souls of the
money and all the other fine things set out on the platform? What more
could the spirits want? So out they must go.(356) Among the Hos of
Togoland in West Africa the expulsion of evils is performed annually
before the people eat the new yams.(357) The chiefs meet together and
summon the priests and magicians. They tell them that the people are now
to eat the new yams and to be merry, therefore they must cleanse the town
and remove the evils. For that purpose they take leaves of the _adzu_ and
_wo_ trees, together with creepers and ashes. The leaves and creepers they
bind fast to a pole of an _adzu_ tree, while they pray that the evil
spirits, the witches, and all the ills in the town may pass into the
bundle and be bound. Then they make a paste out of the ashes and smear it
on the bundle, saying, “We smear it on the face of all the evil ones who
are in this bundle, in order that they may not be able to see.” With that
they throw the bundle, that is, the pole wrapt in leaves and creepers, on
the ground and they all mock at it. Then they prepare a medicine and take
the various leaf-wrapt poles, into which they have conjured and bound up
all mischief, carry them out of the town, and set them up in the earth on
various roads leading into the town. When they have done this, they say
that they have banished the evils from the town and shut the door in their
face. With the medicine, which the elders have prepared, all men, women,
children and chiefs wash their faces. After that everybody goes home to
sweep out his house and homestead. The ground in front of the homesteads
is also swept, so that the town is thoroughly cleansed. All the stalks of
grass and refuse of stock yams that have been swept together they cast out
of the town, and they rail at the stock yams. In the course of the night
the elders assemble and bind a toad to a young palm-leaf. They say that
they will now sweep out the town and end the ceremony. For that purpose
they drag the toad through the whole town in the direction of Mount
Adaklu. When that has been done, the priests say that they will now remove
the sicknesses. In the evening they give public notice that they are about
to go on the road, and that therefore no one may light a fire on the
hearth or eat food. Next morning the women of the town sweep out their
houses and hearths and deposit the sweepings on broken wooden plates. Many
wrap themselves in torn mats and tattered clothes; others swathe
themselves in grass and creepers. While they do so, they pray, saying,
“All ye sicknesses that are in our body and plague us, we are come to-day
to throw you out.” When they start to do so, the priest gives orders that
everybody is to scream once and at the same time to smite his mouth. In a
moment they all scream, smite their mouths, and run as fast as they can in
the direction of Mount Adaklu. As they run, they say, “Out to-day! Out
to-day! That which kills anybody, out to-day! Ye evil spirits, out to-day!
and all that causes our heads to ache, out to-day! Anlo and Adaklu are the
places whither all ill shall betake itself!” Now on Mount Adaklu there
grows a _klo_ tree, and when the people have come to the tree they throw
everything away and return home. On their return they wash themselves with
the medicine which is set forth in the streets; then they enter their
houses.(358)

(M103) Among the Hos of North-Eastern India the great festival of the year
is the harvest home, held in January, when the granaries are full of
grain, and the people, to use their own expression, are full of devilry.
“They have a strange notion that at this period, men and women are so
overcharged with vicious propensities, that it is absolutely necessary for
the safety of the person to let off steam by allowing for a time full vent
to the passions.” The ceremonies open with a sacrifice to the village god
of three fowls, a cock and two hens, one of which must be black. Along
with them are offered flowers of the Palas tree (_Butea frondosa_), bread
made from rice-flour, and sesamum seeds. These offerings are presented by
the village priest, who prays that during the year about to begin they and
their children may be preserved from all misfortune and sickness, and that
they may have seasonable rain and good crops. Prayer is also made in some
places for the souls of the dead. At this time an evil spirit is supposed
to infest the place, and to get rid of it men, women, and children go in
procession round and through every part of the village with sticks in
their hands, as if beating for game, singing a wild chant, and shouting
vociferously, till they feel assured that the evil spirit must have fled.
Then they give themselves up to feasting and drinking rice-beer, till they
are in a fit state for the wild debauch which follows. The festival now
“becomes a saturnale, during which servants forget their duty to their
masters, children their reverence for parents, men their respect for
women, and women all notions of modesty, delicacy, and gentleness; they
become raging bacchantes.” Usually the Hos are quiet and reserved in
manner, decorous and gentle to women. But during this festival “their
natures appear to undergo a temporary change. Sons and daughters revile
their parents in gross language, and parents their children; men and women
become almost like animals in the indulgence of their amorous
propensities.” The festival is not held simultaneously in all the
villages. The time during which it is celebrated in the different villages
of a district may be from a month to six weeks, and by a preconcerted
arrangement the celebration begins at each village on a different date and
lasts three or four days; so the inhabitants of each may take part in a
long series of orgies. On these occasions the utmost liberty is given to
the girls, who may absent themselves for days with the young men of
another village; parents at such times never attempt to lay their
daughters under any restraint. The Mundaris, kinsmen and neighbours of the
Hos, keep the festival in much the same manner. “The resemblance to a
Saturnale is very complete, as at this festival the farm labourers are
feasted by their masters, and allowed the utmost freedom of speech in
addressing them. It is the festival of the harvest home; the termination
of one year’s toil, and a slight respite from it before they commence
again.”(359)

(M104) Amongst some of the Hindoo Koosh tribes, as among the Hos and
Mundaris, the expulsion of devils takes place after harvest. When the last
crop of autumn has been got in, it is thought necessary to drive away evil
spirits from the granaries. A kind of porridge called _mool_ is eaten, and
the head of the family takes his matchlock and fires it into the floor.
Then, going outside, he sets to work loading and firing till his
powder-horn is exhausted, while all his neighbours are similarly employed.
The next day is spent in rejoicings. In Chitral this festival is called
“devil-driving.”(360) On the other hand the Khonds of India expel the
devils at seed-time instead of at harvest. At this time they worship
Pitteri Pennu, the god of increase and of gain in every shape. On the
first day of the festival a rude car is made of a basket set upon a few
sticks, tied upon bamboo rollers for wheels. The priest takes this car
first to the house of the lineal head of the tribe, to whom precedence is
given in all ceremonies connected with agriculture. Here he receives a
little of each kind of seed and some feathers. He then takes the car to
all the other houses in the village, each of which contributes the same
things. Lastly, the car is conducted to a field without the village,
attended by all the young men, who beat each other and strike the air
violently with long sticks. The seed thus carried out is called the share
of the “evil spirits, spoilers of the seed.” “These are considered to be
driven out with the car; and when it and its contents are abandoned to
them, they are held to have no excuse for interfering with the rest of the
seed-corn.” Next day each household kills a hog over the seed for the
year, and prays to Pitteri Pennu, saying, “O Pitteri Pennu! this seed we
shall sow to-morrow. Some of us, your suppliants, will have a great
return, some a small return. Let the least favoured have a full basket,
let the most favoured have many baskets. Give not this seed to ant, or
rat, or hog. Let the stems which shall spring from it be so stout that the
earth shall tremble under them. Let the rain find no hole or outlet
whereby to escape from our fields. Make the earth soft like the ashes of
cow-dung. To him who has no iron wherewith to shoe his plough, make the
wood of the _doh_-tree like iron. Provide other food than our seed for the
parrot, the crow, and all the fowls and beasts of the jungle. Let not the
white ant destroy the roots, nor the wild hog crush the stem to get at the
fruit; and make our crops of all kinds have a better flavour than that of
those of any other country.” The elders then feast upon the hogs. The
young men are excluded from the repast, but enjoy the privilege of
waylaying and pelting with jungle-fruit their elders as they return from
the feast. Upon the third day the lineal head of the tribe goes out and
sows his seed, after which all the rest may do so.(361)

(M105) In Ranchi, a district of Chota Nagpur in Bengal, a ceremony is
performed every year by one of the clans to drive away disease. Should it
prove ineffectual, all the villagers assemble by night and walk about the
village in a body armed with clubs, searching for the disease. Everything
they find outside of the houses they smash. Hence on that day the people
throw out their chipped crockery, old pots and pans, and other trash into
the courtyard, so that when the search party comes along they may belabour
the heap of rubbish to their heart’s content; the crash of shattered
crockery and the clatter of shivered pans indicates, we are told, that the
disease has departed; perhaps it might be more strictly accurate to say
that they have frightened it away. At all events a very loud noise is made
“so that the disease may not remain hidden anywhere.”(362) In a village of
the Mossos, an aboriginal tribe of south-western China, a French traveller
witnessed the annual ceremony of the expulsion of devils. Two magicians,
wearing mitres of red pasteboard, went from house to house, attended by a
troop of children, their faces smeared with flour, some of whom carried
torches and others cymbals, while all made a deafening noise. After
dancing a wild dance in the courtyard of the house, they entered the
principal room, where the performers were regaled with a draught of ardent
spirits, of which they sprinkled a few drops on the floor. Then the
magicians recited their spells to oblige the evil spirits to quit the
chamber and the good spirits to enter it. At the end of each phrase, the
children, speaking for the spirits, answered with a shout, “We go” or “We
come.” That concluded the ceremony in the house, and the noisy procession
filed out to repeat it in the next.(363)

(M106) The people of Bali, an island to the east of Java, have periodical
expulsions of devils upon a great scale. Generally the time chosen for the
expulsion is the day of the “dark moon” in the ninth month. When the
demons have been long unmolested the country is said to be “warm,” and the
priest issues orders to expel them by force, lest the whole of Bali should
be rendered uninhabitable. On the day appointed the people of the village
or district assemble at the principal temple. Here at a cross-road
offerings are set out for the devils. After prayers have been recited by
the priests, the blast of a horn summons the devils to partake of the meal
which has been prepared for them. At the same time a number of men step
forward and light their torches at the holy lamp which burns before the
chief priest. Immediately afterwards, followed by the bystanders, they
spread in all directions and march through the streets and lanes crying,
“Depart! go away!” Wherever they pass, the people who have stayed at home
hasten, by a deafening clatter on doors, beams, rice-blocks, and so forth,
to take their share in the expulsion of devils. Thus chased from the
houses, the fiends flee to the banquet which has been set out for them;
but here the priest receives them with curses which finally drive them
from the district. When the last devil has taken his departure, the uproar
is succeeded by a dead silence, which lasts during the next day also. The
devils, it is thought, are anxious to return to their old homes, and in
order to make them think that Bali is not Bali but some desert island, no
one may stir from his own abode for twenty-four hours. Even ordinary
household work, including cooking, is discontinued. Only the watchmen may
shew themselves in the streets. Wreaths of thorns and leaves are hung at
all the entrances to warn strangers from entering. Not till the third day
is this state of siege raised, and even then it is forbidden to work at
the rice-fields or to buy and sell in the market. Most people still stay
at home, striving to while away the time with cards and dice.(364)

(M107) The Shans of Southern China annually expel the fire-spirit. The
ceremony was witnessed by the English Mission under Colonel Sladen on the
thirteenth of August 1868. Bullocks and cows were slaughtered in the
market-place; the meat was all sold, part of it was cooked and eaten,
while the rest was fired out of guns at sundown. The pieces of flesh which
fell on the land were supposed to become mosquitoes, those which fell in
the water were believed to turn into leeches. In the evening the chief’s
retainers beat gongs and blew trumpets; and when darkness had set in,
torches were lit, and a party, preceded by the musicians, searched the
central court for the fire-spirit, who is supposed to lurk about at this
season with evil intent. They then ransacked all the rooms and the
gardens, throwing the light of the torches into every nook and corner
where the evil spirit might find a hiding-place.(365) In some parts of
Fiji an annual ceremony took place which has much the aspect of an
expulsion of devils. The time of its celebration was determined by the
appearance of a certain fish or sea-slug (_balolo_) which swarms out in
dense shoals from the coral reefs on a single day of the year, usually in
the last quarter of the moon in November. The appearance of the sea-slugs
was the signal for a general feast at those places where they were taken.
An influential man ascended a tree and prayed to the spirit of the sky for
good crops, fair winds, and so on. Thereupon a tremendous clatter, with
drumming and shouting, was raised by all the people in their houses for
about half an hour. This was followed by a dead quiet for four days,
during which the people feasted on the sea-slug. All this time no work of
any kind might be done, not even a leaf plucked nor the offal removed from
the houses. If a noise was made in any house, as by a child crying, a
forfeit was at once exacted by the chief. At daylight on the expiry of the
fourth night the whole town was in an uproar; men and boys scampered
about, knocking with clubs and sticks at the doors of the houses and
crying “Sinariba!” This concluded the ceremony.(366) The natives of
Tumleo, a small island off German New Guinea, also catch the sea-slug in
the month of November, and at this season they observe a curious ceremony,
which may perhaps be explained as an expulsion of evils or demons. The
lads, and sometimes grown men with them, go in troops into the forest to
search for grass-arrows (_räng_). When they have collected a store of
these arrows, they take sides and, armed with little bows, engage in a
regular battle. The arrows fly as thick as hail, and though no one is
killed, many receive skin wounds and are covered with blood. The Catholic
missionary who reports the custom could not ascertain the reasons for
observing it. Perhaps one set of combatants represents the demons or
embodied evils of the year, who are defeated and driven away by the
champions of the people. The month in which these combats take place
(November and the beginning of December) is sometimes named after the
grass-arrows and sometimes after the sea-slug.(367)

(M108) On the last night of the year there is observed in most Japanese
houses a ceremony called “the exorcism of the evil spirit.” It is
performed by the head of the family. Clad in his finest robes, with a
sword, if he has the right of bearing one, at his waist, he goes through
all the rooms at the hour of midnight, carrying in his left hand a box of
roasted beans on a lacquered stand. From time to time he dips his right
hand into the box and scatters a handful of beans on a mat, pronouncing a
cabalistic form of words of which the meaning is, “Go forth, demons! Enter
riches!”(368) According to another account, the ceremony takes place on
the night before the beginning of spring, and the roasted beans are flung
against the walls as well as on the floors of the houses.(369) While the
duty of expelling the devils should, strictly speaking, be discharged by
the head of the house, it is often delegated to a servant. Whether master
or servant, the performer goes by the name of year-man (_toshi-otoko_),
the rite being properly performed on the last day of the year. The words
“Out with the devils” (_Oni ha soto_) are pronounced by him in a loud
voice, but the words “In with the luck” (_fuku ha uchi_) in a low tone. In
the Shogun’s palace the ceremony was performed by a year-man specially
appointed for the purpose, who scattered parched beans in all the
principal rooms. These beans were picked up by the women of the palace,
who wrapped as many of them in paper as they themselves were years old,
and then flung them backwards out of doors. Sometimes people who had
reached an unlucky year would gather these beans, one for each year of
their life and one over, and wrap them in paper together with a small
copper coin which had been rubbed over their body to transfer the
ill-luck. The packet was afterwards thrown away at a cross-road. This was
called “flinging away ill-luck” (_yaku sute_).(370) According to Lafcadio
Hearn, the casting-out of devils from the houses is performed by a
professional exorciser for a small fee, and the peas which he scatters
about the house are afterwards swept up and carefully kept until the first
peal of thunder is heard in spring, when it is customary to cook and eat
some of them. After the demons have been thoroughly expelled from a house,
a charm is set up over the door to prevent them from returning: it
consists of a wooden skewer with a holly leaf and the dried head of a fish
like a sardine stuck on it.(371)

(M109) On the third day of the tenth month in every year the Hak-Ka, a
native race in the province of Canton, sweep their houses and turn the
accumulated filth out of doors, together with three sticks of incense and
some mock money made of paper. At the same time they call out, “Let the
devil of poverty depart! Let the devil of poverty depart!” By performing
this ceremony they hope to preserve their homes from penury.(372) Among
some of the Hindoos of the Punjaub on the morning after Diwali or the
festival of lamps, at which the souls of ancestors are believed to visit
the house, the oldest woman of the family takes a corn-sieve or winnowing
basket and a broom, to both of which magical virtues are ascribed, and
beats them in every corner of the house, exclaiming, “God abide, and
poverty depart!” The sieve is then carried out of the village, generally
to the east or north, and being thrown away is supposed to bear away with
it the poverty and distress of the household. Or the woman flings all the
sweepings and rubbish out of doors, saying, “Let all dirt and wretchedness
depart from here, and all good fortune come in.”(373) The Persians used
annually to expel the demons or goblins (_Dives_) from their houses in the
month of December. For this purpose the Magi wrote certain words with
saffron on a piece of parchment or paper and then held the writing over a
fire into which they threw cotton, garlic, grapes, wild rue, and the horn
of an animal that had been killed on the sixteenth of September. The spell
thus prepared was nailed or glued to the inside of the door, and the door
was painted red. Next the priest took some sand and spread it out with a
knife, while he muttered certain prayers. After that he strewed the sand
on the floor, and the enchantment was complete. The demons now immediately
vanished, or at least were deprived of all their malignant power.(374)

(M110) For ages it has been customary in China to expel the demons from
house and home, from towns and cities, at the end of every year. Such
general expulsions of devils go by the name of _no_. They are often
mentioned and described in Chinese literature. For example, under the Han
dynasty, in the second century of our era, “it was ordered that
_fang-siang shi_ with four eyes of gold, masked with bearskins, and
wearing black coats with red skirts, bearing lances and brandishing
shields, should always perform at the end of the year in the twelfth month
the _no_ of the season, in the rear of hundreds of official servants and
boys, and search the interior of the palace, in order to expel the demons
of plague. With bows of peach wood and arrows of the thorny jujube they
shoot at the spectres, and with porcelain drums they drum at them;
moreover they throw red balls and cereals at them, in order to remove
disease and calamity.”(375) Again, in a poem of the same period we read
that “at the end of the year the great _no_ takes place for the purpose of
driving off all spectres. The _fang-siang_ carry their spears, _wu_ and
_hih_ hold their bundles of reed. Ten thousand lads with red heads and
black clothes, with bows of peach wood and arrows of thorny jujube shoot
at random all around. Showers of potsherds and pebbles come down like
rain, infallibly killing strong spectres as well as the weak. Flaming
torches run after these beings, so that a sparkling and streaming glare
chases the red plague to all sides; thereupon they destroy them in the
imperial moats and break down the suspension bridges (to prevent their
return).”(376) At a later period Chinese historians inform us that the
house of Tsi caused the annual expulsion of demons to be performed on the
last day of the year by two groups, each of one hundred and twenty lads,
and twelve animals headed by drums and wind instruments. The gates of the
wards and of the city walls were flung open, and the emperor witnessed the
ceremony seated on his throne in the midst of his officers. With rolling
drums the procession entered the palace through the western gate, and
passed through all parts of it in two divisions, even ascending the
towers, while they hopped, jumped and shrieked; and on quitting the palace
they spread out in six directions till they reached the city walls.(377)
At the present time it is customary in every part of China to fire off
crackers on the last day and night of the year for the purpose of
terrifying and expelling the devils: enormous quantities of the explosives
are consumed at this season: the people seem to vie with one another as to
who shall let off the most crackers and make the most noise. Sometimes
long strings of these fireworks hang from balconies and eaves and keep up
a continuous crackling for half an hour together or more; in great cities
the prolonged and ear-splitting din is very annoying to foreigners. To the
ears of the Chinese the noise appears to be agreeable, if not for its own
sake, at least for the beneficial effect it is supposed to produce by
driving demons away. Indeed they seem to be of opinion that any noise,
provided it be sufficiently harsh and loud, serves this useful purpose.
The sound of brass instruments is particularly terrifying to devils; hence
the great use which the Chinese make of gongs in rites of exorcism. The
clash of gongs, we are told, resounds through the Chinese empire daily,
especially in summer, when a rise in the death-rate, which ignorant
Europeans attribute to mere climatic influences, stimulates the people to
redouble their efforts for the banishment of the fiends, who are the real
cause of all the mischief. At such times you may see and hear groups of
benevolent and public-spirited men and women banging gongs, clashing
cymbals, and drubbing drums for hours together. No protest is made by
their neighbours, no complaint that they disturb the night’s rest of the
sick and the tired. People listen with resignation or rather with
gratitude and complacency to the deafening uproar raised by these generous
philanthropists, who thus devote their services gratuitously to the cause
of the public health.(378) In Corea, also, the devils are driven out of
the towns on New Year’s Eve by the firing of guns and the popping of
crackers.(379)

(M111) In Tonquin a _theckydaw_ or general expulsion of malevolent spirits
commonly took place once a year, especially if there was a great mortality
amongst men, the elephants or horses of the general’s stable, or the
cattle of the country, “the cause of which they attribute to the malicious
spirits of such men as have been put to death for treason, rebellion, and
conspiring the death of the king, general, or princes, and that in revenge
of the punishment they have suffered, they are bent to destroy everything
and commit horrible violence. To prevent which their superstition has
suggested to them the institution of this _theckydaw_, as a proper means
to drive the devil away, and purge the country of evil spirits.” The day
appointed for the ceremony was generally the twenty-fifth of February, one
month after the beginning of the new year, which fell on the twenty-fifth
of January. The intermediate month was a season of feasting, merry-making
of all kinds, and general licence. During the whole month the great seal
was kept shut up in a box, face downwards, and the law was, as it were,
laid asleep. All courts of justice were closed; debtors could not be
seized; small crimes, such as petty larceny, fighting, and assault,
escaped with impunity; only treason and murder were taken account of and
the malefactors detained till the great seal should come into operation
again. At the close of the saturnalia the wicked spirits were driven away.
Great masses of troops and artillery having been drawn up with flying
colours and all the pomp of war, “the general beginneth then to offer meat
offerings to the criminal devils and malevolent spirits (for it is usual
and customary likewise amongst them to feast the condemned before their
execution), inviting them to eat and drink, when presently he accuses them
in a strange language, by characters and figures, etc., of many offences
and crimes committed by them, as to their having disquieted the land,
killed his elephants and horses, etc., for all which they justly deserve
to be chastised and banished the country. Whereupon three great guns are
fired as the last signal; upon which all the artillery and musquets are
discharged, that, by their most terrible noise the devils may be driven
away; and they are so blind as to believe for certain, that they really
and effectually put them to flight.”(380)

(M112) In Cambodia the expulsion of evil spirits took place in March. Bits
of broken statues and stones, considered as the abode of the demons, were
collected and brought to the capital. Here as many elephants were
collected as could be got together. On the evening of the full moon
volleys of musketry were fired and the elephants charged furiously to put
the devils to flight. The ceremony was performed on three successive
days.(381) In Siam the banishment of demons is annually carried into
effect on the last day of the old year. A signal gun is fired from the
palace; it is answered from the next station, and so on from station to
station, till the firing has reached the outer gate of the city. Thus the
demons are driven out step by step. As soon as this is done a consecrated
rope is fastened round the circuit of the city walls to prevent the
banished demons from returning. The rope is made of tough couch-grass and
is painted in alternate stripes of red, yellow, and blue.(382) According
to a more recent account, the Siamese ceremony takes place at the New Year
holidays, which are three in number, beginning with the first of April.
For the feasting which accompanies these holidays a special kind of cake
is made, “which is as much in demand as our own Shrove-Tuesday pancakes or
our Good-Friday hot cross-buns. The temples are thronged with women and
children making offerings to Buddha and his priests. The people inaugurate
their New Year with numerous charitable and religious deeds. The rich
entertain the monks, who recite appropriate prayers and chants. Every
departed soul returns to the bosom of his family during these three days,
freed from any fetters that may have bound him in the regions of
indefinable locality. On the third day the religious observances
terminate, and the remaining hours are devoted to ‘the world, the flesh,
and the devil.’ Gambling is not confined to the licensed houses, but may
be indulged in anywhere. Games of chance hold powerful sway in every house
as long as the licence to participate in them lasts. Priests in small
companies occupy posts at regular intervals round the city wall, and spend
their time in chanting away the evil spirits. On the evening of the second
day, the ghostly visitors from the lower realms lose the luxury of being
exorcised with psalms. Every person who has a gun may fire it as often as
he pleases, and the noise thus made is undoubtedly fearful enough in its
intensity to cause any wandering traveller from the far-off fiery land to
retrace his steps with speed. The bang and rattle of pistols, muskets,
shot-guns, and rifles cease not till the break of day, by which time the
city is effectually cleared of all its infernal visitors.”(383) From this
account we learn that among the spirits thus banished are the souls of the
dead, who revisit their living friends once a year. To the same effect,
apparently, Bishop Bruguière, writing from Bangkok in 1829, tells us that
“the three first days of the moon of April are days of solemn festivity
for the pious Siamese. That day Lucifer opens all the gates of the abyss,
the souls of the dead, which are shut up there, come forth and partake of
a repast in the bosom of their family. They are treated splendidly. One of
these three days a monk repairs to the palace to preach before the king.
At the end of the sermon a preconcerted signal is given, and in a moment
the cannons are fired in all the quarters of the city to chase the devil
out of the walls or to kill him, if he dares to resist. On the first day a
temporary king is named, who bears the title of _phaja-phollathep_; during
these three days he enjoys all the royal prerogatives, the real king
remaining shut up in his palace.”(384)

(M113) A similar belief and a similar custom prevail in Japan. There, too,
the souls of the departed return to their old homes once a year, and a
festival called the Feast of Lanterns is made to welcome them. They come
at evening on the thirteenth day of the seventh month of the old calendar,
which falls towards the end of August. It is needful to light them on
their way. Accordingly bamboos with pretty coloured lanterns attached to
them are fastened on the tombs, and being thickly set they make an
illumination on the hills, where the burying-grounds are generally
situated. Lamps of many hues or rows of tapers are also lit and set out in
front of the houses and in the gardens, and small fires are kindled in the
streets, so that the whole city is in a blaze of light. After the sun has
set, a great multitude issues from the town, for every family goes forth
to meet its returning dead. When they come to the spot where they believe
the souls to be, they welcome the unseen visitors and invite them to rest
after their journey, and to partake of refreshments which they offer to
them. Having allowed the souls time enough to satisfy their hunger and
recover from their fatigue, they escort them by torchlight, chatting gaily
with them, into the city and to the houses where they lived and died.
These are also illuminated with brilliant lanterns; a banquet is spread on
the tables; and the places of the dead, who are supposed to absorb the
ethereal essence of the food, are laid for them as if they were alive.
After the repast the living go from house to house to visit the souls of
their dead friends and neighbours; and thus they spend the night running
about the town. On the evening of the third day of the festival, which is
the fifteenth day of the month, the time has come for the souls to return
to their own place. Fires again blaze in the streets to light them on the
road; the people again escort them ceremoniously to the spot where they
met them two days before; and in some places they send the lanterns
floating away on rivers or the sea in miniature boats, which are laden
with provisions for the spirits on their way to their long home. But there
is still a fear that some poor souls may have lagged behind, or even
concealed themselves in a nook or corner, loth to part from the scenes of
their former life and from those they love. Accordingly steps are taken to
hunt out these laggards and send them packing after their fellow-ghosts.
With this intention the people throw stones on the roofs of their houses
in great profusion; and going through every room armed with sticks they
deal swashing blows all about them in the empty air to chase away the
lingering souls. This they do, we are told, out of a regard for their own
comfort quite as much as from the affection they bear to the dead; for
they fear to be disturbed by unseasonable apparitions if they suffered the
airy visitors to remain in the house.(385)

(M114) Thus in spite of the kindly welcome given to the souls, the fear
which they inspire comes out plainly in the pains taken to ensure their
departure; and this fear justifies us in including such forced departures
among the ceremonies for the expulsion of evils with which we are here
concerned. It may be remembered that the annual banishment of ghosts has
been practised by savages so low in the scale of humanity as the
Australian aborigines.(386) At the other end of the scale it was observed
in classical antiquity by the civilized Greeks and Romans. The Athenians
believed that at the festival of the Anthesteria the souls of the dead
came back from the nether world and went about the city. Accordingly ropes
were fastened round the temples to keep out the wandering ghosts; and with
a like intention the people chewed buckthorn in the morning and smeared
the doors of their houses with pitch, apparently thinking that any rash
spirits who might attempt to enter would stick fast in the pitch and be
glued, like so many flies, to the door. But at the end of the festival the
souls were bidden to depart in these words: “Out of the door with you,
souls. The Anthesteria is over.”(387) Yet for the entertainment of the
unseen guests during their short stay earthenware pots full of boiled food
appear to have been everywhere prepared throughout the city; but probably
these were placed in the street outside the houses, in order to give the
ghosts no excuse for entering and disturbing the inmates. No priest would
eat of the food thus offered to the dead,(388) but prowling beggars
probably had no such scruples. Similarly when the Sea Dyaks of Sarawak
celebrate their great Festival of Departed Spirits at intervals which vary
from one to three or four years, food is prepared for the dead and they
are summoned from their far-off home to partake of it; but it is put
outside at the entrance of the house. And before the general arrival of
the souls, while the people are busy brewing the drink for the feast, each
family takes care to hang an earthenware pot full of the liquor outside of
the single room which it occupies in the large common house, lest some
thirsty soul should arrive prematurely from the other world, and, forcing
his way into the domestic circle, should not merely slake his thirst but
carry off one of the living.(389) During three days in May the Romans held
a festival in honour of the ghosts. The temples were shut, doubtless to
keep out the ghostly swarms; but, as in Japan, every house seems to have
been thrown open to receive the spirits of its own departed. When the
reception was over, each head of a family arose at dead of night, washed
his hands, and having made with fingers and thumb certain magic signs to
ward off ghosts, he proceeded to throw black beans over his shoulder
without looking behind him. As he did so, he said nine times, “With these
beans I redeem me and mine”; and the ghosts, following unseen at his
heels, picked up the beans and left him and his alone. Then he dipped his
hands again in water, clashed bronze vessels together to make a din, and
begged the ghosts to depart from his house, saying nine times, “Go forth,
paternal shades!” After that he looked behind him, and the ceremony was
over: the ghosts had taken their leave for another year.(390)

(M115) Annual expulsions of demons, witches, or evil influences appear to
have been common among the heathen of Europe, if we may judge from the
relics of such customs among their descendants at the present day. Thus
among the heathen Wotyaks, a Finnish people of Eastern Russia, all the
young girls of the village assemble on the last day of the year or on New
Year’s Day, armed with sticks, the ends of which are split in nine places.
With these they beat every corner of the house and yard, saying, “We are
driving Satan out of the village.” Afterwards the sticks are thrown into
the river below the village, and as they float down stream Satan goes with
them to the next village, from which he must be driven out in turn. In
some villages the expulsion is managed otherwise. The unmarried men
receive from every house in the village groats, flesh, and brandy. These
they take to the fields, light a fire under a fir-tree, boil the groats,
and eat of the food they have brought with them, after pronouncing the
words, “Go away into the wilderness, come not into the house.” Then they
return to the village and enter every house where there are young women.
They take hold of the young women and throw them into the snow, saying,
“May the spirits of disease leave you.” The remains of the groats and the
other food are then distributed among all the houses in proportion to the
amount that each contributed, and each family consumes its share.
According to a Wotyak of the Malmyz district the young men throw into the
snow whomever they find in the houses, and this is called “driving out
Satan”; moreover, some of the boiled groats are cast into the fire with
the words, “O god, afflict us not with sickness and pestilence, give us
not up as a prey to the spirits of the wood.” But the most antique form of
the ceremony is that observed by the Wotyaks of the Kasan Government.
First of all a sacrifice is offered to the Devil at noon. Then all the men
assemble on horseback in the centre of the village, and decide with which
house they shall begin. When this question, which often gives rise to hot
disputes, is settled, they tether their horses to the paling, and arm
themselves with whips, clubs of lime-wood, and bundles of lighted twigs.
The lighted twigs are believed to have the greatest terrors for Satan.
Thus armed, they proceed with frightful cries to beat every corner of the
house and yard, then shut the door, and spit at the ejected fiend. So they
go from house to house, till the Devil has been driven from every one.
Then they mount their horses and ride out of the village, yelling wildly
and brandishing their clubs in every direction. Outside of the village
they fling away the clubs and spit once more at the Devil.(391) The
Cheremiss, another Finnish people of Eastern Russia, chase Satan from
their dwellings by beating the walls with cudgels of lime-wood. For the
same purpose they fire guns, stab the ground with knives, and insert
burning chips of wood in the crevices. Also they leap over bonfires,
shaking out their garments as they do so; and in some districts they blow
on long trumpets of lime-tree bark to frighten him away. When he has fled
to the wood, they pelt the trees with some of the cheese-cakes and eggs
which furnished the feast.(392)

(M116) In Christian Europe the old heathen custom of expelling the powers
of evil at certain times of the year has survived to modern times. Thus in
some villages of Calabria the month of March is inaugurated with the
expulsion of the witches. It takes place at night to the sound of the
church bells, the people running about the streets and crying, “March is
come.” They say that the witches roam about in March, and the ceremony is
repeated every Friday evening during the month.(393) Often, as might have
been anticipated, the ancient pagan rite has attached itself to church
festivals. For example, in Calabria at Eastertide every family provides
itself in time with a supply of holy water, and when the church bells
proclaim the resurrection of Christ the people sprinkle the house with the
water, saying in a loud voice, “_Esciti fora sùrici uorvi, esciti fora
tentaziuni, esca u malu ed entri u bene_.” At the same time they knock on
doors and windows, on chests and other articles of furniture.(394) Again,
in Albania on Easter Eve the young people light torches of resinous wood
and march in procession, swinging them, through the village. At last they
throw the torches into the river, crying, “Ha, Kore! we throw you into the
river, like these torches, that you may never return.”(395) Silesian
peasants believe that on Good Friday the witches go their rounds and have
great power for mischief. Hence about Oels, near Strehlitz, the people on
that day arm themselves with old brooms and drive the witches from house
and home, from farmyard and cattle-stall, making a great uproar and
clatter as they do so.(396)

(M117) The belief in the maleficent power and activity of witches and
wizards would seem to have weighed almost as heavily on the heathen of
Central and Northern Europe in prehistoric times as it still weighs on the
minds of African negroes and other savages in many parts of the world. But
while these unhallowed beings were always with our forefathers, there were
times and seasons of the year when they were supposed to be particularly
mischievous, and when accordingly special precautions had to be taken
against them. Among such times were the twelve days from Christmas to
Twelfth Night, the Eve of St. George, the Eve of May Day (Walpurgis
Night), and Midsummer Eve.(397)

(M118) In Central Europe it was apparently on Walpurgis Night, the Eve of
May Day, above all other times that the baleful powers of the witches were
exerted to the fullest extent; nothing therefore could be more natural
than that men should be on their guard against them at that season, and
that, not content with merely standing on their defence, they should
boldly have sought to carry the war into the enemy’s quarters by attacking
and forcibly expelling the uncanny crew. Amongst the weapons with which
they fought their invisible adversaries in these grim encounters were holy
water, the fumes of incense or other combustibles, and loud noises of all
kinds, particularly the clashing of metal instruments, amongst which the
ringing of church bells was perhaps the most effectual.(398) Some of these
strong measures are still in use among the peasantry, or were so down to
recent years, and there seems no reason to suppose that their magical
virtue has been at all impaired by lapse of time. In the Tyrol, as in
other places, the expulsion of the powers of evil at this season goes by
the name of “Burning out the Witches.” It takes place on May Day, but
people have been busy with their preparations for days before. On a
Thursday at midnight bundles are made up of resinous splinters, black and
red spotted hemlock, caperspurge, rosemary, and twigs of the sloe. These
are kept and burned on May Day by men who must first have received plenary
absolution from the Church. On the last three days of April all the houses
are cleansed and fumigated with juniper berries and rue. On May Day, when
the evening bell has rung and the twilight is falling, the ceremony of
“Burning out the Witches” begins. Men and boys make a racket with whips,
bells, pots, and pans; the women carry censers; the dogs are unchained and
run barking and yelping about. As soon as the church bells begin to ring,
the bundles of twigs, fastened on poles, are set on fire and the incense
is ignited. Then all the house-bells and dinner-bells are rung, pots and
pans are clashed, dogs bark, every one must make a noise. And amid this
hubbub all scream at the pitch of their voices,


    “_Witch flee, flee from here,_
    _Or it will go ill with thee._”


Then they run seven times round the houses, the yards, and the village. So
the witches are smoked out of their lurking-places and driven away.(399)

(M119) The custom of expelling the witches on Walpurgis Night is still, or
was down to thirty or forty years ago, observed in many parts of Bavaria
and among the Germans of Bohemia. Thus in the Böhmerwald Mountains, which
divide Bavaria from Bohemia, all the young fellows of the village assemble
after sunset on some height, especially at a cross-road, and crack whips
for a while in unison with all their strength. This drives away the
witches; for so far as the sound of the whips is heard, these maleficent
beings can do no harm. The peasants believe firmly in the efficacy of this
remedy. A yokel will tell his sons to be sure to crack their whips loudly
and hit the witches hard; and to give more sting to every blow the
whip-lashes are knotted. On returning to the village the lads often sing
songs and collect contributions of eggs, lard, bread, and butter. In some
places, while the young fellows are cracking their whips, the herdsmen
wind their horns, and the long-drawn notes, heard far-off in the silence
of night, are very effectual for banning the witches. In other places,
again, the youth blow upon so-called shawms made of peeled willow-wood in
front of every house, especially in front of such houses as are suspected
of harbouring a witch.(400) In Voigtland, a bleak mountainous region of
Central Germany(401) bordering on the Frankenwald Mountains, the belief in
witchcraft is still widely spread. The time when the witches are
particularly dreaded is Walpurgis Night, but they play their pranks also
on Midsummer Eve, St. Thomas’s Eve, and Christmas Eve. On these days they
try to make their way into a neighbour’s house and to borrow or steal
something from it; and woe betide the man in whose house they have
succeeded in their nefarious errand! It is on Walpurgis Night and
Midsummer Eve that they ride through the air astride of pitchforks and
churn-dashers. They also bewitch the cattle; so to protect the poor beasts
from their hellish machinations the people on these days chalk up three
crosses on the doors of the cattle-stalls or hang up St. John’s wort,
marjoram, and so forth. Very often, too, the village youth turn out in a
body and drive the witches away with the cracking of whips, the firing of
guns, and the waving of burning besoms through the air, not to mention
shouts and noises of all sorts.(402) Such customs appear to be observed
generally in Thüringen, of which Voigtland is a part. The people think
that the blows of the whip actually fall on the witches hovering unseen in
the air, and that so far as the cracking of the whips is heard, the crops
will be good and nothing will be struck by lightning,(403) no doubt
because the witches have been banished by the sound.

(M120) In Bohemia many are the precautions taken by the peasantry, both
German and Czech, to guard themselves and their cattle against the witches
on Walpurgis Night. Thorny branches are laid on the thresholds of
cow-houses and dwellings to keep out the infernal crew, and after sunset
boys armed with whips and guns drive them from the villages with a
prodigious uproar and burn them in bonfires on the neighbouring heights.
It is true that the witches themselves are not seen, though effigies of
them are sometimes consumed in the bonfires. This “Burning of the
Witches,” as it is called, protects the crops from their ravages. German
lads also employ goats’ horns as a means of driving away the witches at
the moment when they issue forth from kitchen-chimneys on their way to the
witches’ Sabbath.(404) Some minor variations in the mode of expelling the
witches on Walpurgis Night have been noted in the German villages of
Western Bohemia. Thus in Absrot the village youth go out to cross-roads
and there beat the ground with boards, no doubt for the purpose of
thrashing the witches who are commonly supposed to assemble at such spots.
In Deslawen, after the evening bells have rung, people go through the
houses beating the walls or floors with boards; then they issue forth into
the roads, headed by a boy who carries the effigy of a witch made up of
rags. Thereupon grown-up folk crack whips and fire shots. In Schönwert the
young people go in bands through the village and the meadows, making a
great noise with bells, flutes, and whips, for the more noise they make
the more effectual is the ceremony supposed to be. Meantime the older men
are busy firing shots over the fields and the dungheaps. In Hochofen
troops of children go from house to house on Walpurgis Evening, making a
great clatter with tin cans and kettles, while they scream, “Witch, go
out, your house is burning.” This is called “Driving out the
Witches.”(405) The German peasants of Moravia, also, universally believe
that on Walpurgis Night the witches ride through the air on broomsticks
and pitchforks in order to revel with Satan, their master, at the old
heathen places of sacrifice, which are commonly on heights. To guard the
cattle and horses from their insidious attacks it is usual to put knives
under the thresholds and to stick sprigs of birch in the dungheaps.
Formerly lads used to gather on the heights where the witches were
believed to assemble; and by hurling besoms, dipped in pitch and ignited,
they attempted to banish the invisible foe.(406)

(M121) In Silesia also, we are told, the belief in witchcraft still
occupies a large space in the minds of the people. It is on Walpurgis
Night that the witches are let loose and all the powers of magic have full
sway. At that time the cottagers not uncommonly see a witch astride a
hayfork or broomstick emerging from the chimney. Hence people are careful
to remove all utensils from the fireplace, or the witches would ride on
them, when they go with the Evil One to a cross-road or a gallows-hill,
there to dance wild dances in a circle on the snow or to cut capers on the
corn-fields. Steps are taken to guard village, house, and farmyard against
their incursions. Three crosses are chalked up on every door, and little
birch-trees fastened over the house-door, because the witches must count
every leaf on the tree before they can cross the threshold, and while they
are still counting, the day breaks and their power is gone. On that
evening the cattle are especially exposed to the attacks of the witches,
and prudent farmers resort to many expedients for the sake of protecting
the animals from the wiles of these malignant beings. No wise man would
sell milk or butter on Walpurgis Night; if he did, his cows would
certainly be bewitched. And all the work of the byres should be finished
and the cattle fed before sundown, which is the time when the witches
begin to swarm in the air. Besides the usual crosses chalked on the door
of the byre, it is customary to fasten over it three horse-shoes, or a
holed flint, or a goat’s horns with four branches; it is well, too, to
nail bits of buckthorn crosswise over every entrance, and to lean
pitchforks and harrows against the doors with the sharp points turned
outwards. A sod freshly cut from a meadow and sprinkled with
marsh-marigolds has likewise a very good effect when it is placed before a
threshold. Moreover in the Grünberg district young men go clanking chains
through the village and farmyards, for iron scares the witches; also they
knock at the doors and they prance through the yards astride on pitchforks
and broomsticks, all to drive away the witches, but in doing so they must
be sure not to speak a word. A very powerful means of keeping witches at
bay are the Walpurgis bonfires, which are still kindled in the Hoyerswerda
district and the Iser Mountains. The fires are fed with the stumps of old
brooms, and the people dance round them and wave burning besoms, just as
they do at the Midsummer bonfires. About Hoyerswerda they call these
fires, as usual, “Burning the Witches.”(407)

(M122) The Wends of Saxony adopt very similar precautions against witches
on the evening of Walpurgis Day. Any one who has been in Lusatia on the
last day of April must remember the fires which he saw blazing on the
mountains and in the valleys and the plains. That is the Witch-burning
(_kuzlarniče palić_). For weeks before that the boys and lads have been
collecting old brooms, and when the time comes they sally forth and dance
with the burning besoms on the fields; the fire is thought to ban the
witches and foul fiends. Also on that day people march about the fields
and meadows clinking stones on scythes; for the noise is also deemed
effectual in driving the witches away.(408) At Penzance in Cornwall boys
run about blowing horns on the thirtieth of April (Walpurgis Day), and
when questioned why they do so they say that they are “scaring away the
devil.” The horns used for this purpose are made of tin and shaped like a
herald’s trumpet; they vary in length from a foot to a yard and can give
forth a very loud blast.(409) The custom is probably a relic of a general
expulsion of witches and demons on that day.

(M123) Another witching time is the period of twelve days between
Christmas (the twenty-fifth of December) and Epiphany (the sixth of
January). A thousand quaint superstitions cluster round that mystic
season. It is then that the Wild Huntsman sweeps through the air, the
powers of evil are let loose, werewolves are prowling round, and the
witches work their wicked will. Hence in some parts of Silesia the people
burn pine-resin all night long between Christmas and the New Year in order
that the pungent smoke may drive witches and evil spirits far away from
house and homestead; and on Christmas Eve and New Year’s Eve they fire
shots over fields and meadows, into shrubs and trees, and wrap straw round
the fruit-trees, to prevent the spirits from doing them harm.(410) On New
Year’s Eve, which is Saint Sylvester’s Day, Bohemian lads, armed with
guns, form themselves into circles and fire thrice into the air. This is
called “Shooting the Witches” and is supposed to frighten the witches
away. While the young fellows are rendering this service to the community,
the housewives go about their houses sprinkling holy water in all the
rooms and chalking three crosses on every door,(411) no doubt to
accelerate the departure of the witches, and to prevent their return. At
Trieste on St. Sylvester’s Eve people form processions and drive the evil
spirits with sticks and brooms out of the houses, while they invite the
good spirits and good luck to come and dwell there.(412) In the town of
Biggar, in Lanarkshire, it has been customary from time immemorial to
celebrate a custom called “burning out the Old Year” on the thirty-first
of December. A large bonfire, to which all the onlookers think it their
duty to contribute fuel, is kindled in the evening at the town cross, and
fires are also lighted on the adjacent hills.(413) When we remember how
common it is in Central Europe to kindle fires at critical seasons for the
purpose of burning the witches, we may suspect that what the good people
of Biggar originally intended to burn on the last night of the year was
not the Old Year but the witches. It would have been well for Scotland and
for Europe if the practice of burning witches had always been carried out
in this harmless fashion. A visitor to Scotland in 1644 saw nine witches
of flesh and blood burned at one time on Leith Links.(414)

(M124) The last of the mystic twelve days is Epiphany or Twelfth Night,
and it has been selected as a proper season for the expulsion of the
powers of evil in various parts of Europe. Thus at Brunnen on the Lake of
Lucerne the boys go about in procession on Twelfth Night, carrying torches
and lanterns, and making a great noise with horns, cow-bells, whips, and
so forth. This is said to frighten away the two female spirits of the
wood, Strudeli and Strätteli. Of these two names Strudeli seems to mean
“witch” and Strätteli “nightmare.” The people believe that if they do not
make enough noise, there will be little fruit that year.(415) On the same
day the inhabitants of the Muota Valley, immediately to the east of
Brunnen, used to make a similar racket, no doubt for a similar purpose.
They collected chains, pots and pans, cow-bells, horns, and such like
musical instruments. He who could borrow a number of horse’s bells and
wear them on his person so that the jangling sounded afar off was deemed
uncommonly lucky. Thus equipped parties of people marched about making all
the din they could; sometimes they would meet and joining all their
efforts in one concerted burst of harmony or discord would raise such a
hubbub that the surrounding rocks rang again with the sound.(416) In
Labruguière, also, a canton of Southern France, the evil spirits are
expelled at the same season. The canton lies in the picturesque and
little-known region of the Black Mountains, which form a sort of link
between the Pyrenees and the Cevennes, and have preserved in their remote
recesses certain types of life which have long disappeared elsewhere. On
the eve of Twelfth Day the inhabitants rush through the streets jangling
bells, clattering kettles, and doing everything to make a discordant
noise. Then by the light of torches and blazing faggots they set up a
prodigious hue and cry, an ear-splitting uproar, hoping thereby to chase
all the wandering ghosts and devils from the town.(417)

(M125) With this noisy ceremony we may compare a similar custom which is
still observed year by year at the same season in the long and spacious
Piazza Navona at Rome. There on the night before Epiphany a dense crowd
assembles, and diverts itself by raising a hideous uproar. Soon after
supper troops of young folk and others march through the streets, preceded
by puppets or pasteboard figures and all making the utmost possible din.
They converge from different quarters on the Piazza Navona, there to unite
in one prolonged and deafening outburst of clangorous discord. The
favourite musical instruments employed in this cats’ concert are penny
trumpets, of which, together with tambourines, bells, and so forth, the
shops take care to provide a large stock as a preparation for the
pandemonium of the evening. The ceremony is supposed to be in honour of a
certain mythical old hag called Befana, effigies of whom, made of rags,
are put by women and children in the windows on Twelfth Night. Her name
Befana is clearly a popular corruption of Epiphany, the ecclesiastical
name of the festival; but viewed in connexion with the popular
celebrations which we have examined she may be suspected to be of heathen
rather than Christian origin. In fact we may conjecture that she was of
old a witch, and that the noisy rite in the Piazza Navona is nothing but a
relic of an annual expulsion of witches at this season.(418) A ceremony of
the same sort is annually observed on the same evening, the Eve of
Epiphany, by the peasantry who inhabit the mountains of the Tuscan
Romagna. A troop of lads parade the streets of the village making a
fiendish noise by means of bells and kitchen utensils of tin and brass,
while others blow blasts on horns and reed-pipes. They drag about a cart
containing an effigy of an old woman made up of rags and tow, which
represents Befana (Epiphany). When they come to the village square they
put fire to the effigy, which soon vanishes in smoke and flames amid a
chorus of cries, shrieks, and other forms of rustic melody.(419) Similar
ceremonies are probably observed on the same evening in other parts of
Italy.

(M126) In the Shetland Islands the Yule or Christmas holidays begin, or
used to begin, seven days before Christmas and last till Antinmas, that
is, the twenty-fourth day after Christmas. In the Shetland parlance these
holidays are known as “the Yules.” On the first night, called Tul-ya’s
e’en, seven days before Christmas, certain mischievous elves, whom the
Shetlanders name Trows, “received permission to leave their homes in the
heart of the earth and dwell, if it so pleased them, above ground. There
seemed to have been no doubt that those creatures preferred disporting
themselves among the dwellings of men to residing in their own
subterranean abodes, for they availed themselves of every permission
given, and created no little disturbance among the mortals whom they
visited. One of the most important of all Yule-tide observances was the
‘saining’ required to guard life or property from the Trows. If the proper
observances were omitted, the ‘grey-folk’ were sure to take advantage of
the opportunity.”(420) On the last day of the holidays, the twenty-fourth
day after Christmas, which in Shetland goes by the name of Up-helly-a’,
Uphellia, or Uphaliday, “the doors were all opened, and a great deal of
pantomimic chasing and driving and dispersing of unseen creatures took
place. Many pious ejaculations were uttered, and iron was ostentatiously
displayed, ‘for Trows can never abide the sight o’ iron.’ The Bible was
read and quoted. People moved about in groups or couples, never singly,
and infants were carefully guarded as well as sained by vigilant and
learned ‘wise women.’ Alas, the poor Trows! their time of frolic and
liberty was ended, and on Twenty-fourth night they retired to their gloomy
abodes beneath the sod, seldom finding opportunity to reappear again, and
never with the same licence, until the Yules returned. All that pantomime,
all that invoking of holier Powers, were but methods of ‘speeding the
parting guest,’ and mortals were rejoicing that the unbidden, unwelcome
grey-folk must depart. When day dawned after Twenty-fourth night the Trows
had vanished and the Yules were ended.”(421) Of late years Up-helly-a’ has
been celebrated in Lerwick with pompous and elaborate masquerades. The
chief event of the evening is a torch-light procession of maskers or
“guizers,” as they are called, who escort the model of a Norse galley
through the streets, and finally set it on fire by throwing their torches
into it. But in this form the celebration seems to date only from the
latter part of the nineteenth century; in former times an old boat filled
with tar and ignited was dragged about and blazing tar-barrels were drawn
or kicked through the streets.(422) The fire, however procured, was
probably in origin intended to chase away the lingering Trows from the
town at the end of the holidays.

(M127) Thus it would seem that the custom of annually banishing witches
and demons on a day or night set apart for the purpose has not been
confined to Central Europe, but can be traced from Calabria and Rome in
the south to the Shetland Islands in the far north.





CHAPTER IV. PUBLIC SCAPEGOATS.




§ 1. The Expulsion of Embodied Evils.


(M128) Thus far we have dealt with that class of the general expulsion of
evils which I have called direct or immediate. In this class the evils are
invisible, at least to common eyes, and the mode of deliverance consists
for the most part in beating the empty air and raising such a hubbub as
may scare the mischievous spirits and put them to flight. It remains to
illustrate the second class of expulsions, in which the evil influences
are embodied in a visible form or are at least supposed to be loaded upon
a material medium, which acts as a vehicle to draw them off from the
people, village, or town.

(M129) The Pomos of California celebrate an expulsion of devils every
seven years, at which the devils are represented by disguised men. “Twenty
or thirty men array themselves in harlequin rig and barbaric paint, and
put vessels of pitch on their heads; then they secretly go out into the
surrounding mountains. These are to personify the devils. A herald goes up
to the top of the assembly-house, and makes a speech to the multitude. At
a signal agreed upon in the evening the masqueraders come in from the
mountains, with the vessels of pitch flaming on their heads, and with all
the frightful accessories of noise, motion, and costume which the savage
mind can devise in representation of demons. The terrified women and
children flee for life, the men huddle them inside a circle, and, on the
principle of fighting the devil with fire, they swing blazing firebrands
in the air, yell, whoop, and make frantic dashes at the marauding and
bloodthirsty devils, so creating a terrific spectacle, and striking great
fear into the hearts of the assembled hundreds of women, who are screaming
and fainting and clinging to their valorous protectors. Finally the devils
succeed in getting into the assembly-house, and the bravest of the men
enter and hold a parley with them. As a conclusion of the whole farce, the
men summon courage, the devils are expelled from the assembly-house, and
with a prodigious row and racket of sham fighting are chased away into the
mountains.”(423) In spring, as soon as the willow-leaves were full grown
on the banks of the river, the Mandan Indians celebrated their great
annual festival, one of the features of which was the expulsion of the
devil. A man, painted black to represent the devil, entered the village
from the prairie, chased and frightened the women, and acted the part of a
buffalo bull in the buffalo dance, the object of which was to ensure a
plentiful supply of buffaloes during the ensuing year. Finally he was
chased from the village, the women pursuing him with hisses and gibes,
beating him with sticks, and pelting him with dirt.(424) The Mayas of
Yucatan divided the year into eighteen months of twenty days each, and
they added five supplementary days at the end of the year in order to make
a total of three hundred and sixty-five days. These five supplementary
days were deemed unlucky. In the course of them the people banished the
evils that might threaten them in the year on which they were about to
enter. For that purpose they made a clay image of the demon of evil
Uuayayab, that is _u-uayab-haab_, “He by whom the year is poisoned,”
confronted it with the deity who had supreme power over the coming year,
and then carried it out of the village in the direction of that cardinal
point to which, on the system of the Mayan calendar, the particular year
was supposed to belong. Having thus rid themselves of the demon, they
looked forward to a happy New Year.(425)

(M130) Some of the native tribes of Central Queensland believe in a
noxious being called Molonga, who prowls unseen and would kill men and
violate women if certain ceremonies were not performed. These ceremonies
last for five nights and consist of dances, in which only men,
fantastically painted and adorned, take part. On the fifth night Molonga
himself, personified by a man tricked out with red ochre and feathers and
carrying a long feather-tipped spear, rushes forth from the darkness at
the spectators and makes as if he would run them through. Great is the
excitement, loud are the shrieks and shouts, but after another feigned
attack the demon vanishes in the gloom.(426) On the last night of the year
the palace of the Kings of Cambodia is purged of devils. Men painted as
fiends are chased by elephants about the palace courts. When they have
been expelled, a consecrated thread of cotton is stretched round the
palace to keep them out.(427) In Munzerabad, a district of Mysore in
Southern India, when cholera or smallpox has broken out in a parish, the
inhabitants assemble and conjure the demon of the disease into a wooden
image, which they carry, generally at midnight, into the next parish. The
inhabitants of that parish in like manner pass the image on to their
neighbours, and thus the demon is expelled from one village after another,
until he comes to the bank of a river into which he is finally
thrown.(428) Russian villagers seek to protect themselves against
epidemics, whether of man or beast, by drawing a furrow with a plough
right round the village. The plough is dragged by four widows and the
ceremony is performed at night; all fires and lights must be extinguished
while the plough is going the round. The people think that no unclean
spirit can pass the furrow which has thus been traced. In the village of
Dubrowitschi a puppet is carried before the plough with the cry, “Out of
the village with the unclean spirit!” and at the end of the ceremony it is
torn in pieces and the fragments scattered about.(429) No doubt the demon
of the disease is supposed to be in the puppet and to be destroyed with
it. Sometimes in an Esthonian village a rumour will get about that the
Evil One himself has been seen in the place. Instantly the whole village
is in an uproar, and the entire population, armed with sticks, flails, and
scythes, turns out to give him chase. They generally expel him in the
shape of a wolf or a cat, occasionally they brag that they have beaten the
devil to death.(430) At Carmona, in Andalusia, on one day of the year,
boys are stripped naked and smeared with glue in which feathers are stuck.
Thus disguised, they run from house to house, the people trying to avoid
them and to bar their houses against them.(431) The ceremony is probably a
relic of an annual expulsion of devils.

(M131) Some of the Khasis of Assam annually expel the demon of plague. The
ceremony is called _Beh-dieng-khlam_, that is “Driving away (_beh_) the
plague (_khlam_) with sticks (_dieng_)”; it takes place in the Deep-water
month (June). On the day fixed for the expulsion the men rise early and
beat the roof with sticks, calling upon the demon of the plague to leave
the house. Later in the day they go down to the stream where the goddess
Aitan dwells. Then long poles or bamboos, newly cut, are laid across the
stream and the people jump on them, trying to break them; when they
succeed, they give a great shout. Next a very large pole or bamboo is
similarly laid across the stream, and the people divide themselves into
two parties, one on each side of the stream, and pull against each other
at opposite ends of the pole. According to one account the party which
succeeds in dragging the pole to their side of the stream is supposed to
gain health and prosperity during the coming year. According to another
account, if the people on the east bank win in the contest or
“tug-of-war,” good luck and prosperity are assured; but if the people on
the west bank are victorious, then everything will go wrong. On this
occasion the people disguise themselves as giants and wild beasts, and
they parade images of serpents, elephants, tigers, peacocks, and so on.
The men dance with enthusiasm, and the girls, dressed in their best, look
on. Before the assembly breaks up, the men play a sort of game of hockey
with wooden balls.(432) In this ceremonial contest or “tug of war” between
two parties of the people, we may conjecture that the one party represents
the expelled demons of the plague; and if that is so, we may perhaps
assume that in the struggle the representatives of the demons generally
allow themselves to be overcome by their adversaries, in order that the
village may be free from pestilence in the coming year. Similarly in
autumn the Central Esquimaux divide themselves into two parties,
representing summer and winter respectively, which pull at opposite ends
of a rope; and they draw omens of the weather to be expected in the coming
winter according as the party of summer or of winter prevails in the
struggle.(433) That in such contests, resembling our English game of
“French and English” or the “Tug of War,” the one side may represent
demons is proved by a custom observed by the Chukmas, a tribe of the
Chittagong Hill Tracts in South-Eastern India. “On the death of a Dewan or
of a priest a curious sport is customary at the funeral. The corpse is
conveyed to the place of cremation on a car; to this car ropes are
attached, and the persons attending the ceremony are divided into two
equal bodies and set to work to pull in opposite directions. One side
represents the good spirits; the other, the powers of evil. The contest is
so arranged that the former are victorious. Sometimes, however, the young
men representing the demons are inclined to pull too vigorously, but a
stick generally quells this unseemly ardour in the cause of evil.”(434)
The contest is like that between the angels and devils depicted in the
frescoes of the Campo Santo at Pisa. In Burma a similar struggle takes
place at the funeral of a Buddhist monk who passed for a saint in the
popular estimation: ropes are attached to opposite ends of the car on
which the coffin is placed, all the able-bodied men of the neighbourhood
hold on to one or other of the two ends and pull as if for dear life
against each other; even the women and girls sometimes join in the tug of
war, and policemen have been seen, in a state of frantic excitement,
waving their batons to encourage the combatants and dragging back shirkers
by main force into the fighting line. The struggle is sometimes prolonged
for hours or even days.(435) With the example of the Chukmas before us, we
may conjecture that the original motive of this internecine strife was a
persuasion that the eternal happiness or misery of the departed saint
depended on the issue of this contest between the powers of good and evil
for the possession of his mortal remains.

(M132) But in Burma the tug of war has been employed for more secular
purposes than the salvation or perdition of souls. “The inhabitants,” we
are told, “still have a custom of pulling a rope to produce rain. A rain
party and a drought party tug against each other, the rain party being
allowed the victory, which in the popular notion is generally followed by
rain.”(436) The mode in which this salutary result follows from tugging at
a rope is explained by the Burmese doctrine of _nats_ or spirits who cause
rain. But it is only when these spirits sport in the air that rain falls;
when they shut themselves up in their houses there is drought. Now in some
Burmese writings “it is said, that when the sun is in the path of the
goat, these _Nat_ do not chuse to leave their houses on account of the
great heat, whence there is then no rain. For this reason, the inhabitants
of the Burma empire, in times of drought, are wont to assemble in great
numbers, with drums and a long cable. Dividing themselves into two
parties, with a vast shouting and noise, they drag the cable contrary
ways, the one party endeavouring to get the better of the other: and they
think, by this means, to invite the _Nat_ to come out from their houses,
and to sport in the air. The thunder and lightning, which frequently
precede rain, are the clashing and shining of the arms of these _Nat_, who
sometimes sport in mock battles.”(437) Apparently, therefore, in the tug
of war, practised as a rain-charm, the one party represent the spirits who
have to be dragged reluctantly from their houses in order to make rain in
the sky. Similarly in the Timor-laut Islands, when the people want a rainy
wind from the west, the population of the village, men, women, and
children divide into two parties and pull against each other at the end of
a long bamboo. But the party at the eastern end must pull the harder, in
order to draw the desired wind out of the west.(438) We can now perhaps
understand why among the Khasis the victory of the eastern side in the tug
of war is thought to prognosticate good luck and prosperity, and why the
victory of the western side is believed to portend the contrary; the
distinction is at once intelligible when we remember that in the country
of the Khasis the rainy wind is the monsoon which blows from the
south-west, whereas the wind which blows from the south-east is hot and
dry.(439) Thus a victory of the eastern party in the tug of war means that
they have drawn rain and consequently fertility into the country from the
west; whereas a victory of the western party signifies that they have
dragged drought and consequently dearth into the country from the east.

(M133) However, a somewhat different turn is given to the ceremony of
rope-pulling in the East Indies by another writer, who informs us, that
while the contest only takes place in some of these islands when rain is
wanted, it is closely connected with those licentious rites performed for
the fertilization of the ground which have been described in another part
of this work.(440) According to this account the men and women appear to
take opposite sides in the tug of war, and in pulling against each other
they imitate by their movements the union of the sexes.(441) If that is
so, it would seem that the rite is a magical ceremony designed to promote
the fertility of the ground by means of homoeopathic or imitative magic.
The same may perhaps be the intention of the tug of war as it is practised
for the benefit of the crops by some of the Naga tribes of Assam, and this
is the more likely because in the case of these tribes we are definitely
told that the sexes take opposite sides, the women and girls tugging
against the men and boys. This is done by the Tangkhuls of Assam a month
after the rice has been sown; the ceremony is performed “in order to take
the omens for the future of the crops,” and it “is followed by
considerable license.” The tug of war between the sexes with its attendant
license is repeated before the first-fruits are cut by the sacred
headman.(442) In Corea about the fifteenth day of the first month villages
engage in the same kind of contest with each other, and it is thought that
the village which wins will have a good harvest. The rope which they pull
is made of straw, two feet in diameter, with its ends divided into
branches. The men lay hold of the main stem, while the women grasp the
branches, and they often tug harder than the men, for they load their
skirts with stones, which adds weight to the force of their muscles.(443)
In Kamtchatka, when the fishing season is over, the people used to divide
into two parties, one of which tried to pull a birch-tree by a strap
through the smoke-hole into their subterranean winter dwelling, while the
other party outside, pulling at the end of the tree, endeavoured to hinder
them. If the party in the house succeeded, they raised shouts of joy and
set up a grass effigy of a wolf, which they preserved carefully throughout
the year, believing that it espoused their young women and prevented them
from giving birth to twins. For they deem the birth of twins a dreadful
misfortune and a horrible sin; they put it down to the wolf in the forest,
and all who chance to be in the house at the time shew a clean pair of
heels, leaving the mother and her infants to shift for themselves. Should
the twins be both girls, the calamity is even greater.(444) In the village
of Doreh, in Dutch New Guinea, when some of the inhabitants have gone on a
long journey, the people who stay at home engage in a Tug of War among
themselves to determine whether the journey will be prosperous or not. One
side represents the voyagers and the other side those who are left behind.
They pull at opposite ends of a long bamboo, and if the bamboo breaks or
the side which represents the people at home is obliged to let go, the
omen is favourable.(445)

(M134) In Morocco, also, the Tug of War is resorted to as a means of
influencing the weather, sometimes in order to procure rain and sometimes
to procure sunshine; and here men and women appear usually to take
opposite sides in the contest. For example, among the Igliwa, a Berber
people of the Great Atlas, when rain is wanted, they take a rope and the
men pull at one end and women at the other. While they are tugging away, a
man suddenly cuts the rope and the women fall down. The same device for
procuring rain in time of drought is practised by the Ait Warain, another
Berber tribe of Morocco; but among them in the heat of the contest the
women as well as the men will sometimes let go the rope and allow the
opposite party to fall on their backs. However, the Tsûl, another Berber
tribe of Morocco, employ the Tug of War for the opposite purpose of
ensuring a supply of sunshine and heat in autumn, when they wish to dry
their figs and grapes; the contest takes place at night by the light of
the moon.(446) The apparent contradiction of employing the same procedure
for opposite purposes vanishes if we suppose that, as the Assamese custom
seems to indicate, the intention is to draw either a rainy or a dry wind
out of the quarters from which the breezes that bring rain or sunshine
usually blow, and which will usually be on opposite sides of the sky.
Hence in order fully to understand the Tug of War, when it is practised
for the purpose of influencing the weather, we should know, first, the
directions from which the rainy and the dry winds respectively come in the
country under consideration, and second, the direction in which the rope
is stretched between the contending parties. If, for example, as happens
in Assam, the rainy wind blows from the west, and a victory of the eastern
party in the Tug of War is an omen of prosperity, we may conclude with a
fair degree of probability that the intention of the contest is to draw
the rain from the quarter of the sky in which it is lingering. But these
niceties of observation have usually escaped the attention of those who
have described the Tug of War.

(M135) In various parts of Morocco games of ball are played for the sake
now of procuring rain and now of procuring dry weather; the ball is
sometimes propelled with sticks and sometimes with the feet of the
competitors. An Arab questioned as to why a game of ball should bring on
rain explained that the ball is dark like a rain-cloud.(447) Perhaps the
answer furnishes the clue to the meaning of the rite. If in such games
played to influence the weather the ball represents a rain-cloud, the
success or failure of the charm will depend on which side contrives to get
the ball home in the enemy’s quarters. For example, if rain is desired and
the rainy wind blows in Morocco, as may perhaps be assumed, from the west,
then should the western side succeed in driving the ball through the
eastern goal, there will be rain; but if the eastern party wins, then the
rain is driven away and the drought will continue. Thus a game of ball
would in theory and practice answer exactly to the Tug of War practised
for the same purposes.

(M136) In Morocco, however, the Tug of War is apparently used also for the
purpose of ensuring prosperity in general without any special reference to
the weather. Dr. Westermarck was informed by an old Arab from the Hiaina
that the Tug of War “is no longer practised at the Great Feast, as it was
in his childhood, but that it is performed in the autumn when the
threshing is going on and the fruits are ripe. Then men and women have a
tug of war by moonlight so that the _bäs_, or evil, shall go away, that
the year shall be good, and that the people shall live in peace. Some man
secretly cuts two of the three cords of which the rope is made, with the
result that both parties tumble down.”(448) In this contest one party
perhaps represents the powers of good and the other the powers of evil in
general. But why in these Moroccan cases of the Tug of War the rope should
be so often cut and one or both sides laid on their backs, is not
manifest. Perhaps the simple device of suddenly slacking the rope in order
to make the opposite side lose their footing, and so to haul the rope away
from them before they can recover themselves, may have led to the more
trenchant measure of cutting it with a knife for the same purpose.

(M137) These examples make it probable that wherever the Tug of War is
played only at certain definite seasons or on certain particular
occasions, it was originally performed, not as a mere pastime, but as a
magical ceremony designed to work some good for the community. Further, we
may surmise that in many cases the two contending parties represent
respectively the powers of good and evil struggling against each other for
the mastery, and as the community has always an interest in the prevalence
of the powers of good, it may well happen that the powers of evil do not
always get fair play in these conflicts; though no doubt when it comes to
be “pull devil, pull baker,” the devil is apt, in the spirit of a true
sportsman, to tug with as hearty good will as his far more deserving
adversary the baker. To take cases in which the game is played without any
alleged practical motive, the Roocooyen Indians of French Guiana engage in
the Tug of War as a sort of interlude during the ceremonial tortures of
the youth.(449) Among the Cingalese the game “is connected with the
superstitious worship of the goddess Patiné; and is more intended for a
propitiation to that deity, than considered as an indulgence, or pursued
as an exercise. Two opposite parties procure two sticks of the strongest
and toughest wood, and so crooked as to hook into one another without
slipping; they then attach strong cords or cable-rattans of sufficient
length to allow of every one laying hold of them. The contending parties
then pull until one of the sticks gives way.” The victorious piece of wood
is gaily decorated, placed in a palanquin, and borne through the village
amid noisy rejoicings, often accompanied with coarse and obscene
expressions.(450) The use of foul language on this occasion suggests that
the ceremony is here, as elsewhere, observed for the purpose of ensuring
fertility. In the North-Western provinces of India the game is played on
the fourteenth day of the light half of the month Kuar. The rope (_barra_)
is made of the grass called _makra_, and is thicker than a man’s arm. The
various quarters of a village pull against each other, and the one which
is victorious keeps possession of the rope during the ensuing year. It is
chiefly in the east of these provinces that the game is played; in the
west it is unknown.(451) Sometimes the contest is between the inhabitants
of neighbouring villages, and the rope is stretched across the boundary;
plenty is supposed to attend the victorious side.(452) At the Great Feast,
a yearly sacrificial festival of the Mohammedan world, some tribes in
Morocco practise a Tug of War. Thus among the Ait Sadden it is observed on
the first day of the festival before the sacrifice; among the Ait Yusi it
is performed either before the religious service or in the afternoon of
the same day, and also in the morning of the Little Feast. Both sexes
generally take part in the contest, the men tugging at one end of the rope
and the women at the other, and sometimes the weaker party applies for
help to persons of the same sex in a neighbouring village. When they are
all hard at it, the men may suddenly let go the rope and so send the women
sprawling on their backs.(453)

(M138) At Ludlow in Shropshire a grand Tug of War used to take place on
Shrove Tuesday between the inhabitants of Broad Street Ward on the one
side and of Corve Street Ward on the other. The rope was three inches
thick and thirty-six yards long, with a red knob at one end and a blue
knob at the other. The rope was paid out by the Mayor in person from a
window in the Market Hall at four o’clock in the afternoon. The shops then
put up their shutters, and the population engaged in the struggle with
enthusiasm, gentle and simple, lawyers and parsons bearing a hand on one
side or the other, till their clothes were torn to tatters on their backs.
The injured were carried into the neighbouring houses, where their hurts
were attended to. If the party of the Red Knob won, they carried the rope
in triumph to the River Leme and dipped it in the water. Finally, the rope
was sold, the money which it brought in was devoted to the purchase of
beer, and drinking, squabbling, and fighting ended the happy day. This
ancient and highly popular pastime was suppressed in 1851 on the frivolous
pretext that it gave rise to disorderly scenes and dangerous
accidents.(454) A similar custom has long been observed on Shrove Tuesday
at Presteign in Radnorshire. The rope is pulled by two parties
representing the upper and the lower portions of the town, who strive to
drag it either to a point in the west wall or to another point in Broad
Street, where the River Lugg is reached.(455) In the Bocage of Normandy
most desperate struggles used to take place between neighbouring parishes
on Shrove Tuesday for the possession of a large leathern ball stuffed with
bran and called a _soule_. The ball was launched on the village green and
contended for by representatives of different parishes, who sometimes
numbered seven or eight hundred, while five or six thousand people might
assemble to witness the combat; for indeed it was a fight rather than a
game. The conflict was maintained with the utmost fury; old scores were
paid off between personal enemies; there were always many wounded, and
sometimes there were deaths. The aim of each side was to drive the ball
over a stream and to lodge it in a house of their own parish. It was
thought that the parish which was victorious in the struggle would have a
better crop of apples that year than its neighbours. At Lande-Patry the
ball was provided by the bride who had been last married, and she had the
honour of throwing it into the arena. The scene of the fiercest battles
was St. Pierre d’Entremont, on the highroad between Condé and Tinchebray.
After several unsuccessful attempts the custom was suppressed at that
village in 1852 with the help of four or five brigades of police. It is
now everywhere extinct.(456) The belief that the parish which succeeded in
carrying the ball home would have a better crop of apples that year raises
a presumption that these conflicts were originally practised as magical
rites to ensure fertility. The local custom of Lande-Patry, which required
that the ball should be provided and thrown by the last bride,(457) points
in the same direction. It is possible that the popular English, or rather
Scotch, game of football had a similar origin: the winning side may have
imagined that they secured good crops, good weather, or other substantial
advantages to their village or ward.

(M139) In like manner, wherever a sham or a real conflict takes place
between two parties annually, above all at the New Year, we may suspect
that the old intention was to ensure prosperity in some form for the
people throughout the following year, whether by obtaining possession of a
material object in which the luck of the year was supposed to be embodied,
or by defeating and driving away a band of men who personated the powers
of evil. For example, among the Tenggerese of eastern Java the New Year
festival regularly includes a sham fight fought between two bands of men,
who are armed with spears and swords and advance against each other again
and again at a dancing step, thrusting at their adversaries with their
spears, but always taking care to miss their aim.(458) Again, in Ferghana,
a province of Turkestan, it is or used to be customary on the first day of
the year for the king and chiefs to divide into two parties, each of which
chose a champion. Then the two champions, clad in armour, engaged in a
combat with each other, while the crowd joined in with bricks and stones.
When one of them was slain the scrimmage stopped, and omens were drawn as
to whether the year on which they had entered would be prosperous or the
reverse.(459) In these combats it seems probable that one side represents
the demons or other powers of evil whom the people hope to vanquish and
expel at the beginning of the New Year.

Oftener, however, the expelled demons are not represented at all, but are
understood to be present invisibly in the material and visible vehicle
which conveys them away. Here, again, it will be convenient to distinguish
between occasional and periodical expulsions. We begin with the former.




§ 2. The Occasional Expulsion of Evils in a Material Vehicle.


(M140) The vehicle which conveys away the demons may be of various kinds.
A common one is a little ship or boat. Thus, in the southern district of
the island of Ceram, when a whole village suffers from sickness, a small
ship is made and filled with rice, tobacco, eggs, and so forth, which have
been contributed by all the people. A little sail is hoisted on the ship.
When all is ready, a man calls out in a very loud voice, “O all ye
sicknesses, ye smallpoxes, agues, measles, etc., who have visited us so
long and wasted us so sorely, but who now cease to plague us, we have made
ready this ship for you and we have furnished you with provender
sufficient for the voyage. Ye shall have no lack of food nor of
betel-leaves nor of areca nuts nor of tobacco. Depart, and sail away from
us directly; never come near us again; but go to a land which is far from
here. Let all the tides and winds waft you speedily thither, and so convey
you thither that for the time to come we may live sound and well, and that
we may never see the sun rise on you again.” Then ten or twelve men carry
the vessel to the shore, and let it drift away with the land-breeze,
feeling convinced that they are free from sickness for ever, or at least
till the next time. If sickness attacks them again, they are sure it is
not the same sickness, but a different one, which in due time they dismiss
in the same manner. When the demon-laden bark is lost to sight, the
bearers return to the village, whereupon a man cries out, “The sicknesses
are now gone, vanished, expelled, and sailed away.” At this all the people
come running out of their houses, passing the word from one to the other
with great joy, beating on gongs and on tinkling instruments.(460)

(M141) Similar ceremonies are commonly resorted to in other East Indian
islands. Thus in Timor-laut, to mislead the demons who are causing
sickness, a small proa, containing the image of a man and provisioned for
a long voyage, is allowed to drift away with wind and tide. As it is being
launched, the people cry, “O sickness, go from here; turn back; what do
you here in this poor land?” Three days after this ceremony a pig is
killed, and part of the flesh is offered to Dudilaa, who lives in the sun.
One of the oldest men says, “Old sir, I beseech you make well the
grandchildren, children, women, and men, that we may be able to eat pork
and rice and to drink palm-wine. I will keep my promise. Eat your share,
and make all the people in the village well.” If the proa is stranded at
any inhabited spot, the sickness will break out there. Hence a stranded
proa excites much alarm amongst the coast population, and they immediately
burn it, because demons fly from fire.(461) In the island of Buru the proa
which carries away the demons of disease is about twenty feet long, rigged
out with sails, oars, anchor, and so on, and well stocked with provisions.
For a day and a night the people beat gongs and drums, and rush about to
frighten the demons. Next morning ten stalwart young men strike the people
with branches, which have been previously dipped in an earthen pot of
water. As soon as they have done so, they run down to the beach, put the
branches on board the proa, launch another boat in great haste, and tow
the disease-burdened bark far out to sea. There they cast it off, and one
of them calls out, “Grandfather Smallpox, go away—go willingly away—go
visit another land; we have made you food ready for the voyage, we have
now nothing more to give.” When they have landed, all the people bathe
together in the sea.(462) In this ceremony the reason for striking the
people with the branches is clearly to rid them of the disease-demons,
which are then supposed to be transferred to the branches. Hence the haste
with which the branches are deposited in the proa and towed away to sea.
So in the inland districts of Ceram, when smallpox or other sickness is
raging, the priest strikes all the houses with consecrated branches, which
are then thrown into the river, to be carried down to the sea;(463)
exactly as amongst the Wotyaks of Russia the sticks which have been used
for expelling the devils from the village are thrown into the river, that
the current may sweep the baleful burden away.(464) In Amboyna, for a
similar purpose, the whole body of the patient is rubbed with a live white
cock, which is then placed on a little proa and committed to the
waves;(465) and in the Babar archipelago the bark which is to carry away
to sea the sickness of a whole village contains a bowl of ashes taken from
every kitchen in the village, and another bowl into which all the sick
people have spat.(466) The plan of putting puppets in the boat to
represent sick persons, in order to lure the demons after them, is not
uncommon.(467) For example, most of the pagan tribes on the coast of
Borneo seek to drive away epidemic disease as follows. They carve one or
more rough human images from the pith of the sago palm and place them on a
small raft or boat or full-rigged Malay ship together with rice and other
food. The boat is decked with blossoms of the areca palm and with ribbons
made from its leaves, and thus adorned the little craft is allowed to
float out to sea with the ebb-tide, bearing, as the people fondly think or
hope, the sickness away with it.(468)

(M142) In Selangor, one of the native states in the Malay Peninsula, the
ship employed in the export of disease is, or used to be, a model of a
special kind of Malay craft called a _lanchang_. This was a two-masted
vessel with galleries fore and aft, armed with cannon, and used by Malay
rajahs on the coast of Sumatra. So gallant a ship would be highly
acceptable to the spirits, and to make it still more beautiful in their
eyes it was not uncommonly stained yellow with turmeric or saffron, for
among the Malays yellow is the royal colour. Some years ago a very fine
model of a _lanchang_, with its cargo of sickness, was towed down the
river to sea by the Government steam launch. A common spell uttered at the
launching of one of these ships runs as follows:—


    “_Ho, elders of the upper reaches,_
    _Elders of the lower reaches,_
    _Elders of the dry land_,
    _Elders of the river-flats,_
    _Assemble ye, O people, lords of hill and hill-foot,_
    _Lords of cavern and hill-locked basin,_
    _Lords of the deep primeval forest,_
    _Lords of the river-bends,_
    _Come on board this_ lanchang, _assembling in your multitudes._
    _So may ye depart with the ebbing stream,_
    _Depart on the passing breeze,_
    _Depart in the yawning earth,_
    _Depart in the red-dyed earth._
    _Go ye to the ocean which has no wave,_
    _And the plain where no green herb grows,_
    _And never return hither._
    _But if ye return hither,_
    _Ye shall be consumed by the curse._
    _At sea ye shall get no drink,_
    _Ashore ye shall get no food,_
    _But gape in vain about the world_.”(469)


(M143) The practice of sending away diseases in boats is known outside the
limits of the Malay region. Thus when smallpox raged among the Yabim of
German New Guinea, they used to make a little model of a canoe with mast,
sail, and rudder. Then they said to the small vessel, on which the spirit
of smallpox was supposed to have taken his passage, “Bear him away to
another village. When the people come forth to draw you ashore, give them
‘the thing’ and do to them what you have done to us.” Lest the spirit
should be hungry on the voyage, they put some taro on board, and to make
sure of getting rid of the disease, they wiped their hands on the tiny
canoe, after which they let it drift away. It often happened that the wind
or tide drove the vessel back to the place from which it started. Then
there would be a deafening rub-a-dub of drums and blowing of
shell-trumpets; and the little ship, or rather its invisible passenger,
would be again apostrophized, “Do go away, you have already raged among us
so that the air is poisoned with the stench of corpses.” If this time it
sailed away, they would stand on the shore and watch it with glad hearts
disappearing; then they would climb the trees to get a last glimpse of it
till it vanished in the distance. After that they came down joyfully and
said to each other, “We have had enough of it. The sickness has happily
gone away.”(470) When the Tagbanuas and other tribes of the Philippines
suffered from epidemics, they used to make little models of ships, supply
them with rice and fresh drinking water, and launch them on the sea, in
order that the evil spirits might sail away in them.(471) When the people
of Tikopia, a small island in the Pacific, to the north of the New
Hebrides, were attacked by an epidemic cough, they made a little canoe and
adorned it with flowers. Four sons of the principal chiefs carried it on
their shoulders all round the island, accompanied by the whole population,
some of whom beat the bushes, while others uttered loud cries. On
returning to the spot from which they had set out, they launched the canoe
on the sea.(472) In the Nicobar Islands, in the Bay of Bengal, when there
is much sickness in a village or no fish are caught, the blame is laid
upon the spirits. They must be propitiated with offerings. All relations
and friends are invited, a huge pig is roasted, and the best of it is
eaten, but some parts are offered to the shades. The heap of offerings
remains in front of the house till it is carried away by the rising tide.
Then the priests, their faces reddened with paint and swine’s blood,
pretend to catch the demon of disease, and after a hand-to-hand tussle,
force him into a model boat, made of leaves and decked with garlands,
which is then towed so far to sea that neither wind nor tide is likely to
drive it back to the shore.(473) In Annam, when the population of a
village has been decimated by cholera, they make a raft and lade it with
offerings of money and food, such as a sucking pig, bananas, and oranges.
Sticks of incense also smoke on the floating altar; and when all is ready
and earnest prayers have been uttered, the raft is abandoned to the
current of the river. The people hope that the demon of cholera, allured
and gratified by these offerings, will float away on the raft and trouble
them no more.(474)

(M144) Often the vehicle which carries away the collected demons or ills
of a whole community is an animal or scapegoat. In the Central Provinces
of India, when cholera breaks out in a village, every one retires after
sunset to his house. The priests then parade the streets, taking from the
roof of each house a straw, which is burnt with an offering of rice, ghee,
and turmeric, at some shrine to the east of the village. Chickens daubed
with vermilion are driven away in the direction of the smoke, and are
believed to carry the disease with them. If they fail, goats are tried,
and last of all pigs.(475) When cholera rages among the Bhars, Malians,
and Kurmis of India, they take a goat or a buffalo—in either case the
animal must be a female, and as black as possible—then having tied some
grain, cloves, and red lead in a yellow cloth on its back they turn it out
of the village. The animal is conducted beyond the boundary and not
allowed to return.(476) Sometimes the buffalo is marked with a red pigment
and driven to the next village, where he carries the plague with him.(477)
The people of the city and cantonments of Sagar being afflicted with a
violent influenza, General Sir William Sleeman received a request from the
old Queen Dowager of Sagar “to allow of a noisy religious procession for
the purpose of imploring deliverance from this great calamity. Men, women,
and children in this procession were to do their utmost to add to the
noise by ‘raising their voices in psalmody,’ beating upon their brass pots
and pans with all their might, and discharging firearms where they could
get them; and before the noisy crowd was to be driven a buffalo, which had
been purchased by general subscription, in order that every family might
participate in the merit. They were to follow it out for eight miles,
where it was to be turned loose for any man who would take it. If the
animal returned, the disease, it was said, must return with it, and the
ceremony be performed over again.... It was, however, subsequently
determined that the animal should be a goat, and he was driven before the
crowd accordingly. I have on several occasions been requested to allow of
such noisy _pūjās_ in cases of epidemics.”(478) Once, when influenza was
raging in Pithoria, a village to the north-west of Sagar, a man had a
small carriage made, after a plan of his own, for a pair of scapegoats,
which were harnessed to it and driven to a wood at some distance, where
they were let loose. From that hour the disease entirely ceased in the
town. The goats never returned; had they done so, it was affirmed that the
disease must have come back with them.(479)

(M145) The use of a scapegoat is not uncommon in the hills of the Eastern
Ghats. In 1886, during a severe outbreak of smallpox, the people of Jepur
did reverence to a goat, marched it to the Ghats, and let it loose on the
plains.(480) In Southern Konkan, on the appearance of cholera, the
villagers went in procession from the temple to the extreme boundaries of
the village, carrying a basket of cooked rice covered with red powder, a
wooden doll representing the pestilence, and a cock. The head of the cock
was cut off at the village boundary, and the body was thrown away. When
cholera had thus been transferred from one village to another, the second
village observed the same ceremony and passed on the scourge to its
neighbours, and so on through a number of villages.(481) Among the Korwas
of Mirzapur, when cholera has broken out, the priest offers a black cock
or, if the disease is very malignant, a black goat, at the shrine of the
local deity, and then drives the animal away in the direction of some
other village. But it has not gone far before he overtakes it, kills it,
and eats it; which he may do with perfect safety in virtue of his sacred
office. Again, when cholera is raging among the Pataris, an aboriginal
Dravidian race of South Mirzapur, the wizard and the village elders feed a
black cock with grain and drive it beyond the boundaries, ordering the
fowl to take the disease away with it. A little oil, red lead, and a
spangle worn by a woman on her forehead are usually fastened to the bird’s
head before it is let loose. The cost of purchasing the cock is defrayed
by public subscription. When such a bird of ill-omen appears in a village,
the priest takes it to the shrine of the local deity and sacrifices it
there; but sometimes he merely bows before it at the shrine and passes it
on to some other village. If a murrain attacks their cattle, the Kharwars
of Northern India take a black cock and put red lead on its head, antimony
on its eyes, a spangle on its forehead, and a pewter bangle on its leg;
thus arrayed they let it loose, calling out to the disease, “Mount on the
fowl and go elsewhere into the ravines and thickets; destroy the sin.”
Perhaps, as has been suggested, this tricking out of the bird with women’s
ornaments may be a relic of some grosser form of expiation in which a
human being was sacrificed or banished.(482) Charms of this sort in India
no doubt date from a remote antiquity. An ancient Indian book of magic,
known as the _Kausika Sutra_, describes a ceremony of letting loose
against a hostile army a white-footed ewe in which the power of disease
was believed to be incarnate.(483) In the same treatise we read of a mode
of getting rid of ill-luck by fastening a hook to the left leg of a crow,
attaching a sacrificial cake to the hook, and then letting the bird fly
away in a south-westerly direction, while the priest or magician recites
as usual the appropriate formula.(484)

(M146) Amongst the Dinkas, a pastoral people of the White Nile, each
family possesses a sacred cow. When the country is threatened with war,
famine, or any other public calamity, the chiefs of the village require a
particular family to surrender their sacred cow to serve as a scapegoat.
The animal is driven by the women to the brink of the river and across it
to the other bank, there to wander in the wilderness and fall a prey to
ravening beasts. Then the women return in silence and without looking
behind them; were they to cast a backward glance, they imagine that the
ceremony would have no effect.(485) When influenza broke out in a virulent
form among the negroes of Togoland during the winter of 1892, the natives
set the trouble down to the machinations of evil spirits, who must be
expelled the country. The principal instrument of expulsion was a fat
toad, which was dragged through the streets of every town or village,
followed by an elder who sprinkled holy water to right and left. All the
evil was thus concentrated in the toad, which was finally thrown away into
the forest. Thus the natives expected to rid the village of the
influenza.(486) In 1857, when the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru were
suffering from a plague, they loaded a black llama with the clothes of the
plague-stricken people, sprinkled brandy on the clothes, and then turned
the animal loose on the mountains, hoping that it would carry the pest
away with it.(487)

(M147) In some parts of India a principal means of expelling an epidemic
is a little toy chariot called a _ratha_ or _rath_, in which the goddess
of the disease is supposed to be carted away. It is carried or drawn in
procession to the next village, the inhabitants of which pass it on in
like manner, with great alacrity, to their neighbours. Thus the goddess
and the plague are transferred from village to village, until at last they
come to one which is so far away from its next neighbour that the people
do not care to undertake the long weary journey. In that case they content
themselves with conveying the chariot to a place so shut in by hills that
the disease cannot possibly escape, and there they leave it to die. Or if
the village is near the sea, they drown the sickness by throwing the
chariot into the water. However, in Central India the real home of the
goddess of cholera is at Unkareshwar; and accordingly the chariot in which
she is politely escorted out of a village is finally deposited at or near
that place. It is usual and proper for the people of a village to give a
friendly notice to their neighbours that they are going to cart the
cholera, smallpox, or whatever it may be, to their village, so that the
inhabitants may be ready to receive the goddess with due honour and to
escort her on her progress. But some unneighbourly folk, without giving
notice, go by night and stealthily deposit the chariot on the outskirts of
the next village. If the inhabitants are not on the watch, and suffer the
fatal little vehicle to remain there, the disease will naturally cleave to
them. Sometimes, perhaps generally, the procession with the chariot is
accompanied by a goat, a cock, and a pot of native beer or wine, which
serve as additional attractions to the goddess to set out on her
travels.(488)

(M148) Occasionally the scapegoat is a man. For example, from time to time
the gods used to warn the King of Uganda that his foes the Banyoro were
working magic against him and his people to make them die of disease. To
avert such a catastrophe the king would send a scapegoat to the frontier
of Bunyoro, the land of the enemy. The scapegoat consisted of either a man
and a boy or a woman and her child, chosen because of some mark or bodily
defect, which the gods had noted and by which the victims were to be
recognized. With the human victims were sent a cow, a goat, a fowl, and a
dog; and a strong guard escorted them to the land which the god had
indicated. There the limbs of the victims were broken and they were left
to die a lingering death in the enemy’s country, being too crippled to
crawl back to Uganda. The disease or plague was thought to have been thus
transferred to the victims and to have been conveyed back in their persons
to the land from which it came. So, too, after a war the gods sometimes
advised the king to send back a scapegoat in order to free the warriors
from some evil that had attached itself to the army. One of the women
slaves, a cow, a goat, a fowl, and a dog would be chosen from among the
captives and sent back to the borders of the country whence they had come;
there they were maimed and left to die. After that the army would be
pronounced clean and allowed to return to the capital. In each case a
bundle of herbs would be rubbed over the people and the cattle, and would
then be tied to the victims, who would thus carry back the evil with
them.(489) A similar use of scapegoats, human and animal, was regularly
made after a King of Uganda had been crowned. Two men were brought to the
king; one of them he wounded slightly with an arrow shot from a bow. The
man was then sent away, under a strong guard, as a scapegoat to Bunyoro,
the enemy’s country, and with him were sent a cow, a goat, and a dog. On
his sad journey he took with him the dust and ashes of the sacred fire,
which had burned day and night at the entrance to the late king’s
enclosure and had been extinguished, as usual, at his death. Arrived at
their destination, the man and the animals were maimed and left to die.
They were believed to bear away with them any uncleanness that might
cleave to the new King or Queen.(490)

(M149) Some of the aboriginal tribes of China, as a protection against
pestilence, select a man of great muscular strength to act the part of
scapegoat. Having besmeared his face with paint, he performs many antics
with the view of enticing all pestilential and noxious influences to
attach themselves to him only. He is assisted by a priest. Finally the
scapegoat, hotly pursued by men and women beating gongs and tom-toms, is
driven with great haste out of the town or village.(491) In the Punjaub a
cure for the murrain is to hire a man of the Chamar caste, turn his face
away from the village, brand him with a red-hot sickle, and let him go out
into the jungle taking the murrain with him. He must not look back.(492)
When disease breaks out among a herd, the Oraons take the herdsman
himself, tie a wooden bell from one of the cows round his neck, beat him
with sticks, and drive him out of the village to a cross-road, where the
bell and sticks are deposited.(493) In the territory of Kumaon, lying on
the southern slopes of the Western Himalayas, the custom of employing a
human scapegoat appears to have taken a somewhat peculiar form in the
ceremony known as Barat. First of all a thick rope of grass is stretched
from the top of a cliff to the valley beneath, where it is made fast to
posts driven into the ground. Next a wooden saddle, with a very sharp
ridge and unpadded, is attached by thongs to the cable, along which it
runs in a deep groove. A man now seats himself on the saddle and is
strapped to it, while sand-bags or heavy stones are suspended from his
feet to secure his balance. Then, after various ceremonies have been
performed and a kid sacrificed, he throws himself as far back in the
saddle as he can go, and is started off to slide down the rope into the
valley. Away he shoots at an ever-increasing speed; the saddle under him,
however well greased, emits volumes of smoke during the greater part of
his progress; and he is nearly senseless when he reaches the bottom. Here
men are waiting to catch him and run forward with him some distance in
order to break gradually the force of his descent. This ceremony, regarded
as a propitiation of Mahadeva, is performed as a means of delivering a
community from present or impending calamity. Thus, for example, it was
performed when cholera was raging at Almora, and the people traced the
immunity they enjoyed to the due observance of the rite. Each district has
its hereditary Badi, as the performer is called; he is supported by annual
contributions in grain from the inhabitants, as well as by special
payments for each performance. When the ceremony is over, the grass rope
is cut up and distributed among the villagers, who hang the pieces as
charms at the eaves of their houses; and they preserve the hair of the
Badi for a similar purpose. Yet while his severed locks bring fertility to
other people’s lands, he entails sterility on his own; and it is firmly
believed that no seed sown by his hand could ever sprout. Formerly the
rule prevailed that, if a Badi had the misfortune to fall from the rope in
the course of his flying descent, he was immediately despatched with a
sword by the spectators. The rule has naturally been abolished by the
English Government; but its former observance seems to indicate that the
custom of letting a man slide down a rope as a charm to avert calamity is
only a mitigation of an older custom of putting him to death.(494)

(M150) A somewhat similar ceremony is annually performed at Lhasa a few
days after the beginning of the Tibetan New Year, which falls in spring.
The scene of the performance is Potala Hill, on the summit and slope of
which is built the superb castle of the Grand Lama of Tibet, a massive and
imposing pile of buildings which attracts the eye and dominates the
landscape from afar. On the day in question a rope of hide is stretched
from the top to the bottom of the steep hill, and men from a distant
province of Tibet climb up it with the agility of monkeys. They are called
Flying Spirits. Arrived at the top, each of them places a piece of wood on
his breast, stretches out his hands and feet, and letting himself go
shoots down the rope (in the words of a Chinese writer) “like the bolt
flying from the bow, or the swallow skimming the water. ’Tis a wondrous
sight!” Considering that these performers are called Spirits, and that the
performance takes place a few days after the New Year, a season so
commonly selected for the expulsion of demons, we may conjecture that the
Flying Spirits represent the powers of evil who are thus shot out of the
Tibetan pope’s palace at the beginning of the year.(495)




§ 3. The Periodic Expulsion of Evils in a Material Vehicle.


(M151) In this last case the expulsion of evils, if I am right in so
interpreting the ceremony, is periodic, not occasional, being repeated
every spring at the beginning of a new year. It brings us accordingly to
the consideration of a whole class of such cases, for the mediate
expulsion of evils by means of a scapegoat or other material vehicle, like
the immediate expulsion of them in invisible form, tends to become
periodic, and for a like reason. Thus in Perak, a state on the west coast
of the Malay Peninsula, it was in ancient times the custom to perform
periodically a ceremony intended to ensure the prosperity of the country
by the propitiation of friendly spirits and the expulsion of evil
influences. The writer who records the custom is uncertain as to the
period which elapsed between two successive celebrations; he suggests with
hesitation that the rite was performed once in seven years or once in a
Rajah’s reign. The name of the ceremony was _pĕlas negri_, which means
“the cleansing of the country from evils.” When the time came, the Rajah,
the chiefs, and a great following of people assembled at a point as far up
the river as possible, but short of the rapids which further up impede
navigation. There a number of rafts were prepared, some of them
elaborately built with houses on them. Four of them were devoted to the
four great classes of spirits which are found in Perak, namely the _Hantu
Blian_ or “Tiger-spirits,” the _Hantu Sungkei_, the _Hantu Malayu_, and
the _Jin Raja_. In each of these rafts a number of wizards (_pawangs_)
took up their post, according to the particular class of demon which they
affected. The procession was headed by the raft devoted to the
Tiger-spirits; and in it was set up a _prah_ tree with all its branches,
kept erect by stays. It was followed by the three rafts dedicated to the
other three classes of spirits, and behind them came a train of other
rafts bearing mere common mortals, the royal bandsmen, the Rajah himself,
the chiefs, and the people. As the long procession floated down the river
with the current, the wizards, standing on sheets of tin, waved white
cloths and shouted invocations to the spirits and demons who inhabited the
country through which the rafts were drifting seaward. The burden of the
invocations was to invite the spirits and demons to come aboard the rafts
and partake of the food which had been considerately made ready for them.
At every village on the bank large enough to possess a mosque (for the
Malays of Perak are professing Mohammedans) the procession halted; a
buffalo, subscribed for by the inhabitants, was slaughtered, and its head
placed on one of the spirit-barks, while people feasted on the flesh. The
ceremony ended at Bras Basah, a village on the left bank of the Perak
river, not far from its mouth. There the rafts were abandoned to the
current, which swept them out to sea,(496) doubtless bearing with them the
hapless demons who had been lured by the tempting viands to embark and
were now left to toss forlorn on the great deep at the mercy of the waves
and the winds.

(M152) Again, every year, generally in March, the people of Leti, Moa, and
Lakor, islands of the Indian Archipelago, send away all their diseases to
sea. They make a proa about six feet long, rig it with sails, oars,
rudder, and other gear, and every family deposits in it some rice, fruit,
a fowl, two eggs, insects that ravage the fields, and so on. Then they let
it drift away to sea, saying, “Take away from here all kinds of sickness,
take them to other islands, to other lands, distribute them in places that
lie eastward, where the sun rises.”(497) The Biajas of Borneo annually
send to sea a little bark laden with the sins and misfortunes of the
people. The crew of any ship that falls in with the ill-omened bark at sea
will suffer all the sorrows with which it is laden.(498) A like custom is
annually observed by the Dusuns of the Tuaran district in British North
Borneo. The ceremony is the most important of the whole year. Its aim is
to bring good luck to the village during the ensuing year by solemnly
expelling all the evil spirits that may have collected in or about the
houses throughout the last twelve months. The task of routing out the
demons and banishing them devolves chiefly on women, who indeed play the
principal part in all religious ceremonies among the Dusuns, while the
humble duty of beating drums and banging gongs is discharged by members of
the inferior sex. On this momentous occasion a procession of women, in
full ceremonial dress, goes from house to house, stopping at each to go
through their performances. At the head of the procession marches a boy
carrying a spear on which is impaled a bundle of palm leaves containing
rice. He is followed by two men, who carry a large gong and a drum slung
on a pole between them. Then come the women. One of them carries a small
sucking pig in a basket on her back; and all of them bear wands, with
which they belabour the little pig at the appropriate moment; its squeals
help to attract the vagrant spirits. At every house the women dance and
sing, clashing castanets or cymbals of brass and jingling bunches of
little brass bells in both hands. When the performance has been repeated
at every house in the village, the procession defiles down to the river
and all the evil spirits, which the performers have chased from the
houses, follow them to the edge of the water. There a raft has been made
ready and moored to the bank. It contains offerings of food, cloth,
cooking-pots, and swords; and the deck is crowded with figures of men,
women, animals, and birds, all made out of the leaves of the sago palm.
The evil spirits now embark on the raft, and when they are all aboard, it
is pushed off and allowed to float down with the current, carrying the
demons with it. Should the raft run aground near the village, it is shoved
off with all speed, lest the invisible passengers should seize the
opportunity of landing and returning to the village. Finally, the
sufferings of the little pig, whose squeals served to decoy the demons
from their lurking-places, are terminated by death, for it is killed and
its carcase thrown away.(499)

(M153) Every year, at the beginning of the dry season, the Nicobar
Islanders carry the model of a ship through their villages. The devils are
chased out of the huts, and driven on board the little ship, which is then
launched and suffered to sail away with the wind.(500) The ceremony has
been described by a catechist, who witnessed it at Car Nicobar in July
1897. For three days the people were busy preparing two very large
floating cars, shaped like canoes, fitted with sails, and loaded with
certain leaves, which possessed the valuable property of expelling devils.
While the young people were thus engaged, the exorcists and the elders sat
in a house singing songs by turns; but often they would come forth, pace
the beach armed with rods, and forbid the devil to enter the village. The
fourth day of the solemnity bore the name of _Intō-nga-Sĭya_, which means
“Expelling the Devil by Sails.” In the evening all the villagers
assembled, the women bringing baskets of ashes and bunches of
devil-expelling leaves. These leaves were then distributed to everybody,
old and young. When all was ready, a band of robust men, attended by a
guard of exorcists, carried one of the cars down to the sea on the right
side of the village graveyard, and set it floating in the water. As soon
as they had returned, another band of men carried the other car to the
beach and floated it similarly in the sea to the left of the graveyard.
The demon-laden barks being now launched, the women threw ashes from the
shore, and the whole crowd shouted, saying, “Fly away, devil, fly away,
never come again!” The wind and the tide being favourable, the canoes
sailed quickly away; and that night all the people feasted together with
great joy, because the devil had departed in the direction of Chowra. A
similar expulsion of devils takes place once a year in other Nicobar
villages; but the ceremonies are held at different times in different
places.(501)

(M154) At Sucla-Tirtha, in India, an earthen pot containing the
accumulated sins of the people is (annually?) set adrift on the river.
Legend says that the custom originated with a wicked priest who, after
atoning for his guilt by a course of austerities and expiatory ceremonies,
was directed to sail upon the river in a boat with white sails. If the
white sails turned black, it would be a sign that his sins were forgiven
him. They did so, and he joyfully allowed the boat to drift with his sins
to sea.(502) Amongst many of the aboriginal tribes of China, a great
festival is celebrated in the third month of every year. It is held by way
of a general rejoicing over what the people believe to be a total
annihilation of the ills of the past twelve months. The destruction is
supposed to be effected in the following way. A large earthenware jar
filled with gunpowder, stones, and bits of iron is buried in the earth. A
train of gunpowder, communicating with the jar, is then laid; and a match
being applied, the jar and its contents are blown up. The stones and bits
of iron represent the ills and disasters of the past year, and the
dispersion of them by the explosion is believed to remove the ills and
disasters themselves. The festival is attended with much revelling and
drunkenness.(503) On New Year’s Day people in Corea seek to rid themselves
of all their distresses by painting images on paper, writing against them
their troubles of body or mind, and afterwards giving the papers to a boy
to burn. Another method of effecting the same object at the same season is
to make rude dolls of straw, stuff them with a few copper coins, and throw
them into the street. Whoever picks up such an effigy gets all the
troubles and thereby relieves the original sufferer.(504) Again, on the
fourteenth day of the first month the Coreans fly paper kites inscribed
with a wish that all the ills of the year may fly away with them.(505) Mr.
George Bogle, the English envoy sent to Tibet by Warren Hastings,
witnessed the celebration of the Tibetan New Year’s Day at Teshu Lumbo,
the capital of the Teshu Lama. Monks walked in procession round the court
to the music of cymbals, tabors, trumpets, hautboys and drums. Then
others, clad in masquerade dress and wearing masks which represented the
heads of animals, mostly wild beasts, danced with antic motions. “After
this, the figure of a man, chalked upon paper, was laid upon the ground.
Many strange ceremonies, which to me who did not understand them appeared
whimsical, were performed about it; and a great fire being kindled in a
corner of the court, it was at length held over it, and being formed of
combustibles, vanished with much smoke and explosion. I was told it was a
figure of the devil.”(506) Another Tibetan mode of expelling demons from a
dwelling is to make a paste image, into which the lamas by their
incantations conjure all the evil spirits that may be lurking in the
house. This image is carried to a distance by a runner and thrown away. He
is attended by men, who shout at the top of their voices, brandish swords,
and fire guns, all to frighten the demons and drive them far from human
habitations.(507)

(M155) At Old Calabar on the coast of Guinea, the devils and ghosts are,
or used to be, publicly expelled once in two years. Among the spirits thus
driven from their haunts are the souls of all the people who died since
the last lustration of the town. About three weeks or a month before the
expulsion, which according to one account takes place in the month of
November, rude effigies representing men and animals, such as crocodiles,
leopards, elephants, bullocks, and birds, are made of wicker-work or wood,
and being hung with strips of cloth and bedizened with gew-gaws, are set
before the door of every house. About three o’clock in the morning of the
day appointed for the ceremony the whole population turns out into the
streets, and proceeds with a deafening uproar and in a state of the
wildest excitement to drive all lurking devils and ghosts into the
effigies, in order that they may be banished with them from the abodes of
men. For this purpose bands of people roam through the streets knocking on
doors, firing guns, beating drums, blowing on horns, ringing bells,
clattering pots and pans, shouting and hallooing with might and main, in
short making all the noise it is possible for them to raise. The hubbub
goes on till the approach of dawn, when it gradually subsides and ceases
altogether at sunrise. By this time the houses have been thoroughly swept,
and all the frightened spirits are supposed to have huddled into the
effigies or their fluttering drapery. In these wicker figures are also
deposited the sweepings of the houses and the ashes of yesterday’s fires.
Then the demon-laden images are hastily snatched up, carried in tumultuous
procession down to the brink of the river, and thrown into the water to
the tuck of drums. The ebb-tide bears them away seaward, and thus the town
is swept clean of ghosts and devils for another two years. This biennial
expulsion of spirits goes by the name of _Ndok_, and the effigies by which
it is effected are called _Nabikem_ or _Nabikim_.(508)

(M156) Further to the west similar ceremonies are or were till recently
enacted at Porto Novo, the seaport of Dahomey. One of them has been
described by an eye-witness, a Catholic missionary, who interpreted the
rites as a Funeral of Death. He says: “Some time ago a curious event took
place: the King had commanded to celebrate the funeral of Death. Every
year, at the season of the rains, the predecessors of his sable Majesty,
in order to preserve the life of their dear subjects, had caused the
fetish of that terrible and pitiless enemy, who spares not even kings, to
be drowned in the lagoon. Toffa wished to comply with the traditions of
his ancestors.” However, the ceremony as described by the missionary seems
to conform closely to the type of the expulsion of ghosts and demons. Two
days before the crowning act of the celebration the streets were carefully
swept and all the filth which usually encumbered them was removed, “lest
Death should there find a refuge.” All the people from the neighbouring
villages assembled; their fetishes, daubed with red paint, were carried in
great pomp through the streets of the capital attended by noisy
processions of mummers. A great multitude passed the night in the public
square, drinking, singing, and shouting. Finally, a number of rude and
hideous effigies were escorted by a noisy crowd to the shore of the
lagoon; there canoes were waiting to receive them and paddle them out to
deep water, where they were flung overboard. These effigies the missionary
regarded as so many images of Death, who thus received his passport and
was dismissed from the territory of Porto Novo. But more probably they
represented the hosts of demons and ghosts who were believed to lurk about
the town and to massacre people under the form of sickness and disease.
Having made a clean sweep of the whole baleful crew the inhabitants no
doubt thought that they had removed the principal, if not the only, cause
of death, and that accordingly they had taken out a new lease of
life.(509) It is not without interest to observe that in cleansing their
streets the people did actually retrench one of the most fruitful sources
of disease and death, especially in the sweltering heat of a damp tropical
climate; hence the measures they took for the prolongation of their lives
were really to a certain extent effectual, though they did not accomplish
their object in the precise way they imagined. So curiously does it often
happen that the savage reaches the goal of his wishes by a road which to
civilized man might appear at first sight to lead far away from it.

(M157) Before the Hos of Togoland, to the west of Dahomey, celebrate their
festival of the new yams, which has been described in another part of this
work,(510) they say that it is necessary to clean the town and to put it
in order. The way in which they do so is this. They take leaves of two
particular sorts of trees (the _adzu_ and the _wo_), together with
creepers and ashes, and bind all the leaves fast to a pole of the _adzu_
tree. As they do so they pray or command the evil spirits, the witches,
and all other evils in the town to enter into the band and be bound with
it. Then they make a paste out of the ashes mixed with urine and smear it
on the bundle of leaves, saying, “We smear it on the face of the Evil Ones
who are in this bundle, in order that they may not be able to see any
more.” Then they throw the bundle on the ground and mock at it. Next they
take all the similar poles, wrapt in creepers, in which they have bound up
all the evil powers, and carry them out of the town and stick them in the
ground on the various roads leading into the town. When they have done
this, they say that they have driven the evils out of the town and shut
the door against them. After that they wash the faces of all the people
with a medicine which has been prepared by the oldest men. Thereupon they
all return home to sweep out their houses and yards; they sweep even the
ground in front of the yards, so that the whole town is thoroughly clean.
All the grass-stalks and refuse of stock-yams which have been swept
together are carried out of the town, and the people rail at the
stock-yams. In the course of the night the oldest men assemble and tie a
toad to a young palm-leaf. They say that they wish now to sweep the town
and finish the ceremony. So they drag the toad behind them through the
whole town in the direction of Mount Adaklu. When that has been done, the
priests say that they will now remove the sicknesses. In the evening they
give public notice that they are about to take to the road, so nobody may
light a fire on the hearth or eat. At dead of night, when people are
asleep, three men go through the town. One of them drags behind them a
toad fastened to a bunch of herbs; another carries a calabash of holy
herbs and water, with which he sprinkles the streets; and the third
whistles softly. As soon as they have thus passed through the whole town,
they throw away the toad and the holy herbs in the direction of Mount
Adaklu. Next morning the women sweep out their houses and hearths and set
the sweepings on broken wooden plates. Many put on torn mats or torn
clothes; others tie grasses and creepers about them. While they do so,
they pray, saying, “All ye sicknesses which are in our body and plague us,
we are come this day to cast you out!” When they set out so to do, the
priest commands every man to cry out thrice and thereby to smite himself
on the mouth. In a moment they all cry out, smite themselves on the mouth,
and run as fast as their legs can carry them in the direction of Mount
Adaklu. As they run, they say, “Out to-day! Out to-day! What kills
anybody, out to-day! Ye evil spirits, out to-day! And all that makes our
heads to ache, out to-day! Anlo and Adaklu are the places whither all evil
ought to go.” Now on Mount Adaklu there stands a _klo_ tree; and when they
have come thither they throw everything away and return home. After their
return every man washes himself with the medicine which is set forth for
that purpose in the public street; then he goes into his house. Such is
the ceremony by which the Hos prepare themselves to eat the new yams.(511)
Thus among the Hos the public expulsion of evils is definitely connected
with the crops and therefore takes place every year, not every two years,
as at Old Calabar.

(M158) Similar annual expulsions of embodied evils are not unknown in
Europe. On the evening of Easter Sunday the gypsies of Southern Europe
take a wooden vessel like a band-box, which rests cradle-wise on two cross
pieces of wood. In this they place herbs and simples, together with the
dried carcase of a snake, or lizard, which every person present must first
have touched with his fingers. The vessel is then wrapt in white and red
wool, carried by the oldest man from tent to tent, and finally thrown into
running water, not, however, before every member of the band has spat into
it once, and the sorceress has uttered some spells over it. They believe
that by performing this ceremony they dispel all the illnesses that would
otherwise have afflicted them in the course of the year; and that if any
one finds the vessel and opens it out of curiosity, he and his will be
visited by all the maladies which the others have escaped.(512)

(M159) The scapegoat by means of which the accumulated ills of a whole
year are publicly expelled is sometimes an animal. For example, among the
Garos of Assam, “besides the sacrifices for individual cases of illness,
there are certain ceremonies which are observed once a year by a whole
community or village, and are intended to safeguard its members from
dangers of the forest, and from sickness and mishap during the coming
twelve months. The principal of these is the Asongtata ceremony. Close to
the outskirts of every big village a number of stones may be noticed stuck
into the ground, apparently without order or method. These are known by
the name of _asong_, and on them is offered the sacrifice which the
Asongtata demands. The sacrifice of a goat takes place, and a month later,
that of a _langur_ (_Entellus_ monkey) or a bamboo-rat is considered
necessary. The animal chosen has a rope fastened round its neck and is led
by two men, one on each side of it, to every house in the village. It is
taken inside each house in turn, the assembled villagers, meanwhile,
beating the walls from the outside, to frighten and drive out any evil
spirits which may have taken up their residence within. The round of the
village having been made in this manner, the monkey or rat is led to the
outskirts of the village, killed by a blow of a _dao_, which disembowels
it, and then crucified on bamboos set up in the ground. Round the
crucified animal long, sharp bamboo stakes are placed, which form _chevaux
de frise_ round about it. These commemorate the days when such defences
surrounded the villages on all sides to keep off human enemies, and they
are now a symbol to ward off sickness and dangers to life from the wild
animals of the forest. The _langur_ required for the purpose is hunted
down some days before, but should it be found impossible to catch one, a
brown monkey may take its place; a hulock may not be used.”(513) Here the
crucified ape or rat is the public scapegoat, which by its vicarious
sufferings and death relieves the people from all sickness and mishap in
the coming year.

(M160) Again, on one day of the year the Bhotiyas of Juhar, in the Western
Himalayas, take a dog, intoxicate him with spirits and bhang or hemp, and
having fed him with sweetmeats, lead him round the village and let him
loose. They then chase and kill him with sticks and stones, and believe
that, when they have done so, no disease or misfortune will visit the
village during the year.(514) In some parts of Breadalbane it was formerly
the custom on New Year’s Day to take a dog to the door, give him a bit of
bread, and drive him out, saying, “Get away, you dog! Whatever death of
men or loss of cattle would happen in this house to the end of the present
year, may it all light on your head!”(515) It appears that the white dogs
annually sacrificed by the Iroquois at their New Year Festival are, or
have been, regarded as scapegoats. According to Mr. J. V. H. Clark, who
witnessed the ceremony in January 1841, on the first day of the festival
all the fires in the village were extinguished, the ashes scattered to the
winds, and a new fire kindled with flint and steel. On a subsequent day,
men dressed in fantastic costumes went round the village, gathering the
sins of the people. When the morning of the last day of the festival was
come, two white dogs, decorated with red paint, wampum, feathers, and
ribbons, were led out. They were soon strangled, and hung on a ladder.
Firing and yelling succeeded, and half an hour later the animals were
taken into a house, “where the people’s sins were transferred to them.”
The carcases were afterwards burnt on a pyre of wood.(516) According to
the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, who wrote in the eighteenth century, the ashes of
the pyre upon which one of the white dogs was burnt were carried through
the village and sprinkled at the door of every house.(517) Formerly,
however, as we have seen, the Iroquois expulsion of evils was immediate
and not by scapegoat.(518) On the Day of Atonement, which was the tenth
day of the seventh month, the Jewish high-priest laid both his hands on
the head of a live goat, confessed over it all the iniquities of the
Children of Israel, and, having thereby transferred the sins of the people
to the beast, sent it away into the wilderness.(519)

(M161) The scapegoat upon whom the sins of the people are periodically
laid, may also be a human being. At Onitsha, on the Niger, two human
beings used to be annually sacrificed to take away the sins of the land.
The victims were purchased by public subscription. All persons who, during
the past year, had fallen into gross sins, such as incendiarism, theft,
adultery, witchcraft, and so forth, were expected to contribute 28
_ngugas_, or a little over £2. The money thus collected was taken into the
interior of the country and expended in the purchase of two sickly persons
“to be offered as a sacrifice for all these abominable crimes—one for the
land and one for the river.” A man from a neighbouring town was hired to
put them to death. On the twenty-seventh of February 1858 the Rev. J. C.
Taylor witnessed the sacrifice of one of these victims. The sufferer was a
woman, about nineteen or twenty years of age. They dragged her alive along
the ground, face downwards, from the king’s house to the river, a distance
of two miles, the crowds who accompanied her crying, “Wickedness!
wickedness!” The intention was “to take away the iniquities of the land.
The body was dragged along in a merciless manner, as if the weight of all
their wickedness was thus carried away.”(520) Similar customs are said to
be still secretly practised every year by many tribes on the delta of the
Niger in spite of the vigilance of the British Government.(521) Among the
Yoruba negroes of West Africa “the human victim chosen for sacrifice, and
who may be either a free-born or a slave, a person of noble or wealthy
parentage, or one of humble birth, is, after he has been chosen and marked
out for the purpose, called an _Oluwo_. He is always well fed and
nourished and supplied with whatever he should desire during the period of
his confinement. When the occasion arrives for him to be sacrificed and
offered up, he is commonly led about and paraded through the streets of
the town or city of the Sovereign who would sacrifice him for the
well-being of his government and of every family and individual under it,
in order that he might carry off the sin, guilt, misfortune and death of
all without exception. Ashes and chalk would be employed to hide his
identity by the one being freely thrown over his head, and his face
painted with the latter, whilst individuals would often rush out of their
houses to lay their hands upon him that they might thus transfer to him
their sin, guilt, trouble, and death. This parading done, he is taken
through a temporary sacred shed of palm and other tree branches, and
especially of the former, the Igbodu(522) and to its first division, where
many persons might follow him, and through a second where only the chiefs
and other very important persons might escort and accompany him to, and to
a third where only the Babalawo [priest] and his official assistant, the
Ajigbona, are permitted to enter with him. Here, after he himself has
given out or started his last song, which is to be taken up by the large
assembly of people who will have been waiting to hear his last word or his
last groan, his head is taken off and his blood offered to the gods. The
announcement of his last word or his last groan heard and taken up by the
people, would be a signal for joy, gladness, and thanksgiving, and for
drum beating and dancing, as an expression of their gratification because
their sacrifice has been accepted, the divine wrath is appeased, and the
prospect of prosperity or increased prosperity assured.”(523)

(M162) In Siam it used to be the custom on one day of the year to single
out a woman broken down by debauchery, and carry her on a litter through
all the streets to the music of drums and hautboys. The mob insulted her
and pelted her with dirt; and after having carried her through the whole
city, they threw her on a dunghill or a hedge of thorns outside the
ramparts, forbidding her ever to enter the walls again. They believed that
the woman thus drew upon herself all the malign influences of the air and
of evil spirits.(524) In Japan the “_tsuina_ or _oni-yarahi_, that is to
say, demon expelling, is a sort of drama in which disease, or more
generally ill-luck, is personified, and driven away with threats and a
show of violence. Like the _oho-harahi_,(525) it was performed on the last
day of the year. This association is only natural. The demons of the
_tsuina_ are personified wintry influences, with the diseases which they
bring with them, while the _oho-harahi_ is intended to cleanse the people
from sin and uncleanness, things closely related to disease, as well as
from disease itself. Though probably of Chinese origin, the _tsuina_ is a
tolerably ancient rite. It is alluded to in the _Nihongi_ under the date
A.D. 689. It was at one time performed at Court on an imposing scale. Four
bands of twenty youths, each wearing a four-eyed mask, and each carrying a
halberd in the left hand, marched simultaneously from the four gates of
the palace, driving the devils before them. Another account of this
ceremony says that a man disguised himself as the demon of pestilence, in
which garb he was shot at and driven off by the courtiers armed with
peach-wood bows and arrows of reed. Peach-wood staves were used for the
same purpose. There was formerly a practice at Asakusa in Tokio on the
last day of the year for a man got up as a devil to be chased round the
pagoda there by another wearing a mask. After this 3,000 tickets were
scrambled for by the spectators. These were carried away and pasted up
over the doors as a charm against pestilence.”(526) The Battas of Sumatra
offer either a red horse or a buffalo as a public sacrifice to purify the
land and obtain the favour of the gods. Formerly, it is said, a man was
bound to the same stake as the buffalo, and when they killed the animal,
the man was driven away; no one might receive him, converse with him, or
give him food.(527) Doubtless he was supposed to carry away the sins and
misfortunes of the people.

(M163) Human scapegoats, as we shall see presently, were well known in
classical antiquity, and even in mediæval Europe the custom seems not to
have been wholly extinct. In the town of Halberstadt, in Thüringen, there
was a church said to have been founded by Charlemagne. In this church
every year they chose a man, who was believed to be stained with heinous
sins. On the first day of Lent he was brought to the church, dressed in
mourning garb, with his head muffled up. At the close of the service he
was turned out of the church. During the forty days of Lent he
perambulated the city barefoot, neither entering the churches nor speaking
to any one. The canons took it in turn to feed him. After midnight he was
allowed to sleep in the streets. On the day before Good Friday, after the
consecration of the holy oil, he was readmitted to the church and absolved
from his sins. The people gave him money. He was called Adam, and was now
believed to be in a state of innocence.(528) At Entlebuch, in Switzerland,
down to the close of the eighteenth century, the custom of annually
expelling a scapegoat was preserved in the ceremony of driving “Posterli”
from the village into the lands of the neighbouring village. “Posterli”
was represented by a lad disguised as an old witch or as a goat or an ass.
Amid a deafening noise of horns, clarionets, bells, whips, and so forth,
he was driven out. Sometimes “Posterli” was represented by a puppet, which
was drawn on a sledge and left in a corner of the neighbouring village.
The ceremony took place on the Thursday evening of the last week but one
before Christmas.(529)

(M164) In Munich down to about a hundred years ago the expulsion of the
devil from the city used to be annually enacted on Ascension Day. On the
Eve of Ascension Day a man disguised as a devil was chased through the
streets, which were then narrow and dirty in contrast to the broad,
well-kept thoroughfares, lined with imposing buildings, which now
distinguish the capital of Bavaria. His pursuers were dressed as witches
and wizards and provided with the indispensable crutches, brooms, and
pitchforks which make up the outfit of these uncanny beings. While the
devil fled before them, the troop of maskers made after him with wild
whoops and halloos, and when they overtook him they ducked him in puddles
or rolled him on dunghills. In this way the demon at last succeeded in
reaching the palace, where he put off his hideous and now filthy disguise
and was rewarded for his vicarious sufferings by a copious meal. The
devilish costume which he had thrown off was then stuffed with hay and
straw and conveyed to a particular church (the Frauenkirche), where it was
kept over night, being hung by a rope from a window in the tower. On the
afternoon of Ascension Day, before the Vesper service began, an image of
the Saviour was drawn up to the roof of the church, no doubt to symbolize
the event which the day commemorates. Then burning tow and wafers were
thrown on the people. Meantime the effigy of the devil, painted black,
with a pair of horns and a lolling red tongue, had been dangling from the
church tower, to the delight of a gaping crowd of spectators gathered
before the church. It was now flung down into their midst, and a fierce
struggle for possession of it took place among the rabble. Finally, it was
carried out of the town by the Isar gate and burned on a neighbouring
height, “in order that the foul fiend might do no harm to the city.” The
custom died out at Munich towards the end of the eighteenth century; but
it is said that similar ceremonies are observed to this day in some
villages of Upper Bavaria.(530)

(M165) This quaint ceremony suggests that the pardoned criminal who used
to play the principal part in a solemn religious procession on Ascension
Day at Rouen(531) may in like manner have originally served, if not as a
representative of the devil, at least as a public scapegoat, who relieved
the whole people of their sins and sorrows for a year by taking them upon
himself. This would explain why the gaol had to be raked in order to
furnish one who would parade with the highest ecclesiastical dignitaries
in their gorgeous vestments through the streets of Rouen, while the church
bells pealed out, the clergy chanted, banners waved, and every
circumstance combined to enhance the pomp and splendour of the pageant. It
would add a pathetic significance to the crowning act of the ceremony,
when on a lofty platform in the public square, with the eyes of a great
and silent multitude turned upon him, the condemned malefactor received
from the Church the absolution and remission of his sins; for if the rite
is to be interpreted in the way here suggested, the sins which were thus
forgiven were those not of one man only but of the whole people. No
wonder, then, that when the sinner, now a sinner no more, rose from his
knees and thrice lifted the silver shrine of St. Romain in his arms, the
whole vast assembly in the square broke out into joyous cries of “_Noel!
Noel! Noel!_” which they understood to signify, “God be with us!” In
Christian countries no more appropriate season could be selected for the
ceremony of the human scapegoat than Ascension Day, which commemorates the
departure from earth of Him who, in the belief of millions, took away the
sins of the world.(532)

(M166) Sometimes the scapegoat is a divine animal. The people of Malabar
share the Hindoo reverence for the cow, to kill and eat which “they esteem
to be a crime as heinous as homicide or wilful murder.” Nevertheless the
“Bramans transfer the sins of the people into one or more Cows, which are
then carry’d away, both the Cows and the Sins wherewith these Beasts are
charged, to what place the Braman shall appoint.”(533) When the ancient
Egyptians sacrificed a bull, they invoked upon its head all the evils that
might otherwise befall themselves and the land of Egypt, and thereupon
they either sold the bull’s head to the Greeks or cast it into the
river.(534) Now, it cannot be said that in the times known to us the
Egyptians worshipped bulls in general, for they seem to have commonly
killed and eaten them.(535) But a good many circumstances point to the
conclusion that originally all cattle, bulls as well as cows, were held
sacred by the Egyptians. For not only were all cows esteemed holy by them
and never sacrificed, but even bulls might not be sacrificed unless they
had certain natural marks; a priest examined every bull before it was
sacrificed; if it had the proper marks, he put his seal on the animal in
token that it might be sacrificed; and if a man sacrificed a bull which
had not been sealed, he was put to death. Moreover, the worship of the
black bulls Apis and Mnevis, especially the former, played an important
part in Egyptian religion; all bulls that died a natural death were
carefully buried in the suburbs of the cities, and their bones were
afterwards collected from all parts of Egypt and interred in a single
spot; and at the sacrifice of a bull in the great rites of Isis all the
worshippers beat their breasts and mourned.(536) On the whole, then, we
are perhaps entitled to infer that bulls were originally, as cows were
always, esteemed sacred by the Egyptians, and that the slain bull upon
whose head they laid the misfortunes of the people was once a divine
scapegoat. It seems not improbable that the lamb annually slain by the
Madis of Central Africa is a divine scapegoat, and the same supposition
may partly explain the Zuni sacrifice of the turtle.(537)

(M167) Lastly, the scapegoat may be a divine man. Thus, in November the
Gonds of India worship Ghansyam Deo, the protector of the crops, and at
the festival the god himself is said to descend on the head of one of the
worshippers, who is suddenly seized with a kind of fit and, after
staggering about, rushes off into the jungle, where it is believed that,
if left to himself, he would die mad. However, they bring him back, but he
does not recover his senses for one or two days. The people think that one
man is thus singled out as a scapegoat for the sins of the rest of the
village.(538) In the temple of the Moon the Albanians of the Eastern
Caucasus kept a number of sacred slaves, of whom many were inspired and
prophesied. When one of these men exhibited more than usual symptoms of
inspiration or insanity, and wandered solitary up and down the woods, like
the Gond in the jungle, the high priest had him bound with a sacred chain
and maintained him in luxury for a year. At the end of the year he was
anointed with unguents and led forth to be sacrificed. A man whose
business it was to slay these human victims and to whom practice had given
dexterity, advanced from the crowd and thrust a sacred spear into the
victim’s side, piercing his heart. From the manner in which the slain man
fell, omens were drawn as to the welfare of the commonwealth. Then the
body was carried to a certain spot where all the people stood upon it as a
purificatory ceremony.(539) This last circumstance clearly indicates that
the sins of the people were transferred to the victim, just as the Jewish
priest transferred the sins of the people to the scapegoat by laying his
hands on the animal’s head; and since the man was believed to be possessed
by the divine spirit, we have here an undoubted example of a man-god slain
to take away the sins and misfortunes of the people.

(M168) In Tibet the ceremony of the scapegoat presents some remarkable
features. The Tibetan new year begins with the new moon which appears
about the fifteenth of February. For twenty-three days afterwards the
government of Lhasa, the capital, is taken out of the hands of the
ordinary rulers and entrusted to the monk of the Debang monastery who
offers to pay the highest sum for the privilege. The successful bidder is
called the Jalno, and he announces his accession to power in person, going
through the streets of Lhasa with a silver stick in his hand. Monks from
all the neighbouring monasteries and temples assemble to pay him homage.
The Jalno exercises his authority in the most arbitrary manner for his own
benefit, as all the fines which he exacts are his by purchase. The profit
he makes is about ten times the amount of the purchase money. His men go
about the streets in order to discover any conduct on the part of the
inhabitants that can be found fault with. Every house in Lhasa is taxed at
this time, and the slightest offence is punished with unsparing rigour by
fines. This severity of the Jalno drives all working classes out of the
city till the twenty-three days are over. But if the laity go out, the
clergy come in. All the Buddhist monasteries of the country for miles
round about open their gates and disgorge their inmates. All the roads
that lead down into Lhasa from the neighbouring mountains are full of
monks hurrying to the capital, some on foot, some on horseback, some
riding asses or lowing oxen, all carrying their prayer-books and culinary
utensils. In such multitudes do they come that the streets and squares of
the city are encumbered with their swarms, and incarnadined with their red
cloaks. The disorder and confusion are indescribable. Bands of the holy
men traverse the streets chanting prayers or uttering wild cries. They
meet, they jostle, they quarrel, they fight; bloody noses, black eyes, and
broken heads are freely given and received. All day long, too, from before
the peep of dawn till after darkness has fallen, these red-cloaked monks
hold services in the dim incense-laden air of the great Machindranath
temple, the cathedral of Lhasa; and thither they crowd thrice a day to
receive their doles of tea and soup and money. The cathedral is a vast
building, standing in the centre of the city, and surrounded by bazaars
and shops. The idols in it are richly inlaid with gold and precious
stones.

(M169) Twenty-four days after the Jalno has ceased to have authority, he
assumes it again, and for ten days acts in the same arbitrary manner as
before. On the first of the ten days the priests again assemble at the
cathedral, pray to the gods to prevent sickness and other evils among the
people, “and, as a peace-offering, sacrifice one man. The man is not
killed purposely, but the ceremony he undergoes often proves fatal.(540)
Grain is thrown against his head, and his face is painted half white, half
black.” Thus grotesquely disguised, and carrying a coat of skin on his
arm, he is called the King of the Years, and sits daily in the
market-place, where he helps himself to whatever he likes and goes about
shaking a black yak’s tail over the people, who thus transfer their bad
luck to him. On the tenth day, all the troops in Lhasa march to the great
temple and form in line before it. The King of the Years is brought forth
from the temple and receives small donations from the assembled multitude.
He then ridicules the Jalno, saying to him, “What we perceive through the
five senses is no illusion. All you teach is untrue,” and the like. The
Jalno, who represents the Grand Lama for the time being, contests these
heretical opinions; the dispute waxes warm, and at last both agree to
decide the questions at issue by a cast of the dice, the Jalno offering to
change places with the scapegoat should the throw be against him. If the
King of the Years wins, much evil is prognosticated; but if the Jalno
wins, there is great rejoicing, for it proves that his adversary has been
accepted by the gods as a victim to bear all the sins of the people of
Lhasa. Fortune, however, always favours the Jalno, who throws sixes with
unvarying success, while his opponent turns up only ones. Nor is this so
extraordinary as at first sight it might appear; for the Jalno’s dice are
marked with nothing but sixes and his adversary’s with nothing but ones.
When he sees the finger of Providence thus plainly pointed against him,
the King of the Years is terrified and flees away upon a white horse, with
a white dog, a white bird, salt, and so forth, which have all been
provided for him by the government. His face is still painted half white
and half black, and he still wears his leathern coat. The whole populace
pursues him, hooting, yelling, and firing blank shots in volleys after
him. Thus driven out of the city, he is detained for seven days in the
great chamber of horrors at the Samyas monastery, surrounded by monstrous
and terrific images of devils and skins of huge serpents and wild beasts.
Thence he goes away into the mountains of Chetang, where he has to remain
an outcast for several months or a year in a narrow den. If he dies before
the time is out, the people say it is an auspicious omen; but if he
survives, he may return to Lhasa and play the part of scapegoat over again
the following year.(541)

(M170) This quaint ceremonial, still annually observed in the secluded
capital of Buddhism—the Rome of Asia—is interesting because it exhibits,
in a clearly marked religious stratification, a series of divine redeemers
themselves redeemed, of vicarious sacrifices vicariously atoned for, of
gods undergoing a process of fossilization, who, while they retain the
privileges, have disburdened themselves of the pains and penalties of
divinity. In the Jalno we may without undue straining discern a successor
of those temporary kings, those mortal gods, who purchase a short lease of
power and glory at the price of their lives. That he is the temporary
substitute of the Grand Lama is certain; that he is, or was once, liable
to act as scapegoat for the people is made nearly certain by his offer to
change places with the real scapegoat—the King of the Years—if the
arbitrament of the dice should go against him. It is true that the
conditions under which the question is now put to the hazard have reduced
the offer to an idle form. But such forms are no mere mushroom growths,
springing up of themselves in a night. If they are now lifeless
formalities, empty husks devoid of significance, we may be sure that they
once had a life and a meaning; if at the present day they are blind alleys
leading nowhere, we may be certain that in former days they were paths
that led somewhere, if only to death. That death was the goal to which of
old the Tibetan scapegoat passed after his brief period of licence in the
market-place, is a conjecture that has much to commend it. Analogy
suggests it; the blank shots fired after him, the statement that the
ceremony often proves fatal, the belief that his death is a happy omen,
all confirm it. We need not wonder then that the Jalno, after paying so
dear to act as deputy-deity for a few weeks, should have preferred to die
by deputy rather than in his own person when his time was up. The painful
but necessary duty was accordingly laid on some poor devil, some social
outcast, some wretch with whom the world had gone hard, who readily agreed
to throw away his life at the end of a few days if only he might have his
fling in the meantime. For observe that while the time allowed to the
original deputy—the Jalno—was measured by weeks, the time allowed to the
deputy’s deputy was cut down to days, ten days according to one authority,
seven days according to another. So short a rope was doubtless thought a
long enough tether for so black or sickly a sheep; so few sands in the
hour-glass, slipping so fast away, sufficed for one who had wasted so many
precious years. Hence in the jack-pudding who now masquerades with motley
countenance in the market-place of Lhasa, sweeping up misfortune with a
black yak’s tail, we may fairly see the substitute of a substitute, the
vicar of a vicar, the proxy on whose back the heavy burden was laid when
it had been lifted from nobler shoulders. But the clue, if we have
followed it aright, does not stop at the Jalno; it leads straight back to
the pope of Lhasa himself, the Grand Lama, of whom the Jalno is merely the
temporary vicar. The analogy of many customs in many lands points to the
conclusion that, if this human divinity stoops to resign his ghostly power
for a time into the hands of a substitute, it is, or rather was once, for
no other reason than that the substitute might die in his stead. Thus
through the mist of ages unillumined by the lamp of history, the tragic
figure of the pope of Buddhism—God’s vicar on earth for Asia—looms dim and
sad as the man-god who bore his people’s sorrows, the Good Shepherd who
laid down his life for the sheep.





CHAPTER V. ON SCAPEGOATS IN GENERAL.


(M171) The foregoing survey of the custom of publicly expelling the
accumulated evils of a village or town or country suggests a few general
observations.

(M172) In the first place, it will not be disputed that what I have called
the immediate and the mediate expulsions of evil are identical in
intention; in other words, that whether the evils are conceived of as
invisible or as embodied in a material form, is a circumstance entirely
subordinate to the main object of the ceremony, which is simply to effect
a total clearance of all the ills that have been infesting a people. If
any link were wanting to connect the two kinds of expulsion, it would be
furnished by such a practice as that of sending the evils away in a litter
or a boat. For here, on the one hand, the evils are invisible and
intangible; and, on the other hand, there is a visible and tangible
vehicle to convey them away. And a scapegoat is nothing more than such a
vehicle.

(M173) In the second place, when a general clearance of evils is resorted
to periodically, the interval between the celebrations of the ceremony is
commonly a year, and the time of year when the ceremony takes place
usually coincides with some well-marked change of season, such as the
beginning or end of winter in the arctic and temperate zones, and the
beginning or end of the rainy season in the tropics. The increased
mortality which such climatic changes are apt to produce, especially
amongst ill-fed, ill-clothed, and ill-housed savages, is set down by
primitive man to the agency of demons, who must accordingly be expelled.
Hence, in the tropical regions of New Britain and Peru, the devils are or
were driven out at the beginning of the rainy season; hence, on the dreary
coasts of Baffin Land, they are banished at the approach of the bitter
arctic winter. When a tribe has taken to husbandry, the time for the
general expulsion of devils is naturally made to agree with one of the
great epochs of the agricultural year, as sowing, or harvest; but, as
these epochs themselves naturally coincide with changes of season, it does
not follow that the transition from the hunting or pastoral to the
agricultural life involves any alteration in the time of celebrating this
great annual rite. Some of the agricultural communities of India and the
Hindoo Koosh, as we have seen, hold their general clearance of demons at
harvest, others at sowing-time. But, at whatever season of the year it is
held, the general expulsion of devils commonly marks the beginning of the
new year. For, before entering on a new year, people are anxious to rid
themselves of the troubles that have harassed them in the past; hence it
comes about that in so many communities the beginning of the new year is
inaugurated with a solemn and public banishment of evil spirits.

(M174) In the third place, it is to be observed that this public and
periodic expulsion of devils is commonly preceded or followed by a period
of general license, during which the ordinary restraints of society are
thrown aside, and all offences, short of the gravest, are allowed to pass
unpunished. In Guinea and Tonquin the period of license precedes the
public expulsion of demons; and the suspension of the ordinary government
in Lhasa previous to the expulsion of the scapegoat is perhaps a relic of
a similar period of universal license. Amongst the Hos of India the period
of license follows the expulsion of the devil. Amongst the Iroquois it
hardly appears whether it preceded or followed the banishment of evils. In
any case, the extraordinary relaxation of all ordinary rules of conduct on
such occasions is doubtless to be explained by the general clearance of
evils which precedes or follows it. On the one hand, when a general
riddance of evil and absolution from all sin is in immediate prospect, men
are encouraged to give the rein to their passions, trusting that the
coming ceremony will wipe out the score which they are running up so fast.
On the other hand, when the ceremony has just taken place, men’s minds are
freed from the oppressive sense, under which they generally labour, of an
atmosphere surcharged with devils; and in the first revulsion of joy they
overleap the limits commonly imposed by custom and morality. When the
ceremony takes place at harvest-time, the elation of feeling which it
excites is further stimulated by the state of physical wellbeing produced
by an abundant supply of food.(542)

(M175) Fourthly, the employment of a divine man or animal as a scapegoat
is especially to be noted; indeed, we are here directly concerned with the
custom of banishing evils only in so far as these evils are believed to be
transferred to a god who is afterwards slain. It may be suspected that the
custom of employing a divine man or animal as a public scapegoat is much
more widely diffused than appears from the examples cited. For, as has
already been pointed out, the custom of killing a god dates from so early
a period of human history that in later ages, even when the custom
continues to be practised, it is liable to be misinterpreted. The divine
character of the animal or man is forgotten, and he comes to be regarded
merely as an ordinary victim. This is especially likely to be the case
when it is a divine man who is killed. For when a nation becomes
civilized, if it does not drop human sacrifices altogether, it at least
selects as victims only such wretches as would be put to death at any
rate. Thus the killing of a god may sometimes come to be confounded with
the execution of a criminal.

(M176) If we ask why a dying god should be chosen to take upon himself and
carry away the sins and sorrows of the people, it may be suggested that in
the practice of using the divinity as a scapegoat we have a combination of
two customs which were at one time distinct and independent. On the one
hand we have seen that it has been customary to kill the human or animal
god in order to save his divine life from being weakened by the inroads of
age. On the other hand we have seen that it has been customary to have a
general expulsion of evils and sins once a year. Now, if it occurred to
people to combine these two customs, the result would be the employment of
the dying god as a scapegoat. He was killed, not originally to take away
sin, but to save the divine life from the degeneracy of old age; but,
since he had to be killed at any rate, people may have thought that they
might as well seize the opportunity to lay upon him the burden of their
sufferings and sins, in order that he might bear it away with him to the
unknown world beyond the grave.

(M177) The use of the divinity as a scapegoat clears up the ambiguity
which, as we saw, appears to hang about the European folk-custom of
“carrying out Death.”(543) Grounds have been shewn for believing that in
this ceremony the so-called Death was originally the spirit of vegetation,
who was annually slain in spring, in order that he might come to life
again with all the vigour of youth. But, as I pointed out, there are
certain features in the ceremony which are not explicable on this
hypothesis alone. Such are the marks of joy with which the effigy of Death
is carried out to be buried or burnt, and the fear and abhorrence of it
manifested by the bearers. But these features become at once intelligible
if we suppose that the Death was not merely the dying god of vegetation,
but also a public scapegoat, upon whom were laid all the evils that had
afflicted the people during the past year. Joy on such an occasion is
natural and appropriate; and if the dying god appears to be the object of
that fear and abhorrence which are properly due not to himself, but to the
sins and misfortunes with which he is laden, this arises merely from the
difficulty of distinguishing, or at least of marking the distinction,
between the bearer and the burden. When the burden is of a baleful
character, the bearer of it will be feared and shunned just as much as if
he were himself instinct with those dangerous properties of which, as it
happens, he is only the vehicle. Similarly we have seen that disease-laden
and sin-laden boats are dreaded and shunned by East Indian peoples.(544)
Again, the view that in these popular customs the Death is a scapegoat as
well as a representative of the divine spirit of vegetation derives some
support from the circumstance that its expulsion is always celebrated in
spring and chiefly by Slavonic peoples. For the Slavonic year began in
spring;(545) and thus, in one of its aspects, the ceremony of “carrying
out Death” would be an example of the widespread custom of expelling the
accumulated evils of the old year before entering on a new one.





CHAPTER VI. HUMAN SCAPEGOATS IN CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY.




§ 1. The Human Scapegoat in Ancient Rome.


(M178) We are now prepared to notice the use of the human scapegoat in
classical antiquity. Every year on the fourteenth of March a man clad in
skins was led in procession through the streets of Rome, beaten with long
white rods, and driven out of the city. He was called Mamurius
Veturius,(546) that is, “the old Mars,”(547) and as the ceremony took
place on the day preceding the first full moon of the old Roman year
(which began on the first of March), the skin-clad man must have
represented the Mars of the past year, who was driven out at the beginning
of a new one. Now Mars was originally not a god of war but of vegetation.
For it was to Mars that the Roman husbandman prayed for the prosperity of
his corn and his vines, his fruit-trees and his copses;(548) it was to
Mars that the priestly college of the Arval Brothers, whose business it
was to sacrifice for the growth of the crops,(549) addressed their
petitions almost exclusively;(550) and it was to Mars, as we saw,(551)
that a horse was sacrificed in October to secure an abundant harvest.
Moreover, it was to Mars, under his title of “Mars of the woods” (_Mars
Silvanus_), that farmers offered sacrifice for the welfare of their
cattle.(552) We have already seen that cattle are commonly supposed to be
under the special patronage of tree-gods.(553) Once more, the consecration
of the vernal month of March to Mars seems to point him out as the deity
of the sprouting vegetation. Thus the Roman custom of expelling the old
Mars at the beginning of the new year in spring is identical with the
Slavonic custom of “carrying out Death,” if the view here taken of the
latter custom is correct. The similarity of the Roman and Slavonic customs
has been already remarked by scholars, who appear, however, to have taken
Mamurius Veturius and the corresponding figures in the Slavonic ceremonies
to be representatives of the old year rather than of the old god of
vegetation.(554) It is possible that ceremonies of this kind may have come
to be thus interpreted in later times even by the people who practised
them. But the personification of a period of time is too abstract an idea
to be primitive.(555) However, in the Roman, as in the Slavonic, ceremony,
the representative of the god appears to have been treated not only as a
deity of vegetation but also as a scapegoat. His expulsion implies this;
for there is no reason why the god of vegetation, as such, should be
expelled the city. But it is otherwise if he is also a scapegoat; it then
becomes necessary to drive him beyond the boundaries, that he may carry
his sorrowful burden away to other lands. And, in fact, Mamurius Veturius
appears to have been driven away to the land of the Oscans, the enemies of
Rome.(556)

(M179) The blows with which the “old Mars” was expelled the city seem to
have been administered by the dancing priests of Mars, the Salii. At least
we know that in their songs these priests made mention of Mamurius
Veturius;(557) and we are told that on a day dedicated to him they beat a
hide with rods.(558) It is therefore highly probable that the hide which
they drubbed on that day was the one worn by the representative of the
deity whose name they simultaneously chanted. Thus on the fourteenth day
of March every year Rome witnessed the curious spectacle of the human
incarnation of a god chased by the god’s own priests with blows from the
city. The rite becomes at least intelligible on the theory that the man so
beaten and expelled stood for the outworn deity of vegetation, who had to
be replaced by a fresh and vigorous young divinity at the beginning of a
New Year, when everywhere around in field and meadow, in wood and thicket
the vernal flowers, the sprouting grass, and the opening buds and blossoms
testified to the stirring of new life in nature after the long torpor and
stagnation of winter. The dancing priests of the god derived their name of
Salii from the leaps or dances which they were bound to execute as a
solemn religious ceremony every year in the Comitium, the centre of Roman
political life.(559) Twice a year, in the spring month of March and the
autumn month of October, they discharged this sacred duty;(560) and as
they did so they invoked Saturn, the Roman god of sowing.(561) As the
Romans sowed the corn both in spring and autumn,(562) and as down to the
present time in Europe superstitious rustics are wont to dance and leap
high in spring for the purpose of making the crops grow high,(563) we may
conjecture that the leaps and dances performed by the Salii, the priests
of the old Italian god of vegetation, were similarly supposed to quicken
the growth of the corn by homoeopathic or imitative magic. The Salii were
not limited to Rome; similar colleges of dancing priests are known to have
existed in many towns of ancient Italy;(564) everywhere, we may
conjecture, they were supposed to contribute to the fertility of the earth
by their leaps and dances. At Rome they were divided into two colleges,
each composed of twelve members; and it is not impossible that the number
twelve was fixed with reference to the twelve months of the old lunar
year;(565) the _Fratres Arvales_, or “Brethren of the Ploughed Fields,”
another Roman college of priests, whose functions were purely
agricultural, and who wore as a badge of their office a wreath of
corn-ears, were also twelve in number, perhaps for a similar reason.(566)
Nor was the martial equipment of the Salii so alien to this peaceful
function as a modern reader might naturally suppose. Each of them wore on
his head a peaked helmet of bronze, and at his side a sword; on his left
arm he carried a shield of a peculiar shape, and in his right hand he
wielded a staff with which he smote on the shield till it rang again.(567)
Such weapons in priestly hands may be turned against spiritual foes; in
the preceding pages we have met with many examples of the use of material
arms to rout the host of demons who oppress the imagination of primitive
man, and we have seen that the clash and clangour of metal is often deemed
particularly effective in putting these baleful beings to flight.(568) May
it not have been so with the martial priests of Mars? We know that they
paraded the city for days together in a regular order, taking up their
quarters for the night at a different place each day; and as they went
they danced in triple time, singing and clashing on their shields and
taking their time from a fugleman, who skipped and postured at their
head.(569) We may conjecture that in so doing they were supposed to be
expelling the powers of evil which had accumulated during the preceding
year or six months, and which the people pictured to themselves in the
form of demons lurking in the houses, temples, and the other edifices of
the city. In savage communities such tumultuous and noisy processions
often parade the village for a similar purpose. Similarly, we have seen
that among the Iroquois men in fantastic costume used to go about
collecting the sins of the people as a preliminary to transferring them to
the scapegoat dogs; and we have met with many examples of armed men
rushing about the streets and houses to drive out demons and evils of all
kinds.(570) Why should it not have been so also in ancient Rome? The
religion of the old Romans is full of relics of savagery.

(M180) If there is any truth in this conjecture, we may suppose that, as
priests of a god who manifested his power in the vegetation of spring, the
Salii turned their attention above all to the demons of blight and
infertility, who might be thought by their maleficent activity to
counteract the genial influence of the kindly god and to endanger the
farmer’s prospects in the coming summer or winter. The conjecture may be
supported by analogies drawn from the customs of modern European peasants
as well as of savages. Thus, to begin with savages, we have seen that at
the time of sowing the Khonds drive out the “evil spirits, spoilers of the
seed” from every house in the village, the expulsion being effected by
young men who beat each other and strike the air violently with long
sticks.(571) If I am right in connecting the vernal and the autumnal
processions of the Salii with the vernal and the autumnal sowing, the
analogy between the Khond and the Roman customs would be very close. In
West Africa the fields of the King of Whydah, according to an old French
traveller, “are hoed and sowed before any of his subjects has leave to hoe
and sow a foot of his own lands. These labours are performed thrice a
year. The chiefs lead their people before the king’s palace at daybreak,
and there they sing and dance for a full quarter of an hour. Half of these
people are armed as in a day of battle, the other half have only their
farm tools. They go all together singing and dancing to the scene of their
labours, and there, keeping time to the sound of the instruments, they
work with such speed and neatness that it is a pleasure to behold. At the
end of the day they return and dance before the king’s palace. This
exercise refreshes them and does them more good than all the repose they
could take.”(572) From this account we might infer that the dancing was
merely a recreation of the field-labourers, and that the music of the band
had no other object than to animate them in their work by enabling them to
ply their mattocks in time to its stirring strains. But this inference,
though it seems to have been drawn by the traveller who has furnished the
account, would probably be erroneous. For if half of the men were armed as
for war, what were they doing in the fields all the time that the others
were digging? A clue to unravel the mystery is furnished by the
description which a later French traveller gives of a similar scene
witnessed by him near Timbo in French Guinea. He saw some natives at work
preparing the ground for sowing. “It is a very curious spectacle: fifty or
sixty blacks in a line, with bent backs, are smiting the earth
simultaneously with their little iron tools, which gleam in the sun. Ten
paces in front of them, marching backwards, the women sing a well marked
air, clapping their hands as for a dance, and the hoes keep time to the
song. Between the workers and the singers a man runs and dances, crouching
on his hams like a clown, while he whirls about his musket and performs
other manœuvres with it. Two others dance, also pirouetting and smiting
the earth here and there with their little hoe. All that is necessary for
exorcising the spirits and causing the grain to sprout.”(573) Here, while
the song of the women gives the time to the strokes of the hoes, the
dances and other antics of the armed man and his colleagues are intended
to exorcise or ward off the spirits who might interfere with the diggers
and so prevent the grain from sprouting.

(M181) Again, an old traveller in southern India tells us that “the men of
Calicut, when they wish to sow rice, observe this practice. First, they
plough the land with oxen as we do, and when they sow the rice in the
field they have all the instruments of the city continually sounding and
making merry. They also have ten or twelve men clothed like devils, and
these unite in making great rejoicing with the players on the instruments,
in order that the devil may make that rice very productive.”(574) We may
suspect that the noisy music is played and the mummers cut their capers
for the purpose rather of repelling demons than of inducing them to favour
the growth of the rice. However, where our information is so scanty it
would be rash to dogmatize. Perhaps the old traveller was right in
thinking that the mummers personated devils. Among the Kayans of Central
Borneo men disguised in wooden masks and great masses of green foliage
certainly play the part of demons for the purpose of promoting the growth
of the rice just before the seed is committed to the ground; and it is
notable that among the performances which they give on this occasion are
war dances.(575) Again, among the Kaua and Kobeua Indians of North-Western
Brazil masked men who represent spirits or demons of fertility perform
dances or rather pantomimes for the purpose of stimulating the growth of
plants, quickening the wombs of women, and promoting the multiplication of
animals.(576)

(M182) Further, we are told that “the natives of Aracan dance in order to
render propitious the spirits whom they believe to preside over the sowing
and over the harvest. There are definite times for doing it, and we may
say that in their eyes it is, as it were, an act of religion.”(577)
Another people who dance diligently to obtain good crops are the
Tarahumare Indians of Mexico. They subsist by agriculture and their
thoughts accordingly turn much on the supply of rain, which is needed for
their fields. According to them, “the favour of the gods may be won by
what for want of a better term may be called dancing, but what in reality
is a series of monotonous movements, a kind of rhythmical exercise, kept
up sometimes for two nights. By dint of such hard work they think to
prevail upon the gods to grant their prayers. The dancing is accompanied
by the song of the shaman, in which he communicates his wishes to the
unseen world, describing the beautiful effect of the rain, the fog, and
the mist on the vegetable world. He invokes the aid of all the animals,
mentioning each by name, and also calls on them, especially the deer and
the rabbit, to multiply that the people may have plenty to eat. As a
matter of fact, the Tarahumares assert that the dances have been taught
them by the animals. Like all primitive people, they are close observers
of nature. To them the animals are by no means inferior creatures; they
understand magic and are possessed of much knowledge, and may assist the
Tarahumares in making rain. In spring, the singing of the birds, the
cooing of the dove, the croaking of the frog, the chirping of the cricket,
all the sounds uttered by the denizens of the greensward, are to the
Indian appeals to the deities for rain. For what other reason should they
sing or call? For the strange behaviour of many animals in the early
spring the Tarahumares can find no other explanation but that these
creatures, too, are interested in rain. And as the gods grant the prayers
of the deer expressed in its antics and dances, and of the turkey in its
curious playing, by sending the rain, they easily infer that to please the
gods they, too, must dance as the deer and play as the turkey. From this
it will be understood that dance with these people is a very serious and
ceremonious matter, a kind of worship and incantation rather than
amusement.”(578)

(M183) The two principal dances of these Indians, the _rutuburi_ and the
_yumari_, are supposed to have been taught them by the turkey and the deer
respectively. They are danced by numbers of men and women, the two sexes
keeping apart from each other in the dance, while the shaman sings and
shakes his rattle. But “a large gathering is not necessary in order to
pray to the gods by dancing. Sometimes the family dances alone, the father
teaching the boys. While doing agricultural work, the Indians often depute
one man to dance _yumari_ near the house, while the others attend to the
work in the fields. It is a curious sight to see a lone man taking his
devotional exercise to the tune of his rattle in front of an apparently
deserted dwelling. The lonely worshipper is doing his share of the general
work by bringing down the fructifying rain and by warding off disaster,
while the rest of the family and their friends plant, hoe, weed, or
harvest. In the evening, when they return from the field, they may join
him for a little while; but often he goes on alone, dancing all night, and
singing himself hoarse, and the Indians told me that this is the very
hardest kind of work, and exhausting even to them. Solitary worship is
also observed by men who go out hunting deer or squirrels for a communal
feast. Every one of them dances _yumari_ alone in front of his house for
two hours to insure success on the hunt; and when putting corn to sprout
for the making of _tesvino_ the owner of the house dances for a while,
that the corn may sprout well.” Another dance is thought to cause the
grass and funguses to grow, and the deer and rabbits to multiply; and
another is supposed to draw the clouds together from the north and south,
so that they clash and descend in rain.(579)

(M184) The Cora Indians of Mexico celebrate a festival of sowing shortly
before they commit the seed of the maize to the ground. The festival falls
in June, because that is the month when the rainy season sets in,
supplying the moisture needed for the growth of the maize. At the festival
two old women, who represent the goddesses of sowing, dance side by side
and imitate the process of sowing by digging holes in the earth with long
sticks and inserting the seed of the maize in the holes; whereupon a man
who represents the Morning Star pours water on the buried seeds. This
solemn dance is accompanied by the singing of an appropriate hymn, which
may be compared to the song of the Arval Brothers in ancient Rome.(580)

(M185) We have seen that in many parts of Germany, Austria, and France the
peasants are still, or were till lately, accustomed to dance and leap high
in order that the crops may grow tall. Such leaps and dances are sometimes
performed by the sower immediately before or after he sows the seed; but
often they are executed by the people on a fixed day of the year, which in
some places is Twelfth Night (the sixth of January), or Candlemas (the
second of February) or Walpurgis Night, that is, the Eve of May Day; but
apparently the favourite season for these performances is the last day of
the Carnival, namely Shrove Tuesday.(581) In such cases the leaps and
dances are performed by every man for his own behoof; he skips and jumps
merely in order that his own corn, or flax, or hemp may spring up and
thrive. But sometimes in modern Europe, as (if I am right) in ancient
Rome, the duty of dancing for the crops was committed to bands or troops
of men, who cut their capers for the benefit of the whole community. For
example, at Grub, in the Swiss canton of the Grisons (Graubünden), the
practice used to be as follows. “The peasants of Grub,” we are informed,
“have still some hereditary customs, in that they assembled in some years,
mostly at the time of the summer solstice, disguised themselves as maskers
so as to be unrecognizable, armed themselves with weapons defensive and
offensive, took every man a great club or cudgel, marched in a troop
together from one village to another, and executed high leaps and strange
antics. They ran full tilt at each other, struck every man his fellow with
all his might, so that the blow resounded, and clashed their great staves
and cudgels. Hence they were called by the country folk the _Stopfer_.
These foolish pranks they played from a superstitious notion that their
corn would thrive the better; but now they have left off, and these
_Stopfer_ are no longer in any repute.” Another authority, after
describing the custom, remarks: “With this custom was formerly connected
the belief that its observance brought a fruitful year.”(582)

(M186) In the Austrian provinces of Salzburg and Tyrol bands of mummers
wearing grotesque masks, with bells jingling on their persons, and
carrying long sticks or poles in their hands, used formerly to run and
leap about on certain days of the year for the purpose of procuring good
crops. They were called _Perchten_, a name derived from Perchta, Berchta,
or Percht, a mythical old woman, whether goddess or elf, who is well known
all over South Germany; Mrs. Perchta (_Frau Perchta_), as they call her,
is to be met with in Elsace, Swabia, Bavaria, Austria, and Switzerland,
but nowhere, perhaps, so commonly as in Salzburg and the Tyrol. In the
Tyrol she appears as a little old woman with a very wrinkled face, bright
lively eyes, and a long hooked nose; her hair is dishevelled, her garments
tattered and torn. Hence they say to a slatternly wench, “You are a
regular Perchta.” She goes about especially during the twelve days from
Christmas to Twelfth Night (Epiphany), above all on the Eve of Twelfth
Night, which is often called Perchta’s Day. Many precautions must be
observed during these mystic days in order not to incur her displeasure,
for she is mischievous to man and beast. If she appears in the byre, a
distemper breaks out among the cows. That is why during these days the
byres must be kept very clean and straw laid on the threshold; otherwise
you will find bald patches on your sheep and goats next morning, and next
summer the hair which has been filched from the animals will descend in
hail-stones from the sky. Old Mrs. Perchta also keeps a very sharp eye on
spinners during the twelve days; she inspects all distaffs and
spinning-wheels in the houses, and if she finds any flax or tow unspun on
them, she tears it to bits, and she does not spare the lazy spinner, for
she scratches her and smacks her fingers so that they bear the marks of it
for the rest of her life. Indeed she sometimes does much more; for she
rips up the belly of the sluggard and stuffs it with flax. That is the
punishment with which a Bavarian mother will threaten an idle jade of a
girl who has left some flax on her distaff on New Year’s Eve. However,
they say in Bavaria that if you only eat plenty of the rich juicy cakes
which are baked for Mrs. Perchta on her day, the old woman’s knife will
glance off your body without making any impression on it. Perchta often
comes not alone but attended by many little children, who follow her as
chickens waddle after the mother hen; and if you should see any little
child lagging behind the rest and blubbering, you may be quite sure that
that child has been baptized. On the Eve of Twelfth Night everybody should
eat pancakes baked of meal and milk or water. If anybody does not do so,
old Mrs. Perchta comes and slits up his stomach, takes out the other food,
fills up the vacuity so created with a tangled skein and bricks, and then
sews up the orifice neatly, using, singularly enough, a ploughshare for a
needle and an iron chain for thread. In other or the same places she does
the same thing to anybody who does not eat herrings and dumplings on
Twelfth Night. Some say that she rides on the storm like the Wild
Huntsman, followed by a boisterous noisy pack, and carrying off people
into far countries. Yet withal old Mrs. Perchta has her redeeming
qualities. Good children who spin diligently and learn their lessons she
rewards with nuts and sugar plums. It has even been affirmed that she
makes the ploughed land fruitful and causes the cattle to thrive. When a
mist floats over the fields, the peasants see her figure gliding along in
a white mantle. On the Eve of Twelfth Night good people leave the remains
of their supper for her on the table, and when they have gone to bed and
all is quiet in the house, she comes in the likeness of an old wizened
little woman, with all the children about her, and partakes of the broken
victuals. But woe to the prying wight who peeps at her through the
key-hole! Many a man has been blinded by her for a whole year as a
punishment for his ill-timed curiosity.(583)

(M187) The processions of maskers who took their name of _Perchten_ from
this quaint creation of the popular fancy were known as _Perchten_-running
or _Perchten_-leaping from the runs and leaps which the men took in their
wild headlong course through the streets and over the fields. They appear
to have been held in all the Alpine regions of Germany, but are best known
to us in the Tyrol and Salzburg. The appropriate season for the
celebration of the rite was Perchta’s Day, that is, Twelfth Night or
Epiphany, the sixth of January, but in some places it was held on Shrove
Tuesday, the last day of the Carnival, the very day when many farmers of
Central Europe jump to make the crops grow tall. Corresponding to the
double character of Perchta as a power for good and evil, the maskers are
divided into two sets known respectively as the Beautiful and the Ugly
_Perchten_. At Lienz in the Tyrol, where the maskers made their appearance
on Shrove Tuesday, the Beautiful _Perchten_ were decked with ribbons,
galloons, and so forth, while the ugly _Perchten_ made themselves as
hideous as they could by hanging rats and mice, chains and bells about
their persons. All wore on their heads tall pointed caps with bells
attached to them; their faces were concealed by masks, and in their hands
they all carried long sticks. The sticks of the Beautiful _Perchten_ were
adorned with ribbons; those of the Ugly _Perchten_ ended in the heads of
devils. Thus equipped they leaped and ran about the streets and went into
the houses. Amongst them was a clown who blew ashes and soot in people’s
faces through a blow-pipe. It was all very merry and frolicsome, except
when “the wild Perchta” herself came, invisible to ordinary eyes, upon the
scene. Then her namesakes the _Perchten_ grew wild and furious too; they
scattered and fled for their lives to the nearest house, for as soon as
they got under the gutter of a roof they were safe. But if she caught
them, she tore them in pieces. To this day you may see the graves where
the mangled bodies of her victims lie buried. When no such interruption
took place, the noisy rout of maskers rushed madly about, with jingling
bells and resounding cracks of whips, entering the houses, dancing here,
drinking there, teasing wayfarers, or racing from village to village like
the Wild Hunt itself in the sky; till at the close of the winter day the
church bells rang the _Ave Maria_. Then at last the wild uproar died away
into silence. Such tumultuous masquerades were thought to be very
beneficial to the crops; a bad harvest would be set down to the omission
of the _Perchten_ to skip and jump about in their usual fashion.(584)

(M188) In the province of Salzburg the _Perchten_ mummers are also divided
into two sets, the Beautiful _Perchten_ and the Ugly _Perchten_. The Ugly
_Perchten_ are properly speaking twelve young men dressed in black
sheepskins and wearing hoods of badger-skins and grotesque wooden masks,
which represent either coarse human features with long teeth and horns, or
else the features of fabulous animals with beaks and bristles or movable
jaws. They all carry bells, both large and small, fastened to broad
leathern girdles. The procession was headed by a man with a big drum, and
after him came lads bearing huge torches and lanterns fastened to tall
poles; for in Salzburg or some parts of it these mummers played their
pranks by night. Behind the torchbearers came two Fools, a male and a
female, the latter acted by a lad in woman’s clothes. The male Fool
carried a sausage-like roll, with which he struck at all women or girls of
his acquaintance when they shewed themselves at the open doors or windows.
Along with the _Perchten_ themselves went a train of young fellows
cracking whips, blowing horns, or jingling bells. The ways might be miry
and the night pitch dark, but with flaring lights the procession swept
rapidly by, the men leaping along with the help of their long sticks and
waking the echoes of the slumbering valley by their loud uproar. From time
to time they stopped at a farm, danced and cut their capers before the
house, for which they were rewarded by presents of food and strong drink;
to offer them money would have been an insult. By midnight the performance
came to an end, and the tired maskers dispersed to their homes.

(M189) The Beautiful _Perchten_ in Salzburg are attired very differently
from the Ugly _Perchten_, but their costume varies with the district. Thus
in the Pongau district the distinctive feature of their costume is a tall
and heavy framework covered with bright red cloth and decorated with a
profusion of silver jewelry and filagree work. This framework is sometimes
nine or ten feet high and forty or fifty pounds in weight. The performer
carries it above his head by means of iron supports resting on his
shoulders or his back. To run or jump under the weight of such an
encumbrance is impossible; the dancer has to content himself with turning
round and round slowly and clumsily. Very different is the headdress of
the Beautiful _Perchten_ in the Pinzgau district of Salzburg. There the
performers are dressed in scarlet and wear straw hats, from which bunches
of white feathers, arranged like fans, nod and flutter in the wind. Red
shoes and white stockings complete their attire. Thus lightly equipped
they hop and jump and stamp briskly in the dance. Unlike their Ugly
namesakes, who seem now to be extinct, the Beautiful _Perchten_ still
parade from time to time among the peasantry of the Salzburg highlands;
but the intervals between their appearances are irregular, varying from
four to seven years or more. Unlike the Ugly _Perchten_, they wear no
masks and appear in full daylight, always on Perchta’s Day (Twelfth Night,
the sixth of January) and the two following Sundays. They are attended by
a train of followers who make a great din with bells, whips, pipes, horns,
rattles, and chains. Amongst them one or two clowns, clothed in white and
wearing tall pointed hats of white felt with many jingling bells attached
to them, play a conspicuous part. They carry each a sausage-shaped roll
stuffed with tow, and with this instrument they strike lightly such women
and girls among the spectators as they desire particularly to favour.
Another attendant carries the effigy of a baby in swaddling bands, made of
linen rags, and fastened to a string; this effigy he throws at women and
girls and then pulls back again, but he does this only to women and girls
whom he respects and to whom he wishes well. At St. Johann the _Perchten_
carry drawn swords; each is attended by a lad dressed as a woman; and they
are followed by men clad in black sheepskins, wearing the masks of devils,
and holding chains in their hands.(585)

(M190) What is the meaning of the quaint performances still enacted by the
_Perchten_ and their attendants in the Austrian highlands? The subject has
been carefully investigated by a highly competent enquirer, Mrs.
Andree-Eysn. She has visited the districts, witnessed the performances,
collected information, and studied the costumes. It may be well to quote
her conclusion: “If we enquire into the inner meaning which underlies the
_Perchten_-race and kindred processions, we must confess that it is not at
first sight obvious, and that the original meaning appears blurred and
indistinct. Nevertheless from many features which they present in common
it can be demonstrated that the processions were held for the purpose of
driving away demons and had for their object to promote fertility. In
favour of this view it may be urged, first of all, that their appearance
is everywhere greeted with joy, because it promises fertility and a good
harvest. ‘It is a good year,’ they say in Salzburg. If the processions are
prevented from taking place, dearth and a bad harvest are to be
apprehended. The peasants of the Tyrol still believe that the more
_Perchten_ run about, the better will the year be, and therefore they
treat them to brandy and cakes. In Lienz, when the harvest turns out ill,
they say that they omitted to let the _Perchten_ run over the fields, and
for that reason the peasant in the Sarn valley gets the _Perchten_ to leap
about on his fields, for then there will be a good year.

“If fertility and blessing are to be poured out on field, house, and
homestead, it is obvious that everything that could hinder or harm must be
averted and driven away. When we consider how even at the present time,
and still more in times gone by, much that is harmful is attributed to the
malevolence of invisible powers, we can readily understand why people
should resort to measures which they deem effective for the purpose of
disarming these malevolent beings. Now it is a common belief that certain
masks possess the virtue of banning demons, and that loud noise and din
are a means of keeping off evil spirits or hindering their activity. In
the procession of the _Perchten_ we see the principle of the banishment of
evil carried out in practice. The people attack the evil spirits and seek
to chase them away by putting on frightful masks, with which they confront
the demon. For one sort of malevolent spirits one kind of mask appears
suitable, and for another another; this spirit is daunted by this mask,
and that spirit by that; and so they came to discriminate. Originally,
particular masks may have been used against particular evil spirits, but
in course of time they were confused, the individual taste of the maker of
the mask counted for something, and so gradually it resulted in carving
all kinds of horrible, fantastic, and hideous masks which had nothing in
common but their general tendency to frighten away all evil spirits.”(586)

(M191) In support of her view that the procession of the _Perchten_ aims
chiefly at banishing demons who might otherwise blight the crops, Mrs.
Andree-Eysn lays stress on the bells which figure so prominently in the
costume of these maskers; for the sound of bells, as she reminds us, is
commonly believed to be a potent means of driving evil spirits away. The
notion is too familiar to call for proof,(587) but a single case from
Central Africa may be cited as an illustration. The Teso people, who
inhabit a land of rolling plains between Mount Elgon and Lake Kioga, “make
use of bells to exorcise the storm fiend; a person who has been injured by
a flash or in the resulting fire wears bells round his ankles for weeks
afterwards. Whenever rain threatens, and rain in Uganda almost always
comes in company with thunder and lightning, this person will parade the
village for an hour, with the jingling bells upon his legs and a wand of
papyrus in his hand, attended by as many of his family as may happen to be
at hand and not employed in necessary duties.”(588) The resemblance of
such men, with their bells and wands, to the Austrian _Perchten_ with
their bells and wands is, on the theory in question, fairly close; both of
them go about to dispel demons by the sound of their bells and probably
also by the blows of their rods. Whatever may be thought of their efficacy
in banning fiends, certain it is that in the Tyrol, where the _Perchten_
play their pranks, the chime of bells is used for the express purpose of
causing the grass to grow in spring. Thus in the lower valley of the Inn,
especially at Schwaz, on the twenty-fourth of April (there reckoned St.
George’s Day) troops of young fellows go about ringing bells, some of
which they hold in their hands, while others are attached to their
persons; and the peasants say, “Wherever the Grass-ringers come, there the
grass grows well, and the corn bears abundant fruit.” Hence the
bell-ringers are welcomed and treated wherever they go. Formerly, it is
said, they wore masks, like the _Perchten_, but afterwards they contented
themselves with blackening their faces with soot.(589) In other parts of
the Tyrol the bell-ringing processions take place at the Carnival, but
their object is the same; for “it is believed that by this noisy
procession growth in general, but especially the growth of the meadows, is
promoted.”(590) Again, at Bergell, in the Swiss canton of the Grisons,
children go in procession on the first of March ringing bells, “in order
that the grass may grow.”(591) So in Hildesheim, on the afternoon of
Ascension Day, young girls ascend the church tower and ring all the church
bells, “in order that they may get a good harvest of flax; the girl who,
hanging on to the bell-rope, is swung highest by the swing of the bell,
will get the longest flax.”(592) Here the sound of the bells as a means of
promoting the growth of the flax is reinforced by the upward swing of the
bell, which, carrying with it the bell-ringer at the end of the rope,
naturally causes the flax in like manner to rise high in the air. It is a
simple piece of imitative magic, like the leaps and bounds which the
peasants of Central Europe often execute for precisely the same purpose.
Once more, in various parts of the Tyrol on Senseless Thursday, which is
the last Thursday in Carnival, young men in motley attire, with whips and
brooms, run about cracking their whips and making believe to sweep away
the onlookers with their brooms. They are called _Huttler_ or _Huddler_.
The people say that if these fellows do not run about, the flax will not
thrive, and that on the contrary the more of them run about, the better
will the flax grow. And where there are many of them, there will be much
maize.(593) In this custom the cracking of the whips may be supposed to
serve the same purpose as the ringing of the bells by frightening and
banishing the demons of infertility and dearth. About Hall, in the
northern Tyrol, the ceremony of the _Hudel_-running, as it is called, is
or used to be as follows. A peasant-farmer, generally well-to-do and
respected, rigs himself out in motley and hides his face under a mask;
round his waist he wears a girdle crammed with rolls, while in his hand he
wields a long whip, from which more than fifty cracknels dangle on a
string. Thus arrayed he suddenly bursts from the ale-house door into the
public view, solicited thereto by the cries of the street urchins, who
have been anxiously waiting for his appearance. He throws amongst them the
string of cracknels, and while they are scrambling for these dainties, he
lays on to them most liberally with his whip. Having faithfully discharged
this public duty, he marches down between rows of peasants, who have
meantime taken up their position in a long street. Amongst them he picks
out one who is to run before him. The man selected for the honour
accordingly takes to his heels, hotly pursued by the other with the whip,
who lashes the feet of the fugitive till he comes up with him. Having run
him down, he leads him back to the alehouse, where he treats him to a roll
and a glass of wine. After that the masker runs a similar race with
another man; and so it goes on, one race after another, till the sun sets.
Then the mummer doffs his mask and leads the dance in the alehouse. The
object of these races is said to be to ensure a good crop of flax and
maize.(594)

(M192) In these races of mummers, whether known as _Perchten_ or
_Huttler_, there are certain features which it is difficult to explain on
the theory that the aim of the performers is simply to drive away demons,
and that the hideous masks which they assume have no other intention than
that of frightening these uncanny beings. For observe that in the last
example the blows of the whip fall not on the airy swarms of invisible
spirits, but on the solid persons of street urchins and sturdy yokels, who
can hardly be supposed to receive the chastisement vicariously for the
demons. Again, what are we to make of the rolls and cracknels with which
in this case the mummer is laden, and which he distributes among his
victims, as if to console them in one part of their person for the pain
which he has inflicted on another? Surely this bounty seems to invest him
with something more than the purely negative character of an exorciser of
evil; it appears to raise him to the positive character of a dispenser of
good. The same remark applies to the action of the _Perchten_ who strike
women lightly, as a mark of friendship and regard, with the sausage-like
rolls which they carry in their hands, or throw them, as a mark of favour,
the effigy of a baby. The only probable explanation of these practices, as
Mrs. Andree-Eysn rightly points out, is that the mummers thereby intend to
fertilize the women whom they honour by these attentions.(595) Here,
again, therefore the maskers appear as the actual dispensers of good, the
bestowers of fruitfulness, not merely the averters of evil. If that is so,
we seem bound to infer that these masked men represent or embody the
spirits who quicken the seed both in the earth and in the wombs of women.
That was the view of W. Mannhardt, the highest authority on the
agricultural superstitions of European peasantry. After reviewing these
and many more similar processions, he concludes that if the comparison
which he has instituted between them holds good, all these various mummers
“were intended by the original founders of the processions to represent
demons of vegetation, who by their mere appearance and cries drove away
the powers that hinder growth and woke to new life the slumbering spirits
of the grasses and corn-stalks.”(596) Thus Mannhardt admitted that these
noisy processions of masked men are really supposed to dispel the evil
spirits of blight and infertility, while at the same time he held that the
men themselves originally personated vegetation-spirits. And he thought it
probable that the original significance of these performances was in later
times misunderstood and interpreted as a simple expulsion of witches and
other uncanny beings that haunt the fields.(597)

(M193) On the whole this conclusion of an enquirer remarkable for a rare
combination of learning, sobriety, and insight, is perhaps the most
probable that can now be reached with the evidence at our disposal. It is
confirmed by some of the savage masquerades in which the maskers
definitely represent spirits of fertility in order to promote the
fruitfulness of the earth and of women;(598) and it is supported by the
evidence of many other rustic mummeries in Europe, for example, by the
English rites of Plough Monday, in which the dancers, or rather jumpers,
who wore bunches of corn in their hats as they leaped into the air, are
most naturally interpreted as agents or representatives of the
corn-spirit.(599) It is, therefore, worth observing that in some places
the dancers of Plough Monday, who attended the plough in its
peregrinations through the streets and fields, are described as
morris-dancers.(600) If the description is correct, it implies that they
had bells attached to their costume, which would further assimilate them
to the _Perchten_ and other masqueraders of Central Europe; for the chief
characteristic of the morris-dance is that the performers wear bells
fastened to their legs which jingle at every step.(601) We may suppose
that if the men who ran and capered beside the plough on Plough Monday
really wore bells, the original intention of this appendage to their
costume was either to dispel the demons who might hinder the growth of the
corn, or to waken the spirits of vegetation from their long winter sleep.
In favour of the view which sees in all these dances and mummeries rather
the banishment of what is evil than the direct promotion of what is good,
it may be urged that some of the dancers wear swords,(602) a weapon which
certainly seems better fitted to combat demons than to prune fruit-trees
or turn up the sod. Further, it deserves to be noted that many of the
performances take place either on Twelfth Day or, like the celebration of
Plough Monday, very shortly after it; and that in the Lord of Misrule, who
reigned from Christmas to Twelfth Day,(603) we have a clear trace of one
of those periods of general licence and suspension of ordinary government,
which so commonly occur at the end of the old year or the beginning of the
new one in connexion with a general expulsion of evils.

(M194) Surveying these masquerades and processions, as they have been or
still are celebrated in modern Europe, we may say in general that they
appear to have been originally intended both to stimulate the growth of
vegetation in spring and to expel the demoniac or other evil influences
which were thought to have accumulated during the preceding winter or
year; and that these two motives of stimulation and expulsion, blended and
perhaps confused together, appear to explain the quaint costumes of the
mummers, the multitudinous noises which they make, and the blows which
they direct either at invisible foes or at the visible and tangible
persons of their fellows. In the latter case the beating may be supposed
to serve as a means of forcibly freeing the sufferers from the demons or
other evil things that cling to them unseen.

(M195) To apply these conclusions to the Roman custom of expelling
Mamurius Veturius or “the Old Mars” every year in spring, we may say that
they lend some support to the theory which sees in “the Old Mars” the
outworn deity of vegetation driven away to make room, either for a younger
and more vigorous personification of vernal life, or perhaps for the
return of the same deity refreshed and renovated by the treatment to which
he had been subjected, and particularly by the vigorous application of the
rod to his sacred person. For, as we shall see presently, King Solomon was
by no means singular in his opinion of the refreshing influence of a sound
thrashing. So far as “the Old Mars” was supposed to carry away with him
the accumulated weaknesses and other evils of the past year, so far would
he serve as a public scapegoat, like the effigy in the Slavonic custom of
“Carrying out Death,” which appears not only to represent the
vegetation-spirit of the past year, but also to act as a scapegoat,
carrying away with it a heavy load of suffering, misfortune, and death.




§ 2. The Human Scapegoat in Ancient Greece.


(M196) The ancient Greeks were also familiar with the use of a human
scapegoat. In Plutarch’s native town of Chaeronea a ceremony of this kind
was performed by the chief magistrate at the Town Hall, and by each
householder at his own home. It was called the “expulsion of hunger.” A
slave was beaten with rods of the _agnus castus_, and turned out of doors
with the words, “Out with hunger, and in with wealth and health.” When
Plutarch held the office of chief magistrate of his native town he
performed this ceremony at the Town Hall, and he has recorded the
discussion to which the custom afterwards gave rise.(604) The ceremony
closely resembles the Japanese, Hindoo, and Highland customs already
described.(605)

(M197) But in civilized Greece the custom of the scapegoat took darker
forms than the innocent rite over which the amiable and pious Plutarch
presided. Whenever Marseilles, one of the busiest and most brilliant of
Greek colonies, was ravaged by a plague, a man of the poorer classes used
to offer himself as a scapegoat. For a whole year he was maintained at the
public expense, being fed on choice and pure food. At the expiry of the
year he was dressed in sacred garments, decked with holy branches, and led
through the whole city, while prayers were uttered that all the evils of
the people might fall on his head. He was then cast out of the city or
stoned to death by the people outside of the walls.(606) The Athenians
regularly maintained a number of degraded and useless beings at the public
expense; and when any calamity, such as plague, drought, or famine, befell
the city, they sacrificed two of these outcasts as scapegoats. One of the
victims was sacrificed for the men and the other for the women. The former
wore round his neck a string of black, the latter a string of white figs.
Sometimes, it seems, the victim slain on behalf of the women was a woman.
They were led about the city and then sacrificed, apparently by being
stoned to death outside the city.(607) But such sacrifices were not
confined to extraordinary occasions of public calamity; it appears that
every year, at the festival of the Thargelia in May, two victims, one for
the men and one for the women, were led out of Athens and stoned to
death.(608) The city of Abdera in Thrace was publicly purified once a
year, and one of the burghers, set apart for the purpose, was stoned to
death as a scapegoat or vicarious sacrifice for the life of all the
others; six days before his execution he was excommunicated, “in order
that he alone might bear the sins of all the people.”(609)

(M198) From the Lover’s Leap, a white bluff at the southern end of their
island, the Leucadians used annually to hurl a criminal into the sea as a
scapegoat. But to lighten his fall they fastened live birds and feathers
to him, and a flotilla of small boats waited below to catch him and convey
him beyond the boundary. Probably these humane precautions were a
mitigation of an earlier custom of flinging the scapegoat into the sea to
drown, just as in Kumaon the custom of letting a man slide down a rope
from the top of a cliff appears to be a modification of an older practice
of putting him to death. The Leucadian ceremony took place at the time of
a sacrifice to Apollo, who had a temple or sanctuary on the spot.(610)
Elsewhere it was customary to cast a young man every year into the sea,
with the prayer, “Be thou our offscouring.” This ceremony was supposed to
rid the people of the evils by which they were beset, or according to a
somewhat different interpretation it redeemed them by paying the debt they
owed to the sea-god.(611) As practised by the Greeks of Asia Minor in the
sixth century before our era, the custom of the scapegoat was as follows.
When a city suffered from plague, famine, or other public calamity, an
ugly or deformed person was chosen to take upon himself all the evils
which afflicted the community. He was brought to a suitable place, where
dried figs, a barley loaf, and cheese were put into his hand. These he
ate. Then he was beaten seven times upon his genital organs with squills
and branches of the wild fig and other wild trees, while the flutes played
a particular tune. Afterwards he was burned on a pyre built of the wood of
forest trees; and his ashes were cast into the sea.(612) A similar custom
appears to have been annually celebrated by the Asiatic Greeks at the
harvest festival of the Thargelia.(613)

(M199) In the ritual just described the scourging of the victim with
squills, branches of the wild fig, and so forth, cannot have been intended
to aggravate his sufferings, otherwise any stick would have been good
enough to beat him with. The true meaning of this part of the ceremony has
been explained by W. Mannhardt.(614) He points out that the ancients
attributed to squills a magical power of averting evil influences, and
that accordingly they hung them up at the doors of their houses and made
use of them in purificatory rites.(615) Hence the Arcadian custom of
whipping the image of Pan with squills at a festival, or whenever the
hunters returned empty-handed,(616) must have been meant, not to punish
the god, but to purify him from the harmful influences which were impeding
him in the exercise of his divine functions as a god who should supply the
hunter with game. Similarly the object of beating the human scapegoat on
the genital organs with squills and so on, must have been to release his
reproductive energies from any restraint or spell under which they might
be laid by demoniacal or other malignant agency; and as the Thargelia at
which he was annually sacrificed was an early harvest festival celebrated
in May,(617) we must recognize in him a representative of the creative and
fertilizing god of vegetation. The representative of the god was annually
slain for the purpose I have indicated, that of maintaining the divine
life in perpetual vigour, untainted by the weakness of age; and before he
was put to death it was not unnatural to stimulate his reproductive powers
in order that these might be transmitted in full activity to his
successor, the new god or new embodiment of the old god, who was doubtless
supposed immediately to take the place of the one slain.(618) Similar
reasoning would lead to a similar treatment of the scapegoat on special
occasions, such as drought or famine. If the crops did not answer to the
expectation of the husbandman, this would be attributed to some failure in
the generative powers of the god whose function it was to produce the
fruits of the earth. It might be thought that he was under a spell or was
growing old and feeble. Accordingly he was slain in the person of his
representative, with all the ceremonies already described, in order that,
born young again, he might infuse his own youthful vigour into the
stagnant energies of nature. On the same principle we can understand why
Mamurius Veturius was beaten with rods, why the slave at the Chaeronean
ceremony was beaten with the _agnus castus_ (a tree to which magical
properties were ascribed),(619) why the effigy of Death in some parts of
Europe is assailed with sticks and stones,(620) and why at Babylon the
criminal who played the god was scourged before he was crucified.(621) The
purpose of the scourging was not to intensify the agony of the divine
sufferer, but on the contrary to dispel any malignant influences by which
at the supreme moment he might conceivably be beset.

(M200) Thus far I have assumed that the human victims at the Thargelia
represented the spirits of vegetation in general,(622) but it has been
well remarked by Mr. W. R. Paton that these poor wretches seem to have
masqueraded as the spirits of fig-trees in particular. He points out that
the process of caprification, as it is called, that is, the artificial
fertilization of the cultivated fig-trees by hanging strings of wild figs
among the boughs, takes place in Greece and Asia Minor in June about a
month after the date of the Thargelia, and he suggests that the hanging of
the black and white figs round the necks of the two human victims, one of
whom represented the men and the other the women, may have been a direct
imitation of the process of caprification designed, on the principle of
imitative magic, to assist the fertilization of the fig-trees. And since
caprification is in fact a marriage of the male fig-tree with the female
fig-tree, Mr. Paton further supposes that the loves of the trees may, on
the same principle of imitative magic, have been simulated by a mock or
even a real marriage between the two human victims, one of whom appears
sometimes to have been a woman. On this view the practice of beating the
human victims on their genitals with branches of wild fig-trees and with
squills was a charm intended to stimulate the generative powers of the man
and woman who for the time being personated the male and the female
fig-trees respectively, and who by their union in marriage, whether real
or pretended, were believed to help the trees to bear fruit.(623)

(M201) The theory is ingenious and attractive; and to some extent it is
borne out by the Roman celebration of the _Nonae Caprotinae_, which I have
described in an earlier part of this work.(624) For on the _Nonae
Caprotinae_, the ninth of July, the female slaves, in the attire of free
women, feasted under a wild fig-tree, cut a rod from the tree, beat each
other, perhaps with the rod, and offered the milky juice of the tree to
the goddess Juno Caprotina, whose surname seems to point her out as the
goddess of the wild fig-tree (_caprificus_). Here the rites performed in
July by women under the wild fig-tree, which the ancients rightly regarded
as a male and employed to fertilize the cultivated female fig-tree, can
hardly be dissociated from the caprification or artificial marriage of the
fig-trees which, according to Columella, was best performed in July; and
if the blows which the women gave each other on this occasion were
administered, as seems highly probable, by the rod which they cut from the
wild fig-tree, the parallel between the Roman and the Greek ceremony would
be still closer; since the Greeks, as we saw, beat the genitals of the
human victims with branches of wild fig-trees. It is true that the human
sacrifices, which formed so prominent a feature in the Greek celebration
of the Thargelia, do not figure in the Roman celebration of the _Nonae
Caprotinae_ within historical times; yet a trace of them may perhaps be
detected in the tradition that Romulus himself mysteriously disappeared on
that very day in the midst of a tremendous thunder-storm, while he was
reviewing his army outside the walls of Rome at the Goat’s Marsh (“_ad
Caprae paludem_”), a name which suggests that the place was not far
distant from the wild fig-tree or the goat-fig (_caprificus_), as the
Romans called it, where the slave women performed their curious
ceremonies. The legend that he was cut in pieces by the patricians, who
carried away the morsels of his body under their robes and buried them in
the earth,(625) exactly describes the treatment which the Khonds used to
accord to the bodies of the human victims for the purpose of fertilizing
their fields.(626) Can the king have played at Rome the same fatal part in
the fertilization of fig-trees which, if Mr. Paton is right, was played in
Greece by the male victim? The traditionary time, place, and manner of his
death all suggest it. So many coincidences between the Greek and Roman
ceremonies and traditions can hardly be wholly accidental; and accordingly
I incline to think that there may well be an element of truth in Mr.
Paton’s theory, though it must be confessed that the ancient writers who
describe the Greek custom appear to regard it merely as a purification of
the city and not at all as a mode of fertilizing fig-trees.(627) In
similar ceremonies, which combine the elements of purification and
fertilization, the notion of purification apparently tends gradually to
overshadow the notion of fertilization in the minds of those who practise
the rites. It seems to have been so in the case of the annual expulsion of
Mamurius Veturius from ancient Rome and in the parallel processions of the
_Perchten_ in modern Europe; it may have been so also in the case of the
human sacrifices at the Thargelia.(628)

(M202) The interpretation which I have adopted of the custom of beating
the human scapegoat with certain plants is supported by many analogies. We
have already met with examples of a practice of beating sick people with
the leaves of certain plants or with branches in order to rid them of
noxious influences.(629) Some of the Dravidian tribes of Northern India,
who attribute epilepsy, hysteria, and similar maladies to demoniacal
possession, endeavour to cure the sufferer by thrashing him soundly with a
sacred iron chain, which is believed to have the effect of immediately
expelling the demon.(630) When a herd of camels refuses to drink, the
Arabs will sometimes beat the male beasts on the back to drive away the
jinn who are riding them and frightening the females.(631) In Bikol, the
south-western part of Luzon, it was generally believed that if the evil
spirit Aswang were not properly exorcised he took possession of the bodies
of the dead and tormented them. Hence to deliver a corpse from his
clutches the native priestesses used to beat it with a brush or whisk made
of the leaves of the aromatic China orange, while they chanted a certain
song, throwing their bodies into contortions and uttering shrill cries, as
if the evil spirit had entered into themselves. The soul of the deceased,
thus delivered from the cruel tyranny of Aswang, was then free to roam at
pleasure along the charming lanes or in the thick shade of the
forest.(632)

(M203) Sometimes it appears that a beating is administered for the purpose
of ridding people of a ghost who may be clinging too closely to their
persons; in such cases the blows, though they descend on the bodies of the
living, are really aimed at the spirit of the dead, and have no other
object than to drive it away, just as a coachman will flick the back of a
horse with his whip to rid the beast of a fly. At a funeral in the island
of Halmahera, before the coffin is lowered into the grave, all the
relations whip themselves on the head and shoulders with wands made of
plants which are believed to possess the power of keeping off evil
spirits. The intention of the custom is said to be to bring back their own
spectres or souls and to prevent them from following the ghost; but this
may fairly be interpreted to mean that the blows are directed to brushing
off the ghost, who would otherwise abstract the soul of the person on
whose body he was allowed to settle. This interpretation is strongly
confirmed by the practice, observed by the same people on the same
occasion, of throwing the trunk of a banana-tree into the grave, and
telling the dead man that it is a companion for him; for this practice is
expressly intended to prevent the deceased from feeling lonely, and so
coming back to fetch away a friend.(633) When Mr. Batchelor returned to a
hut after visiting the grave of an old Aino woman, her relations brought
him a bowl of water to the door and requested him to wash his face and
hands. While he did so, the women beat him and brushed him down with
sacred whittled sticks (_inao_). On enquiring into the meaning of this
treatment, he discovered that it was intended to purify him from all
uncleanness contracted at the grave through contact with the ghost of the
deceased, and that the beating and brushing with the whittled sticks had
for its object to drive away all evil influences and diseases with which
the ghost of the old woman might have attempted to infect him out of spite
for his trespassing on her domain.(634) The Banmanas of Senegambia think
that the soul of a dead infant becomes for a time a wandering and
maleficent spirit. Accordingly when a baby dies, all the uncircumcised
children of the same sex in the village run about the streets in a band,
each armed with three or four supple rods. Some of them enter every house
to beg, and while they are doing so, one of the troop, propping himself
against the wall with his hands, is lashed by another of the children on
his back or legs till the blood flows. Each of the children takes it in
turn to be thus whipped. The object of the whipping, we are told, “appears
to be to preserve the uncircumcised child from being carried off by its
comrade who has just died.”(635) The severe scourgings inflicted on each
other by some South American Indians at ceremonies connected with the dead
may be similarly intended to chase away the dangerous ghost, who is
conceived as sticking like a leech or a bur to the skin of the
living.(636) The ancient Greeks employed the laurel very commonly as an
instrument of ceremonial purification;(637) and from the monuments which
represent the purgation of Orestes from the guilt of matricide(638) it
seems probable that the regular rite of cleansing a homicide consisted
essentially in sprinkling him with pig’s blood and beating him with a
laurel bough, for the purpose, as we may conjecture, of whisking away the
wrathful ghost of his victim, who was thought to buzz about him like an
angry wasp in summer. If that was so, the Greek ritual of purification
singularly resembles the Nicobarese ceremony of exorcism; for when a man
is supposed to be possessed by devils, the Nicobarese rub him all over
with pig’s blood and beat him with bunches of certain leaves, to which a
special power of exorcising demons is attributed. As fast as each devil is
thus disengaged from his person, it is carefully folded up in leaves, to
be afterwards thrown into the sea at daybreak.(639)

(M204) At the autumn festival in Peru people used to strike each other
with torches, saying, “Let all harm go away.”(640) Every year when the
Pleiades reappeared in the sky, the Guaycurus, an Indian nation of the
Gran Chaco, held a festival of rejoicing, at which men, women, and
children all thrashed each other, expecting thereby to procure health,
abundance, and victory over their enemies.(641) Indians of the Quixos, in
South America, before they set out on a long hunting expedition, cause
their wives to whip them with nettles, believing that this renders them
fleeter, and helps them to overtake the peccaries. They resort to the same
proceeding as a cure for sickness.(642) The Roocooyen Indians of French
Guiana train up young people in the way they should go by causing them to
be stung by ants and wasps; and at the ceremony held for this purpose the
grown-up people improve the occasion by allowing themselves to be whacked
by the chief with a stick over the arms, the legs, and the chest. They
appear to labour under an impression that this conveys to them all sorts
of moral and physical excellences. One of the tribe, ambitious of
acquiring the European virtues, begged a French traveller to be so kind as
to give him a good hiding. The traveller obligingly did his best to
gratify him, and the face of the Indian beamed with gratitude as the blows
fell on his naked back.(643) The Delaware Indians had two sovereign
remedies for sin; one was an emetic, the other a thrashing. In the latter
case, the remedy was administered by means of twelve different sticks,
with which the sinner was belaboured from the soles of his feet up to his
neck. In both cases the sins were supposed to be expelled from the body,
and to pass out through the throat.(644) At the inauguration of a king in
ancient India it was customary for the priests to strike him lightly on
the back with sticks. “By beating him with sticks,” it was said, “they
guide him safely over judicial punishment; whence the king is exempt from
punishment, because they guide him safely over judicial punishment.”(645)
On the thirtieth of December the heathen of Harran used to receive three,
five, or seven blows apiece from a priest with a tamarisk branch. After
the beating had been duly administered the priest on behalf of the whole
community prayed for long life, much offspring, power and glory over all
peoples, and the restoration of their ancient kingdom.(646)

(M205) Sometimes, in the opinion of those who resort to it, the effect of
a beating is not merely the negative one of dispelling demoniac or other
baneful influences; it confers positive benefits by virtue of certain
useful properties supposed to inhere in the instrument with which the
beating is administered.(647) Thus among the Kai of German New Guinea,
when a man wishes to make his banana shoots bear fruit quickly, he beats
them with a stick cut from a banana-tree which has already borne
fruit.(648) Here it is obvious that fruitfulness is believed to inhere in
a stick cut from a fruitful tree and to be imparted by contact to the
young banana plants. Similarly in New Caledonia a man will beat his taro
plants lightly with a branch, saying as he does so, “I beat this taro that
it may grow,” after which he plants the branch in the ground at the end of
the field.(649) Among the Indians of Brazil at the mouth of the Amazon,
when a man wishes to increase the size of his generative organ, he strikes
it with the fruit of a white aquatic plant called an _aninga_, which grows
luxuriantly on the banks of the river. The fruit, which is inedible,
resembles a banana, and is clearly chosen for this purpose on account of
its shape. The ceremony should be performed three days before or after the
new moon.(650) In the county of Bekes, in Hungary, barren women are
fertilized by being struck with a stick which has first been used to
separate pairing dogs.(651) Here a fertilizing virtue is clearly supposed
to be inherent in the stick and to be conveyed by contact to the women.
The Toradjas of Central Celebes think that the plant _Dracaena terminalis_
has a strong soul, because when it is lopped, it soon grows up again.
Hence when a man is ill, his friends will sometimes beat him on the crown
of the head with _Dracaena_ leaves in order to strengthen his weak soul
with the strong soul of the plant.(652) At Mowat in British New Guinea
small boys are beaten lightly with sticks during December “to make them
grow strong and hardy.”(653)

(M206) Among the Arabs of Morocco the Great Feast, which is the annual
sacrificial festival of Mohammedan peoples, is the occasion when men go
about beating people with the kindly intention of healing or preventing
sickness and benefiting the sufferers generally. In some tribes the
operator is muffled in the bloody skins of sacrificed sheep, and he
strikes everybody within reach of him with a flap of the skin or a foot of
the sheep which dangles loose from his arm; sick people present themselves
to him in order to receive the health-giving blows, and mothers bring
their little children to him for the same purpose. Anybody whom he hits on
the head will be free from headache. Nor does he confine his attention to
people; he goes about striking the tents also, in order that they too may
receive their share of the blessed influence (_baraka_) that radiates like
sunshine from a bloody sheepskin. From the costume which he wears the
masker is known as the “Lion with Sheepskins”; and he himself participates
in the blessings which he diffuses so liberally around him. Hence in at
least one tribe he is generally a person who suffers from some illness,
because he expects to be healed by the magic virtue or holiness of the
bloody skins.(654) Similarly, as we shall see presently, in ancient Mexico
the men who masqueraded in the skins of the human victims were commonly
persons who suffered from skin disease, because they thought that the
bleeding skin of a man who had been killed in the character of a god must
surely possess a sovereign virtue for the healing of disease.(655) In
Morocco the skin-clad mummer sometimes operates with sticks instead of a
flap of the skin, and sometimes the skins in which he is muffled are those
of goats instead of sheep, but in all cases the effect, or at least the
intention, is probably the same.(656)

(M207) In some parts of Eastern and Central Europe a similar custom is
very commonly observed in spring. On the first of March the Albanians
strike men and beast with cornel branches, believing that this is very
good for their health.(657) In March the Greek peasants of Cos switch
their cattle, saying, “It is March, and up with your tail!” They think
that the ceremony benefits the animals, and brings good luck. It is never
observed at any other time of the year.(658) In some parts of Mecklenburg
it is customary to beat the cattle before sunrise on the morning of Good
Friday with rods of buckthorn, which are afterwards concealed in some
secret place where neither sun nor moon can shine on them. The belief is
that though the blows light upon the animals, the pain of them is felt by
the witches who are riding the beasts.(659) In the neighbourhood of
Iserlohn, in Westphalia, the herdsman rises at peep of dawn on May
morning, climbs a hill, and cuts down the young rowan-tree which is the
first to catch the beams of the rising sun. With this he returns to the
farm-yard. The heifer which the farmer desires to “quicken” is then led to
the dunghill, and the herdsman strikes it over the hind-quarters, the
haunches, and the udders with a branch of the rowan-tree, saying,


    “_Quick, quick, quick!_
    _Bring milk into the dugs._
    _The sap is in the birches._
    _The heifer receives a name._

    “_Quick, quick, quick!_
    _Bring milk into the dugs._
    _The sap comes in the beeches,_
    _The leaf comes on the oak._

    “_Quick, quick, quick!_
    _Bring milk into the dugs._
    _In the name of the sainted Greta,_
    _Gold-flower shall be thy name,_”


and so on.(660) The intention of the ceremony appears to be to make sure
that the heifer shall in due time yield a plentiful supply of milk; and
this is perhaps supposed to be brought about by driving away the witches,
who are particularly apt, as we have seen,(661) to rob the cows of their
milk on the morning of May Day. Certainly in the north-east of Scotland
pieces of rowan-tree and woodbine used to be placed over the doors of the
byres on May Day to keep the witches from the cows; sometimes a single rod
of rowan, covered with notches, was found to answer the purpose. An even
more effectual guard against witchcraft was to tie a small cross of
rowan-wood by a scarlet thread to each beast’s tail; hence people said,


    “_Rawn-tree in red-threed_
    _Pits the witches t’ their speed._”(662)


In Germany also the rowan-tree is a protection against witchcraft;(663)
and Norwegian sailors and fishermen carry a piece of it in their boats for
good luck.(664) Thus the benefit to young cows of beating them with rowan
appears to be not so much the positive one of pouring milk into their
udders, as merely the negative one of averting evil influence; and the
same may perhaps be said of most of the beatings with which we are here
concerned.

(M208) On Good Friday and the two previous days people in Croatia and
Slavonia take rods with them to church, and when the service is over they
beat each other “fresh and healthy.”(665) In some parts of Russia people
returning from the church on Palm Sunday beat the children and servants
who have stayed at home with palm branches, saying, “Sickness into the
forest, health into the bones.”(666) A similar custom is widely known
under the name of _Schmeckostern_ or “Easter Smacks” in some parts of
Germany and Austria. The regions in which the practice prevails are for
the most part districts in which the people either are or once were
predominantly of Slavonic blood, such as East and West Prussia, Voigtland,
Silesia, Bohemia, and Moravia. While the German population call the custom
_Schmeckostern_, the Slavonic inhabitants give it, according to their
particular language or dialect, a variety of names which signify to beat
or scourge. It is usually observed on Easter Monday, less frequently on
Easter Saturday or Easter Sunday. Troops of boys or lads go from house to
house on the morning of Easter Monday beating every girl or woman whom
they meet; they even make their way into the bedrooms, and if they find
any girls or women still abed, they compel them with blows to get up. Even
grown-up men indulge themselves in the pastime of going to the houses of
friends and relations to inflict the “Easter Smacks.” In some places, for
example in the Leobschütz district of Silesia, the boys and men further
claim and exercise the right of drenching all the girls and women with
water on Easter Monday; and for this purpose they generally go about armed
with squirts, which are not always charged with eau de Cologne. Next day,
Easter Tuesday, the women have the right to retaliate on the men; however,
they do not as a rule go about the streets but confine their operations to
their own houses, beating and chasing from their beds any lads or men they
can find lying in them. Children are less discriminating in their “Easter
Smacks,” which they bestow impartially on parents and relations, friends
and strangers, without observing the subtle distinction of sex. In many
places it is only the women who are privileged to receive the smacks. The
instrument with which the beating is administered is in some districts,
such as Lithuania, Samland, and Neumark, a twig or branch of birch on
which the fresh green leaves have just sprouted. If the birch-trees have
not budded in time, it is customary to keep the rods in pickle for days or
even weeks, nursing them tenderly in warm water; and if that measure also
fails, they are heated in the stove-pipe. But more commonly the instrument
of torture is a branch of willow with catkins on it, which has also been
nursed in warm water or the chimney so as to be ripe for execution on
Easter Monday. A number of these birch or willow twigs are usually tied
together into a switch, and ornamented with motley ribbons and pieces of
silk paper, so that they present the appearance of a nosegay; indeed, in
northern Bohemia spring flowers form part of the decoration. In some
places, particularly in Silesia and Moravia, pieces of licorice root are
substituted for willow twigs; or again in the vine-growing districts of
Bohemia vine-branches are used for the same purpose. Sometimes a scourge
made of leather straps of various colours takes the place of a green
bough. The blows are commonly inflicted on the hands and feet; and in some
places, particularly in Bohemia, the victims are expected to reward their
tormentors with a present of red Easter eggs; nay sometimes a woman is
bound to give an egg for every blow she receives. In the afternoon the
lads carry their eggs to high ground and let them roll down the slope; he
whose egg reaches the bottom first, wins all the rest. The beating is
supposed to bring good luck to the beaten, or to warrant them against
flies and vermin during the summer, or to save them from pains in their
back throughout the whole year. At Gilgenburg in Masuren the rods or
bundles of twigs are afterwards laid by and used to drive the cattle out
to pasture for the first time after their winter confinement.(667)

(M209) In some parts of Germany and Austria a custom like that of “Easter
Smacks” is observed at the Christmas holidays, especially on Holy
Innocents’ Day, the twenty-eighth of December. Young men and women beat
each other mutually, but on different days, with branches of fresh green,
whether birch, willow, or fir. Thus, for example, among the Germans of
western Bohemia it is customary on St. Barbara’s Day (the fourth of
December) to cut twigs or branches of birch and to steep them in water in
order that they may put out leaves or buds. They are afterwards used by
each sex to beat the other on subsequent days of the Christmas holidays.
In some villages branches of willow or cherry-trees or rosemary are
employed for the same purpose. With these green boughs, sometimes tied in
bundles with red or green ribbons, the young men go about beating the
young women on the morning of St. Stephen’s Day (the twenty-sixth of
December) and also on Holy Innocents’ Day (the twenty-eighth of December).
The beating is inflicted on the hands, feet, and face; and in Neugramatin
it is said that she who is not thus beaten with fresh green will not
herself be fresh and green. As the blows descend, the young men recite
verses importing that the beating is administered as a compliment and in
order to benefit the health of the victim. For the service which they thus
render the damsels they are rewarded by them with cakes, brandy, or money.
Early in the morning of New Year’s Day the lasses pay off the lads in the
same kind.(668) A similar custom is also observed in central and
south-west Germany, especially in Voigtland. Thus in Voigtland and the
whole of the Saxon Erz-gebirge the lads beat the lasses and women on the
second day of the Christmas holidays with something green, such as
rosemary or juniper; and if possible the beating is inflicted on the women
as they lie in bed. As they beat them, the lads say


    “_Fresh and green! Pretty and fine!_
    _Gingerbread and brandy-wine!_”


The last words refer to the present of gingerbread and brandy which the
lads expect to receive from the lasses for the trouble of thrashing them.
Next day the lasses and women retaliate on the lads and men.(669) In
Thüringen on Holy Innocents’ Day (the twenty-eighth of December) children
armed with rods and green boughs go about the streets beating passers-by
and demanding a present in return; they even make their way into the
houses and beat the maid-servants. In Orlagau the custom is called
“whipping with fresh green.” On the second day of the Christmas holidays
the girls go to their parents, godparents, relations, and friends, and
beat them with fresh green branches of fir; next day the boys and lads do
the same. The words spoken while the beating is being administered are
“Good morning! fresh green! Long life! You must give us a bright thaler,”
and so on.(670)

(M210) In these European customs the intention of beating persons,
especially of the other sex, with fresh green leaves appears
unquestionably to be the beneficent one of renewing their life and vigour,
whether the purpose is supposed to be accomplished directly and positively
by imparting the vital energy of the fresh green to the persons, or
negatively and indirectly by dispelling any injurious influences, such as
the machinations of witches and demons, by which the persons may be
supposed to be beset. The application of the blows by the one sex to the
other, especially by young men to young women, suggests that the beating
is or was originally intended above all to stimulate the reproductive
powers of the men or women who received it; and the pains taken to ensure
that the branches with which the strokes are given should have budded or
blossomed out just before their services are wanted speak strongly in
favour of the view that in these customs we have a deliberate attempt to
transfuse a store of vital energy from the vegetable to the animal world.

(M211) These analogies, accordingly, support the interpretation which,
following my predecessors W. Mannhardt and Mr. W. R. Paton, I have given
of the beating inflicted on the human victims at the Greek harvest
festival of the Thargelia. That beating, being administered to the
generative organs of the victims by fresh green plants and branches, is
most naturally explained as a charm to increase the reproductive energies
of the men or women either by communicating to them the fruitfulness of
the plants and branches, or by ridding them of maleficent influences; and
this interpretation is confirmed by the observation that the two victims
represented the two sexes, one of them standing for the men in general and
the other for the women. The season of the year when the ceremony was
performed, namely the time of the corn harvest, tallies well with the
theory that the rite had an agricultural significance. Further, that it
was above all intended to fertilize the fig-trees is strongly suggested by
the strings of black and white figs which were hung round the necks of the
victims, as well as by the blows which were given their genital organs
with the branches of a wild fig-tree; since this procedure closely
resembles the procedure which ancient and modern husbandmen in Greek lands
have regularly resorted to for the purpose of actually fertilizing their
fig-trees. When we remember what an important part the artificial
fertilization of the date palm-tree appears to have played of old not only
in the husbandry but in the religion of Mesopotamia,(671) there seems no
reason to doubt that the artificial fertilization of the fig-tree may in
like manner have vindicated for itself a place in the solemn ritual of
Greek religion.

(M212) If these considerations are just, we must apparently conclude that
while the human victims at the Thargelia certainly appear in later
classical times to have figured chiefly as public scapegoats, who carried
away with them the sins, misfortunes, and sorrows of the whole people, at
an earlier time they may have been looked on as embodiments of vegetation,
perhaps of the corn but particularly of the fig-trees; and that the
beating which they received and the death which they died were intended
primarily to brace and refresh the powers of vegetation then beginning to
droop and languish under the torrid heat of the Greek summer.

(M213) The view here taken of the Greek scapegoat, if it is correct,
obviates an objection which might otherwise be brought against the main
argument of this book. To the theory that the priest of Aricia was slain
as a representative of the spirit of the grove,(672) it might have been
objected that such a custom has no analogy in classical antiquity. But
reasons have now been given for believing that the human being
periodically and occasionally slain by the Asiatic Greeks was regularly
treated as an embodiment of a divinity of vegetation. Probably the persons
whom the Athenians kept to be sacrificed were similarly treated as divine.
That they were social outcasts did not matter. On the primitive view a man
is not chosen to be the mouth-piece or embodiment of a god on account of
his high moral qualities or social rank. The divine afflatus descends
equally on the good and the bad, the lofty and the lowly. If then the
civilized Greeks of Asia and Athens habitually sacrificed men whom they
regarded as incarnate gods, there can be no inherent improbability in the
supposition that at the dawn of history a similar custom was observed by
the semi-barbarous Latins in the Arician Grove.





CHAPTER VII. KILLING THE GOD IN MEXICO.


(M214) By no people does the custom of sacrificing the human
representative of a god appear to have been observed so commonly and with
so much solemnity as by the Aztecs of ancient Mexico. With the ritual of
these remarkable sacrifices we are well acquainted, for it has been fully
described by the Spaniards who conquered Mexico in the sixteenth century,
and whose curiosity was naturally excited by the discovery in this distant
region of a barbarous and cruel religion which presented many curious
points of analogy to the doctrine and ritual of their own church. “They
took a captive,” says the Jesuit Acosta, “such as they thought good; and
afore they did sacrifice him unto their idols, they gave him the name of
the idol, to whom he should be sacrificed, and apparelled him with the
same ornaments like their idol, saying, that he did represent the same
idol. And during the time that this representation lasted, which was for a
year in some feasts, in others six months, and in others less, they
reverenced and worshipped him in the same manner as the proper idol; and
in the meantime he did eat, drink, and was merry. When he went through the
streets, the people came forth to worship him, and every one brought him
an alms, with children and sick folks, that he might cure them, and bless
them, suffering him to do all things at his pleasure, only he was
accompanied with ten or twelve men lest he should fly. And he (to the end
he might be reverenced as he passed) sometimes sounded upon a small flute,
that the people might prepare to worship him. The feast being come, and he
grown fat, they killed him, opened him, and ate him, making a solemn
sacrifice of him.”(673)

(M215) This general description of the custom may now be illustrated by
particular examples. Thus at the festival called Toxcatl, the greatest
festival of the Mexican year, a young man was annually sacrificed in the
character of Tezcatlipoca, “the god of gods,” after having been maintained
and worshipped as that great deity in person for a whole year. According
to the old Franciscan monk Sahagun, our best authority on the Aztec
religion, the sacrifice of the human god fell at Easter or a few days
later, so that, if he is right, it would correspond in date as well as in
character to the Christian festival of the death and resurrection of the
Redeemer.(674) More exactly he tells us that the sacrifice took place on
the first day of the fifth Aztec month, which according to him began on
the twenty-third or twenty-seventh day of April.(675) However, according
to other Spanish authorities of the sixteenth century the festival lasted
from the ninth to the nineteenth day of May, and the sacrifice of the
human victim in the character of the god was performed on the last of
these days.(676) An eminent modern authority, Professor E. Seler, is of
opinion that the festival originally celebrated the beginning of the year,
and that it fell on the day when the sun on his passage northward to the
tropic of Cancer stood in the zenith over the city of Mexico, which in the
early part of the sixteenth century would be the ninth or tenth day of May
(old style) or the nineteenth or twentieth day of May (new style).(677)
Whatever the exact date of the celebration may have been, we are told that
the “feast was not made to any other end, but to demand rain, in the same
manner that we solemnize the Rogations; and this feast was always in May,
which is the time that they have most need of rain in those
countries.”(678)

(M216) At this festival the great god died in the person of one human
representative and came to life again in the person of another, who was
destined to enjoy the fatal honour of divinity for a year and to perish,
like all his predecessors, at the end of it. The young man singled out for
this high dignity was carefully chosen from among the captives on the
ground of his personal beauty. He had to be of unblemished body, slim as a
reed and straight as a pillar, neither too tall nor too short. If through
high living he grew too fat, he was obliged to reduce himself by drinking
salt water. And in order that he might behave in his lofty station with
becoming grace and dignity he was carefully trained to comport himself
like a gentleman of the first quality, to speak correctly and elegantly,
to play the flute, to smoke cigars and to snuff at flowers with a
dandified air. He was honourably lodged in the temple where the nobles
waited on him and paid him homage, bringing him meat and serving like a
prince. The king himself saw to it that he was apparelled in gorgeous
attire, “for already he esteemed him as a god.” Eagle down was gummed to
his head and white cock’s feathers were stuck in his hair, which drooped
to his girdle. A wreath of flowers like roasted maize crowned his brows,
and a garland of the same flowers passed over his shoulders and under his
arm-pits. Golden ornaments hung from his nose, golden armlets adorned his
arms, golden bells jingled on his legs at every step he took; earrings of
turquoise dangled from his ears, bracelets of turquoise bedecked his
wrists; necklaces of shells encircled his neck and depended on his breast;
he wore a mantle of network, and round his middle a rich waist-cloth. When
this bejewelled exquisite lounged through the streets playing on his
flute, puffing at a cigar, and smelling at a nosegay, the people whom he
met threw themselves on the earth before him and prayed to him with sighs
and tears, taking up the dust in their hands and putting it in their
mouths in token of the deepest humiliation and subjection. Women came
forth with children in their arms and presented them to him, saluting him
as a god. For “he passed for our Lord God; the people acknowledged him as
the Lord.” All who thus worshipped him on his passage he saluted gravely
and courteously. Lest he should flee, he was everywhere attended by a
guard of eight pages in the royal livery, four of them with shaven crowns
like the palace-slaves, and four of them with the flowing locks of
warriors; and if he contrived to escape, the captain of the guard had to
take his place as the representative of the god and to die in his stead.
Twenty days before he was to die, his costume was changed, and four
damsels, delicately nurtured and bearing the names of four goddesses—the
Goddess of Flowers, the Goddess of the Young Maize, the Goddess “Our
Mother among the Water,” and the Goddess of Salt—were given him to be his
brides, and with them he consorted. During the last five days divine
honours were showered on the destined victim. The king remained in his
palace while the whole court went after the human god. Solemn banquets and
dances followed each other in regular succession and at appointed places.
On the last day the young man, attended by his wives and pages, embarked
in a canoe covered with a royal canopy and was ferried across the lake to
a spot where a little hill rose from the edge of the water. It was called
the Mountain of Parting, because here his wives bade him a last farewell.
Then, accompanied only by his pages, he repaired to a small and lonely
temple by the wayside. Like the Mexican temples in general, it was built
in the form of a pyramid; and as the young man ascended the stairs he
broke at every step one of the flutes on which he had played in the days
of his glory. On reaching the summit he was seized and held down by the
priests on his back upon a block of stone, while one of them cut open his
breast, thrust his hand into the wound, and wrenching out his heart held
it up in sacrifice to the sun. The body of the dead god was not, like the
bodies of common victims, sent rolling down the steps of the temple, but
was carried down to the foot, where the head was cut off and spitted on a
pike. Such was the regular end of the man who personated the greatest god
of the Mexican pantheon.(679)

(M217) But he was not the only man who played the part of a god and was
sacrificed as such in the month of May. The great god Vitzilopochtli or
Huitzilopochtli was also worshipped at the same season. An image of him
was made out of dough in human shape, arrayed in all the ornaments of the
deity, and set up in his temple. But the god had also his living
representative in the person of a young man, who, like the human
representative of Tezcatlipoca, personated the divinity for a whole year
and was sacrificed at the end. In the month of May it was the duty of the
divine man, destined so soon to die, to lead the dances which formed a
conspicuous feature of the festivities. Courtiers and warriors, old and
young, danced in winding figures, holding each other by the hand; and with
them danced young women, who had taken a vow to dance with roasted maize.
On their heads these damsels wore crowns of roasted maize; festoons of
maize hung from their shoulders and crossed on their breasts; their faces
were painted, and their arms and legs were covered with red feathers.
Dancing in this attire the damsels were said to hold the god
Vitzilopochtli in their arms; but they conducted themselves with the
utmost gravity and decorum. If any man so far forgot himself as to toy
with one of the maidens, the elder warriors dealt with him promptly and
severely, reproaching him for the sacrilege of which he had been guilty.
Sahagun compares these May dances to the dances of peasant men and women
in old Castile, and the crowns of maize worn by the girls he compares to
the garlands of flowers worn by rustic Castilian maidens in the month of
May. So they danced till nightfall. Next morning they danced again, and in
the course of the day the man who represented the god Vitzilopochtli was
put to death. He had the privilege of choosing the hour when he was to
die. When the fatal moment drew near, they clothed him in a curious dress
of paper painted all over with black circles; on his head they clapped a
paper mitre decked with eagle feathers and nodding plumes, among which was
fastened a blood-stained obsidian knife. Thus attired, with golden bells
jingling at his ankles, he led the dance at all the balls of the festival,
and thus attired he went to his death. The priests seized him, stretched
him out, gripped him tight, cut out his heart, and held it up to the sun.
His head was severed from the trunk and spiked beside the head of the
other human god, who had been sacrificed not long before.(680)

(M218) In Cholula, a wealthy trading city of Mexico, the merchants
worshipped a god named Quetzalcoatl. His image, set upon a richly
decorated altar or pedestal in a spacious temple, had the body of a man
but the head of a bird, with a red beak surmounted by a crest, the face
dyed yellow, with a black band running from the eyes to below the beak,
and the tongue lolling out. On its head was a paper mitre painted black,
white, and red; on its neck a large golden jewel in the shape of butterfly
wings; about its body a feather mantle, black, red, and white; golden
socks and golden sandals encased its legs and feet. In the right hand the
image wielded a wooden instrument like a sickle, and in the left a buckler
covered with the black and white plumage of sea-birds.(681) The festival
of this god was celebrated on the third day of February. Forty days before
the festival “the merchants bought a slave well proportioned, without any
fault or blemish, either of sickness or of hurt, whom they did attire with
the ornaments of the idol, that he might represent it forty days. Before
his clothing they did cleanse him, washing him twice in a lake, which they
called the lake of the gods; and being purified, they attired him like the
idol. During these forty days, he was much respected for his sake whom he
represented. By night they did imprison him (as hath been said) lest he
should fly, and in the morning they took him out of prison, setting him
upon an eminent place, where they served him, giving him exquisite meats
to eat. After he had eaten, they put a chain of flowers about his neck,
and many nosegays in his hands. He had a well-appointed guard, with much
people to accompany him. When he went through the city, he went dancing
and singing through all the streets, that he might be known for the
resemblance of their god, and when he began to sing, the women and little
children came forth of their houses to salute him, and to offer unto him
as to their god. Two old men of the ancients of the temple came unto him
nine days before the feast, and humbling themselves before him, they said
with a low and submissive voice, ‘Sir, you must understand that nine days
hence the exercise of dancing and singing doth end, and thou must then
die’; and then he must answer, ‘In a good hour.’ They call this ceremony
_Neyòlo Maxilt Ileztli_, which is to say, the advertisement; and when they
did thus advertise him, they took very careful heed whether he were sad,
or if he danced as joyfully as he was accustomed, the which if he did not
as cheerfully as they desired, they made a foolish superstition in this
manner. They presently took the sacrifizing razors, the which they washed
and cleansed from the blood of men which remained of the former
sacrifices. Of this washing they made a drink mingled with another liquor
made of cacao, giving it him to drink; they said that this would make him
forget what had been said unto him, and would make him in a manner
insensible, returning to his former dancing and mirth. They said,
moreover, that he would offer himself cheerfully to death, being enchanted
with this drink. The cause why they sought to take from him this
heaviness, was, for that they held it for an ill augury, and a
fore-telling of some great harm. The day of the feast being come, after
they had done him much honour, sung, and given him incense, the
sacrificers took him about midnight and did sacrifice him, as hath been
said, offering his heart unto the Moon, the which they did afterwards cast
against the idol, letting the body fall to the bottom of the stairs of the
temple, where such as had offered him took him up, which were the
merchants, whose feast it was. Then having carried him into the chiefest
man’s house amongst them, the body was drest with diverse sauces, to
celebrate (at the break of day) the banquet and dinner of the feast,
having first bid the idol good morrow, with a small dance, which they made
whilst the day did break, and that they prepared the sacrifice. Then did
all the merchants assemble at this banquet, especially those which made it
a trafick to buy and sell slaves, who were bound every year to offer one,
for the resemblance of their god. This idol was one of the most honoured
in all the land; and therefore the temple where he was, was of great
authority.”(682)

(M219) The honour of living for a short time in the character of a god and
dying a violent death in the same capacity was not restricted to men in
Mexico; women were allowed, or rather compelled, to enjoy the glory and to
share the doom as representatives of goddesses. Thus in the seventh month
of their year, which corresponded roughly to June, the Aztecs celebrated a
festival in honour of Huixtocihuatl, the Goddess of Salt. She was said to
be a sister of the Rain Gods, but having quarrelled with them she was
banished and driven to take up her abode in the salt water. Being of an
ingenious turn of mind, she invented the process of extracting salt by
means of pans; hence she was worshipped by all salt-makers as their patron
goddess. Her garments were yellow; on her head she wore a mitre surmounted
by bunches of waving green plumes, which shone with greenish iridescent
hues in the sun. Her robe and petticoats were embroidered with patterns
simulating the waves of the sea. Golden ear-rings in the form of flowers
dangled at her ears; golden bells jingled at her ankles. In one hand she
carried a round shield painted with the leaves of a certain plant and
adorned with drooping fringes of parrots’ feathers; in the other hand she
carried a stout baton ending in a knob and bedecked with paper, artificial
flowers, and feathers. For ten days before her festival a woman personated
the goddess and wore her gorgeous costume. It was her duty during these
days to lead the dances which at this season were danced by the women and
girls of the salt-makers. They danced, young, old, and children, in a
ring, all holding a cord, their heads crowned with garlands of a fragrant
flower (_Artemisia laciniata_) and singing airs in a shrill soprano. In
the middle of the ring danced the woman who represented the goddess, with
her golden bells jingling at every step, brandishing her shield, and
marking the time of the dance and song with her baton. On the last day,
the eve of the festival, she had to dance all night without resting till
break of day, when she was to die. Old women supported her in the weary
task, and they all danced together, arm in arm. With her, too, danced the
slaves who were to die with her in the morning. When the hour was come,
they led her, still personating the goddess, up the steps of the temple of
Tlaloc, followed by the doomed captives. Arrived at the summit of the
pyramid, the butchery began with the captives, while the woman stood
looking on. Her turn being come, they threw her on her back on the block,
and while five men held her down and two others compressed her throat with
a billet of wood or the sword of a sword-fish to prevent her from
screaming, the priest cut open her breast with his knife, and thrusting
his hand into the wound tore out her heart and flung it into a bowl. When
all was over, the salt-makers who had witnessed the sacrifice went home to
drink and make merry.(683)

(M220) Again, in the eighth month of the Mexican year, which answered to
the latter end of June and the early part of July, the Aztecs sacrificed a
woman who personated Xilonen, the goddess of the young maize-cobs
(_xilotl_). The festival at which the sacrifice took place was held on the
tenth day of the month about the time when the maize is nearly ripe, and
when fibres shooting forth from the green ear shew that the grain is fully
formed. For eight days before the festival men and women, clad in rich
garments and decked with jewels, danced and sang together in the courts of
the temples, which were brilliantly illuminated for the purpose. Rows of
tall braziers sent up a flickering blaze, and torchbearers held aloft huge
torches of pinewood. Some of the dancers themselves carried heavy torches,
which flared and spluttered as they danced. The dances began at sundown
and lasted till about nine o’clock. None but tried and distinguished
warriors might take part in them. The women wore their long hair hanging
loose on their back and shoulders, in order that the tassels of the maize
might likewise grow long and loose, for the more tassels the more grain in
the ear. Men and women danced holding each other by the hand or with their
arms round each other’s waists, marking time exactly with their feet to
the music of the drums and moving out and in among the flaming braziers
and torches. The dances were strictly decorous. If any man was detected
making love to one of the women dancers, he was publicly disgraced,
severely punished, and never allowed to dance and sing in public again. On
the eve of the festival the woman who was to die in the character of the
Goddess of the Young Maize was arrayed in the rich robes and splendid
jewels of the divinity whom she personated. The upper part of her face was
painted red and the lower part yellow, probably to assimilate her to the
ruddy and orange hues of the ripe maize. Her legs and arms were covered
with red feathers. She wore a paper crown decked with a bunch of feathers;
necklaces of gems and gold encircled her neck; her garments were
embroidered with quaint figures; her shoes were striped with red. In her
left hand she held a round shield, in her right a crimson baton. Thus
arrayed, she was led by other women to offer incense in four different
places. All the rest of the night she and they danced and sang in front of
the temple of the goddess Xilonen, whose living image she was supposed to
be. In the morning the nobles danced a solemn dance by themselves,
leaning, or making believe to lean, on stalks of maize. The women, pranked
with garlands and festoons of yellow flowers, danced also by themselves
along with the victim. Among the priests the one who was to act as
executioner wore a fine bunch of feathers on his back. Another shook a
rattle before the doomed woman as she mounted up the steps of the temple
of Cinteotl, the Goddess of the Maize. On reaching the summit she was
seized by a priest, who threw her on his back, while the sacrificer
severed her head from her body, tore out her heart, and threw it in a
saucer. When this sacrifice had been performed in honour of Xilonen, the
Goddess of the Young Maize, the people were free to eat the green ears of
maize and the bread that was baked of it. No one would have dared to eat
of these things before the sacrifice.(684)

(M221) Again, in the seventeenth month of the Mexican year,(685) which
corresponded to the latter part of December and the early part of January,
the Aztecs sacrificed a woman, who personated the goddess Ilamatecutli or
Tonan, which means “Our Mother.” Her festival fell on Christmas Day, the
twenty-fifth of December. The image of the goddess wore a two-faced mask
with large mouths and protruding eyes. The woman who represented her was
dressed in white robes and shod with white sandals. Over her white mantle
she wore a leathern jerkin, the lower edge of which was cut into a fringe
of straps, and to the end of each strap was fastened a small shell. As she
walked, the shells clashed together and made a noise which was heard afar
off. The upper half of her face was painted yellow and the lower half
black; and she wore a wig. In her hand she carried a round whitewashed
shield decorated in the middle with a circle of eagle feathers, while
white heron plumes, ending in eagle feathers, drooped from it. Thus
arrayed and personating the goddess, the woman danced alone to music
played by old men, and as she danced she sighed and wept at the thought of
the death that was so near. At noon or a little later the dance ceased;
and when the sun was declining in the west, they led her up the long
ascent to the summit of Huitzilopochtli’s temple. Behind her marched the
priests clad in the trappings of all the gods, with masks on their faces.
One of them wore the costume and the mask of the goddess Ilamatecutli,
whom the victim also represented. On reaching the lofty platform which
crowned the pyramidal temple, they slew her in the usual fashion, wrenched
out her heart, and cut off her head. The dripping head was given to the
priest who wore the costume and mask of the goddess and waving it up and
down he danced round the platform, followed by all the other priests in
the attire and masks of the gods. When the dance had lasted a certain
time, the leader gave the signal, and they all trooped down the long
flight of stairs to disrobe themselves and deposit the masks and costumes
in the chapels where they were usually kept. Next day the people indulged
in a certain pastime. Men and boys furnished themselves with little bags
or nets stuffed with paper, flowers of galingale, or green leaves of
maize, which they tied to strings, and used them as instruments to strike
any girl or woman they might meet in the streets. Sometimes three or four
urchins would gather round one girl, beating her till she cried; but some
shrewd wenches went about that day armed with sticks, with which they
retaliated smartly on their assailants. It was a penal offence to put
stones or anything else that could hurt in the bags.(686)

(M222) In the preceding custom, what are we to make of the sacrifice of a
woman, who personated the goddess, by a man who also wore the costume and
mask of the goddess, and who immediately after the sacrifice danced with
the bleeding head of the victim? Perhaps the intention of the strange rite
was to represent the resurrection of the slain goddess in the person of
the priest who wore her costume and mask and dangled the severed head of
her slaughtered representative. If that was so, it would explain another
and still ghastlier rite, in which the Mexicans seem to have set forth the
doctrine of the divine resurrection. This was to skin the slain woman who
had personated the goddess and then to clothe in the bloody skin a man,
who pranced about in it, as if he were the dead woman or rather goddess
come to life again. Thus in the eleventh Mexican month, which corresponded
to the latter part of August and the early part of September, they
celebrated a festival in honour of a goddess called the Mother of the Gods
(_Teteo innan_) or Our Ancestress (_Toci_), or the Heart of the Earth, and
they sacrificed a woman clad in the costume and ornaments of the goddess.
She was a slave bought for the purpose by the guilds of physicians,
surgeons, blood-letters, midwives and fortune-tellers, who particularly
worshipped this deity. When the poor wretch came forth decked in all the
trappings of the goddess, the people, we are told, looked on her as
equivalent to the Mother of the Gods herself and paid her as much honour
and reverence as if she had indeed been that great divinity. For eight
days they danced silently in four rows, if dance it could be called in
which the dancers scarcely stirred their legs and bodies, but contented
themselves with moving their hands, in which they held branches of
blossoms, up and down in time to the tuck of drum. These dances began in
the afternoon and lasted till the sun went down. No one might speak during
their performance; only some lively youths mimicked by a booming murmur of
the lips the rub-a-dub of the drums. When the dances were over, the
medical women, young and old, divided themselves into two parties and
engaged in a sham fight before the woman who acted the part of the Mother
of the Gods. This they did to divert her and keep her from being sad and
shedding tears; for if she wept, they deemed it an omen that many men
would die in battle and many women in childbed. The fight between the
women consisted in throwing balls of moss, leaves, or flowers at each
other; and she who personated the goddess led one of the parties to the
attack. These mock battles lasted four days.

(M223) After that they led the woman who was to die to the market-place,
that she might bid it farewell; and by way of doing so she scattered the
flour of maize wherever she went. The priests then attended her to a
building near the temple in which she was to be sacrificed. The knowledge
of her doom was kept from her as far as possible. The medical women and
the midwives comforted her, saying, “Be not cast down, sweetheart; this
night thou shalt sleep with the king; therefore rejoice.” Then they put on
her the ornaments of the goddess, and at midnight led her to the temple
where she was to die. On the passage not a word was spoken, not a cough
was heard; crowds were gathered to see her pass, but all kept a profound
silence. Arrived at the summit of the temple she was hoisted on to the
back of one priest, while another adroitly cut off her head. The body,
still warm, was skinned, and a tall robust young man clothed himself in
the bleeding skin and so became in turn a living image of the goddess. One
of the woman’s thighs was flayed separately, and the skin carried to
another temple, where a young man put it over his face as a mask and so
personated the maize-goddess Cinteotl, daughter of the Mother of the Gods.
Meantime the other, clad in the rest of the woman’s skin, hurried down the
steps of the temple. The nobles and warriors fled before him, carrying
blood-stained besoms of couchgrass, but turned to look back at him from
time to time and smote upon their shields as if to bid him come on. He
followed hard after them and all who saw that flight and pursuit quaked
with fear. On arriving at the foot of the temple of Huitzilopochtli, the
man who wore the skin of the dead woman and personated the Mother of the
Gods, lifted up his arms and stood like a cross before the image of the
god; this action he repeated four times. Then he joined the man who
personated the maize-goddess Cinteotl, and together they went slowly to
the temple of the Mother of the Gods, where the woman had been sacrificed.
All this time it was night. Next morning at break of day the man who
personated the Mother of the Gods took up his post on the highest point of
the temple; there they decked him in all the gorgeous trappings of the
goddess and set a splendid crown on his head. Then the captives were set
in a row before him, and arrayed in all his finery he slaughtered four of
them with his own hand: the rest he left to be butchered by the priests. A
variety of ceremonies and dances followed. Amongst others, the blood of
the human victims was collected in a bowl and set before the man who
personated the Mother of the Gods. He dipped his finger into the blood and
then sucked his bloody finger; and when he had sucked it he bowed his head
and uttered a dolorous groan, whereat the Indians believed the earth
itself shook and trembled, as did all who heard it. Finally the skin of
the slain woman and the skin of her thigh were carried away and deposited
separately at two towers, one of which stood on the border of the enemy’s
country.(687)

(M224) This remarkable festival in honour of the Mother of the Gods is
said to have been immediately preceded by a similar festival in honour of
the Maize Goddess Chicomecohuatl.(688) The image of this goddess was of
wood and represented her as a girl of about twelve years of age wearing
feminine ornaments painted in gay colours. On her head was a pasteboard
mitre; her long hair fell on her shoulders; in her ears she had golden
earrings; round her neck she wore a necklace of golden maize-cobs strung
on a blue ribbon, and in her hands she held the likeness of maize-cobs
made of feathers and garnished with gold. Her festival, which was observed
throughout the whole country with great devotion on the fifteenth day of
September, was preceded by a strict fast of seven days, during which old
and young, sick and whole, ate nothing but broken victuals and dry bread
and drank nothing but water, and did penance by drawing blood from their
ears. The blood so drawn was kept in vessels, which were not scoured, so
that a dry crust formed over it. On the day before the fast began the
people ate and drank to their heart’s content, and they sanctified a woman
to represent Atlatatonan, the Goddess of Lepers, dressing her up in an
appropriate costume. When the fast was over, the high priest of the temple
of Tlaloc sacrificed the woman in the usual way by tearing out her heart
and holding it up as an offering to the sun. Her body, with all the robes
and ornaments she had worn, was cast into a well or vault in the temple,
and along with the corpse were thrown in all the plates and dishes out of
which the people had eaten, and all the mats on which they had sat or
slept during the fast, as if, says the historian, they had been infected
with the plague of leprosy. After that the people were free to eat bread,
salt, and tomatoes; and immediately after the sacrifice of the woman who
personated the Goddess of Leprosy they sanctified a young slave girl of
twelve or thirteen years, the prettiest they could find, to represent the
Maize Goddess Chicomecohuatl. They invested her with the ornaments of the
goddess, putting the mitre on her head and the maize-cobs round her neck
and in her hands, and fastening a green feather upright on the crown of
her head to imitate an ear of maize. This they did, we are told, in order
to signify that the maize was almost ripe at the time of the festival, but
because it was still tender they chose a girl of tender years to play the
part of the Maize Goddess. The whole long day they led the poor child in
all her finery, with the green plume nodding on her head, from house to
house dancing merrily to cheer people after the dulness and privations of
the fast.

(M225) In the evening all the people assembled at the temple, the courts
of which they lit up by a multitude of lanterns and candles. There they
passed the night without sleeping, and at midnight, while the trumpets,
flutes, and horns discoursed solemn music, a portable framework or
palanquin was brought forth, bedecked with festoons of maize-cobs and
peppers and filled with seeds of all sorts. This the bearers set down at
the door of the chamber in which the wooden image of the goddess stood.
Now the chamber was adorned and wreathed, both outside and inside, with
wreaths of maize-cobs, peppers, pumpkins, roses, and seeds of every kind,
a wonder to behold; the whole floor was covered deep with these verdant
offerings of the pious. When the music ceased, a solemn procession came
forth of priests and dignitaries, with flaring lights and smoking censers,
leading in their midst the girl who played the part of the goddess. Then
they made her mount the framework, where she stood upright on the maize
and peppers and pumpkins with which it was strewed, her hands resting on
two bannisters to keep her from falling. Then the priests swung the
smoking censers round her; the music struck up again, and while it played,
a great dignitary of the temple suddenly stepped up to her with a razor in
his hand and adroitly shore off the green feather she wore on her head,
together with the hair in which it was fastened, snipping the lock off by
the root. The feather and the hair he then presented to the wooden image
of the goddess with great solemnity and elaborate ceremonies, weeping and
giving her thanks for the fruits of the earth and the abundant crops which
she had bestowed on the people that year; and as he wept and prayed, all
the people, standing in the courts of the temple, wept and prayed with
him. When that ceremony was over, the girl descended from the framework
and was escorted to the place where she was to spend the rest of the
night. But all the people kept watch in the courts of the temple by the
light of torches till break of day.

(M226) The morning being come, and the courts of the temple being still
crowded by the multitude, who would have deemed it sacrilege to quit the
precincts, the priests again brought forth the damsel attired in the
costume of the goddess, with the mitre on her head and the cobs of maize
about her neck. Again she mounted the portable framework or palanquin and
stood on it, supporting herself by her hands on the bannisters. Then the
elders of the temple lifted it on their shoulders, and while some swung
burning censers and others played on instruments or sang, they carried it
in procession through the great courtyard to the hall of the god
Huitzilopochtli and then back to the chamber, where stood the wooden image
of the Maize Goddess, whom the girl personated. There they caused the
damsel to descend from the palanquin and to stand on the heaps of corn and
vegetables that had been spread in profusion on the floor of the sacred
chamber. While she stood there all the elders and nobles came in a line,
one behind the other, carrying the saucers of dry and clotted blood which
they had drawn from their ears by way of penance during the seven days’
fast. One by one they squatted on their haunches before her, which was the
equivalent of falling on their knees with us, and scraping the crust of
blood from the saucer cast it down before her as an offering in return for
the benefits which she, as the embodiment of the Maize Goddess, had
conferred upon them. When the men had thus humbly offered their blood to
the human representative of the goddess, the women, forming a long line,
did so likewise, each of them dropping on her hams before the girl and
scraping her blood from the saucer. The ceremony lasted a long time, for
great and small, young and old, all without exception had to pass before
the incarnate deity and make their offering. When it was over, the people
returned home with glad hearts to feast on flesh and viands of every sort
as merrily, we are told, as good Christians at Easter partake of meat and
other carnal mercies after the long abstinence of Lent. And when they had
eaten and drunk their fill and rested after the night watch, they returned
quite refreshed to the temple to see the end of the festival. And the end
of the festival was this. The multitude being assembled, the priests
solemnly incensed the girl who personated the goddess; then they threw her
on her back on the heap of corn and seeds, cut off her head, caught the
gushing blood in a tub, and sprinkled the blood on the wooden image of the
goddess, the walls of the chamber, and the offerings of corn, peppers,
pumpkins, seeds, and vegetables which cumbered the floor. After that they
flayed the headless trunk, and one of the priests made shift to squeeze
himself into the bloody skin. Having done so they clad him in all the
robes which the girl had worn; they put the mitre on his head, the
necklace of golden maize-cobs about his neck, the maize-cobs of feathers
and gold in his hands; and thus arrayed they led him forth in public, all
of them dancing to the tuck of drum, while he acted as fugleman, skipping
and posturing at the head of the procession as briskly as he could be
expected to do, incommoded as he was by the tight and clammy skin of the
girl and by her clothes, which must have been much too small for a grown
man.(689)

(M227) In the foregoing custom the identification of the young girl with
the Maize Goddess appears to be complete. The golden maize cobs which she
wore round her neck, the artificial maize cobs which she carried in her
hands, the green feather which was stuck in her hair in imitation (we are
told) of a green ear of maize, all set her forth as a personification of
the corn-spirit; and we are expressly informed that she was specially
chosen as a young girl to represent the young maize, which at the time of
the festival had not yet fully ripened. Further, her identification with
the corn and the corn-goddess was clearly announced by making her stand on
the heaps of maize and there receive the homage and blood-offerings of the
whole people, who thereby returned her thanks for the benefits which in
her character of a divinity she was supposed to have conferred upon them.
Once more, the practice of beheading her on a heap of corn and seeds and
sprinkling her blood, not only on the image of the Maize Goddess, but on
the piles of maize, peppers, pumpkins, seeds, and vegetables, can
seemingly have had no other object but to quicken and strengthen the crops
of corn and the fruits of the earth in general by infusing into their
representatives the blood of the Corn Goddess herself. The analogy of this
Mexican sacrifice, the meaning of which appears to be indisputable, may be
allowed to strengthen the interpretation which I have given of other human
sacrifices offered for the crops.(690) If the Mexican girl, whose blood
was sprinkled on the maize, indeed personated the Maize Goddess, it
becomes more than ever probable that the girl whose blood the Pawnees
similarly sprinkled on the seed corn personated in like manner the female
Spirit of the Corn; and so with the other human beings whom other races
have slaughtered for the sake of promoting the growth of the crops.

(M228) Lastly, the concluding act of the sacred drama, in which the body
of the dead Maize Goddess was flayed and her skin worn, together with all
her sacred insignia, by a man who danced before the people in this grim
attire, seems to be best explained on the hypothesis that it was intended
to ensure that the divine death should be immediately followed by the
divine resurrection. If that was so, we may infer with some degree of
probability that the practice of killing a human representative of a deity
has commonly, perhaps always, been regarded merely as a means of
perpetuating the divine energies in the fulness of youthful vigour,
untainted by the weakness and frailty of age, from which they must have
suffered if the deity had been allowed to die a natural death.

(M229) This interpretation of the Mexican custom of flaying human beings
and permitting or requiring other persons to parade publicly in the skins
of the victims may perhaps be confirmed by a consideration of the festival
at which this strange rite was observed on the largest scale, and which
accordingly went by the name of the Festival of the Flaying of Men
(_Tlacaxipeualiztli_). It was celebrated in the second month of the Aztec
year, which corresponded to the last days of February and the early part
of March. The exact day of the festival was the twentieth of March,
according to one pious chronicler, who notes with unction that the bloody
rite fell only one day later than the feast which Holy Church solemnizes
in honour of the glorious St. Joseph. The god whom the Aztecs worshipped
in this strange fashion was named Xipe, “the Flayed One,” or Totec, “Our
Lord.” On this occasion he also bore the solemn name of Youallauan, “He
who drinks in the Night.” His image was of stone and represented him in
human form with his mouth open as if in the act of speaking; his body was
painted yellow on the one side and drab on the other; he wore the skin of
a flayed man over his own, with the hands of the victim dangling at his
wrists. On his head he had a hood of various colours, and about his loins
a green petticoat reaching to his knees with a fringe of small shells. In
his two hands he grasped a rattle like the head of a poppy with the seeds
in it; while on his left arm he supported a yellow shield with a red rim.
At his festival the Mexicans killed all the prisoners they had taken in
war, men, women, and children. The number of the victims was very great. A
Spanish historian of the sixteenth century estimated that in Mexico more
people used to be sacrificed on the altar than died a natural death. All
who were sacrificed to Xipe, “the Flayed God,” were themselves flayed, and
men who had made a special vow to the god put on the skins of the human
victims and went about the city in that guise for twenty days, being
everywhere welcomed and revered as living images of the deity. Forty days
before the festival, according to the historian Duran, they chose a man to
personate the god, clothed him in all the insignia of the divinity, and
led him about in public, doing him as much reverence all these days as if
he had really been what he pretended to be. Moreover, every parish of the
capital did the same; each of them had its own temple and appointed its
own human representative of the deity, who received the homage and worship
of the parishioners for the forty days.

(M230) On the day of the festival these mortal gods and all the other
prisoners, with the exception of a few who were reserved for a different
death, were killed in the usual way. The scene of the slaughter was the
platform on the summit of the god Huitzilopochtli’s temple. Some of the
poor wretches fainted when they came to the foot of the steps and had to
be dragged up the long staircase by the hair of their heads. Arrived at
the summit they were slaughtered one by one on the sacrificial stone by
the high priest, who cut open their breasts, tore out their hearts, and
held them up to the sun, in order to feed the great luminary with these
bleeding relics. Then the bodies were sent rolling down the staircase,
clattering and turning over and over like gourds as they bumped from step
to step till they reached the bottom. There they were received by other
priests, or rather human butchers, who with a dexterity acquired by
practice slit the back of each body from the nape of the neck to the heels
and peeled off the whole skin in a single piece as neatly as if it had
been a sheepskin. The skinless body was then fetched away by its owner,
that is, by the man who had captured the prisoner in war. He took it home
with him, carved it, sent one of the thighs to the king, and other joints
to friends, or invited them to come and feast on the carcase in his house.
The skins of the human victims were also a perquisite of their captors,
and were lent or hired out by them to men who had made a vow of going
about clad in the hides for twenty days. Such men clothed in the reeking
skins of the butchered prisoners were called Xixipeme or Tototectin after
the god Xipe or Totec, whose living image they were esteemed and whose
costume they wore. Among the devotees who bound themselves to this pious
exercise were persons who suffered from loathsome skin diseases, such as
smallpox, abscesses, and the itch; and among them there was a fair
sprinkling of debauchees, who had drunk themselves nearly blind and hoped
to recover the use of their precious eyes by parading for a month in this
curious mantle. Thus arrayed, they went from house to house throughout the
city, entering everywhere and asking alms for the love of God. On entering
a house each of these reverend palmers was made to sit on a heap of
leaves; festoons of maize and wreaths of flowers were placed round his
body; and he was given wine to drink and cakes to eat. And when a mother
saw one of these filthy but sanctified ruffians passing along the street,
she would run to him with her infant and put it in his arms that he might
bless it, which he did with unction, receiving an alms from the happy
mother in return. The earnings of these begging-friars on their rounds
were sometimes considerable, for the rich people rewarded them handsomely.
Whatever they were, the collectors paid them in to the owners of the
skins, who thus made a profit by hiring out these valuable articles of
property. Every night the wearers of the skins deposited them in the
temple and fetched them again next morning when they set out on their
rounds. At the end of the twenty days the skins were dry, hard, shrivelled
and shrunken, and they smelt so villainously that people held their noses
when they met the holy beggars arrayed in their fetid mantles. The time
being come to rid themselves of these encumbrances, the devotees walked in
solemn procession, wearing the rotten skins and stinking like dead dogs,
to the temple called Yopico, where they stripped themselves of the hides
and plunged them into a tub or vat, after which they washed and scrubbed
themselves thoroughly, while their friends smacked their bare bodies
loudly with wet hands in order to squeeze out the human grease with which
they were saturated. Finally, the skins were solemnly buried, as holy
relics, in a vault of the temple. The burial service was accompanied by
chanting and attended by the whole people; and when it was over, one of
the high dignitaries preached a sermon to the assembled congregation, in
which he dwelt with pathetic eloquence on the meanness and misery of human
existence and exhorted his hearers to lead a sober and quiet life, to
cultivate the virtues of reverence, modesty, humility and obedience, to be
kind and charitable to the poor and to strangers; he warned them against
the sins of robbery, fornication, adultery, and covetousness; and kindling
with the glow of his oratory, he passionately admonished, entreated, and
implored all who heard him to choose the good and shun the evil, drawing a
dreadful picture of the ills that would overtake the wicked here and
hereafter, while he painted in alluring colours the bliss in store for the
righteous and the rewards they might expect to receive at the hands of the
deity in the life to come.

(M231) While most of the men who masqueraded in the skins of the human
victims appear to have personated the Flayed God Xipe, whose name they
bore in the form Xixipeme, others assumed the ornaments and bore the names
of other Mexican deities, such as Huitzilopochtli and Quetzalcoatl; the
ceremony of investing them with the skins and the insignia of divinity was
called _netcotoquiliztli_, which means “to think themselves gods.” Amongst
the gods thus personated was Totec. His human representative wore, over
the skin of the flayed man, all the splendid trappings of the deity. On
his head was placed a curious crown decorated with rich feathers. A golden
crescent dangled from his nose, golden earrings from his ears, and a
necklace of hammered gold encircled his neck. His feet were shod in red
shoes decorated with quail’s feathers; his loins were begirt with a
petticoat of gorgeous plumage; and on his back three small paper flags
fluttered and rustled in the wind. In his left hand he carried a golden
shield and in his right a rattle, which he shook and rattled as he walked
with a majestic dancing step. Seats were always prepared for this human
god; and when he sat down, they offered him a paste made of uncooked
maize-flour. Also they presented to him little bunches of cobs of maize
chosen from the seed-corn; and he received as offerings the first fruits
and the first flowers of the season.(691)

(M232) In the eighteenth and last month of their year, which fell in
January, the Mexicans held a festival in honour of the god of fire. Every
fourth year the festival was celebrated on a grand scale by the sacrifice
of a great many men and women, husbands and wives, who were dressed in the
trappings of the fire-god and regarded as his living images. Bound hand
and foot, they were thrown alive into a great furnace, and after roasting
in it for a little were raked out of the fire before they were dead in
order to allow the priest to cut the hearts out of their scorched,
blistered, and still writhing bodies in the usual way.(692) The intention
of the sacrifice probably was to maintain the Fire-god in full vigour,
lest he should grow decrepit or even die of old age, and mankind should
thus be deprived of his valuable services. This important object was
attained by feeding the fire with live men and women, who thus as it were
poured a fresh stock of vital energy into the veins of the Fire-god and
perhaps of his wife also. But they had to be raked out of the flames
before they were dead; for clearly it would never do to let them die in
the fire, else the Fire-god whom they personated would die also. For the
same reason their hearts had to be torn from their bodies while they were
still palpitating; what use could the Fire-god make of human hearts that
were burnt to cinders?

(M233) This was the ordinary mode of sacrificing the human representatives
of the Fire-god every fourth year. But in Quauhtitlan, a city distant four
leagues from the city of Mexico, the custom was different. On the eve of
the festival two women were beheaded on the altar of the temple and
afterwards flayed, faces and all, and their thigh bones extracted. Next
morning two men of high rank clothed themselves in the skins, including
the skins of the women’s faces, which they put over their own; and thus
arrayed and carrying in their hands the thigh bones of the victims they
came down the steps of the temple roaring like wild beasts. A vast crowd
of people had assembled to witness the spectacle, and when they saw the
two men coming down the steps in the dripping skins, brandishing the
bones, and bellowing like beasts, they were filled with fear and said,
“There come our gods!” Arrived at the foot of the staircase these human
gods engaged in a dance, which they kept up for the rest of the day, never
divesting themselves of the bloody skins till the festival was over.(693)

(M234) The theory that the custom of wearing the skin of a flayed man or
woman and personating a god in that costume is intended to represent the
resurrection of the deity derives some support from the class of persons
who made a vow to masquerade in the skins. They were, as we have seen,
especially men who suffered from diseases of the skin and the eyes: they
hoped, we are told, by wearing the skins to be cured of their ailments,
and the old Spanish monk who records the belief adds dryly that some were
cured and some were not.(694) We may conjecture that by donning the skins
of men who had acted the part of gods they expected to slough off their
own diseased old skins and to acquire new and healthy skins, like those of
the deities. This notion may have been suggested to them by the
observation of certain animals, such as serpents and lizards, which seem
to renew their youth by casting their skins and appear refreshed and
renovated in new integuments. That many savages have noticed such
transformations in the animal world is proved by the tales which some of
them tell to account for the origin of death among mankind. For example,
the Arawaks of British Guiana say that man was created by a good being
whom they call Kururumany. Once on a time this kindly creator came to
earth to see how his creature man was getting on. But men were so
ungrateful that they tried to kill their Maker. Hence he took from them
the gift of immortality and bestowed it upon animals that change their
skins, such as snakes, lizards, and beetles.(695) Again, the Tamanachiers,
an Indian tribe of the Orinoco, tell how the creator kindly intended to
make men immortal by telling them that they should change their skins. He
meant to say that by so doing they should renew their youth like serpents
and beetles. But the glad tidings were received with such incredulity by
an old woman that the creator in a huff changed his tune and said very
curtly, “Ye shall die.”(696)

(M235) In Annam they say that Ngoc hoang sent a messenger from heaven to
inform men that when they reached old age they should change their skins
and live for ever, but that when serpents grew old, they must die.
Unfortunately for the human race the message was perverted in the
transmission, so that men do not change their skins and are therefore
mortal, whereas serpents do cast their old skins and accordingly live for
ever.(697) According to the natives of Nias the personage who was charged
by the creator with the duty of putting the last touches to man broke his
fast on bananas instead of on river-crabs, as he should have done; for had
he only eaten river-crabs, men would have changed their skins like crabs,
and like crabs would have never died. But the serpents, wiser in their
generation than men, ate the crabs, and that is why they too are
immortal.(698) Stories of the same sort are current among the Melanesians.
Thus the natives of the Gazelle Peninsula in New Britain account for the
origin of death by a tale very like that told in Annam. The Good Spirit,
they say, loved men and wished to make them immortal, but he hated
serpents and wished to kill them. So he despatched his brother to mankind
with this cheering message: “Go to men and take them the secret of
immortality. Tell them to cast their skin every year. So will they be
protected from death, for their life will be constantly renewed. But tell
the serpents that they must henceforth die.” Through the carelessness or
treachery of the messenger this message was reversed; so that now, as we
all know, men die and serpents live for ever by annually casting their
skins.(699) Again, if we can trust the traditions of the Banks’ Islanders
and New Hebrideans, there was a time when men did really cast their skins
and renew their youth. The melancholy change to mortality was brought
about by an old woman, who most unfortunately resumed her old cast-off
skin to please an infant, which squalled at seeing her in her new
integument.(700) The Gallas of East Africa say that God sent a certain
bird (_holawaka_, “the sheep of God”) to tell men that they would not die,
but that when they grew old they would slough their skins and so renew
their youth. But the bird foolishly or maliciously delivered the message
to serpents instead of to men, and that is why ever since men have been
mortal and serpents immortal. For that evil deed God punished the bird
with a painful malady from which it suffers to this day, and it sits on
the tops of trees and moans and wails perpetually.(701)

(M236) Thus it appears that some peoples have not only observed the
curious transformations which certain animals undergo, but have imagined
that by means of such transformations the animals periodically renew their
youth and live for ever. From such observations and fancies it is an easy
step to the conclusion that man might similarly take a fresh lease of life
and renew the lease indefinitely, if only he could contrive like the
animals to get a new skin. This desirable object the Mexicans apparently
sought to accomplish by flaying men and wearing their bleeding skins like
garments thrown over their own. By so doing persons who suffered from
cutaneous diseases hoped to acquire a new and healthy skin; and by so
doing the priests attempted not merely to revive the gods whom they had
just slain in the persons of their human representatives, but also to
restore to their wasting and decaying frames all the vigour and energy of
youth.

(M237) The rites described in the preceding pages suffice to prove that
human sacrifices of the sort I suppose to have prevailed at Aricia(702)
were, as a matter of fact, systematically offered on a large scale by a
people whose level of culture was probably not inferior, if indeed it was
not distinctly superior, to that occupied by the Italian races at the
early period to which the origin of the Arician priesthood must be
referred. The positive and indubitable evidence of the prevalence of such
sacrifices in one part of the world may reasonably be allowed to
strengthen the probability of their prevalence in places for which the
evidence is less full and trustworthy. Taken all together, the facts which
we have passed in review seem to shew that the custom of killing men whom
their worshippers regard as divine has prevailed in many parts of the
world. But to clinch the argument, it is clearly desirable to prove that
the custom of putting to death a human representative of a god was known
and practised in ancient Italy elsewhere than in the Arician Grove. This
proof I now propose to adduce.





CHAPTER VIII. THE SATURNALIA AND KINDRED FESTIVALS.




§ 1. The Roman Saturnalia.


(M238) In an earlier part of this book we saw that many peoples have been
used to observe an annual period of license, when the customary restraints
of law and morality are thrown aside, when the whole population give
themselves up to extravagant mirth and jollity, and when the darker
passions find a vent which would never be allowed them in the more staid
and sober course of ordinary life. Such outbursts of the pent-up forces of
human nature, too often degenerating into wild orgies of lust and crime,
occur most commonly at the end of the year, and are frequently associated,
as I have had occasion to point out, with one or other of the agricultural
seasons, especially with the time of sowing or of harvest. Now, of all
these periods of license the one which is best known and which in modern
languages has given its name to the rest, is the Saturnalia. This famous
festival fell in December, the last month of the Roman year, and was
popularly supposed to commemorate the merry reign of Saturn, the god of
sowing and of husbandry, who lived on earth long ago as a righteous and
beneficent king of Italy, drew the rude and scattered dwellers on the
mountains together, taught them to till the ground, gave them laws, and
ruled in peace. His reign was the fabled Golden Age: the earth brought
forth abundantly: no sound of war or discord troubled the happy world: no
baleful love of lucre worked like poison in the blood of the industrious
and contented peasantry. Slavery and private property were alike unknown:
all men had all things in common. At last the good god, the kindly king,
vanished suddenly; but his memory was cherished to distant ages, shrines
were reared in his honour, and many hills and high places in Italy bore
his name.(703) Yet the bright tradition of his reign was crossed by a dark
shadow: his altars are said to have been stained with the blood of human
victims, for whom a more merciful age afterwards substituted
effigies.(704) Of this gloomy side of the god’s religion there is little
or no trace in the descriptions which ancient writers have left us of the
Saturnalia. Feasting and revelry and all the mad pursuit of pleasure are
the features that seem to have especially marked this carnival of
antiquity, as it went on for seven days in the streets and public squares
and houses of ancient Rome from the seventeenth to the twenty-third of
December.(705)

(M239) But no feature of the festival is more remarkable, nothing in it
seems to have struck the ancients themselves more than the license granted
to slaves at this time. The distinction between the free and the servile
classes was temporarily abolished. The slave might rail at his master,
intoxicate himself like his betters, sit down at table with them, and not
even a word of reproof would be administered to him for conduct which at
any other season might have been punished with stripes, imprisonment, or
death.(706) Nay, more, masters actually changed places with their slaves
and waited on them at table; and not till the serf had done eating and
drinking was the board cleared and dinner set for his master.(707) So far
was this inversion of ranks carried, that each household became for a time
a mimic republic in which the high offices of state were discharged by the
slaves, who gave their orders and laid down the law as if they were indeed
invested with all the dignity of the consulship, the praetorship, and the
bench.(708) Like the pale reflection of power thus accorded to bondsmen at
the Saturnalia was the mock kingship for which freemen cast lots at the
same season. The person on whom the lot fell enjoyed the title of king,
and issued commands of a playful and ludicrous nature to his temporary
subjects. One of them he might order to mix the wine, another to drink,
another to sing, another to dance, another to speak in his own dispraise,
another to carry a flute-girl on his back round the house.(709)

(M240) Now, when we remember that the liberty allowed to slaves at this
festive season was supposed to be an imitation of the state of society in
Saturn’s time, and that in general the Saturnalia passed for nothing more
or less than a temporary revival or restoration of the reign of that merry
monarch, we are tempted to surmise that the mock king who presided over
the revels may have originally represented Saturn himself. The conjecture
is strongly confirmed, if not established, by a very curious and
interesting account of the way in which the Saturnalia was celebrated by
the Roman soldiers stationed on the Danube in the reign of Maximian and
Diocletian. The account is preserved in a narrative of the martyrdom of
St. Dasius, which was unearthed from a Greek manuscript in the Paris
library, and published by Professor Franz Cumont of Ghent. Two briefer
descriptions of the event and of the custom are contained in manuscripts
at Milan and Berlin; one of them had already seen the light in an obscure
volume printed at Urbino in 1727, but its importance for the history of
the Roman religion, both ancient and modern, appears to have been
overlooked until Professor Cumont drew the attention of scholars to all
three narratives by publishing them together some years ago.(710)
According to these narratives, which have all the appearance of being
authentic, and of which the longest is probably based on official
documents, the Roman soldiers at Durostorum in Lower Moesia celebrated the
Saturnalia year by year in the following manner. Thirty days before the
festival they chose by lot from amongst themselves a young and handsome
man, who was then clothed in royal attire to resemble Saturn. Thus arrayed
and attended by a multitude of soldiers he went about in public with full
license to indulge his passions and to taste of every pleasure, however
base and shameful. But if his reign was merry, it was short and ended
tragically; for when the thirty days were up and the festival of Saturn
had come, he cut his own throat on the altar of the god whom he
personated.(711) In the year 303 A.D. the lot fell upon the Christian
soldier Dasius, but he refused to play the part of the heathen god and
soil his last days by debauchery. The threats and arguments of his
commanding officer Bassus failed to shake his constancy, and accordingly
he was beheaded, as the Christian martyrologist records with minute
accuracy, at Durostorum by the soldier John on Friday the twentieth day of
November, being the twenty-fourth day of the moon, at the fourth hour.

Since this narrative was published by Professor Cumont, its historical
character, which had been doubted or denied, has received strong
confirmation from an interesting discovery. In the crypt of the cathedral
which crowns the promontory of Ancona there is preserved, among other
remarkable antiquities, a white marble sarcophagus bearing a Greek
inscription, in characters of the age of Justinian, to the following
effect: “Here lies the holy martyr Dasius, brought from Durostorum.” The
sarcophagus was transferred to the crypt of the cathedral in 1848 from the
church of San Pellegrino, under the high altar of which, as we learn from
a Latin inscription let into the masonry, the martyr’s bones still repose
with those of two other saints. How long the sarcophagus was deposited in
the church of San Pellegrino, we do not know; but it is recorded to have
been there in the year 1650. We may suppose that the saint’s relics were
transferred for safety to Ancona at some time in the troubled centuries
which followed his martyrdom, when Moesia was occupied and ravaged by
successive hordes of barbarian invaders.(712) At all events it appears
certain from the independent and mutually confirmatory evidence of the
martyrology and the monuments that Dasius was no mythical saint, but a
real man, who suffered death for his faith at Durostorum in one of the
early centuries of the Christian era. Finding the narrative of the
nameless martyrologist thus established as to the principal fact recorded,
namely, the martyrdom of St. Dasius, we may reasonably accept his
testimony as to the manner and cause of the martyrdom, all the more
because his narrative is precise, circumstantial, and entirely free from
the miraculous element. Accordingly I conclude that the account which he
gives of the celebration of the Saturnalia among the Roman soldiers is
trustworthy.

(M241) This account sets in a new and lurid light the office of the King
of the Saturnalia, the ancient Lord of Misrule, who presided over the
winter revels at Rome in the time of Horace and of Tacitus. It seems to
prove that his business had not always been that of a mere harlequin or
merry-andrew whose only care was that the revelry should run high and the
fun grow fast and furious, while the fire blazed and crackled on the
hearth, while the streets swarmed with festive crowds, and through the
clear frosty air, far away to the north, Soracte shewed his coronal of
snow. When we compare this comic monarch of the gay, the civilized
metropolis with his grim counterpart of the rude camp on the Danube, and
when we remember the long array of similar figures, ludicrous yet tragic,
who in other ages and in other lands, wearing mock crowns and wrapped in
sceptred palls, have played their little pranks for a few brief hours or
days, then passed before their time to a violent death, we can hardly
doubt that in the King of the Saturnalia at Rome, as he is depicted by
classical writers, we see only a feeble emasculated copy of that original,
whose strong features have been fortunately preserved for us by the
obscure author of the _Martyrdom of St. Dasius_. In other words, the
martyrologist’s account of the Saturnalia agrees so closely with the
accounts of similar rites elsewhere, which could not possibly have been
known to him, that the substantial accuracy of his description may be
regarded as established; and further, since the custom of putting a mock
king to death as a representative of a god cannot have grown out of a
practice of appointing him to preside over a holiday revel, whereas the
reverse may very well have happened, we are justified in assuming that in
an earlier and more barbarous age it was the universal practice in ancient
Italy, wherever the worship of Saturn prevailed, to choose a man who
played the part and enjoyed all the traditionary privileges of Saturn for
a season, and then died, whether by his own or another’s hand, whether by
the knife or the fire or on the gallows-tree, in the character of the good
god who gave his life for the world. In Rome itself and other great towns
the growth of civilization had probably mitigated this cruel custom long
before the Augustan age, and transformed it into the innocent shape it
wears in the writings of the few classical writers who bestow a passing
notice on the holiday King of the Saturnalia. But in remoter districts the
older and sterner practice may long have survived; and even if after the
unification of Italy the barbarous usage was suppressed by the Roman
government, the memory of it would be handed down by the peasants and
would tend from time to time, as still happens with the lowest forms of
superstition among ourselves, to lead to a recrudescence of the practice,
especially among the rude soldiery on the outskirts of the empire over
whom the once iron hand of Rome was beginning to relax its grasp.(713)

(M242) The resemblance between the Saturnalia of ancient and the Carnival
of modern Italy has often been remarked; but in the light of all the facts
that have come before us, we may well ask whether the resemblance does not
amount to identity. We have seen that in Italy, Spain, and France, that
is, in the countries where the influence of Rome has been deepest and most
lasting, a conspicuous feature of the Carnival is a burlesque figure
personifying the festive season, which after a short career of glory and
dissipation is publicly shot, burnt, or otherwise destroyed, to the
feigned grief or genuine delight of the populace.(714) If the view here
suggested of the Carnival is correct, this grotesque personage is no other
than a direct successor of the old King of the Saturnalia, the master of
the revels, the real man who personated Saturn and, when the revels were
over, suffered a real death in his assumed character. The King of the Bean
on Twelfth Night and the mediaeval Bishop of Fools, Abbot of Unreason, or
Lord of Misrule are figures of the same sort and may perhaps have had a
similar origin. We will consider them in the following section.




§ 2. The King of the Bean and the Festival of Fools.


(M243) The custom of electing by lot a King and often also a Queen of the
Bean on Twelfth Night (Epiphany, the sixth of January) or on the eve of
that festival used to prevail in France, Belgium, Germany, and England,
and it is still kept up in some parts of France. It may be traced back to
the first half of the sixteenth century at least, and no doubt dates from
a very much more remote antiquity. At the French court the Kings
themselves did not disdain to countenance the mock royalty, and Louis XIV.
even supported with courtly grace the shadowy dignity in his own person.
Every family as a rule elected its own King. On the eve of the festival a
great cake was baked with a bean in it; the cake was divided in portions,
one for each member of the family, together with one for God, one for the
Virgin, and sometimes one also for the poor. The person who obtained the
portion containing the bean was proclaimed King of the Bean. Where a Queen
of the Bean was elected as well as a King, a second bean was sometimes
baked in the cake for the Queen. Thus at Blankenheim, near Neuerburg, in
the Eifel, a black and a white bean were baked in the cake; he who drew
the piece with the black bean was King, and she who drew the white bean
was Queen. In Franche-Comté, at the beginning of the nineteenth century,
they used to put as many white haricot beans in a hat as there were
persons present, and two coloured beans were added; the beans were drawn
at haphazard from the hat by a child, and they who got the coloured beans
were King and Queen. In England and perhaps elsewhere the practice was to
put a bean in the cake for the King and a pea for the Queen. But in some
places only the King was elected by lot, and after his election he chose
his Queen for himself. Sometimes a coin was substituted for the bean in
the cake; but though this usage was followed in southern Germany as early
as the first half of the sixteenth century, it is probably an innovation
on the older custom of employing a bean as the lot. In France the
distribution of the pieces of the cake among the persons present was made
in accordance with the directions of a child, the youngest boy present,
who was placed under or on the table and addressed by the name of “Phoebe”
or “Tébé”; he answered in Latin “_Domine_.” The master of the house,
holding a piece of the cake in his hand, asked the child to whom he should
give it, and the child named any person he pleased. Sometimes the first
slice of cake was regularly assigned to “the good God” and set aside for
the poor. In the name “Phoebe” or “Tébé,” by which the child was
addressed, learned antiquaries have detected a reference to the oracle of
Apollo; but more probably the name is a simple corruption of the Latin or
French word for bean (Latin _faba_, French _fève_). Immediately on his
election the King of the Bean was enthroned, saluted by all, and thrice
lifted up, while he made crosses with chalk on the beams and rafters of
the ceiling. Great virtue was attributed to these white crosses. They were
supposed to protect the house for the whole year against


                                “_all injuryes and harmes_
    _Of cursed devils, sprites, and bugges, of conjurings and
                charmes._”


Then feasting and revelry began and were kept up merrily without respect
of persons. Every time the King or Queen drank, the whole company was
expected to cry, “The King drinks!” or “The Queen drinks!” Any person who
failed to join in the cry was punished by having his face blackened with
soot or a burned cork or smeared with the lees of wine. In some parts of
the Ardennes the custom was to fasten great horns of paper in the hair of
the delinquent and to put a huge pair of spectacles on his nose; and he
had to wear these badges of infamy till the end of the festival.(715) The
custom of electing a King and Queen of the Bean on Twelfth Day is still
kept up all over the north of France. A miniature porcelain figure of a
child is sometimes substituted for the bean in the cake. If the lot,
whether bean or doll, falls to a boy he becomes King and chooses his
Queen; if it falls to a girl she becomes Queen and chooses her King.(716)

(M244) So far, apart from the crosses chalked up to ban hobgoblins,
witches, and bugs, the King and Queen of the Bean might seem to be merely
playful personages appointed at a season of festivity to lead the revels.
However, a more serious significance was sometimes attached to the office
and to the ceremonies of Twelfth Day in general. Thus in Lorraine the
height of the hemp crop in the coming year was prognosticated from the
height of the King and Queen; if the King was the taller of the two, it
was supposed that the male hemp would be higher than the female, but that
the contrary would happen if the Queen were taller than the King.(717)
Again, in the Vosges Mountains, on the borders of Franche-Comté, it is
customary on Twelfth Day for people to dance on the roofs in order to make
the hemp grow tall.(718) Further, in many places the beans used in the
cake were carried to the church to be blessed by the clergy, and people
drew omens from the cake as to the good or ill that would befall them
throughout the year. Moreover, certain forms of divination were resorted
to on Twelfth Night for the purpose of ascertaining in which month of the
year wheat would be dearest.(719)

(M245) In Franche-Comté, particularly in the Montagne du Doubs, it is
still the custom on the Eve of Twelfth Night (the fifth of January) to
light bonfires, which appear to have, in the popular mind, some reference
to the crops. The whole population takes part in the festivity. In the
afternoon the young folk draw a cart about the street collecting fuel.
Some people contribute faggots, others bundles of straw or of dry hemp
stalks. Towards evening the whole of the fuel thus collected is piled up a
little way from the houses and set on fire. While it blazes, the people
dance round it, crying, “Good year, come back! Bread and wine, come back!”
In the district of Pontarlier the young folk carry lighted torches about
the fields, shaking sparks over the sowed lands and shouting, “_Couaille,
couaille, blanconnie!_”—words of which the meaning has been
forgotten.(720) A similar custom is commonly observed on the same day (the
Eve of Twelfth Night, the fifth of January) in the Bocage of Normandy,
except that it is the fruit-trees rather than the sowed fields to which
the fire is applied. When the evening shadows have fallen on the
landscape, the darkness begins to be illuminated here and there by
twinkling points of fire, which multiply as the night grows late, till
they appear as numerous on earth as the stars in the sky. About every
village, in the fields and orchards, on the crests of the hills, wandering
lights may be discerned, vanishing and suddenly reappearing, gathering
together and then dispersing, pursuing each other capriciously, and
tracing broken lines, sparkling arabesques of fire in the gloom of night
The peasants are observing the ceremony of the “Moles and Field-mice”
(_Taupes et Mulots_); and that evening there is not a hamlet, not a farm,
hardly a solitary cottage that does not contribute its flame to the
general illumination, till the whole horizon seems in a blaze, and houses,
woods, and hills stand out in dark relief against the glow of the sky. The
villages vie with each other in the number and brilliancy of the fires
they can exhibit on this occasion. Woods and hedges are scoured to provide
the materials for the blaze. Torches of straw wound about poles are
provided in abundance; and armed with them men and women, lads and lasses,
boys and girls, pour forth from the houses at nightfall into the fields
and orchards. There they run about among the trees, waving the lighted
torches under the branches and striking the trunks with them so that the
sparks fly out in showers. And as they do so they sing or scream at the
top of their voices certain traditional curses against the animals and
insects that injure the fruit-trees. They bid the moles and field-mice to
depart from their orchards, threatening to break their bones and burn
their beards if they tarry. The more they do this, the larger, they
believe, will be the crop of fruit in the following autumn. When everybody
has rushed about his own orchard, meadow or pasture in this fashion, they
all assemble on a height or crest of a hill, where they picnic, each
bringing his share of provisions, cider, or brandy to the feast. There,
too, they kindle a huge bonfire, and dance round it, capering and
brandishing their torches in wild enthusiasm.(721) Customs of the same
sort used to be observed on the same day (the Eve of Epiphany, the fifth
of January) in the Ardennes. People ran about with burning torches,
commanding the moles and field-mice to go forth. Then they threw the
torches on the ground, and believed that by this proceeding they purified
the earth and made it fruitful.(722)

(M246) This ceremony appears to be intended to ensure a good crop of fruit
by burning out the animals and insects that harm the fruit-trees. In some
parts of England it used to be customary to light fires at the same season
for the purpose, apparently, of procuring a plentiful crop of wheat in the
ensuing autumn. Thus, “in the parish of Pauntley, a village on the borders
of the county of Gloucester, next Worcestershire, and in the
neighbourhood, a custom prevails, which is intended to prevent the smut in
wheat. On the Eve of Twelfth-day, all the servants of every farmer
assemble together in one of the fields that has been sown with wheat. At
the end of twelve lands, they make twelve fires in a row with straw,
around one of which, much larger than the rest, they drink a cheerful
glass of cider to their master’s health, and success to the future
harvest; then, returning home, they feast on cakes soaked in cider, which
they claim as a reward for their past labours in sowing the grain.”(723)
Similarly in Herefordshire, “on the Eve of Twelfth Day, at the approach of
evening, the farmers, their friends, servants, etc., all assemble, and,
near six o’clock, all walk together to a field where wheat is growing. The
highest part of the ground is always chosen, where twelve small fires, and
one large one are lighted up. The attendants, headed by the master of the
family, pledge the company in old cyder, which circulates freely on these
occasions. A circle is formed round the large fire, when a general shout
and hallooing takes place, which you hear answered from all the villages
and fields near; as I have myself counted fifty or sixty fires burning at
the same time, which are generally placed on some eminence. This being
finished, the company all return to the house, where the good housewife
and her maids are preparing a good supper, which on this occasion is very
plentiful. A large cake is always provided, with a hole in the middle.
After supper, the company all attend the bailiff (or head of the oxen) to
the wain-house, where the following particulars are observed. The master,
at the head of his friends, fills the cup (generally of strong ale), and
stands opposite the first or finest of the oxen (twenty-four of which I
have often seen tied up in their stalls together); he then pledges him in
a curious toast; the company then follow his example with all the other
oxen, addressing each by their name. This being over, the large cake is
produced, and is, with much ceremony, put on the horn of the first ox,
through the hole in the cake; he is then tickled to make him toss his
head: if he throws the cake behind, it is the mistress’s perquisite; if
before (in what is termed the _boosy_), the bailiff claims this prize.
This ended, the company all return to the house, the doors of which are in
the meantime locked, and not opened till some joyous songs are sung. On
entering, a scene of mirth and jollity commences, and reigns thro’ the
house till a late, or rather an early, hour, the next morning.”(724)

(M247) The custom was known as Wassailing and it was believed to have a
beneficial effect on the crops.(725) According to one Herefordshire
informant, “on Twelfth Day they make twelve fires of straw and one large
one to burn the old witch; they sing, drink, and dance round it; without
this festival they think they should have no crop.”(726) This explanation
of the large fire on Twelfth Day is remarkable and may supply the key to
the whole custom of kindling fires on the fields or in the orchards on
that day. We have seen that witches and fiends of various sorts are
believed to be let loose during the Twelve Days and that in some places
they are formally driven away on Twelfth Night.(727) It may well be that
the fires lighted on that day were everywhere primarily intended to burn
the witches and other maleficent beings swarming invisible in the
mischief-laden air, and that the benefit supposed to be conferred by the
fires on the crops was not so much the positive one of quickening the
growth of vegetation by genial warmth as the negative one of destroying
the baleful influences which would otherwise blast the fruits of the earth
and of the trees. This interpretation of the English and French custom of
lighting fires in fields and orchards on Twelfth Night is confirmed by a
parallel custom observed by Macedonian peasants for the express purpose of
burning up certain malicious fiends, who are believed to be abroad at this
season. These noxious beings are known as _Karkantzari_ or _Skatsantzari_.
They are thought to be living people, whether men or women, who during the
Twelve Days are transformed into horrible monsters, with long nails, red
faces, bloodshot eyes, snottering noses, and slobbering mouths. In this
hideous guise they roam about by night haunting houses and making the
peasant’s life well-nigh unbearable; they knock at the doors and should
they be refused admittance they will scramble down the chimney and pinch,
worry, and defile the sleepers in their beds. The only way to escape from
these tormenters is to seize and bind them fast with a straw rope. If you
have no such rope or your heart fails you, there is nothing for it but to
shut yourself up in the house before dark, fasten the door tight, block up
the chimney, and wait for daylight; for it is only at night that the
monsters are on the prowl, during the day they resume their ordinary human
shape. However, in some places strenuous efforts are made during the
Twelve Days to destroy these hateful nocturnal goblins by fire. For
example, on Christmas Eve some people burn the _Karkantzari_ by lighting
faggots of holm-oak and throwing them out into the streets at early dawn.
In other places, notably at Melenik, they scald the fiends to death on New
Year’s Eve by means of pancakes frizzling and hissing in a pan. While the
goodwife is baking the cakes, the goodman disguises himself as one of the
fiends in a fur coat turned inside out, and in his assumed character
dances and sings outside the door, while he invites his wife to join him
in the dance. In other districts people collect faggots during the whole
of the Twelve Days and lay them up on the hearth. Then on the Eve of
Twelfth Night they set fire to the pile in order that the goblins, who are
supposed to be lurking under the ashes, may utterly perish.(728) Thus the
view that the large fire in Herefordshire on Twelfth Night is intended “to
burn the old witch” is far more probable than the opinion that it
represents the Virgin Mary, and that the other twelve fires stand for the
twelve apostles.(729) This latter interpretation is in all probability
nothing more than a Christian gloss put upon an old heathen custom of
which the meaning was forgotten.

(M248) The Gloucestershire custom was described by the English traveller
Thomas Pennant in the latter part of the eighteenth century. He says: “A
custom savouring of the Scotch Bel-tien prevales in Gloucestershire,
particularly about Newent and the neighbouring parishes, on the twelfth
day, or on the Epiphany, in the evening. All the servants of every
particular farmer assemble together in one of the fields that has been
sown with wheat; on the border of which, in the most conspicuous or most
elevated place, they make twelve fires of straw, in a row; around one of
which, made larger than the rest, they drink a cheerful glass of cyder to
their master’s health, success to the future harvest, and then returning
home, they feast on cakes made of carraways, etc., soaked in cyder, which
they claim as a reward for their past labours in sowing the grain.”(730)
In Shropshire also it used to be customary to kindle festal fires on the
tops of hills and other high places on Twelfth Night.(731) Again, in
Ireland “on Twelfth-Eve in Christmas, they use to set up as high as they
can a sieve of oats, and in it a dozen of candles set round, and in the
centre one larger, all lighted. This in memory of our Saviour and his
Apostles, lights of the world.”(732) Down to the present time, apparently,
in the county of Roscommon, “Twelfth Night, which is Old Christmas Day, is
a greater day than Christmas Day itself. Thirteen rushlights are made in
remembrance of the numbers at the Last Supper, and each is named after
some member of the family. If there are not enough in the household other
relations’ names are added. The candles are stuck in a cake of cow-dung
and lighted, and as each burns out, so will be the length of each person’s
life. Rushlights are only used for this occasion.”(733)

(M249) In these English and Irish customs observed on Twelfth Night the
twelve fires or candles probably refer either to the twelve days from
Christmas to Epiphany or to the twelve months of the year. In favour of
this view it may be said that according to a popular opinion, which has
been reported in England(734) and is widely diffused in Germany and the
German provinces of Austria, the weather of the twelve days in question
determines the weather of the twelve following months, so that from the
weather on each of these days it is possible to predict the weather of the
corresponding month in the ensuing year.(735) Hence in Swabia the days are
called “the Twelve Lot Days”; and many people seek to pry into the future
with scientific precision by means of twelve circles, each subdivided into
four quadrants, which they chalk up over the parlour door or inscribe on
paper. Each circle represents a month, and each quadrant represents a
quarter of a month; and according as the sky is overcast or clear during
each quarter of a day from Christmas to Epiphany, you shade the
corresponding quadrant of a circle or leave it a blank. By this
contrivance, as simple as it is ingenious, you may forecast the weather
for the whole year with more or less of accuracy.(736) At Hosskirch in
Swabia they say that you can predict the weather for the twelve months
from the weather of the twelve hours of Twelfth Day alone.(737) A somewhat
different system of meteorology is adopted in various parts of
Switzerland, Germany, and Austria. On Christmas, New Year’s Day, or
another of the twelve days you take an onion, slice it in two, peel off
twelve coats, and sprinkle a pinch of salt in each of them. The twelve
coats of the onion stand for the twelve months of the year, and from the
amount of moisture which has gathered in each of them next morning you may
foretell the amount of rain that will fall in the corresponding
month.(738)

(M250) But the belief that the weather of the twelve months can be
predicted from the weather of the twelve days is not confined to the
Germanic peoples. It occurs also in France and among the Celts of Brittany
and Scotland. Thus in the Bocage of Normandy “the village old wives have a
very simple means of divining the general temperature of the coming
season. According to them, the twelve days between Christmas and Epiphany,
including Epiphany, represent the twelve months of the year. So the thing
to do is to mark the temperature of each of these days, for the
temperature of the corresponding month will be relatively the same. Some
people say that this experience is rarely at fault, and more trust is put
in it than in the predictions of the _Double-Liégois_.”(739) In
Cornouaille, Brittany, it is popularly believed that the weather of the
last six days of December and the first six of January prognosticates the
weather of the twelve months; but in other parts of Brittany it is the
first twelve days of January that are supposed to be ominous of the
weather for the year. These days are called _gour-deziou_, which is
commonly interpreted “male days,” but is said to mean properly “additional
or supplementary days.”(740) Again, in the Highlands of Scotland the
twelve days of Christmas (_Da latha dheug na Nollaig_) “were the twelve
days commencing from the Nativity or Big _Nollaig_, and were deemed to
represent, in respect of weather, the twelve months of the year. Some say
the days should be calculated from New Year’s Day.”(741) Others again
reckon the Twelve Days from the thirty-first of December. Thus Pennant
tells us that “the Highlanders form a sort of almanack or presage of the
weather of the ensuing year in the following manner: they make observation
on twelve days, beginning at the last of December, and hold as an
infallible rule, that whatsoever weather happens on each of those days,
the same will prove to agree in the correspondent months. Thus, January is
to answer to the weather of December 31st; February to that of January
1st; and so with the rest. Old people still pay great attention to this
augury.”(742) It is interesting to observe that in the Celtic regions of
Scotland and France popular opinion hesitates as to the exact date of the
twelve days, some people dating them from Christmas, others from the New
Year, and others again from the thirty-first of December. This hesitation
has an important bearing on the question of the origin of the twelve days’
period, as I shall point out immediately.

(M251) Thus in the popular mind the twelve days from Christmas to Epiphany
are conceived as a miniature of the whole year, the character of each
particular day answering to the character of a particular month. The
conception appears to be very ancient, for it meets us again among the
Aryans of the Vedic age in India. They, too, appear to have invested
twelve days in midwinter with a sacred character as a time when the three
Ribhus or genii of the seasons rested from their labours in the home of
the sun-god; and these twelve rest-days they called “an image or copy of
the year.”(743)

(M252) This curious coincidence, if such it is, between the winter
festivals of the ancient Aryans of India and their modern kinsfolk in
Europe seems to be best explained on the theory that the twelve days in
question derive their sanctity from the position which they occupied in
the calendar of the primitive Aryans. The coincidence of the name for
month with the name for moon in the various Aryan languages(744) points to
the conclusion that the year of our remote ancestors was primarily based
on observation of the moon rather than of the sun; but as a year of twelve
lunar months or three hundred and fifty-four days (reckoning the months at
twenty-nine and thirty days alternately) falls short of the solar year of
three hundred and sixty-five and a quarter days by roundly twelve days,
the discrepancy could not fail to attract the attention of an intelligent
people, such as the primitive Aryans must be supposed to have been, who
had made some progress in the arts of life; and the most obvious way of
removing the discrepancy and equating the lunar with the solar year is to
add twelve days at the end of each period of twelve lunar months so as to
bring the total days of the year up to three hundred and sixty-six. The
equation is not indeed perfectly exact, but it may well have been
sufficiently so for the rudimentary science of the primitive Aryans.(745)
As many savage races in modern times have observed the discrepancy between
solar and lunar time and have essayed to correct it by observations of the
sun or the constellations, especially the Pleiades,(746) there seems no
reason to doubt that the ancestors of the Indo-European peoples in
prehistoric times were able to make similar observations, and that they
were not, as has been suggested, reduced to the necessity of borrowing the
knowledge of such simple and obvious facts from the star-gazers of ancient
Babylonia. Learned men who make little use of their eyes except to read
books are too apt to underrate the observational powers of the savage, who
lives under totally different conditions from us, spending most of his
time in the open air and depending for his very existence on the accuracy
with which he notes the varied and changing aspects of nature.

(M253) It has been proposed to explain the manifold superstitions which
cluster round the Twelve Days, or rather the Twelve Nights, as they are
more popularly called,(747) by reference to the place which they occupy in
the Christian calendar, beginning as they do immediately after Christmas
and ending with Epiphany.(748) But, in the first place, it is difficult to
see why the interval between these two particular festivals should have
attracted to itself a greater mass of superstitious belief and custom than
the interval between any other two Christian festivals in the calendar; if
it really did so, the ground of its special attraction is still to seek,
and on this essential point the advocates of the Christian origin of the
Twelve Nights throw no light. In the second place, the superstitious
beliefs and customs themselves appear to have no relation to Christianity
but to be purely pagan in character. Lastly, a fatal objection to the
theory in question is that the place of the Twelve Days in the calendar is
not uniformly fixed to the interval between Christmas and Epiphany; it
varies considerably in popular opinion in different places, but it is
significant that the variations never exceed certain comparatively narrow
limits. The twelve-days’ festival, so to speak, oscillates to and fro
about a fixed point, which is either the end of the year or the winter
solstice. Thus in Silesia the Twelve Days are usually reckoned to fall
before Christmas instead of after it; though in the Polish districts and
the mountainous region of the country the ordinary German opinion prevails
that the days immediately follow Christmas.(749) In some parts of Bavaria
the Twelve Days are counted from St. Thomas’s Day (the twenty-first of
December) to New Year’s Day; while in parts of Mecklenburg they begin with
New Year’s Day and so coincide with the first twelve days of January,(750)
and this last mode of reckoning finds favour, as we saw, with some Celts
of Brittany and Scotland.(751) These variations in the dating of the
Twelve Days seem irreconcilable with the theory that they derive their
superstitious character purely from the accident that they fall between
Christmas and Epiphany; accordingly we may safely dismiss the theory of
their Christian origin and recognize, with many good authorities,(752) in
the Twelve Days the relics of a purely pagan festival, which was probably
celebrated long before the foundation of Christianity. In truth the
hypothesis of the Christian derivation of the Twelve Days in all
probability exactly inverts the historical order of the facts. On the
whole the evidence goes to shew that the great Christian festivals were
arbitrarily timed by the church so as to coincide with previously existing
pagan festivals for the sake of weaning the heathen from their old faith
and bringing them over to the new religion. To make the transition as easy
as possible the ecclesiastical authorities, in abolishing the ancient
rites, appointed ceremonies of somewhat similar character on the same
days, or nearly so, thus filling up the spiritual void by a new creation
which the worshipper might accept as an adequate substitute for what he
had lost. Christmas and Easter, the two pivots on which the Christian
calendar revolves, appear both to have been instituted with this
intention: the one superseded a midwinter festival of the birth of the
sun-god, the other superseded a vernal festival of the death and
resurrection of the vegetation-god.(753)

(M254) If the twelve days from Christmas to Epiphany were indeed an
ancient intercalary period inserted for the purpose of equating the lunar
to the solar year, we can better understand the curious superstitions that
have clustered round them and the quaint customs that have been annually
observed during their continuance. To the primitive mind it might well
seem that an intercalary period stands outside of the regular order of
things, forming part neither of the lunar nor of the solar system; it is
an excrescence, inevitable but unaccountable, which breaks the smooth
surface of ordinary existence, an eddy which interrupts the even flow of
months and years. Hence it may be inferred that the ordinary rules of
conduct do not apply to such extraordinary periods, and that accordingly
men may do in them what they would never dream of doing at other times.
Thus intercalary days tend to degenerate into seasons of unbridled
license; they form an interregnum during which the customary restraints of
law and morality are suspended and the ordinary rulers abdicate their
authority in favour of a temporary regent, a sort of puppet king, who
bears a more or less indefinite, capricious, and precarious sway over a
community given up for a time to riot, turbulence, and disorder. If that
is so—though it must be confessed that the view here suggested is to a
great extent conjectural—we may perhaps detect the last surviving
representatives of such puppet kings in the King of the Bean and other
grotesque figures of the same sort who used to parade with the mimic pomp
of sovereignty on one or other of the twelve days between Christmas and
Epiphany. For the King of the Bean was by no means the only such ruler of
the festive season, nor was Twelfth Night the only day on which he and his
colleagues played their pranks. We will conclude this part of our subject
with a brief notice of some of these mummers.

(M255) In the first place it deserves to be noticed that in many parts of
the continent, such as France, Spain, Belgium, Germany, and Austria,
Twelfth Day is regularly associated with three mythical kings named
Caspar, Melchior, and Balthasar, and derives its popular appellation from
them, being known in Germany and Austria as the Day of the Three Kings
(_Dreikönigstag_) and in France as the Festival of the Kings (_Fête des
Rois_). Further, it has been customary in many places to represent the
three kings by mummers, who go about arrayed in royal costume from door to
door, singing songs and collecting contributions from the households which
they visit.(754) The custom may very well be older than Christianity,
though it has received a Christian colouring; for the mythical kings are
commonly identified with the wise men of the East, who are said to have
been attracted to the infant Christ at Bethlehem by the sight of his star
in the sky.(755) Yet there is no Biblical authority for regarding these
wise men as kings or for fixing their number at three. In Franche-Comté
the old custom is still observed, or at all events it was so down to
recent years. The Three Kings are personated by three boys dressed in long
white shirts with coloured sashes round their waists; on their heads they
wear pointed mitres of pasteboard decorated with a gilt star and floating
ribbons. Each carries a long wand topped by a star, which he keeps
constantly turning. The one who personates Melchior has his face blackened
with soot, because Melchior is supposed to have been a negro king. When
they enter a house, they sing a song, setting forth that they are three
kings who have come from three different countries, led by a star, to
adore the infant Jesus at Bethlehem. After the song the negro king
solicits contributions by shaking his money-box or holding out a basket,
in which the inmates of the house deposit eggs, nuts, apples and so forth.
By way of thanks for this liberality the three kings chant a stave in
which they call down the blessing of God on the household.(756) The custom
is similar in the Vosges Mountains, where the Three Kings are held in
great veneration and invoked by hedge doctors to effect various cures. For
example, if a man drops to the ground with the falling sickness, you need
only whisper in his right ear, “_Gaspard fert myrrham, thus Melchior,
Balthasar aurum_,” and he will get up at once. But to make the cure
complete you must knock three nails into the earth on the precise spot
where he fell; each nail must be exactly of the length of the patient’s
little finger, and as you knock it in you must take care to utter the
sufferer’s name.(757) In many Czech villages of Bohemia the children who
play the part of the Three Kings assimilate themselves to the wise men of
the East in the gospel by carrying gilt paper, incense, and myrrh with
them on their rounds, which they distribute as gifts in the houses they
visit, receiving in return money or presents in kind. Moreover they
fumigate and sprinkle the houses and describe crosses and letters on the
doors. Amongst the Germans of West Bohemia it is the schoolmaster who,
accompanied by some boys, goes the round of the village on Twelfth Day. He
chalks up the letters C. M. B. (the initials of Caspar, Melchior, and
Balthasar), together with three crosses, on every door, and fumigates the
house with a burning censer in order to guard it from evil influences and
infectious diseases.(758) Some people used to wear as an amulet a picture
representing the adoration of the Three Kings with a Latin inscription to
the following effect: “Holy three kings, Caspar, Melchior, Balthasar, pray
for us, now and in the hour of our death.” The picture was thought to
protect the wearer not only from epilepsy, headache, and fever, but also
from the perils of the roads, from the bite of mad dogs, from sudden
death, from sorcery and witchcraft.(759) Whatever its origin, the festival
of the Three Kings goes back to the middle ages, for it is known to have
been celebrated with great pomp at Milan in 1336. On that occasion the
Three Kings appeared wearing crowns, riding richly caparisoned horses, and
surrounded by pages, bodyguards, and a great retinue of followers. Before
them was carried a golden star, and they offered gifts of gold,
frankincense, and myrrh to the infant Christ cradled in a manger beside
the high altar of the church of St. Eustorgius.(760)

(M256) In our own country a popular figure during the Christmas holidays
used to be the Lord of Misrule, or, as he was called in Scotland, the
Abbot of Unreason, who led the revels at that merry season in the halls of
colleges, the Inns of Court, the palace of the king, and the mansions of
nobles.(761) Writing at the end of the sixteenth century, the antiquary
John Stow tells us that, “in the feast of Christmas, there was in the
King’s house, wheresoever he was lodged, a Lord of Misrule, or Master of
Merry Disports; and the like had ye in the house of every nobleman of
honour or good worship, were he spiritual or temporal. Amongst the which
the Mayor of London, and either of the Sheriffs, had their several Lords
of Misrule, ever contending, without quarrel or offence, who should make
the rarest pastimes to delight the beholders. These Lords beginning their
rule on Alhollon eve, continued the same til the morrow after the Feast of
the Purification, commonly called Candlemas day. In all which space there
were fine and subtle disguisings, masks and mummeries, with playing at
cards for counters, nails, and points, in every house, more for pastime
than for gain.”(762) Again, in the seventeenth century the ardent royalist
Sir Thomas Urquhart wrote that “they may be likewise said to use their
king ... as about Christmas we do the King of Misrule; whom we invest with
that title to no other end, but to countenance the Bacchanalian riots and
preposterous disorders of the family, where he is installed.”(763) From
the former passage it appears that the Lords of Misrule often or even
generally reigned for more than three months in winter, namely from
Allhallow Even (the thirty-first of October, the Eve of All Saints’ Day)
till Candlemas (the second of February). Sometimes, however, their reign
seems to have been restricted to the Twelve Nights. Thus we are told that
George Ferrers of Lincoln’s Inn was Lord of Misrule for twelve days one
year when King Edward VI. kept his Christmas with open house at
Greenwich.(764) At Trinity College, Cambridge, a Master of Arts used to be
appointed to this honourable office, which he held for the twelve days
from Christmas to Twelfth Day, and he resumed office on Candlemas Day. His
duty was to regulate the games and diversions of the students,
particularly the plays which were acted in the college hall. Similar
masters of the revels were commonly instituted in the colleges at Oxford;
for example, at Merton College the fellows annually elected about St.
Edmund’s Day, in November a Lord of Misrule or, as he was called in the
registers, a King of the Bean (_Rex Fabarum_), who held office till
Candlemas and sometimes assumed a number of ridiculous titles. In the
Inner Temple a Lord of Misrule used to be appointed on St. Stephen’s Day
(the twenty-sixth of December); surrounded by his courtiers, who were
dubbed by various derogatory or ribald names, he presided at the dancing,
feasting, and minstrelsy in the hall. Of the mock monarch who in the
Christmas holidays of 1635 held office in the Middle Temple the
jurisdiction, privileges, and parade have been minutely described. He was
attended by his lord keeper, lord treasurer, with eight white staves, a
band of gentleman pensioners with poleaxes, and two chaplains. He dined
under a canopy of state both in the hall and in his own chambers. He
received many petitions, which he passed on in regal style to his Master
of Requests; and he attended service in the Temple church, where his
chaplains preached before him and did him reverence. His expenses,
defrayed from his own purse, amounted to no less than two thousand
pounds.(765) “I remember to have heard a Bencher of the Temple tell a
story of a tradition in their house, where they had formerly a custom of
choosing kings for such a season, and allowing him his expences at the
charge of the society: One of our kings, said my friend, carried his royal
inclination a little too far, and there was a committee ordered to look
into the management of his treasury. Among other things it appeared, that
his Majesty walking _incog._ in the cloister, had overheard a poor man say
to another, Such a small sum would make me the happiest man in the world.
The king out of his royal compassion privately inquired into his
character, and finding him a proper object of charity, sent him the money.
When the committee read the report, the house passed his accounts with a
plaudite without further examination, upon the recital of this article in
them, ‘For making a man happy, £10:0:0.’ ”(766)

(M257) At the English court the annual Lord of Misrule is not to be
confounded with the Master of the Revels, who was a permanent official and
probably despised the temporary Lord as an upstart rival and intruder.
Certainly there seems to have been at times bad blood between them. Some
correspondence which passed between the two merry monarchs in the reign of
Edward VI. has been preserved, and from it we learn that on one occasion
the Lord of Misrule had much difficulty in extracting from the Master of
the Revels the fool’s coat, hobby-horses, and other trumpery paraphernalia
which he required for the proper support of his dignity. Indeed the
costumes furnished by his rival were so shabby that his lordship returned
them with a note, in which he informed the Master of the Revels that the
gentlemen of rank and position who were to wear these liveries stood too
much on their dignity to be seen prancing about the streets of London
rigged out in such old slops. The Lords of Council had actually to
interpose in the petty squabble between the two potentates.(767)

(M258) In France the counterparts of these English Lords of Misrule
masqueraded in clerical attire as mock Bishops, Archbishops, Popes, or
Abbots. The festival at which they disported themselves was known as the
Festival of Fools (_Fête des Fous_), which fell in different places at
different dates, sometimes on Christmas Day, sometimes on St. Stephen’s
Day (the twenty-sixth of December), sometimes on New Year’s Day, and
sometimes on Twelfth Day. According to one account “on the first day,
which was the festival of Christmas, the lower orders of clergy and monks
cried in unison _Noël_ (Christmas) and gave themselves up to jollity. On
the morrow, St. Stephen’s Day, the deacons held a council to elect a Pope
or Patriarch of Fools, a Bishop or Archbishop of Innocents, an Abbot of
Ninnies; next day, the festival of St. John, the subdeacons began the
dance in his honour; afterwards, on the fourth day, the festival of the
Holy Innocents, the choristers and minor clergy claimed the Pope or Bishop
or Abbot elect, who made his triumphal entry into the church on
Circumcision Day (the first of January) and sat enthroned pontifically
till the evening of Epiphany. It was then the joyous reign of this Pope or
this Bishop or this Abbot of Folly which constituted the Festival of Fools
and dominated its whimsical phases, the grotesque and sometimes impious
masquerades, the merry and often disgusting scenes, the furious orgies,
the dances, the games, the profane songs, the impudent parodies of the
catholic liturgy.”(768) At these parodies of the most solemn rites of the
church the priests, wearing grotesque masks and sometimes dressed as
women, danced in the choir and sang obscene chants: laymen disguised as
monks and nuns mingled with the clergy: the altar was transformed into a
tavern, where the deacons and subdeacons ate sausages and black-puddings
or played at dice and cards under the nose of the celebrant; and the
censers smoked with bits of old shoes instead of incense, filling the
church with a foul stench. After playing these pranks and running,
leaping, and cutting capers through the whole church, they rode about the
town in mean carts, exchanging scurrilities with the crowds of laughing
and jeering spectators.(769)

(M259) Amongst the buffooneries of the Festival of Fools one of the most
remarkable was the introduction of an ass into the church, where various
pranks were played with the animal. At Autun the ass was led with great
ceremony to the church under a cloth of gold, the corners of which were
held by four canons; and on entering the sacred edifice the animal was
wrapt in a rich cope, while a parody of the mass was performed. A regular
Latin liturgy in glorification of the ass was chanted on these occasions,
and the celebrant priest imitated the braying of an ass. At Beauvais the
ceremony was performed every year on the fourteenth of January. A young
girl with a child in her arms rode on the back of the ass in imitation of
the Flight into Egypt. Escorted by the clergy and the people she was led
in triumph from the cathedral to the parish church of St. Stephen. There
she and her ass were introduced into the chancel and stationed on the left
side of the altar; and a long mass was performed which consisted of scraps
borrowed indiscriminately from the services of many church festivals
throughout the year. In the intervals the singers quenched their thirst:
the congregation imitated their example; and the ass was fed and watered.
The services over, the animal was brought from the chancel into the nave,
where the whole congregation, clergy and laity mixed up together, danced
round the animal and brayed like asses. Finally, after vespers and
compline, the merry procession, led by the precentor and preceded by a
huge lantern, defiled through the streets to wind up the day with indecent
farces in a great theatre erected opposite the church.(770)

(M260) A pale reflection or diminutive copy of the Festival of Fools was
the Festival of the Innocents, which was celebrated on Childermas or Holy
Innocents’ Day, the twenty-eighth of December. The custom was widely
observed both in France and England. In France on Childermas or the eve of
the festival the choristers assembled in the church and chose one of their
number to be a Boy Bishop, who officiated in that character with mock
solemnity. Such burlesques of ecclesiastical ritual appear to have been
common on that day in monasteries and convents, where the offices
performed by the clergy and laity were inverted for the occasion. At the
Franciscan monastery of Antibes, for example, the lay brothers, who
usually worked in the kitchen and the garden, took the place of the
priests on Childermas and celebrated mass in church, clad in tattered
sacerdotal vestments turned inside out, holding the books upside down,
wearing spectacles made of orange peel, mumbling an unintelligible jargon,
and uttering frightful cries. These buffooneries were kept up certainly as
late as the eighteenth century,(771) and probably later. In the great
convent of the Congrégation de Notre Dame at Paris down to the latter part
of the nineteenth century the nuns and their girl pupils regularly
exchanged parts on Holy Innocents’ Day. The pupils pretended to be nuns
and a select few of them were attired as such, while the nuns made believe
to be pupils, without however changing their dress.(772)

(M261) In England the Boy Bishop was widely popular during the later
Middle Ages and only succumbed to the austerity of the Reformation. He is
known, for example, to have officiated in St. Paul’s, London, in the
cathedrals of Salisbury, Exeter, Hereford, Gloucester, Lichfield, Norwich,
Lincoln, and York, in great collegiate churches such as Beverley minster,
St. Peter’s, Canterbury, and Ottery St. Mary’s, in college chapels such as
Magdalen and All Souls’ at Oxford, in the private chapels of the king, and
in many parish churches throughout the country. The election was usually
made on St. Nicholas’s Day (the sixth of December), but the office and
authority lasted till Holy Innocents’ Day (the twenty-eighth of December).
Both days were appropriate, for St. Nicholas was the patron saint of
school children, and Holy Innocents’ Day commemorates the slaughter of the
young children by Herod. In cathedrals the Bishop was chosen from among
the choir boys. After his election he was completely apparelled in the
episcopal vestments, with a mitre and crosier, bore the title and
displayed the state of a Bishop, and exacted ceremonial obedience from his
fellows, who were dressed like priests. They took possession of the church
and, with the exception of mass, performed all the ceremonies and offices.
The Boy Bishop preached from the pulpit. At Salisbury the ceremonies at
which he presided are elaborately regulated by the statutes of Roger de
Mortival, enacted in 1319; and two of the great service-books of the Sarum
use, the Breviary and the Processional, furnish full details of the
ministrations of the Boy Bishop and his fellows. He is even said to have
enjoyed the right of disposing of such prebends as happened to fall vacant
during the days of his episcopacy. But the pranks of the mock bishop were
not confined to the church. Arrayed in full canonicals he was led about
with songs and dances from house to house, blessing the grinning people
and collecting money in return for his benedictions. At York in the year
1396 the Boy Bishop is known to have gone on his rounds to places so far
distant as Bridlington, Leeds, Beverley, Fountains Abbey, and Allerton;
and the profits which he made were considerable. William of Wykeham
ordained in 1400 that a Boy Bishop should be chosen at Winchester College
and another at New College, Oxford, and that he should recite the office
at the Feast of the Innocents. His example was followed some forty years
afterwards in the statutes of the royal foundations of Eton College and of
King’s College, Cambridge. From being elected on St. Nicholas’s Day the
Boy Bishop was sometimes called a Nicholas Bishop (_Episcopus
Nicholatensis_).(773) In Spanish cathedrals, also, it appears to have been
customary on St. Nicholas’s Day to elect a chorister to the office of
Bishop. He exercised a certain jurisdiction till Holy Innocents’ Day, and
his prebendaries took secular offices, acting in the capacity of
alguazils, catchpoles, dog-whippers, and sweepers.(774)

(M262) On the whole it seems difficult to suppose that the a curious
superstitions and quaint ceremonies, the outbursts of profanity and the
inversions of ranks, which characterize the popular celebration of the
twelve days from Christmas to Epiphany, have any connexion with the
episodes of Christian history believed to be commemorated by these two
festivals. More probably they are relics of an old heathen festival
celebrated during the twelve intercalary days which our forefathers
annually inserted in their calendar at midwinter in order to equalize the
short lunar year of twelve months with the longer solar year of three
hundred and sixty-five or sixty-six days. We need not assume that the
license and buffooneries of the festive season were borrowed from the
Roman Saturnalia; both celebrations may well have been parallel and
independent deductions from a like primitive philosophy of nature. There
is not indeed, so far as I am aware, any direct evidence that the
Saturnalia at Rome was an intercalary festival; but the license which
characterized it, and the temporary reign of a mock king, who personated
Saturn, suggest that it may have been so. If we were better acquainted
with the intercalary periods of peoples at a comparatively low level of
culture, we might find that they are commonly marked by similar outbreaks
of lawlessness and similar reigns of more or less nominal and farcical
rulers. But unfortunately we know too little about the observance of such
periods among primitive peoples to be warranted in making any positive
affirmation on the subject.

(M263) However, there are grounds for thinking that intercalary periods
have commonly been esteemed unlucky. The Aztecs certainly regarded as very
unlucky the five supplementary days which they added at the end of every
year in order to make up a total of three hundred and sixty-five
days.(775) These five supplementary days, corresponding to the last four
of January and the first of February, were called _nemontemi_, which means
“vacant,” “superfluous,” or “useless.” Being dedicated to no god, they
were deemed inauspicious, equally unfit for the services of religion and
the transaction of civil business. During their continuance no sacrifices
were offered by the priests and no worshippers frequented the temples. No
cases were tried in the courts of justice. The houses were not swept.
People abstained from all actions of importance and confined themselves to
performing such as could not be avoided, or spent the time in paying
visits to each other. In particular they were careful during these fatal
days not to fall asleep in the daytime, not to quarrel, and not to
stumble; because they thought that if they did such things at that time
they would continue to do so for ever. Persons born on any of these days
were deemed unfortunate, destined to fail in their undertakings and to
live in wretchedness and poverty all their time on earth.(776) The Mayas
of Yucatan employed a calendar like that of the Aztecs, and they too
looked upon the five supplementary days at the end of the year as unlucky
and of evil omen; hence they gave no names to these days, and while they
lasted the people stayed for the most part at home; they neither washed
themselves, nor combed their hair, nor loused each other; and they did no
servile or fatiguing work lest some evil should befall them.(777)

(M264) The ancient Egyptians like the Aztecs considered a year to consist
of three hundred and sixty ordinary days divided into months and eked out
with five supplementary days so as to bring the total number of days in
the year up to three hundred and sixty-five; but whereas the Aztecs
divided the three hundred and sixty ordinary days into eighteen arbitrary
divisions or months of twenty days each, the Egyptians, keeping much
closer to the natural periods marked by the phases of the moon, divided
these days into twelve months of thirty days each.(778) This mode of
regulating the calendar appears to be exceedingly ancient in Egypt and may
even date from the prehistoric period; for the five days over and above
the year (_haru duaït hiru ronpit_) are expressly mentioned in the texts
of the pyramids.(779) The myth told to explain their origin was as
follows. Once on a time the earth-god Keb lay secretly with the
sky-goddess Nut, and the sun-god Ra in his anger cursed the goddess,
saying that she should give birth to her offspring neither in any month
nor in any year. He thought, no doubt, by this imprecation to prevent her
from bringing forth the fruit of her womb. But he was outwitted by the
wily Thoth, who engaged the goddess of the moon in a game of draughts and
having won the game took as a forfeit from her the seventieth part of
every day in the year, and out of the fractions thus abstracted he made up
five new days, which he added to the old year of three hundred and sixty
days. As these days formed no part either of a month or of a year, the
goddess Nut might be delivered in them without rendering the sun-god’s
curse void and of no effect. Accordingly she bore Osiris on the first of
the days, Horus on the second, Set or Typhon on the third, Isis on the
fourth, and Nephthys on the fifth. Of these five supplementary or
intercalary days the third, as the birthday of the evil deity Set or
Typhon, was deemed unlucky, and the Egyptian kings neither transacted
business on it nor attended to their persons till nightfall.(780) Thus it
appears that the ancient Egyptians regarded the five supplementary or
intercalary days as belonging neither to a month nor to a year, but as
standing outside of both and forming an extraordinary period quite apart
and distinct from the ordinary course of time. It is probable, though we
cannot prove it, that in all countries intercalary days or months have
been so considered by the primitive astronomers who first observed the
discrepancy between solar and lunar time and attempted to reconcile it by
the expedient of intercalation.

(M265) Thus we infer with some probability that the sacred Twelve Days or
Nights at midwinter derive their peculiar character in popular custom and
superstition from the circumstance that they were originally an
intercalary period inserted annually at the end of a lunar year of three
hundred and fifty-four days for the purpose of equating it to a solar year
reckoned at three hundred and sixty-six days. However, there are grounds
for thinking that at a very early time the Aryan peoples sought to correct
their lunar year, not by inserting twelve supplementary days every year,
but by allowing the annual deficiency to accumulate for several years and
then supplying it by a whole intercalary month. In India the Aryans of the
Vedic age appear to have adopted a year of three hundred and sixty days,
divided into twelve months of thirty days each, and to have remedied the
annual deficiency of five days by intercalating a whole month of thirty
days every fifth year, thus regulating their calendar according to a five
years’ cycle.(781) The Celts of Gaul, as we learn from the Coligny
calendar, also adopted a five years’ cycle, but they managed it
differently. They retained the old lunar year of three hundred and
fifty-four days divided into twelve months, six of thirty days and six of
twenty-nine days; but instead of intercalating twelve days every year to
restore the balance between lunar and solar time they intercalated a month
of thirty days every two and a half years, so that in each cycle of five
years the total number of intercalary days was sixty, which was equivalent
to intercalating twelve days annually. Thus the result at the end of each
cycle of five years was precisely the same as it would have been if they
had followed the old system of annual intercalation.(782) Why they
abandoned the simple and obvious expedient of annually intercalating
twelve days, and adopted instead the more recondite system of
intercalating a month of thirty days every two and a half years, is not
plain. It may be that religious or political motives unknown to us
concurred with practical considerations to recommend the change. One
result of the reform would be the abolition of the temporary king who, if
I am right, used to bear a somewhat tumultuary sway over the community
during the saturnalia of the Twelve Days. Perhaps the annually recurring
disorders which attended that period of license were not the least urgent
of the reasons which moved the rulers to strike the twelve intercalary
days out of the year and to replace them by an intercalary month at longer
intervals.

(M266) However that may be, the equivalence of the new intercalary month
to the old intercalary Twelve Days multiplied by two and a half is
strongly suggested by a remarkable feature of the Coligny calendar; for in
it the thirty days of the intercalary month, which bore the name of
Ciallos, are named after the ordinary twelve months of the year. Thus the
first day of the intercalary month is called Samon, which is the name of
the first month of the year; the second day of the month is called
Dumannos, which is the name of the second month of the year; the third day
of the month is called Rivros, which is the name of the third month of the
year; the fourth day of the month is called Anacan, which is the name of
the fourth month of the year; and so on with all the rest, so that the
thirty days of the intercalary month bear the names of the twelve months
of the year repeated two and a half times.(783) This seems to shew that,
just as our modern peasants regard the Twelve Days as representing each a
month of the year in their chronological order, so the old Celts of Gaul
who drew up the Coligny calendar regarded the thirty days of the
intercalary month as representing the thirty ordinary months which were to
follow it till the next intercalation took place. And we may conjecture
that just as our modern peasants still draw omens from the Twelve Days for
the twelve succeeding months, so the old Celts drew omens from the thirty
days of the intercalary month for the thirty months of the two and a half
succeeding years. Indeed we may suppose that the reformers of the calendar
transferred, or attempted to transfer, to the new intercalary month the
whole of the quaint customs and superstitions which from time immemorial
had clustered round the twelve intercalary days of the old year. Thus,
like the old Twelve Days of midwinter, the thirty days of the new
intercalary month may have formed an interregnum or break in the ordinary
course of government, a tumultuary period of general license, during which
the ordinary rules of law and morality were suspended and the direction of
affairs committed to a temporary and more or less farcical ruler or King
of the Bean, who may possibly have had to pay with his life for his brief
reign of thirty days. The floating traditions of such merry monarchs and
of the careless happy-go-lucky life under them may have crystallized in
after ages into the legend of Saturn and the Golden Age. If that was
so—and I put forward the hypothesis for no more than a web of conjectures
woven from the gossamer threads of popular superstition—we can understand
why the Twelve Days, intercalated every year in the old calendar, should
have survived to the present day in the memory of the people, whereas the
thirty days, intercalated every two and a half years in the new calendar,
have long been forgotten. It is the simplest ideas that live longest in
the simple minds of the peasantry; and since the intercalation of twelve
days in every year to allow the lagging moon to keep pace with the longer
stride of the sun is certainly an easier and more obvious expedient than
to wait for two and a half years till he has outrun her by thirty days, we
need not wonder that this ancient mode of harmonizing lunar and solar time
should have lingered in the recollection and in the usages of the people
ages after the more roundabout method, which reflective minds had devised
for accomplishing the same end, had faded alike from the memory of the
peasant and the page of the historian.




§ 3. The Saturnalia and Lent.


(M267) As the Carnival is always held on the last three days before the
beginning of Lent, its date shifts somewhat from year to year, but it
invariably falls either in February or March. Hence it does not coincide
with the date of the Saturnalia, which within historical times seems to
have been always celebrated in December even in the old days, before
Caesar’s reform of the calendar, when the Roman year ended with February
instead of December.(784) Yet if the Saturnalia, like many other seasons
of license, was originally celebrated as a sort of public purification at
the end of the old year or the beginning of the new one, it may at a still
more remote period, when the Roman year began with March, have been
regularly held either in February or March and therefore at approximately
the same date as the modern Carnival. So strong and persistent are the
conservative instincts of the peasantry in respect to old custom, that it
would be no matter for surprise if, in rural districts of Italy, the
ancient festival continued to be celebrated at the ancient time long after
the official celebration of the Saturnalia in the towns had been shifted
from February to December. Latin Christianity, which struck at the root of
official or civic paganism, has always been tolerant of its rustic
cousins, the popular festivals and ceremonies which, unaffected by
political and religious revolutions, by the passing of empires and of
gods, have been carried on by the people with but little change from time
immemorial, and represent in fact the original stock from which the state
religions of classical antiquity were comparatively late offshoots. Thus
it may very well have come about that while the new faith stamped out the
Saturnalia in the towns, it suffered the original festival, disguised by a
difference of date, to linger unmolested in the country; and so the old
feast of Saturn, under the modern name of the Carnival, has reconquered
the cities, and goes on merrily under the eye and with the sanction of the
Catholic Church.

(M268) The opinion that the Saturnalia originally fell in February or the
beginning of March receives some support from the circumstance that the
festival of the Matronalia, at which mistresses feasted their slaves just
as masters did theirs at the Saturnalia, always continued to be held on
the first of March, even when the Roman year began with January.(785) It
is further not a little recommended by the consideration that this date
would be eminently appropriate for the festival of Saturn, the old Italian
god of sowing and planting. It has always been a puzzle to explain why
such a festival should have been held at midwinter; but on the present
hypothesis the mystery vanishes. With the Italian farmer February and
March were the great season of the spring sowing and planting;(786)
nothing could be more natural than that the husbandman should inaugurate
the season with the worship of the deity to whom he ascribed the function
of quickening the seed. It is no small confirmation of this theory that
the last day of the Carnival, namely Shrove Tuesday, is still, or was down
to recent times, the customary season in Central Europe for promoting the
growth of the crops by means of leaps and dances.(787) The custom fits in
very well with the view which derives the Carnival from an old festival of
sowing such as the Saturnalia probably was in its origin. Further, the
orgiastic character of the festival is readily explained by the help of
facts which met us in a former part of our investigation. We have seen
that between the sower and the seed there is commonly supposed to exist a
sympathetic connexion of such a nature that his conduct directly affects
and can promote or retard the growth of the crops.(788) What wonder then
if the simple husbandman imagined that by cramming his belly, by swilling
and guzzling just before he proceeded to sow his fields, he thereby
imparted additional vigour to the seed?(789)

(M269) But while his crude philosophy may thus have painted gluttony and
intoxication in the agreeable colours of duties which he owed to himself,
to his family, and to the commonwealth, it is possible that the zest with
which he acquitted himself of his obligations may have been whetted by a
less comfortable reflection. In modern times the indulgence of the
Carnival is immediately followed by the abstinence of Lent; and if the
Carnival is the direct descendant of the Saturnalia, may not Lent in like
manner be merely the continuation, under a thin disguise, of a period of
temperance which was annually observed, from superstitious motives, by
Italian farmers long before the Christian era? Direct evidence of this, so
far as I am aware, is not forthcoming; but we have seen that a practice of
abstinence from fleshly lusts has been observed by various peoples as a
sympathetic charm to foster the growth of the seed;(790) and such an
observance would be an appropriate sequel to the Saturnalia, if that
festival was indeed, as I conjecture it to have been, originally held in
spring as a religious or magical preparation for sowing and planting. When
we consider how widely diffused is the belief in the sympathetic influence
which human conduct, and especially the intercourse of the sexes, exerts
on the fruits of the earth, we may be allowed to conjecture that the
Lenten fast, with the rule of continence which is recommended, if not
strictly enjoined, by the Catholic and Coptic churches during that
season,(791) was in its origin intended, not so much to commemorate the
sufferings of a dying god, as to foster the growth of the seed, which in
the bleak days of early spring the husbandman commits with anxious care
and misgiving to the bosom of the naked earth. Ecclesiastical historians
have been puzzled to say why after much hesitation and great diversity of
usage in different places the Christian church finally adopted forty days
as the proper period for the mournful celebration of Lent.(792) Perhaps in
coming to this decision the authorities were guided, as so often, by a
regard for an existing pagan celebration of similar character and duration
which they hoped by a change of name to convert into a Christian
solemnity. Such a heathen Lent they may have found to hand in the rites of
Persephone, the Greek goddess of the corn, whose image, carved out of a
tree, was annually brought into the cities and mourned for forty nights,
after which it was burned.(793) The time of year when these lamentations
took place is not mentioned by the old Christian writer who records them;
but they would fall most appropriately at the season when the seed was
sown or, in mythical language, when the corn-goddess was buried, which in
ancient Italy, as we saw, was done above all in the months of February and
March. We know that at the time of the autumnal sowing Greek women held a
sad and serious festival because the Corn-goddess Persephone or the
Maiden, as they called her, then went down into the earth with the sown
grain, and Demeter fondly mourned her daughter’s absence; hence in
sympathy with the sorrowful mother the women likewise mourned and observed
a solemn fast and abstained from the marriage bed.(794) It is reasonable,
therefore, to suppose that they practised similar rules of mourning and
abstinence for a like reason at the time of the spring sowing, and that
the ancient ritual survives in the modern Lent, which preserves the memory
of the _Mater Dolorosa_, though it has substituted a dead Son for a dead
Daughter.

(M270) Be that as it may, it is worthy of note that in Burma a similar
fast, which English writers call the Buddhist Lent, is observed for three
months every year while the ploughing and sowing of the fields go forward;
and the custom is believed to be far older than Buddhism, which has merely
given it a superficial tinge like the veneer of Christianity which, if I
am right, has overlaid an old heathen observance in Lent. This Burmese
Lent, we are told, covers the rainy season from the full moon of July to
the full moon of October. “This is the time to plough, this is the time to
sow; on the villagers’ exertions in these months depends all their
maintenance for the rest of the year. Every man, every woman, every child,
has hard work of some kind or another. And so, what with the difficulties
of travelling, what with the work there is to do, and what with the custom
of Lent, every one stays at home. It is the time for prayer, for fasting,
for improving the soul. Many men during these months will live even as the
monks live, will eat but before midday, will abstain from tobacco. There
are no plays during Lent, and there are no marriages. It is the time for
preparing the land for the crop; it is the time for preparing the soul for
eternity. The congregations on the Sundays will be far greater at this
time than at any other; there will be more thought of the serious things
of life.”(795)




§ 4. Saturnalia in Ancient Greece.


(M271) Beyond the limits of Italy festivals of the same general character
as the Saturnalia appear to have been held over a considerable area of the
ancient world. A characteristic feature of the Saturnalia, as we saw, was
an inversion of social ranks, masters changing places with their slaves
and waiting upon them, while slaves were indulged with a semblance not
merely of freedom but even of power and office. In various parts of Greece
the same hollow show of granting liberty to slaves was made at certain
festivals. Thus at a Cretan festival of Hermes the servants feasted and
their masters waited upon them. In the month of Geraestius the Troezenians
observed a certain solemnity lasting many days, on one of which the slaves
played at dice with the citizens and were treated to a banquet by their
lords. The Thessalians held a great festival called Peloria, which Baton
of Sinope identified with the Saturnalia, and of which the antiquity is
vouched for by a tradition that it originated with the Pelasgians. At this
festival sacrifices were offered to Pelorian Zeus, tables splendidly
adorned were set out, all strangers were invited to the feast, all
prisoners released, and the slaves sat down to the banquet, enjoyed full
freedom of speech, and were served by their masters.(796)

(M272) But the Greek festival which appears to have corresponded most
closely to the Italian Saturnalia was the Cronia or festival of Cronus, a
god whose barbarous myth and cruel ritual clearly belong to a very early
stratum of Greek religion, and who was by the unanimous voice of antiquity
identified with Saturn. We are told that his festival was celebrated in
most parts of Greece, but especially at Athens, where the old god and his
wife Rhea had a shrine near the stately, but far more modern, temple of
Olympian Zeus. A joyous feast, at which masters and slaves sat down
together, formed a leading feature of the solemnity. At Athens the
festival fell in the height of summer, on the twelfth day of the month
Hecatombaeon, formerly called the month of Cronus, which answered nearly
to July; and tradition ran that Cecrops, the first king of Attica, had
founded an altar in honour of Cronus and Rhea, and had ordained that
master and man should share a common meal when the harvest was got
in.(797) Yet there are indications that at Athens the Cronia may once have
been a spring festival. For a cake with twelve knobs, which perhaps
referred to the twelve months of the year, was offered to Cronus by the
Athenians on the fifteenth day of the month Elaphebolion, which
corresponded roughly to March,(798) and there are traces of a license
accorded to slaves at the Dionysiac festival of the opening of the
wine-jars, which fell on the eleventh day of the preceding month
Anthesterion.(799) At Olympia the festival of Cronus undoubtedly occurred
in spring; for here a low but steep hill, now covered with a tangled
growth of dark holly-oaks and firs, was sacred to him, and on its top
certain magistrates, who bore the title of kings, offered sacrifice to the
old god at the vernal equinox in the Elean month Elaphius.(800)

(M273) In this last ceremony, which probably went on year by year long
before the upstart Zeus had a temple built for himself at the foot of the
hill, there are two points of special interest, first the date of the
ceremony, and second the title of the celebrants. First, as to the date,
the spring equinox, or the twenty-first of March, must have fallen so near
the fifteenth day of the Athenian month Elaphebolion, that we may fairly
ask whether the Athenian custom of offering a cake to Cronus on that day
may not also have been an equinoctial ceremony. In the second place, the
title of kings borne by the magistrates who sacrificed to Cronus renders
it probable that, like magistrates with similar high-sounding titles
elsewhere in republican Greece, they were the lineal descendants of sacred
kings whom the superstition of their subjects invested with the attributes
of divinity.(801) If that was so, it would be natural enough that one of
these nominal kings should pose as the god Cronus in person. For, like his
Italian counterpart Saturn, the Greek Cronus was believed to have been a
king who reigned in heaven or on earth during the blissful Golden Age,
when men passed their days like gods without toil or sorrow, when life was
a long round of festivity, and death came like sleep, sudden but gentle,
announced by none of his sad forerunners, the ailments and infirmities of
age.(802) Thus the analogy of the Olympian Cronia, probably one of the
oldest of Greek festivals, to the Italian Saturnalia would be very close
if originally, as I conjecture, the Saturnalia fell in spring and Saturn
was personated at it, as we have good reason to believe, by a man dressed
as a king. May we go a step further and suppose that, just as the man who
acted King Saturn at the Saturnalia was formerly slain in that character,
so one of the kings who celebrated the Cronia at Olympia not only played
the part of Cronus, but was sacrificed, as god and victim in one, on the
top of the hill? Cronus certainly bore a sinister reputation in antiquity.
He passed for an unnatural parent who had devoured his own offspring, and
he was regularly identified by the Greeks with the cruel Semitic Baals who
delighted in the sacrifice of human victims, especially of children.(803)
A legend which savours strongly of infant sacrifice is reported of a
shrine that stood at the very foot of the god’s own hill at Olympia;(804)
and a quite unambiguous story was told of the sacrifice of a babe to
Lycaean Zeus on Mount Lycaeus in Arcadia, where the worship of Zeus was
probably nothing but a continuation, under a new name, of the old worship
of Cronus, and where human victims appear to have been regularly offered
down to the Christian era.(805) The Rhodians annually sacrificed a man to
Cronus in the month Metageitnion; at a later time they kept a condemned
criminal in prison till the festival of the Cronia was come, then led him
forth outside the gates, made him drunk with wine, and cut his
throat.(806) With the parallel of the Saturnalia before our eyes, we may
surmise that the victim who thus ended his life in a state of intoxication
at the Cronia perhaps personated King Cronus himself, the god who reigned
in the happy days of old when men had nothing to do but to eat and drink
and make merry. At least the Rhodian custom lends some countenance to the
conjecture that formerly a human victim may have figured at the sacrifice
which the so-called kings offered to Cronus on his hill at Olympia. In
this connexion it is to be remembered that we have already found
well-attested examples of a custom of sacrificing the scions of royal
houses in ancient Greece.(807) If the god to whom, or perhaps rather in
whose character, the princes were sacrificed, was Cronus, it would be
natural that the Greeks of a later age should identify him with Baal or
Moloch, to whom in like manner Semitic kings offered up their children.
The Laphystian Zeus of Thessaly and Boeotia, whom tradition associated
with these human sacrifices, was probably, like the Lycaean Zeus of
Arcadia, nothing but the aboriginal deity, commonly known as Cronus, whose
gloomy rites the Greek invaders suffered the priests of the vanquished
race to continue after the ancient manner, while they quieted their
scruples of conscience or satisfied their pride as conquerors by investing
the bloodthirsty old savage with the name, if not with the character, of
their own milder deity, the humane and gracious Zeus.




§ 5. Saturnalia in Western Asia.


(M274) When we pass from Europe to western Asia, from ancient Greece to
ancient Babylon and the regions where Babylonian influence penetrated, we
are still met with festivals which bear the closest resemblance to the
oldest form of the Italian Saturnalia. The reader may remember the
festival of the Sacaea, on which I had occasion to touch in an earlier
part of this work.(808) It was held at Babylon during five days of the
month Lous, beginning with the sixteenth day of the month. During its
continuance, just as at the Saturnalia, masters and servants changed
places, the servants issuing orders and the masters obeying them; and in
each house one of the servants, dressed as a king and bearing the title of
Zoganes, bore rule over the household. Further, just as at the Saturnalia
in its original form a man was dressed as King Saturn in royal robes,
allowed to indulge his passions and caprices to the full, and then put to
death, so at the Sacaea a condemned prisoner, who probably also bore for
the time being the title of Zoganes, was arrayed in the king’s attire and
suffered to play the despot, to use the king’s concubines, and to give
himself up to feasting and debauchery without restraint, only however in
the end to be stript of his borrowed finery, scourged, and hanged or
crucified.(809) From Strabo we learn that this Asiatic counterpart of the
Saturnalia was celebrated in Asia Minor wherever the worship of the
Persian goddess Anaitis had established itself. He describes it as a
Bacchic orgy, at which the revellers were disguised as Scythians, and men
and women drank and dallied together by day and night.(810)

(M275) As the worship of Anaitis, though of Persian origin, appears to
have been deeply leavened with coarse elements which it derived from the
religion of Babylon,(811) we may perhaps regard Mesopotamia as the
original home from which the Sacaean festival spread westward into other
parts of Asia Minor. Now the Sacaean festival, described by the Babylonian
priest Berosus in the first book of his history of Babylon, has been
plausibly identified(812) with the great Babylonian festival of the New
year called Zakmuk, Zagmuk, Zakmuku, or Zagmuku, which has become known to
us in recent times through inscriptions. The Babylonian year began with
the spring month of Nisan, which seems to have covered the second half of
March and the first half of April. Thus the New Year festival, which
occupied at least the first eleven days of Nisan, probably included the
spring equinox. It was held in honour of Marduk or Merodach, the chief god
of Babylon, whose great temple of Esagila in the city formed the religious
centre of the solemnity. For here, in a splendid chamber of the vast
edifice, all the gods were believed to assemble at this season under the
presidency of Marduk for the purpose of determining the fates for the new
year, especially the fate of the king’s life. On this occasion the king of
Babylon was bound annually to renew his regal power by grasping the hands
of the image of Marduk in his temple, as if to signify that he received
the kingdom directly from the deity and was unable without the divine
assistance and authority to retain it for more than a year. Unless he thus
formally reinstated himself on the throne once a year, the king ceased to
reign legitimately. When Babylonia was conquered by Assyria, the Assyrian
monarchs themselves used to come to Babylon and perform the ceremony of
grasping the god’s hands in order to establish by this solemn act their
title to the kingdom which they had won for themselves by the sword; until
they had done so, they were not recognized as kings by their Babylonian
subjects. Some of them indeed found the ceremony either so burdensome or
so humiliating to their pride as conquerors, that rather than perform it
they renounced the title of king of Babylon altogether and contented
themselves with the more modest title of regent. Another notable feature
of the Babylonian festival of the New Year appears to have been a
ceremonial marriage of the god Marduk; for in a hymn relating to the
solemnity it is said of the deity that “he hastened to his bridal.” The
festival was of hoar antiquity, for it was known to Gudea, an old king of
Southern Babylonia who flourished between two and three thousand years
before the beginning of our era, and it is mentioned in an early account
of the Great Flood. At a much later period it is repeatedly referred to by
King Nebuchadnezzar and his successors. Nebuchadnezzar records how he
built of bricks and bitumen a chapel or altar, “a thing of joy and
rejoicing,” for the great festival of Marduk, the lord of the gods; and we
read of the rich and abundant offerings which were made by the high priest
at this time.(813)

(M276) Unfortunately the notices of this Babylonian festival of the New
Year which have come down to us deal chiefly with its mythical aspect and
throw little light on the mode of its celebration. Hence its identity with
the Sacaea must remain for the present a more or less probable hypothesis.
In favour of the hypothesis may be alleged in the first place the
resemblance of the names Sacaea and Zoganes to Zakmuk or Zagmuku, if that
was the real pronunciation of the name,(814) and in the second place the
very significant statement that the fate of the king’s life was supposed
to be determined by the gods, under the presidency of Marduk, at the
Zakmuk or New Year’s festival.(815) When we remember that the central
feature of the Sacaea appears to have been the saving of the king’s life
for another year by the vicarious sacrifice of a criminal on the cross or
the gallows, we can understand that the season was a critical one for the
king, and that it may well have been regarded as determining his fate for
the ensuing twelve months. The annual ceremony of renewing the king’s
power by contact with the god’s image, which formed a leading feature of
the Zakmuk festival, would be very appropriately performed immediately
after the execution or sacrifice of the temporary king who died in the
room of the real monarch.

(M277) A difficulty, however, in the way of identifying the Sacaea with
the Zakmuk arises from the statement of Berosus that the Sacaea fell on
the sixteenth day of Lous, which was the tenth month of the
Syro-Macedonian calendar and appears to have nearly coincided with July.
Thus if the Sacaea occurred in July and the Zakmuk in March, the theory of
their identity could not be maintained. But the dating of the months of
the Syro-Macedonian calendar is a matter of some uncertainty; the month of
Lous in particular appears to have fallen at different times of the year
in different places,(816) and until we have ascertained beyond the reach
of doubt when Lous fell at Babylon in the time of Berosus, it would be
premature to allow much weight to the seeming discrepancy in the dates of
the two festivals. At all events, whether the festivals were the same or
different, we are confronted with difficulties which in the present state
of our knowledge may be pronounced insoluble. If the festivals were the
same, we cannot explain their apparent difference of date: if they were
different, we cannot explain their apparent similarity of character. In
what follows I shall, with some eminent Oriental scholars,(817)
provisionally assume the identity of Zakmuk and Sacaea, but I would ask
the reader to bear clearly in mind that the hypothesis leaves the apparent
discrepancy of their dates unexplained. Towards a solution of the problem
I can only suggest conjecturally either that the date of the festival had
been for some reason shifted in the time of Berosus, or that two different
festivals of the same type may have been held at different seasons of the
year, one in spring and one in summer, perhaps by two distinct but kindred
tribes, who retained their separate religious rites after they had
coalesced in the Babylonian empire. Both conjectures might be supported by
analogies. On the one hand, for example, in the Jewish calendar New Year’s
Day was shifted under Babylonian influence from autumn to spring,(818) and
in a later part of this work we shall see that the Chinese festival of new
fire, at first celebrated in spring, was afterwards shifted to the summer
solstice, only however to be brought back at a later time to its original
date. On the other hand, the popular festivals of our European peasantry
afford many examples of rites which appear to be similar in character,
though they fall at different times of the year; such, for instance, are
the ceremonies concerned with vegetation on May Day, Whitsuntide, and
Midsummer Day,(819) and the fire festivals which are distributed at still
wider intervals throughout the months.(820) Similarly in ancient Italy the
agricultural festival of the Ambarvalia was celebrated by Italian farmers
at different dates in different places.(821) These cases may warn us
against the danger of hastily inferring an essential difference between
Zakmuk and Sacaea on the ground of a real or apparent difference in their
dates.

(M278) A fresh and powerful argument in favour of the identity of the two
festivals is furnished by the connexion which has been traced between both
of them and the Jewish feast of Purim.(822) There are good grounds for
believing that Purim was unknown to the Jews until after the exile, and
that they learned to observe it during their captivity in the East. The
festival is first mentioned in the book of Esther, which by the majority
of critics is assigned to the fourth or third century B.C.,(823) and which
certainly cannot be older than the Persian period, since the scene of the
narrative is laid in Susa at the court of a Persian king Ahasuerus, whose
name appears to be the Hebrew equivalent of Xerxes. The next reference to
Purim occurs in the second book of Maccabees, a work written probably
about the beginning of our era.(824) Thus from the absence of all notice
of Purim in the older books of the Bible, we may fairly conclude that the
festival was instituted or imported at a comparatively late date among the
Jews. The same conclusion is supported by the book of Esther itself, which
was manifestly written to explain the origin of the feast and to suggest
motives for its observance. For, according to the author of the book, the
festival was established to commemorate the deliverance of the Jews from a
great danger which threatened them in Persia under the reign of King
Xerxes. Thus the opinion of modern scholars that the feast of Purim, as
celebrated by the Jews, was of late date and oriental origin, is borne out
by the tradition of the Jews themselves. An examination of that tradition
and the mode of celebrating the feast renders it probable that Purim is
nothing but a more or less disguised form of the Babylonian festival of
the Sacaea or Zakmuk.

(M279) In the first place, the feast of Purim was and is held on the
fourteenth and fifteenth days of Adar, the last month of the Jewish year,
which corresponds roughly to March.(825) Thus the date agrees nearly,
though not exactly, with the date of the Babylonian Zakmuk, which fell a
fortnight later in the early days of the following month Nisan. A trace of
the original celebration of Purim in Nisan may perhaps be found in the
statement that “they cast Pur, that is, the lot, before Haman” in Nisan,
the first month of the year.(826) It has been suggested with some
plausibility that the Jews may have shifted the date of Purim in order
that the new and foreign festival might not clash with their own old
festival of the Passover, which began on the fourteenth day of Nisan.
Another circumstance which speaks at once for the alien origin of Purim
and for its identity with Zakmuk is its name. The author of the book of
Esther derives the name Purim from _pur_, “a lot,”(827) but no such word
with this signification exists in Hebrew, and hence we are driven to look
for the meaning and etymology of Purim in some other language. A specious
theory is that the name was derived from an Assyrian word _puvru_, “an
assembly,” and referred primarily to the great assembly of the gods which,
as we have seen, formed a chief feature of the festival of Zakmuk, and was
held annually in the temple of Marduk at Babylon for the purpose of
determining the fates or lots of the new year;(828) the august assembly
appears to have been occasionally, if not regularly, designated by the
very name _puvru_.(829) On this hypothesis the traditional Jewish
explanation of the name Purim preserved a genuine kernel of historical
truth, or at least of mythical fancy, under the husk of a verbal error;
for the name, if this derivation of it is correct, really signified, not
“the lots,” but the assembly for drawing or otherwise determining the
lots. Another explanation which has been offered is “that _pūr_ or _būr_
seems to be an old Assyrian word for ‘stone,’ and that therefore it is
possible that the word was also used to signify ‘lot,’ like the Hebrew
גורל ‘lot,’ which originally, no doubt, meant ‘little stone.’ ”(830)
Either of these explanations of the name Purim, by tracing it back to the
New Year assembly of the gods at Babylon for settling the lots, furnishes
an adequate explanation of the traditional association of Purim with the
casting of lots—an association all the more remarkable and all the more
likely to be ancient because there is nothing to justify it either in the
Hebrew language or in the Jewish mode of celebrating the festival. When to
this we add the joyous, nay, extravagant festivity which has always been
characteristic of Purim, and is entirely in keeping with a New Year
celebration, we may perhaps be thought to have made out a fairly probable
case for holding that the Jewish feast is derived from the Babylonian New
Year festival of Zakmuk. Whether the Jews borrowed the feast directly from
the Babylonians or indirectly through the Persian conquerors of Babylon is
a question which deserves to be considered; but the Persian colouring of
the book of Esther speaks strongly for the view that Purim came to Israel
by way of Persia, or at all events from Babylon under Persian rule, and
this view is confirmed by other evidence, to which I shall have to ask the
reader’s attention a little later on.

(M280) If the links which bind Purim to Zakmuk are reasonably strong, the
chain of evidence which connects the Jewish festival with the Sacaea is
much stronger. Nor is this surprising when we remember that, while the
popular mode of celebrating Zakmuk is unknown, we possess important and
trustworthy details as to the manner of holding the Sacaea. We have seen
that the Sacaea was a wild Bacchanalian revel at which men and women
disguised themselves and drank and played together in a fashion that was
more gay than modest. Now this is, or used to be, precisely the nature of
Purim. The two days of the festival, according to the author of the book
of Esther, were to be kept for ever as “days of feasting and gladness, and
of sending portions one to another, and gifts to the poor.”(831) And this
joyous character the festival seems always to have retained. The author of
a tract in the Talmud lays it down as a rule that at the feast of Purim
every Jew is bound to drink until he cannot distinguish between the words
“Cursed be Haman” and “Blessed be Mordecai”; and he tells how on one
occasion a certain Rabba drank so deep at Purim that he murdered a rabbi
without knowing what he was about. Indeed Purim has been described as the
Jewish Bacchanalia, and we are told that at this season everything is
lawful which can contribute to the mirth and gaiety of the festival.(832)
Writers of the seventeenth century assert that during the two days, and
especially on the evening of the second day, the Jews did nothing but
feast and drink to repletion, play, dance, sing, and make merry; in
particular they disguised themselves, men and women exchanging clothes,
and thus attired ran about like mad, in open defiance of the Mosaic law,
which expressly forbids men to dress as women and women as men.(833) Among
the Jews of Frankfort, who inhabited the squalid but quaint and
picturesque old street known as the Judengasse, which many of us still
remember, the revelry at Purim ran as high as ever in the eighteenth
century. The gluttony and intoxication began punctually at three o’clock
in the afternoon of the first day and went on until the whole community
seemed to have taken leave of their senses. They ate and drank, they
frolicked and cut capers, they reeled and staggered about, they shrieked,
yelled, stamped, clattered, and broke each other’s heads with wooden
hammers till the blood flowed. On the evening of the first day the women
were allowed, as a special favour, to open their latticed window and look
into the men’s synagogue, because the great deliverance of the Jews from
their enemies in the time of King Ahasuerus was said to have been effected
by a woman. A feature of the festival which should not be overlooked was
the acting of the story of Esther as a comedy, in which Esther, Ahasuerus,
Haman, Mordecai, and others played their parts after a fashion that
sometimes degenerated from farce into ribaldry.(834) Thus on the whole we
may take it that Purim has always been a Saturnalia, and therefore
corresponds in character to the Sacaea as that festival has been described
for us by Strabo.

(M281) But further, when we examine the narrative which professes to
account for the institution of Purim, we discover in it not only the
strongest traces of Babylonian origin, but also certain singular analogies
to those very features of the Sacaean festival with which we are here more
immediately concerned. The book of Esther turns upon the fortunes of two
men, the vizier Haman and the despised Jew Mordecai, at the court of a
Persian king. Mordecai, we are told, had given mortal offence to the
vizier, who accordingly prepares a tall gallows on which he hopes to see
his enemy hanged, while he himself expects to receive the highest mark of
the king’s favour by being allowed to wear the royal crown and the royal
robes, and thus attired to parade the streets mounted on the king’s own
horse and attended by one of the noblest princes, who should proclaim to
the multitude his temporary exaltation and glory. But the artful intrigues
of the wicked vizier miscarried and resulted in precisely the opposite of
what he had hoped and expected; for the royal honours which he had looked
for fell to his rival Mordecai, and he himself was hanged on the gallows
which he had made ready for his foe. In this story we seem to detect a
reminiscence, more or less confused, of the Zoganes of the Sacaea, in
other words, of the custom of investing a private man with the insignia of
royalty for a few days and then putting him to death on the gallows or the
cross. It is true that in the narrative the part of the Zoganes is divided
between two actors, one of whom hopes to play the king but is hanged
instead, while the other acts the royal part and escapes the gallows to
which he was destined by his enemy. But this bisection, so to say, of the
Zoganes may have been deliberately invented by the Jewish author of the
book of Esther for the sake of setting the origin of Purim, which it was
his purpose to explain, in a light that should reflect glory on his own
nation. Or, perhaps more probably, it points back to a custom of
appointing two mock kings at the Sacaea, one of whom was put to death at
the end of the festival, while the other was allowed to go free, at least
for a time. We shall be the more inclined to adopt the latter hypothesis
when we observe that corresponding to the two rival aspirants to the
temporary kingship there appear in the Jewish narrative two rival queens,
Vashti and Esther, one of whom succeeds to the high estate from which the
other has fallen. Further, it is to be noted that Mordecai, the successful
candidate for the mock kingship, and Esther, the successful candidate for
the queenship, are linked together by close ties both of interest and
blood, the two being said to be cousins. This suggests that in the
original story or the original custom there may have figured two pairs of
kings and queens, of whom one pair is represented in the Jewish narrative
by Mordecai and Esther and the other by Haman and Vashti.

(M282) Some confirmation of this view is furnished by the names of two at
least out of the four personages. It seems to be now generally recognized
by Biblical scholars that the name Mordecai, which has no meaning in
Hebrew, is nothing but a slightly altered form of Marduk or Merodach, the
name of the chief god of Babylon, whose great festival was the Zakmuk; and
further, it is generally admitted that Esther in like manner is equivalent
to Ishtar, the great Babylonian goddess whom the Greeks called Astarte,
and who is more familiar to English readers as Ashtaroth. The derivation
of the names of Haman and Vashti is less certain, but some high
authorities are disposed to accept the view of Jensen that Haman is
identical with Humman or Homman, the national god of the Elamites, and
that Vashti is in like manner an Elamite goddess whose name Jensen read as
Mashti in inscriptions. Now, when we consider that the Elamites were from
time immemorial the hereditary foes of the Babylonians and had their
capital at Susa, the very place in which the scene of the book of Esther
is laid, we can hardly deny the plausibility of the theory that Haman and
Vashti on the one side and Mordecai and Esther on the other represent the
antagonism between the gods of Elam and the gods of Babylon, and the final
victory of the Babylonian deities in the very capital of their
rivals.(835) “It is therefore possible,” says Professor Nöldeke, “that we
here have to do with a feast whereby the Babylonians commemorated a
victory gained by their gods over the gods of their neighbours the
Elamites, against whom they had so often waged war. The Jewish feast of
Purim is an annual merrymaking of a wholly secular kind, and it is known
that there were similar feasts among the Babylonians. That the Jews in
Babylonia should have adopted a festival of this sort cannot be deemed
improbable, since in modern Germany, to cite an analogous case, many Jews
celebrate Christmas after the manner of their Christian fellow-countrymen,
in so far at least as it is a secular institution. It is true that
hitherto no Babylonian feast coinciding, like Purim, with the full moon of
the twelfth month has been discovered; but our knowledge of the Babylonian
feasts is derived from documents of an earlier period. Possibly the
calendar may have undergone some change by the time when the Jewish feast
of Purim was established. Or it may be that the Jews intentionally shifted
the date of the festival which they borrowed from the heathen.”(836)

(M283) However, the theory of an opposition between the gods of Babylon
and the gods of Elam at the festival appears to break down at a crucial
point; for the latest and most accurate reading of the Elamite
inscriptions proves, I am informed, that the name of the goddess which
Jensen read as Mashti, and which on that assumption he legitimately
compared to the Hebrew Vashti,(837) must really be read as Parti, between
which and Vashti there is no connexion. Accordingly, in a discussion of
the origin of Purim it is safer at present to lay no weight on the
supposed religious antagonism between the deities of Babylon and
Elam.(838)

(M284) If we are right in tracing the origin of Purim to the Babylonian
Sacaea and in finding the counterpart of the Zoganes in Haman and
Mordecai, it would appear that the Zoganes during his five days of office
personated not merely a king but a god, whether that god was the
Babylonian Marduk or some other deity not yet identified. The union of the
divine and royal characters in a single person is so common that we need
not be surprised at meeting with it in ancient Babylon. And the view that
the mock king of the Sacaea died as a god on the cross or the gallows is
no novelty. The acute and learned Movers long ago observed that “we should
be overlooking the religious significance of oriental festivals and the
connexion of the Sacaea with the worship of Anaitis, if we were to treat
as a mere jest the custom of disguising a slave as a king. We may take it
for certain that with the royal dignity the king of the Sacaea assumed
also the character of an oriental ruler as representative of the divinity,
and that when he took his pleasure among the women of the king’s harem, he
played the part of Sandan or Sardanapalus himself. For according to
ancient oriental ideas the use of the king’s concubines constituted a
claim to the throne, and we know from Dio that the five-days’ king
received full power over the harem. Perhaps he began his reign by publicly
cohabiting with the king’s concubines, just as Absalom went in to his
father’s concubines in a tent spread on the roof of the palace before all
Israel, for the purpose of thereby making known and strengthening his
claim to the throne.”(839)

(M285) Whatever may be thought of this latter conjecture, there can be no
doubt that Movers is right in laying great stress both on the permission
given to the mock king to invade the real king’s harem, and on the
intimate connexion of the Sacaea with the worship of Anaitis. That
connexion is vouched for by Strabo, and when we consider that in Strabo’s
time the cult of the old Persian goddess Anaitis was thoroughly saturated
with Babylonian elements and had practically merged in the sensual worship
of the Babylonian Ishtar or Astarte,(840) we shall incline to view with
favour Movers’s further conjecture, that a female slave may have been
appointed to play the divine queen to the part of the divine king
supported by the Zoganes, and that reminiscences of such a queen have
survived in the myth or legend of Semiramis. According to tradition,
Semiramis was a fair courtesan beloved by the king of Assyria, who took
her to wife. She won the king’s heart so far that she persuaded him to
yield up to her the kingdom for five days, and having assumed the sceptre
and the royal robes she made a great banquet on the first day, but on the
second day she shut up her husband in prison or put him to death and
thenceforward reigned alone.(841) Taken with Strabo’s evidence as to the
association of the Sacaea with the worship of Anaitis, this tradition
seems clearly to point to a custom of giving the Zoganes, during his five
days’ reign, a queen who represented the goddess Anaitis or Semiramis or
Astarte, in short the great Asiatic goddess of love and fertility, by
whatever name she was called. For that in Eastern legend Semiramis was a
real queen of Assyria, who had absorbed many of the attributes of the
goddess Astarte, appears to be established by the researches of modern
scholars; in particular it has been shewn by Robertson Smith that the
worship of Anaitis is not only modelled on Astarte worship in general, but
corresponds to that particular type of it which was specially associated
with the name of Semiramis.(842) The identity of Anaitis and the mythical
Semiramis is clearly proved by the circumstance that the great sanctuary
of Anaitis at Zela in Pontus was actually built upon a mound of
Semiramis;(843) probably the old worship of the Semitic goddess always
continued there even after her Semitic name of Semiramis or Astarte had
been exchanged for the Persian name of Anaitis, perhaps in obedience to a
decree of the Persian king Artaxerxes II., who first spread the worship of
Anaitis in the west of Asia.(844) It is highly significant, not only that
the Sacaean festival was annually held at this ancient seat of the worship
of Semiramis or Astarte; but further, that the whole city of Zela was
formerly inhabited by sacred slaves and harlots, ruled over by a supreme
pontiff, who administered it as a sanctuary rather than as a city.(845)
Formerly, we may suppose, this priestly king himself died a violent death
at the Sacaea in the character of the divine lover of Semiramis, while the
part of the goddess was played by one of the sacred prostitutes. The
probability of this is greatly strengthened by the existence of the
so-called mound of Semiramis under the sanctuary. For the mounds of
Semiramis, which were pointed out all over Western Asia,(846) were said to
have been the graves of her lovers whom she buried alive.(847) The
tradition ran that the great and lustful queen Semiramis, fearing to
contract a lawful marriage lest her husband should deprive her of power,
admitted to her bed the handsomest of her soldiers, only, however, to
destroy them all afterwards.(848) Now this tradition is one of the surest
indications of the identity of the mythical Semiramis with the Babylonian
goddess Ishtar or Astarte. For the famous Babylonian epic which recounts
the deeds of the hero Gilgamesh tells how, when he clothed himself in
royal robes and put his crown on his head, the goddess Ishtar was smitten
with love of him and wooed him to be her mate. But Gilgamesh rejected her
insidious advances, for he knew the sad fate that had overtaken all her
lovers, and he reproached the cruel goddess, saying:—


    “_Tammuz, the lover of thy youth,_
    _Thou causest to weep every year._
    _The bright-coloured_ allallu _bird thou didst love_.
    _Thou didst crush him and break his pinions._
    _In the woods he stands and laments, __‘__O my pinions!__’_
    _Thou didst love the lion of perfect strength,_
    _Seven and seven times thou didst dig pit-falls for him._
    _Thou didst love the horse that joyed in the fray,_
    _With whip and spur and lash thou didst urge him on._
    _Thou didst force him on for seven double hours,_
    _Thou didst force him on when wearied and thirsty;_
    _His mother the goddess Silili thou madest weep._
    _Thou didst also love a shepherd of the flock,_
    _Who continually poured out for thee the libation,_
    _And daily slaughtered kids for thee;_
    _But thou didst smite him, and didst change him into a wolf,_
    _So that his own sheep-boys hunted him,_
    _And his own hounds tore him to pieces._”


(M286) The hero also tells the miserable end of a gardener in the service
of the goddess’s father. The hapless swain had once been honoured with the
love of the goddess, but when she tired of him she changed him into a
cripple so that he could not rise from his bed. Therefore Gilgamesh fears
to share the fate of all her former lovers and spurns her proffered
favours.(849) But it is not merely that the myth of Ishtar thus tallies
with the legend of Semiramis; the worship of the goddess was marked by a
profligacy which has found its echo in the loose character ascribed by
tradition to the queen. Inscriptions, which confirm and supplement the
evidence of Herodotus, inform us that Ishtar was served by harlots of
three different classes all dedicated to her worship. Indeed, there is
reason to think that these women personated the goddess herself, since one
of the names given to them is applied also to her.(850)

(M287) Thus we can hardly doubt that the mythical Semiramis is
substantially a form of Ishtar or Astarte, the great Semitic goddess of
love and fertility; and if this is so, we may assume with at least a fair
degree of probability that the high pontiff of Zela or his deputy, who
played the king of the Sacaea at the sanctuary of Semiramis, perished as
one of the unhappy lovers of the goddess, perhaps as Tammuz, whom she
caused “to weep every year.” When he had run his brief meteoric career of
pleasure and glory, his bones would be laid in the great mound which
covered the mouldering remains of many mortal gods, his predecessors, whom
the goddess had honoured with her fatal love.(851)

(M288) Here then at the great sanctuary of the goddess in Zela it appears
that her myth was regularly translated into action; the story of her love
and the death of her divine lover was performed year by year as a sort of
mystery-play by men and women who lived for a season and sometimes died in
the character of the visionary beings whom they personated. The intention
of these sacred dramas, we may be sure, was neither to amuse nor to
instruct an idle audience, and as little were they designed to gratify the
actors, to whose baser passions they gave the reins for a time. They were
solemn rites which mimicked the doings of divine beings, because man
fancied that by such mimicry he was able to arrogate to himself the divine
functions and to exercise them for the good of his fellows. The operations
of nature, to his thinking, were carried on by mythical personages very
like himself; and if he could only assimilate himself to them completely
he would be able to wield all their powers. This is probably the original
motive of most religious dramas or mysteries among rude peoples. The
dramas are played, the mysteries are performed, not to teach the
spectators the doctrines of their creed, still less to entertain them, but
for the purpose of bringing about those natural effects which they
represent in mythical disguise; in a word, they are magical ceremonies and
their mode of operation is mimicry or sympathy. We shall probably not err
in assuming that many myths, which we now know only as myths, had once
their counterpart in magic; in other words, that they used to be acted as
a means of producing in fact the events which they describe in figurative
language. Ceremonies often die out while myths survive, and thus we are
left to infer the dead ceremony from the living myth. If myths are, in a
sense, the reflections or shadows of men cast upon the clouds, we may say
that these reflections continue to be visible in the sky and to inform us
of the doings of the men who cast them, long after the men themselves are
not only beyond our range of vision but sunk beneath the horizon.

(M289) The principle of mimicry is implanted so deep in human nature and
has exerted so far-reaching an influence on the development of religion as
well as of the arts that it may be well, even at the cost of a short
digression, to illustrate by example some of the modes in which primitive
man has attempted to apply it to the satisfaction of his wants by means of
religious or magical dramas. For it seems probable that the masked dances
and ceremonies, which have played a great part in the social life of
savages in many quarters of the world, were primarily designed to subserve
practical purposes rather than simply to stir the emotions of the
spectators and to while away the languor and tedium of idle hours. The
actors sought to draw down blessings on the community by mimicking certain
powerful superhuman beings and in their assumed character working those
beneficent miracles which in the capacity of mere men they would have
confessed themselves powerless to effect. In fact the aim of these
elementary dramas, which contain in germ the tragedy and comedy of
civilized nations, was the acquisition of superhuman power for the public
good. That this is the real intention of at least many of these dramatic
performances will appear from the following accounts, which for the sake
of accuracy I will quote for the most part in the words of the original
observers.

(M290) A conspicuous feature in the social life of the Indian tribes of
North-Western America are the elaborate masked dances or pantomimes in
which the actors personate spirits or legendary animals. Most of them
appear designed to bring before the eyes of the people the guardian
spirits of the clans. “Owing to the fact that these spirits are
hereditary, their gifts are always contained in the legend detailing their
acquisition by the ancestor of a clan. The principal gifts in these tales
are the magic harpoon which insures success in sea-otter hunting; the
death bringer which, when pointed against enemies, kills them; the water
of life which resuscitates the dead; the burning fire which, when pointed
against an object, burns it; and a dance, a song, and cries which are
peculiar to the spirit. The gift of this dance means that the protégé of
the spirit is to perform the same dances which have been shown to him. In
these dances he personates the spirit. He wears his mask and his
ornaments. Thus the dance must be considered a dramatic performance of the
myth relating to the acquisition of the spirit, and shows to the people
that the performer by his visit to the spirit has obtained his powers and
desires. When nowadays a spirit appears to a young Indian, he gives him
the same dance, and the youth also returns from the initiation filled with
the powers and desires of the spirit. He authenticates his initiation by
his dance in the same way as his mythical ancestor did. The obtaining of
the magical gifts from these spirits is called _lokoala_, while the person
who has obtained them becomes _naualaku_, supernatural, which is also the
quality of the spirit himself. The ornaments of all these spirits are
described as made of cedar bark, which is dyed red in the juice of alder
bark. They appear to their devotees only in winter, and therefore the
dances are also performed only in winter.”(852) In some of the dances the
performers imitate animals, and the explanation which the Indians give of
these dances is that “the ceremonial was instituted at the time when men
had still the form of animals; before the transformer had put everything
into its present shape. The present ceremonial is a repetition of the
ceremonial performed by the man animals or, as we may say, a dramatization
of the myth. Therefore the people who do not represent spirits, represent
these animals.”(853)

(M291) Another observer of these Indians writes on the same subject as
follows: “The _dukwally_ (_i.e._, _lokoala_) and other _tamanawas_(854)
performances are exhibitions intended to represent incidents connected
with their mythological legends. There are a great variety, and they seem
to take the place, in a measure, of theatrical performances or games
during the season of the religious festivals. There are no persons
especially set apart as priests for the performance of these ceremonies,
although some, who seem more expert than others, are usually hired to give
life to the scenes, but these performers are quite as often found among
the slaves or common people as among the chiefs, and excepting during the
continuance of the festivities are not looked on as of any particular
importance. On inquiring the origin of these ceremonies, I was informed
that they did not originate with the Indians, but were revelations of the
guardian spirits, who made known what they wished to be performed. An
Indian, for instance, who has been consulting with his guardian spirit,
which is done by going through the washing and fasting process before
described, will imagine or think he is called upon to represent the owl.
He arranges in his mind the style of dress, the number of performers, the
songs and dances or other movements, and, having the plan perfected,
announces at a _tamanawas_ meeting that he has had a revelation which he
will impart to a select few. These are then taught and drilled in strict
secrecy, and when they have perfected themselves, will suddenly make their
appearance and perform before the astonished tribe. Another Indian gets up
the representation of the whale, others do the same of birds, and in fact
of everything that they can think of. If any performance is a success, it
is repeated, and gradually comes to be looked upon as one of the regular
order in the ceremonies; if it does not satisfy the audience, it is laid
aside. Thus they have performances that have been handed down from remote
ages, while others are of a more recent date.”(855)

(M292) Another writer, who travelled among the Indians of North-Western
America, has expressed himself on this subject as follows: “The task of
representing the gods is undertaken in every tribe by some intelligent
and, according to their own account, inspired men; they form the Secret
Societies, in order that their secret arts and doctrines, their mummeries
and masquerades may not be revealed to the uninitiated and to the public.
The intention of these exhibitions is to confirm the faith of the young
people and the women in the ancient traditions as to the intercourse of
the gods with men and as to their own intimate relations to the gods. In
order to convince possible doubters, the members of the Secret Societies
have had recourse to all kinds of mysterious means, which to a civilized
man must appear the height of savagery; for example, they mutilate their
bodies, rend corpses in pieces and devour them, tear pieces out of the
bodies of living men, and so on. Further, the almost morbid vanity of the
North-Western Indians and their desire to win fame, respect, and
distinction may have served as a motive for joining the Secret Societies;
since every member of them enjoys great respect.

“There were and still are hundreds of masks in use, every one of which
represents a spirit who occurs in their legends. In the exhibitions they
appear singly or in groups, according as the legend to be represented
requires, and the masked men are then looked upon by the astonished crowd,
not only as actors representing the gods, but as the very gods themselves
who have come down from heaven to earth. Hence every such representative
must do exactly what legend says the spirit did. If the representative
wears no mask, as often happens with the _Hametzes_ (the Cannibals or
Biters) or the _Pakwalla_ (Medicine-men), then the spirit whom he
represents has passed into his body, and accordingly the man possessed by
the spirit is not responsible for what he does amiss in this condition. As
the use of masks throws a sort of mysterious glamour over the performance
and at the same time allows the actor to remain unknown, the peculiarly
sacred festivals are much oftener celebrated with masks than without them.
In every Secret Society there are definite rules as to how often and how
long a mask may be used. Amongst the Kwakiutl the masks may not, under the
heaviest penalties, be disposed of for four winters, the season when such
festivals are usually celebrated. After that time they may be destroyed or
hidden in the forest, that no uninitiated person may find them, or they
may be finally sold. The masks are made only in secret, generally in the
deep solitude of the woods, in order that no uninitiated person may detect
the maker at work....

(M293) “The dance is accompanied by a song which celebrates in boastful
words the power of the gods and the mighty deeds represented in the
performance. At the main part of the performance all present join in the
song, for it is generally known to everybody and is repeated in recitative
again and again. It seems that new songs and new performances are
constantly springing up in one or other of the villages through the agency
of some intelligent young man, hitherto without a song of his own, who
treats in a poetical fashion some legend which has been handed down orally
from their forefathers. For every man who takes part in the performances
and festivals must make his _début_ with a song composed by himself. In
this way new songs and dances are constantly originating, the material for
them being, of course, always taken from the tribal deities of the
particular singer and poet.”(856)

(M294) Similar masquerades are in vogue among the neighbours of these
Indians, the Esquimaux of Bering Strait, and from the following account it
will appear that the performances are based on similar ideas and beliefs.
“Shamans make masks representing grotesque faces of supernatural beings
which they claim to have seen. These may be _yu-ă_, which are the spirits
of the elements, of places, and of inanimate things in general; the
_tunghät_, or wandering genii, or the shades of people and animals. The
first-named are seen in lonely places, on the plains and mountains or at
sea, and more rarely about the villages, by the clairvoyant vision of the
shamans. They are usually invisible to common eyes, but sometimes render
themselves visible to the people for various purposes.

“Many of them, especially among the _tunghät_, are of evil character,
bringing sickness and misfortune upon people from mere wantonness or for
some fancied injury. The Eskimo believe that everything, animate or
inanimate, is possessed of a shade, having semihuman form and features,
enjoying more or less freedom of motion; the shamans give form to their
ideas of them in masks, as well as of others which they claim inhabit the
moon and the sky-land. In their daily life, if the people witness some
strange occurrence, are curiously affected, or have a remarkable
adventure, during which they seem to be influenced or aided in a
supernatural manner, the shamans interpret the meaning and describe the
appearance of the being that exerted its power.

(M295) “Curious mythological beasts are also said to inhabit both land and
sea, but to become visible only on special occasions. These ideas furnish
material upon which their fancy works, conjuring up strange forms that are
usually modifications of known creatures. It is also believed that in
early days all animate beings had a dual existence, becoming at will
either like man or the animal forms they now wear. In those early days
there were but few people; if an animal wished to assume its human form,
the forearm, wing, or other limb was raised and pushed up the muzzle or
beak as if it were a mask, and the creature became manlike in form and
features. This idea is still held, and it is believed that many animals
now possess this power. The manlike form thus appearing is called the
_inua_, and is supposed to represent the thinking part of the creature,
and at death becomes its shade. Shamans are believed to have the power of
seeing through the animal mask to the manlike features behind. The ideas
held on this subject are well illustrated in the Raven legends, where the
changes are made repeatedly from one form to another.

(M296) “Masks may also represent totemic animals, and the wearers during
the festivals are believed actually to become the creature represented or
at least to be endowed with its spiritual essence. Some of the masks of
the lower Yukon and the adjacent territory to the Kuskokwim are made with
double faces. This is done by having the muzzle of the animal fitted over
and concealing the face of the _inua_ below, the outer mask being held in
place by pegs so arranged that it can be removed quickly at a certain time
in the ceremony, thus symbolizing the transformation. Another style of
mask from the lower Kuskokwim has the under face concealed by a small
hinged door on each side, which opens out at the proper time in a
ceremony, indicating the metamorphosis. When the mask represents a totemic
animal, the wearer needs no double face, since he represents in person the
shade of the totemic animal.

“When worn in any ceremonial, either as a totem mask or as representing
the shade, _yu-ă_ or _tunghâk_, the wearer is believed to become
mysteriously and unconsciously imbued with the spirit of the being which
his mask represents, just as the namesakes are entered into and possessed
by the shades at certain parts of the Festival to the Dead....(857)

“Mask festivals are usually held as a species of thanksgiving to the
shades and powers of earth, air, and water for giving the hunter success.
The _inuas_ or shades of the powers and creatures of the earth are
represented that they may be propitiated, thus insuring further
success.”(858)

(M297) The religious ritual of the Cora Indians of Mexico comprises
elaborate dramatic ceremonies or dances, in which the actors or dancers
identify themselves with the gods, such as the god of the Morning Star,
the goddess of the Moon, and the divinities of the Rain. These dances form
the principal part of the Cora festivals and are accompanied by liturgical
songs, the words of which the Indians believe to have been revealed to
their forefathers by the gods and to exercise a direct magical influence
upon the deities themselves and through them upon nature.(859) The Kobeua
and Kaua Indians of North-Western Brazil perform masked dances at their
festivals in honour of the dead. The maskers imitate the actions and the
habits of birds, beasts, and insects. For example, there is a large
azure-blue butterfly which delights the eye with the splendour of its
colour, like a fallen fragment of the sky; and in the butterfly dance two
men represent the play of these brilliant insects in the sunshine,
fluttering on the wing and settling on sandbanks and rocks. Again, the
sloth is acted by a masker who holds on to a cross-beam of the house by
means of a hooked stick, in imitation of the sluggish creature which will
hang by its claws from the bough of a tree for hours together without
stirring. Again, the darting of swallows, as they flit to and fro across a
river, is mimicked by masked men dancing side by side: the swarming of
sandflies in the air is acted by a swarm of maskers; and so with the
movements of the black vulture, the owl, the jaguar, the _aracu_ fish, the
house-spider, and the dung-beetle. Yet these representations are not
simple dramas designed to amuse and divert the mourners in their hour of
sorrow; the Indian attributes to them a much deeper significance, for
under the outer husk of beasts and birds and insects he believes that
there lurk foul fiends and powerful spirits. “All these mimicries are
based on an idea of magical efficiency. They are intended to bring
blessing and fertility to the village and its inhabitants, to the
plantations, and to the whole of surrounding nature, thereby compensating,
as it were, for the loss of the dead man in whose honour the festival is
held. By copying as faithfully as possible the movements and actions of
the being whom he personates, the actor identifies himself with him. The
mysterious force which resides in the mask passes into the dancer, turns
the man himself into a mighty demon, and endows him with the power of
banning demons or earning their favour. Especially is it the intention by
means of mimicry to obtain for man control over the demons of growth and
the spirits of game and fish.” When the festival is over, the masks are
burned, and the demons, which are thought to have animated them, take
flight to their own place, it may be to the other world or to a mountain
top, or to the side of a thundering cascade.(860)

(M298) The Monumbo of German New Guinea perform masked dances in which the
dancers personate supernatural beings or animals, such as kangaroos, dogs,
and cassowaries. They consecrate the masks by fumigating them with the
smoke of a certain creeper, and believe that by doing so they put life
into them. Accordingly they afterwards treat the masks with respect, talk
to them as if they were alive, and refuse to part with them to Europeans.
Certain of the masks they even regard as guardian spirits and appeal to
them for fine weather, help in the chase or in war, and so forth. Every
clan owns some masks and the head man of the clan makes all the
arrangements for a masquerade. The dances are accompanied by songs of
which the words are unintelligible even to the natives themselves.(861)
Again, the Kayans of Central Borneo perform masked dances for the purpose
of ensuring abundant crops of rice. The actors personate demons, wearing
grotesque masks on their faces, their bodies swathed in cumbrous masses of
green leaves. “In accordance with their belief that the spirits are more
powerful than men, the Kayans assume that when they imitate the form of
spirits and play their part, they acquire superhuman power. Hence just as
their spirits can fetch back the souls of men, so they imagine that they
can lure to themselves the souls of the rice.”(862)

(M299) When the Sea Dyaks of Borneo have taken a human head, they hold a
Head-feast (_Gawè Pala_) in honour of the war-god or bird-chief Singalang
Burong, who lives far away above the sky. At this festival a long liturgy
called _mengap_ is chanted, the god is invoked, and is believed to be
present in the person of an actor, who poses as the deity and blesses the
people in his name. “But the invocation is not made by the human performer
in the manner of a prayer direct to this great being; it takes the form of
a story, setting forth how the mythical hero Kling or Klieng made a
head-feast and fetched Singalang Burong to it. This Kling, about whom
there are many fables, is a spirit, and is supposed to live somewhere or
other not far from mankind, and to be able to confer benefits upon them.
The Dyak performer or performers then, as they walk up and down the long
verandah of the house singing the _mengap_, in reality describe Kling’s
_Gawè Pala_ [head-feast], and how Singalang Burong was invited and came.
In thought the Dyaks identify themselves with Kling, and the resultant
signification is that the recitation of this story is an invocation to
Singalang Burong, who is supposed to come not to Kling’s house only, but
to the actual Dyak house where the feast is celebrated; and he is received
by a particular ceremony, and is offered food or sacrifice.” At the close
of the ceremony “the performer goes along the house, beginning with the
head man, touches each person in it, and pronounces an invocation upon
him. In this he is supposed to personate Singalang Burong and his
sons-in-law, who are believed to be the real actors. Singalang Burong
himself _nenjangs_ the headmen, and his sons-in-law, the birds, bless the
rest. The touch of the human performer, and the accompanying invocation
are thought to effect a communication between these bird-spirits from the
skies and each individual being. The great bird-chief and his dependants
come from above to give men their charms and their blessings. Upon the men
the performer invokes physical strength and bravery in war; and upon the
women luck with paddy, cleverness in Dyak feminine accomplishments, and
beauty in form and complexion.”(863)

(M300) Thus the dramatic performances of these primitive peoples are in
fact religious or oftener perhaps magical ceremonies, and the songs or
recitations which accompany them are spells or incantations, though the
real character of both is apt to be overlooked by civilized man,
accustomed as he is to see in the drama nothing more than an agreeable
pastime or at best a vehicle of moral instruction. Yet if we could trace
the drama of the civilized nations back to its origin, we might find that
it had its roots in magical or religious ideas like those which still
mould and direct the masked dances of many savages. Certainly the
Athenians in the heyday of their brilliant civilization retained a lively
sense of the religious import of dramatic performances; for they
associated them directly with the worship of Dionysus and allowed them to
be enacted only during the festivals of the god.(864) In India, also, the
drama appears to have been developed out of religious dances or
pantomimes, in which the actors recited the deeds and played the parts of
national gods and heroes.(865) Hence it is at least a legitimate
hypothesis that the criminal, who masqueraded as a king and perished in
that character at the Bacchanalian festival of the Sacaea, was only one of
a company of actors, who figured on that occasion in a sacred drama of
which the substance has been preserved to us in the book of Esther.

(M301) When once we perceive that the gods and goddesses, the heroes and
heroines of mythology have been represented officially, so to say, by a
long succession of living men and women who bore the names and were
supposed to exercise the functions of these fabulous creatures, we have
attained a point of vantage from which it seems possible to propose terms
of peace between two rival schools of mythologists who have been waging
fierce war on each other for ages. On the one hand it has been argued that
mythical beings are nothing but personifications of natural objects and
natural processes; on the other hand, it has been maintained that they are
nothing but notable men and women who in their lifetime, for one reason or
another, made a great impression on their fellows, but whose doings have
been distorted and exaggerated by a false and credulous tradition. These
two views, it is now easy to see, are not so mutually exclusive as their
supporters have imagined. The personages about whom all the marvels of
mythology have been told may have been real human beings, as the
Euhemerists allege; and yet they may have been at the same time
personifications of natural objects or processes, as the adversaries of
Euhemerism assert. The doctrine of incarnation supplies the missing link
that was needed to unite the two seemingly inconsistent theories. If the
powers of nature or a certain department of nature be conceived as
personified in a deity, and that deity can become incarnate in a man or
woman, it is obvious that the incarnate deity is at the same time a real
human being and a personification of nature. To take the instance with
which we are here concerned, Semiramis may have been the great Semitic
goddess of love, Ishtar or Astarte, and yet she may be supposed to have
been incarnate in a woman or even in a series of real women, whether
queens or harlots, whose memory survives in ancient history. Saturn,
again, may have been the god of sowing and planting, and yet may have been
represented on earth by a succession or dynasty of sacred kings, whose gay
but short lives may have contributed to build up the legend of the Golden
Age. The longer the series of such human divinities, the greater,
obviously, the chance of their myth or legend surviving; and when moreover
a deity of a uniform type was represented, whether under the same name or
not, over a great extent of country by many local dynasties of divine men
or women, it is clear that the stories about him would tend still further
to persist and be stereotyped.

(M302) The conclusions which we have reached in regard to the legend of
Semiramis and her lovers probably holds good of all the similar tales that
were current in antiquity throughout the East; in particular, it may be
assumed to apply to the myths of Aphrodite and Adonis in Syria, of Cybele
and Attis in Phrygia, and of Isis and Osiris in Egypt. If we could trace
these stories back to their origin, we might find that in every case a
human couple acted year by year the parts of the loving goddess and the
dying god. We know that down to Roman times Attis was personated by
priests who bore his name;(866) and if within the period of which we have
knowledge the dead Attis and the dead Adonis were represented only by
effigies, we may surmise that it had not always been so, and that in both
cases the dead god was once represented by a dead man. Further, the
license accorded to the man who played the dying god at the Sacaea speaks
strongly in favour of the hypothesis that before the incarnate deity was
put to a public death he was in all cases allowed, or rather required, to
enjoy the embraces of a woman who played the goddess of love. The reason
for such an enforced union of the human god and goddess is not hard to
divine. If primitive man believes that the growth of the crops can be
stimulated by the intercourse of common men and women,(867) what showers
of blessings will he not anticipate from the commerce of a pair whom his
fancy invests with all the dignity and powers of deities of fertility?

(M303) Thus the theory of Movers, that at the Sacaea the Zoganes
represented a god and paired with a woman who personated a goddess, turns
out to rest on deeper and wider foundations than that able scholar was
aware of. He thought that the divine couple who figured by deputy at the
ceremony were Semiramis and Sandan or Sardanapalus. It now appears that he
was substantially right as to the goddess; but we have still to enquire
into the god. There seems to be no doubt that the name Sardanapalus is
only the Greek way of representing Ashurbanapal, the name of the greatest
and nearly the last king of Assyria. But the records of the real monarch
which have come to light within recent years give little support to the
fables that attached to his name in classical tradition. For they prove
that, far from being the effeminate weakling he seemed to the Greeks of a
later age, he was a warlike and enlightened monarch, who carried the arms
of Assyria to distant lands and fostered at home the growth of science and
letters.(868) Still, though the historical reality of King Ashurbanapal is
as well attested as that of Alexander or Charlemagne, it would be no
wonder if myths gathered, like clouds, round the great figure that loomed
large in the stormy sunset of Assyrian glory. Now the two features that
stand out most prominently in the legends of Sardanapalus are his
extravagant debauchery and his violent death in the flames of a great
pyre, on which he burned himself and his concubines to save them from
falling into the hands of his victorious enemies. It is said that the
womanish king, with painted face and arrayed in female attire, passed his
days in the seclusion of the harem, spinning purple wool among his
concubines and wallowing in sensual delights; and that in the epitaph
which he caused to be carved on his tomb he recorded that all the days of
his life he ate and drank and toyed, remembering that life is short and
full of trouble, that fortune is uncertain, and that others would soon
enjoy the good things which he must leave behind.(869) These traits bear
little resemblance to the portrait of Ashurbanapal either in life or in
death; for after a brilliant career of conquest the Assyrian king died in
old age, at the height of human ambition, with peace at home and triumph
abroad, the admiration of his subjects and the terror of his foes. But if
the traditional characteristics of Sardanapalus harmonize but ill with
what we know of the real monarch of that name, they fit well enough with
all that we know or can conjecture of the mock kings who led a short life
and a merry during the revelry of the Sacaea, the Asiatic equivalent of
the Saturnalia. We can hardly doubt that for the most part such men, with
death staring them in the face at the end of a few days, sought to drown
care and deaden fear by plunging madly into all the fleeting joys that
still offered themselves under the sun. When their brief pleasures and
sharp sufferings were over, and their bones or ashes mingled with the
dust, what more natural that on their tomb—those mounds in which the
people saw, not untruly, the graves of the lovers of Semiramis—there
should be carved some such lines as those which tradition placed in the
mouth of the great Assyrian king, to remind the heedless passer-by of the
shortness and vanity of life?

(M304) When we turn to Sandan, the other legendary or mythical being whom
Movers thought that the Zoganes may have personated, we find the arguments
in support of his theory still stronger. The city of Tarsus in Cilicia is
said to have been founded by a certain Sandan whom the Greeks identified
with Hercules; and at the festival of this god or hero an effigy of him
was burned on a great pyre.(870) This Sandan is doubtless the same with
the Sandes whom Agathias calls the old Persian Hercules. Professing to
give a list of the gods whom the Persians worshipped before the days of
Zoroaster, the Byzantine historian mentions Bel, Sandes, and Anaitis, whom
he identifies with Zeus, Hercules, and Aphrodite respectively.(871) As we
know that Bel was a Babylonian, not a Persian deity, and that in later
times Anaitis was practically equivalent to the Babylonian Ishtar or
Astarte, a strong presumption is raised that Sandes also was a Babylonian
or at all events Semitic deity, and that in speaking of him as Persian the
historian confused the ancient Persians with the Babylonians and perhaps
other stocks of Western Asia. The presumption is strengthened when we find
that in Lydia the surname of Sandon, doubtless equivalent to Sandan, is
said to have been borne by Hercules because he wore a woman’s garment
called a _sandyx_, fine and diaphanous as gossamer, at the bidding of
Queen Omphale, whom the hero served for three years in the guise of a
female slave, clad in purple, humbly carding wool and submitting to be
slapped by the saucy queen with her golden slipper.(872) The familiar
legend that Hercules burned himself alive on a great pyre completes the
parallel between the effeminate Hercules Sandon of Lydia and the Assyrian
Sardanapalus. So exact a parallel must surely rest on a common base of
custom as well as of myth. That base, according to the conjecture of the
admirable scholar K. O. Müller, may have been a custom of dressing up an
effigy of an effeminate Asiatic deity in the semblance of a reveller, and
then publicly burning it on a pyre. Such a custom appears to have
prevailed not only at Tarsus in Cilicia, but also in Lydia; for a coin of
the Lydian Philadelphia, a city which lay not far from the old royal
capital Sardes, exhibits a device like that on coins of Tarsus, consisting
of a figure stretched on a pyre. “We may suppose,” says Müller, “that in
the old Assyrian mythology a certain being called Sandan, or perhaps
Sardan, figured beside Baal and Mylitta or Astarte. The character of this
mythical personage is one which often meets us in oriental religion—the
extreme of voluptuousness and sensuality combined with miraculous force
and heroic strength. We may imagine that at the great festivals of Nineveh
this Sandan or Sardan was exhibited as a buxom figure with womanish
features, the pale face painted with white lead, the eyebrows and
eyelashes blackened with kohl, his person loaded with golden chains,
rings, and earrings, arrayed in a bright red transparent garment, grasping
a goblet in one hand and perhaps, as a symbol of strength, a double axe in
the other, while he sat cross-legged and surrounded by women on a
splendidly adorned couch under a purple canopy, altogether not unlike the
figure of Adonis at the court festivals of Alexandria. Then the people of
‘mad Nineveh,’ as the poet Phocylides called it, ‘the well-favoured
harlot,’ as the prophet Nahum has it, would rejoice and make merry with
this their darling hero. Afterwards there may have been another show, when
this gorgeous Sandan or Sardan was to be seen on a huge pyre of precious
wood, draped in gold-embroidered tapestry and laden with incense and
spices of every sort, which being set on fire, to the howling of a
countless multitude and the deafening din of shrill music, sent up a
monstrous pillar of fire whirling towards heaven and flooded half Nineveh
with smoke and smell.”(873)

(M305) The distinguished scholar whom I have just quoted does not fail to
recognize the part which imagination plays in the picture he has set
before us; but he reminds us very properly that in historical enquiries
imagination must always supply the cement that binds together the broken
fragments of tradition. One thing, he thinks, emerges clearly from the
present investigation: the worship and legend of an effeminate hero like
Sandan appear to have spread, by means of an early diffusion of the
Semitic stock, first to the neighbourhood of Tarsus in Cilicia and
afterwards to Sardes in Lydia. In favour of the former prevalence of the
rite in Lydia it may be added that the oldest dynasty of Lydian kings
traced their descent, not only from the mythical Assyrian hero Ninus, but
also from the Greek hero Hercules,(874) whose legendary death in the fire
finds at least a curious echo in the story that Croesus, the last king of
Lydia, was laid by his Persian conqueror Cyrus on a great pyre of wood,
and was only saved at the last moment from being consumed in the
flames.(875) May not this story embody a reminiscence of the manner in
which the ancient kings of Lydia, as living embodiments of their god,
formerly met their end? It was thus, as we have seen, that the old
Prussian rulers used to burn themselves alive in front of the sacred
oak;(876) and by an odd coincidence, if it is nothing more, the Greek
Hercules directed that the pyre on which he was to be consumed should be
made of the wood of the oak and the wild olive.(877) Some grounds have
also been shewn for thinking that in certain South African tribes the
chiefs may formerly have been burnt alive as a religious or magical
ceremony.(878) All these facts and indications tend to support the view of
Movers that at the Sacaea also the man who played the god for five days
was originally burnt at the end of them.(879) Death by hanging or
crucifixion may have been a later mitigation of his sufferings, though it
is quite possible that both forms of execution or rather of sacrifice may
have been combined by hanging or crucifying the victim first and burning
him afterwards,(880) much as our forefathers used to disembowel traitors
after suspending them for a few minutes on a gibbet. At Tarsus apparently
the custom was still further softened by burning an effigy instead of a
man; but on this point the evidence is not explicit. It is worth observing
that as late as Lucian’s time the principal festival of the year at
Hierapolis—the great seat of the worship of Astarte—fell at the beginning
of spring and took its name of the Pyre or the Torch from the tall masts
which were burnt in the court of the temple with sheep, goats, and other
animals hanging from them.(881) Here the season, the fire, and the
gallows-tree all fit our hypothesis; only the man-god is wanting.

(M306) If the Jewish festival of Purim was, as I have attempted to shew,
directly descended either from the Sacaea or from some other Semitic
festival, of which the central feature was the sacrifice of a man in the
character of a god, we should expect to find traces of human sacrifice
lingering about it in one or other of those mitigated forms to which I
have just referred. This expectation is fully borne out by the facts. For
from an early time it has been customary with the Jews at the feast of
Purim to burn or otherwise destroy effigies of Haman. The practice was
well known under the Roman empire, for in the year 408 A.D. the emperors
Honorius and Theodosius issued a decree commanding the governors of the
provinces to take care that the Jews should not burn effigies of Haman on
a cross at one of their festivals.(882) We learn from the decree that the
custom gave great offence to the Christians, who regarded it as a
blasphemous parody of the central mystery of their own religion, little
suspecting that it was nothing but a continuation, in a milder form, of a
rite that had probably been celebrated in the East long ages before the
birth of Christ. Apparently the custom long survived the publication of
the edict, for in a form of abjuration which the Greek church imposed on
Jewish converts and which seems to date from the tenth century, the
renegade is made to speak as follows: “I curse also those who celebrate
the festival of the so-called Mordecai on the first Sabbath (Saturday) of
the Christian fast, and who nail Haman forsooth to the tree, attaching to
it the symbol of the cross and burning him along with it, while they heap
all sorts of imprecations and curses on the Christians.”(883) A Jewish
account of the custom as it was observed in Babylonia and Persia in the
tenth century of our era runs as follows: “It is customary in Babylonia
and Elam for boys to make an effigy resembling Haman; this they suspend on
their roofs, four or five days before Purim. On Purim day they erect a
bonfire, and cast the effigy into its midst, while the boys stand round
about it jesting and singing. And they have a ring suspended in the midst
of the fire, which (ring) they hold and wave from one side of the fire to
the other.”(884) Again, the Arab historian Albîrûnî, who wrote in the year
1000 A.D., informs us that at Purim the Jews of his time rejoiced greatly
over the death of Haman, and that they made figures which they beat and
burned, “imitating the burning of Haman.” Hence one name for the festival
was Hâmân-Sûr.(885) Another Arabic writer, Makrîzî, who died in 1442 A.D.,
says that at the feast of Purim, which fell on the fifteenth day of the
month Adar, some of the Jews used to make effigies of Haman which they
first played with and then threw into the fire.(886) During the Middle
Ages the Italian Jews celebrated Purim in a lively fashion which has been
compared by their own historians to that of the Carnival. The children
used to range themselves in rows opposite each other and pelt one another
with nuts, while grown-up people rode on horseback through the streets
with pine branches in their hands or blew trumpets and made merry round a
puppet representing Haman, which was set on a platform or scaffold and
then solemnly burnt on a pyre.(887) In the eighteenth century the Jews of
Frankfort used at Purim to make pyramids of thin wax candles, which they
set on fire; also they fashioned images of Haman and his wife out of
candles and burned them on the reading-desk in the synagogue.(888)

(M307) Now, when we consider the close correspondence in character as well
as in date between the Jewish Purim and the Christian Carnival, and
remember further that the effigy of Carnival, which is now destroyed at
this merry season, had probably its prototype in a living man who was put
to a violent death in the character of Saturn at the Saturnalia, analogy
of itself would suggest that in former times the Jews, like the
Babylonians, from whom they appear to have derived their Purim, may at one
time have burned, hanged, or crucified a real man in the character of
Haman. There are some positive grounds for thinking that this was so. The
early church historian Socrates informs us that at Inmestar, a town in
Syria, the Jews were wont to observe certain sports among themselves, in
the course of which they played many foolish pranks. In the year 416 A.D.,
being heated with wine, they carried these sports further than usual and
began deriding Christians and even Christ himself, and to give the more
zest to their mockery they seized a Christian child, bound him to a cross,
and hung him up. At first they only laughed and jeered at him, but soon,
their passions getting the better of them, they ill-treated the child so
that he died under their hands. The thing got noised abroad, and resulted
in a serious brawl between the Jews and their Christian neighbours. The
authorities then stepped in, and the Jews had to pay dear for the crime
they had perpetrated in sport.(889) The Christian historian does not
mention, and perhaps did not know, the name of the drunken and jovial
festival which ended so tragically; but we can hardly doubt that it was
Purim, and that the boy who died on the cross represented Haman.(890) In
mediæval and modern times many accusations of ritual murders, as they are
called, have been brought against the Jews, and the arguments for and
against the charge have been discussed on both sides with a heat which,
however natural, has tended rather to inflame the passions of the
disputants than to elicit the truth.(891) Into this troubled arena I
prefer not to enter; I will only observe that, so far as I have looked
into the alleged cases, and these are reported in sufficient detail, the
majority of the victims are said to have been children and to have met
their fate in spring, often in the week before Easter. This last
circumstance points, if there is any truth in the accusations, to a
connexion of the human sacrifice with the Passover, which falls in this
week, rather than with Purim, which falls a month earlier. Indeed it has
often been made a part of the accusation that the blood of the youthful
victims was intended to be used at the Passover. If all the charges of
ritual murder which have been brought against the Jews in modern times are
not, as seems most probable, mere idle calumnies, the baneful fruit of
bigotry, ignorance, and malice, the extraordinary tenacity of life
exhibited by the lowest forms of superstition in the minds of ignorant
people, whether they are Jews or Gentiles, would suffice to account for an
occasional recrudescence of primitive barbarity among the most degraded
part of the Jewish community. To make the Jews as a nation responsible for
outrages which, if they occur at all, are doubtless quite as repugnant to
them as they are to every humane mind, would be a monstrous injustice; it
would be as fair to charge Christians in general with complicity in the
incalculably greater number of massacres and atrocities of every kind that
have been perpetrated by Christians in the name of Christianity, not
merely on Jews and heathen, but on men and women and children who
professed—and died for—the same faith as their torturers and murderers. If
deeds of the sort alleged have been really done by Jews—a question on
which I must decline to pronounce an opinion—they would interest the
student of custom as isolated instances of reversion to an old and
barbarous ritual which once flourished commonly enough among the ancestors
both of Jews and Gentiles, but on which, as on a noxious monster, an
enlightened humanity has long set its heel. Such customs die hard; it is
not the fault of society as a whole if sometimes the reptile has strength
enough left to lift its venomous head and sting.

(M308) But between the stage when human sacrifice goes on unabashed in the
light of common day, and the stage when it has been driven out of sight
into dark holes and corners, there intervenes a period during which the
custom is slowly dwindling away under the growing light of knowledge and
philanthropy. In this middle period many subterfuges are resorted to for
the sake of preserving the old ritual in a form which will not offend the
new morality. A common and successful device is to consummate the
sacrifice on the person of a malefactor, whose death at the altar or
elsewhere is little likely to excite pity or indignation, since it
partakes of the character of a punishment, and people recognize that if
the miscreant had not been dealt with by the priest, it would have been
needful in the public interest to hand him over to the executioner. We
have seen that in the Rhodian sacrifices to Cronus a condemned criminal
was after a time substituted for an innocent victim;(892) and there can be
little doubt that at Babylon the criminals, who perished in the character
of gods at the Sacaea, enjoyed an honour which, at an earlier period, had
been reserved for more respectable persons. It seems therefore by no means
impossible that the Jews, in borrowing the Sacaea from Babylon under the
new name of Purim, should have borrowed along with it the custom of
putting to death a malefactor who, after masquerading as Mordecai in a
crown and royal robe, was hanged or crucified in the character of Haman.
There are some grounds for thinking that this or something of this sort
was done; but a consideration of them had better be deferred till we have
cleared up some points which still remain obscure in Purim, and in the
account which the Jews give of its origin.

(M309) In the first place, then, it deserves to be remarked that the
joyous festival of Purim on the fourteenth and fifteenth days of the month
Adar is invariably preceded by a fast, known as the fast of Esther, on the
thirteenth; indeed, some Jews fast for several days before Purim.(893) In
the book of Esther the fast is traditionally explained as a commemoration
of the mourning and lamentation excited among the Jews by the decree of
King Ahasuerus that they should all be massacred on the thirteenth day of
the month Adar; for “in every province, whithersoever the king’s
commandment and his decree came, there was great mourning among the Jews,
and fasting, and weeping, and wailing; and many lay in sackcloth and
ashes.” And Esther, before she went into the presence of the king to plead
for the lives of her people, “bade them return answer unto Mordecai, Go,
gather together all the Jews that are present in Shushan, and fast ye for
me, and neither eat nor drink three days, night or day: I also and my
maidens will fast in like manner.” Hence fasting and lamentation were
ordained as the proper preparation for the happy feast of Purim which
commemorated the great deliverance of the Jews from the destruction that
had threatened them on the thirteenth day of Adar.(894) Now we have seen
that, in the opinion of some eminent modern scholars, the basis of the
book of Esther is not history but a Babylonian myth, which celebrated the
triumphs and sufferings of deities rather than of men. On this hypothesis,
how is the fast that precedes Purim to be explained? The best solution
appears to be that of Jensen, that the fasting and mourning were
originally for the supposed annual death of a Semitic god or hero of the
type of Tammuz or Adonis, whose resurrection on the following day
occasioned that outburst of joy and gladness which is characteristic of
Purim. The particular god or hero, whose death and resurrection thus
touched with sorrow and filled with joy the hearts of his worshippers, may
have been, according to Jensen, either the great hero Gilgamesh, or his
comrade and friend Eabani.(895) The doughty deeds and adventures of this
mighty pair are the theme of the longest Babylonian poem that has been as
yet discovered. It is recorded on twelve tablets, and this circumstance
has suggested to some scholars the view that the story may be a solar
myth, descriptive of the sun’s annual course through the twelve months or
the twelve signs of the zodiac. However that may be, the scene of the poem
is laid chiefly at the very ancient Babylonian city of Erech, the chief
seat of the worship of the goddess Ishtar or Astarte, who plays an
important part in the story. For the goddess is said to have been smitten
with the charms of Gilgamesh, and to have made love to him; but he spurned
her proffered favours, and thereafter fell into a sore sickness, probably
through the wrath of the offended goddess. His comrade Eabani also roused
the fury of Ishtar, and was wounded to death. For twelve days he lingered
on a bed of pain, and, when he died, his friend Gilgamesh mourned and
lamented for him, and rested not until he had prevailed on the god of the
dead to suffer the spirit of Eabani to return to the upper world. The
resurrection of Eabani, recorded on the twelfth tablet, forms the
conclusion of the long poem.(896) Jensen’s theory is that the death and
resurrection of a mythical being, who combined in himself the features of
a solar god and an ancient king of Erech, were celebrated at the
Babylonian Zakmuk or festival of the New Year, and that the transference
of the drama from Erech, its original seat, to Babylon led naturally to
the substitution of Marduk, the great god of Babylon, for Gilgamesh or
Eabani in the part of the hero. Although Jensen apparently does not
identify the Zakmuk with the Sacaea, a little consideration will shew how
well his general theory of Zakmuk fits in with those features of the
Sacaean festival which have emerged in the course of our enquiry. At the
Sacaean festival, if I am right, a man, who personated a god or hero of
the type of Tammuz or Adonis, enjoyed the favours of a woman, probably a
sacred harlot, who represented the great Semitic goddess Ishtar or
Astarte; and after he had thus done his part towards securing, by means of
sympathetic magic, the revival of plant life in spring, he was put to
death. We may suppose that the death of this divine man was mourned over
by his worshippers, and especially by women, in much the same fashion as
the women of Jerusalem wept for Tammuz at the gate of the temple,(897) and
as Syrian damsels mourned the dead Adonis, while the river ran red with
his blood. Such rites appear, in fact, to have been common all over
Western Asia; the particular name of the dying god varied in different
places, but in substance the ritual was the same. Fundamentally, the
custom was a religious or rather magical ceremony intended to ensure the
revival and reproduction of life in spring.

(M310) Now, if this interpretation of the Sacaea is correct, it is obvious
that one important feature of the ceremony is wanting in the brief notices
of the festival that have come down to us. The death of the man-god at the
festival is recorded, but nothing is said of his resurrection. Yet if he
really personated a being of the Adonis or Attis type, we may feel pretty
sure that his dramatic death was followed at a shorter or longer interval
by his dramatic revival, just as at the festivals of Attis and Adonis the
resurrection of the dead god quickly succeeded to his mimic death.(898)
Here, however, a difficulty presents itself. At the Sacaea the man-god
died a real, not a mere mimic death; and in ordinary life the resurrection
even of a man-god is at least not an everyday occurrence. What was to be
done? The man, or rather the god, was undoubtedly dead. How was he to come
to life again? Obviously the best, if not the only way, was to set another
and living man to support the character of the reviving god, and we may
conjecture that this was done. We may suppose that the insignia of royalty
which had adorned the dead man were transferred to his successor, who,
arrayed in them, would be presented to his rejoicing worshippers as their
god come to life again; and by his side would probably be displayed a
woman in the character of his divine consort, the goddess Ishtar or
Astarte. In favour of this hypothesis it may be observed that it at once
furnishes a clear and intelligible explanation of a remarkable feature in
the book of Esther which has not yet, so far as I am aware, been
adequately elucidated; I mean that apparent duplication of the principal
characters to which I have already directed the reader’s attention. If I
am right, Haman represents the temporary king or mortal god who was put to
death at the Sacaea; and his rival Mordecai represents the other temporary
king who, on the death of his predecessor, was invested with his royal
insignia, and exhibited to the people as the god come to life again.
Similarly Vashti, the deposed queen in the narrative, corresponds to the
woman who played the part of queen and goddess to the first mock king, the
Haman; and her successful rival, Esther or Ishtar, answers to the woman
who figured as the divine consort of the second mock king, the Mordecai or
Marduk. A trace of the sexual license accorded to the mock king of the
festival seems to be preserved in the statement that King Ahasuerus found
Haman fallen on the bed with Esther and asked, “Will he even force the
queen before me in the house?”(899) We have seen that the mock king of the
Sacaea did actually possess the right of using the real king’s concubines,
and there is much to be said for the view of Movers that he began his
short reign by exercising the right in public.(900) In the parallel ritual
of Adonis the marriage of the goddess with her ill-fated lover was
publicly celebrated the day before his mimic death.(901) A clear
reminiscence of the time when the relation between Esther and Mordecai was
conceived as much more intimate than mere cousinship appears to be
preserved in some of the Jewish plays acted at Purim, in which Mordecai
appears as the lover of Esther; and this significant indication is
confirmed by the teaching of the rabbis that King Ahasuerus never really
knew Esther, but that a phantom in her likeness lay with him while the
real Esther sat on the lap of Mordecai.(902)

(M311) The Persian setting, in which the Hebrew author of the book of
Esther has framed his highly-coloured picture, naturally suggests that the
Jews derived their feast of Purim not directly from the old Babylonians,
but from their Persian conquerors. Even if this could be demonstrated, it
would in no way invalidate the theory that Purim originated in the
Babylonian festival of the Sacaea, since we know that the Sacaea was
celebrated by the Persians.(903) Hence it becomes worth while to enquire
whether in the Persian religion we can detect any traces of a festival
akin to the Sacaea or Purim. Here Lagarde has shewn the way by directing
attention to the old Persian ceremony known as the “Ride of the Beardless
One.”(904) This was a rite performed both in Persia and Babylonia at the
beginning of spring, on the first day of the first month, which in the
most ancient Persian calendar corresponded to March, so that the date of
the ceremony agrees with that of the Babylonian New Year festival of
Zakmuk. A beardless and, if possible, one-eyed buffoon was set naked on an
ass, a horse, or a mule, and conducted in a sort of mock triumph through
the streets of the city. In one hand he held a crow and in the other a
fan, with which he fanned himself, complaining of the heat, while the
people pelted him with ice and snow and drenched him with cold water. He
was supposed to drive away the cold, and to aid him perhaps in discharging
this useful function he was fed with hot food, and hot stuffs were smeared
on his body. Riding on his ass and attended by all the king’s household,
if the city happened to be the capital, or, if it was not, by all the
retainers of the governor, who were also mounted, he paraded the streets
and extorted contributions. He stopped at the doors of the rich, and if
they did not give him what he asked for, he befouled their garments with
mud or a mixture of red ochre and water, which he carried in an
earthenware pot. If a shopkeeper hesitated a moment to respond to his
demands, the importunate beggar had the right to confiscate all the goods
in the shop; so the tradesmen who saw him bearing down on them, not
unnaturally hastened to anticipate his wants by contributing of their
substance before he could board them. Everything that he thus collected
from break of day to the time of morning prayers belonged to the king or
governor of the city; but everything that he laid hands on between the
first and the second hour of prayer he kept for himself. After the second
prayers he disappeared, and if the people caught him later in the day they
were free to beat him to their heart’s content. “In like manner,” proceeds
one of the native writers who has described the custom, “people at the
present time appoint a New Year Lord and make merry. And this they do
because the season, which is the beginning of Azur or March, coincides
with the sun’s entry into Aries, for on that day they disport themselves
and rejoice because the winter is over.”(905)

(M312) Now in this harlequin, who rode through the streets attended by all
the king’s men, and levying contributions which went either to the royal
treasury or to the pocket of the collector, we recognize the familiar
features of the mock or temporary king, who is invested for a short time
with the pomp and privileges of royalty for reasons which have been
already explained.(906) The abrupt disappearance of the Persian clown at a
certain hour of the day, coupled with the leave given to the populace to
thrash him if they found him afterwards, points plainly enough to the
harder fate that probably awaited him in former days, when he paid with
his life for his brief tenure of a kingly crown. The resemblance between
his burlesque progress and that of Mordecai through the streets of Susa is
obvious; though the Jewish author of Esther has depicted in brighter
colours the pomp of his hero “in royal apparel of blue and white, and with
a great crown of gold, and with a robe of fine linen and purple,” riding
the king’s own charger, and led through the city by one of the king’s most
noble princes.(907) The difference between the two scenes is probably not
to be explained simply by the desire of the Jewish writer to shed a halo
of glory round the personage whom he regarded as the deliverer of his
people. So long as the temporary king was a real substitute for the
reigning monarch, and had to die sooner or later in his stead, it was
natural that he should be treated with a greater show of deference, and
should simulate his royal brother more closely than a clown who had
nothing worse than a beating to fear when he laid down his office. In
short, after the serious meaning of the custom had been forgotten, and the
substitute was allowed to escape with his life, the high tragedy of the
ancient ceremony would rapidly degenerate into farce.

(M313) But while the “Ride of the Beardless One” is, from one point of
view, a degenerate copy of the original, regarded from another point of
view, it preserves some features which are almost certainly primitive,
though they do not appear in the kindred Babylonian and Jewish festivals.
The Persian custom bears the stamp of a popular festivity rather than of a
state ceremonial, and everywhere it seems as if popular festivals, when
left to propagate themselves freely among the folk, reveal their old
meaning and intention more transparently than when they have been adopted
into the official religion and enshrined in a ritual. The simple thoughts
of our simple forefathers are better understood by their unlettered
descendants than by the majority of educated people; their rude rites are
more faithfully preserved and more truly interpreted by a rude peasantry
than by the priest, who wraps up their nakedness in the gorgeous pall of
religious pomp, or by the philosopher, who dissolves their crudities into
the thin air of allegory. In the present instance the purpose of the “Ride
of the Beardless One” at the beginning of spring is sufficiently obvious;
it was meant to hasten the departure of winter and the approach of summer.
We are expressly told that the clown who went about fanning himself and
complaining of the heat, while the populace snowballed him, was supposed
to dispel the cold; and even without any such assurance we should be
justified in inferring as much from his behaviour. On the principles of
homoeopathic or imitative magic, which is little more than an elaborate
system of make-believe, you can make the weather warm by pretending that
it is so; or if you cannot, you may be sure that there is some person
wiser than yourself who can. Such a wizard, in the estimation of the
Persians, was the beardless one-eyed man who went through the performance
I have described; and no doubt his physical defects were believed to
contribute in some occult manner to the success of the rite. The ceremony
was thus, as Lagarde acutely perceived, the oriental equivalent of those
popular European customs which celebrate the advent of spring by
representing in a dramatic form the expulsion or defeat of winter by the
victorious summer.(908) But whereas in Europe the two rival seasons are
often, if not regularly, personated by two actors or two effigies, in
Persia a single actor sufficed. Whether he definitely represented winter
or summer is not quite clear; but his pretence of suffering from heat and
his final disappearance suggest that, if he personified either of the
seasons, it was the departing winter rather than the coming summer.

(M314) If there is any truth in the connexion thus traced between Purim
and the “Ride of the Beardless One,” we are now in a position finally to
unmask the leading personages in the book of Esther. I have attempted to
shew that Haman and Vashti are little more than doubles of Mordecai and
Esther, who in turn conceal under a thin disguise the features of Marduk
and Ishtar, the great god and goddess of Babylon. But why, the reader may
ask, should the divine pair be thus duplicated and the two pairs set in
opposition to each other? The answer is suggested by the popular European
celebrations of spring to which I have just adverted. If my interpretation
of these customs is right, the contrast between the summer and winter, or
between the life and death, which figure in effigy or in the persons of
living representatives at the spring ceremonies of our peasantry, is
fundamentally a contrast between the dying or dead vegetation of the old
and the sprouting vegetation of the new year—a contrast which would lose
nothing of its point when, as in ancient Rome and Babylon and Persia, the
beginning of spring was also the beginning of the new year. In these and
in all the ceremonies we have been examining the antagonism is not between
powers of a different order, but between the same power viewed in
different aspects as old and young; it is, in short, nothing but the
eternal and pathetic contrast between youth and age. And as the power or
spirit of vegetation is represented in religious ritual and popular custom
by a human pair, whether they be called Ishtar and Tammuz, or Venus and
Adonis, or the Queen and King of May, so we may expect to find the old
decrepit spirit of the past year personated by one pair, and the fresh
young spirit of the new year by another. This, if my hypothesis is right,
is the ultimate explanation of the struggle between Haman and Vashti on
the one side, and their doubles Mordecai and Esther on the other. In the
last analysis both pairs stood for the powers that make for the fertility
of plants and perhaps also of animals;(909) but the one pair embodied the
failing energies of the past, and the other the vigorous and growing
energies of the coming year.(910) Both powers, on my hypothesis, were
personified not merely in myth, but in custom; for year by year a human
couple undertook to quicken the life of nature by a union in which, as in
a microcosm, the loves of tree and plant, of herb and flower, of bird and
beast were supposed in some mystic fashion to be summed up.(911)
Originally, we may conjecture, such couples exercised their functions for
a whole year, on the conclusion of which the male partner—the divine
king—was put to death; but in historical times it seems that, as a rule,
the human god—the Saturn, Zoganes, Tammuz, or whatever he was
called—enjoyed his divine privileges, and discharged his divine duties
only for a short part of the year. This curtailment of his reign on earth
was probably introduced at the time when the old hereditary divinities or
deified kings contrived to shift the most painful part of their duties to
a substitute, whether that substitute was a son or a slave or a
malefactor. Having to die as a king, it was necessary that the substitute
should also live as a king for a season; but the real monarch would
naturally restrict within the narrowest limits both of time and of power a
reign which, so long as it lasted, necessarily encroached upon and indeed
superseded his own.(912) What became of the divine king’s female partner,
the human goddess who shared his bed and transmitted his beneficent
energies to the rest of nature, we cannot say. So far as I am aware, there
is little or no evidence that she like him suffered death when her primary
function was discharged.(913) The nature of maternity suggests an obvious
reason for sparing her a little longer, till that mysterious law, which
links together woman’s life with the changing aspects of the nightly sky,
had been fulfilled by the birth of an infant god, who should in his turn,
reared perhaps by her tender care, grow up to live and die for the world.




§ 6. Conclusion.


(M315) We may now sum up the general results of the enquiry which we have
pursued in the present chapter. We have found evidence that festivals of
the type of the Saturnalia, characterized by an inversion of social ranks
and the sacrifice of a man in the character of a god, were at one time
held all over the ancient world from Italy to Babylon. Such festivals seem
to date from an early age in the history of agriculture, when people lived
in small communities, each presided over by a sacred or divine king, whose
primary duty was to secure the orderly succession of the seasons, the
fertility of the earth, and the fecundity both of cattle and of women.
Associated with him was his wife or other female consort, with whom he
performed some of the necessary ceremonies, and who therefore shared his
divine character. Originally his term of office appears to have been
limited to a year, on the conclusion of which he was put to death; but in
time he contrived by force or craft to extend his reign and sometimes to
procure a substitute, who after a short and more or less nominal tenure of
the crown was slain in his stead. At first the substitute for the divine
father was probably the divine son, but afterwards this rule was no longer
insisted on, and still later the growth of a humane feeling demanded that
the victim should always be a condemned criminal. In this advanced stage
of degeneration it is no wonder if the light of divinity suffered eclipse,
and many should fail to detect the god in the malefactor. Yet the downward
career of fallen deity does not stop here; even a criminal comes to be
thought too good to personate a god on the gallows or in the fire; and
then there is nothing left but to make up a more or less grotesque effigy,
and so to hang, burn, or otherwise destroy the god in the person of this
sorry representative. By this time the original meaning of the ceremony
may be so completely forgotten that the puppet is supposed to represent
some historical personage, who earned the hatred and contempt of his
fellows in his life, and whose memory has ever since been held up to
eternal execration by the annual destruction of his effigy. The figures of
Haman, of the Carnival, and of Winter or Death which are or used to be
annually destroyed in spring by Jews, Catholics, and the peasants of
Central Europe respectively, appear to be all lineal descendants of those
human incarnations of the powers of nature whose life and death were
deemed essential to the welfare of mankind. But of the three the only one
which has preserved a clear trace of its original meaning is the effigy of
Winter or Death. In the others the ancient significance of the custom as a
magical ceremony designed to direct the course of nature has been almost
wholly obscured by a thick aftergrowth of legend and myth. The cause of
this distinction is that, whereas the practice of destroying an effigy of
Winter or Death has been handed down from time immemorial through
generations of simple peasants, the festivals of Purim and the Carnival,
as well as their Babylonian and Italian prototypes, the Sacaea and the
Saturnalia, were for centuries domesticated in cities, where they were
necessarily exposed to those thousand transforming and disintegrating
currents of speculation and enquiry, of priestcraft and policy, which roll
their turbid waters through the busy haunts of men, but leave undefiled
the limpid springs of mythic fancy in the country.

(M316) If there is any truth in the analysis of the Saturnalia and kindred
festivals which I have now brought to a close, it seems to point to a
remarkable homogeneity of civilization throughout Southern Europe and
Western Asia in prehistoric times. How far such homogeneity of
civilization may be taken as evidence of homogeneity of race is a question
for the ethnologist; it does not concern us here. But without discussing
it, I may remind the reader that in the far east of Asia we have met with
temporary kings whose magical functions and intimate relation to
agriculture stand out in the clearest light;(914) while India furnishes
examples of kings who have regularly been obliged to sacrifice themselves
at the end of a term of years.(915) All these things appear to hang
together; all of them may, perhaps, be regarded as the shattered remnants
of a uniform zone of religion and society which at a remote era belted the
Old World from the Mediterranean to the Pacific. Whether that was so or
not, I may at least claim to have made it probable that if the King of the
Wood at Aricia lived and died as an incarnation of a sylvan deity, the
functions he thus discharged were by no means singular, and that for the
nearest parallel to them we need not go beyond the bounds of Italy, where
the divine king Saturn—the god of the sown and sprouting seed—was annually
slain in the person of a human representative at his ancient festival of
the Saturnalia.

(M317) It is possible that such sacrifices of deified men, performed for
the salvation of the world, may have helped to beget the notion that the
universe or some part of it was originally created out of the bodies of
gods offered up in sacrifice. Certainly it is curious that notions of this
sort meet us precisely in parts of the world where such sacrifices appear
to have been regularly accomplished. Thus in ancient Mexico, where the
sacrifice of human beings in the character of gods formed a conspicuous
feature of the national religion, it is said that in the beginning, when
as yet the light of day was not, the gods created the sun to illumine the
earth by voluntarily burning themselves in the fire, leaping one after the
other into the flames of a great furnace.(916) Again, in the Babylonian
Genesis the great god Bel created the world by cleaving the female monster
Tiamat in twain and using the severed halves of her body to form the
heaven and the earth. Afterwards, perceiving that the earth was waste and
void, he obligingly ordered one of the gods to cut off his, the Creator’s,
head, and with the flowing blood mixed with clay he kneaded a paste out of
which he moulded men and animals.(917) Similarly in a hymn of the Rig Veda
we read how the gods created the world out of the dismembered body of the
great primordial giant Purushu. The sky was made out of his head, the
earth out of his feet, the sun out of his eye, and the moon out of his
mind; animals and men were also engendered from his dripping fat or his
limbs, and the great gods Indra and Agni sprang from his mouth.(918) The
crude, nay savage, account of creation thus set forth by the poet was
retained by the Brahman doctors of a later age and refined by them into a
subtle theory of sacrifice in general. According to them the world was not
only created in the beginning by the sacrifice of the creator Prajapati,
the Lord of Creatures; to this day it is renewed and preserved solely by a
repetition of that mystic sacrifice in the daily sacrificial ritual
celebrated by the Brahmans. Every day the body of the Creator and Saviour
is broken anew, and every day it is pieced together for the restoration
and conservation of a universe which otherwise must dissolve and be
shattered into fragments. Thus is the world continually created afresh by
the self-sacrifice of the deity; and, wonderful to relate, the priest who
offers the sacrifice identifies himself with the Creator, and so by the
very act of sacrificing renews the universe and keeps up uninterrupted the
revolution of time and matter. All things depend on his beneficent, nay
divine activity, from the heaven above to the earth beneath, from the
greatest god to the meanest worm, from the sun and moon to the humblest
blade of grass and the minutest particle of dust. Happily this grandiose
theory of sacrifice as a process essential to the salvation of the world
does not oblige the priest to imitate his glorious prototype by
dismembering his own body and shedding his blood on the altar; on the
contrary a comfortable corollary deduced from it holds out to him the
pleasing prospect of living for the unspeakable benefit of society to a
good old age, indeed of stretching out the brief span of human existence
to a full hundred years.(919) Well is it, not only for the priest but for
mankind, when with the slow progress of civilization and humanity the hard
facts of a cruel ritual have thus been softened and diluted into the
nebulous abstractions of a mystical theology.





NOTE. THE CRUCIFIXION OF CHRIST.(920)


(M318) An eminent scholar has recently pointed out the remarkable
resemblance between the treatment of Christ by the Roman soldiers at
Jerusalem and the treatment of the mock king of the Saturnalia by the
Roman soldiers at Durostorum; and he would explain the similarity by
supposing that the soldiers ridiculed the claims of Christ to a divine
kingdom by arraying him in the familiar garb of old King Saturn, whose
quaint person figured so prominently at the winter revels.(921) Even if
the theory should prove to be right, we can hardly suppose that Christ
played the part of the regular Saturn of the year, since at the beginning
of our era the Saturnalia fell at midwinter, whereas Christ was crucified
at the Passover in spring. There is, indeed, as I have pointed out, some
reason to think that when the Roman year began in March the Saturnalia was
held in spring, and that in remote districts the festival always continued
to be celebrated at the ancient date. If the Roman garrison of Jerusalem
conformed to the old fashion in this respect, it seems not quite
impossible that their celebration of the Saturnalia may have coincided
with the Passover; and that thus Christ, as a condemned criminal, may have
been given up to them to make sport with as the Saturn of the year. But on
the other hand it is rather unlikely that the officers, as representatives
of the State, would have allowed their men to hold the festival at any but
the official date; even in the distant town of Durostorum we saw that the
Roman soldiers celebrated the Saturnalia in December. Thus if the
legionaries at Jerusalem really intended to mock Christ by treating him
like the burlesque king of the Saturnalia, they probably did so only by
way of a jest which was in more senses than one unseasonable.

(M319) But closely as the passion of Christ resembles the treatment of the
mock king of the Saturnalia, it resembles still more closely the treatment
of the mock king of the Sacaea.(922) The description of the mockery by St.
Matthew is the fullest. It runs thus: “Then released he Barabbas unto
them: and when he had scourged Jesus, he delivered him to be crucified.
Then the soldiers of the governor took Jesus into the common hall, and
gathered unto him the whole band of soldiers. And they stripped him, and
put on him a scarlet robe. And when they had platted a crown of thorns,
they put it upon his head, and a reed in his right hand: and they bowed
the knee before him, and mocked him, saying, Hail, King of the Jews! And
they spit upon him, and took the reed, and smote him on the head. And
after that they had mocked him, they took the robe off from him, and put
his own raiment on him, and led him away to crucify him.”(923) Compare
with this the treatment of the mock king of the Sacaea, as it is described
by Dio Chrysostom: “They take one of the prisoners condemned to death and
seat him upon the king’s throne, and give him the king’s raiment, and let
him lord it and drink and run riot and use the king’s concubines during
these days, and no man prevents him from doing just what he likes. But
afterwards they strip and scourge and crucify him.”(924) Now it is quite
possible that this remarkable resemblance is after all a mere coincidence,
and that Christ was executed in the ordinary way as a common malefactor;
but on the other hand there are so many scattered hints and indications of
something unusual, so many broken lines seemingly converging towards the
cross on Calvary, that it is worth while to follow them up and see where
they lead us. In attempting to draw these fragmentary data together, to
bridge the chasms, and to restore the shattered whole, we must beware of
mistaking hypothesis for the facts which it only professes to cement; yet
even if our hypothesis should be thought to bear a somewhat undue
proportion to the facts, the excess may perhaps be overlooked in
consideration of the obscurity and the importance of the enquiry. (M320)
We have seen reason to think that the Jewish festival of Purim is a
continuation, under a changed name, of the Babylonian Sacaea, and that in
celebrating it by the destruction of an effigy of Haman the modern Jews
have kept up a reminiscence of the ancient custom of crucifying or hanging
a man in the character of a god at the festival. Is it not possible that
at an earlier time they may, like the Babylonians themselves, have
regularly compelled a condemned criminal to play the tragic part, and that
Christ thus perished in the character of Haman? The resemblance between
the hanged Haman and the crucified Christ struck the early Christians
themselves; and whenever the Jews destroyed an effigy of Haman they were
accused by their Christian neighbours of deriding the most sacred mystery
of the new faith.(925) It is probable that on this painful subject the
Christians were too sensitive; remembering the manner of their Founder’s
death it was natural that they should wince at any pointed allusion to a
cross, a gallows, or a public execution, even when the shaft was not aimed
at them. An objection to supposing that Christ died as the Haman of the
year is that according to the Gospel narrative the crucifixion occurred at
the Passover, on the fourteenth day of the month Nisan, whereas the feast
of Purim, at which the hanging of Haman would naturally take place, fell
exactly a month earlier, namely, on the fourteenth day of the month Adar.
I have no wish to blink or extenuate the serious nature of the difficulty
arising from this discrepancy of dates, but I would suggest some
considerations which may make us hesitate to decide that the discrepancy
is fatal. In the first place, it is possible, though perhaps not probable,
that Christian tradition shifted the date of the crucifixion by a month in
order to make the great sacrifice of the Lamb of God coincide with that
annual sacrifice of the Passover lamb which in the belief of pious hearts
had so long foreshadowed it and was thenceforth to cease.(926) Instances
of gentle pressure brought to bear, for purposes of edification, on
stubborn facts are perhaps not wholly unknown in the annals of religion.
But the express testimony of history is never to be lightly set aside; and
in the investigation of its problems a solution which assumes the veracity
and accuracy of the historian is, on an even balance of probabilities,
always to be preferred to one which impugns them both. Now in the present
case we have seen reason to think that the Babylonian New Year festival,
of which Purim was a continuation, did fall in Nisan at or near the time
of the Passover, and that when the Jews borrowed the festival they altered
the date from Nisan to Adar in order to prevent the new feast from
clashing with the old Passover. A reminiscence of the original date of
Purim perhaps survives, as I have already pointed out, in the statement in
the book of Esther that Haman caused _pur_ or lots to be cast before him
from the month of Nisan onward.(927) It thus seems not impossible that
occasionally, for some special reason, the Jews should have celebrated the
feast of Purim, or at least the death of Haman, at or about the time of
the Passover. But there is another possibility which, remote and fanciful
as it may appear, deserves at least to be mentioned. The mock king of the
Saturnalia, whose resemblance to the dying Christ was first pointed out by
Mr. Wendland, was allowed a period of license of thirty days before he was
put to death. If we could suppose that in like manner the Jews spared the
human representative of Haman for one month from Purim, the date of his
execution would fall exactly on the Passover. Which, if any, of these
conjectural solutions of the difficulty is the true one, I will not
undertake to say. I am fully conscious of the doubt and uncertainty that
hang round the whole subject; and if in this and what follows I throw out
some hints and suggestions, it is more in the hope of stimulating and
directing further enquiry than with any expectation of reaching definite
conclusions.

(M321) It may be objected that the mockery of Christ was done, not by the
Jews, but by the Roman soldiers, who knew and cared nothing about Haman;
how then can we suppose that the purple or scarlet robe, the sceptre of
reed, and the crown of thorns, which the soldiers thrust upon Christ, were
the regular insignia of the Haman of the year? To this we may reply, in
the first place, that even if the legions stationed in Syria were not
recruited in the country, they may have contracted some of the native
superstitions and have fallen in with the local customs. This is not an
idle conjecture. We know that the third legion during its stay in Syria
learned the Syrian custom of saluting the rising sun, and that this formal
salute, performed by the whole regiment as one man at a critical moment of
the great battle of Bedriacum, actually helped to turn the scale when the
fortune of empire hung trembling in the balance.(928) But it is not
necessary to suppose that the garrison of Jerusalem really shared the
beliefs and prejudices of the mob whom they overawed; soldiers everywhere
are ready to go with a crowd bent on sport, without asking any curious
questions as to the history or quality of the entertainment, and we should
probably do the humanity of Roman soldiers too much honour if we imagined
that they would be deterred by any qualm of conscience from joining in the
pastime, which is still so popular, of baiting a Jew to death. But in the
second place it should be observed that, according to one of the
Evangelists, it was not the soldiers of Pilate who mocked Jesus, but the
soldiers of Herod,(929) and we may fairly assume that Herod’s guards were
Jews.

(M322) The hypothesis that the crucifixion with all its cruel mockery was
not a punishment specially devised for Christ, but was merely the fate
that annually befell the malefactor who played Haman, appears to go some
way towards relieving the Gospel narrative of certain difficulties which
otherwise beset it. If, as we read in the Gospels, Pilate was really
anxious to save the innocent man whose fine bearing seems to have struck
him, what was to hinder him from doing so? He had the power of life and
death; why should he not have exercised it on the side of mercy, if his
own judgment inclined that way? His reluctant acquiescence in the
importunate demand of the rabble becomes easier to understand if we assume
that custom obliged him annually at this season to give up to them a
prisoner on whom they might play their cruel pranks. On this assumption
Pilate had no power to prevent the sacrifice; the most he could do was to
choose the victim.

Again, consider the remarkable statement of the Evangelists that Pilate
set up over the cross a superscription stating that the man who hung on it
was king of the Jews.(930) Is it likely that in the reign of Tiberius a
Roman governor, with the fear of the jealous and suspicious old emperor
before his eyes, would have ventured, even in mockery, to blazon forth a
seditious claim of this sort unless it were the regular formula employed
on such occasions, recognized by custom, and therefore not liable to be
misconstrued into treason by the malignity of informers and the fears of a
tyrant?

But if the tragedy of the ill-fated aspirant after royal honours was
annually enacted at Jerusalem by a prisoner who perished on the cross, it
becomes probable that the part of his successful rival was also played by
another actor who paraded in the same kingly trappings but did not share
the same fate. If Jesus was the Haman of the year, where was the Mordecai?
Perhaps we may find him in Barabbas.

(M323) We are told by the Evangelists that at the feast which witnessed
the crucifixion of Christ it was the custom for the Roman governor to
release one prisoner, whomsoever the people desired, and that Pilate,
convinced of the innocence of Jesus, attempted to persuade the multitude
to choose him as the man who should go free. But, hounded on by the
priests and elders who had marked out Jesus for destruction, the rabble
would not hear of this, and clamoured for the blood of Jesus, while they
demanded the release of a certain miscreant, by name Barabbas, who lay in
gaol for murder and sedition. Accordingly Pilate had to give way: Christ
was crucified and Barabbas set at liberty.(931) Now what, we may ask, was
the reason for setting free a prisoner at this festival? In the absence of
positive information, we may conjecture that the gaol-bird whose cage was
thrown open at this time had to purchase his freedom by performing some
service from which decent people would shrink. Such a service may very
well have been that of going about the streets, rigged out in tawdry
splendour with a tinsel crown on his head and a sham sceptre in his hand,
preceded and followed by all the tag-rag and bobtail of the town hooting,
jeering, and breaking coarse jests at his expense, while some pretended to
salaam his mock majesty, and others belaboured the donkey on which he
rode. It was in this fashion, probably, that in Persia the beardless and
one-eyed man made his undignified progress through the town, to the
delight of ragamuffins and the terror of shopkeepers, whose goods he
unceremoniously confiscated if they did not hasten to lay their
peace-offerings at his feet. So, perhaps, the ruffian Barabbas, when his
irons were knocked off and the prison door had grated on its hinges to let
him forth, tasted the first sweets of liberty in this public manner, even
if he was not suffered, like his one-eyed brother, to make raids with
impunity on the stalls of the merchants and the tables of the
money-changers. A curious confirmation of this conjecture is supplied by a
passage in the writings of Philo the Jew, who lived at Alexandria in the
time of Christ. He tells us that when Agrippa, the grandson of Herod, had
received the crown of Judaea from Caligula at Rome, the new king passed
through Alexandria on his way to his own country. The disorderly populace
of that great city, animated by a hearty dislike of his nation, seized the
opportunity of venting their spite by publicly defaming and ridiculing the
Jewish monarch. Among other things they laid hold of a certain harmless
lunatic named Carabas, who used to roam the streets stark naked, the butt
and laughing-stock of urchins and idlers. This poor wretch they set up in
a public place, clapped a paper crown on his head, thrust a broken reed
into his hand by way of a sceptre, and having huddled a mat instead of a
royal robe about his naked body, and surrounded him with a guard of
bludgeon-men, they did obeisance to him as to a king and made a show of
taking his opinion on questions of law and policy. To point the jest
unmistakably at the Syrian king Agrippa, the bystanders raised cries of
“Marin! Marin!” which they understood to be the Syrian word for
“lord.”(932) This mockery of the Jewish king closely resembles the mockery
of Christ; and the joke, such as it was, would receive a keener edge if we
could suppose that the riff-raff of Alexandria were familiar with the
Jewish practice of setting up a sham king on certain occasions, and that
they meant by implication to ridicule the real King Agrippa by comparing
him to his holiday counterfeit. May we go a step further and conjecture
that one at least of the titles of the mock king of the Jews was regularly
Barabbas? The poor imbecile who masqueraded in a paper crown at Alexandria
was probably a Jew, otherwise the jest would have lost much of its point;
and his name, according to the Greek manuscripts of Philo, was Carabas.
But Carabas is meaningless in Hebrew, whereas Barabbas is a regularly
formed Hebrew word meaning “Son of the Father.” The palaeographic
difference between the two forms is slight, and perhaps we shall hardly be
deemed very rash if we conjecture that in the passage in question Philo
himself wrote Barabbas, which a Greek copyist, ignorant of Hebrew,
afterwards corrupted into Carabas. If this were granted, we should still
have to assume that both Philo and the authors of the Gospels fell into
the mistake of treating as the name of an individual what in fact was a
title of office.

(M324) Thus the hypothesis which, with great diffidence, I would put
forward for consideration is this. It was customary, we may suppose, with
the Jews at Purim, or perhaps occasionally at Passover, to employ two
prisoners to act the parts respectively of Haman and Mordecai in the
passion-play which formed a central feature of the festival. Both men
paraded for a short time in the insignia of royalty, but their fates were
different; for while at the end of the performance the one who played
Haman was hanged or crucified, the one who personated Mordecai and bore in
popular parlance the title of Barabbas was allowed to go free. Pilate,
perceiving the trumpery nature of the charges brought against Jesus, tried
to persuade the Jews to let him play the part of Barabbas, which would
have saved his life; but the merciful attempt failed and Jesus perished on
the cross in the character of Haman. The description of his last triumphal
ride into Jerusalem reads almost like an echo of that brilliant progress
through the streets of Susa which Haman aspired to and Mordecai
accomplished; and the account of the raid which he immediately afterwards
made upon the stalls of the hucksters and money-changers in the temple,
may raise a question whether we have not here a trace of those arbitrary
rights over property which it has been customary on such occasions to
accord to the temporary king.(933)

(M325) If it be asked why one of these temporary kings should bear the
remarkable title of Barabbas or “Son of the Father,” I can only surmise
that the title may perhaps be a relic of the time when the real king, the
deified man, used to redeem his own life by deputing his son to reign for
a short time and to die in his stead. We have seen that the custom of
sacrificing the son for the father was common, if not universal, among
Semitic peoples; and if we are right in our interpretation of the
Passover, that festival—the traditional date of the crucifixion—was the
very season when the dreadful sacrifice of the first-born was
consummated.(934) Hence Barabbas or the “Son of the Father” would be a
natural enough title for the man or child who reigned and died as a
substitute for his royal sire. Even in later times, when the father
provided a less precious substitute than his own offspring, it would be
quite in accordance with the formal conservatism of religion that the old
title should be retained after it had ceased to be appropriate; indeed the
efficacy of the sacrifice might be thought to require and justify the
pious fiction that the substitute was the very son of that divine father
who should have died, but who preferred to live, for the good of his
people. If in the time of Christ, as I have conjectured, the title of
Barabbas or Son of the Father was bestowed on the Mordecai, the mock king
who lived, rather than on the Haman, the mock king who died at the
festival, this distinction can hardly have been original; for at first, we
may suppose, the same man served in both capacities at different times, as
the Mordecai of one year and the Haman of the next. The two characters, as
I have attempted to shew, are probably nothing but two different aspects
of the same deity considered at one time as dead and at another as risen;
hence the human being who personated the risen god would in due time,
after he had enjoyed his divine honours for a season, act the dead god by
dying in good earnest in his own person; for it would be unreasonable to
expect of the ordinary man-god that he should play the two parts in the
reverse order by dying first and coming to life afterwards. In both parts
the substitute would still be, whether in sober fact or in pious fiction,
the Barabbas or Son of that divine Father who generously gave his own son
to die for the world.(935)

(M326) To conclude this speculation, into which I have perhaps been led by
the interest and importance of the subject somewhat deeper than the
evidence warrants, I venture to urge in its favour that it seems to shed
fresh light on some of the causes which contributed to the remarkably
rapid diffusion of Christianity in Asia Minor. We know from a famous
letter of the younger Pliny addressed to the Emperor Trajan in the year
112 A.D. that by the beginning of our era, less than a hundred years after
the Founder’s death, Christianity had made such strides in Bithynia and
Pontus that not only cities but villages and rural districts were affected
by it, and that multitudes of both sexes and of every age and every rank
professed its tenets; indeed things had gone so far that the temples were
almost deserted, the sacred rites of the public religion discontinued, and
hardly a purchaser could be found for the sacrificial victims.(936) It is
obvious, therefore, that the new faith had elements in it which appealed
powerfully to the Asiatic mind. What these elements were, the present
investigation has perhaps to some extent disclosed. We have seen that the
conception of the dying and risen god was no new one in these regions. All
over Western Asia from time immemorial the mournful death and happy
resurrection of a divine being appear to have been annually celebrated
with alternate rites of bitter lamentation and exultant joy; and through
the veil which mythic fancy has woven round this tragic figure we can
still detect the features of those great yearly changes in earth and sky
which, under all distinctions of race and religion, must always touch the
natural human heart with alternate emotions of gladness and regret,
because they exhibit on the vastest scale open to our observation the
mysterious struggle between life and death. But man has not always been
willing to watch passively this momentous conflict; he has felt that he
has too great a stake in its issue to stand by with folded hands while it
is being fought out; he has taken sides against the forces of death and
decay—has flung into the trembling scale all the weight of his puny
person, and has exulted in his fancied strength when the great balance has
slowly inclined towards the side of life, little knowing that for all his
strenuous efforts he can as little stir that balance by a hair’s-breadth
as can the primrose on a mossy bank in spring or the dead leaf blown by
the chilly breath of autumn. Nowhere do these efforts, vain and pitiful,
yet pathetic, appear to have been made more persistently and
systematically than in Western Asia. In name they varied from place to
place, but in substance they were all alike. A man, whom the fond
imagination of his worshippers invested with the attributes of a god, gave
his life for the life of the world; after infusing from his own body a
fresh current of vital energy into the stagnant veins of nature, he was
cut off from among the living before his failing strength should initiate
a universal decay, and his place was taken by another who played, like all
his predecessors, the ever-recurring drama of the divine resurrection and
death. Such a drama, if our interpretation of it is right, was the
original story of Esther and Mordecai or, to give them their older names,
of Ishtar and Marduk. It was played in Babylonia, and from Babylonia the
returning captives brought it to Judaea, where it was acted, rather as an
historical than a mythical piece, by players who, having to die in grim
earnest on a cross or gallows, were naturally drawn rather from the gaol
than the green-room. A chain of causes which, because we cannot follow
them, might in the loose language of daily life be called an accident,
determined that the part of the dying god in this annual play should be
thrust upon Jesus of Nazareth, whom the enemies he had made in high places
by his outspoken strictures were resolved to put out of the way. They
succeeded in ridding themselves of the popular and troublesome preacher;
but the very step by which they fancied they had simultaneously stamped
out his revolutionary doctrines contributed more than anything else they
could have done to scatter them broadcast not only over Judaea but over
Asia; for it impressed upon what had been hitherto mainly an ethical
mission the character of a divine revelation culminating in the passion
and death of the incarnate Son of a heavenly Father. In this form the
story of the life and death of Jesus exerted an influence which it could
never have had if the great teacher had died, as is commonly supposed, the
death of a vulgar malefactor. It shed round the cross on Calvary a halo of
divinity which multitudes saw and worshipped afar off; the blow struck on
Golgotha set a thousand expectant strings vibrating in unison wherever men
had heard the old, old story of the dying and risen god. Every year, as
another spring bloomed and another autumn faded across the earth, the
field had been ploughed and sown and borne fruit of a kind till it
received that seed which was destined to spring up and overshadow the
world. In the great army of martyrs who in many ages and in many lands,
not in Asia only, have died a cruel death in the character of gods, the
devout Christian will doubtless discern types and forerunners of the
coming Saviour—stars that heralded in the morning sky the advent of the
Sun of Righteousness—earthen vessels wherein it pleased the divine wisdom
to set before hungering souls the bread of heaven. The sceptic, on the
other hand, with equal confidence, will reduce Jesus of Nazareth to the
level of a multitude of other victims of a barbarous superstition, and
will see in him no more than a moral teacher, whom the fortunate accident
of his execution invested with the crown, not merely of a martyr, but of a
god. The divergence between these views is wide and deep. Which of them is
the truer and will in the end prevail? Time will decide the question of
prevalence, if not of truth. Yet we would fain believe that in this and in
all things the old maxim will hold good—_Magna est veritas et
praevalebit._





INDEX.


Abbot of Folly in France, 334

—— of Unreason in Scotland, 331

Abdera, human scapegoats at, 254

Abeghian, Manuk, quoted, 107 _sq._

Abjuration, form of, imposed on Jewish converts, 393

Abonsam, an evil spirit on the Gold Coast, 132

Abrahams, Israel, 393 _n._ 2

Abruzzi, Epiphany in the, 167 _n._ 2

Absalom, his intercourse with his father’s concubines, 368

Absrot, village of Bohemia, 161

Abstinence as a charm to promote the growth of the seed, 347 _sqq._

Abyssinian festival of Mascal or the Cross, 133 _sq._

Accusations of ritual murders brought against the Jews, 394 _sqq._

Acilisena, in Armenia, the worship of Anaitis at, 369 _n._ 1

Acosta, J. de, quoted, 275 _sq._, 277

Adaklu, Mount, in West Africa, 135 _sq._, 206 _sq._

Adam and Eve, 259 _n._ 3

Adar, a Jewish month, 361, 394, 397, 398, 415

Adonis at Alexandria, 390;
  annual death and resurrection of, 398;
  his marriage with Ishtar (Aphrodite), 401.
  _See also_ Tammuz

—— and Aphrodite, 386

Aegisthus and Agamemnon, 19

Aesculapius at Epidaurus, 47

Africa, Northern, cairns in, 21;
  popular cure for toothache in, 62;
  South, dread of demons in, 77 _sq._;
  tribes of, their expulsion of demons, 110 _sq._;
  West, demons in, 74 _sqq._

Agamemnon and Aegisthus, 19

Agathias on Sandes, 389

Agni, creation of the great god, 410

_Agnus castus_, used in ceremony of beating, 252, 257

Agricultural year, expulsions of demons timed to coincide with seasons of
            the, 225

Agrippa, King of Judaea, his mockery at Alexandria, 418

Ague, popular cures for, 56, 57 _sq._;
  Suffolk cure for, 68

Ahasuerus, King, 397, 401;
  the Hebrew equivalent of Xerxes, 360

Ait Sadden, the, of Morocco, 182

—— Warain, a Berber tribe, 178

Aitan, a goddess, 173

Akamba, the, of British East Africa, riddles among the, 122 _n._

Akikuyu of East Africa, 32

Alaska, the Esquimaux of, 124

Albania, expulsion of Kore on Easter Eve in, 157

Albanian custom of beating men and beasts in March, 266

Albanians of the Caucasus, their use of human scapegoats, 218

Albîrûnî, Arab historian, 393

Alençon, the Boy Bishop at, 337 _n._ 1

Aleutian Islands, 3, 16

Alexandria, Adonis at, 390;
  mockery of King Agrippa at, 418

Alexandrian calendar, 395 _n._ 1

Alfoors of Central Celebes, riddles among the, 122 _n._

—— of Halmahera, their expulsion of the devil, 112

Algeria, 31;
  popular cure in, 60

All Souls’ College, Oxford, the Boy Bishop at, 337

_Allallu_ bird beloved by Ishtar, 371

Allhallow Even, 332

Almora, in Kumaon, 197

Altars, bloodless, 307

Ambarvalia, the, 359

Amboyna, belief in spirits in, 85;
  disease-transference in, 187

Ameretât, a Persian archangel, 373 _n._ 1

America, Indian tribes of North-Western, their masked dances, 375 _sqq._

Amoor, Gilyaks of the, 101

Amshaspands, Persian archangels, 373 _n._ 1

Amulets against demons, 95

Anacan, a month of the Gallic calendar, 343

Anadates, at Zela, 373 _n._ 1

Anaitis, a Persian goddess, 355, 368, 369, 370, 389, 402 _n._ 1, 421 _n._
            1

Ancestral spirits, propitiation of, 86

Ancona, sarcophagus of St. Dasius at, 310

Andalusia, 173

Anderson, J. D., 176 _n._ 3

Anderson, Miss, of Barskimming, 169 _n._ 2

Andree-Eysn, Mrs., quoted, 245 _sq._

Animals, transference of evil to, 31 _sqq._;
  as scapegoats, 31 _sqq._, 190 _sqq._, 208 _sqq._, 216 _sq._;
  guardian spirits of, 98;
  prayed to, 236;
  dances taught by, 237;
  imitated in dances, 376, 377, 381, 382

_Aninga_, aquatic plant in Brazil, 264

Annam, 33;
  demon of cholera sent away on a raft from, 190;
  explanation of human mortality in, 303

Anthesteria, Athenian festival of the dead, 152 _sq._

Anthesterion, an Athenian month, 352

Antibes, Holy Innocents’ Day at, 336 _sq._

Antinmas, 167

Antiquity, human scapegoats in classical, 229 _sqq._

Antoninus, Marcus, plague in his reign, 64

Ants, jealousy transferred to, 33;
  stinging people with, 263

Anu, Babylonian god, visit of Ishtar to, 399 _n._ 1

_Apachitas_, heaps of stones, 9

Aphrodite and Adonis, 386

Aphrodite, the Oriental, 369 _n._ 1

Apis, sacred Egyptian bull, 217

Apollo, temple of, at the Lover’s Leap, 254

—— and Artemis, cake with twelve knobs offered to, 351 _n._ 3

April, Siamese festival of the dead in, 150

Arab cure for melancholy, 4

Arabia, 33

Arabs, their custom as to widows, 35;
  their custom in regard to murder, 63;
  beat camels to deliver them from jinn, 260;
  of Morocco, their custom at the Great Feast, 265

Aracan, 12 _n._ 1, 117;
  dances for the crops in, 236

Araucanians, the, of South America, 12

Arawaks of British Guiana, their explanation of human mortality, 302 _sq._

Arcadian custom of beating Pan’s image, 256

Arch to shut out plague, 5;
  creeping through, as a cure, 55

Arches made over paths at expulsion of demons, 113, 120 _sq._

Arctic regions, ceremonies at the reappearance of the sun in the, 124
            _sq._, 125 _n._ 1

Ardennes, the King of the Bean in the, 314;
  the Eve of Epiphany in the, 317

Argentina, 9

Argus, the murder of, 24

Aricia, 305;
  the priest of, 273;
  King of the Wood at, 409

Arician grove, the, 274, 305

—— priesthood, 305

Aries, the constellation, the sun in, 361 _n._ 1, 403

Armenia, the worship of Anaitis in, 369 _n._ 1

Armenians, their belief in demons, 107 _sq._

Arrows, invisible, of demons, 101, 126

Artaxerxes II., his promotion of the worship of Anaitis, 370

_Artemisia laciniata_, garlands of, 284

Aru Archipelago, 121 _n._ 3

Arval Brothers, the college of the, at Rome, 230, 232, 238

Aryan custom of counting by nights instead of days, 326 _n._ 2

—— languages, names for moon and month in, 325

—— peoples, their correction of the lunar year, 342

Aryans of the Vedic age, 324;
  their calendar, 325, 342

Ascalon, Derceto at, 370 _n._ 1

Ascension Day, cures on Eve of, 54;
  annual expulsion of the devil on, 214 _sq._;
  ceremony at Rouen on, 215 _sq._;
  bells rung to make flax grow on, 247 _sq._

Ash-tree in popular cure, 57

Ashantee, annual period of license in, 226 _n._ 1

Ashtaroth, 366

Ashurbanapal and Sardanapalus, 387 _sq._

Asia, Saturnalia in Western, 354 _sqq._

Asia Minor, use of human scapegoats by the Greeks of, 255

Asongtata, an annual ceremony, 208

Aspen in popular cure, 57

Ass in cure for scorpion’s bite, 49 _sq._;
  introduced into church at Festival of Fools, 335 _sq._;
  triumphal ride of a buffoon on an, 402 _sq._

Assam, the Kacharis of, 93;
  the Lushais of, 94;
  the Khasis of, 173;
  the Nagas of, 177;
  the Garos of, 208 _sq._

Assembly of the gods at the New Year in Babylon, 356

Assimilation of human victims to trees, 257, 259 _n._ 3

Assyria, Ashurbanapal, king of, 387 _sq._

Assyrian monarchs, conquerors of Babylonia, 356

Assyrians, the ancient, their belief in demons, 102

Astarte or Ishtar, a great Babylonian goddess, 365.
  _See also_ Ishtar

—— and Semiramis, 369 _sqq._

Aston, W. G., quoted, 213 _n._ 1

Aswang, an evil spirit, exorcism of, 260

Athenians, their use of human scapegoats, 253 _sq._;
  their mode of reckoning a day, 326 _n._ 2;
  their religious dramas, 384

Athens, Cronus and the Cronia at, 351 _sq._

Atkhans, the, of Aleutian Islands, 3

Atlas, Berbers of the Great, 178

Atlatatonan, Mexican goddess of lepers, 292;
  woman annually sacrificed in the character of, 292

Atonement, the Jewish Day of, 210

Attis and Cybele, 386

Aubrey, John, on sin-eating, 43 _sq._

Aucas, the, of South America, 12

Australia, Central, 2

——, demons in, 74;
  annual expulsion of ghosts in, 123 _sq._

Austria, cure of warts in, 48

Autumn, ceremony of the Esquimaux in late, 125

Autun, the Festival of Fools at, 335

Avestad in Sweden, 20

Axim, on the Gold Coast, 131

Aymara Indians, their remedy for plague, 193

Azazel, 210 _n._ 4

Aztecs, their custom of sacrificing human representatives of gods, 275;
  their five supplementary days, 339

Azur, the month of March, 403

Baal, human sacrifices to, 353, 354

_Babalawo_, priest, 212

Babar Archipelago, 8;
  sickness expelled in a boat from the, 187

Baboons sent by evil spirits, 110 _sq._

Baby, effigy of, used to fertilize women, 245, 249

Babylon, festival of the Sacaea at, 354 _sqq._

Babylonia, belief in demons in ancient, 102 _sq._;
  conquered by Assyria, 356;
  the feast of Purim in, 393

Babylonian calendar, 398 _n._ 2

Bacchanalia, Purim a Jewish, 363

Badagas, the, of the Neilgherry Hills, 36

Badi, performer at a ceremony, 197

Baffin Land, the Esquimaux of, 125

Baganda, the, of Central Africa, 4, 7, 17 _sq._, 27, 32;
  human scapegoats among the, 42

Bahima, the, of the Uganda Protectorate, 6, 32

Baiga, aboriginal priest, 27

Bali, belief in demons in, 86;
  periodical expulsion of demons in, 140

Ball, games of, played as a magical ceremony, 179 _sq._;
  in Normandy, 183 _sq._

_Balolo_, a sea-slug, 141

Bamboo-rat sacrificed for riddance of evils, 208 _sq._

Bananas, mode of fertilizing, 264;
  the cause of human mortality, 303

Bangkok, 150

Banishment of evil spirits, 86

Banks’ Islands, 9

Banks’ Islanders, their story of the origin of death, 304

Banmanas of Senegambia, their custom at the death of an infant, 261 _sq._

Banquets in honour of the spirits of disease, 119

Bantu tribes, 77

Banyoro, the, 42, 194

Barabbas and Christ, 417 _sqq._

_Baraka_, blessed influence, 265

Barat, a ceremony performed in Kumaon, 196

Barito, river in Borneo, 87

Baron, S., quoted, 148

Barwan, river, 123

Bassa tribe, of the Cameroons, 120

Bassus, Roman officer, 309

Basutos, the, 30 _n._ 2

Batchelor, Rev. J., 261

Baton of Sinope, 350

Battas or Bataks of Sumatra, 34;
  their belief in demons, 87 _sq._;
  their use of human scapegoats, 213

Battle, annual, among boys in Tumleo, 143

Bavaria, mode of reckoning the Twelve Days in, 327

——, Rhenish, 56

Bavarian cure for fever, 49

Bawenda, the, 30 _n._ 2

Bean, the King of the, 313 _sqq._;
  the Queen of the, 313, 315

—— clan, the, 27

Beans thrown about the house at the expulsion of demons, 143 _sq._;
  thrown about the house at the expulsion of ghosts, 155

“Beardless One, the Ride of the,” 402 _sq._

Beating as a mode of purification, 262

—— human scapegoats, 196, 252, 255, 256 _sq._, 272 _sq._

—— people as a mode of conveying good qualities, 262 _sqq._;
  with skins of sacrificial victims, 265;
  with green boughs, 270 _sqq._

—— persons, animals, or things to deliver them from demons and ghosts, 259
            _sqq._

Beating the air to drive away demons or ghosts, 109, 111, 115, 122, 131,
            152, 156, 234

Beauce and Perche, in France, 57, 62

Beauvais, the Festival of Fools at, 335 _sq._

Bechuana king, cure of, 31 _sq._

Bedriacum, the battle of, 416

Befana at Rome and elsewhere, 167

Behar, 37 _n._ 4

Bekes, in Hungary, mode of fertilizing women in, 264

Bel, a Babylonian deity, 389

Belethus, J., 270 _n._

Belgium, the King of the Bean in, 313

Bella Coola Indians of N. W. America, their masked dances, 376 _n._ 2

Bells on animal used as scapegoat, 37;
  rung to expel demons, 117;
  rung as a protection against witches, 157, 158, 159, 161, 165, 166;
  used in the expulsion of evils, 196, 200;
  used at the expulsion of demons, 214, 246 _sq._, 251;
  worn by dancers, 242, 243, 246 _sqq._, 250 _sq._;
  rung to make grass and flax grow, 247 _sq._;
  golden, worn by human representatives of gods in Mexico, 278, 280, 284

Benin, time of the “grand devils” in, 131 _sq._

Bergell in the Grisons, 247

Berkhampstead, cure for ague in, 57 _sq._

Berosus, Babylonian historian, 355, 358, 359

Besisi of the Malay Peninsula, their carnival at rice-harvest, 226 _n._ 1

Bethlehem, the star of, 330

Bevan, Professor A. A., 367 _n._ 2

Beverley minster, the Boy Bishop at, 337

Bhars of India, 190

Bhootan, cairns in, 26

Bhotiyas of Juhar, their use of a scapegoat, 209

Biajas of Borneo, their expulsion of evils, 200

Biggar, “Burning out the Old Year” at, 165

Bikol, in Luzon, 260

Bilaspur, 44

Bilda in Algeria, 60

Birch, sprigs of, a protection against witches, 162;
  used to beat people with at Easter and Christmas, 269, 270

—— -trees in popular cure for gout, 56 _sq._

Bird-chief of the Sea Dyaks, 383, 384

Birds as scapegoats, 35 _sq._, 51 _sq._

Bishop, the Boy, on Holy Innocents’ Day, 336 _sqq._

—— of Innocents, 333

Bishop, Mrs., quoted, 99 _sq._

Bismarck Archipelago, the Melanesians of the, their belief in demons, 83

Bithynia and Pontus, rapid spread of Christianity in, 420 _sq._

Biyars of N. W. India, 230 _n._ 7

Black animals as scapegoats, 190, 192, 193

—— god and white god among the Slavs, 92

Black and white in relation to human scapegoats, 220, 253, 257, 272

—— Mountains in S. France, 166

Blankenheim in the Eifel, the King of the Bean at, 313

Blood, fatigue let out with, 12;
  of children used to knead a paste, 129;
  of pigs used in purificatory rites, 262;
  drawn from ears as penance, 292

Bloodless altars, 307

Blows to drive away ghosts, 260 _sqq._

Boars, evil spirits transferred to, 31

Boas, Franz, quoted, 375 _sq._

Bocage of Normandy, games of ball in the, 183 _sq._;
  mode of forecasting the weather in, 323;
  Eve of Twelfth Night in the, 316 _sq._

Bock, C., quoted, 97

Bogle, George, envoy to Tibet, 203

Bohemia, “Easter Smacks” in, 268, 269;
  the Three Kings of Twelfth Day in, 330

——, the Germans of Western, their custom at Christmas, 270;
  Twelfth Day among, 331

Bohemian cures for fever, 49, 51, 55 _sq._, 58, 59, 63;
  remedy for jaundice, 52

Böhmerwald Mountains, 159

Bolang Mongondo in Celebes, 85 _sq._, 121 _n._ 3

Bolbe in Macedonia, lake of, 142 _n._ 1

Bolivia, 9;
  Indians of, 26, 193

Boloki, the, of the Upper Congo, their fear of demons, 76 _sq._

Bonfires, leaping over, 156;
  on the Eve of Twelfth Day, 316 _sqq._

_Book of the Dead_, the Egyptian, 103

Borneo, the Dyaks of, 14, 383;
  belief in demons in, 87;
  the Kayans of, 154 _n._, 236, 382 _sq._;
  sickness expelled in a ship from, 187;
  the Biajas and Dusuns of, 200

Bourlet, A., quoted, 97 _sqq._

Boy Bishop on Holy Innocents’ Day, 336 _sqq._

Brahmanism, vestiges of, under Mohammedanism, 90 _n._ 1

Brahmans, sacrificial custom of the, 25;
  as human scapegoats, 42 _sq._, 44 _sq._;
  their theory of sacrifice, 410 _sq._

Branches, fatigue transferred to, 8;
  sickness transferred to, 186

Brandenburg, Mark of, cure for headache and giddiness in, 52, 53;
  cure for toothache in, 60

Bras Basah, a village on the Perak river, 199

Brass instrument sounded to frighten away demons, 147

Brazil, Indians of North-Western, 236;
  custom of, 264;
  their masked dances, 381

Breadalbane, use of a scapegoat in, 209

“Brethren of the Ploughed Fields,” 232

Bride, the last, privilege of, 183

Brittany, custom of sticking pins into a saint’s image in, 70;
  riddles in, 121 _sq._, _n._;
  forecasting the weather in, 323 _sq._

Brooms used to sweep misfortune out of house, 5

Broomsticks, witches ride on, 162

Brown, Dr. George, quoted, 142 _n._ 1

Bruguière, Mgr., quoted, 97, 150 _sq._

Brunnen, Twelfth Night at, 165

Buchanan, Francis, quoted, 175 _sq._

Buckthorn chewed to keep off ghosts, 153;
  as a charm against witchcraft, 153 _n._ 1, 163;
  used to beat cattle, 266

Buddha, transmigrations of, 41;
  in relation to spirits, 97;
  offerings to, 150

Buddhism in Burma, 95 _sq._;
  the pope of, 223

Buddhist Lent, the, 349 _sq._

—— monk, ceremony at the funeral of a, 175

—— priests expel demons, 116

Buddhists of Ceylon, 90 _n._ 1;
  nominal, 97

Budge, E. A. Wallis, quoted, 103 _sq._

Buffalo calf, sins of dead transferred to a, 36 _sq._

—— dance to ensure a supply of buffaloes, 171

Buffaloes as scapegoats, 190, 191

Buffooneries at the Festival of Fools, 335 _sq._

Bukaua, the, of German New Guinea, their belief in demons, 83 _sq._

Bulgarian cure for fever, 55

Bulgarians, their way of keeping off ghosts, 153 _n._ 1

Bulls as scapegoats in ancient Egypt, 216 _sq._

Bunyoro, in Central Africa, 195

Burial of infants, 45

Burkitt, Professor F. C., 420 _n._ 1

Burlesques of ecclesiastical ritual, 336 _sq._

Burma, belief in demons in, 95 _sq._;
  expulsion of demons in, 116 _sq._;
  the tug-of-war in, 175 _sq._

Burmese Lent, 349 _sq._

“Burning the Old Year,” 230 _n._ 7;
  at Biggar, 165

—— of Sandan and Hercules, 388 _sqq._

—— witches alive, 19, 319;
  on May Day in the Tyrol, 158 _sq._;
  on Walpurgis Night in Bohemia;
  161, in Silesia and Saxony, 163

Buru, demons of sickness expelled in a proa from, 186

Burying the evil spirit, 110

Bushes, ailments transferred to, 54, 56

Bushmen, the, 16, 30

Butterflies, annual expulsion of, 159 _n._ 1

Butterfly dance, 381

Caffres of South Africa, 11, 30, 31

Cairns to which every passer-by adds a stone, 9 _sqq._;
  near shrines of saints, 21;
  offerings at, 26 _sqq._
  _See also_ Heaps

Cairo, cure for toothache and headache at, 63

Cake on Twelfth Night used to determine the King, 313 _sqq._;
  put on horn of ox, 318 _sq._;
  offered to Cronus, 351

Cakes, special, at New Year, 149 _sq._;
  with twelve knobs offered to gods, 351 _n._ 3

Calabar, Old, biennial expulsion of demons at, 203 _sq._

—— River, 28

Calabria, annual expulsion of witches in, 157

Calendar of the Mayas of Yucatan, 171;
  of the primitive Aryans, 325;
  of the Celts of Gaul, 342 _sqq._;
  the Coligny, 342 _sqq._;
  the Alexandrian, 395 _n._ 1;
  the Babylonian, 398 _n._ 2

Calicut, ceremonies at sowing in, 235

California, the Pomos of, 170 _sq._

Cambodia, annual expulsion of demons in, 149;
  palace of the Kings of Cambodia purged of devils, 172

Cambridge, Lord of Misrule at, 330

Camel, plague transferred to, 33

Camels infested by jinn, 260

Cameroons, the, of West Africa, 120

Candlemas, dances at, 238

—— Day, 332, 333

Candles, twelve, on Twelfth Night, 321 _sq._;
  burnt at the Feast of Purim, 394

Cannibal banquets, 279 _n._ 1, 283, 298

Canton, the province of, 144

Caprification, the artificial fertilization of fig-trees, 257

_Caprificus_, the wild fig-tree, 258

Car Nicobar, annual expulsion of devils in, 201 _sq._

Carabas and Barabbas, 418 _sq._

Carmona in Andalusia, 173

Carnival, bell-ringing processions at the, 247;
  Senseless Thursday in, 248;
  in relation to the Saturnalia, 312, 345 _sqq._

—— and Purim, 394

“Carrying out Death,” 227 _sq._, 230, 252

Casablanca in Morocco, 21

Caspar, Melchior, and Balthasar, the Three Kings of Twelfth Day, 329
            _sqq._

Castilian peasants, their dances in May, 280

Casting the skin supposed to be a mode of renewing youth, 302 _sqq._

Cattle exposed to attacks of witches, 162;
  beaten to do them good, 266 _sq._

Caucasus, the Albanians of the, 218

Caunians of Asia Minor, their expulsion of foreign gods, 116

Cecrops, first king of Attica, 351

Cedar-bark ornaments worn in dances, 376

Celebes, Bolang Mongondo in, 85, 121;
  Minahassa in, 111 _sq._

——, Central, 34, 122 _n._, 265

Celts, their mode of forecasting the weather of the year, 323 _sq._;
  of Gaul, their calendar, 342 _sqq._

Ceram, sicknesses expelled in a ship from, 185

Ceylon, fear of demons in, 94 _sq._

Chaeronea, the “expulsion of hunger” at, 252

Chain used to expel demons, 260

Chains clanked as a protection against witches, 163;
  clanked in masquerade, 244

Chaldeans, magic of, 64

Chalking up crosses as a protection against witches, 162 _sq._

Chamar caste, 196

Chamba in India, 45

Chambers, E. K., quoted, 336 _n._ 1

Chameleon, ceremony at killing a, 28

Chariots, epidemics sent away in toy, 193 _sq._

Cheremiss of Russia, their expulsion of Satan, 156

Cherokee Indians, annual expulsion of evils among the, 128

Cheshire, cure for thrush in, 50;
  cure for warts in, 57

Chickens as scapegoats, 190

Chicomecohuatl, Mexican goddess of maize, 286 _n._ 1, 291, 292;
  girl annually sacrificed in the character of, 292 _sqq._

Childermas (Holy Innocents’ Day), 336

Children personating spirits, 139

China, the Miotse of, 4;
  belief in demons in, 98;
  men possessed by spirits in, 117;
  the Mossos of, 139;
  the Shans of Southern, 141;
  annual expulsion of demons in, 145 _sqq._

——, aboriginal tribes of, their use of a human scapegoat, 196;
  their annual destruction of evils, 202

Chinese festival of new fire, 359

Chins of Burma, their way of keeping off cholera, 123

_Chirouba_, festival in Manapur, 40

Chirus of Assam, 177 _n._ 3

Chitral, devil-driving in, 137

Chittagong, 63 _n._ 4

—— Hill Tracts, the Chukmas of the, 174

Choerilus, historian, 388 _n._ 1

Cholera sent away in animal scapegoats, 190, 191 _sq._

——, demon of, 172;
  expelled, 116, 117;
  sent away on a raft, 190

——, goddess of, 194

Cholula, a city of Mexico, 281

Chota Nagpur in India, 19;
  annual expulsion of disease in, 139

Christ, the crucifixion of, 412 _sqq._

Christian festivals, the great, timed by the Church to coincide with old
            pagan festivals, 328

Christianity, Latin, its tolerance of rustic paganism, 346

Christmas, custom of young men and women beating each other at, 270;
  an old midwinter festival of the sun-god, 328

—— Day, Mexican festival on, 287;
  Old (Twelfth Night), 321

—— Eve, witches active on, 160

Chukmas, the tug-of-war among the, 174

Church bells a protection against witchcraft, 157, 158

Churn-dashers ridden by witches, 160

Chwolsohn, D., on the worship of Haman, 366 _n._ 1

Ciallos, intercalary month of Gallic calendar, 343

Cilicia, Tarsus in, 388, 389, 391

Cingalese, the tug-of-war among the, 181;
  devil-dancers, 38

Cinteotl or Centeotl, Mexican goddess of maize, 286 _n._ 1, 290

Circumcision Day, 334

Clangour of metal used to dispel demons, 233

Clanking chains as a protection against witches, 163

Clark, J. V. H., 209

Clarke, E. D., quoted, 20 _sq._

Clashing of metal instruments a protection against witchcraft, 158;
  used to dispel demons, 233

Clavigero, historian of Mexico, 286 _n._ 1

Clippings of nails in popular cures, 57, 58

Clowns in processions, 244 _sq._

Cochinchina, mode of disposing of ghosts in, 62

Cock, disease transferred to a white, 187;
  white, as scapegoat, 210 _n._ 4

Cocks as scapegoats, 191 _sq._

Coligny calendar of Gaul, 342 _sqq._

Columella on caprification, 258

Comana, sacred harlots at, 370 _n._ 1;
  worship of Ma at, 421 _n._ 1

Comitium, dances of the Salii in the, 232

Communion by means of stones, 21 _sq._

Concubines of a king taken by his successor, 368

Condé in Normandy, 183

Confession of sins, 31, 36, 127

Conflicts, annual, at the New Year, old intention of, 184

Congrégation de Notre Dame at Paris, 337

Consumption, cure for, 51

Cook, A. B., 246 _n._ 2

Cook, Captain James, 80

Cootchie, a demon, 110

Cora Indians of Mexico, their dance at sowing, 238;
  their dramatic dances, 381

Coran, the, 62

Corea, 11, 27;
  traps for demons in, 61 _sq._;
  belief in demons in, 99 _sq._;
  spirit of disease expelled in, 119;
  annual expulsion of demons in, 147;
  the tug-of-war in, 177 _sq._

Coreans, their annual ceremonies for the riddance of evils, 202 _sq._

Corn festivals of the Cora Indians, 381

—— -ears, wreath of, as badge of priestly office, 232

—— -sieve beaten at ceremony, 145

Cornel-tree in popular remedy, 55

Cornouaille in Brittany, 323

“Corpse-praying priest,” 45

Corpses devoured by members of Secret Societies, 377

Cos, custom of Greek peasants in, 266

Cosmogonies, primitive, perhaps influenced by human sacrifices, 409 _sqq._

Cosquin, E., on the book of Esther, 367 _n._ 3

Coughs transferred to animals, 51, 52

Couppé, Mgr., quoted, 82

Crabs change their skin, 303

Crackers ignited to expel demons, 117, 146 _sq._

Creation of the world, legends of, influenced by human sacrifices, 409
            _sqq._

Creator beheaded, 410;
  sacrifices himself daily to create the world afresh, 411

Creeping through an arch as a cure, 55

Cretan festival of Hermes, 350

Crimes, sticks or stones piled on the scene of, 13 _sqq._

Criminals sacrificed, 354, 396 _sq._, 408

Croatia, Good Friday custom in, 268

Croesus on the pyre, 391

Cronia, a Greek festival resembling the Saturnalia, 351;
  at Olympia, 352 _sq._

Cronion, a Greek month, 351 _n._ 2

Cronus and the Cronia, 351 _sq._;
  and the Golden Age, 353;
  and human sacrifice, 353 _sq._, 397

Cross-roads, 6, 7, 10, 24;
  offerings at, 140;
  ceremonies at, 144, 159, 161, 196;
  witches at, 162

Crosses painted with tar as charms against ghosts and vampyres, 153 _n._
            1;
  chalked on doors as protection against witchcraft, 160, 162 _sq._;
  white, made by the King of the Bean, 314

Crow as scapegoat, 193

Crucifixion of Christ, 412 _sqq._

Cumont, Franz, 309, 393 _n._ 1

Cuzco, its scenery, 128 _sq._

Cybele and Attis, 386

Cyrus and Croesus, 391

Dahomey, Porto Novo in, 205

Dalton, E. T., quoted, 92 _sq._

Dance at cairns, 29;
  the buffalo dance to ensure a supply of buffaloes, 171;
  to cause the grass to grow, 238

Dancers personate spirits, 375

Dances of the witches, 162;
  of the Salii, 232;
  to promote the growth of the crops, 232 _sqq._, 347;
  at sowing, 234 _sqq._;
  taught by animals, 237;
  for rain, 236 _sq._, 238;
  solemn Mexican, 280, 284, 286, 287, 288, 289;
  of Castilian peasants in May, 280;
  of salt-makers in Mexico, 284;
  to make hemp grow tall, 315;
  as dramatic performances of myths, 375 _sqq._;
  bestowed on men by spirits, 375;
  in imitation of animals, 376, 377, 381, 382

Dances, masked, to promote fertility, 236;
  of savages, 374 _sqq._;
  to ensure good crops, 382

Dancing to obtain the favour of the gods, 236

Dandaki, King, 41

“Dark” moon and “light” moon, 140, 141 _n._ 1

Darwin, Sir Francis, 153 _n._ 1

Dasius, martyrdom of St., 308 _sqq._

Dassera festival in Nepaul, 226 _n._ 1

Date palm, artificial fertilization of the, 272 _sq._

Davies, T. Witton, 360 _n._ 2

Dead, disembodied souls of the, dreaded, 77;
  worship of the, 97;
  ghosts of the, periodically expelled, 123 _sq._;
  souls of the, received by their relations once a year, 150 _sqq._

——, spirits of the, in the Philippine Islands, 82;
  in Timor, 85

Death, the funeral of, 205;
  the ceremony of carrying out, 227 _sq._, 230, 252;
  savage tales of the origin of, 302 _sqq._

Debang monastery at Lhasa, 218

December, annual expulsion of demons in, 145;
  custom of the heathen of Harran in, 263 _sq._;
  the Saturnalia held in, 306, 307, 345

Decle, L., 11 _n._ 1

De Goeje, M. J., 24 _n._ 1

Deified men, sacrifices of, 409

Delaware Indians, their remedies for sins, 263

Demonophobia in India, 91

Demon-worship, 94, 96.
  _See also_ Propitiation

Demons bunged up, 61 _sq._;
  omnipresence of, 72 _sqq._;
  propitiation of, 93, 94, 96, 100;
  religious purification intended to ward off, 104;
  cause sickness, failure of crops, etc., 109 _sqq._;
  of cholera, 116, 117, 123;
  men disguised as, 170 _sq._, 172, 173;
  decoyed by a pig, 200, 201;
  conjured into images, 171, 172, 173, 203, 204, 205;
  put to flight by clangour of metal, 233;
  banned by masks, 246;
  exorcised by bells, 246 _sq._, 251.
  _See also_ Devil _and_ Devils

De Mortival, Roger, 338

Derceto, the fish goddess of Ascalon, 370 _n._ 1

De Ricci, S., 343 _n._

Deslawen, village of Bohemia, 161

Devil driven away by paper kites, 4

Devil-driving in Chitral, 137

Devil’s Neck, the, 16, 30

Devils personated by men, 235.
  _See_ Demons

Devonshire, cure for cough in, 51

Dharmi or Dharmesh, the Supreme God of the Oraons, 92 _sq._

Dice used in divination, 220;
  played at festivals, 350

Dieri tribe of Central Australia, their expulsion of a demon, 110

Dinkas, their use of cows as scapegoats, 193

Dio Chrysostom on the Sacaea, 368;
  his account of the treatment of the mock king of the Sacaea, 414

Dionysiac festival of the opening of the wine jars, 351 _sq._

Dionysus and the drama, 384

Disease transferred to other people, 6 _sq._;
  transferred to tree, 7;
  caused by ghosts, 85;
  annual expulsion of, 139;
  sent away in little ships, 185 _sqq._

Dittmar, C. von, quoted, 100 _sq._

Divination on Twelfth Night, 316

Divine animals as scapegoats, 216 _sq._, 226 _sq._

—— men as scapegoats, 217 _sqq._, 226 _sq._

Dog, sickness transferred to, 33;
  as scapegoat, 51, 208 _sq._;
  sacrifice of white, 127

Dog-demon of epilepsy, 69 _n._

Doreh in Dutch New Guinea, the tug-of-war at, 178

Doubs, Montagne de, 316

Douglas, Alexander, victim of witchcraft, 39

Doutté, E., 22 _n._ 2

Doves of Astarte, the sacred, 370 _n._ 1

_Dracaena terminalis_, its leaves used to beat the sick, 265

Dramas, sacred, as magical rites, 373 _sqq._

Dravidian tribes of N. India, their cure for epilepsy, 259 _sq._

Dreams, festival of, among the Iroquois, 127

_Dreikönigstag_, Twelfth Day, 329

“Driving out the Witches,” 162

_Drowo_, gods, 74

Drums beaten to expel demons, 111, 113, 116, 120, 126, 146, 204

Dubrowitschi, a Russian village, 173

Duck as scapegoat, 50

Dudilaa, a spirit who lives in the sun, 186

Dumannos, a month of the Gallic calendar, 343

Duran, Diego, Spanish historian of Mexico, 295 _n._ 1, 297, 300 _n._ 1

Durostorum in Moesia, celebration of the Saturnalia at, 309

Dussaud, René, 22 _n._ 2

Dusuns of Borneo, their annual expulsion of evils, 200 _sq._

Dyak priestesses, 5;
  transference of evil, 5;
  mode of neutralizing bad omens, 39

Dyaks, their “lying heaps,” 14;
  their Head Feast, 383

Dying god as scapegoat, 227

Eabani, Babylonian hero, 398 _sq._

Ears, blood drawn from, as penance, 292

Earth, the Mistress of the, 85

—— -god, 28;
  the Egyptian, 341

Earthman, the, 61

East, the Wise Men of the, 330 _sq._

—— Indian Islands, 2

—— Indies, the tug-of-war in the, 177

Easter an old vernal festival of the vegetation-god, 328

—— eggs, 269

—— Eve in Albania, expulsion of Kore on, 157

—— Monday, “Easter Smacks” on, 268

“—— Smacks” in Germany and Austria, 268 _sq._

—— Sunday, ceremony on the Eve of, 207 _sq._

—— Tuesday, “Easter Smacks” on, 268

Eastertide, expulsion of evils at, in Calabria, 157

Eck, R. van, quoted, 86

Edward VI., his Lord of Misrule, 332, 334

Effigies, disease transferred to, 7;
  demons conjured into, 204, 205;
  substituted for human victims, 408

Effigy of baby used to fertilize women, 245, 249

Eggs, red Easter, 269

Egypt, mode of laying ghosts in, 63;
  modern, belief in the jinn in, 104;
  Isis and Osiris in, 386

Egyptians, the ancient, their belief in spirits, 103 _sq._;
  their use of bulls as scapegoats, 216 _sq._;
  the five supplementary days of their year, 340 _sq._

Eifel, the King of the Bean in the, 313

Eight days, feast and license of, before expulsion of demons, 131

Ekoi, the, of West Africa, 28

Elamite deities in opposition to Babylonian deities, 366;
  inscriptions, 367

Elamites, the hereditary foes of the Babylonians, 366

Elaphebolion, an Athenian month, 351

Elaphius, an Elean month, 352

Elder brother, the sin of marrying before an, 3

Elgon, Mount, 246

Elis, law of, 352 _n._ 2

Ellis, W., quoted, 80

Embodied evils, expulsion of, 170 _sqq._

Emetics as remedies for sins, 263

Endle, S., quoted, 93

England, cure of warts in, 48;
  the King of the Bean in, 313;
  the Boy Bishop in, 337 _sq._

Enigmas, ceremonial use of, 121 _n._ 3.
  _See_ Riddles

Entlebuch in Switzerland, expulsion of Posterli at, 214

Epidaurus, Aesculapius at, 47

Epidemics attributed to demons, 111 _sqq._;
  kept off by means of a plough, 172 _sq._;
  sent away in toy chariots, 193 _sq._

Epilepsy, cure for, 2, 331;
  Highland treatment of, 68 _n._ 2;
  Roman cure for, 68;
  Hindoo cure for, 69 _n._;
  cured by beating, 260.
  _See also_ Falling Sickness

Epiphany, annual expulsion of the powers of evil at, 165 _sqq._;
  the King of the Bean on, 313 _sqq._
  _See also_ Twelfth Night

Eponyms, annual, as scapegoats, 39 _sqq._

Equinox, the vernal, festival of Cronus at, 352;
  Persian marriages at the, 406 _n._ 3

Equos, a Gallic month, 343 _n._

Erech, Babylonian city, Ishtar at, 398, 399

Erz-gebirge, the Saxon, 271

Esagila, temple at Babylon, 356

Esquimaux of Labrador, their fear of demons, 79 _sq._;
  of Point Barrow, their expulsion of Luña, 124 _sq._;
  of Baffin Land, their expulsion of Sedna, 125 _sq._;
  the Central, the tug-of-war among the, 174;
  of Bering Strait, their masquerades, 379 _sq._

Esther, fast of, 397 _sq._;
  the story of, acted as a comedy at Purim, 364

——, the book of, its date and purpose, 360;
  its Persian colouring, 362, 401;
  duplication of the personages in, 400 _sq._;
  the personages unmasked, 405 _sqq._

—— and Mordecai equivalent to Ishtar and Marduk, 405;
  the duplicates of Vashti and Haman, 406

—— and Vashti, temporary queens, 401

Esthonian mode of transferring bad luck to trees, 54;
  expulsion of the devil, 173

Eton College, Boy Bishop at, 338

Euhemerism, 385

Euripides, 19

Europe, transference of evil in, 47 _sqq._;
  annual expulsion of demons and witches in, 155 _sqq._;
  annual expulsion of evils in, 207 _sqq._;
  masquerades in modern, 251 _sq._

European folk-custom of “carrying out Death,” 227 _sq._

Eve and Adam, 259 _n._ 3

Evening Star, the goddess of the, 369 _n._ 1

Evessen, in Brunswick, 60

Evil, the transference of, 1 _sqq._;
  transferred to other people, 5 _sqq._;
  transferred to sticks and stones, 8 _sqq._;
  transferred to animals, 31 _sqq._;
  transferred to men, 38 _sqq._;
  transference of, in Europe, 47 _sqq._

—— spirits, banishment of, 86.
  _See_ Demons

Evil-Merodach, Babylonian king, 367 _n._ 2

Evils transferred to trees, 54 _sqq._;
  nailed into trees, walls, etc., 59 _sqq._;
  occasional expulsion of, 109 _sqq._, 185 _sqq._;
  periodic expulsion of, 123 _sqq._, 198 _sqq._;
  expulsion of embodied, 170 _sqq._;
  expulsion of, in a material vehicle, 185 _sqq._
  _See also_ Expulsion

Ewe, white-footed, as scapegoat, 192 _sq._

Ewe-speaking negroes of the Slave Coast, 74

Excommunication of human scapegoat, 254

Execution by stoning, 24 _n._ 2

Exeter, the Boy Bishop at, 337

Exorcising spirits at sowing the seed, 235

Exorcism of devils in Morocco, 63;
  annual, of the evil spirit in Japan, 143 _sq._;
  Nicobarese ceremony of, 262

Exorcists, 2 _sq._, 33

Expiation for sin, 39

Expulsion of evils, 109 _sqq._;
  the direct or immediate and the indirect or mediate, 109, 224;
  occasional, 109 _sqq._, 185 _sqq._;
  periodic, 123 _sqq._, 198 _sqq._;
  of embodied evils, 170 _sqq._;
  of evils in a material vehicle, 185 _sqq._;
  annual, of demons and witches in Europe, 155 _sqq._;
  of Trows in Shetland, 168 _sq._;
  of hunger at Chaeronea, 252;
  of winter, ceremony of the, 404 _sq._

_Faditras_ among the Malagasy, 33 _sq._

Faiths of the world, the great, their little influence on common men, 89

Falling sickness, cure for, 52, 330.
  _See also_ Epilepsy

Fans, the, of West Africa, 30 _n._ 2

“Fast of Esther” before Purim, 397 _sq._

Fatigue transferred to stones or sticks, 8 _sqq._;
  let out with blood, 12

Fawckner, Captain James, quoted, 131 _sq._

Fear as a source of religion, 93

Feast, the Great, in Morocco, 180, 182, 265

—— of Lanterns in Japan, 151 _sq._

February and March, the season of the spring sowing in Italy, 346

Ferghana in Turkestan, 184

Ferrers, George, a Lord of Misrule, 332

Fertility of the ground, magical ceremony to promote the, 177

Fertilization, artificial, of fig-trees, 257 _sqq._, 272 _sq._;
  of the date palm, 272

Fertilizing virtue attributed to certain sticks, 264

“Festival of dreams” among the Iroquois, 127

—— of the Flaying of Men, Mexican, 296 _sqq._

—— of Fools in France, 334 _sqq._;
  in Germany, Bohemia, and England, 336 _n._ 1

—— of the Innocents, 336 _sqq._

Festivals, the great Christian, timed by the Church to coincide with old
            pagan festivals, 328

_Fête des Fous_ in France, 334 _sqq._

—— _des Rois_, Twelfth Day, 329

Fever, remedy for, 38;
  Roman cure for, 47;
  popular cures for, 47, 49, 51, 53, 55, 56, 58, 59, 63;
  driven away by firing guns, etc., 121

Fielding, H., quoted, 349 _sq._

Fiends burnt in fire, 320

Fig, the wild, human scapegoats beaten with branches of, 255

Fig-tree, sacred, 61

—— -trees artificially fertilized, 257 _sqq._, 272 _sq._;
  personated by human victims, 257

Fights, annual, at the New Year, old intention of, 184

Figs, black and white, worn by human scapegoats, 253, 257, 272

Fiji, 15;
  annual ceremony at appearance of sea-slug in, 141 _sq._

Fir used to beat people with at Christmas, 270, 271

—— -trees in popular cure, 56

Fire, Mexican god of, 300;
  human sacrifices to, 300 _sqq._;
  to burn witches, 319

—— new, at New Year, 209;
  Chinese festival of the, 359

—— sacred, of King of Uganda, 195;
  kindled by friction, 391 _n._ 4

—— -spirit, annual expulsion of the, 141

Fires extinguished during ceremony, 172;
  ceremonial, on Eve of Twelfth Day, 316 _sqq._;
  to burn fiends, 320.
  _See also_ Bonfires

Five days’ duration of mock king’s reign, 407 _n._ 1

—— days’ reign of mock king at the Sacaea, 355, 357;
  of Semiramis, 369

Flax, giddiness transferred to, 53;
  bells rung to make flax grow, 247 _sq._

Flaying of Men, Mexican festival of the, 296 _sqq._

Flemish cure for ague, 56

Flight from the demons of disease, 122 _sq._

Flint, holed, a protection against witches, 162

Flood, the great, 399 _n._ 1

Flowers, the goddess of, 278

Flying Spirits, the, at Lhasa, 197 _sq._

Food set out for ghosts, 154

Fools in processions of maskers, 243

——, festival of, in France, 334 _sqq._;
  in Germany, Bohemia, and England, 336 _n._ 1

Football, suggested origin of, 184

Fords, offerings and prayers at, 27 _sq._

Formosa, 33

Forty days, man treated as a god during, 281;
  man personating god during, 297

—— nights of mourning for Persephone, 348

Foucart, G., quoted, 341 _n._ 1

Fountains Abbey, 338

Fowler, W. Warde, 67 _n._ 2, 229 _n._ 1

Fowls as scapegoats, 31, 33, 36, 52 _sq._

France, cure of warts in, 48;
  cure for toothache in, 59;
  the King of the Bean in, 313 _sqq._;
  Festival of Fools in, 334 _sqq._

Franche-Comté, the King of the Bean in, 313;
  bonfires on the Eve of Twelfth Night in, 316;
  the Three Kings of Twelfth Day in, 330;
  Lent in, 348 _n._ 1

Frankenwald Mountains, 160

Frankfort, the feast of Purim at, 394

_Fratres Arvales_, 232

“French and English” or the “Tug-of-war” as a religious or magical rite,
            174 _sqq._

French cure for fever, 55

Fresh and green, beating people, 270 _sq._

Frogs, malady transferred to, 50, 53

Fruit-trees, fire applied to, on Eve of Twelfth Night, 317

Fruitful tree, use of stick cut from a, 264

Fumigation with juniper and rue as a precaution against witches, 158

Funeral, relations whipped at a, 260 _sq._

—— of Death, 205

—— ceremony in Uganda, 45 _n._ 2;
  of a Buddhist monk, 175

Furrow drawn round village as protection against epidemic, 172

Gallas, their mode of expelling fever, 121;
  annual period of license among the, 226 _n._ 1;
  their story of the origin of death, 304

Gallows-hill, witches at, 162

Gambling allowed during three days of the year, 150

Games of ball played to produce rain or dry weather, 179 _sq._

Garcilasso de la Vega, 130 _n._ 1

Garos of Assam, their annual use of a scapegoat, 208 _sq._

Gatto, in Benin, 131

Gaul, the Celts of, their calendar, 342 _sqq._

Gazelle Peninsula in New Britain, 82, 303

Ge-lug-pa, a Lamaist sect, 94

Geraestius, a Greek month, 350

Gerard, E., quoted, 106 _sq._

Germany, cure for toothache in, 59;
  the King of the Bean in, 313

Ghansyam Deo, a deity of the Gonds, 217

Ghats, the Eastern, use of scapegoats in the, 191

Ghosts of suicides feared, 17 _sq._;
  impregnation of women by, 18;
  shut up in wood, 60 _sq._;
  modes of laying, 63;
  diseases caused by, 85;
  of the dead periodically expelled, 123 _sq._;
  Roman festival of, in May, 154 _sq._;
  driven off by blows, 260 _sqq._

Giddiness, cure for, 53

Gilgamesh, the epic of, 371, 398 _sq._;
  his name formerly read as Izdubar, 372 _n._ 1;
  a Babylonian hero, beloved by the goddess Ishtar, 371 _sq._, 398 _sq._

Gilgamus, a Babylonian king, 372 _n._ 1

Gilgenburg in Masuren, 269

Gilyaks of the Amoor, their belief in demons, 101 _sq._

Glamorganshire, cure for warts in, 53

Glen Mor, in Islay, 62

Gloucester, the Boy Bishop at, 337

Gloucestershire, Eve of Twelfth Day in, 318, 321

Goat’s Marsh at Rome, 258

Goats, evil transferred to, 31, 32;
  as scapegoats, 190, 191, 192

Gobi, the desert of, 13

God, killing the, 1;
  the black and the white, 92;
  dying, as scapegoat, 227;
  the killing of the, in Mexico, 275 _sqq._;
  resurrection of the, 400

Gods and goddesses represented by living men and women, 385 _sq._

——, Mexican, burn themselves to create the sun, 410;
  Mother of the, 289;
  woman annually sacrificed in the character of the Mother of the, 289
              _sq._

—— shut up in wood, 61;
  of the Maoris, 81;
  of the Pelew Islanders, 81 _sq._;
  personated by priests, 287;
  represented in masquerades, 377

Goitre, popular cure for, 54

Gold Coast of West Africa, expulsion of demons on the, 120, 131 _sqq._

Golden Age, the, 353, 386;
  the reign of Saturn, 306, 344

Golden bells worn by human representatives of gods in Mexico, 278, 280,
            284

Gomes, E. H., on the head-feast of the Sea Dyaks, 384 _n._ 1

Gonds of India, human scapegoats among the, 217 _sq._

Gongs beaten to expel demons, 113, 117, 147

Good Friday, 214;
  expulsion of witches in Silesia on, 157;
  cattle beaten on, 266;
  custom of beating each other with rods on, 268

Goudie, Mr. Gilbert, 169 _n._ 2

_Gour-deziou_, “Supplementary Days,” in Brittany, 324

Gout, popular cures for, 56 _sq._

Graetz, H., 395 _n._ 1

Gran Chaco, Indians of the, 122, 262

Grass to grow, dances to cause the, 238;
  bells rung to cause the, 247

Grasshoppers, sacrifice of, 35

“Grass-ringers,” 247

Graubünden (the Grisons), 239

Graves, heaps of sticks or stones on, 15 _sqq._

Great Bassam in Guinea, exorcism of evil spirit at, 120

—— Feast, the, in Morocco, 180, 182, 265

“—— Purification,” Japanese ceremony, 213 _n._ 1

Greece, ancient, custom of stone-throwing in, 24 _sq._;
  human scapegoats in, 252 _sqq._;
  Saturnalia in, 350 _sqq._

Greek use of swallows as scapegoats, 35;
  of laurel in purification, 262

Greek women, their mourning for Persephone, 349

Greeks, the ancient, their cure for love, 3

—— of Asia Minor, their use of human scapegoats, 255

Green boughs, custom of beating young people with, at Christmas, 270

Grisons, masquerades in the, 239

Groot, J. J. M. de, quoted, 99

Grove, the Arician, 305

Grub in the Grisons, masquerade at, 239

Grubb, W. Barbrooke, quoted, 78 _sq._

Grünberg in Silesia, 163

Guardian spirits of animals, 98

Guatemala, 10;
  Indians of, 26

Guaycurus, Indian nation, their ceremony at appearance of the Pleiades,
            262

Gudea, king of Southern Babylonia, 356

Guessing dreams, 127

Guiana, British, the Arawaks of, 302

——, French, the Roocooyen Indians of, 181, 263;
  their fear of demons, 78 _sq._

Guinea, annual expulsion of the devil in, 131

——, French, 235

—— negroes, 31

Guns fired to expel demons, 116 _sq._, 119, 120, 121, 125, 132, 133, 137,
            147, 148, 149, 150, 203, 204, 221 _n._ 1;
  against witches, 160, 161, 164

Gypsies, annual ceremony performed by the, 207 _sq._

Hagen, B., quoted, 87 _sq._

Hair of patient inserted in oak, 57 _sq._

Hak-Ka, the, a native race in the province of Canton, 144

Halberstadt in Thüringen, annual ceremony at, 214

Hall in the Tyrol, 248

Halmahera, the Alfoors of, 112;
  ceremonies at a funeral in, 260 _sq._

Haman, effigies of, burnt at Purim, 392 _sqq._

—— and Mordecai, 364 _sqq._;
  as temporary kings, 400 _sq._

—— and Vashti the duplicates of Mordecai and Vashti, 406

Haman, a god worshipped by the heathen of Harran, 366 _n._ 1

Hâmân-Sûr, a name for Purim, 393

Hammedatha, father of Haman, 373 _n._ 1

Hammer, sick people struck with a, 259 _n._ 4

Hands of deity, ceremony of grasping the, 356

_Hantoes_, spirits, 87

Hare as scapegoat, 50 _sq._

Harlots, sacred, 370, 371, 372;
  at Comana, 421 _n._ 1

Harpooning a spirit, 126

Harran, the heathen of, their custom in December, 263 _sq._;
  their marriage festival of all the gods, 273 _n._ 1;
  worship a god Haman, 366 _n._ 1

Harrison, Miss J. E., 153 _n._ 1

Harthoorn, S. E., quoted, 86 _sq._

Hartland, E. S., 22 _n._ 2, 69 _n._ 1

Harvest, annual expulsion of demons at or after, 137 _sq._, 225

Hasselt, J. L. van, quoted, 83

Hastings, Warren, 203

Haupt, P., 406 _n._ 2

Hawk, omens from, 384 _n._ 1

Hawthorn a charm against ghosts, 153 _n._ 1

Headache, cure for, 2, 52, 58, 63, 64

Head-feast of the Sea Dyaks, 383, 384 _n._ 1

Headman sacred, 177 _n._ 3

Heaps of stones, sticks, or leaves, to which every passer-by adds, 9
            _sqq._;
  on the scene of crimes, 13 _sqq._;
  on graves, 15 _sqq._;
  “lying heaps,” 14

Hearn, Lafcadio, 144

Hearts of human victims offered to the sun, 279, 298

Hebrews, their custom as to leprosy, 35

Hebron, 21

Hecatombaeon, an Athenian month, 351

Hecquard, H., 120

Heitsi-eibib, Hottentot god or hero, 16

Hemp, augury as to the height of the, 315;
  dances to make hemp grow tall, 315

Hercules, cake with twelve knobs offered to, 351 _n._ 3;
  identified with Sandan, 388;
  his death on a pyre, 391

—— and Omphale, 389

Hereford, the Boy Bishop at, 337

Herefordshire, the sin-eater in, 43;
  Eve of Twelfth Day in, 318 _sqq._

Hermes, wayside images of, 24;
  Cretan festival of, 350

—— and Argus, 24

Herodotus on the worship of Ishtar (Astarte), 372

Hide beaten with rods, 231

Hierapolis, festival of the Pyre at, 392

Highlands of Scotland, 20;
  the Twelve Days in the, 324

Hildesheim, bell-ringing at, on Ascension Day, 247 _sq._

Himalayan districts of N. W. India, 29

Hindoo Koosh, expulsion of demons in the, 225

—— tribes, their annual expulsion of demons after harvest, 137

Hindoos, transference of evil among the, 38;
  their fear of demons, 91 _sq._

Hirt, H., 325 _n._ 3

Hobby-horse to carry away spirit of smallpox, 119

Hochofen, village of Bohemia, 161

Hockey played as a ceremony, 174

Holed flint a protection against witches, 162

Holy Innocents’ Day, 336, 337, 338;
  young people beat each other on, 270, 271

Homoeopathic or imitative magic, 177

Homogeneity of civilization in prehistoric times in Southern Europe and
            Western Asia, 409

Honorius and Theodosius, decree of, 392

Hood Bay in New Guinea, 84

Horns blown to expel demons, 111, 117, 204, 214;
  to ban witches, 160, 161, 165, 166;
  at Penzance on eve of May Day, 163 _sq._;
  by maskers, 243, 244

—— of straw worn to keep off demons, 118;
  of goat a protection against witches, 162

Horse sacrificed to Mars, 230;
  beloved by Ishtar, 371, 407 _n._ 2;
  beloved by Semiramis, 407 _n._ 2

—— -shoes a protection against witches, 162

Horus, the birth of, 341

Hos of N. E. India, their annual expulsion of demons at harvest, 136 _sq._

—— of Togoland, their annual expulsion of evils, 134 _sqq._, 206 _sq._

Hosskirch in Swabia, 323

Hottentots, the, 16, 29

Hoyerswerda in Silesia, 163

_Huddler_ or _Huttler_ in the Tyrol, 248

_Hudel_-running in the Tyrol, 248

Huichol Indians of Mexico, 10, 347 _n._ 3

Huitzilopochtli, great Mexican god, 280, 300;
  young man sacrificed in the character of, 280 _sq._;
  temple of, 287, 290, 297;
  hall of, 294

Huixtocihuatl, Mexican goddess of Salt, 283;
  woman annually sacrificed in the character of, 283 _sq._

Human god and goddess, their enforced union, 386 _sq._

—— representatives of gods sacrificed in Mexico, 275 _sqq._

—— sacrifice, successive mitigations of, 396 _sq._, 408

—— sacrifices, their influence on cosmogonical theories, 409 _sqq._

—— scapegoats, 38 _sqq._, 194 _sqq._, 210 _sqq._;
  in ancient Rome, 229 _sqq._;
  in classical antiquity, 229 _sqq._;
  in ancient Greece, 252 _sqq._;
  reason for beating the, 256 _sq._;
  victims, men clad in the skins of, 265 _sq._

Hunger, expulsion of, at Chaeronea, 252

Hurons, their way of expelling sickness, 121

Husbandman, the Roman, his prayers to Mars, 229

Huss, John, 336 _n._ 1

_Huttler_ or _Huddler_ in the Tyrol, 248

Huzuls, the, of the Carpathians, 32 _sq._, 35

Hyginus on the death of Semiramis, 407 _n._ 2

Hysteria cured by beating, 260

Identification of girl with Maize Goddess, 295

Idols, nails knocked into, 69 _sq._

Igbodu, a sacred grove, 212

Igliwa, a Berber tribe, 178

Ilamatecutli, Mexican goddess, 287;
  woman sacrificed in the character of, 287 _sq._

Ill Luck embodied in an ascetic, 41;
  the casting away of, 144

Im Thurn, Sir Everard F., quoted, 78

Images, demons conjured into, 171, 172, 173, 203

Immestar in Syria, 394

Immortality, how men lost the boon of, 302 _sqq._

Impregnation of women by ghosts, 18

Inanimate objects, transference of evil to, 1 _sqq._

_Inao_, sacred whittled sticks, 261

Inauguration of a king in ancient India, 263

Incas of Peru, their annual expulsion of evils, 128 _sqq._

Incense used against witches, 158, 159

India, fear of demons in, 89 _sqq._;
  epidemics sent away in toy chariots in, 193 _sq._;
  Dravidian tribes of Northern, 259;
  inauguration of a king in ancient, 263;
  the Twelve Days in ancient, 324 _sq._;
  origin of the drama in, 384 _sq._

——, the Central Provinces of, 7;
  expulsion of disease in the, 190

——, the North-Western Provinces of, 61;
  the tug-of-war in, 181

Indian Archipelago, expulsion of diseases in the, 199

—— tribes of N. W. America, their masked dances, 375 _sqq._

Indians, mutual scourgings of South American, 262

Indo-China, worship of spirits in, 97 _sq._

Indra, creation of the great god, 410

Infant, children whipt at death of an, 261 _sq._

Infants, burial of, 45

Infertility, evil spirits of, 250

Influenza expelled by scapegoat, 191, 193

Initiation by spirits, 375

Innocents, Bishop of, in France, 334;
  Festival of the, 336 _sqq._

Innocents’ Day, 336, 337, 338;
  young people beat each other on, 270, 271

Inspired men in China, 117

Intercalary month, 342 _sqq._

—— period of five days, 407 _n._ 1

—— periods, customs and superstitions attaching to, 328 _sq._;
  deemed unlucky, 339 _sqq._

Intercalation, rudimentary, to equate lunar and solar years, 325 _sqq._

Interregnum on intercalary days, 328 _sq._

Inversion of social ranks at the Saturnalia and kindred festivals, 308,
            350, 407

Ireland, Twelfth Night in, 321 _sq._

Iroquois, their “festival of dreams,” 127;
  their use of scapegoats, 209 _sq._, 233

Iser Mountains in Silesia, 163

Iserlohn in Westphalia, 266

Ishtar, a great Babylonian goddess, 365;
  associated with Sirius, 359 _n._ 1;
  at Erech, 398;
  her visit to Anu, 399 _n._ 1;
  goddess of fertility in animals, 406 _n._ 1
  _See also_ Astarte

—— and Gilgamesh, 371 _sq._, 398 _sq._

—— and Semiramis, 369 _sqq._

—— and Tammuz, 399, 406

Isis, the birth of, 341

—— and Osiris, 386

Italian cure for fever, 55;
  season of sowing in spring, 346

Italy, cure of warts in, 48

Izdubar. _See_ Gilgamesh

Jackson, Professor Henry, 35 _n._ 3

Jacobsen, J. Adrian, on the Secret Societies of N. W. America, 377 _sqq._

Jalno, temporary ruler at Lhasa, 218, 220, 221, 222

James, M. R., 395 _notes_  2 and  3

Jamieson, J., on Trows, 168 _n._ 1, 169 _n._ 2

Japan, cure for toothache in, 71;
  expulsion of demons in, 118 _sq._, 143 _sq._;
  Feast of Lanterns in, 151 _sq._;
  annual expulsion of evil in, 212 _sq._

Jastrow, M., on the epic of Gilgamesh, 399 _n._ 1

_Jataka_, the, 41

Jaundice, cure for, 52

Java, belief in demons in, 86 _sq._;
  the Tenggerese of, 184

Jay, blue, as scapegoat, 51

Jealousy, cure for, 33

Jensen, P., 362 _n._ 1;
  his theory of Haman and Vashti as Elamite deities, 366 _sq._;
  on Anaitis, 369 _n._ 1;
  on the fast of Esther, 398 _sq._

Jepur in India, use of scapegoat at, 191

Jerusalem, the weeping for Tammuz at, 400

Jewish calendar, New Year’s Day of the, 359

—— converts, form of abjuration used by, 393

—— Day of Atonement, 210

—— festival of Purim, 360 _sqq._

—— use of scapegoats, 210

Jews accused of ritual murders, 394 _sqq._;
  the great deliverance of the, at Purim, 398

Jinn, belief in the, 104;
  infesting camels, 260

Jochelson, W., quoted, 101

Johns, Rev. C. H. W., 357 _n._ 2, 367 _notes_ 2 and 3

Joustra, M., quoted, 88

Juhar, the Bhotiyas of, 209

July, the _Nonae Caprotinae_ in, 258

June, Mexican human sacrifice in, 283

Jungle Mother, the, 27

Juniper burned to keep out ghosts, 154 _n._;
  used to beat people with, 271

—— berries, fumigation with, as a precaution against witches, 158

Juno Caprotina, 258

Jupiter, temple of Capitoline, 66

Kabyle cure for jealousy, 33

Kacharis, the, of Assam, their fear of demons, 93

Kachins of Burma, their belief in demons, 96

Kai, the, of German New Guinea, 264

_Kalau_, demons, 101

_Kaliths_, gods of the Pelew Islanders, 81 _sq._

Kamtchatka, the tug-of-war in, 178

Kamtchatkans, their fear of demons, 89

Kanagra in India, 45

Kanhar river, 60

Karens of Burma, their belief in demons, 96

_Karkantzari_, fiends or monsters in Macedonia, 320

Karpathos, a Greek island, 55

Kasan Government in Russia, the Wotyaks of the, 156

Kaua Indians of N. W. Brazil, 236;
  their masked dances, 381

Kaumpuli, god of plague, 4

_Kausika Sutra_, Indian book of magic, 192

Kayans, the, of Borneo, 19, 154 _n._;
  their masked dances, 236, 382 _sq._

Keb, the Egyptian Earth-god, 341

Kei Islands, expulsion of demons in the, 112 _sq._

—— river, 11

Kengtung in Burma, 116

Kennedy, Prof. A. R. S., quoted, 210 _n._ 4

Kharwars of N. India, their use of scapegoats, 192

Khasis of Assam, their annual expulsion of demon of plague, 173

Khonds, their annual expulsion of demons at seed-time, 138, 234;
  their treatment of human victims, 259

Killing the god, 1;
  in Mexico, 275 _sqq._

King, temporary, in Siam, 151;
  in ancient India, inauguration of a, 263;
  assembly for determining the fate of the, 356;
  mock or temporary, 403 _sq._

—— and Queen of May, 406

—— of the Bean, 313 _sqq._;
  at Merton College, Oxford, 332

—— of the Saturnalia, 308, 311, 312

—— of the Years at Lhasa, 220, 221

King’s College, Cambridge, Boy Bishop at, 338

Kings, the Three, on Twelfth Day, 329 _sqq._;
  magistrates at Olympia called, 352;
  marry the wives and concubines of their predecessors, 368

Kingsley, Mary H., quoted, 74

Kioga Lake, 246

Kiriwina, in S. E. New Guinea, 134

Kirkland, Rev. Mr., 210

Kitching, A. L., quoted, 246 _sq._

Kites, artificial, used to drive away the devil, 4;
  paper, flown as scapegoats, 203

Kleintitschen, P. A., quoted, 82 _sq._

Kleptomania, cure for, 34

Kling or Klieng, a mythical hero of the Dyaks, 383, 384 _n._ 1

Knives under the threshold, a protection against witches, 162

Knots tied in branches of trees as remedies, 56 _sq._

Knotted thread in magic, 48

Kobeua Indians of N. W. Brazil, their masked dances, 236, 381

Kore, expulsion of, on Easter Eve in Albania, 157

Korkus, the, of India, 7

Korwas of Mirzapur, their use of scapegoats, 192

Koryaks, the, of N. E. Asia, their belief in demons, 100 _sq._;
  expulsion of demons among the, 126 _sq._

Kubary, J., quoted, 81 _sq._

Kumaon, in N. W. India, 37;
  sliding down a rope in, 196 _sq._

Kumis, the, of S. E. India, 117

Kurmis of India, 190

Kururumany, the Arawak creator, 302

Kuskokwin River, 380

Kwakiutl Indians of N. W. America, their masked dances, 376 _n._ 2, 378

Labrador, fear of demons in, 79 _sq._

Labruguière, in S. France, 166

Lagarde, on the “Ride of the Beardless One,” 402, 405

Lakor, island of, 199

Lama of Tibet, the Grand, 197, 220, 221, 222

——, the Teshu, 203

Lamaist sects, 94

_Lanchang_, a Malay craft, 187

Lande-Patry in Normandy, 183

Lane, E. W., quoted, 104

Lanterns, feast of, in Japan, 151 _sq._

Laos, 29

Laosians of Siam, their belief in demons, 97

Last day of the year, annual expulsion of demons on the, 145 _sqq._

Latin Christianity, its tolerance of rustic paganism, 346

Laurel in purification, 262

Laurels, ceremony of renewing the, 346 _n._ 1

Lawes, W. G., quoted, 84 _sq._

Lead, melted, in cure, 4

Leafman, the, 61

Leaping over bonfires, 156

Leaps to promote the growth of the crops, 232, 238 _sqq._

Leaves, disease transferred to, 2;
  fatigue transferred to, 8 _sqq._;
  used to expel demons, 201, 206;
  sickness transferred to, 259;
  used in exorcism, 262

Lehmann-Haupt, C. F., 412 _n._ 1, 415 _n._ 1

Lehner, Stefan, quoted, 83 _sq._

Leith Links, witches burnt on, 165

Leme, the river, 182

Lengua Indians, 78

Lent, ceremony at Halberstadt in, 214;
  perhaps derived from an old pagan period of abstinence observed for the
              growth of the seed, 347 _sqq._

—— and the Saturnalia, 345 _sqq._

Lenten fast, its origin, 348

Leobschütz district of Silesia, 268

Leprosy, Hebrew custom as to, 35;
  Mexican goddess of, 292

Lerwick, ceremony of Up-helly-a’ at, 169

Leti, island of, 199

Leucadians, their use of human scapegoats, 254

Lhasa, ceremony of the Tibetan New Year at, 197 _sq._, 218 _sqq._

“Liar’s mound, the,” in Borneo, 14

License, month of general, 148;
  periods of, preceding or following the annual expulsion of demons, 225
              _sq._, 306, 328 _sq._, 343, 344;
  granted to slaves at the Saturnalia, 307 _sq._, 350 _sq._, 351 _sq._

Licentious rites for the fertilization of the ground, 177

Lichfield, the Boy Bishop at, 337

Licorice root used to beat people with at Easter, 269

Liebrecht, F., 392 _n._ 1

Lienz in the Tyrol, masquerade at, 242, 245

Lime-tree in popular cure, 59 _sq._

Limewood used at expulsion of demons, 156

Lincoln, the Boy Bishop at, 337

Lion beloved by Ishtar, 371

“—— with the Sheepskins,” 265

Livuans, the, of New Britain, 82

Livy on the annual custom of knocking a nail, 66;
  on the Saturnalia, 345 _n._ 1

Lizard or snake in annual ceremony for the riddance of evils, 208

Lizards and serpents supposed to renew their youth by casting their skins,
            302 _sqq._

Llama, black, as scapegoat, 193

Loango, practice of knocking nails into idols in, 69 _sq._

_Lokoala_, initiation by spirits, 376

Lord of the Diamond, 29

—— of Misrule, 251;
  in England, 331 _sqq._

Lorraine, King and Queen of the Bean in, 315

Loth, J., 325 _n._ 3

Lots cast at Purim, 361 _sq._

Louis XIV. as King of the Bean, 313

Lous, a Babylonian month, 355, 358

Love, cure for, 3

Lover’s Leap, 254

Lovers of Semiramis and Ishtar, their sad fate, 371 _sq._

Lucian, as to the rites of Hierapolis, 392

Ludlow in Shropshire, the tug-of-war at, 182

Lugg, river, 183

Lules or Tonocotes of the Gran Chaco, their behaviour in an epidemic, 122
            _sq._

Lumholtz, C., quoted, 10, 347 _n._ 3

Lunar year equated to solar year by intercalation, 325, 342 _sq._

Lusatia, the “Witch-burning” in, 163

Lushais of Assam, their belief in demons, 94

Luzon, exorcism in, 260

Lycaeus, Mount, in Arcadia, human sacrifice on, 353

Lydia, the burning of kings in, 391

Lydus, Joannes, 229 _n._ 1

Ma, goddess worshipped at Comana, 421 _n._ 1

MacCulloch, J. A., 326 _n._

Macdonald, Rev. James, 111 _n._ 1

Macdonell, Lady Agnes, 164 _n._ 1

Macedonian superstitions as to the Twelve Days, 320

Machindranath temple at Lhasa, 219

Mackenzie, Sheriff David J., 169 _n._ 2

Macrobius on institution of the Saturnalia, 345 _n._ 1

Madagascar, 19

Madis, the, of Central Africa, 217

Magdalen College, Oxford, the Boy Bishop at, 337

Magic in ancient India, 91;
  and witchcraft, permanence of the belief in, 89;
  homoeopathic or imitative, 177, 232, 257

Magnesia on the Maeander, 397 _n._ 2

Mahadeva, propitiation of, 197

Maize, the goddess of the Young, 278;
  Mexican goddesses of, 285 _sq._, 286 _n._ 1, 290, 291, 292, 294, 295

Majhwars, Dravidian race of Mirzapur, 36, 60

Makrîzî, Arabic writer, 393

Malabar, use of cows as scapegoats in, 216

Malagasy, _faditras_ among the, 33 _sq._

Malay Peninsula, the Besisi of the, 226 _n._ 1

Malays, their use of birds as scapegoats, 35;
  stratification of religious beliefs among the, 90 _n._ 1

Mallans of India, 190

Mamurius Veturius in ancient Rome, 229 _sqq._, 252, 257

Man-god in China, 117 _sq._

Mandan Indians, their annual expulsion of the devil, 171

Manipur, Rajah of, 39 _sq._;
  annual eponyms in, 39 _sq._

Mannhardt, W., on processions of maskers, 250;
  on beating human scapegoats, 255, 272

Mantras, the, of the Malay Peninsula, their fear of demons, 88 _sq._

Maori gods, 81

Maraves, the, of South Africa, 19

Marcellus of Bordeaux, 48, 50

March, annual expulsion of demons in, 149;
  annual expulsion of witches in, 157;
  annual expulsion of evils in, 199;
  ceremony of Mamurius Veturius in, 229, 231;
  old Roman year began in, 231, 345;
  dances of the Salii in, 232;
  bell-ringing procession on the first of, 247;
  custom of beating people and cattle in, 266;
  marriage festival of all the gods in, 373 _n._ 1;
  festival of the Matronalia in, 346

Marduk or Merodach, Babylonian god, 356, 357, 399;
  as a deliverer from demons, 103;
  his ceremonial marriage at New Year, 356;
  the votaries of, 372 _n._ 2

Marjoram a protection against witchcraft, 160

Mar-na, a Philistine deity, 418 _n._ 1

Marriage of the god Marduk, 356

——, mock or real, of human victims, 257 _sq._

—— festival of all the gods, 273 _n._ 1

Mars a god of vegetation, 229 _sq._;
  the Old, at Rome, 229, 231, 252

—— Silvanus, 230

_Marsaba_, a demon, 109

Marseilles, human scapegoats at, 253

Marsh-marigolds a protection against witches, 163

Martin, Rev. John, quoted, 132 _sq._

Martyrdom of St. Dasius, 308 _sqq._

Mascal or Festival of the Cross in Abyssinia, 133 _sq._

Mashti, supposed name of Elamite goddess, 366 _sq._

Mask, two-faced, worn by image of goddess, 287.
  _See also_ Masks

Masked dances and ceremonies of savages, 374 _sqq._;
  to promote fertility, 236

Maskers in the Tyrol and Salzburg, 242 _sqq._;
  as bestowers of fertility, 249;
  supposed to be inspired by the spirits whom they represent, 380, 382,
              383

Masks worn at expulsion of demons, 111, 127, 145, 213;
  intended to ban demons, 246;
  worn at ceremonies to promote the growth of the crops, 236, 240, 242
              _sqq._, 247, 248 _sq._;
  worn by the _Perchten_, 242, 243, 245, 247;
  worn by priests who personate gods, 287;
  worn in religious dances and performances, 375, 376 _n._ 2, 378, 379,
              380, 382;
  burned at end of masquerade, 382;
  treated as animate 382

Masquerades in modern Europe, intention of certain, 251 _sq._

Master of the Revels, 333 _sq._

Masuren, “Easter Smacks” in, 269

Mateer, S., quoted, 94

_Mater Dolorosa_, the ancient and the modern, 349

Material vehicles of immaterial things (fear, misfortune, disease, etc.),
            1 _sqq._, 22 _n._ 2, 23 _sqq._

Materialization of prayer, 22 _n._ 2

Matronalia, festival of the, in March, 346

Matse negroes of Togoland, 3

Mawu, Supreme Being of Ewe negroes, 74 _sq._

Maxwell, W. E., quoted, 90 _n._ 1

May, Mexican human sacrifices in, 276, 280;
  dances of Castilian peasants in, 280;
  the King and Queen of, 406

—— Day, 359;
  Eve of, witches abroad on, 158 _sqq._;
  in the Tyrol, “Burning out of the Witches” on, 158 _sq._;
  witches rob cows of milk on, 267

—— morning, custom of herdsmen on, 266

Mayas of Yucatan, their annual expulsion of the demon, 171;
  their calendar, 171;
  their five supplementary days, 340

Mecca, stone-throwing at, 24

Mecklenburg, custom on Good Friday in, 266;
  mode of reckoning the Twelve Days in, 327

Medicine-man, need of, 76

Melanesia, belief in demons in, 82

Melenik in Macedonia, 320

Men, evil transferred to, 38 _sqq._;
  possessed by spirits in China, 117;
  divine, as scapegoats, 217 _sqq._;
  sacrifices of deified, 409

—— and women forbidden by Mosaic law to interchange dress, 363

_Mengap_, a Dyak liturgy, 383

Merodach or Marduk, Babylonian deity, 356

Merton College, Oxford, King of the Bean at, 332

Metageitnion, a Greek month, 354

Mexican temples, their form, 279

Mexico, Indians of, 10;
  the Cora Indians of, 238, 381;
  the Tarahumare Indians of, 236 _sq._;
  use of skins of human victims in ancient, 265 _sq._;
  killing the god in, 275 _sqq._;
  story of the creation of the sun in, 410

Meyer, Eduard, 349 _n._ 4

Midsummer Day, 359

—— Eve, witches active on, 158, 160

Milan, festival of the Three Kings of Twelfth Day at, 331

Milk, heifers beaten to make them yield, 266 _sq._

Milky juice of wild fig-tree in religious rite, 258

Mimicry the principle of religious or magical dramas, 374

Minahassa in Celebes, expulsion of demons in, 111 _sq._

_Mingoli_, spirits of the dead, 77

Miotse, the, of China, 4

Mirzapur, 6, 27, 36;
  the Korwas and Pataris of, 192

Misfortune swept out of house with brooms, 5

Misrule, the Lord of, 251;
  in England, 331 _sqq._

Missiles hurled at dangerous ghosts or spirits, 17 _sqq._

Mistress of the Earth, 85

Mitigations of human sacrifice, 396 _sq._, 408

Mnevis, sacred Egyptian bull, 217

Moa, island of, 199

Mock king, 403 _sq._

—— marriage of human victims, 257 _sq._

Mockery of Christ, 412 _sqq._

_Modai_, invisible spirits, 93

Moesia, Durostorum in Lower, 309

Mogador, 63

Mohammed and the devil, 24

Mohammedan custom of raising cairns, 21

—— saints, 21, 22

“Moles and Field-mice,” fire ceremony on Eve of Twelfth Night, 317

Molina, Spanish historian, 130 _n._ 1

Molonga, a demon, 172

Mommsen, August, 153 _n._ 1

Mongol transference of evil, 7 _sq._

Monkey sacrificed for riddance of evils, 208 _sq._

Montagne du Doubs, 316

Month during which men disguised as devils go about, 132;
  of general license before expulsion of demons, 148;
  intercalary, 342 _sqq._

—— and moon, names for, in Aryan languages, 325

Monumbo, the, of German New Guinea, their masked dances, 382

Moon, bodily ailments transferred to the, 53 _sq._;
  the waning, 60;
  the “dark” and the “light,” 140, 141 _n._ 1;
  temple of the, 218;
  hearts of human victims offered to the, 282;
  the goddess of the, 341, 381

—— and month, names for, in Aryan languages, 325

Moors of Morocco, 31

Moravia, precautions against witchcraft in, 162;
  “Easter Smacks” in, 268, 269

Mordecai, his triumphal ride in Susa, 403

—— and Esther equivalent to Marduk and Ishtar, 405;
  the duplicates of Haman and Vashti, 406

—— and Haman, 364 _sqq._;
  as temporary kings, 400 _sq._

Morning Star, personated by a man, 238;
  the god of the, 381

Morocco, 21, 31;
  exorcism in, 63;
  the tug-of-war in, 178 _sq._, 182;
  custom of beating people in, 265, 266

Morris-dancers, 250 _sq._

Mortality, savage explanations of human, 302 _sqq._

Mortlock Islanders, their belief in spirits, 82

Mosaic law forbids interchange of dress between men and women, 363

Moses, the tomb of, 21

Moslem custom of raising cairns, 21

Mossos of China, their annual expulsion of demons, 139

Mosul, cure for headache at, 64

Mother of the Gods, Mexican goddess, 289;
  woman annually sacrificed in the character of the, 289 _sq._

—— -kin in royal families, 368 _n._ 1

Moulton, Professor J. H., 325 _n._ 3, 373 _n._ 1

Mounds of Semiramis, 370, 371, 373

Mountain of Parting, 279

Movers, F. C., on the Sacaea, 368, 387, 388, 391

Mowat in British New Guinea, 265

Mrus, the, of Aracan, 12 _n._ 1

Mule as scapegoat, 50

Müller, K. O., on Sandan, 389 _sq._

Mundaris, the, of N. E. India, their annual saturnalia at harvest, 137

Munich, annual expulsion of the devil at, 214 _sq._

Munzerabad in S. India, 172

Muota Valley in Switzerland, 166

Murder, heaps of sticks or stones on scenes of, 15

Mylitta, Babylonian goddess, 372 _n._ 2, 390

Mysore in S. India, 172

Mysteries as magical ceremonies, 374

Mythical beings represented by men and women, 385 _sq._

Myths in relation to magic, 374;
  performed dramatically in dances, 375 _sqq._

Nabu, Babylonian god, 358 _n._

Nagas of Assam, the tug-of-war among the, 177

Nahum, the prophet, on Nineveh, 390

Nahuntí, an Elamite goddess, 369 _n._ 1

Nailing evils into trees, walls, etc., 59 _sqq._

Nails, clippings of, in popular cures, 57, 58;
  knocked into trees, walls, etc., as remedy, 59 _sqq._;
  knocked into idols or fetishes, 69 _sq._;
  knocked in ground as cure for epilepsy, 330

Nakiza, the river, 27

_Nat_ superstition in Burma, 90 _n._ 1

_Nats_, spirits in Burma, 175 _sq._;
  propitiation of, 96

Navona, Piazza, at Rome, ceremony of Befana on the, 166 _sq._

Nebuchadnezzar, his record of the festival of Marduk, 357

Negritos, religion of the, 82

Neilgherry Hills, 36, 37

Nelson, E. W., on the masquerades of the Esquimaux, 379 _sqq._

_Nemontemi_, the five supplementary days of the Aztec calendar, 339

Nepaul, Dassera festival in, 226 _n._ 1

Nephthys, the birth of, 341

Nettles, whipping with, 263

Neugramatin in Bohemia, 270

Neumann, J. B., quoted, 87

New Britain, the Melanesians of, their belief in demons, 82 _sq._;
  expulsion of devils in, 109 _sq._;
  Gazelle Peninsula in, 303

—— Caledonia, burying the evil spirit in, 110;
  mode of promoting growth of taros in, 264

—— College, Oxford, Boy Bishop at, 338

—— Guinea, annual expulsion of demons in, 134

—— Guinea, British, 265;
  belief in ghosts in, 84 _sq._

—— Guinea, Dutch, 178;
  the Papuans of, their belief in demons, 83

—— Guinea, German, the Yabim of, 188;
  the Bukaua of, their belief in demons, 83 _sq._;
  the Kai of, 264;
  the Monumbo of, 382

—— Hebrideans, their story of the origin of death, 304

—— yams, ceremonies before eating the, 134 _sqq._

—— Year, expulsion of evils at the, 127, 133, 149 _sq._, 155;
  not reckoned from first month, 149 _n._ 2;
  sham fight at the, 184;
  ceremony at the Tibetan, 197 _sq._;
  festival among the Iroquois, 209 _sq._;
  the Tibetan, 218;
  festival at Babylon, 356 _sqq._

—— Year’s Day in Corea, annual riddance of evil on, 202;
  in Tibet, ceremony on, 203;
  among the Swahili, 226 _n._ 1;
  young women beat young men on, 271;
  of the Jewish calendar, 359

—— Zealand, human scapegoats in, 39

_Nganga_, medicine-man, 76

Ngoc hoang, his message to men, 303

Nias, expulsion of demons in, 113 _sqq._;
  explanation of human mortality in, 303

Nicaragua, 9

Nicholas Bishop, 338

Nicobar Islanders, their belief in demons, 88;
  their annual expulsion of demons, 201 _sq._

—— Islands, demon of disease sent away in a boat from the, 189 _sq._

Nicobarese ceremony of exorcism, 262

Nights, custom of reckoning by, 326 _n._ 2

Nineveh, tomb of Sardanapalus at, 388 _n._ 1;
  the burning of Sandan at, 390

Ninus, Assyrian hero, 391

Nirriti, goddess of evil, 25

Nisan, Jewish month, 356, 361, 415

_No_, annual expulsion of demons in China, 145 _sq._

Noises made to expel demons, 109 _sqq._, 147

Nöldeke, Professor Th., on Purim and Esther, 366, 367 _n._ 1, 368 _n._;
  on Omanos and Anadates, 373 _n._ 1

_Nonae Caprotinae_, Roman celebration of the, 258

Normandy, the Bocage of, 183 _sq._, 316, 323

Northamptonshire cure for cough, 51

Nortia, Etruscan goddess, 67

Norwegian sailors, their use of rowan, 267

Norwich, the Boy Bishop at, 337

November, annual ceremony in, at catching sea-slug, 143;
  expulsion of demons in, 204

Nut, the Egyptian sky-goddess, 341

Nyassa, Lake, 10

Oak and wild olive, pyre of Hercules made of, 391

—— -trees in popular cures, 57, 60

Obassi Nsi, earth-god, 28

October, annual expulsion of demons in, 226 _n._ 1;
  Roman sacrifice of horse in, 230

Oels, in Silesia, 157

Oesel, Esthonian island, 14

Offerings at cairns, 26 _sqq._;
  to demons, 96

_Oho-harahi_, a Japanese ceremony, 213

Old Christmas Day (Twelfth Night), 321

Oldenberg, H., quoted, 90 _sq._

Oldenburg, popular cures in, 49, 51, 52, 53-58

Oldfield, H. A., quoted, 226 _n._ 1

Olive, wild, and oak, pyre of Hercules made of, 391

—— -tree in popular remedy, 60

Olympia, festival of Cronus at, 352 _sq._

Olynthiac, river, 142 _n._ 1

Olynthus, tomb of, 143 _n._

Omanos at Zela, 373 _n._ 1

Omens, mode of neutralizing bad, 39

Omnipresence of demons, 72 _sqq._

Omphale and Hercules, 389

One-eyed buffoon in New Year ceremony, 402

Onions used to foretell weather of the year, 323

Onitsha, on the Niger, annual expulsion of evils at, 133;
  use of human scapegoats at, 210 _sq._

Opening of the Wine-jars, Dionysiac festival of the, 352

Oraons, the, of Bengal, their belief in demons, 93 _sq._;
  their use of a human scapegoat, 196

Orchards, fire applied to, on Eve of Twelfth Day, 317, 319, 320

Orestes, purification of, 262

Origin of death, savage tales of the, 302 _sqq._

Orinoco, Indians of the, 303

Orkney Islands, 29;
  transference of sickness in the, 49

Orlagau in Thüringen, 271

Oscans, the enemies of Rome, 231

Osiris, the birth of, 341

—— and Isis, 386

Ottery St. Mary’s, the Boy Bishop at, 337

Oude, burial of infants in, 45

“Our Mother among the Water,” Mexican goddess, 278

Owl represented dramatically as a mystery, 377

Ox, disease transferred to, 31 _sq._

Oxen pledged on Eve of Twelfth Day, 319

Oxford, Lords of Misrule at, 332

Pairing dogs, stick that has beaten, 264

Palm Sunday, Russian custom on, 268

Pan’s image beaten by the Arcadians, 256

Pancakes to scald fiends on New Year’s Eve, 320

Pandarus, tattoo marks of, 47 _sq._

Papa Westray, one of the Orkney Islands, 29

Papuans, their belief in demons, 83

Parkinson, R., quoted, 83

Parti, name of an Elamite deity, 367

Passover, accusations of murders at, 395 _sq._;
  the crucifixion of Christ at, 414 _sqq._

Patagonians, their remedy for smallpox, 122

Pataris of Mirzapur, their use of scapegoats, 192

Pathian, a beneficent spirit, 94

Paton, L. B., 360 _n._ 1

Paton, W. R., on human scapegoats in ancient Greece, 257 _sq._, 259, 272;
  on Adam and Eve, 259 _n._ 3;
  on the crucifixion, 413 _n._ 2

Pauntley, parish of, Eve of Twelfth Day in, 318

Pawnees, their human sacrifice, 296

Payne, E. J., 286 _n._ 1

Peach-tree in popular remedy, 54

_Peaiman_, sorcerer, 78

Peg used to transfer disease to tree, 7

Pegging ailments into trees, 58 _sqq._

Pelew Islanders, their gods, 81 _sq._

Peloria, a Thessalian festival resembling the Saturnalia, 350

Pelorian Zeus, 350

_Pemali_, taboo, 39

Pembrokeshire, cure for warts in, 53

Penance by drawing blood from ears, 292

Pennant, Thomas, quoted, 321, 324

Penzance, horn-blowing at, on the Eve of May Day, 163 _sq._

Perak, periodic expulsion of evils in, 198 _sqq._;
  the rajah of, 198 _sq._

Perche and Beauce, in France, 57, 62

Perchta, Frau, 240 _sq._

Perchta’s Day, 240, 242, 244

_Perchten_, maskers in Salzburg and the Tyrol, 240, 242 _sqq._

Percival, R., quoted, 94 _sq._

Perham, Rev. J., on the Head-feast of the Sea Dyaks, 383 _sq._

Periodic expulsion of evils in a material vehicle, 198 _sqq._

Periods of license preceding or following the annual expulsion of demons,
            225 _sq._

Περίψημα, 255 _n._ 1

Persephone, mourning for, 348 _sq._

Persia, cure for toothache in, 59;
  the feast of Purim in, 393

Persian framework of the book of Esther, 362, 401

—— kings married the wives of their predecessors, 368 _n._ 1

—— marriages at the vernal equinox, 406 _n._ 3

Persians annually expel demons, 145;
  the Sacaea celebrated by the, 402

Peru, Indians of, 3;
  Incas of, 128;
  Aymara Indians of, 193;
  autumn festival in, 262

Peruvian Indians, 9, 27

_Phees_ (_phi_), evil spirits, 97

Philadelphia in Lydia, coin of, 389

Philippine Islands, spirits of the dead in the, 82

Philippines, the Tagbanuas of the, 189

Philo of Alexandria, on the mockery of King Agrippa, 418

Phocylides, the poet, on Nineveh, 390

Phrygia, Cybele and Attis in, 386

Piazza Navona at Rome, Befana on the, 166 _sq._

Pig used to decoy demons, 200, 201

Pig’s blood used in purificatory rites, 262

Pilate and Christ, 416 _sq._

Piles of sticks or stones. _See_ Heaps

Pillar, fever transferred to a, 53

Pine-resin burnt as a protection against witches, 164

Pins stuck into saint’s image, 70 _sq._

Pinzgau district of Salzburg, 244

Pitch smeared on doors to keep out ghosts, 153

Pitchforks ridden by witches, 160, 162

Pithoria, village in India, 191

Pitteri Pennu, the god of increase, 138

Plague transferred to plantain-tree, 4 _sq._;
  god of, 4;
  transferred to camel, 33;
  preventive of, 64;
  demon of, expelled, 173;
  sent away in scapegoat, 193

Plato on parricide, etc., 24 _sq._;
  on poets, 35 _n._ 3;
  on sorcery, 47

Playfair, Major A., quoted, 208 _sq._

Pleiades, ceremony at the appearance of the, 262;
  observed by savages, 326

Pliny on cure of warts, 48 _n._ 2;
  on cure for epilepsy, 68

Pliny’s letter to Trajan, 420

Plough drawn round village to keep off epidemic, 172 _sq._

—— Monday, the rites of, 250 _sq._

Ploughing, ceremonies at, 235

Plutarch on “the expulsion of hunger,” 252

Po Then, a great spirit, 97

Point Barrow, the Esquimaux of, 124

Pollution caused by murder, 25

Polynesia, demons in, 80 _sq._

Pomerania, 17

Pomos of California, their expulsion of devils, 170 _sq._

Pongau district of Salzburg, 244

Pontarlier, Eve of Twelfth Day in, 316

Pontiff of Zela in Pontus, 370, 372

Pontus, rapid spread of Christianity in, 420 _sq._

Porphyry on demons, 104

Port Charlotte in Islay, 62

—— Moresby in New Guinea, 84

Porto Novo, annual expulsion of demons at, 205

Poseidon, cake with twelve knobs offered to, 351

Posterli, expulsion of, 214

Potala Hill at Lhasa, 197

Poverty, annual expulsion of, 144 _sq._

Powers, Stephen, quoted, 170 _sq._

Prajapati, the sacrifice of the creator, 411

Prayer, the materialization of, 22 _n._ 2;
  at sowing, 138

Prayers at cairns or heaps of sticks or leaves, 26, 28, 29 _sq._

Presteign in Radnorshire, the tug-of-war at, 182 _sq._

Priest, the corpse-praying, 45

Priests personating gods, 287

Proa, demons of sickness expelled in a, 185 _sqq._;
  diseases sent away in a, 199 _sq._

Processions for the expulsion of demons, 117, 233;
  bell-ringing, at the Carnival, 247;
  to drive away demons of infertility, 245;
  of maskers, W. Mannhardt on, 250

Procopius, quoted, 125 _n._ 1

Propertius, 19

Propitiation of ancestral spirits, 86;
  of demons, 93, 94, 96, 100

Prussia, “Easter Smacks” in, 268

——, West, 17

Prussian rulers, formerly burnt, 391

Public expulsion of evils, 109 _sqq._

—— scapegoats, 170 _sqq._

_Puḫru_, “assembly,” 361

_Puithiam_, sorcerer, 94

Puna Indians, 9

Punjaub, human scapegoats in the, 196

Puppy, blind, as scapegoat, 50

_Pur_ in the sense of “lot,” 361

Purification by bathing or washing, 3 _sq._;
  by means of stone-throwing, 23 _sqq._;
  religious, intended to keep off demons, 104 _sq._;
  the Great, a Japanese ceremony, 213 _n._ 1;
  by beating, 262;
  Feast of the, (Candlemas), 332

—— festival among the Cherokee Indians, 128

Purim, the Jewish festival of, 360 _sqq._;
  custom of burning effigies of Haman at, 392 _sqq._;
  compared to the Carnival, 394;
  its relation to Persia, 401 _sqq._

Purushu, great primordial giant, 410

Pyre, traditionary death of Asiatic kings and heroes on a, 387, 388, 389
            _sqq._;
  festival of the, at Hierapolis, 392

Pythagoras, his saying as to swallows, 35 _n._ 3

Quauhtitlan, city in Mexico, 301

Queen of the Bean, 313, 315

Queensland, tribes of Central, their expulsion of a demon, 172

Quetzalcoatl, a Mexican god, 281, 300;
  man sacrificed in the character of, 281 _sq._

“Quickening” heifers with a branch of rowan, 266 _sq._

Quixos, Indians of the, 263

Ra, the Egyptian Sun-god, 341

Races to ensure good crops, 249

Radnorshire, 182

Rafts, evils expelled in, 199, 200 _sq._

Rain, charms to produce, 175 _sq._, 178 _sq._;
  or drought, games of ball played to produce, 179 _sq._;
  dances to obtain, 236 _sq._, 238;
  festival to procure, 277;
  divinities of the, 381

—— gods of Mexico, 283

Rainy season, expulsion of demons at the beginning of the, 225

Rajah of Manipur, 39 _sq._;
  of Travancore, 42 _sq._;
  of Tanjore, 44

Ramsay, Sir W. M., 421 _n._ 1

Ranchi, in Chota Nagpur, 139

Rattles to keep out ghosts, 154 _n._

Raven legends among the Esquimaux, 380

Red thread in popular cure, 55

—— and yellow paint on human to represent colours of maize, 285

Reed, W. A., quoted, 82

Reinach, Salomon, 420 _n._ 1

Renan, Ernest, 70

Renewal, annual, of king’s power at Babylon, 356, 358

Resurrection, the divine, in Mexican ritual, 288, 296, 302;
  of the dead god, 400

Revelry at Purim, 363 _sq._

Revels, Master of the, 333 _sq._

Rhea, wife of Cronus, 351

Rhodians, their annual sacrifice of a man to Cronus, 353 _sq._, 397

Rhys, Sir John, 343 _n._;
  quoted, 70 _sq._

Ribhus, Vedic genii of the seasons, 325

Rice-harvest, carnival at the, 226 _n._ 1

Richalm, Abbot, his fear of devils, 105 _sq._

Riddles asked at certain seasons or on certain occasions, 120 _sq._, _n._

“Ride of the Beardless One,” a Persian New Year ceremony, 402 _sq._

Ridgeway, W., 353 _n._ 4;
  on the origin of Greek tragedy, 384 _n._ 2

Ridley, Rev. W., quoted, 123 _sq._

Riedel, J. G. F., quoted, 85

Rig Veda, story of creation in the, 410

Ring suspended in Purim bonfire, 393

Rings, headache transferred to, 2

Ritual murder, accusations of, brought against the Jews, 394 _sqq._

River of Good Fortune, 28

Rivers used to sweep away evils, 3 _sq._, 5;
  offerings and prayers to, 27 _sq._

Rivros, a month of the Gallic calendar, 343

Rockhill, W. W., 220 _n._ 1

Rogations, 277

Roman cure for fever, 47;
  for epilepsy, 68

—— festival in honour of ghosts, 154 _sq._

—— husbandman, his prayers to Mars, 229

—— seasons of sowing, 232

—— soldiers, celebration of the Saturnalia by, 308 _sq._

Romans, their mode of reckoning a day, 326 _n._ 2

Rome, the knocking of nails in ancient, 64 _sqq._;
  Piazza Navona at, 166 _sq._;
  ancient, human scapegoats in, 229 _sqq._;
  the Saturnalia at, 307 _sq._

Romulus, disappearance of, 258

Roocooyen Indians of French Guiana, 263;
  their tug-of-war, 181

Roof, dances on the, 315

Rook, expulsion of devil in island of, 109

Rope, ceremony of sliding down a, 196 _sqq._

Ropes used to keep off demons, 120, 149;
  used to exclude ghosts, 152 _sq._, 154 _n._

Roscher, W. H., on the Salii, 231 _n._ 3

Roscommon, Twelfth Night in, 321 _sq._

Rosemary, used to beat people with, 270, 271

Rouen, ceremony on Ascension Day at, 215 _sq._

Roumanians of Transylvania, 16;
  their belief in demons, 106 _sq._

Rowan-tree, cattle beaten with branches of, on May Day, 266 _sq._;
  used to keep witches from cows, 267

Rue, fumigation with, as a precaution against witches, 158

Rupture, popular cures for, 52, 60

Russia, the Wotyaks of, 155 _sq._

Russian custom on Palm Sunday, 268

—— villagers, their precautions against epidemics, 172 _sq._

_Rutuburi_, a dance of the Tarahumare Indians, 237

Sacaea, a Babylonian festival, 354 _sqq._;
  in relation to Purim, 359 _sqq._;
  and Zakmuk, 399;
  celebrated by the Persians, 402

Sacred dramas, as magical rites, 373 _sqq._

—— harlots, 370, 371, 372

—— slaves, 370

Sacrifice, human, successive mitigations of, 396 _sq._, 408;
  the Brahmanical theory of, 410 _sq._

Sacrifices, human, their influence on cosmogonical theories, 409 _sqq._;
  of deified men, 409

Sacrificial victims, beating people with the skins of, 265

Sagar in India, use of scapegoat at, 190 _sq._

Sahagun, B. de, 276, 280, 300 _n._ 1, 301 _n._ 1

“Saining,” a protection against spirits, 168

St. Barbara’s Day, custom of putting rods in pickle on, 270

St. Dasius, martyrdom of, 308 _sqq._

St. Edmund’s Day in November, 332

St. Eustorgius, church of, at Milan, 331

St. George, Eve of, witches active on the, 158

St. George’s Day among the South Slavs, 54

St. Guirec, 70

St. Hiztibouzit, 413 _n._ 2

St. John the Baptist, 53

St. John (the Evangelist), festival of, 334

St. John’s Day in Abyssinia, 133

St. John’s wort a protection against witchcraft, 160

St. Joseph, feast of, 297

St. Nicholas Day, 337, 338

St. Paul’s, London, the Boy Bishop at 337

St. Peter’s, Canterbury, the Boy Bishop at, 337

St. Peter’s Day (22nd February), ceremony on, 159 _n._ 1

St. Pierre d’Entremont in Normandy, 183

St. Romain, the shrine of, at Rouen, 216

St. Stephen’s Day, 333, 334;
  custom of beating young women on, 270

St. Sylvester’s Day (New Year’s Eve), precautions against witches on, 164
            _sq._

—— Eve at Trieste, 165

St. Tecla, 52

St. Thomas’s Eve, witches active on, 160

Saints, cairns near shrines of, 21;
  Mohammedan, 21, 22

Salii, the dancing priests of Mars, 231 _sqq._

Salisbury, the Boy Bishop at, 337, 338

Salt, the goddess of, 278, 283

—— -makers worship the goddess of Salt, 283;
  their dance, 284

Saluting the rising sun, a Syrian custom, 416

Salzburg, the _Perchten_ in, 240, 242 _sqq._

Samon, a month of the Gallic calendar, 343

Sampson, Agnes, a witch, 38

Samsi-Adad, king of Assyria, 370 _n._ 1

Samyas monastery near Lhasa, 220

San Pellegrino, church of, at Ancona, 310

Sandan, 368;
  legendary or mythical hero of Western Asia, 388 _sqq._

Sandes, the Persian Hercules, 389.
  _See_ Sandan

Santiago Tepehuacan, Indians of, 4, 347. 4

Sarawak, the Sea Dyaks of, 154

Sardan or Sandan, the burning of, 389 _sq._

Sardanapalus, 368; the epitaph of, 388

—— and Ashurbanapal, 387 _sq._

Sardes in Lydia, 389, 391

Sarn, valley of the, in Salzburg, 245

Sarum use, service-books of the, 338

Satan annually expelled by the Wotyaks, 155 _sq._;
  by the Cheremiss, 156

Saturn, the Roman god of sowing, 232, 306, 307 _n._ 1;
  his festival the Saturnalia, 306 _sqq._;
  and the Golden Age, 306, 344, 386;
  man put to death in the character of, 309;
  dedication of the temple of, 345 _n._ 1;
  the old Italian god of sowing, 346

Saturnalia among the Hos and Mundaris of N. E. India, 136 _sq._;
  and kindred festivals, 306 _sqq._;
  the Roman, 306 _sqq._;
  as celebrated by Roman soldiers, 308 _sq._;
  the King of the, 308, 311, 312;
  its relation to the Carnival, 312, 345 _sqq._;
  and Lent, 345 _sqq._;
  in ancient Greece, 350 _sqq._;
  in Western Asia, 354 _sqq._;
  wide prevalence of festivals like the, 407 _sqq._

Savages, their regulation of the calendar, 326

Saxon cure for rupture, 52

Scapegoat, plantain-tree as a, 5;
  decked with women’s ornaments, 192;
  Jewish use of, 210;
  a material vehicle for the expulsion of evils, 224

Scapegoats, immaterial objects as, 1 _sqq._;
  animals as, 31 _sqq._, 190 _sqq._, 208 _sqq._;
  birds as, 35 _sq._;
  human beings as, 38 _sqq._, 210 _sqq._;
  public, 170 _sqq._;
  divine animals as, 216 _sq._, 226 _sq._;
  divine men as, 217 _sqq._, 226 _sq._;
  in general, 224 _sqq._

——, human, 194 _sqq._;
  in classical antiquity, 229 _sqq._;
  in ancient Greece, 252 _sqq._;
  beaten, 252, 255;
  stoned, 253, 254;
  cast into the sea, 254 _sq._;
  reason for beating the, 256 _sq._

“Scaring away the devil” at Penzance on the Eve of May Day, 163 _sq._

Scarlet thread in charm against witchcraft, 267

Schechter, Dr. S., 364 _n._ 1

Scheil, Father, on Elamite inscriptions, 367 _n._ 3

_Schmeckostern_ in Germany and Austria, 268 _sq._

Schönthal, the abbot of, 105

Schönwert, village of Bohemia, 161

Schrader, O., 326 _n._

Schuyler, E., 45

Schwaz, on the Inn, the “grass-ringers” at, 247

Scorpion’s bite, cure for, 49 _sq._

Scotch witch, 38 _sq._

Scotland, the Highlands of, 20;
  cure of warts in, 48;
  witches burnt in, 165;
  Abbot of Unreason in, 331.
  _See also_ Highlands

Scourgings, mutual, of South American Indians, 262

Scythian kings married the wives of their predecessors, 368 _n._ 1

Scythians, revellers disguised as, 355

Sea, scapegoats cast into the, 254 _sq._

—— Dyaks of Sarawak, their Festival of Departed Spirits, 154

Sea-god, sacrifice to, 255

—— -slugs, ceremonies at the annual appearance of, 141 _sqq._

Secret Societies in North-Western America, 377 _sq._

Sedna, Mistress of the Nether World, among the Esquimaux, 125 _sq._

Seed-time, annual expulsion of demons at, 138

Selangor, demons of disease expelled in a ship from, 187 _sq._

Selemnus, the river, 3

Seler, E., 277

Seleucia, 64

Semiramis, mythical and historical, 369 _sqq._;
  the mounds of, 370, 371, 373, 388 _n._ 1;
  the sad fate of her lovers, 371;
  burnt herself on a pyre, 407 _n._ 2

Sena-speaking people, 7

Senegambia, 16;
  the Banmanas of, 261

Senseless Thursday in Carnival, 248

September, expulsion of evils by the Incas of Peru in, 128

Serpents and lizards supposed to renew their youth by casting their skins,
            302 _sqq._

Servians, their precaution against vampyres, 153 _n._ 1

Set, the birth of, 341

Sham fight at New Year, 184;
  as religious rite, 289

Shaman, function of the, 79 _sq._

Shamans, necessity of, 99, 100;
  expel demons, 126;
  among the Esquimaux, 379, 380

Shammuramat and Semiramis, 370 _n._ 1

Shampoo, the fatal, 42

Shans of Kengtung, their expulsion of demons, 116 _sq._;
  of Southern China, their annual expulsion of the fire-spirit, 141

Shawms blown to ban witches, 160

Sheepskins, people beaten with, 265

Shepherd beloved by Ishtar, 371

Shetland Islands, Yule in the, 167 _sqq._

Shinto priest, 116

Ship, sicknesses expelled in a, 185 _sqq._;
  demons expelled in a, 201 _sq._

Shogun’s palace in Japan, 144

“Shooting the Witches,” 164

Shropshire, 182;
  the sin-eater in, 44;
  fires on Twelfth Night in, 321

Shrove Tuesday, the tug-of-war on, 182 _sq._;
  dances to promote the growth of the crops on, 239, 347

Siam, the Laosians of, 97;
  annual expulsion of demons in, 149 _sqq._;
  human scapegoats in, 212

Siamese year of twelve lunar months, 149 _n._ 2

Sicily, Ascension Day in, 54

Sickness transferred to animals in Europe, 49 _sqq._;
  ascribed to demons, 109 _sqq._

Sicknesses expelled in a ship, 185 _sqq._

Sihanaka, the, of Madagascar, 2

Sikhim, cairns in, 26;
  demonolatry in, 94

Silence, compulsory, to deceive demons, 132 _sq._, 140.
  _Compare_ 142

Silesia, expulsion of witches on Good Friday in, 157;
  precautions against witches in, 162 _sq._, 164;
  “Easter Smacks” in, 268, 269;
  mode of reckoning the Twelve Days in, 327

Silili, a Babylonian goddess, 371

Sin-eater, the, 43 _sq._

Sin-eating in Wales, 43 _sq._

Singalang Burong, a Dyak war-god, 383

Sins, confession of, 36, 127;
  transferred to a buffalo calf, 36 _sq._;
  transferred vicariously to human beings, 39 _sqq._;
  of people transferred to animals, 210;
  Delaware Indian remedies for, 263

Sirius associated with Ishtar, 359 _n._ 1

Situa, annual festival of the Incas, 128

Siyins, of N. E. India, their belief in demons, 93

Skin disease, supposed remedy for, 266;
  Mexican remedy for, 298

Skins, creatures that slough their, supposed to renew their youth, 302
            _sqq._

—— of human victims, worn by men in Mexico, 265 _sq._, 288, 290, 294
            _sq._, 296 _sqq._, 301 _sq._

—— of sacrificial victims used to beat people, 265

Sky-goddess, the Egyptian, 341

Sladen, Colonel, 141

Slave Coast, 74

—— women, religious ceremony performed by, 258

Slaves, license granted to, at the Saturnalia, 307 _sq._, 350 _sq._, 351
            _sq._;
  feasted by their masters, 308, 350 _sq._;
  feasted by their mistresses, 346

Slavonia, Good Friday custom in, 268

Slavonic custom of “carrying out Death,” 230

—— peoples, “Easter Smacks” among the, 268

—— year, the beginning of the, 228

Slavs, black god and white god among the, 92

Sleeman, General Sir William, 191

Sloth, the animal, imitated by masker, 381

Sloughing the skin supposed to be a mode of renewing youth, 302 _sqq._

Smallpox, cure for, 6;
  attributed to a devil, 117, 119, 120, 123;
  expelled in a proa, 186

——, demon of, 172;
  sent away in a canoe, 188 _sq._

Smell, foul, used to drive demons away, 112

Smith, W. Robertson, on Semiramis, 369 _sq._

Smut in wheat, ceremony to prevent, 318

Snails as scapegoats, 52, 53

Snake or lizard in annual ceremony for the riddance of evils, 208

Snipe as scapegoat, 51

Social ranks, inversion of, at festivals, 350, 407

Socrates, church historian, 394

Sods, freshly cut, a protection against witches, 163

Soldiers, Roman, celebration of the Saturnalia by, 308 _sq._

Solomon Islanders, their expulsion of demons, 116

—— Islands, 9

Solstice, the winter, ceremony after the, 127

Soma, worship of, 90

Songs, liturgical, revealed by gods, 381

—— and dances, how they originate, 378 _sq._

Sonnenberg, popular cure for gout in, 56

Soracte, Mount, 311

Sorcerers as protectors against demons, 94;
  exorcise demons, 113

_Soule_, a ball contended for in Normandy, 183

Souls of the dead received once a year by their relations, 150 _sqq._

South American Indians, 12, 20

Sow as scapegoat, 33

Sowing, prayer at, 138;
  expulsion of demons at, 225;
  the god of, 232;
  dances at, 234 _sqq._;
  Saturn the god of, 346;
  in Italy, season of the spring, 346

Sown fields, fire applied to, on Eve of Twelfth Night, 316, 318, 321

Spain, the Boy Bishop in, 338

Spear, sacred, 218

Spears used to expel demons, 115, 116

Spirits, retreat of the army of, 72 _sq._;
  guardian, 98;
  good and evil, personated by children, 139;
  Festival of Departed, 154

Spitting as a mode of transferring evil, 3, 10, 11;
  as a mode of transferring disease, 187;
  at ceremony for expulsion of evils, 208

Spittle as a protection against demons, 118

Spring, rites to ensure the revival of life in, 400

Squills used to beat human scapegoats, etc., 255 _sq._

Star, the Morning, personated by a man, 238;
  of Bethlehem, 330

Steele, Sir Richard, quoted, 333

Sternberg, L., quoted, 101 _sq._

Sticks, fertilizing virtue attributed to certain, 264 _sq._

—— and stones, evils transferred to, 8 _sqq._;
  piled on the scene of crimes, 13 _sqq._
  _See also_ Throwing

Stinging young people with ants and wasps, custom of, 263

Stone-throwing at Mecca, rite of, 24;
  in ancient Greece, 24 _sq._

Stones heaped up near shrines of saints, 21;
  communion by means of, 21 _sq._;
  thrown at demons, 131, 146, 152

—— and sticks, evil transferred to, 8 _sqq._;
  piled on the scene of crimes, 13 _sqq._
  _See also_ Throwing

Stoning, execution by, 24 _n._ 2

—— human scapegoats, 253, 254

_Stopfer_, maskers in Switzerland, 239

Stow, John, on Lords of Misrule, quoted, 331 _sq._

Strabo, on the Sacaea, 355, 369;
  on the worship at Zela, 370 _n._ 4;
  on the sanctuary at Zela, 421 _n._ 1

Strack, H. L., 395 _n._ 3

Stratification of religious beliefs among the Malays, 90 _n._ 1

Straw wrapt round fruit-trees as a protection against evil spirits, 164

Strehlitz, in Silesia, 157

Strudeli and Strätteli, 165

Substitutes in human sacrifice, 396 _sq._, 408

Sucla-Tirtha in India, expulsion of sins in, 202

Suffering, principle of vicarious, 1 _sq._

Suffolk cure for ague, 68

Suicides, ghosts of, feared, 17 _sq._

Sukandar river, 60

Sumatra, the Battas or Bataks of, 87, 213

Sun, appeal to the, 3;
  charm to prevent the sun from setting, 30 _n._ 2;
  reappearance of, in the Arctic regions, ceremonies at, 124 _sq._, 125
              _n._ 1;
  temple of the, at Cuzco, 129;
  spirit who lives in the, 186;
  hearts of human victims offered to the, 279, 298;
  Mexican story of the creation of the, 410;
  Syrian custom of saluting the rising, 416

—— -god, Christmas, an old pagan festival of the, 328;
  the Egyptian, 341

Sunderland, cure for cough in, 52

_Süntevögel_ or _Sunnenvögel_, 159 _n._ 1

Superhuman power supposed to be acquired by actors in sacred dramas, 382,
            383

Supplementary days of the year, 171

Supreme Being in West Africa, 74 _sq._

—— God of the Oraons, 92 _sq._

Susa, capital of the Elamites, 366

Swabia, the “Twelve Lot Days” in, 322

Swahili, the, of East Africa, their New Year’s Day, 226 _n._ 1

Swallow dance, 381

Swallows as scapegoats, 35

Sweden, 14, 20, 27

Sweeping misfortune out of house with brooms, 5

—— out the town, annual ceremony of, 135

Swords used to ward off or expel demons, 113, 118, 119, 120, 123, 203;
  carried by mummers, 245

Syria, 17, 21;
  Aphrodite and Adonis in, 386

Syro-Macedonian calendar, 358 _n._ 1

Tagbanuas of the Philippines, their custom of sending spirits of disease
            away in little ships, 189

Tahiti, transference of sins in, 45 _sq._

Tahitians, the, 80

Taigonos Peninsula, 126

Taleins, the, of Burma, their worship of demons, 96

Talmud, the, on Purim, 363

Tamanachiers, Indian tribe of the Orinoco, 303

_Tamanawas_, dramatic performances of myths, 376, 377

Tamarisk branches used to beat people ceremonially, 263

_Tambaran_, demons, 82, 83

Tammuz, the lover of Ishtar, 371, 373;
  annual death and resurrection of, 398;
  at Jerusalem, the weeping for, 400.
  _See also_ Adonis

—— and Ishtar, 399, 406

Tanganyika, Lake, 10

Tangkhuls of Assam, 177

Tanjore, Rajah of, 44

Taoism, 99

Tar to keep out ghosts and witches, 153 _n._ 1

—— -barrels burnt, 169

Tarahumares, the, of Mexico, 10;
  their dances for the crops, 236 _sqq._

Taros, mode of fertilizing, 264

Tarsus in Cilicia, Sandan at, 388, 389, 391, 392

_Taupes et Mulots_, fire ceremony on Eve of Twelfth Night, 317

Tavernier, J. B., quoted, 148 _n._ 1

Taylor, Rev. J. C., quoted, 133, 211

Taylor, Rev. R., quoted, 81

Tellemarken in Norway, 14

Telugu remedy for a fever, 38

Temple, Sir Richard C., quoted, 88

Temple, the Inner and the Middle, Lords of Misrule in the, 333

—— church, Lord of Misrule in the, 333

Temporary king, 403 _sq._;
  in Siam, 151

Tench as scapegoat, 52

Tenggerese of Java, their sham fight at New Year, 184

Tepehuanes, the, of Mexico, 10

Teshu Lama, the, 203

—— Lumbo in Tibet, 203

Teso people of Central Africa, their use of bells to exorcise fiends, 246
            _sq._

Tezcatlipoca, great Mexican god, 276;
  young man annually sacrificed in the character of, 276 _sqq._

Thales on spirits, 104

Thargelia, human scapegoats at the festival of the, 254, 255, 256, 257,
            259, 272, 273

Thay, the, of Indo-China, their worship of spirits, 97 _sq._

Theal, G. McCall, on fear of demons, 77 _sq._

_Theckydaw_, expulsion of demons, 147 _sq._

_Then_, spirits, 97

Theodosius and Honorius, decree of, 392

Theory of sacrifice, the Brahmanical, 410 _sq._

Thompson Indians of British Columbia, their charms against ghosts, 154
            _n._

Thorns, wreaths of, 140

Thrace, Abdera in, 254

Thrashing people to do them good, 262 _sqq._
  _See also_ Beating _and_ Whipping

Thread, red, in popular cure, 55

Three Kings on Twelfth Day, 329 _sqq._

Threshold protected against witches by knives, 162;
  by sods, 163

Throwing of sticks or stones interpreted as an offering or token of
            respect, 20 _sqq._, 25 _sqq._;
  as a mode of riddance of evil, 23 _sqq._

Thule, ceremony in Thule at the annual reappearance of the sun, 125 _n._ 1

Thunder, the first peal heard in spring, 144;
  demon of, exorcised by bells, 246 _sq._

Thüringen, expulsion of witches in, 160;
  custom of beating people on Holy Innocents’ Day in, 271

Tiamat, mythical Babylonian monster, 410

Tibet, demonolatry in, 94;
  human scapegoats in, 218 _sqq._

Tiger-spirits, 199

Tikopia, island of, 189

Timbo in French Guinea, 235

Time, personification of periods of, 230

Timor, the island of, 8;
  belief in the spirits of the dead in, 85

_Timor fecit deos_, 93

Timor-laut Islands, the tug-of-war in the, 176;
  demons of sicknesses expelled in a proa from, 185 _sq._

Tinchebray in Normandy, 183

Tjingilli tribe of Central Australia, 2

Tlacaxipeualiztli, Mexican festival, 296

Tlaloc, temple of, in Mexico, 284, 292

Tlemcen in Algeria, 31

Toad as scapegoat, 193, 206 _sq._

Toboongkoo, the, of Central Celebes, riddles among the, 112 _n._

Toci, Mexican goddess, 289

Todas, the, of the Neilgherry Hills, 37

Togoland, 3; the Hos of, 134, 206;
  the negroes of, their remedy for influenza, 193

Tokio, annual expulsion of demons at, 213

Tomb of Moses, 21

Tonan, Mexican goddess, 287;
  woman sacrificed in the character of, 287 _sq._

Tonocotes. _See_ Lules

Tonquin, demon of sickness expelled in, 119;
  annual expulsion of demons in, 147 _sq._

Toothache, cure for, 6, 57, 58, 59 _sq._, 62, 63, 71

Toradjas, the, of Central Celebes, 34;
  their cure by beating, 265

Torches used in the expulsion of demons, 110, 117, 120, 130, 131, 132, 133
            _sq._, 139, 140, 146, 157, 171;
  used in the expulsion of witches, etc., 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 163,
              165, 166;
  carried in procession by maskers, 243;
  applied to fruit-trees on Eve of Twelfth Night, 316 _sq._

Torquemada, J. de, Spanish historian of Mexico, 279 _n._ 1, 286 _n._ 1,
            300 _n._ 1

Totec, Mexican god, 297, 298;
  personated by a man wearing the skin of a human victim, 300

Totonacs, their worship of the corn-spirit, 286 _n._ 1

Tototectin, men clad in skins of human victims, 298

Toxcatl, fifth month of old Mexican year, 149 _n._ 2;
  Mexican festival, 276

Trajan, Pliny’s letter to, 420

Transference of evil, 1 _sqq._;
  to other people, 5 _sqq._;
  to sticks and stones, 8 _sqq._;
  to animals, 31 _sqq._;
  to men, 38 _sqq._;
  in Europe, 47 _sqq._

Transformation of animals into men, 380

Transylvania, the Roumanians of, 16, 106 _sq._

Travancore, Rajah of, 42 _sq._;
  demon-worship in, 94

Tree, disease transferred to, 6;
  use of stick cut from a fruitful, 264

Trees, evils transferred to, 52, 54 _sqq._

Trieste, St. Sylvester’s Eve at, 165

Trinity, the Batta, 88 _n._ 1

—— College, Cambridge, Lord of Misrule at, 332

_Trinouxtion_, 343 _n._

Tripoli, mode of laying ghosts in, 63

Troezenians, their festival resembling the Saturnalia, 350

Trows in Shetland, 168 _sq._

Trumpets blown to expel demons, 116, 117, 156;
  blown at the feast of Purim, 394

_Tsuina_, expulsion of demons in Japan, 212 _sq._

Tsûl, a Berber tribe, 179

Tuaran district of British North Borneo, 200

Tug-of-war as a religious or magical rite, 173 _sqq._;
  as a charm to produce rain, 175 _sq._, 178 _sq._

Tul-ya’s e’en in Shetland, 168

Tullus Hostilius, 345 _n._ 1

Tumleo, annual fight in, 142 _sq._

Tuna, a spirit, expulsion of, 124 _sq._

Tung ak, a powerful spirit, 79, 80

Turkestan, 45;
  Ferghana in, 184

Turkish tribes of Central Asia, riddles among the, 122 _n._

Turner, L. M., quoted, 79 _sq._

Tuscan Romagna, the, 167

Twelfth Day, serious significance of, 315;
  the Three Kings on, 329 _sqq._
  _See also_ Twelfth Night

—— Day, Eve of, 318;
  expulsion of witches, etc., on, 166 _sq._

—— Night, expulsion of the powers of evil on, 165 _sqq._;
  dances on, 238;
  Perchta’s Day, 244;
  (Epiphany), the King of the Bean on, 313 _sqq._
  _See also_ Twelfth Day

—— Night, Eve of, 316;
  old Mrs. Perchta on, 240, 241;
  ceremonial fires on, 316 _sqq._

Twelve Days, weather of the twelve months supposed to be determined by the
            weather of the, 322 _sqq._;
  in Macedonia, superstitions as to the, 320;
  in ancient India, 324 _sq._;
  accounted a miniature of the year, 324;
  in the Highlands of Scotland, 324;
  difference of opinion as to the date of the, 324, 327;
  probably an old intercalary period at midwinter, 338 _sq._, 342

—— Days from Christmas to Twelfth Night (Epiphany), precautions against
            witches during the, 158 _sqq._, 164 _sqq._

—— Days or Twelve Nights not of Christian origin, 326 _sqq._

—— fires on Eve of Twelfth Day, 318 _sq._, 321 _sq._

Two-faced mask worn by image of goddess, 287

Typhon, the birth of, 341

Tyre and Sidon, 17

Tyrol, annual “Burning out of the Witches” in the, 159 _sq._;
  the _Perchten_ in the, 240, 242 _sq._;
  Senseless Thursday in the, 248

Uganda Protectorate, 6, 42;
  funeral ceremony in, 45 _n,_ 2;
  human scapegoats in, 194 _sq._
  _See also_ Baganda

Unalashka, one of the Aleutian Islands, 16

Unkareshwar, the goddess of cholera at, 194

Unreason, Abbot of, in Scotland, 331

Up-helly-a’ in Shetland, 168 _sq._

Urquhart, Sir Thomas, quoted, 332

Usener, H., 167 _n._ 1, 229 _n._ 2

Utch Kurgan, in Turkestan, 45

Vampyres, charms against, 153 _n._ 1

Vashti and Esther, temporary queens, 401

—— and Haman the duplicates of Esther and Mordecai, 406

Vedic times, 3;
  cure for consumption in, 51;
  the creed of the, 90;
  riddles in, 122 _n._;
  the Aryans of the, 324

Vegetation, Mars a deity of, 229 _sq._;
  out-worn deity of, 231;
  processions representing spirits of, 250

—— -god, Easter an old vernal festival of the, 328

Vehicle, expulsion of evils in a material, 185 _sqq._, 198 _sqq._, 224

Vehicles, material, of immaterial things (fear, misfortune, disease,
            etc.), 1 _sqq._, 22 _n._ 2, 23 _sqq._

Venus and Adonis, 406.
  _See also_ Adonis, Aphrodite

Verrall, A. W., 391 _n._ 4

Vicarious suffering, principle of, 1 _sq._

Vienne, the Boy Bishop at, 337 _n._ 1

Vieux-Pont, in Orne, 183 _n._ 3

Vitzilopochtli, great Mexican god, 280;
  young man annually sacrificed in the character of, 280 _sq._

Vohumano or Vohu Manah, a Persian archangel, 373 _n._ 1

Voigtland, cure for toothache in, 59;
  belief in witchcraft in, 160;
  “Easter Smacks” in, 268;
  young people beat each other at Christmas in, 271

Vosges, cure for toothache in the, 59

—— Mountains, dances on Twelfth Day in the, 315;
  the Three Kings of Twelfth Day in the, 330

Vulsinii in Etruria, 67

Wagogo, the, of German East Africa, 6

Walpurgis Night, witches abroad on, 158 _sqq._;
  annual expulsion of witches on, 159 _sqq._;
  dances on, 238

Warramunga tribe of Central Australia, 2

Warts, transference of, 48 _sq._;
  popular cures for, 54, 57

Washamba, the, of German East Africa, 29

Wasps, stinging people with, 263

Wassailing on Eve of Twelfth Day, 319

Wax figures in magic, 47

Weapons turned against spiritual foes, 233

Weariness transferred to stones or sticks, 8 _sqq._

Weather of the twelve months determined by the weather of the Twelve Days,
            322 _sqq._

Weber, A., on origin of the Twelve Days, 325 _n._ 3

Weeks, Rev. John H., quoted, 76 _sq._

Weights and measures, false, corrected in time of epidemic, 115

Weinhold, K., 327 _n._ 4

Welsh cure for cough, 51

—— custom of sin-eating, 43 _sq._

Wendland, P., on the crucifixion of Christ, 412 _sq._, 418 _n._ 1

Wends of Saxony, their precautions against witches, 163

Westermarck, Dr. Edward, 180

Westphalia, 266

Westphalian form of the expulsion of evil, 159 _n._ 1

Whale represented dramatically as a mystery, 377

Whipping people to rid them of ghosts, 260 _sqq._

Whips used in the expulsion of demons and witches, 156, 159, 160, 161,
            165, 214;
  used by maskers, 243, 244

White as a colour to repel demons, 115

—— and black in relation to human scapegoats, 220;
  figs worn by human scapegoats, 253, 257, 272

—— cock, disease transferred to, 187;
  as scapegoat, 210 _n._ 4

—— crosses made by the King of the Bean, 314

—— dog, sacrifice of, 127;
  as scapegoat, 209 _sq._

—— god and black god among the Slavs, 92

—— Nile, the Dinkas of the, 193

Whitsuntide, 359

Whydah, the King of, 234

Widow, bald-headed, in cure, 38

Widows, cleansing of, 35 _sq._

Wild Huntsman, 164, 241

Willcock, Dr. J., 169 _n._ 2

William of Wykeham, 338

Williams, Monier, quoted, 91 _sq._

Willow used to beat people with at Easter and Christmas, 269, 270

—— -trees in popular remedies, 56, 58, 59

Willow-wood used against witches, 160

Winchester College, Boy Bishop at, 338

Wind, charm to produce a rainy or dry, 176, 178 _sq._

Winnowing-basket beaten at ceremony, 145

Winter, ceremony at the end of, 124;
  dances performed only in, 376;
  ceremony of the expulsion of, 404 _sq._;
  effigies of, destroyed, 408 _sq._

—— solstice, ceremony after the, 126

Witch, fire to burn old, on Twelfth Day, 319

Witchcraft in Scotland, 38 _sq._;
  on the Congo, dread of, 77 _n._ 2;
  permanence of the belief in, 89;
  in Moravia, precautions against, 162

Witches burnt alive, 19;
  the burning out of the, in the Tyrol, 158 _sq._;
  in Bohemia, 161;
  in Silesia and Saxony, 163;
  special precautions against, at certain seasons of the year, 157 _sqq._;
  annually expelled in Calabria, Silesia, and other parts of Europe, 157
              _sqq._;
  active during the Twelve Days from Christmas to Twelfth Night, 158
              _sqq._;
  shooting the, 164;
  driving out the, 164;
  burnt in Scotland, 165;
  beaten with buckthorn, 266;
  rob cows of milk on May Day, 267

Wives of a king taken by his successor, 368 _n._ 1

Woman’s ornaments, scapegoat decked with, 192

Women impregnated by ghosts, 18;
  fertilized by effigy of a baby, 245, 249;
  mode of fertilizing, 264;
  put to death in the character of goddesses in Mexico, 283 _sqq._

Wood, King of the, at Aricia, 409

World conceived as animated, 90 _sq._;
  daily created afresh by the self-sacrifice of the deity, 411

Worship of the dead, 97;
  paid to human representatives of gods in Mexico, 278, 282, 289, 293

Wotyaks of Russia, annual expulsion of Satan among the, 155 _sq._

Wuttke, A., 327 _n._ 4

Xerxes identified with Ahasuerus, 360

Xilonen, Mexican goddess of the Young Maize, 285;
  woman annually sacrificed in the character of, 285 _sq._

Xipe, Mexican god, 297, 298, 299;
  statuette of, 291 _n._ 1;
  his festival, 296 _sqq._;
  his image, 297

Xixipeme, men clad in skins of human victims, 298, 299

Yabim of German New Guinea, their custom of sending disease away in a
            small canoe, 188 _sq._

Yams, ceremonies before eating the new, 134

Year, burning out the Old, 165, 230 _n._ 7;
  the old Roman, began in March, 229;
  supposed representatives of the old, 230.
  _See also_ New Year

——, lunar, of old Roman calendar, 232;
  equated to solar year by intercalation, 325, 342 _sq._

——, solar, intercalation of the, 407 _n._ 1

—— -man, the, in Japan, 144

Years named after eponymous magistrates, 39 _sq._

——, the King of the, 220, 221

Yellow the royal colour among the Malays, 187

Yopico, temple in Mexico, 299

York, the Boy Bishop at, 337, 338

Yoruba negroes of West Africa, their use of human scapegoats, 211 _sq._

Younghusband, Sir Francis, 13

Youth supposed to be renewed by sloughing of skin, 302 _sqq._

Yucatan, the Mayas of, 171, 340

Yukon River, the Lower, 380

Yules, the, in Shetland, 168

_Yumari_, a dance of the Tarahumare Indians, 237 _sq._

Zakmuk or Zagmuk, the Babylonian festival of the New Year, 356 _sqq._

—— and the Sacaea, 399

Zambesi, the river, 7, 11

Zela in Pontus, Anaitis and the Sacaea at, 370, 372, 373, 421 _n._ 1;
  Omanos and Anadates at, 373 _n._ 1

Zeus, cake with twelve knobs offered to, 351;
  an upstart at Olympia, 352;
  identified with the Babylonian Bel, 389

——, Laphystian, associated with human sacrifices, 354

——, Lycaean, human sacrifices to, 353, 354

——, Olympian, his temple at Athens, 351

——, Pelorian, 350

Zimmern, H., 358 _n._, 359 _n._ 1, 361 _n._ 4, 406 _n._ 2

Zoganes, a mock king at Babylon, 355, 357, 365, 368, 369, 387, 388, 406

Zoroaster, 389

Zündel, G., on demonolatry in West Africa, 74 _sqq._

Zuni sacrifice of turtle, 217






FOOTNOTES


   M1 The principle of vicarious suffering.
   M2 Transference of evil to things. Evils swept away by rivers.

    1 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes
      en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), pp. 266 _sq._, 305, 357 _sq._; compare
      _id._, pp. 141, 340.

    2 Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _The Northern Tribes of Central
      Australia_ (London, 1904), p. 474.

    3 J. Pearse, “Customs connected with Death and Burial among the
      Sihanaka,” _The Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine_, vol.
      ii., _Reprint of the Second four Numbers_ (Antananarivo, 1896), pp.
      146 _sq._

    4 Ivan Petroff, _Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources
      of Alaska_, p. 158.

    5 H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_ (Berlin, 1894), p. 322.

    6 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-Stämme_ (Berlin, 1906), p. 800.

    7 Pausanias, vii. 23. 3.

    8 P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la Idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,
      1621), p. 29.

   M3 Transference of evil to things.

    9 This I learned from my friend W. Robertson Smith, who mentioned as
      his authority David of Antioch, _Tazyin_, in the story “Orwa.”

   10 R. Andree, _Ethnographische Parallele und Vergleiche_ (Stuttgart,
      1878), pp. 29 _sq._

   11 “Lettre du curé de Santiago Tepehuacan à son évêque sur les mœurs et
      coutumes des Indiens soumis à ses soins,” _Bulletin de la Société de
      Géographie_ (Paris), Deuxième Série, ii. (1834) p. 182.

   12 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 309 _sq._

   M4 Dyak transference of evil to things.

   13 C. Hupe, “Korte Verhandeling over de Godsdienst, Zeden enz. der
      Dajakkers,” _Tijdschrift voor Neêrlands Indië_, 1846, dl. iii. pp.
      149 _sq._; F. Grabowsky, “Die Theogonie der Dajaken auf Borneo,”
      _Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, v. (1892) p. 131.

   M5 Evils transferred to other persons through the medium of things.

   14 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_ (Melbourne, Sydney, and Adelaide,
      1881), p. 59.

   15 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
      (Westminster, 1896), i. 164 _sq._

   16 Rev. J. Roscoe, “The Bahima, a Cow Tribe of Enkole,” _Journal of the
      Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxvii. (1907) p. 103.

   17 Rev. J. Cole, “Notes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,” _Journal
      of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiii. (1902) p. 313.

   M6 Evils transferred to images. Mongol transference of evil to things.

   18 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 343 _sq._

   19 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), p. 146.

_   20 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, iii., _Draft Articles on
      Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 63.

   21 M. v. Beguelin, “Religiöse Volksbräuche der Mongolen,” _Globus_,
      lvii. (1890) pp. 209 _sq._

   M7 Fatigue transferred to stones, sticks, or leaves.

   22 J. G. F. Riedel, “Die Landschaft Dawan oder West-Timor,” _Deutsche
      geographische Blätter_, x. 231.

   23 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes
      en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), p. 340.

   24 R. H. Codrington, D.D., _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), p. 186.

   M8 Heaps of stones or sticks among the American Indians.

   25 G. F. de Oviedo, _Histoire du Nicaragua_ (Paris, 1840), pp. 42 _sq._
      (Ternaux-Compans, _Voyages, Relations et Mémoires originaux, pour
      servir à l’Histoire de la Découverte de l’Amérique_).

   26 P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la Idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,
      1621), pp. 37, 130. As to the custom compare J. J. von Tschudi,
      _Peru_ (St. Gallen, 1846), ii. 77 _sq._; H. A. Weddell, _Voyage dans
      le Nord de la Bolivia et dans les parties voisines du Pérou_ (Paris
      and London, 1853), pp. 74 _sq._ These latter writers interpret the
      stones as offerings.

   27 Baron E. Nordenskiöld, “Travels on the Boundaries of Bolivia and
      Argentina,” _The Geographical Journal_, xxi. (1903) p. 518.

   28 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), ii. 282.

   29 Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique
      et de l’Amérique-Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-1859), ii. 564; compare iii.
      486. Indians of Guatemala, when they cross a pass for the first
      time, still commonly add a stone to the cairn which marks the spot.
      See C. Sapper, “Die Gebräuche und religiösen Anschauungen der
      Kekchi-Indianer,” _Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, viii.
      (1895) p. 197.

   M9 Heaps of stones or sticks among the natives of Africa.

   30 F. F. R. Boileau, “The Nyasa-Tanganyika Plateau,” _The Geographical
      Journal_, xiii. (1899) p. 589. In the same region Mr. L. Decle
      observed many trees or rocks on which were placed little heaps of
      stones or bits of wood, to which in passing each of his men added a
      fresh stone or bit of wood or a tuft of grass. “This,” says Mr. L.
      Decle, “is a tribute to the spirits, the general precaution to
      ensure a safe return” (_Three Years in Savage Africa_, London, 1898,
      p. 289). A similar practice prevails among the Wanyamwezi (_ibid._
      p. 345). Compare J. A. Grant, _A Walk across Africa_ (Edinburgh and
      London, 1864), pp. 133 _sq._

   31 Cowper Rose, _Four Years in Southern Africa_ (London, 1829), p. 147.

   32 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), p. 264.

  M10 The heaps of stones or sticks generally on the tops of mountains or
      passes.

   33 S. Kay, _Travels and Researches in Caffraria_ (London, 1833), pp.
      211 _sq._; Rev. H. Callaway, _Religious System of the Amazulu_, i.
      66; D. Leslie, _Among the Zulus and Amatongas_ (Edinburgh, 1875),
      pp. 146 _sq._ Compare H. Lichtenstein, _Reisen im südlichen Africa_
      (Berlin, 1811-1812), i. 411.

   34 W. Gowland, “Dolmens and other Antiquities of Corea,” _Journal of
      the Anthropological Institute_, xxiv. (1895) pp. 328 _sq._; Mrs.
      Bishop, _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), i. 147, ii. 223.
      Both writers speak as if the practice were to spit on the cairn
      rather than on the particular stone which the traveller adds to it;
      indeed, Mrs. Bishop omits to notice the custom of adding to the
      cairns. Mr. Gowland says that almost every traveller carries up at
      least one stone from the valley and lays it on the pile.

   35 D. Forbes, “On the Aymara Indians of Peru and Bolivia,” _Journal of
      the Ethnological Society of London_, ii. (1870) pp. 237 _sq._; G. C.
      Musters, “Notes on Bolivia,” _Journal of the Royal Geographical
      Society_, xlvii. (1877) p. 211; T. T. Cooper, _Travels of a Pioneer
      of Commerce_ (London, 1871), p. 275; J. A. H. Louis, _The Gates of
      Thibet, a Bird’s Eye View of Independent Sikkhim, British Bhootan,
      and the Dooars_ (Calcutta, 1894), pp. 111 _sq._; A. Bastian, _Die
      Völker des östlichen Asien_, ii. (Leipsic, 1866) p. 483. So among
      the Mrus of Aracan, every man who crosses a hill, on reaching the
      crest, plucks a fresh young shoot of grass and lays it on a pile of
      the withered deposits of former travellers (T. H. Lewin, _Wild Races
      of South-Eastern India_, London, 1870, pp. 232 _sq._).

  M11 Fatigue let out with the blood.

   36 A. d’Orbigny, _Voyage dans l’Amérique Méridionale_, ii. (Paris and
      Strasburg, 1839-1843) pp. 92 _sq._

  M12 Piles of stones or sticks on the scene of crimes. The Liar’s Heap.

   37 (Sir) F. E. Younghusband, “A Journey across Central Asia,”
      _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, x. (1888) p. 494.

   38 F. Liebrecht, _Zur Volkskunde_ (Heilbronn, 1879), pp. 274 _sq._

   39 F. Liebrecht, _Zur Volkskunde_, p. 274; J. B. Holzmayer, “Osiliana,”
      _Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft zu Dorpat_,
      vii. (1872) p. 73.

   40 Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_2 (London,
      1863), i. 88.

   41 E. H. Gomes, _Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo_
      (London, 1911), pp. 66 _sq._

   42 Ch. Hose and W. McDougall, _The Pagan Tribes of Borneo_ (London,
      1912), i. 123.

  M13 Heaps of stones, sticks, or leaves on scenes of murder. Heaps of
      stones or sticks on graves.

   43 A. C. Haddon, “A Batch of Irish Folk-lore,” _Folk-lore_, iv. (1893)
      pp. 357, 360; Laisnel de la Salle, _Croyances et Légendes du Centre
      de la France_ (Paris, 1875), ii. 75, 77; J. Brand, _Popular
      Antiquities_, ii. 309; Hylten-Cavallius, quoted by F. Liebrecht,
      _Zur Volkskunde_, p. 274; K. Haupt, _Sagenbuch der Lausitz_
      (Leipsic, 1862-1863), ii. 65; K. Müllenhoff, _Sagen, Märchen und
      Lieder der Herzogthümer Schleswig, Holstein und Lauenburg_ (Kiel,
      1845), p. 125; A. Kuhn, _Märkische Sagen und Märchen_ (Berlin,
      1843), p. 113; A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen
      und Gebräuche_ (Leipsic, 1848), p. 85; A. Treichel, “Reisighäufung
      und Steinhäufung an Mordstellen,” _Am Ur-Quelle_, vi. (1896) p. 220;
      Georgeakis et Pineau, _Folk-lore de Lesbos_, p. 323; A. Leared,
      _Morocco and the Moors_ (London, 1876), pp. 105 _sq._; E. Doutté,
      “Figuig,” _La Géographie, Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_
      (Paris), vii. (1903) p. 197; _id._, _Magie et Religion dans
      l’Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers, 1908), pp. 424 _sq._; A. von
      Haxthausen, _Transkaukasia_ (Leipsic, 1856), i. 222; C. T. Wilson,
      _Peasant Life in the Holy Land_ (London, 1906), p. 285; W. Crooke,
      _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_ (Westminster,
      1896), i. 267 _sq._; J. Bricknell, _The Natural History of North
      Carolina_ (Dublin, 1737), p. 380; J. Adair, _History of the American
      Indians_ (London, 1775), p. 184; K. Martin, _Bericht über eine Reise
      nach Nederlandsch West-Indien_, Erster Theil (Leyden, 1887), p. 166;
      G. C. Musters, “Notes on Bolivia,” _Journal of the Royal
      Geographical Society_, xlvii. (1877) p. 211; B. F. Matthes, _Einige
      Eigenthümlichkeiten in den Festen und Gewohnheiten der Makassaren
      und Büginesen_, p. 25 (separate reprint from _Travaux de la 6e
      Session du Congrès International des Orientalistes à Leide_, vol.
      ii.); R. A. Cruise, _Journal of a Ten Months’ Residence in New
      Zealand_ (London, 1823), p. 186.

   44 Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_,
      New Edition (New York, 1851), iii. 50.

   45 Captain James Cook, _Voyages_ (London, 1809), vi. 479.

   46 E. Gerard, _The Land beyond the Forest_ (Edinburgh and London,
      1888), i. 311, 318.

   47 H. Lichtenstein, _Reisen im Südlichen Africa_ (Berlin, 1811-1812),
      i. 349 _sq._; Sir James E. Alexander, _Expedition of Discovery into
      the Interior of Africa_ (London, 1838), i. 166; C. J. Andersson,
      _Lake Ngami_, Second Edition (London, 1856), p. 327; W. H. I. Bleek,
      _Reynard the Fox in South Africa_ (London, 1864), p. 76; Th. Hahn,
      _Tsuni-Goam, the Supreme Being of the Khoi-Khoi_ (London, 1881), p.
      56. Compare _The Dying God_, p. 3.

   48 Th. Hahn, “Die Buschmänner,” _Globus_, xviii. 141.

   49 Th. Waitz, _Anthropologie der Naturvölker_, ii. (Leipsic, 1860) p.
      195, referring to Raffenel, _Nouveau Voyage dans le pays des nègres_
      (Paris, 1856), i. 93 _sq._

   50 Eijūb Abēla, “Beiträge zur Kenntniss abergläubischer Gebräuche in
      Syrien,” _Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palaestina-Vereins_, vii. (1884)
      p. 102.

   51 Note by G. P. Badger, on _The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema_,
      translated by J. W. Jones (Hakluyt Society, 1863), p. 45. For more
      evidence of the custom in Syria see W. M. Thomson, _The Land and the
      Book_ (London, 1859), p. 490; F. Sessions, “Some Syrian Folklore
      Notes,” _Folk-lore_, ix. (1898) p. 15; A. Jaussen, _Coutumes des
      Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris, 1908), p. 336.

  M14 Stones and sticks hurled as missiles at dangerous ghosts and demons.
      Missiles to ward off dangerous ghosts.

   52 A. Treichel, “Reisig- und Steinhäufung bei Ermordeten oder
      Selbstmördern,” _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für
      Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1888_, p. (569) (bound
      up with _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xx. 1888).

   53 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 20 _sq._, 46
      _sq._, 124 _sq._, 126 _sq._, 289 _sq._ Stones are not mentioned
      among the missiles hurled at ghosts, probably because stones are
      scarce in Uganda. See J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ p. 5.

   54 Father Finaz, S.J., in _Les Missions Catholiques_, vii. (1875) p.
      328.

   55 “Der Muata Cazembe und die Völkerstämme der Maraves, Chevas,
      Muembas, Lundas, und andere von Süd-Afrika,” _Zeitschrift für
      allgemeine Erdkunde_, vi. (1856) p. 287.

_   56 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxxii. Part iii.
      (Calcutta, 1904) p. 87.

   57 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _In Centraal Borneo_ (Leyden, 1900), i. 146.

   58 Euripides, _Electra_, 327 _sq._

   59 Propertius, v. 5. 77 _sq._

  M15 But the stones and sticks thrown on heaps cannot always be explained
      as missiles discharged at spiritual foes. Cairns raised in honour of
      Moslem saints.

   60 M. Merker, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), p. 193.

   61 A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), pp. 305 _sq._

   62 E. D. Clarke, _Travels in various Countries of Europe and Asia_, vi.
      (London, 1823) p. 165.

   63 W. H. D. Rouse, “Notes from Syria,” _Folk-lore_, vi. (1895) p. 173.
      Compare F. Sessions, “Some Syrian Folklore Notes, gathered on Mount
      Lebanon,” _Folk-lore_, ix. (1898) p. 15.

   64 E. Doutté, _Magie et Religion dans l’ Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,
      1908), pp. 420-422.

  M16 Stones as channels of communication with saints, living or dead.

   65 E. Doutté, _Magie et Religion dans l’Afrique du Nord_, p. 440,
      quoting De Ségonzac, _Voyage au Maroc_, p. 82.

   66 I follow the exposition of E. Doutté, whose account of the sanctity
      or magical influence (_baraka_) ascribed to the persons of living
      Mohammedan saints (marabouts) is very instructive. See his _Magie et
      Religion dans l’Afrique du Nord_, pp. 438 _sqq._ Mr. E. S. Hartland
      had previously explained the custom of throwing stones and sticks on
      cairns as acts of ceremonial union with the spirit who is supposed
      to reside in the cairn. See his _Legend of Perseus_, ii. (London,
      1895) p. 128. While this theory offers a plausible explanation of
      some cases of the custom, I do not think that it will cover them
      all. M. René Dussaud argues that the stones deposited at shrines of
      holy men are simply material embodiments of the prayers which at the
      same time the suppliants address to the saints; and he holds that
      the practice of depositing stones at such places rests on a
      principle entirely different from that of throwing stones for the
      purpose of repelling evil spirits. See René Dussaud, “La
      matérialisation de la prière en Orient,” _Bulletins et Mémoires de
      la Société d’ Anthropologie de Paris_, V. Série, vii. (1906) pp.
      213-220. If I am right, the fundamental idea in these customs is
      neither that the stones or sticks are offerings presented to good
      spirits nor that they are missiles hurled at bad ones, but that they
      embody the evil, whether disease, misfortune, fear, horror, or what
      not, of which the person attempts to rid himself by transferring it
      to a material vehicle. But I am far from confident that this
      explanation applies to all cases. In particular it is difficult to
      reconcile it with the custom, described in the text, of throwing a
      marked stone at a holy man and then recovering it. Are we to suppose
      that the stone carries away the evil to the good man and brings back
      his blessing instead? The idea is perhaps too subtle and
      far-fetched.

      The word _baraka_, which in North Africa describes the powerful and
      in general beneficent, yet dangerous, influence which emanates from
      holy persons and things, is no doubt identical with the Hebrew
      _bĕrakhah_ (ברכה) “blessing.” The importance which the ancient
      Hebrews ascribed to the blessing or the curse of a holy man is
      familiar to us from many passages in the Old Testament. See, for
      example, Genesis xxvii., xlviii. 8 _sqq._; Deuteronomy xxvii. 11
      _sqq._, xxviii. 1 _sqq._

  M17 The rite of throwing sticks or stones is perhaps best explained as a
      mode of purification, the evil being thought to be embodied in the
      missile which is thrown away.

   67 E. Doutté, _Magie et Religion dans l’Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,
      1908), pp. 430 sq.; J. Wellhausen, _Reste arabischen Heidentums_2
      (Berlin, 1897), p. 111. The explanation given in the text is
      regarded as probable by Professor M. J. de Goeje (_Internationales
      Archiv für Ethnographie_, xvi. ,1904, p. 42.)

  M18 This interpretation of stone-throwing agrees with ancient Greek and
      Indian tradition and custom.

_   68 Etymologicum Magnum_, _s.v._ Ἑρμαῖον, pp. 375 _sq._; Eustathius on
      Homer, _Odyssey_, xvi. 471. As to the heaps of stones see Cornutus,
      _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 16; Babrius, _Fabulae_, xlviii. 1
      _sq._; Suidas, _s.v._ Ἑρμαῖον; Scholiast on Nicander, _Ther._ 150;
      M. P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 388 _sqq._
      The method of execution by stoning may perhaps have been resorted to
      in order to avoid the pollution which would be entailed by contact
      with the guilty and dying man.

   69 Plato, _Laws_, ix. 12, p. 873 A-C λίθον ἕκαστος φέρων ἐπὶ τὴν
      κεφαλὴν τοῦ νεκροῦ βάλλων ἀφοσιούτω τὴν πόλιν ὅλην.

_   70 Satapatha Brahmana_, ix. 1. 2. 9-12, Part iv. p. 171 of J.
      Eggeling’s translation (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xliii.,
      Oxford, 1897). As to Nirriti, the Goddess of Destruction, see H.
      Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_ (Berlin, 1894), pp. 323, 351,
      354, 489 note 3.

  M19 The throwing of sticks or stones on piles is sometimes explained as
      a sacrifice. Certainly the throwing of stones is sometimes
      accompanied by sacrifices. Heaps of sticks at the fords of rivers in
      Africa.

   71 See, for example, O. Baumann, _Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle_
      (Berlin, 1894), p. 214; G. M. Dawson, “Notes on the Shuswap People
      of British Columbia,” _Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada_,
      ix. (1891) section ii. p. 38; F. Liebrecht, _Zur Volkskunde_
      (Heilbronn, 1879), pp. 267 _sq._, 273 _sq._, 276, 278 _sq._; R.
      Andree, _Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_ (Stuttgart,
      1878), p. 48; Catat, in _Le Tour du Monde_, lxv. (1893), p. 40. Some
      of these writers have made a special study of the practices in
      question. See F. Liebrecht, “Die geworfenen Steine,” _Zur
      Volkskunde_, pp. 267-284; R. Andree, “Steinhaufen,” _Ethnographische
      Parallelen und Vergleiche_, pp. 46-58; E. S. Hartland, _The Legend
      of Perseus_, ii. (London, 1895) pp. 204 _sqq._; E. Doutté, _Magie et
      Religion dans l’Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers, 1908), pp. 419 _sqq._
      With the views of the last of these writers I am in general
      agreement.

   72 However, at the waterfall of Kriml, in the Tyrol, it is customary
      for every passer-by to throw a stone into the water; and this
      attention is said to put the water-spirits in high good humour; for
      they follow the wayfarer who has complied with the custom and guard
      him from all the perils of the dangerous path. See F. Panzer,
      _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_ (Munich, 1848-1855), ii. 236
      _sq._

   73 J. A. H. Louis, _The Gates of Thibet_, Second Edition (Calcutta,
      1894), pp. 111 _sq._

   74 L. A. Waddell, _Among the Himalayas_ (Westminster, 1899), pp. 115,
      188.

   75 Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilisées du Mexique
      et de l’Amérique-Centrale_, ii. 564.

   76 C. Sapper, “Die Gebräuche und religiösen Anschauungen der
      Kekchí-Indianer,” _Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, viii.
      (1895) pp. 197 _sq._

   77 D. Forbes, “On the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru,” _Journal of
      the Ethnological Society of London_, ii. (1870) pp. 237 _sq._; G. C.
      Musters, “Notes on Bolivia,” _Journal of the Royal Geographical
      Society_, xlvii. (1877) p. 211; Baron E. Nordenskiöld, “Travels on
      the Boundaries of Bolivia and Argentina,” _The Geographical
      Journal_, xxi. (1903) p. 518.

   78 P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la Idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,
      1621), pp. 37, 130.

   79 F. Liebrecht, _Zur Volkskunde_, p. 274; Brett, “Dans la Corée
      Septentrionale,” _Les Missions Catholiques_, xxxi. (1899) p. 237.

   80 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
      (Westminster, 1896), i. 115. “In some parts of Bilaspore there may
      be seen heaps of stones, which are known as _kuriyā_, from the word
      _kurhonā_, meaning to heap or pile-up. Just how and why the practice
      was started the people cannot explain; but to this day every one who
      passes a _kuriyā_ will take up a stone and throw it on the pile.
      This, they say, has been done as long as they can remember” (E. M.
      Gordon, _Indian Folk Tales_, London, 1908, p. 14).

   81 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
      (Westminster, 1896), i. 267 _sq._

   82 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 163.

   83 P. Amaury Talbot, _In the Shadow of the Bush_ (London, 1912), p.
      242. As to the goddess Nimm, see _id._, pp. 2 _sq._

   84 P. Amaury Talbot, _op. cit._ p. 91.

   85 A. Karasek, “Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Waschambaa,”
      _Baessler-Archiv_, i. (1911) p. 194.

   86 M. Martin, “A Description of the Western Islands of Scotland,” in
      John Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_ (London, 1808-1814), iii.
      691.

  M20 The throwing of stones and sticks is sometimes accompanied by
      prayers. Gradual transformation of an old magical ceremony into a
      religious rite.

   87 E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_ (Saigon, 1885), p. 198.

   88 E. T. Atkinson, _The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western
      Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) p. 832.

   89 T. T. Cooper, _Travels of a Pioneer of Commerce_ (London, 1871), p.
      275. Compare W. W. Rockhill, _The Land of the Lamas_ (London, 1891),
      pp. 126 _sq._

   90 Rev. J. Macdonald, “Manners, Customs, Superstitions, and Religions
      of South African Tribes,” _Journal of the Anthropological
      Institute_, xx. (1891) p. 126.

   91 Sir James E. Alexander, _Expedition of Discovery into the Interior
      of Africa_ (London, 1838), i. 166.

   92 S. Kay, _Travels and Researches in Caffraria_ (London, 1833), pp.
      211 _sq._ When the Bishop of Capetown once passed a heap of stones
      on the top of a mountain in the Amapondo country he was told that
      “it was customary for every traveller to add one to the heap that it
      might have a favourable influence on his journey, and enable him to
      arrive at some kraal while the pot is yet boiling” (J. Shooter, _The
      Kaffirs of Natal_, London, 1857, p. 217). Here there is no mention
      of a prayer. Similarly a Basuto on a journey, when he fears that the
      friend with whom he is going to stay may have eaten up all the food
      before his guest’s arrival, places a stone on a cairn to avert the
      danger (E. Casalis, _The Basutos_, London, 1861, p. 272). The reason
      alleged for the practice in these cases is perhaps equivalent to the
      one assigned by the Melanesians and others; by ridding the traveller
      of his fatigue it enables him to journey faster and so to reach his
      destination before supper is over. But sometimes a travelling
      Mowenda will place a stone, not on a cairn, but in the fork of a
      tree, saying, “May the sun not set before I reach my destination.”
      See Rev. E. Gottschling, “The Bawenda,” _Journal of the
      Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) p. 381. This last custom is
      a charm to prevent the sun from setting. See _The Magic Art and the
      Evolution of Kings_, i. 318. In Senegal the custom of throwing
      stones on cairns by the wayside is said to be observed “in order to
      ensure a speedy and prosperous return.” See Dr. Bellamy, “Notes
      ethnographiques recueillies dans le Haut-Sénégal,” _Revue d’
      Ethnographie_, v. (1886) p. 83. In the Fan country of West Africa
      the custom of adding a leafy branch to a heap of such branches in
      the forest was explained by a native, who said that it was done to
      prevent the trees and branches from falling on the traveller’s head,
      and their roots from wounding his feet. See Father Trilles, “Mille
      lieues dans l’inconnu,” _Les Missions Catholiques_, xxxiv. (1902) p.
      142.

   93 Th. Hahn, “Die Buschmänner,” _Globus_, xviii. 141. As to the cairn
      in question, see above, p. 16.

  M21 Evils transferred to animals in Africa.

   94 J. Smith, _Trade and Travels in the Gulph of Guinea_ (London, 1851),
      p. 77.

   95 O. Dapper, _Description de l’Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 117.

   96 A. Leared, _Morocco and the Moors_ (London, 1876), p. 301. Compare
      E. Doutté, _Magie et Religion dans l’Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,
      1908), p. 454.

   97 E. Doutté, _op. cit._ pp. 454 _sq._

   98 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), p. 261.

   99 Rev. John Campbell, _Travels in South Africa_ (London, 1822), ii.
      207 _sq._

  100 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 342 _sq._

  101 P. Cayzac, “La religion des Kikuyu,” _Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 311.

  102 Rev. J. Roscoe, “The Bahima, a Cow Tribe of Enkole,” _Journal of the
      Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxvii. (1907) p. 111.

  M22 Evils transferred to animals in various parts of the world.

  103 Dr. R. F. Kaindl, “Zauberglaube bei den Huzulen,” _Globus_, lxxvi.
      (1899) p. 254.

  104 J. Goldziher, _Muhammedanische Studien_ (Halle a. S., 1888-1890), i.
      34.

  105 E. Diguet, _Les Annamites_ (Paris, 1906), pp. 283 _sq._

  106 W. Müller, “Über die Wildenstämme der Insel Formosa,” _Zeitschrift
      für Ethnologie_, xlii. (1910) p. 237. The writer’s use of the
      pronoun (_sie_) is ambiguous.

  107 Father E. Amat, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, lxx.
      (1898) pp. 266 _sq._

  M23 Vehicles for the transference of evils in Madagascar.

  108 Rev. W. Ellis, _History of Madagascar_ (London, N.D.), i. 422 _sq._;
      compare _id._, pp. 232, 435, 436 _sq._; Rev. J. Sibree, _The Great
      African Island_ (London, 1880), pp. 303 _sq._ As to divination by
      the _sikidy_, see J. Sibree, “Divination among the Malagasy,”
      _Folk-lore_, iii. (1892) pp. 193-226.

  109 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ i. 374; J. Sibree, _The Great African Island_,
      p. 304; J. Cameron, in _Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine,
      Reprint of the First Four Numbers_ (Antananarivo, 1885), p. 263.

  M24 Extraction of kleptomania by spiders and crabs. Evils transferred to
      birds, which fly away with them.

  110 N. Adriani en Alb. C. Kruijt, _De Bare’e-sprekende Toradja’s van
      Midden-Celebes_, i. (Batavia, 1912) p. 399.

  111 W. Ködding, “Die Batakschen Götter,” _Allgemeine
      Missions-Zeitschrift_, xii. (1885) p. 478; Dr. R. Römer, “Bijdrage
      tot de Geneeskunst der Karo-Batak’s,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische
      Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, l. (1908) p. 223.

  112 W. E. Maxwell, “The Folklore of the Malays,” _Journal of the Straits
      Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 7 (June, 1881), p. 27; W.
      W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_ (London, 1900), pp. 534 _sq._

  113 Dio Chrysostom, _Orat._ liii. vol. ii. pp. 164 _sq._ ed. L. Dindorf
      (Leipsic, 1857). Compare Plato, _Republic_, iii. 9, p. 398 A, who
      ironically proposes to dismiss poets from his ideal state in the
      same manner. These passages of Plato and Dio Chrysostom were pointed
      out to me by my friend Professor Henry Jackson. There was a Greek
      saying, attributed to Pythagoras, that swallows should not be
      allowed to enter a house (Plutarch, _Quaest. Conviv._ viii. 7, 1).

  114 Dr. R. F. Kaindl, “Zauberglaube bei den Huzulen,” _Globus_, lxxvi.
      (1899) pp. 255 _sq._

  115 Leviticus xiv. 7, 53.

  116 J. Wellhausen, _Reste arabischen Heidentumes_ (Berlin, 1887), p.
      156; W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_, New Edition
      (London, 1894), pp. 422, 428.

  M25 Evils transferred to animals in India.

  117 W. Crooke, _Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and
      Oudh_ (Calcutta, 1896), iii. 434.

  118 E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_ (Madras, 1909),
      i. 113-117; _id._, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras,
      1906), pp. 192-196; Captain H. Harkness, _Description of a Singular
      Aboriginal Race inhabiting the Summit of the Neilgherry Hills_
      (London, 1832), p. 133; F. Metz, _The Tribes inhabiting the
      Neilgherry Hills_, Second Edition (Mangalore, 1864), p. 78; Jagor,
      “Ueber die Badagas im Nilgiri-Gebirge,” _Verhandlungen der Berliner
      Gesellschaft für Anthropologie_ (1876), pp. 196 _sq._ At the Badaga
      funerals witnessed by Mr. E. Thurston “no calf was brought near the
      corpse, and the celebrants of the rites were satisfied with the mere
      mention by name of a calf, which is male or female according to the
      sex of the deceased.”

  119 H. Harkness, _l.c._

  120 J. W. Breeks, _An Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of
      the Nīlagiris_ (London, 1873), pp. 23 _sq._; W. H. R. Rivers, _The
      Todas_ (London, 1906), pp. 376 _sq._

  121 E. T. Atkinson, _The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western
      Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) pp. 927 _sq._ In other
      parts of North-Western India on the eleventh day after a death a
      bull calf is let loose with a trident branded on its shoulder or
      quarter “to become a pest.” See (Sir) Denzil C. J. Ibbetson, _Report
      on the Revision of Settlement of the Panipat Tahsil and Karnal
      Parganah of the Karnal District_ (Allahabad, 1883), p. 137. In
      Behar, a district of Bengal, a bullock is also let loose on the
      eleventh day of mourning for a near relative. See G. A. Grierson,
      _Bihār Peasant Life_ (Calcutta, 1885), p. 409.

  M26 Evils transferred to human beings in India and elsewhere.

  122 W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_ (Amsterdam, 1900), p. 83;
      _Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_, translated by Maurice Bloomfield
      (Oxford, 1897), pp. 308 _sq._ (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol.
      xlii.).

  123 M. N. Venketswami, “Telugu Superstitions,” _The Indian Antiquary_,
      xxiv. (1895) p. 359.

  124 A. Grünwedel, “Sinhalesische Masken,” _Internationales Archiv für
      Ethnographie_, vi. (1893) pp. 85 _sq._

  125 J. G. Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1834),
      pp. 104 _sq._ I have modernised the spelling.

  126 J. Perham, “Sea Dyak Religion,” _Journal of the Straits Branch of
      the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 10 (December 1882), p. 232.

  M27 Sins and misfortunes transferred to human scapegoats in New Zealand
      and Manipur. Annual eponyms in Manipur. Eponymous magistrates as
      public scapegoats.

  127 Rev. Richard Taylor, _Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its
      Inhabitants_, Second Edition (London, 1870), p. 101.

  128 T. C. Hodson, “The Native Tribes of Manipur,” _Journal of the
      Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 302; _id._, _The
      Meitheis_ (London, 1908), pp. 106 _sq._

  129 T. C. Hodson, “The Native Tribes of Manipur,” _Journal of the
      Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 302.

  130 T. C. Hodson, _The Meitheis_ (London, 1908), pp. 104-106.

  131 Compare _The Dying God_, pp. 116 _sq._

  M28 Indian story of the transference of sins to a holy man.

_  132 The Jataha or Stories of the Buddha’s former Births_, vol. v.,
      translated by H. T. Francis (Cambridge, 1905), pp. 71 _sq._

  M29 Transference of evils to human scapegoats in Uganda.

  133 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 342.

  M30 Transference of sins to a Brahman in Travancore. Transference of
      sins to a Sin-eater in England.

  134 Rev. S. Mateer, _Native Life in Travancore_ (London, 1883), p. 136.

  135 J. Aubrey, _Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme_ (Folk-lore Society,
      London, 1881), pp. 35 _sq._

  136 Bagford’s letter in Leland’s _Collectanea_, i. 76, quoted by J.
      Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, ii. 246 _sq._, Bohn’s edition (London,
      1882-1883).

  137 In _The Academy_, 13th Nov. 1875, p. 505, Mr. D. Silvan Evans stated
      that he knew of no such custom anywhere in Wales; and the custom
      seems to be now quite unknown in Shropshire. See C. S. Burne and G.
      F. Jackson, _Shropshire Folk-lore_ (London, 1883), pp. 307 _sq._

  138 The authority for the statement is a Mr. Moggridge, reported in
      _Archaeologia Cambrensis_, second series, iii. 330. But Mr.
      Moggridge did not speak from personal knowledge, and as he appears
      to have taken it for granted that the practice of placing bread and
      salt upon the breast of a corpse was a survival of the custom of
      “sin-eating,” his evidence must be received with caution. He
      repeated his statement, in somewhat vaguer terms, at a meeting of
      the Anthropological Institute, 14th December 1875. See _Journal of
      the Anthropological Institute_, v. (1876) pp. 423 _sq._

  M31 Transference of sins to a sin-eater in India.

  139 J. A. Dubois, _Mœurs des Peuples de l’Inde_ (Paris, 1825), ii. 32
      _sq._

  140 R. Richardson, in _Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. p. 86, § 674 (May,
      1884).

_  141 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. p. 86, § 674, ii. p. 93, § 559
      (March, 1885). Some of these customs have been already referred to
      in a different connexion. See _The Dying God_, p. 154. In Uganda the
      eldest son used to perform a funeral ceremony, which consisted in
      chewing some seeds which he took with his lips from the hand of his
      dead father; some of these seeds he then blew over the corpse and
      the rest over one of the childless widows who thereafter became his
      wife. The meaning of the ceremony is obscure. The eldest son in
      Uganda never inherited his father’s property. See the Rev. J.
      Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 117.

_  142 Panjab Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 179, § 745 (July, 1886).

  143 E. Schuyler, _Turkistan_ (London, 1876), ii. 28.

  M32 Transference of sins in Tahiti.

  144 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, Second Edition (London,
      1832-1836), i. 401 _sqq._

  145 The Welsh custom of “sin-eating” has been interpreted by Mr. E. S.
      Hartland as a modification of an older custom of eating the corpse.
      See his article, “The Sin-eater,” _Folk-lore_, iii. (1892) 145-157;
      _The Legend of Perseus_, ii. 291 _sqq._, iii. p. ix. I cannot think
      his interpretation probable or borne out by the evidence. The Badaga
      custom of transferring the sins of the dead to a calf which is then
      let loose and never used again (above, pp. 36 _sq._), the Tahitian
      custom of burying the sins of a person whose body is carefully
      preserved by being embalmed, and the Manipur and Travancore customs
      of transferring the sins of a Rajah before his death (pp. 39, 42
      _sq._) establish the practice of transferring sins in cases where
      there can be no question of eating the corpse. The original
      intention of such practices was perhaps not so much to take away the
      sins of the deceased as to rid the survivors of the dangerous
      pollution of death. This comes out to some extent in the Tahitian
      custom.

  M33 Transference of evils in ancient Greece. The transference of warts.
      Transference of sickness in Scotland, Germany, and Austria.

  146 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 86.

  147 Plato, _Laws_, xi. 12, p. 933 B.

  148 Ἐφημερὶς ἀρχαιολογική, 1883, col. 213, 214; G. Dittenberger,
      _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 802, lines 48 _sqq._ (vol.
      ii. pp. 652 _sq._).

  149 Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, xxxiv. 102. A similar cure is
      described by Pliny (_Nat. Hist._ xxii. 149); you are to touch the
      warts with chick-peas on the first day of the moon, wrap the peas in
      a cloth, and throw them away behind you. But Pliny does not say that
      the warts will be transferred to the person who picks up the peas.
      On this subject see further J. Hardy, “Wart and Wen Cures,”
      _Folk-lore Record_, i. (1878) pp. 216-228.

  150 Z. Zanetti, _La Medicina delle nostre donne_ (Città di Castello,
      1892), pp. 224 _sq._; J. B. Thiers, _Traité des Superstitions_
      (Paris, 1679), p. 321; B. Souché, _Croyances, présages et traditions
      diverses_ (Niort, 1880), p. 19; J. W. Wolf, _Beiträge zur deutschen
      Mythologie_ (Göttingen, 1852-1857), i. 248, § 576; Dr. R. F. Kaindl,
      “Aus dem Volksglauben der Rutenen in Galizien,” _Globus_, lxiv.
      (1893) p. 93; J. Harland and T. T. Wilkinson, _Lancashire Folk-lore_
      (Manchester and London, 1882), p. 157; G. W. Black, _Folk-medicine_
      (London, 1883), p. 41; W. Gregor, _Folk-lore of the North-East of
      Scotland_ (London, 1881), p. 49; J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and
      Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow,
      1902), pp. 94 _sq._

  151 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_
      (Oldenburg, 1867), ii. 71, § 85; E. Monseur, _Le Folklore Wallon_
      (Brussels, N.D.), p. 29; H. Zahler, _Die Krankheit im Volksglauben
      des Simmenthals_ (Bern, 1898), p. 93; R. Andree, _Braunschweiger
      Volkskunde_ (Brunswick, 1896), p. 306.

  152 A. Birlinger, _Volksthümliches aus Schwaben_ (Freiburg im Breisgau,
      1861-1862), i. 483.

  153 Thiers, Souché, Strackerjan, Monseur, _ll.cc._; J. G. Campbell,
      _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of
      Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), p. 95.

  154 Ch. Rogers, _Social Life in Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1884-1886), iii.
      226.

  155 G. Lammert, _Volksmedizin und medizinischer Aberglaube in Bayern_
      (Würzburg, 1869), p. 264.

_  156 Ibid._ p. 263.

  157 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren_
      (Prague and Leipsic, 1864), p. 167, § 1180.

  158 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_
      (Oldenburg, 1867), i. 71, § 85.

  M34 Sickness transferred to asses, frogs, dogs, and other animals.

_  159 Geoponica_, xiii. 9, xv. 1; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 155. The
      authorities for these cures are respectively Apuleius and
      Democritus. The latter is probably not the atomic philosopher. See
      J. G. Frazer, “The Language of Animals,” _The Archæological Review_,
      vol. i. (May, 1888) p. 180, note 140.

  160 Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, xii. 24.

  161 W. G. Black, _Folk-medicine_ (London, 1883), pp. 35 _sq._

  162 Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, xvii. 18.

  163 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxx. 61; Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, xxvii.
      33. The latter writer mentions (_op. cit._ xxviii. 123) that the
      same malady might similarly be transferred to a live frog.

  164 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxx. 64; Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, xxviii.
      132.

  165 Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, xxix. 35.

  166 W. Henderson, _Folk-lore of the Northern Counties_ (London, 1879),
      p. 143; W. G. Black, _Folk-medicine_, p. 35; Marie Trevelyan,
      _Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales_ (London, 1909), p. 226.

  167 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_
      (Oldenburg, 1867), i. 72, § 86.

  M35 Sickness transferred to birds, snails, fish, and fowls.

  168 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren_
      (Prague and Leipsic, 1864), p. 166, § 1173, quoting Kuhn’s
      translation of _Rig-veda_, x. 97. 13. A slightly different
      translation of the verse is given by H. Grassmann, who here follows
      R. Roth (_Rig-veda übersetzt_, vol. ii. p. 379). Compare _Hymns of
      the Rigveda_, translated by R. T. H. Griffith (Benares, 1889-1892),
      iv. 312.

  169 L. Strackerjan, _op. cit._ i. 72, § 87.

  170 W. Henderson, _Folk-lore of the Northern Counties_ (London, 1879),
      p. 143.

  171 J. D. H. Temme, _Die Volkssagen der Altmark_ (Berlin, 1839), p. 83;
      A. Kuhn, _Märkische Sagen und Märchen_ (Berlin, 1843), p. 384, § 62.

  172 R. Wuttke, _Sächsische Volkskunde_2 (Dresden, 1901), p. 372.

  173 J. V. Grohmann, _op. cit._ p. 230, § 1663. A similar remedy is
      prescribed in Bavaria. See G. Lammert, _Volksmedizin und
      medizinischer Aberglaube in Bayern_ (Würzburg, 1869), p. 249.

  174 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, ii. 375; W. G. Black,
      _Folk-medicine_, p. 46.

  175 Marie Trevelyan, _Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales_ (London,
      1909), pp. 229 _sq._

  M36 Sickness and ill-luck transferred to inanimate objects.

  176 B. Schmidt, _Das Volksleben der Neugriechen_ (Leipsic, 1871), p. 82.

  177 A. Kuhn, _Märkische Sagen und Märchen_ (Berlin, 1843), p. 386.

  178 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_
      (Oldenburg, 1867), i. 74, § 91.

  M37 Sickness and trouble transferred to trees and bushes.

  179 F. J. Wiedemann, _Aus dem inneren und äussern Leben der Ehsten_ (St.
      Petersburg, 1876), pp. 451 _sq._

_  180 Le Tour du Monde_, lxvii. (1894) p. 308; _id._, Nouvelle Série, v.
      (1899) p. 521.

  181 F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religiöser Brauch der Südslaven_
      (Münster i. W., 1890), pp. 35 _sq._

  182 F. S. Krauss, _op. cit._ p. 39.

  183 A. Strausz, _Die Bulgaren_ (Leipsic, 1898), p. 400, compare p. 401.

_  184 Blackwood’s Magazine_, February 1886, p. 239.

  185 Z. Zanetti, _La medicina delle nostre donne_ (Città di Castello,
      1892), p. 73.

  186 J. B. Thiers, _Traité des Superstitions_ (Paris, 1679), pp. 323
      _sq._

  187 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren_
      (Prague and Leipsic, 1864), p. 167, § 1178. A Belgian cure of the
      same sort is reported by J. W. Wolf (_Beiträge zur deutschen
      Mythologie_, Göttingen, 1852-1857, i. 223 (wrongly numbered 219), §
      256).

  M38 Sickness transferred to trees by means of knots.

  188 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_
      (Oldenburg, 1867), i. 74, § 90.

  189 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_4 (Berlin, 1875-1878), ii. 979.

_  190 Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs Bayern_, iv. 2
      (Munich, 1867), p. 406.

  191 A. Schleicher, _Volkstümliches aus Sonnenberg_ (Weimar, 1858), p.
      150; A. Witschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Thüringen_
      (Vienna, 1878), p. 283, § 82.

  192 W. Kolbe, _Hessische Volks-Sitten und Gebrauche_2 (Marburg, 1888),
      pp. 88 _sq._

  M39 Sickness transferred to trees by means of the patient’s hair or
      nails.

  193 C. Meyer, _Der Aberglaube des Mittelalters_ (Bâle, 1884), p. 104.

  194 H. Zahler, _Die Krankheit im Volksglauben des Simmenthals_ (Bern,
      1898), p. 94.

  195 W. G. Black, _Folk-medicine_, p. 38.

  196 F. Chapiseau, _Le Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche_ (Paris,
      1902), i. 213.

  197 W. G. Black, _Folk-medicine_, p. 39.

  M40 Toothache, headache, and fevers plugged up in trees.

  198 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 310, §
      490.

  199 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren_,
      p. 165, § 1160.

  200 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_,
      ii. 74 _sq._, § 89.

  201 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 979.

  202 T. J. Pettigrew, _On Superstitions connected with the History and
      Practice of Medicine and Surgery_ (London, 1844), p. 77; W. G.
      Black, _Folk-medicine_, p. 37.

  M41 Sickness and pain pegged or nailed into trees.

  203 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren_,
      p. 167, § 1182.

  204 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_,
      i. 73, § 89; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 pp. 309
      _sq._, § 490.

  205 L. F. Sauvé, _Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889), p. 40;
      A. Meyrac, _Traditions, Coutumes, Légendes et Contes des Ardennes_
      (Charleville, 1890), p. 174; A. Schleicher, _Volkstümliches aus
      Sonnenberg_ (Weimer, 1858), p. 149; J. A. E. Köhler, _Volksbrauch,
      Aberglauben, Sagen und andre alte Ueberlieferungen im Voigtlande_
      (Leipsic, 1867), p. 414; A. Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche
      aus Thüringen_ (Vienna, 1878), p. 283, § 79; H. Zahler, _Die
      Krankheit im Volksglauben des Simmenthals_ (Bern, 1898), p. 93.

  206 R. Andree, _Braunschweiger Volkskunde_ (Brunswick, 1896), p. 307.

  207 A. Kuhn, _Märkische Sagen und Märchen_ (Berlin, 1843), p. 384, § 66.

  208 H. Zahler, _loc. cit._

  209 P. Wagler, _Die Eiche in alter und neuer Zeit_, i. (Wurzen, N.D.) p.
      23.

  M42 Ghosts and gods bunged up in India. Demon plugged up and ghost
      nailed down.

  210 E. Doutté, _Magie et Religion dans l’Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,
      1908), p. 436.

  211 W. Crooke, _The Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and
      Oudh_ (Calcutta, 1896), iii. 436 _sq._; compare _id._, _Popular
      Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896), i.
      43, 162. Compare E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_
      (Madras, 1906), pp. 313, 331.

  212 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
      (Westminster, 1896), i. 102 _sq._

  213 Mrs. Bishop, _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), ii. 143
      _sq._

  214 P. Giran, _Magie et Religion Annamites_ (Paris, 1912), pp. 132 _sq._

  M43 Evils nailed into stones, walls, door-posts, and so on.

  215 R. C. Maclagan, “Notes on folk-lore Objects collected in
      Argyleshire,” _Folk-lore_, vi. (1895) p. 158.

  216 R. Andree, _Braunschweiger Volkskunde_ (Brunswick, 1896), p. 307.

  217 F. Chapiseau, _Le Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche_ (Paris,
      1902), i. 170.

  218 E. Doutté, _Magie et Religion dans l’Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,
      1908), pp. 228 _sq._

  219 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren_,
      p. 116, § 1172.

  M44 Devils and ghosts nailed down in Morocco, Tunis, and Egypt. Headache
      nailed into a door or a wall. Plague pegged into a hole.

  220 A. Leared, _Morocco and the Moors_ (London, 1876), pp. 275 _sqq._

  221 R. C. Thompson, _Semitic Magic_ (London, 1908), p. 17. It would seem
      that in Macedonia demons and ghosts can be hammered into walls. See
      G. F. Abbott, _Macedonian Folklore_ (Cambridge, 1903), p. 221. In
      Chittagong, as soon as a coffin has been carried out of the house, a
      nail is knocked into the threshold “to prevent death from entering
      the dwelling, at least for a time.” See Th. Bérengier, “Les
      funérailles à Chittagong,” _Les Missions Catholiques_, xiii. (1881)
      p. 504.

  222 E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (Paisley
      and London, 1895), ch. x. p. 240.

  223 R. C. Thompson, _Semitic Magic_ (London, 1908), p. 18.

  224 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_,
      ii. 120, § 428 _a_. A similar story is told of a house in Neuenburg
      (_op. cit._ ii. 182, § 512 _c_).

  225 Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 6. 24.

  M45 Plague nailed down in ancient Rome.

  226 Livy, vii. 1-3. The plague raged from 365 to 363 B.C., when it was
      happily stayed in the manner described in the text.

  M46 Pestilence and civil discord nailed into a wall in Rome.

  227 Livy, ix. 28. This happened in the year 313 B.C.

  228 Livy, viii. 18. These events took place in 331 B.C.

  M47 The annual ceremony of knocking in a nail at Rome.

  229 Livy, vii. 3. Livy says nothing as to the place where the nails were
      affixed; but from Festus (p. 56 ed. C. O. Müller) we learn that it
      was the wall of a temple, and as the date of the ceremony was also
      the date of the dedication of the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol
      (Plutarch, _Publicola_, 14), we may fairly conjecture that this
      temple was the scene of the rite. It is the more necessary to call
      attention to the uncertainty which exists on this point because
      modern writers, perhaps misunderstanding the words of Livy, have
      commonly stated as a fact what is at best only a more or less
      probable hypothesis. Octavian seems to have provided for the
      knocking of a nail into the temple of Mars by men who had held the
      office of censor. See Dio Cassius, lv. 10, ἧλόν τε αὐτῷ ὑπὸ τῶν
      τιμητευσάντων προσπήγνυσθαι.

  M48 The ceremony was probably a purificatory rite designed to disarm and
      disable all evils that might threaten the Roman state in the course
      of the year. Roman cure for epilepsy.

  230 Livy, vii. 3. Festus speaks (p. 56 ed. C. O. Müller) of “the annual
      nail, which was fixed in the walls of temples for the purpose of
      numbering the years,” as if the practice were common. From Cicero’s
      passing reference to the custom (“_Ex hoc die clavum anni movebis_,”
      _Epist. ad Atticum_, v. 15. 1) we see that it was matter of
      notoriety. Hence we may safely reject Mommsen’s theory, which Mr. W.
      Warde Fowler is disposed to accept (_The Roman Festivals of the
      period of the Republic_, London, 1899, pp. 234 _sq._), that the
      supposed annual custom never existed except in the brains of Roman
      Dryasdusts.

  231 See Livy and Festus, _ll.cc._

  232 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 63.

_  233 County Folk-lore, Suffolk_, edited by Lady E. C. Gurdon (London,
      1893), p. 14. In the north-west Highlands of Scotland it used to be
      customary to bury a black cock alive on the spot where an epileptic
      patient fell down. Along with the cock were buried parings of the
      patient’s nails and a lock of his hair. See (Sir) Arthur Mitchell,
      _On various Superstitions in the North-West Highlands and Islands of
      Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1862), p. 26; J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and
      Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow,
      1902), p. 97. Probably the disease was supposed to be buried with
      the cock in the ground. The ancient Hindoos imagined that epilepsy
      was caused by a dog-demon. When a boy fell down in a fit, his father
      or other competent person used to wrap the sufferer in a net, and
      carry him into the hall, not through the door, but through an
      opening made for the purpose in the roof. Then taking up some earth
      in the middle of the hall, at the place where people gambled, he
      sprinkled the spot with water, cast dice on it, and laid the boy on
      his back on the dice. After that he prayed to the dog-demon, saying,
      “Doggy, let him loose! Reverence be to thee, barker, bender! Doggy,
      let him loose! Reverence be to thee, barker, bender!” See _The
      Grihya Sutras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, Part i. (Oxford, 1886)
      pp. 296 _sq._; _id._ Part ii. (Oxford, 1892) pp. 219 _sq._, 286
      _sq._ (_Sacred Books of the East_, vols. xxix. and xxx.). Apparently
      the place where people gambled was for some reason supposed to be a
      spot where an epileptic could divest himself most readily of his
      malady. But the connexion of thought is obscure.

  234 The analogy of the Roman custom to modern superstitious practices
      has been rightly pointed out by Mr. E. S. Hartland (_Folk-lore_, iv.
      (1893) pp. 457, 464; _Legend of Perseus_, ii. 188), but I am unable
      to accept his general explanation of these and some other practices
      as modes of communion with a divinity.

  M49 Knocking nails into idols as a means of attracting the attention of
      the deity or spirit.

  235 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste_ (Jena,
      1874-1875), ii. 176.

  236 A. Bastian, _op. cit._ ii. 175-178. Compare Father Campana, “Congo,
      Mission Catholique de Landana,” _Les Missions Catholiques_, xxvii.
      (1895) p. 93; _Notes Analytiques sur les Collections Ethnographiques
      du Musée du Congo_, i. (Brussels, 1902-1906) pp. 153, 246; B. H.
      Mullen, “Fetishes from Landana, South-West Africa,” _Man_, v. (1905)
      pp. 102-104; R. E. Dennett, “Bavili Notes,” _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905)
      pp. 382 _sqq._; _id._, _At the Back of the Black Man’s Mind_
      (London, 1906), pp. 85 _sqq._, 91 _sqq._ The Ethnological Museum at
      Berlin possesses a number of rude images from Loango and Congo,
      which are thickly studded with nails hammered into their bodies. The
      intention of the custom, as explained to me by Professor von
      Luschan, is to pain the fetish and so to refresh his memory, lest he
      should forget to do his duty.

  237 Sir John Rhys, “Celtae and Galli,” _Proceedings of the British
      Academy_, ii. (1905-1906) pp. 114 _sq._

  238 Lafcadio Hearn, _Glimpses of Unfamiliar Japan_ (London, 1894), ii.
      598 _sq._, note.

  M50 Two different spiritual applications of nails or pins.
  M51 Attempts to get rid of the accumulated sorrows of a whole people.
  M52 Sorrows conceived of as the work of demons.
  M53 Primitive belief in the omnipresence of demons.
  M54 Demons in Australia and West Africa.

  239 A. Oldfield, “The Aborigines of Australia,” _Transactions of the
      Ethnological Society of London_, N.S., iii. (1865) p. 228.

  240 J. Büttikoffer, “Einiges über die Eingebornen von Liberia,”
      _Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, i. (1888) p. 85.

  241 Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_ (London, 1897) pp. 442
      _sq._

  242 G. Zündel, “Land und Volk der Eweer auf der Sclavenküste in
      Westafrika,” _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin_,
      xii. (1877) pp. 412-414. Full details as to the religious creed of
      the Ewes, including their belief in a Supreme Being (_Mawu_), are
      given, to a great extent in the words of the natives themselves, by
      the German missionary Jakob Spieth in his elaborate and valuable
      works _Die Ewe-Stämme_ (Berlin, 1906) and _Die Religion der Eweer in
      Süd-Togo_ (Leipsic, 1911). As to _Mawu_ in particular, the meaning
      of whose name is somewhat uncertain, see J. Spieth, _Die
      Ewe-Stämme_, pp. 421 _sqq._; _Die Religion der Eweer in Süd-Togo_,
      pp. 15 _sqq._

  M55 Demons on the Congo. Demons in South Africa.

  243 Rev. J. H. Weeks, “Anthropological Notes on the Bangala of the Upper
      Congo River,” _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xl.
      (1910) p. 377.

  244 Rev. John H. Weeks, _Among Congo Cannibals_ (London, 1913), p. 261.

  245 Rev. J. H. Weeks, “Anthropological Notes on the Bangala of the Upper
      Congo River,” _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xl.
      (1910) pp. 368, 370. The singular form of _mingoli_ is _mongoli_, “a
      disembodied spirit.” Compare _id._, _Among Congo Cannibals_ (London,
      1913), p. 252; and again _ibid._ p. 275. But great as is the fear of
      evil spirits among the natives of the Congo, their dread of
      witchcraft seems to be still more intense. See Rev. J. H. Weeks,
      “Notes on some Customs of the Lower Congo People,” _Folk-lore_, xx.
      (1909) pp. 51 _sq._: “The belief in witchcraft affects their lives
      in a vast number of ways, and touches them socially at a hundred
      different points. It regulates their actions, modifies their mode of
      thought and speech, controls their conduct towards each other,
      causes cruelty and callousness in a people not naturally cruel, and
      sets the various members of a family against each other. A man may
      believe any theory he likes about creation, about God, and about the
      abode of departed spirits, but he must believe in witches and their
      influence for evil, and must in unmistakable terms give expression
      to that belief, or be accused of witchcraft himself.... But for
      witchcraft no one would die, and the earnest longing of all
      right-minded men and women is to clear it out of the country by
      killing every discovered witch. It is an act of
      self-preservation.... Belief in witches is interwoved into the very
      fibre of every Bantu-speaking man and woman, and the person who does
      not believe in them is a monster, a witch, to be killed as soon as
      possible.” Could we weigh against each other the two great terrors
      which beset the minds of savages all over the world, it seems
      probable that the dread of witches would be found far to outweigh
      the dread of evil spirits. However, it is the fear of evil spirits
      with which we are at present concerned.

  246 G. McCall Theal, _Records of South-Eastern Africa_, vii. (1901) pp.
      405 _sq._

  247 On this subject Mr. Dudley Kidd has made some judicious observations
      (_Savage Childhood_, London, 1906, pp. 131 _sq._). He says: “The
      Kafirs certainly do not live in everlasting dread of spirits, for
      the chief part of their life is not spent in thinking at all. A
      merrier set of people it would be hard to find. They are so
      easy-going that it would seem to them too much burden to be for ever
      thinking of spirits.”

  M56 Demons in South America.

  248 (Sir) E. F. im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_. (London, 1883),
      pp. 356 _sq._ As to the dread which the Brazilian Indians entertain
      of demons, see J. B. von Spix and C. F. Ph. von Martius, _Reise in
      Brasilien_ (Munich, 1823-1831), iii. 1108-1111.

  249 W. Barbrooke Grubb, _An Unknown People in an Unknown Land_ (London,
      1911), pp. 118, 119.

  M57 Demons in Labrador.

  250 L. M. Turner, “Ethnology of the Ungava District, Hudson Bay
      Territory,” _Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_
      (Washington, 1894), pp. 193 _sq._

  M58 Demons in Polynesia. Demons in New Zealand.

  251 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, Second Edition (London,
      1832-1836), i. 331.

  252 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ i. 406.

_  253 The Voyages of Captain James Cook round the World_ (London, 1809),
      vi. 152.

  254 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,
      Second Edition (London, 1870), p. 104.

  M59 Demons in the Pelew Islands.

  255 J. Kubary, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian’s _Allerlei aus
      Volks- und Menschenkunde_ (Berlin, 1888), i. 46.

  256 J. Kubary, “Die Bewohner der Mortlock-Inseln,” _Mittheilungen der
      geographischen Gesellschaft in Hamburg_, 1878-79, p. 36.

  M60 Demons in the Philippines and in Melanesia.

  257 W. A. Reed, _Negritos of Zambales_ (Manilla, 1904), p. 65
      (_Ethnological Survey Publications_, vol. ii. Part i.).

  258 Mgr. Couppé “En Nouvelle-Poméranie,” _Les Missions Catholiques_,
      xxiii. (1891) pp. 355 _sq._

  259 P. A. Kleintitschen, _Die Küstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel_
      (Hiltrup bei Münster, preface dated 1906), pp. 336 _sq._ Compare
      Joachim Graf Pfeil, _Studien und Beobachtungen aus der Südsee_
      (Brunswick, 1899), p. 159; _id._, in _Journal of the Anthropological
      Institute_, xxvii. (1898) pp. 183 _sq._

  260 R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907), pp.
      120, 121.

  M61 Demons in Dutch New Guinea and German New Guinea.

  261 J. L. van Hasselt, “Die Papuastämme an der Geelvinkbai
      (Neu-guinea),” _Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu
      Jena_, ix. (1891) p. 98. As to Mr. van Hasselt’s twenty-five years’
      residence among these savages, see _id._, p. 22.

  262 Stefan Lehner, “Bukaua,” in R. Neuhauss’s _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, iii.
      (Berlin, 1911) pp. 414-416.

  M62 Demons in British New Guinea.

  263 W. G. Lawes, “Notes on New Guinea and its Inhabitants,” _Proceedings
      of the Royal Geographical Society_, 1880, p. 615.

  M63 Demons in Timor and Celebes.

  264 J. G. F. Riedel, “Die Landschaft Dawan oder West-Timor,” _Deutsche
      geographische Blätter_, x. 278 _sq._

  265 G. W. W. C. Baron van Hoëvell, _Ambon en meer bepaaldelijk de
      Oeliasers_ (Dordrecht, 1875), p. 148.

  266 N. P. Wilken en J. A. Schwarz, “Het heidendom en de Islam in Bolaang
      Mongondou,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
      Zendelinggenootschap_, xi. (1867) p. 259.

  M64 Demons in Bali and Java.

  267 R. van Eck, “Schetsen van het eiland Bali,” _Tijdschrift voor
      Nederlandsch Indië_, August, 1880, p. 83.

  268 S. E. Harthoorn, “De Zending op Java en meer bepaald die van
      Malang,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
      Zendelinggenootschap_, iv. (1860) pp. 116 _sq._

  M65 Demons in Borneo and Sumatra.

  269 C. A. L. M. Schwaner, _Borneo, Beschrijving van het stroomgebied van
      den Barito_ (Amsterdam, 1853-54), i. 176.

  270 J. B. Neumann, “Het Pane- en Bila-stroomgebied,” _Tijdschrift van
      het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, iii.
      Afdeeling, meer uitgebreide artikelen, No. 2 (Amsterdam, 1886), p.
      287.

  271 B. Hagen, “Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Battareligion,” _Tijdschrift
      voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxviii. (1883) p. 508.
      The persons of the Batta Trinity are Bataraguru, Sori, and
      Balabulan. The most fundamental distinction between the persons of
      the Trinity appears to be that one of them is allowed to eat pork,
      while the others are not (_ibid._ p. 505).

  272 M. Joustra, “Het leven, de zeden en gewoonten der Bataks,”
      _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,
      xlvi. (1902) p. 412.

  M66 Demons in the Nicobars, in the Malay Peninsula, and in Kamtchatka..

_  273 The Census of India, 1901_, vol. iii. _The Andaman and Nicobar
      Islands_, by Lieut.-Colonel Sir Richard C. Temple (Calcutta, 1903),
      p. 206.

  274 Borie, “Notice sur les Mantras, tribu sauvage de la péninsule
      Malaise,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, x.
      (1860) p. 434.

  275 S. Krascheninnikow, _Beschreibung des Landes Kamtschatka_ (Lemgo,
      1766), p. 215.

  M67 Demons in India. The high gods come and go, but demons remain.

  276 We may compare the instructive remarks made by Mr. W. E. Maxwell on
      the stratification of religious beliefs among the Malays (“The
      Folk-lore of the Malays,” _Journal of the Straits Branch of the
      Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 7, June, 1881, pp. 11 _sq._). He says:
      “Two successive religious changes have taken place among them, and
      when we have succeeded in identifying the vestiges of Brahmanism
      which underly the external forms of the faith of Muhammed, long
      established in all Malay kingdoms, we are only half-way through our
      task. There yet remain the powerful influences of the still earlier
      indigenous faith to be noted and accounted for. Just as the
      Buddhists of Ceylon turn, in times of sickness and danger, not to
      the consolations offered by the creed of Buddha, but to the
      propitiation of the demons feared and reverenced by their early
      progenitors, and just as the Burmese and Talaings, though Buddhists,
      retain in full force the whole of the _Nat_ superstition, so among
      the Malays, in spite of centuries which have passed since the
      establishment of an alien worship, the Muhammedan peasant may be
      found invoking the protection of Hindu gods against the spirits of
      evil with which his primitive faith has peopled all natural
      objects.”

  M68 Demons in ancient India.

  277 H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_ (Berlin, 1894), pp. 39 _sq._

  M69 Demons in modern India.

  278 Monier Williams, _Religious Thought and Life in India_ (London,
      1883), pp. 210 _sq._

  279 Monier Williams, _op. cit._ pp. 230 _sq._ The views here expressed
      by the late Professor Monier Williams are confirmed from personal
      knowledge by Mr. E. T. Atkinson, _The Himalayan Districts of the
      North-Western Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) p. 840.

  M70 Demons in Bengal, Assam, the Chin Hills Sikhim, Tibet, and
      Travancore.

  280 E. T. Dalton, _Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal_ (Calcutta, 1872),
      pp. 256, 257, 258.

  281 Rev. S. Endle, _The Kacharis_ (London, 1911), p. 33.

  282 Bertram S. Carey and H. N. Tuck, _The Chin Hills_, i. (Rangoon,
      1896) p. 196.

  283 L. A. Waddell, “Demonolatry in Sikhim Lamaism,” _The Indian
      Antiquary_, xxiii. (1894) p. 197.

  284 L. A. Waddell, _The Buddhism of Tibet_ (London, 1895), p. 152.

  285 Lt.-Colonel J. Shakespear, _The Lushei Kuki Clans_ (London, 1912),
      pp. 61, 65 _sq._, 67.

  286 Rev. S. Mateer, _The Land of Charity_ (London, 1883), p. 207.

  M71 Demons in Ceylon.

  287 R. Percival, _Account of the Island of Ceylon_, Second Edition
      (London, 1805), pp. 211-213.

  M72 Demons in Burma.

  288 C. J. F. S. Forbes, _British Burma_ (London, 1878), pp. 221 _sq._

  289 Shway Yoe, _The Burman, his Life and Notions_ (London, 1882), i. 276
      _sq._

  290 Shway Yoe, _op. cit._ i. 278. “To the Burman,” says A. Bastian, “the
      whole world is filled with nats. Mountains, rivers, waters, the
      earth, etc., have all their nat.” (_Die Völker des östlichen Asien_,
      ii. 497).

  M73 Demons in Siam and Indo-China.

  291 Mgr. Pallegoix, _Description du royaume Thai ou Siam_ (Paris, 1854),
      i. 42.

  292 C. Bock, _Temples and Elephants_ (London, 1884), p. 198.

  293 Mgr. Bruguière, in _Annales de l’Association de la Propagation de la
      Foi_, v. (1831) p. 128.

  294 J. Deniker, _The Races of Man_ (London, 1900), pp. 400 _sqq._

  295 A. Bourlet, “Les Thay,” _Anthropos_, ii. (1907) p. 619.

  296 A. Bourlet, _op. cit._ p. 632.

  M74 Demons in China.

  297 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, v. (Leyden,
      1907) p. 470.

  298 J. J. M. de Groot, _op. cit._ vi. (Leyden, 1910) pp. 930-932. This
      sixth volume of Professor de Groot’s great work is mainly devoted to
      an account of the ceaseless war waged by the Chinese people on
      demons or spectres (_kwei_). A more summary notice of this curious
      national delusion will be found in his work _The Religion of the
      Chinese_ (New York, 1910), chapter ii., “The Struggle against
      Spectres,” pp. 33-61.

  M75 Demons in Corea.

  299 Mrs. Bishop (Isabella L. Bird), _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London,
      1898), ii. 227 _sq._, 229. I have taken the liberty of changing the
      writer’s “daemon” and “daemoniacal” into “demon” and “demoniacal.”

  M76 Demons among the Koryaks.

  300 C. von Dittmar, “Über die Koräken und die ihnen sehr nahe verwandten
      Tschuktschen,” _Bulletin de la Classe Historico-philologique de
      l’Académie Impériale des Sciences de St. Pétersbourg_, xiii. (1856)
      coll. 123 _sq._

  301 W. Jochelson, _The Koryak_ (Leyden and New York, 1908), p. 28 (_The
      Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of
      Natural History_).

  M77 Demons among the Gilyaks.

  302 L. Sternberg, “Die Religion der Giljaken,” _Archiv für
      Religionswissenschaft_, viii. (1905) pp. 460 _sq._

  M78 Demons in ancient Babylonia and Assyria.

  303 M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (Boston, 1898),
      pp. 260 _sqq._; _id._, _Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens_, i.
      (Giessen, 1905) pp. 278 _sqq._; C. Fossey, _La Magie Assyrienne_
      (Paris, 1902), pp. 27-30, 34; E. Schrader, _Die Keilinschriften und
      das Alte Testament_, Dritte Auflage, neu bearbeitet von H. Zimmern
      und H. Winckler (Berlin, 1902), pp. 458 _sqq._

  M79 Demons in ancient and modern Egypt.

  304 E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_ (London,
      1911), ii. 150.

  305 E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (Paisley
      and London, 1895), chap. x. pp. 231 _sq._

  306 C. B. Klunzinger, _Bilder aus Oberägypten, der Wüste und dem Rothen
      Meere_ (Stuttgart, 1877), p. 382; compare _ibid._ pp. 374 _sq._

  M80 Demons in ancient Greece and mediaeval Europe.

  307 Aristotle, _De anima_, i. 5. 17; Diogenes Laertius, i. 1. 27.

  308 Porphyry, quoted by Eusebius, _Praeparatio Evangelii_, iv. 23.

  309 Elsewhere I have attempted to shew that a particular class of
      purifications—those observed by mourners—is intended to protect the
      living from the disembodied spirits of the dead (“On certain Burial
      Customs as illustrative of the Primitive Theory of the Soul,”
      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xv. (1886) pp. 64
      _sqq._).

  310 C. Meyer, _Der Aberglaube des Mittelalters_ (Bâle, 1884), pp.
      109-111, 191 _sq._

  M81 Demons in modern Europe.

  311 E. Gerard, _The Land beyond the Forest_ (Edinburgh and London,
      1888), i. 328. The superstitions of the Roumanians of Transylvania
      have been collected by W. Schmidt in his tract _Das Jahr und seine
      Tage in Meinung und Brauch der Romänen Siebenbürgens_ (Hermannstadt,
      1866).

  M82 Demons in modern Armenia.

  312 Manuk Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_ (Leipsic, 1899), pp. 31
      _sq._

  M83 General clearances of evils take the form of expulsions of demons.
  M84 General expulsions of demons in Melanesia, Australia and South
      Africa.

  313 Paul Reina, “Über die Bewohner der Insel Rook,” _Zeitschrift für
      allgemeine Erdkunde_, N.F., iv. (1858) p. 356.

  314 R. Parkinson, _Im Bismarck-Archipel_ (Leipsic, 1887), p. 142; _id._,
      _Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907), p. 119.

  315 O. Opigez, “Aperçu général sur la Nouvelle-Calédonie,” _Bulletin de
      la Société de Géographie_ (Paris), VII. Série, vii. (1886) p. 443.

  316 S. Gason, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxiv.
      (1895) p. 170.

  317 Rev. James Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_ (London, 1893), pp.
      100-102. The writer, who describes the ceremony at first hand,
      remarks that “there is no periodic purging of devils, nor are more
      spirits than one expelled at a time.” He adds: “I have noticed
      frequently a connection between the quantity of grain that could be
      spared for making beer, and the frequency of gatherings for the
      purging of evils.”

  M85 General expulsion of demons in Minahassa, Halmahera, and the Kei
      Islands.

  318 [P. N. Wilken], “De godsdienst en godsdienstplegtigheden der
      Alfoeren in de Menahassa op het eiland Celebes,” _Tijdschrift voor
      Nederlandsch Indië_, December 1849, pp. 392-394; _id._, “Bijdragen
      tot de kennis van de zeden en gewoonten der Alfoeren in de
      Minahassa,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
      Zendelinggenootschap_, vii. (1863) pp. 149 _sqq._; J. G. F. Riedel,
      “De Minahasa in 1825,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en
      Volkenkunde_, xviii. (1872) pp. 521 _sq._ Wilken’s first and fuller
      account is reprinted in N. Graafland’s _De Minahassa_ (Rotterdam,
      1869), i. 117-120. A German translation of Wilken’s earlier article
      is printed in _Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde_, N.F., x. (1861)
      pp. 43-61.

  319 J. G. F. Riedel, “Galela und Tobeloresen,” _Zeitschrift für
      Ethnologie_, xvii. (1885) p. 82; G. A. Wilken, “Het Shamanisme bij
      de Volken van de Indischen Archipel,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land-
      en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indie_, xxxvi. (1887) p. 484; _id._,
      _Verspreide Geschriften_ (The Hague, 1912), iii. 383. When smallpox
      is raging, the Toradjas of Central Celebes abandon the village and
      live in the bush for seven days in order to make the spirit of
      smallpox believe that they are all dead. But it does not appear that
      they forcibly expel him from the village. See N. Adriani en Alb. C.
      Kruijt, _De Bare’e-sprekende Toradja’s van Midden-Celebes_, i.
      (Batavia, 1912) p. 417.

  320 C. M. Pleyte, “Ethnographische Beschrijving der Kei-eilanden,”
      _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_,
      Tweede Serie, x. (1893) pp. 834 _sq._ A briefer account of the
      custom had previously been given by J. G. F. Riedel (_De sluik- en
      kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_, The Hague, 1886, p.
      239).

  M86 Demons of sickness expelled in Nias.

  321 J. T. Nieuwenhuisen en H. C. B. von Rosenberg, “Verslag omtrent het
      eiland Nias,” _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van
      Kunsten en Wetenschapen_, xxx. (Batavia, 1863) pp. 116 _sq._; H. von
      Rosenberg, _Der Malayische Archipel_ (Leipsic, 1878), pp. 174 _sq._
      Compare L. N. H. A. Chatelin, “Godsdienst en Bijgeloof der
      Niassers,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_,
      xxvi. (1880) p. 139; E. Modigliani, _Un Viaggio a Nías_ (Milan,
      1890), pp. 195, 382. The Dyaks also drive the devil at the point of
      the sword from a house where there is sickness. See C. Hupe, “Korte
      verhandeling over de godsdienst, zeden, enz. der Dajakkers,”
      _Tijdschrift voor Neérlands Indië_, 1846, dl. iii. p. 149.

  M87 Spiritual quarantine against demons of sickness in Nias.

  322 Fr. Kramer, “Der Götzendienst der Niasser,” _Tijdschrift voor
      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiii. (1890) pp. 486-488.

  323 Herodotus, i. 172.

  M88 Demons of sickness expelled in the Solomon Islands, Burma, India,
      China.

  324 G. C. Wheeler, “Sketch of the Totemism and Religion of the People of
      the Islands in the Bougainville Straits (Western Solomon Islands),”
      _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, xv. (1912) pp. 49, 51 _sq._

  325 C. J. F. S. Forbes, _British Burma_ (London, 1878), p. 233; Shway
      Yoe, _The Burman, his Life and Notions_ (London, 1882), i. 282, ii.
      105 _sqq._; A. Bastian, _Die Völker des östlichen Asien_, ii. 98;
      Max and Bertha Ferrars, _Burma_ (London, 1900), p. 128.

  326 (Sir) J. George Scott and J. P. Hardiman, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma
      and the Shan States_, Part ii. vol. i. (Rangoon, 1901) p. 440.

  327 T. H. Lewin, _Wild Tribes of South-Eastern India_ (London, 1870), p.
      226.

  328 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, vi. (Leyden,
      1910) pp. 981 _sqq._; _id._, _The Religion of the Chinese_ (New
      York, 1910), pp. 40 _sqq._

  M89 Demons of sickness expelled in Japan, Corea and Tonquin.

  329 This description is taken from a newspaper-cutting, which was sent
      to me from the west of Scotland in October 1890, but without the
      name or date of the paper. The account, which is headed “Exorcism of
      the Pest Demon in Japan,” purports to be derived from a series of
      notes on medical customs of the Japanese, which were contributed by
      Dr. C. H. H. Hall, of the U.S. Navy, to the _Sei-I Kwai Medical
      Journal_. Compare Lafcadio Hearn, _Glimpses of Unfamiliar Japan_
      (London, 1894), i. 147.

  330 Masanao Koike, “Zwei Jahren in Korea,” _Internationales Archiv für
      Ethnographie_, iv. (1891) p. 10; Mrs. Bishop, _Korea and her
      Neighbours_ (London, 1898), ii. 240.

_  331 Lettres édifiantes et curieuses_, Nouvelle Édition (Paris,
      1780-1783), xvi. 206. It will be noticed that in this and the
      preceding case the principle of expulsion is applied for the benefit
      of an individual, not of a whole community. Yet the method of
      procedure in both is so similar to that adopted in the cases under
      consideration that I have allowed myself to cite them.

  M90 Demons of sickness expelled in Africa, America.

  332 G. Zündel, “Land und Volk der Eweer auf der Sclavenküste in
      Westafrika,” _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin_,
      xii. (1877) pp. 414 _sq._

  333 H. Hecquard, _Reise an die Küste und in das Innere von West-Afrika_
      (Leipsic, 1854), p. 43.

  334 Dr. A. Plehn, “Beobachtungen in Kamerun, über die Anschauungen und
      Gebräuche einiger Negerstämme,” _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xxxvi.
      (1904) pp. 717 _sq._

  335 Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: die materielle
      Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl_ (Berlin, 1893), p. 177.

  336 F. Gabriel Sagard, _Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons_, pp. 279
      _sqq._ (195 _sq._ of the reprint, Paris, Libraire Tross, 1865).
      Compare _Relations des Jésuites_, 1639, pp. 88-92 (Canadian reprint,
      Quebec, 1858), from which it appears that each man demanded the
      subject of his dream in the form of a riddle, which the hearers
      tried to solve. The custom of asking riddles at certain seasons or
      on certain special occasions is curious and has not yet, so far as I
      know, been explained. Perhaps enigmas were originally
      circumlocutions adopted at times when for certain reasons the
      speaker was forbidden the use of direct terms. They appear to be
      especially employed in the neighbourhood of a dead body. Thus in
      Bolang Mongondo (Celebes) riddles may never be asked except when
      there is a corpse in the village. See N. P. Wilken en J. A. Schwarz,
      “Allerlei over het land en volk van Bolaäng Mongondou,”
      _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xi.
      (1867) p. 357. In the Aru archipelago, while a corpse is uncoffined,
      the watchers propound riddles to each other, or rather they think of
      things which the others have to guess. See J. G. F. Riedel, _De
      sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_, pp. 267
      _sq._ In Brittany after a burial, when the rest have gone to partake
      of the funeral banquet, old men remain behind in the graveyard, and
      having seated themselves on mallows, ask each other riddles. See A.
      de Nore, _Coutumes, Mythes et Traditions des Provinces de France_
      (Paris and Lyons, 1846), p. 199. Among the Akamba of British East
      Africa boys and girls at circumcision have to interpret certain
      pictographs cut on sticks: these pictographs are called “riddles.”
      See C. W. Hobley, _Ethnology of A-Kamba and other East African
      Tribes_ (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 71 _sq._ In Vedic times the priests
      proposed enigmas to each other at the great sacrifice of a horse.
      See _The Satapatha Brahmana_, translated by J. Eggeling, Part v.
      (Oxford, 1900), pp. 314-316 (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol.
      xliv.); H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_ (Berlin, 1894), p.
      475. Compare O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der indogermanischen
      Altertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901), pp. 647 _sq._ Among Turkish
      tribes of Central Asia girls publicly propound riddles to their
      wooers, who are punished if they cannot read them. See H. Vambery,
      _Das Türkenvolk_ (Leipsic, 1885), pp. 232 _sq._ Among the Alfoors of
      Central Celebes riddles may only be asked during the season when the
      fields are being tilled and the crops are growing. People meeting
      together at this time occupy themselves with asking riddles and
      telling stories. As soon as some one has found the answer to a
      riddle, they all cry out, “Make our rice to grow, make fat ears to
      grow both in the valleys and on the heights.” But during the months
      which elapse between harvest and the preparation of new land for
      tillage the propounding of enigmas is strictly forbidden. The writer
      who reports the custom conjectures that the cry “Make our rice to
      grow” is addressed to the souls of the ancestors. See A. C. Kruijt,
      “Een en ander aangaande het geestelijk en maatschappelijk leven van
      den Poso-Alfoer,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
      Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) pp. 142 _sq._ Amongst the
      Toboongkoo of Central Celebes riddles are propounded at harvest and
      by watchers over a corpse. See A. C. Kruijt, “Eenige ethnografische
      aanteekeningen omtrent de Toboengkoe en de Tomori,” _Mededeelingen
      van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xliv. (1900) pp.
      223, 228.

  M91 Flight from the demons of sickness.

  337 A. d’Orbigny, _Voyage dans l’Amérique Méridionale_, ii. (Paris and
      Strasburg, 1839-1843) p. 190.

  338 Pedro Lozano, _Description Chorographica del Terreno, Rios, Arboles,
      y Animales de las dilatadissimas Provincias del Gran Chaco,
      Gualamba_, etc. (Cordova, 1733) p. 100.

  339 H. H. Bancroft, _Natives Races of the Pacific States_ (London,
      1875-1876), i. 589 note 259, quoting Arlegui, _Chrón. de Zacatecas_,
      pp. 152-3, 182.

  340 Bertram S. Carey and H. N. Tuck, _The Chin Hills_, i. (Rangoon,
      1896) p. 198.

  M92 The periodic expulsion of evils. Annual expulsion of ghosts in
      Australia.

  341 Rev. W. Ridley, in J. D. Lang’s _Queensland_ (London, 1861), p. 441.
      Compare Rev. W. Ridley, _Kamilaroi_ (Sydney, 1875), p. 149.

  M93 Annual expulsion of Tuña among the Esquimaux of Alaska.

_  342 Report of the International Polar Expedition to Point Barrow,
      Alaska_ (Washington, 1885), pp. 42 _sq._ It is said that in Thule,
      where the sun disappeared below the horizon for forty days every
      winter, the greatest festival of the year was held when the luminary
      reappeared. “It seems to me,” says Procopius, who records the fact,
      “that though the same thing happens every year, these islanders are
      very much afraid lest the sun should fail them altogether.” See
      Procopius, _De bello Gothico_, ii. 15.

  M94 Annual expulsion of Sedna among the Esquimaux of Baffin Land.

  343 Fr. Boas, “The Eskimo,” _Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal
      Society of Canada for 1887_, vol. v. (Montreal, 1888) sect. ii. 36
      _sq._; _id._, “The Central Eskimo,” _Sixth Annual Report of the
      Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1888), pp. 603 _sq._ Elsewhere,
      however, the writer mentions a different explanation of the custom
      of harpooning Sedna. He says: “Sedna feels kindly towards the people
      if they have succeeded in cutting her. If there is no blood on the
      knife, it is an ill omen. As to the reason why Sedna must be cut,
      the people say that it is an old custom, and that it makes her feel
      better, that it is the same as giving a thirsty person drink.” See
      Fr. Boas, “The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,” _Bulletin of
      the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. (New York, 1901) p.
      139. However, this explanation may well be an afterthought devised
      to throw light on an old custom of which the original meaning had
      been forgotten.

  M95 Annual expulsion of demons among the Koryaks.

  344 W. Jochelson, _The Koryak_ (Leyden and New York, 1908), p. 88 (_The
      Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. vi., _Memoir of the American
      Museum of Natural History_).

  M96 Annual expulsion of demons among the Iroquois and the Cherokees..

  345 Above, p. 121.

_  346 Relations des Jésuites_, 1656, pp. 26-28 (Canadian reprint, Quebec,
      1858); J. F. Lafitau, _Mœurs des Sauvages Ameriquains_ (Paris,
      1724), i. 367-369; Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, vi.
      82 _sqq._; Timothy Dwight, _Travels in New England and New York_
      (London, 1823), iv. 201 _sq._; L. H. Morgan, _League of the
      Iroquois_ (Rochester, 1851), pp. 207 _sqq._; Mrs. E. A. Smith,
      “Myths of the Iroquois,” _Second Annual Report of the Bureau of
      Ethnology_ (Washington, 1883), pp. 112 _sqq._; Horatio Hale,
      “Iroquois Sacrifice of the White Dog,” _American Antiquarian_, vii.
      (1885) pp. 7 _sqq._; W. M. Beauchamp, “Iroquois White Dog Feast,”
      _ibid._ pp. 235 _sqq._ “They had one day in the year which might be
      called the Festival of Fools; for in fact they pretended to be mad,
      rushing from hut to hut, so that if they ill-treated any one or
      carried off anything, they would say next day, ‘I was mad; I had not
      my senses about me.’ And the others would accept this explanation
      and exact no vengeance” (L. Hennepin, _Description de la Louisiane_,
      Paris, 1683, pp. 71 _sq._).

  347 J. H. Payne, quoted in “Observations on the Creek and Cherokee
      Indians, by W. Bartram, 1789, with prefatory and supplementary notes
      by E. G. Squier,” _Transactions of the American Ethnological
      Society_, vol. iii. Part i. (1853) p. 78.

  M97 Annual expulsion of evils among the Incas of Peru.

  348 C. Gay, “Fragment d’un voyage dans le Chili et au Cusco patrie des
      anciens Incas,” _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ (Paris), ii.
      Série, xix. (1843) pp. 29 _sq._

  349 Garcilasso de la Vega, _Royal Commentaries of the Yncas_, translated
      by (Sir) Clements R. Markham (Hakluyt Society, London, 1869-1871),
      Part i. bk. vii. ch. 6, vol. ii. pp. 228 _sqq._; Molina, “Fables and
      Rites of the Yncas,” in _Rites and Laws of the Yncas_ (Hakluyt
      Society, 1873), pp. 20 _sqq._; J. de Acosta, _History of the
      Indies_, bk. v. ch. 28, vol. ii. pp. 375 _sq._ (Hakluyt Society,
      London, 1880). The accounts of Garcilasso and Molina are somewhat
      discrepant, but this may be explained by the statement of the latter
      that “in one year they added, and in another they reduced the number
      of ceremonies, according to circumstances.” Molina places the
      festival in August, Garcilasso and Acosta in September. According to
      Garcilasso there were only four runners in Cuzco; according to
      Molina there were four hundred. Acosta’s account is very brief. In
      the description given in the text features have been borrowed from
      all three accounts, where these seemed consistent with each other.

  M98 Annual expulsion of demons among the negroes of Guinea.

  350 W. Bosman, “Description of the Coast of Guinea,” in J. Pinkerton’s
      _Voyages and Travels_, xvi. (London, 1814) p. 402; Pierre Bouche,
      _La Côte des Esclaves_ (Paris, 1885), p. 395.

  351 Rev. J. Leighton Wilson, _Western Africa_ (London, 1856), p. 217.

  M99 Annual expulsion of demons in Benin.

_  352 Narrative of Captain James Fawckner’s Travels on the Coast of
      Benin, West Africa_ (London, 1837), pp. 102 _sq._

 M100 Annual expulsion of demons at Cape Coast Castle.

  353 “Extracts from Diary of the late Rev. John Martin, Wesleyan
      Missionary in West Africa, 1843-1848,” _Man_, xii. (1912) pp. 138
      _sq._ Compare Major A. J. N. Tremearne, _The Tailed Head-hunters of
      Nigeria_ (London, 1912), pp. 202 _sq._

 M101 Annual expulsion of evils on the Niger and in Abyssinia.

  354 S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor, _The Gospel on the Banks of the Niger_
      (London, 1859), p. 320.

  355 Mansfield Parkyns, _Life in Abyssinia_, Second Edition (London,
      1868), pp. 285 _sq._

 M102 Annual expulsion of spirits at the yam harvest in New Guinea. Annual
      expulsion of demons among the Hos of West Africa before eating the
      new yams.

  356 George Brown, D.D., _Melanesians and Polynesian_ (London, 1910), pp.
      413 _sq._

  357 As to the ceremony of eating the new yams, see _Spirits of the Corn
      and of the Wild_, ii. 58 _sqq._

  358 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-Stämme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 305-307. At
      Kotedougou a French officer saw a number of disguised men called
      _dou_ dancing and performing various antics about the houses, under
      the trees, and in the fields. Hemp and palm leaves were sewn on
      their garments and they wore caps of hemp surmounted by a crest of
      red-ochred wood, sometimes by a wooden beak of a bird. He gathered
      that the ceremony takes place at the beginning of winter, and he
      thought that the processions “are perhaps intended to drive away the
      evil spirits at the season of tillage or perhaps also to procure
      rain.” See Le Capitaine Binger, _Du Niger au Golfe de Guinée par le
      pays de Kong et le Mossi_ (Paris, 1892), pp. 378-380.

 M103 Annual expulsion of demons among the Hos of North-Eastern India at
      harvest.

  359 E. T. Dalton, _Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal_ (Calcutta, 1872),
      pp. 196 _sq._ We have seen that among the Pondos of South Africa the
      harvest festival of first-fruits is in like manner a period of
      licence and debauchery. See _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_,
      ii. 66 _sq._

 M104 Annual expulsion of demons among the Hindoo Koosh tribes at harvest.
      Annual expulsion of demons among the Khonds at sowing.

  360 Major J. Biddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_ (Calcutta, 1880), p.
      103.

  361 W. Macpherson, _Memorials of Service in India from the
      Correspondence of the late Major S. C. Macpherson_ (London, 1865),
      pp. 357 _sq._ Possibly this case belongs more strictly to the class
      of mediate expulsions, the devils being driven out upon the car.
      Perhaps, however, the car with its contents is regarded rather as a
      bribe to induce them to go than as a vehicle in which they are
      actually carted away. Anyhow it is convenient to take this case
      along with those other expulsions of demons which are the
      accompaniment of an agricultural festival.

 M105 Annual expulsion of disease in Chota Nagpur. Annual expulsion of
      demons among the Mossos of China.

  362 H. C. Streatfield, “Ranchi,” _Journal of the Asiatic Society of
      Bengal_, lxxii. Part iii. (Calcutta, 1904) p. 36.

_  363 Le Tour du Monde_, iii. (Paris, 1897) pp. 227 _sq._, quoting _Aux
      sources de l’Irraouaddi, d’Hanoï à Calcutta par terre_, par M. E.
      Roux, Troisième Partie.

 M106 Periodical expulsion of demons in Bali.

  364 R. van Eck, “Schetsen van het eiland Bali,” _Tijdschrift voor
      Nederlandsch Indië_, N.S., viii. (1879) pp. 58-60. Van Eck’s account
      is reprinted in J. Jacobs’s _Eenigen tijd onder de Baliërs_
      (Batavia, 1883), pp. 190 _sqq._ According to another writer, each
      village may choose its own day for expelling the devils, but the
      ceremony must always be performed at the new moon. A necessary
      preliminary is to mark exactly the boundaries of the village
      territory, and this is done by stretching the leaves of a certain
      palm across the roads at the boundaries. See F. A. Liefrinck,
      “Bijdrage tot de kennis van het eiland Bali,” _Tijdschrift voor
      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiii. (1890) pp. 246 _sq._
      As to the “dark moon” it is to be observed that some eastern
      nations, particularly the Hindoos and the Burmese, divide the
      monthly cycle of the moon into two parts, which they call the light
      moon and the dark moon respectively. The light moon is the first
      half of the month, when the luminary is waxing; the dark moon is the
      second half of the month, when the luminary is waning. See Francis
      Buchanan, “On the Religion and Literature of the Burmas,” _Asiatick
      Researches_, vi. (London, 1801) p. 171. The Balinese have no doubt
      derived the distinction, like much else, from the Hindoos.

 M107 Annual expulsion of the fire-spirit among the Shans. Annual ceremony
      in Fiji. Annual ceremony in Tumleo.

  365 J. Anderson, _Mandalay to Momien_ (London, 1876), p. 308.

_  366 United States Exploring Expedition, Ethnography and Philology_, by
      H. Hale (Philadelphia, 1846), pp. 67 _sq._; Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative
      of the U.S. Exploring Expedition_, New Edition (New York, 1851),
      iii. 90 _sq._, 342. According to the latter writer, the sea-slug was
      eaten by the men alone, who lived during the four days in the
      temple, while the women and boys remained shut up in their houses.
      As to the annual appearance and catch of the sea-slug in the seas of
      Fiji, see further B. Seeman, _Viti, an Account of a Government
      Mission to the Vitian or Fijian Islands in the Years 1860-1862_
      (Cambridge, 1862), pp. 59-61; Basil Thomson, _The Fijians_ (London,
      1908), pp. 324-327. A somewhat different account of the appearance
      of the slug (_Palolo veridis_) in the Samoan Sea is given from
      personal observation by Dr. George Brown. He says: “This annelid, as
      far as I can remember, is about 8 or 12 inches long, and somewhat
      thicker than ordinary piping-cord. It is found only on two mornings
      in the year, and the time when it will appear and disappear can be
      accurately predicted. As a general rule only a few _palolo_ are
      found on the first day, though occasionally the large quantity may
      appear first; but, as a rule, the large quantity appears on the
      second morning. And it is only found on these mornings for a very
      limited period, viz. from early dawn to about seven o’clock, _i.e._
      for about two hours. It then disappears until the following year,
      except in some rare instances, when it is found for the same limited
      period in the following month after its first appearance. I kept
      records of the time, and of the state of the moon, for some years,
      with the following result: that it always appeared on two out of the
      following three days, viz. the day before, the day of, and the day
      after the last quarter of the October moon.” See George Brown, D.D.,
      _Melanesians and Polynesians_ (London, 1910), pp. 135 _sq._ The slug
      is also caught in the sea off Samoa, according to one account, at
      intervals of six months. One of its appearances takes place on the
      eighth day after the new moon of October. So regular are the
      appearances of the creature that the Samoans reckon their time by
      them. See E. Boisse, “Les îles Samoa, Nukunono, Fakaafo, Wallis et
      Hoorn,” _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ (Paris), vi. Série,
      x. (1875) pp. 430 _sq._ In antiquity every year vast shoals of a
      small fish used to ascend the river Olynthiac from the lake of Bolbe
      in Macedonia, and all the people of the neighbourhood caught and
      salted great store of them. They thought that the fish were sent to
      them by Bolbe, the mother of Olynthus, and they noted it as a
      curious fact that the fish never swam higher up than the tomb of
      Olynthus, which stood on the bank of the river Olynthiac. The shoals
      always made their appearance in the months of Anthesterion and
      Elaphebolion, and as the people of Apollonia (a city on the bank of
      the lake) celebrated their festival of the dead at that season,
      formerly in the month of Elaphebolion, but afterwards in the month
      of Anthesterion, they imagined that the fish came at that time on
      purpose. See Athenaeus, viii. 11, p. 334 F.

  367 M. J. Erdweg, “Die Bewohner der Insel Tumleo Berlinhafen,
      Deutsch-New-Guinea,” _Mittheilungen der anthropologischen
      Gesellschaft in Wien_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 329 _sq._

 M108 Annual expulsion of demons in Japan.

  368 A. Humbert, _Le Japon illustré_ (Paris, 1870), ii. 326.

  369 A. Bastian, _Die Völker des östlichen Asien_, v. (Jena, 1869) p.
      367.

  370 W. G. Aston, _Shinto_ (London, 1905), p. 309.

  371 Lafcadio Hearn, _Glimpses of Unfamiliar Japan_ (London, 1894), ii.
      498 _sq._ The writer agrees with Mr. Aston as to the formula of
      exorcism—“_Oni wa soto! fuku wa uchi_”, “Devils out! Good fortune
      in!”

 M109 Annual expulsion of poverty and demons in China, India, and Persia.

  372 Eitel, “Les Hak-ka,” _L’Anthropologie_, iv. (1893) pp. 175 _sq._

_  373 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. pp. 146 _sq._, § 792 (June, 1885);
      D. C. J. Ibbetson, _Outlines of Panjab Ethnography_ (Calcutta,
      1883), p. 119; W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern
      India_ (Westminster, 1896), ii. 188, 295 _sq._

  374 John Richardson, _Dictionary of Persian, Arabic, and English_, New
      Edition (London, 1829), p. liii.

 M110 Annual expulsion of demons in China at the end of the year.

  375 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, vi. (Leyden,
      1910) pp. 977 _sq._

  376 J. J. M. de Groot, _op. cit._ vi. 978.

  377 J. J. M. de Groot, _op. cit._ vi. 979.

  378 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, vi. 944 _sqq._;
      _id._, _The Religion of China_ (New York, 1910), pp. 38 _sq._; J. H.
      Gray, _China_ (London, 1878), i. 251 _sq._

  379 W. Woodville Rockhill, “Notes on some of the Laws, Customs, and
      Superstitions of Korea,” _The American Anthropologist_, iv. (1891)
      p. 185.

 M111 Annual expulsion of demons in Tonquin.

  380 S. Baron, “Description of the Kingdom of Tonqueen,” in J.
      Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_, ix. (London, 1811) pp. 673, 695
      _sq._; compare Richard, “History of Tonquin,” _ibid._ p. 746. The
      account of the ceremony by Tavernier (whom Baron criticises very
      unfavourably) is somewhat different. According to him, the expulsion
      of wicked souls at the New Year is combined with sacrifice to the
      honoured dead. “At the beginning of every year they have a great
      solemnity in honour of the dead, who were in their lives renowned
      for their noble actions and valour, reckoning rebels among them.
      They set up several altars, some for sacrifices, others for the
      names of the persons they design to honour; and the king, princes,
      and mandarins are present at them, and make three profound
      reverences to the altars when the sacrifices are finished; but the
      king shoots five times against the altars where the rebels’ names
      are; then the great guns are let off, and the soldiers give vollies
      of small shot, to put the souls to flight. The altars and papers
      made use of at the sacrifices are burnt, and the bonzes and sages go
      to eat the meat made use of at the sacrifice” (Tavernier, in John
      Harris’s _Collection of Voyages and Travels_, vol. i. (London, 1744)
      p. 823). The translation is somewhat abridged. For the French
      original, see J. B. Tavernier, _Voyages en Turquie, en Perse, et aux
      Indes_ (The Hague, 1718), iii. 230 _sq._

 M112 Annual expulsion of demons in Cambodia and Siam.

  381 É. Aymonier, _Notice sur le Cambodge_ (Paris, 1875), p. 62.

  382 A. Bastian, _Die Völker des östlichen Asien_, iii. (Jena, 1867) pp.
      237, 298, 314, 529 _sq._; Mgr. Pallegoix, _Description du Royaume
      Thai ou Siam_ (Paris, 1854), i. 252. Bastian (p. 314), with whom
      Pallegoix seems to agree, distinctly states that the expulsion takes
      place on the last day of the year. Yet both say that it occurs in
      the fourth month of the year. According to Pallegoix (i. 253) the
      Siamese year is composed of twelve lunar months, and the first month
      usually begins in December. Hence the expulsion of devils would
      commonly take place in March, as in Cambodia. In Laos the year
      begins in the fifth month and it ends in the fifth month of the
      following year. See Lieutenant-Colonel Tournier, _Notice sur le Laos
      Français_ (Hanoi, 1900), p. 187. According to Professor E. Seler the
      festival of Toxcatl, celebrated in the fifth month, was the old
      Mexican festival of the New Year. See E. Seler, _Altmexikanische
      Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp. 153, 166 _sq._ (_Veröffentlichungen
      aus dem königlichen Museum für Völkerkunde_, vi. Heft 2/4). Hence it
      appears that in some calendars the year is not reckoned to begin
      with the first month.

  383 Ernest Young, _The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe_ (Westminster, 1898),
      pp. 135 _sq._

  384 “Lettre de Mgr. Bruguière, évêque de Capse, à M. Bousquet,
      vicaire-général d’Aire,” _Annales de l’Association de la Propagation
      de la Foi_, v. (Paris and Lyons, 1831) p. 188. As to the temporary
      king of Siam, his privileges and the ceremony of ploughing which he
      performs, see _The Dying God_, pp. 149-151.

 M113 Annual reception and expulsion of the spirits of the dead in Japan.

  385 Charlevoix, _Histoire et description generale du Japon_ (Paris,
      1736), i. 128 _sq._; C. P. Thunberg, _Voyages au Japon_ (Paris,
      1796), iv. 18-20; A. Bastian, _Die Völker des östlichen Asien_, v.
      (Jena, 1869) p. 364; Beaufort, in _Journal of the Anthropological
      Institute_, xv. (1886) p. 102; A. Morgan, in _Journal of American
      Folk-lore_, x. (1897) pp. 244 _sq._; Lafcadio Hearn, _Glimpses of
      Unfamiliar Japan_ (London, 1894), i. 106-110, ii. 504 _sq._ The
      custom of welcoming the souls of the dead back to their old homes
      once a year has been observed in many lands. See _Adonis, Attis,
      Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 301 _sqq._

 M114 Annual reception and expulsion of the spirits of the dead in ancient
      Greece and Rome.

  386 Above, pp. 123 _sq._

  387 Hesychius, _s.v._ μιαραὶ ἡμέραι; τοῦ Ἀνθεστηριῶνος μηνός, ἐν αἶς τὰς
      ψυχὰς τῶν κατοιχομένων ἀνιέναι ἐδόκουν. Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.vv._
      Θύραζε Κᾶρες; οὐκέτ᾽ Ἀνθεστήρια ... τινὲς δὲ οὕτως τὴν παροιμίαν
      φασί; Θύραζε Κῆρες οὐκέτ᾽ Ἀνθεστήρια; ὡς κατὰ τὴν πόλιν τοῖς
      Ἀνθεστηρίοις τῶν ψυχῶν περιερχομένων. _Id._, _s.vv._ μιαρὰ ἡμέρα; ἐν
      τοῖς Χουσὶν Ἀνθεστηριῶνος μηνός, ἐν ᾧ δοκοῦσιν αἱ ψυχαὶ τῶν
      τελευτησάντων ἀνιέναι, ῥάμνῳ ἕωθεν ἐμασῶντο καὶ πίττῃ τὰς θύρας
      ἔχριον. Pollux, viii. 141: περισχοινίσαι τὰ ἱερὰ ἔλεγον ἐν ταῖς
      ἀποφράσι καί τὸ παραφράξαι. As to the closing of the temples, see
      further Athenaeus, x. 49, p. 447 C. As to the Anthesteria in
      general, see E. Rohde, _Psyche_3 (Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903), i.
      236 _sqq._, who rightly adopts Hesychius’s second explanation of
      Κῆρες. The reasons given by August Mommsen for rejecting that
      explanation betray an imperfect acquaintance with popular
      superstition (_Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_, Leipsic, 1898, p.
      386, note 1). Compare Miss J. E. Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study
      of Greek Religion_, Second Edition (Cambridge, 1908), pp. 32 _sqq._
      The Greeks thought that branches of buckthorn (_rhamnus_) fastened
      to doors or windows kept out witches (Dioscorides, _De materia
      medica_, i. 119). A similar virtue was attributed to buckthorn or
      hawthorn by the ancient Romans and modern European peasants. See A.
      Kuhn, _Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des Göttertranks_2 (Güterslöh,
      1886), pp. 209 _sq._; J. Murr, _Pflanzenwelt in der griechischen
      Mythologie_ (Innsbruck, 1890), pp. 104-106; _The Magic Art and the
      Evolution of Kings_, ii. 54 _sq._, 191. According to Mr. Murr,
      _rhamnus_ is _Lycium europaeum_ L. I learn from Miss J. E. Harrison
      that Sir Francis Darwin believes it to be buckthorn (_Rhamnus
      catharticus_). In some parts of Bosnia, when peasant women go to pay
      a visit in a house where a death has occurred they put a little
      hawthorn (_Weissdorn_) behind their headcloth, and on returning from
      the house they throw it away on the street. They think that if the
      deceased has turned into a vampyre, he will be so occupied in
      picking up the hawthorn, that he will not be able to follow them to
      their homes. See F. S. Krauss, “Vampyre im südslavischen
      Volksglauben,” _Globus_, lxi. (1892) p. 326. At childbirth also the
      Greeks smeared pitch on their houses to keep out the demons (εἰς
      ἀπέλασιν τῶν δαιμόνων) who attack women at such times (Photius,
      _Lexicon_, _s.v._ ῥάμνος). To this day the Bulgarians try to keep
      wandering ghosts from their houses by painting crosses with tar on
      the outside of their doors, while on the inside they hang a tangled
      skein composed of countless broken threads. The ghost cannot enter
      until he has counted all the threads, and before he has done the sum
      the cock crows and the poor soul must return to the grave. See A.
      Strausz, _Die Bulgaren_ (Leipsic, 1898), p. 454. The Servians paint
      crosses with tar on the doors of houses and barns to keep out
      vampyres. See F. S. Krauss, “Vampyre im südslavischen Volksglauben,”
      _Globus_, lxi. (1892) p. 326. In the Highlands of Scotland it was
      believed that tar put on a door kept witches away. See J. G.
      Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands
      of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), p. 13. The Thompson Indians of British
      Columbia used to bar their houses against ghosts by means not unlike
      those adopted by the Athenians at the Anthesteria. When a death had
      happened, they hung a string of deer-hoofs across the inside of the
      house, and an old woman often pulled at the string to make the hoofs
      rattle. This kept the ghost out. They also placed branches of
      juniper at the door or burned them in the fire for the same purpose.
      See James Teit, “The Thompson Indians of British Columbia” (April
      1900), p. 332 (_The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the
      American Museum of Natural History_). With the Athenian use of ropes
      to keep ghosts out of the temples at the Anthesteria we may compare
      the Siamese custom of roping demons out of the city at the New Year
      (above, p. 149). Ropes of rice-straw, which are supposed to repel
      demoniacal and evil influences, are hung by the Japanese in front of
      shrines, and at the New Year they hang them also before ordinary
      houses. See W. G. Aston, _Shinto_ (London, 1905), pp. 335 _sq._ Some
      of the Kayans of Borneo stretch ropes round their houses to keep out
      demons of disease; in order to do so more effectually leaves of a
      certain plant or tree are fastened to the rope. See A. W.
      Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, i. (Leyden, 1904) p. 448.

  388 Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Frogs_, 218.

  389 J. Perham, “Sea Dyak Religion,” _Journal of the Straits Branch of
      the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 14, December 1884, pp. 296-298.

  390 Ovid, _Fasti_, v. 419-486; Varro, quoted by Nonius Marcellus, p. 135
      (p. 142 ed. Quicherat), _s.v._ “Lemures”; Festus, p. 87 ed. C. O.
      Müller, _s.v._ “Fabam.” Ovid, who is our chief authority for the
      ceremony, speaks as if the festival lasted only one day (the ninth
      of May). But we know from the inscribed calendars that it lasted
      three days. See W. Warde Fowler, _The Roman Festivals of the period
      of the Republic_ (London, 1899), pp. 106 _sqq._

 M115 Annual expulsion of Satan among the Wotyaks and Cheremiss of Russia.

  391 Max Buch, _Die Wotjäken_ (Stuttgart, 1882), pp. 153 _sq._

  392 A. Bastian, _Der Mensch in der Geschichte_ (Leipsic, 1860), ii. 94;
      P. v. Stenin, “Ein neuer Beitrag zur Ethnographie der
      Tscheremissen,” _Globus_, lviii. (1890) p. 204.

 M116 Annual expulsion of witches and other powers of evil in Christian
      Europe.

  393 Vincenzo Dorsa, _La tradizione greco-latina negli usi e nelle
      credenze popolari della Calabria Citeriore_ (Cosenza, 1884), pp. 42
      _sq._

  394 Vincenzo Dorsa, _La tradizione greco-latina negli usi e nelle
      credenze popolari della Calabria Citeriore_, p. 48.

  395 J. G. von Hahn, _Albanesische Studien_ (Jena, 1854), i. 160. Compare
      _The Dying God_, pp. 264 _sq._

  396 P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_ (Leipsic,
      1903-1906), i. 86.

 M117 Widespread fear of witches and wizards in Europe.

  397 As to the activity of the evil powers on the twelve days from
      Christmas to Twelfth Night, see Gustav Bilfinger, _Das germanische
      Julfest_ (Stuttgart, 1901), pp. 74 _sqq._; as to witches on St.
      George’s Eve, May Eve, and Midsummer Eve, see _The Magic Art and the
      Evolution of Kings_, ii. 52 _sqq._, 127, 334 _sqq._

 M118 Annual expulsion of witches on Walpurgis Night (the Eve of May Day),
      on May Day in the Tyrol.

  398 G. Bilfinger, _Das germanische Julfest_ (Stuttgart, 1901), p. 76.

  399 J. M. Ritter von Alpenburg, _Mythen und Sagen Tirols_ (Zurich,
      1857), pp. 260 _sq._ Compare J. E. Waldfreund, “Volksgebräuche und
      Aberglauben,” _Zeitschrift für deutsche Mythologie und Sittenkunde_,
      iii. (1855) p. 339. A Westphalian form of the expulsion of evil is
      the driving out the _Süntevögel_, _Sunnenvögel_, or _Sommervögel_,
      that is, the butterfly. On St. Peter’s Day, 22nd February, children
      go from house to house knocking on them with hammers and singing
      doggerel rhymes in which they bid the _Sommervögel_ to depart.
      Presents are given to them at every house. Or the people of the
      house themselves go through all the rooms, knocking on all the
      doors, to drive away the _Sunnenvögel_. If this ceremony is omitted,
      it is thought that various misfortunes will be the consequence. The
      house will swarm with rats, mice, and other vermin, the cattle will
      be sick, the butterflies will multiply at the milk-bowls, etc. See
      J. F. L. Woeste, _Volksüberlieferungen in der Grafschaft Mark_
      (Iserlohn, 1848), p. 24; J. W. Wolf, _Beiträge zur deutschen
      Mythologie_, i. (Göttingen and Leipsic, 1852) p. 87; A. Kuhn,
      _Westfälische Sagen, Gebräuche und Märchen_ (Leipsic, 1859), ii. pp.
      119-121, §§ 366-374; Montanus, _Die deutschen Volksfeste,
      Volksbräuche, und deutscher Volksglaube_ (Iserlohn, N.D.), pp. 21
      _sq._; U. Jahn, _Die deutschen Opfergebräuche bei Ackerbau und
      Viehzucht_ (Breslau, 1884), pp. 94-96.

 M119 Annual expulsion of witches on Walpurgis Night in Bavaria and
      Voigtland.

_  400 Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs Bayern_ (Munich,
      1860-1866), ii. 272, iii. 302 _sq._, 934; O. Freiherr von
      Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Das festliche Jahr_ (Leipsic, 1863), p. 137.

_  401 Encyclopaedia Britannica_, Ninth Edition, xx. 493.

  402 R. Eisel, _Sagenbuch des Voigtlandes_ (Gera, 1871), p. 210.

  403 August Witzschel, _Sitten, Sagen und Gebräuche aus Thüringen_
      (Vienna, 1878), pp. 262 _sq._

 M120 Annual “Burning of the Witches” on Walpurgis Night in Bohemia.

  404 O. Freiherr von Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus Böhmen_
      (Prague, preface dated 1861), pp. 210-212; _id._, _Das festliche
      Jahr_ (Leipsic, 1863), p. 137; Alois John, _Sitte, Brauch und
      Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen_ (Prague, 1905), pp. 70-73.

  405 Alois John, _op. cit._ p. 71.

  406 Willibald Müller, _Beiträge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in Mähren_
      (Vienna and Olmutz, 1893), p. 324.

 M121 Annual “Burning of the Witches” on Walpurgis Night in Silesia.

  407 P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_ (Leipsic,
      1903-1906), i. 108-110. With regard to the dance of the witches in
      the snow, it is a common saying in the northern district of the Harz
      Mountains that the witches must dance the snow away on the top of
      the Blocksberg on the first of May. See A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz,
      _Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche_ (Leipsic, 1848), p. 376.
      At Dabelow in Mecklenburg all utensils are removed from the
      fireplace on Walpurgis Night, lest the witches should ride on them
      to the Blocksberg. See A. Kuhn and W. Schwartz, _l.c._

 M122 Annual “Burning of the Witches” on Walpurgis Night among the Wends
      of Saxony.

  408 R. Wuttke, _Sächsische Volkskunde_ (Dresden, 1901), p. 359.

  409 Lady Agnes Macdonell, in _The Times_, May 3rd, 1913, p. 6. In a
      letter to me (dated 31, Kensington Park Gardens, May 5th [1913])
      Lady Macdonell was kind enough to give me some further particulars
      as to the custom. It seems that the boys use their horns on May Day
      as well as on the thirtieth of April. Processions of boys and girls
      decorated with flowers and leaves, and carrying flags and horns,
      went about Penzance on May Day of the present year (1913). The horns
      are straight; some of them terminate in a bell-shaped opening,
      others have no such appendage. The latter and plainer are the older
      pattern.

 M123 Annual expulsion of witches during the Twelve Days from Christmas to
      Epiphany. “Burning out the Old Year” at Biggar.

  410 P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_ (Leipsic,
      1903-1906), i. 15-18. With regard to the superstitions attached to
      these twelve days or twelve nights, as the Germans call them, see
      further A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen und
      Gebräuche_ (Leipsic, 1848), pp. 408-418; A. Kuhn, _Sagen, Gebräuche
      und Märchen aus Westfalen_ (Leipsic, 1859), ii. 111-117; L.
      Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_
      (Oldenburg, 1867), ii. 28 _sqq._; M. Toeppen, _Aberglauben aus
      Masuren_2 (Danzig, 1867), pp. 61 _sqq._; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche
      Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), pp. 61 _sqq._, § 74; E. Mogk,
      “Mythologie,” in H. Paul’s _Grundriss der germanischen Philologie_,2
      iii. (Strasburg, 1900) pp. 260 _sq._; Alois John, _Sitte, Brauch und
      Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen_ (Prague, 1905), pp. 11 _sqq._

  411 O. Freiherr von Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus Böhmen_
      (Prague, preface dated 1861), p. 602.

  412 W. G. Aston, _Shinto_ (London, 1905), p. 312, referring to Lady
      Burton’s life of her husband.

  413 T. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_ (London, 1876), p. 506.

  414 J. G. Dalyell, _The Darker Superstitions of Scotland_ (Edinburgh,
      1834), p. 670.

 M124 Annual expulsion of witches and demons in Switzerland and France.

  415 H. Usener, “Italische Mythen,” _Rheinisches Museum_, N.F., xxx.
      (1875) p. 198; _id._, _Kleine Schriften_, iv. (Leipzic and Berlin,
      1913), p. 109; E. Hoffmann-Krayer, _Feste und Bräuche des
      Schweizervolkes_ (Zurich, 1913), p. 101.

  416 H. Herzog, _Schweizerische Volksfeste, Sitten und Gebräuche_ (Aaran,
      1884), pp. 212 _sq._

  417 A. de Nore, _Coutumes, Mythes, et Traditions des Provinces de
      France_ (Paris and Lyons, 1846), pp. 81, 85.

 M125 Befana in the Piazza Navona at Rome, in the Tuscan Romagna.

  418 As to Befana and her connexion with Epiphany, see J. Grimm,
      _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 i. 234. The personified Befana, an ugly but
      good-natured old woman, is known in Sicily as well as Italy. See G.
      Pitrè, _Spettacoli e Feste Popolari Siciliane_ (Palermo, 1881), p.
      167. As to the ceremony in the Piazza Navona, see H. Usener,
      “Italische Mythen,” _Kleine Schriften_, iv. (Leipsic and Berlin,
      1913) pp. 108 _sqq._, who rightly compares it to the Swiss
      ceremonies observed at and near Brunnen on Twelfth Night. I
      witnessed the noisy scene in the Piazza Navona in January, 1901.

  419 P. Fabbri, “Canti popolari raccolti sui monti della
      Romagna-Toscana,” _Archivio per lo Studio delle Tradizioni
      Popolari_, xxii. (1903) pp. 356 _sq._; H. Usener, _Kleine
      Schriften_, iv. 108 note 62. In the Abruzzi, on the evening before
      Epiphany, musicians go from house to house serenading the inmates
      with songs and the strains of fiddles, guitars, organs, and so
      forth. They are accompanied by others carrying lanterns, torches, or
      burning branches of juniper. See Antonio de Nino, _Usi e Costumi
      Abruzzesi_ (Florence, 1879-1883), ii. 178-180; G. Finamore,
      _Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi_ (Palermo, 1890), pp. 88 _sq._
      Such house to house visitations may be a relic of an old expulsion
      of witches and demons.

 M126 Expulsion of the Trows in Shetland on Up-helly-a’, the twenty-fourth
      day after Christmas.

  420 Rev. Biot Edmondston and Jessie M. E. Saxby, _The Home of a
      Naturalist_ (London, 1888), p. 136. Compare _County Folk-lore_, vol.
      iii. _Orkney and Shetland Islands_, collected by G. F. Black
      (London, 1903), p. 196. As to the Trows, whose name is doubtless
      identical with the Norse Trolls (Swedish _troll_, Norwegian
      _trold_), see Edmondston and Saxby, _op. cit._ pp. 189 _sqq._; John
      Jamieson, _Etymological Dictionary of the Scottish Language_, New
      Edition, edited by J. Longmuir and D. Donaldson (Paisley,
      1879-1882), iv. 630 _sq._, who observes that “while the Fairies are
      uniformly represented as social, cheerful, and benevolent beings,
      the _Trows_ are described as gloomy and malignant, ever prone to
      injure men.”

  421 Rev. Biot Edmondston and Jessie M. E. Saxby, _The Home of a
      Naturalist_ (London, 1888), p. 146. Compare _County Folk-lore_, vol.
      iii. _Orkney and Shetland Islands_, collected by G. F. Black
      (London, 1903), pp. 202 _sq._

_  422 The Shetland News_, February 1st, 1913, p. 5. As January 5th is
      reckoned Christmas in Shetland, the celebration of Up-helly-a’ falls
      on January 29th. See J. Nicolson, in _The World’s Work and Play_,
      February, 1906, pp. 283 _sqq._ For further information relating to
      the ceremony I am indebted to the kindness of Sheriff-Substitute
      David J. Mackenzie (formerly of Lerwick, now of Kilmarnock).
      According to one of his correspondents, the Rev. Dr. J. Willcock of
      Lerwick, the present elaborate form of the ceremony dates only from
      1882, when the Duke of Edinburgh visited Lerwick on naval business,
      and Up-helly-a’ was celebrated in his honour on a grander scale than
      ever before. Yet Dr. Willcock apparently does not deny the antiquity
      of the festival in a simpler form, for in his letter he says: “In
      former times an old boat filled with tar was set on fire and dragged
      about, as were also lighted tar-barrels.” Another authority on
      Shetland antiquities, Mr. Gilbert Goudie, writes to Sheriff
      Mackenzie that “the kicking about and burning a tar-barrel is very
      old in Lerwick.” Compare _County Folk-lore_, iii. _Orkney and
      Shetland Islands_, collected by G. F. Black (London, 1903), p. 205:
      “Formerly, blazing tar-barrels were dragged about the town, and
      afterwards, with the first break of morning, dashed over the knab
      into the sea.” Up-helly-a’, the Shetland name for Antinmas, is no
      doubt the same with Uphalyday, which Dr. J. Jamieson (_Dictionary of
      the Scottish Language_, New Edition, iv. 676) defines as “the first
      day after the termination of the Christmas holidays,” quoting two
      official documents of A.D. 1494 and 1541 respectively.

      I have to thank my friend Miss Anderson of Barskimming, Mauchline,
      Ayrshire, for kindly calling my attention to this interesting relic
      of the past.

 M127 Annual expulsion of witches and demons in Europe.
 M128 The expulsion of embodied evils.
 M129 Expulsion of demons personified by men among the American Indians.
      Expulsion of a demon embodied in an image among the Mayas of
      Yucatan.

  423 Stephen Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), p. 159.

  424 G. Catlin, _North American Indians_, Fourth Edition (London, 1844),
      i. 166 _sqq._; _id._, _O-kee-pa, a Religious Ceremony, and other
      Customs of the Mandans_ (London, 1867).

  425 Diego de Landa, _Relation des Choses de Yucatan_ (Paris, 1864), pp.
      203-205, 211-215; E. Seler, “The Mexican Chronology,” _Bureau of
      American Ethnology, Bulletin 28_ (Washington, 1904), p. 17. As to
      the Maya calendar see further Cyrus Thomas, _The Maya Year_
      (Washington, 1894), pp. 19 _sqq._ (_Smithsonian Institution, Bureau
      of Ethnology_).

 M130 Expulsion of a demon personified by a man among the aborigines of
      Queensland. Expulsion of demons embodied in effigies in India and
      Russia. Expulsion of demons embodied in animals or boys in Esthonia
      and Spain.

  426 W. E. Roth, _Ethnological Studies among the North-West-Central
      Queensland Aborigines_ (Brisbane and London, 1897), pp. 120-125.

  427 J. Moura, _Le Royaume du Cambodge_ (Paris, 1883), i. 172. Compare
      above, p. 149.

  428 R. H. Elliot, _Experiences of a Planter in the Jungles of Mysore_
      (London, 1871), i. 60 _sq._

  429 A. C. Winter, “Russische Volksbräuche bei Seuchen,” _Globus_, lxxix.
      (1901) p. 302. For the Russian ceremony of drawing a plough round a
      village to keep out the cattle plague, see also W. R. S. Ralston,
      _Songs of the Russian People_, Second Edition (London, 1872), pp.
      396 _sqq._

  430 J. G. Kohl, _Die deutsch-russischen Ostseeprovinzen_ (Dresden and
      Leipsic, 1841), ii. 278.

_  431 Folk-lore Journal_, vii. (1889) p. 174.

 M131 Annual expulsion of the demon of plague among the Khasis of Assam.
      The Tug of War probably a contest with demons represented by human
      beings. The Tug of War at funerals in Chittagong and Burma.

  432 Major P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_ (London, 1907), p. 157; A.
      Bastian, in _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für
      Anthropologie, Ethnologie, und Urgeschichte_, 1881, p. 151; _id._,
      _Völkerstämme am Brahmaputra_ (Berlin, 1883), pp. 6 _sq._

  433 Fr. Boas, “The Central Eskimo,” _Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau
      of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1888), p. 605. See _The Dying God_, p.
      259.

  434 Capt. T. H. Lewin, _Wild Races of South-Eastern India_ (London,
      1870), p. 185.

  435 Father Sangermano, _Description of the Burmese Empire_ (Rangoon,
      1885), p. 98; Capt. C. J. F. S. Forbes, _British Burma_ (London,
      1878), pp. 216 _sq._; Shway Yoe, _The Burman, his Life and Notions_
      (London, 1882), ii. 334 _sq._, 342.

 M132 The Tug of War as a rain-making ceremony in Burma and else where.

  436 F. E. Sawyer, “S. Swithin and Rainmakers,” _The Folk-lore Journal_,
      i. (1883) p. 214.

  437 Francis Buchanan, “On the Religion and Literature of the Burmas,”
      _Asiatick Researches_, vi. (London, 1801) pp. 193 _sq._ Compare
      Lieut.-General A. Fytche, _Burma Past and Present_ (London, 1878),
      i. 248 note 1; Max and Bertha Ferrars, _Burma_ (London, 1900), p.
      184; (Sir) J. G. Scott and J. P. Hardiman, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma
      and the Shan States_ (Rangoon, 1900-1901), Part ii. vol. ii. pp. 95,
      279.

  438 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Celebes
      en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), p. 282.

  439 For particulars as to the winds of Assam I am indebted to my friend
      Mr. J. D. Anderson, formerly of the Indian Civil Service, who
      resided many years in that country.

 M133 The Tug of War between the sexes. The Tug of War in Kamtchatka and
      New Guinea.

_  440 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 98 _sq._

  441 G. W. W. C. Baron van Hoevell, “Leti-eilanden,” _Tijdschrift voor
      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiii. (1890) p. 207.
      However, it is not quite clear from the writer’s words (“_Immers de
      mannen en vrouwen in twee partijeen verdeelt en elk een stuk van de
      roten in de hande houdende bootsen toch ook door’t voor- en
      achteroverbuigen van’t lichaam de bewegingen van cohabitie na_”)
      whether the men and women take opposite sides or are distributed
      between the two.

  442 T. C. Hodson, _The Naga Tribes of Manipur_ (London, 1911), p. 168;
      compare 64. “The Chirus have six crop festivals, one of which, that
      before the crops are cut, is marked by a rope-pulling ceremony of
      the same nature as that observed among the Tangkhuls” (_op. cit._ p.
      172). The headman (_khullākpa_) “is a sacrosanct person, the
      representative of the village in all religious rites, and surrounded
      by special alimentary, social and conjugal _gennas_” or taboos (_op.
      cit._ p. 110).

  443 Stewart Culin, _Korean Games_ (Philadelphia, 1895), p. 35; A. C.
      Haddon, _The Study of Man_ (London and New York, 1898), p. 274.

  444 G. W. Steller, _Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka_ (Frankfort
      and Leipsic, 1774), pp. 327 _sq._

  445 H. von Rosenberg, _Der malayisch Archipel_ (Leipsic, 1878), p. 462.

 M134 The Tug of War in Morocco to procure rain or sunshine.

  446 Edward Westermarck, “The Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in
      Morocco,” _Folk-lore_, xxii. (1911) pp. 158 _sq._; _id._,
      _Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with Agriculture, Certain Dates of
      the Solar Year, and the Weather in Morocco_ (Helsingfors, 1913), p.
      122.

 M135 Games of ball in Morocco to procure rain or sunshine.

  447 E. Westermarck, _Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with Agriculture,
      Certain Dates of the Solar Year, and the Weather in Morocco_
      (Helsingfors, 1913). pp. 121 _sq._

 M136 The Tug of War in Morocco to ensure prosperity.

  448 E. Westermarck, “The Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in Morocco,”
      _Folk-lore_, xxii. (1911) p. 159.

 M137 Spiritual significance of the Tug of War. The Tug of War in French
      Guiana, in North-Western India.

  449 H. Coudreau, _Chez nos Indiens, Quatre Années dans la Guayane
      Française_ (Paris, 1895), p. 234.

  450 Major Forbes, _Eleven Years in Ceylon_ (London, 1840), i. 358.

  451 Sir Henry M. Elliot, _Memoirs on the History, Folk-lore, and
      Distribution of the Races of the North-Western Provinces of India_,
      edited, revised, and re-arranged by John Beames (London, 1869), i.
      235.

  452 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
      (Westminster, 1896), ii. 321.

  453 E. Westermarck, “The Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in Morocco,”
      _Folk-lore_, xxii. (1911) p. 158.

 M138 The Tug of War in Shropshire and Radnorshire. Contests for a ball
      (_soule_) in Normandy.

  454 John Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_, New Edition
      (London, 1883), i. 92; Miss C. S. Burne and Miss G. F. Jackson,
      _Shropshire Folk-lore_ (London, 1883), pp. 319-321.

  455 C. S. Burne and G. F. Jackson, _op. cit._ p. 321.

  456 Jules Lecœur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_ (Condé-sur-Noireau,
      1883-1887), i. 13, ii. 153-165. Compare Laisnel de la Salle,
      _Croyances et Légendes du Centre de la France_ (Paris, 1875), i. 86
      _sqq._; and as to the game of _soule_, see Guerry, in _Mémoires des
      Antiquaires de France_, viii. (1829) pp. 459-461.

  457 In the parish of Vieux-Pont, in the department of Orne, the man who
      is last married before the first Sunday in Lent must throw a ball
      from the foot of the cross. The village lads compete with each other
      for its possession. To win it the lad must carry it through three
      parishes without being overtaken by his rivals. See A. de Nore,
      _Coutumes, Mythes, et Traditions des Provinces de France_ (Paris and
      Lyons, 1846), pp. 244 _sq._

 M139 Annual sham fights may represent contests with demons.

  458 J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, “Die Tenggeresen, ein alter Javanischer
      Volksstamm,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
      Nederlandsch-Indië_, liii. (1901) pp. 140 _sq._

  459 Edouard Chavannes, _Documents sur les Tou-Kiue (Turcs) Occidentaux_
      (St. Petersburg, 1903), p. 148.

 M140 Demons of sickness expelled in a small ship in Ceram.

  460 François Valentyn, _Oud- en nieuw Ost-Indiën_ (Dordrecht and
      Amsterdam, 1724-1726), iii. 14. L. de Backer (_L’Archipel Indien_,
      Paris, 1874, pp. 377 _sq._) copies from Valentyn.

 M141 Demons of sickness expelled in a small ship in Timor-laut, in a ship
      in Buru, removed from the persons of the sufferers.

  461 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes
      en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), pp. 304 _sq._

  462 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ pp. 25 _sq._

_  463 Ibid._ p. 141.

  464 See above, p. 155.

  465 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 78.

_  466 Ibid._ p. 357.

_  467 Ibid._ pp. 266, 304 _sq._, 327, 357; H. Ling Roth, _Natives of
      Sarawak and British North Borneo_ (London, 1896), i. 284.

  468 Ch. Hose and W. McDougall, _The Pagan Tribes of Borneo_ (London,
      1912), ii. 122 _sq._

 M142 Demons of disease expelled in a ship in Selangor.

  469 W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_ (London, 1900), pp. 433-435. For other
      examples of sending away plague-laden boats in the Malay region see
      J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ pp. 181, 210; R. van Eck, “Schetsen van
      het eiland Bali,” _Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indië_, N.S., viii.
      (1879) p. 104; A. Bastian, _Indonesien_, i. 147; C. Hupe, “Korte
      verhandeling over de godsdienst, zeden, enz. der Dajakkers,”
      _Tijdschrift voor Neêrlands Indië_, 1846, dl. iii. 150; C. F. H.
      Campen, “De godsdienstbegrippen der Halmaherasche Alfoeren,”
      _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvii.
      (1882) p. 441; _Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic
      Society_, No. 12, pp. 229-231; A. L. van Hasselt, _Volksbeschrijving
      van Midden-Sumatra_ (Leyden, 1882), p. 98; C. M. Pleyte,
      “Ethnographische Beschrijving der Kei-Eilanden,” _Tijdschrift van
      het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, x.
      (1893) p. 835; H. Ling Roth, “Low’s Natives of Sarawak,” _Journal of
      the Anthropological Institute_, xxii, (1893) p. 25; C. Snouck
      Hurgronje, _De Atjehers_ (Batavia and Leyden, 1893-1894), i. 461
      _sq._; J. A. Jacobsen, _Reisen in der Inselwelt des Banda-Meeres_
      (Berlin, 1896), p. 110.

 M143 Demons of sickness expelled in small ships in New Guinea, the
      Philippines, Tikopia, and the Nicobar Islands.

  470 H. Zahn, “Die Jabim,” in R. Neuhauss’s _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, iii.
      (1911) pp. 329 _sq._

  471 F. Blumentritt, “Über die Eingeborenen der Insel Palawan und der
      Inselgruppe der Talamianen,” _Globus_, lix. (1891) p. 183.

  472 J. Dumont D’Urville, _Voyage autour du monde et à la recherche de La
      Pérouse, sur la corvette Astrolabe_ (Paris, 1832-1833), v. 311.

  473 Roepstorff, “Ein Geisterboot der Nicobaresen,” _Verhandlungen der
      Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und
      Urgeschichte_ (1881), p. 401; W. Svoboda, “Die Bewohner des
      Nikobaren-Archipels,” _Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, vi.
      (1893) pp. 10 _sq._

  474 P. Denjoy, “An-nam, Médecins et Sorciers, Remèdes et Superstitions,”
      etc., _Bulletins de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris_, v. (1894)
      pp. 409 _sq._ Compare É. Aymonier, _Voyage dans le Laos_ (Paris,
      1895-1897), i. 121. For Siamese applications of the same principle
      to the cure of individuals, see A. Bastian, _Die Völker des
      östlichen Asien_, iii. (Jena, 1867) pp. 295 _sq._, 485 _sq._

 M144 Demons of sickness expelled in the form of animals in India.

_  475 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. p. 48, § 418 (January, 1884).

_  476 Id._, iii. p. 81, § 373 (February 1886).

  477 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
      (Westminster, 1896), i. 142. Bulls are used as scapegoats for
      cholera in Cashmeer (H. G. M. Murray-Aynsley, in _Folk-lore_, iv.
      (1893) pp. 398 _sq._).

  478 Major-General Sir W. H. Sleeman, _Rambles and Recollections of
      Indian Official_, New Edition (Westminster, 1893), i. 203.

  479 Major-General Sir W. H. Sleeman, _op. cit._ i. 198.

 M145 Goats and cocks employed as scapegoats in various parts of India.

  480 F. Fawcett, “On the Saoras (or Savaras), an Aboriginal Hill People
      of the Eastern Ghats,” _Journal of the Anthropological Society of
      Bombay_, i. 213, note.

  481 Mr. Y. V. Athalye, in _Journal of the Anthropological Society of
      Bombay_, i. 37.

  482 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
      (Westminster, 1896), i. 169 _sq._; _id._, _Tribes and Castes of the
      North-Western Provinces and Oudh_ (Calcutta, 1896), iii. 445.

_  483 Kausika Sutra_, xiv. 22 (W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_,
      Amsterdam, 1900, p. 29); H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_
      (Berlin, 1894), p. 498.

_  484 Kausika Sutra_, xviii. 16 (W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_,
      pp. 44 _sq._).

 M146 Cows, toads, and llamas as scapegoats in Africa and America.

  485 Dom Daniel Sour Dharim Dena (a Dinka convert), in _Annales de la
      Propagation de la Foi_, lx. (1888) pp. 57 _sq._

  486 H. Seidel, “Krankheit, Tod, und Begräbnis bei den Togonegern,”
      _Globus_, lxxii. (1897) p. 24.

  487 D. Forbes, “On the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru,” _Journal of
      the Ethnological Society of London_, vol. ii. No. 3 (October, 1870),
      p. 237.

 M147 Goddess of disease expelled in a toy chariot.

  488 Jivangi Jimshedji Modi, B.A., “On the Chariot of the Goddess, a
      Supposed Remedy for driving out an Epidemic,” _Journal of the
      Anthropological Society of Bombay_, vol. iv. No. 8 (Bombay, 1899),
      pp. 420-424; Captain C. Eckford Luard, in _Census of India, 1901_,
      vol. xix., _Central India_ (Lucknow, 1902), p. 78.

 M148 Human scapegoats in Uganda.

  489 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 342.

  490 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 109, 200. As to the perpetual
      fire at the entrance to a king’s enclosure, see _id._ pp. 103, 197,
      202 _sq._

 M149 Human scapegoats in China and India. Indian ceremony of sliding down
      a rope.

  491 J. H. Gray, _China_ (London, 1878), ii. 306.

_  492 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. p. 75, § 598 (April, 1884); W.
      Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
      (Westminster, 1896), i. 170.

  493 Rev. F. Hahn, “Some Notes on the Religion and Superstitions of the
      Orāōs” _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxxii. Part iii.
      (Calcutta, 1904) p. 17; compare H. C. Streatfield, _ibid._ p. 37.

_  494 North Indian Notes and Queries_, i. pp. 55, 74 _sq._, 77, §§ 417,
      499, 516 (July and August, 1891), quoting G. W. Traill, _Statistical
      Sketch of Kumaun_, pp. 68 sq., and Moorcroft and Trebeck, _Travels
      in the Himalayan Provinces of Hindustan and the Panjáb_, i. 17 _sq._
      Compare E. T. Atkinson, _The Himalayan Districts of the
      North-Western Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884), pp. 834
      _sq._

 M150 Tibetan New Year ceremony of sliding down a rope.

  495 W. Woodville Rockhill, “Tibet, A Geographical, Ethnographical, and
      Historical Sketch, derived from Chinese Sources,” _Journal of the
      Royal Asiatic Society for 1891_ (London, 1891), p. 209. Compare Hue,
      _Souvenirs d’un Voyage dans la Tartarie et le Thibet_, Sixième
      Édition (Paris, 1878), ii. 379 _sq._ For a description of Potala
      Hill and its grand palace, see L. Austine Waddell, _Lhasa and its
      Mysteries_ (London, 1905), pp. 330 _sqq._, 387 _sqq._

 M151 Periodic expulsion of evils in a material vehicle. Periodic
      expulsion of spirits in rafts from Perak.

_  496 Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Notes and Queries_,
      No. 3 (Singapore, 1886), pp. 80 _sq._

 M152 Annual expulsion of evils in small ships in the Indian Archipelago.

  497 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes
      en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), p. 393.

  498 A. Bastian, _Der Mensch in der Geschichte_ (Leipsic, 1860), ii. 93.

  499 Ivor H. N. Evans, “Notes on the Religious Beliefs, Superstitions,
      Ceremonies and Tabus of the Dusuns of the Tuaran and Tempassuk
      Districts, British North Borneo,” _Journal of the Royal
      Anthropological Institute_, xlii. (1912) pp. 382-384.

 M153 Annual expulsion of demons in little ships in the Nicobar Islands.

  500 A. Bastian, _op. cit._ ii. 91.

  501 V. Solomon, “Extracts from Diaries kept in Car Nicobar,” _Journal of
      the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 228 _sq._

 M154 Annual expulsion of embodied evils in India, China, and Corea.
      Annual expulsion or destruction of demons embodied in images in
      Tibet.

  502 Captain F. Wilford, “An Essay on the Sacred Isles in the West,”
      _Asiatic Researches_, ix. (London, 1809) pp. 96 _sq._

  503 J. H. Gray, _China_ (London, 1878), ii. 306 _sq._

  504 W. Woodville Rockhill, “Notes on some of the Laws, Customs, and
      Superstitions of Corea,” _The American Anthropologist_, iv. (1891)
      p. 185; Mrs. Bishop, _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), ii.
      56.

  505 Stewart Culin, _Korean Games_ (Philadelphia, 1895), p. 12.

_  506 Narratives of the Mission of George Bogle to Tibet and of the
      Journey of Thomas Manning to Lhasa_, edited by (Sir) Clements R.
      Markham (London, 1876), pp. 106 _sq._ Compare Sarat Chandra Das,
      _Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet_ (London, 1902), p. 116.

  507 Missionary Fage, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xxix.
      (1857) p. 321.

 M155 Biennial expulsion of demons embodied in effigies at Old Calabar.

  508 T. J. Hutchinson, _Impressions of Western Africa_ (London, 1858), p.
      162; Rev. J. Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_ (London, 1893), pp.
      105-107; Hugh Goldie, _Calabar and its Mission_, New Edition
      (Edinburgh and London, 1901), pp. 49 _sq._; Miss Mary H. Kingsley,
      _Travels in West Africa_ (London, 1897), p. 495; Major A. G.
      Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London, 1906), pp.
      449-451. The ceremony takes place both in Creek Town and Duke Town.
      The date of it, according to Miss Kingsley, is either every November
      or every second November; but with the exception of Mr. Macdonald,
      who does not mention the period, the other authorities agree in
      describing the ceremony as biennial. According to Major Leonard it
      is celebrated usually towards the end of the year. Miss Kingsley
      speaks of the effigies being set up in the houses themselves; but
      all the other writers say or imply that they are set up at the doors
      of the houses in the streets. According to Mr. Goldie the spirits
      expelled are “all the ghosts of those who have died since the last
      lustration.” He makes no mention of devils.

 M156 Annual expulsion of demons embodied in effigies at Porto Novo.

  509 Missionary F. Terrien, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_,
      liv. (1882) pp. 375-377.

 M157 Annual expulsion of embodied evils among the Hos of Togoland.

_  510 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 58 _sqq._

  511 Jakob Spieth, _Die Ewe-Stämme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 305-307. We have
      seen (above, p. 193) that these people used a toad as a scapegoat to
      free them from the influenza.

 M158 Annual expulsion of embodied evils among the gypsies.

  512 H. von Wlislocki, _Volksglaube und religiöser Brauch der Zigeuner_
      (Münster i. W., 1891), pp. 65 _sq._

 M159 Annual expulsion of evils in an animal scapegoat among the Garos of
      Assam.

  513 Major A. Playfair, _The Garos_ (London, 1909), p. 92.

 M160 Dogs as scapegoats in India, Scotland and America. The Jewish
      scapegoat.

  514 E. T. Atkinson, “Notes on the History of Religion in the Himalaya of
      the North-West Provinces,” _Journal of the Asiatic Society of
      Bengal_, liii. Pt. i. (1884) p. 62; _id._, _The Himalayan Districts
      of the North-Western Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) p.
      871.

_  515 Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century_, from the MSS. of
      John Ramsay of Ochtertyre, edited by Alex. Allardyce (Edinburgh,
      1888), ii. 439.

  516 W. M. Beauchamp, “The Iroquois White Dog Feast,” _American
      Antiquarian_, vii. (1885) p. 237.

_  517 Ibid._ p. 236; T. Dwight, _Travels in New England and New York_
      (London, 1823), iv. 202.

  518 Above, p. 127.

  519 Leviticus xvi. The word translated “scapegoat” in the Authorised
      Version is Azazel, which appears rather to be the name of a bad
      angel or demon, to whom the goat was sent away. “In later Jewish
      literature (Book of Enoch) Azazel appears as the prince of the
      fallen angels, the offspring of the unions described in Gen. vi. 1
      ff. The familiar rendering ‘scapegoat,’ _i.e._ the goat which is
      allowed to escape, goes back to the _caper emissarius_ of the
      Vulgate, and is based on an untenable etymology” (Professor A. R. S.
      Kennedy, in his commentary on Leviticus xvi. 8, in the _Century
      Bible_). There is some ground for thinking that the animal was
      killed by being thrown over a certain crag that overhangs a rocky
      chasm not far from Jerusalem. See _Encyclopædia Biblica_, ed. T. K.
      Cheyne and J. S. Black, vol. i. (London, 1899) coll. 394 _sqq._,
      _s.v._ “Azazel.” Modern Jews sacrifice a white cock on the eve of
      the Day of Atonement, nine days after the beginning of their New
      Year. The father of the family knocks the cock thrice against his
      own head, saying, “Let this cock be a substitute for me, let it take
      my place, let death be laid upon this cock, but a happy life
      bestowed on me and on all Israel.” Then he cuts its throat and
      dashes the bird violently on the ground. The intestines are thrown
      on the roof of the house. The flesh of the cock was formerly given
      to the poor. See J. Buxtorf, _Synagoga Judaica_ (Bâle, 1661), ch.
      xxv. pp. 508 _sqq._

 M161 Human scapegoats formerly put to death every year in Africa.

  520 S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor, _The Gospel on the Banks of the Niger_
      (London, 1859), pp. 343-345. Compare J. F. Schön and S. Crowther,
      _Journals_ (London, 1848), pp. 48 _sq._ The account of the custom by
      J. Africanus B. Horton (_West African Countries and Peoples_, pp.
      185 _sq._) is taken entirely from Taylor.

  521 Major A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London,
      1906), pp. 446 _sqq._

  522 An Igbodu is a sacred grove in which oracles are given. It is
      divided into three compartments by fences of palm branches and the
      _omu_ shrub. Into the first compartment women and uninitiated men
      may enter; into the other two only priestly officials are permitted,
      according to their rank in the hierarchy, to enter. See Bishop James
      Johnson, “Yoruba Heathenism,” quoted by R. E. Dennett, _At the Back
      of the Black Man’s Mind_ (London, 1906), p. 254.

  523 Bishop James Johnson, _op. cit._ p. 263. Bishop Johnson is a native
      African. It does not appear whether the sacrifice which he describes
      is occasional or periodical.

 M162 Human scapegoats formerly put to death every year in Siam. Annual
      human scapegoats in Japan and Sumatra.

  524 Turpin, “History of Siam,” in J. Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_
      (London, 1808-1814), ix. 579.

  525 The _oho-harahi_ or “Great Purification” is a ceremony, which used
      to be performed in the Japanese capital twice every year, namely on
      the last days of the sixth and twelfth month. It included a
      preliminary lustration, expiatory offerings, and the recital of a
      _norito_ or formula (not a prayer), in which the Mikado, by virtue
      of an authority transmitted to him from the Sun-goddess, pronounced
      to his ministers and people the absolution and remission of their
      sins. See W. G. Aston, _Shinto_ (London, 1905), pp. 294 _sqq._ The
      writer adds (p. 295): “The Chinese had an _oho-harahi_, defined by
      Mr. Giles in his _Chinese Dictionary_ as ‘a religious ceremony of
      purification performed in spring and autumn, with a view to secure
      divine protection for agricultural interests.’ ” The popular
      celebrations of the first of May and the first of November in Europe
      seem to be relics of similar biennial purifications.

  526 W. G. Aston, _Shinto_, pp. 308 _sq._

  527 W. Ködding, “Die Batakschen Götter und ihr Verhältnis zum
      Brahmanismus,” _Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift_, xii. (1885) pp.
      476, 478.

 M163 Annual human scapegoats in Europe. The expulsion of Posterli in
      Switzerland.

  528 Aeneas Sylvius, _Opera_ (Bâle, 1571), pp. 423 _sq._

  529 H. Usener, “Italische Mythen,” _Rheinisches Museum_, N.F., xxx.
      (1875) p. 198; _id._, _Kleine Schriften_, iv. (Leipsic and Berlin,
      1913) pp. 109 _sq._ The custom seems to have been revived in the
      latter part of the nineteenth century; perhaps it may still be
      observed. See H. Herzog, _Schweizerische Volksfeste, Sitten und
      Gebräuche_ (Aarau, 1884), pp. 293 _sq._; E. Hoffmann-Krayer, _Feste
      und Bräuche des Schweizervolkes_ (Zurich, 1913), p. 101.

 M164 Annual expulsion of the devil, personified by a man, from Munich on
      Ascension Day.

  530 L. Curtius, “Christi Himmelfahrt,” _Archiv für
      Religionswissenschaft_, xiv. (1911) p. 307, quoting the _Münchener
      Neuesten Nachrichten_, No. 235, May 21st, 1909.

 M165 The pardoned criminal at Rouen on Ascension Day may have been a
      public scapegoat.

_  531 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 164 _sqq._

  532 On the use of eponymous magistrates as annual scapegoats see above,
      pp. 39-41.

 M166 Divine animals as scapegoats in India and ancient Egypt.

  533 J. Thomas Phillips, _Account of the Religion, Manners, and Learning
      of the People of Malabar_ (London, 1717), pp. 6, 12 _sq._

  534 Herodotus, ii. 39.

  535 Herodotus, ii. 38-41; Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs
      of the Ancient Egyptians_, New Edition (London, 1878), iii. 403
      _sqq._

  536 Herodotus, _l.c._ As to the worship of sacred bulls in ancient
      Egypt, see further _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 34
      _sqq._

_  537 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 175 _sqq._, 314 _sq._

 M167 Divine men as scapegoats among the Gonds of India and the Albanians
      of the Caucasus.

_  538 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. p. 54, § 335 (December, 1884).

  539 Strabo, xi. 4. 7, p. 503. For the custom of standing upon a
      sacrificed victim, compare Demosthenes, _Or._ xxiii. 68, p. 642;
      Pausanias, iii. 20. 9.

 M168 Annual human scapegoats in Tibet. The Jalno, the temporary ruler of
      Lhasa.
 M169 The Jalno and the King of the Years. Expulsion of the King of the
      Years.

  540 The ceremony referred to is perhaps the one performed on the tenth
      day, as described in the text.

  541 “Report of a Route Survey by Pundit—from Nepal to Lhasa,” etc.,
      _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, xxxviii. (1868) pp.
      167, 170 _sq._; “Four Years Journeying through Great Tibet, by one
      of the Trans-Himalayan Explorers,” _Proceedings of the Royal
      Geographical Society_, N.S. vii. (1885) pp. 67 _sq._; W. Woodville
      Rockhill, “Tibet, a Geographical, Ethnographical, and Historical
      Sketch, derived from Chinese Sources,” _Journal of the Royal Asiatic
      Society for 1891_ (London, 1891), pp. 211 _sq._; L. A. Waddell, _The
      Buddhism of Tibet_ (London, 1895), pp. 504 _sqq._, 512 _sq._; J. L.
      Dutreuil de Rhins, _Mission Scientifique dans la Haute Asie
      1890-1895: Récit du Voyage_ (Paris, 1897), pp. 257 _sq._ The
      accounts supplement each other, though they differ in some
      particulars. I have endeavoured to combine them. According to Mr.
      Rockhill’s account, which is drawn from Chinese sources, at one
      point of the ceremonies the troops march thrice round the temple and
      fire volleys of musketry to drive away the devil. With the like
      intent they discharge a great old cannon, which bears the
      inscription, “My power breaks up and destroys rebellion.” The same
      account speaks of a fencing with battle-axes by a troop of
      boy-dancers, a great illumination of the cathedral with lanterns,
      and its decoration with figures made out of butter and flour to
      represent men, animals, dragons, etc.; also it makes mention of a
      horse-race and a foot-race, both run by boys. The clerical invasion
      of the capital at this season is graphically described by an
      eye-witness. See Huc, _Souvenirs d’un Voyage dans la Tartarie et le
      Thibet_, Sixième Édition (Paris, 1878), ii. 380 _sq_.

 M170 The Grand Lama, the Jalno, and the King of the Years in their
      relations to each other. Probability that of old the Tibetan
      scapegoat was put to death as a substitute for the Grand Lama.
 M171 General remarks.
 M172 First, the immediate and the mediate expulsions of evil are
      identical in intention.
 M173 Second, the annual expulsion of evil generally coincides with some
      well-marked change of season, such as the beginning or end of
      winter, the beginning or end of the rainy season, etc.
 M174 Third, the annual expulsion of evil is commonly preceded or followed
      by a period of general license.

  542 In the Dassera festival, as celebrated in Nepaul, we seem to have
      another instance of the annual expulsion of demons preceded by a
      time of license. The festival occurs at the beginning of October and
      lasts ten days. “During its continuance there is a general holiday
      among all classes of the people. The city of Kathmandu at this time
      is required to be purified, but the purification is effected rather
      by prayer than by water-cleansing. All the courts of law are closed,
      and all prisoners in jail are removed from the precincts of the
      city.... The Kalendar is cleared, or there is a jail-delivery always
      at the Dassera of all prisoners.” This seems a trace of a period of
      license. At this time “it is a general custom for masters to make an
      annual present, either of money, clothes, buffaloes, goats, etc., to
      such servants as have given satisfaction during the past year. It is
      in this respect, as well as in the feasting and drinking which goes
      on, something like our ‘boxing-time’ at Christmas.” On the seventh
      day at sunset there is a parade of all the troops in the capital,
      including the artillery. At a given signal the regiments begin to
      fire, the artillery takes it up, and a general firing goes on for
      about twenty minutes, when it suddenly ceases. This probably
      represents the expulsion of the demons. “The grand cutting of the
      rice-crops is always postponed till the Dassera is over, and
      commences all over the valley the very day afterwards.” See the
      description of the festival in H. A. Oldfield’s _Sketches from
      Nipal_ (London, 1880), ii. 342-351. On the Dassera in India, see J.
      A. Dubois, _Mœurs, Institutions et Cérémonies des Peuples de l’Inde_
      (Paris, 1825), ii. 329 _sqq._ The Besisi of the Malay Peninsula hold
      a regular carnival at the end of the rice-harvest, when they are
      said to be allowed to exchange wives. See W. W. Skeat and C. O.
      Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_ (London, 1906), ii.
      70, 76, 145, compare 120 _sq._ Amongst the Swahili of East Africa
      New Year’s Day was formerly a day of general license, “every man did
      as he pleased. Old quarrels were settled, men were found dead on the
      following day, and no inquiry was instituted about the matter.” See
      Ch. New, _Life, Wanderings, and Labours in Eastern Africa_ (London,
      1873), p. 65; and _The Golden Bough_,2 iii. 250. An annual period of
      anarchy and license, lasting three days, is reported by Borelli to
      be observed by some of the Gallas. See Ph. Paulitschke,
      _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: die geistige Cultur der Danâkil,
      Galla und Somal_ (Berlin, 1896), p. 158. In Ashantee the annual
      festival of the new yams is a time of general license. See _Spirits
      of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 62.

 M175 Fourth, the use of a divine man or animal as a scapegoat is
      remarkable.
 M176 Why a dying god should serve as a scapegoat.
 M177 The use of a divinity as scapegoat explains an ambiguity in the
      ceremony of “Carrying out Death.”

  543 See _The Dying God_, pp. 233 _sqq._, 264.

  544 Above, pp. 186, 189, 201.

  545 H. Usener, “Italische Mythen,” _Rheinisches Museum_, N.F. (1875)
      xxx. 194; _id._, _Kleine Schriften_, iv. (Leipsic and Berlin, 1913)
      p. 105.

 M178 Annual expulsion of “the Old Mars” in the month of March in ancient
      Rome.

  546 Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iii. 29, iv. 36. Lydus places the
      expulsion on the Ides of March, that is 15th March. But this seems
      to be a mistake. See H. Usener, “Italische Mythen,” _Rheinisches
      Museum_, xxx. (1875) pp. 209 _sqq._; _id._, _Kleine Schriften_, iv.
      (Leipsic and Berlin, 1913) pp. 122 _sqq._ Again, Lydus does not
      expressly say that Mamurius Veturius was driven out of the city, but
      he implies it by mentioning the legend that his mythical prototype
      was beaten with rods and expelled the city. Lastly, Lydus only
      mentions the name Mamurius. But the full name Mamurius Veturius is
      preserved by Varro, _De lingua latina_, vi. 45; Festus, ed. C. O.
      Müller, p. 131; Plutarch, _Numa_, 13. Mr. W. Warde Fowler is
      disposed to be sceptical as to the antiquity of the ceremony of
      expelling Mamurius. See his _Roman Festivals of the period of the
      Republic_ (London, 1899), pp. 44-50.

  547 H. Usener, “Italische Mythen,” pp. 212 _sq._; _id._, _Kleine
      Schriften_, iv. 125 _sq._; W. H. Roscher, _Apollon und Mars_
      (Leipsic, 1873), p. 27; L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_3 (Berlin,
      1881-1883), i. 360; A. Vaniček, _Griechisch-lateinisches
      etymologisches Wörterbuch_ (Leipsic, 1877), p. 715. The three latter
      scholars take Veturius as = _annuus_, because _vetus_ is
      etymologically equivalent to ἔτος. But, as Usener argues, it seems
      quite unallowable to take the Greek meaning of the word instead of
      the Latin.

  548 Cato, _De agri cultura_, 141.

  549 Varro, _De lingua latina_, v. 85.

  550 See the song of the Arval Brothers in _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_, ed.
      G. Henzen (Berlin, 1874), pp. 26 _sq._; J. Wordsworth, _Fragments
      and Specimens of Early Latin_ (Oxford, 1874), p. 158; H. Dessau,
      _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, ii. Pars i. (Berlin, 1902) p. 276.

_  551 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 42 _sqq._

  552 Cato, _De agri cultura_, 83.

_  553 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 50 _sq._, 55, 124
      _sq._

  554 L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_,3 i. 360; W. H. Roscher, _Apollon
      und Mars_, p. 49; _id._, _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_,
      ii. 2408 _sq._; H. Usener, _op. cit._ The ceremony also closely
      resembles the Highland New Year ceremony already described. See
      _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 322 _sqq._

  555 But the Biyârs, a mixed tribe of North-Western India, observe an
      annual ceremony which they call “burning the old year.” The old year
      is represented by a stake of the wood of the cotton-tree, which is
      planted in the ground at an appointed place outside of the village,
      and then burned on the day of the full moon in the month of Pûs.
      Fire is first put to it by the village priest, and then all the
      people follow his example, parch stalks of barley in the fire, and
      afterwards eat them. Next day they throw the ashes of the burnt wood
      in the air; and on the morrow the festival ends with a regular
      saturnalia, at which decency and order are forgotten. See W. Crooke,
      _Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh_
      (Calcutta, 1896), ii. 137 _sq._ Compare _id._, _Popular Religion and
      Folk-lore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896), ii. 319.

  556 Propertius, v. 2. 61 _sq._; H. Usener, “Italische Mythen,” p. 210;
      _id._, _Kleine Schriften_, iv. 123.

 M179 “The Old Mars” seems to have been beaten by the Salii, the dancing
      priests of Mars. The dances of the Salii in spring and autumn were
      perhaps intended to quicken the growth of the corn sown at these
      seasons. The armed processions of the Salii may have been intended
      to rout out and expel the demons lurking in the city.

  557 Varro, _De lingua latina_, vi. 45 ed. C. O. Müller; Festus, _s.v._
      “Mamuri Veturi,” p. 131 ed. C. O. Müller; Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 389
      _sqq._; Plutarch, _Numa_, 13.

  558 Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 188, “_Cui [scil. Mamurio] et diem
      consecrarunt, quo pellem virgis feriunt_”; Minucius Felix,
      _Octavius_, 24, “_Nudi cruda hieme discurrunt, alii incedunt
      pilleati, scuta vetera circumferunt, pelles caedunt_.” Neither
      Servius nor Minucius Felix expressly mentions the Salii, but the
      description given by the latter writer (“_pilleati, scuta vetera
      circumferunt_”) proves that he alludes to them. The expression of
      Minucius Felix _pelles caedunt_ is conclusive in favour of _pellem_
      in the passage of Servius, where some would wrongly substitute
      _peltam_, the reading of a single MS. That the beating of the
      skin-clad representative of Mamurius was done by the Salii was long
      ago rightly pointed out by Dr. W. H. Roscher (_Apollon und Mars_, p.
      49).

  559 Varro, _De lingua latina_, v. 85, “_Saliia salitando, quod facere in
      comitio in sacris quotannis et solent et debent_.” Compare Ovid,
      _Fasti_, iii. 387, “_Iam dederat Saliis a saltu nomina dicta_”;
      Plutarch, _Numa_, 13; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquitates
      Romanae_, ii. 70.

  560 J. Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) p.
      431; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der Römer_2 (Munich, 1912), p.
      144; W. Warde Fowler, _The Religious Experience of the Roman People_
      (London, 1911), pp. 96 _sq._

  561 Festus, ed. C. O. Müller, p. 325, “_Qui deus in saliaribus Saturnus
      nominatur, videlicet a sationibus_.” In this passage Ritschl reads
      _Saeturnus_ for _Saturnus_. The best MSS. of the epitome read
      _Sateurnus_. See J. Wordsworth, _Fragments and Specimens of Early
      Latin_ (Oxford, 1884), p. 405. As to Saturn in this capacity see
      below, p. 306.

  562 Columella, _De re rustica_, ii. 9. 6 _sq._

_  563 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 137 _sqq._

  564 J. Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) pp.
      427 _sq._

  565 L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), i. 359. As
      to the lunar year of the old Roman Calendar see L. Ideler, _Handbuch
      der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_ (Berlin, 1825-1826),
      ii. 38 _sqq._

  566 As to their number and badge see Aulus Gellius, vi. (vii., ed. M.
      Hertz) 7. 8; as to their function see Varro, _De lingua latina_, v.
      85, “_Fratres Arvales dicti sunt, qui sacra publica faciunt
      propterea ut fruges ferant arva, a ferendo et arvis fratres arvales
      dicti_.”

  567 Livy, i. 20. 4; Plutarch, _Numa_, 13; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,
      _Antiquitates Romanae_, ii. 70. Livy only mentions the shields. From
      an ancient relief we learn that the staves of the Salii terminated
      in a knob at each end. Hence we may correct the statement of
      Dionysius, who describes the weapon doubtfully as λόγχην ἣ ῥάβδον ἤ
      τι τοιοῦθ ἕτερον. See J. Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_,
      iii.2 432, note 6.

  568 See above, pp. 113, 116, 117, 132, 139, 141, 147, 158, 159, 161,
      163, 165, 166, 186, 191, 196, 200, 204, 214.

  569 Livy, i. 20. 4; J. Marquardt, _op. cit._ iii.2 432 _sq._; W. Smith,
      _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities_, Third Edition (London,
      1891), vol. ii. p. 590, _s.v._ “Salii.”

  570 See above, pp. 111 _sqq._

 M180 The demons expelled by the Salii may have been above all the demons
      of blight and infertility. This conjecture is supported by analogous
      ceremonies performed by savages for the purpose of driving off the
      demons that would harm the crops.

  571 See above, p. 138.

  572 Labat, _Voyage du Chevalier Des Marchais en Guinée, Isles voisines,
      et à Cayenne_ (Amsterdam, 1731), ii. 80 (p. 99 of the Paris
      edition).

  573 Olivier de Sanderval, _De l’Atlantique au Niger par le
      Foutah-Djallon_ (Paris, 1883), p. 230. The phrase which I have
      translated “for exorcising the spirits” is “_pour conjurer les
      esprits_.”

 M181 Dances of masked men in India, Borneo, and South America to promote
      the growth of the crops.

  574 Ludovico di Varthema, _Travels in Egypt, Syria_, etc., translated by
      J. W. Jones (Hakluyt Society, London, 1863), pp. 166 _sq._

_  575 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 95, 186 _sq._

_  576 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 111 _sq._

 M182 Dances in Aracan for the sake of the crops. Dances of the Tarahumare
      Indians of Mexico to procure rain for their crops.

_  577 Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, liii. (1881) p. 178.

  578 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), i. 330 _sq._

 M183 Dances of the Tarahumare Indians to cause rain to fall, corn to
      sprout, grass to grow, and animals to multiply.

  579 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), i. 335 _sqq._, 352
      _sq._

 M184 Dance of the Cora Indians at the sowing festival.

  580 K. Th. Preuss, _Die Nayarit-Expedition_, I. _Die Religion der
      Cora-Indianer_ (Leipsic, 1912), pp. xcviii. _sq._, 61-63. As to the
      sowing festival of the Mexican Indians, compare K. Th. Preuss, “Die
      religiösen Gesänge und Mythen einiger Stämme der mexikanischen
      Sierra Madre,” _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, xi. (1908) pp.
      374 _sqq._

 M185 Dances and leaps of European peasants to make the corn grow tall.

_  581 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 137-139.

  582 Dr. F. J. Vonbun, _Beiträge zur deutschen Mythologie gesammelt in
      Churrhaetien_ (Chur, 1862), p. 21, quoting J. Stumpf and Ulr.
      Campell. As the passage is curious and the work probably rare, I
      will quote the original in full: “_Sicherlich auch im zusammenhange
      mit Donarcultus war ein brauch der leute in der Grub (in
      Graubünden)._ ‘_Die landleute in der Grub haben noch etwas anererbte
      bräuche, indem dass sie sich zu etlichen jahren (meistens zur zeit
      der sonnenwende) besammelten, verbutzten (sich als masken
      vermummten) und einander unbekannt machten, legten harnisch und
      geweer an, und nahm jeder ein grossen kolben oder knüttel, zugen in
      einer rott mit einander von einem dorf zum andern, triben hohe
      sprünge und seltsame abentheur.—Sie luffen gestracks laufs
      aneinander, stiessen mit kräften je einer den andern, dass es
      erhillt, stiessen laut mit ihren grössen stöcken und knütteln,
      deswegen sie vom landvolk genannt werden die Stopfer. Diese
      thorechte abentheuer triben sie zum aberglauben, dass ihnen das korn
      destobas gerathen sölle, haben aber anjetzo abgelassen, und sind
      diese Stopfer in keiner achtung mehr_.’ (Joh. Stumpf). _Auch Ulr.
      Campell erwähnt dieses volksbrauch (s. 11) und bemerkt_: ‘_mit
      diesem gebrauche hing früher der glaube zusammen, dass dessen
      ausübung ein fruchtbares jahr bringe._’ ” The word _Stopfer_ means
      “stopper,” “rammer,” “crammer,” etc.

 M186 Dances of mummers called _Perchten_ in Austria for the good of the
      crops. The mythical old woman called Perchta.

  583 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_4 (Berlin, 1875-1878), i. 226 _sqq._,
      iii. 88 _sq._; Fr. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_
      (Munich, 1848-1855), i. 247 _sq._, ii. 381; I. V. Zingerle, “Perahta
      in Tirol,” _Zeitschrift für deutsche Mythologie_, iii. (Göttingen,
      1855), pp. 203-206; _id._, _Sitten, Bräuche und Meinungen des
      Tiroler Volkes_2 (Innsbruck, 1871), pp. 128 _sq._, 138 _sq_.; J. M.
      Ritter von Alpenburg, _Mythen und Sagen Tirols_ (Zürich, 1857), pp.
      46-51, 63-65; _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs
      Bayern_ (Munich, 1860-1867), i. 365; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche
      Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), § 25, pp. 25-27; W. Mannhardt,
      _Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer Nachbarstämme_ (Berlin,
      1875), pp. 542 _sq._; Karl Weinhold, _Weinacht-Spiele und Lieder aus
      Süddeutschland und Schlesien_ (Vienna, 1875), pp. 19 _sqq._; E.
      Mogk, in H. Paul’s _Grundriss der germanischen Philologie_,2 iii.
      (Strasburg, 1900), pp. 280 _sq_. (where it is said that Perchta
      “_spendet dem Acker Fruchtbarkeit und lässt das Vieh gedeihen_”); E.
      H. Meyer, _Mythologie der Germanen_ (Strasburg, 1903), pp. 424
      _sqq._; P. Herrmann, _Deutsche Mythologie_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 303
      _sqq._; M. Andree-Eysen, _Volkskundliches aus dem
      bayrisch-österreichischen Alpengebiet_ (Brunswick, 1910), pp. 156
      _sqq._; E. Hoffmann-Krayer, _Feste und Bräuche des Schweizervolkes_
      (Zürich, 1913), pp. 118 _sqq._

 M187 The running and leaping of the _Perchten_ mummers on Twelfth Night.
      The Beautiful _Perchten_ and the Ugly _Perchten_.

  584 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 i. 231; I. V. Zingerle, _Sitten,
      Bräuche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_2 (Innsbruck, 1871), pp.
      138 _sq._; W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 542 _sq._; J. M. Ritter
      von Alpenburg, _Mythen und Sagen Tirols_ (Zürich, 1857), pp. 50
      _sq._; K. Weinhold, _Weinacht-Spiele und Lieder aus Süddeutschland
      und Schlesien_ (Vienna, 1875), pp. 21 _sqq._

 M188 The Ugly _Perchten_ in Salzburg.
 M189 The Beautiful _Perchten_ in Salzburg.

  585 Marie Andree-Eysn, _Volkskundliches aus dem
      bayrisch-österreichischen Alpengebiet_ (Brunswick, 1910), pp.
      156-175.

 M190 Mrs. Andree-Eysn on the _Perchten_; according to her, the
      processions of Perchten are intended to promote fertility by
      banishing the demons that would thwart it.

  586 Marie Andree-Eysn, _Volkskundliches aus dem
      bayrisch-österreichischen Alpengebiet_ (Brunswick, 1910), pp. 179
      _sq._ The authoress kindly presented me with a copy of her valuable
      work in May 1910, when I had the pleasure of visiting her and her
      husband, the eminent anthropologist, the late Dr. Richard Andree, in
      their home at Munich.

 M191 The bells worn by the _Perchten_ mummers may be intended to ban
      demons. Bells rung to make the grass grow in spring. Bells rung to
      make the flax grow. Whips cracked to make the flax grow.

  587 See P. Sartori, “Glockensagen und Glockenaberglaube,” _Zeitschrift
      des Vereins für Volkskunde_, vii. (1897) pp. 360 _sqq._ The use in
      classical antiquity of bells, gongs, and the clash of bronze
      generally to ban the demon host has been learnedly illustrated by
      Mr. A. B. Cook in his article, “The Gong at Dodona,” _Journal of
      Hellenic Studies_, xxii. (1902) pp. 14 _sqq._

  588 Rev. A. L. Kitching, _On the Backwaters of the Nile_ (London, 1912),
      p. 264. As to the country of the Teso people, who do not belong to
      the Bantu stock, see _id._, pp. 26 _sq._

  589 Marie Andree-Eysn, _op. cit._ pp. 180-182. As to the custom of
      “ringing-out the grass,” see further W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p.
      540; _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 343 _sq._

  590 Marie Andree-Eysn, _op. cit._ p. 182.

  591 Marie Andree-Eysn, _l.c._

  592 K. Seifart, _Sagen, Märchen, Schwänke und Gebräuche aus Stadt und
      Stift Hildesheim_2 (Hildesheim, 1889), p. 180. For more evidence of
      the supposed fertilizing influence of bells, see P. Sartori,
      “Glockensagen und Glockenaberglaube,” _Zeitschrift des Vereins für
      Volkskunde_, vii. (1897) pp. 363 _sq._

  593 I. V. Zingerle, Sitten, _Bräuche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_2
      (Innsbruck, 1871), pp. 135 _sq._, 139, § 1196, 1211, 1212.

  594 W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 268 _sq._

 M192 Certain features in these processions or races of mummers seem to
      shew that the mummers represent beneficent spirits of fertility, who
      quicken the seed in the ground and offspring in the wombs of women.
      The view of W. Mannhardt.

  595 Marie Andree-Eysn, _op. cit._ pp. 182 _sq._

  596 W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 548.

  597 W. Mannhardt, _l.c._

 M193 Confirmations of this view. The use of bells and swords in these
      ceremonies.

  598 See above, p. 236.

_  599 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 325 _sqq._

  600 T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_ (London, 1876), p.
      32; _County Folk-lore, Printed Extracts, No. 3, Leicestershire and
      Rutlandshire_, collected and edited by C. J. Billson (London, 1895),
      pp. 93 _sq._

  601 Mrs. Lilly Grove (Mrs. J. G. Frazer), _Dancing_ (London, 1895), pp.
      147 _sqq._; E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_ (Oxford, 1903), i.
      195 _sqq._

  602 As to the swords carried by the _Perchten_ see above, p. 245; as to
      those carried by the dancers on Plough Monday, see J. Brand,
      _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1882-1883), i. 505.
      As to the sword-dance in general, see K. Müllenhoff, “Über den
      Schwerttanz,” in _Festgaben für Gustav Homeyer_ (Berlin, 1871), pp.
      111-147 (who compares the dances of the Salii); Mrs. Lilly Grove,
      _op. cit._ pp. 189 _sqq._, 211 _sqq._; E. K. Chambers, _op. cit._ i.
      182 _sqq._

  603 See below, pp. 331 _sqq._

 M194 These masquerades originally intended both to stimulate vegetation
      in spring and to expel demons.
 M195 Application of these conclusions to the expulsion of “the Old Mars”
      in ancient Rome.
 M196 Human scapegoats in ancient Greece. The “Expulsion of Hunger” at
      Chaeronea.

  604 Plutarch, _Quaest. conviv._ vi. 8.

  605 See above, pp. 143 _sqq._, 209.

 M197 Human scapegoats at Marseilles. Human scapegoats put to death at
      Athens. Human scapegoats annually stoned to death at Abdera.

  606 Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iii. 57, following Petronius; Lactantius
      Placidius, _Commentarii in Statii Thebaida_ x. 793, p. 452, ed. R.
      Jahnke (Leipsic, 1898). According to the former writer, the
      scapegoat was cast out (“_projiciebatur_”); according to the latter,
      he was stoned to death by the people outside of the walls (“_extra
      pomeria saxis occidebatur a populo_”). The statement of some modern
      writers that he was killed by being hurled from a height rests on a
      reading (“_praecipitabatur_” for “_projiciebatur_”) in the text of
      Servius, which appears to have no manuscript authority and to be
      merely a conjecture of R. Stephan’s. Yet the conjecture has been
      inserted in the text by F. Buecheler in his edition of Petronius
      (Third Edition, Berlin, 1882, p. 109) without any intimation that
      all the MSS. present a different reading. See the critical edition
      of Servius edited by G. Thilo and H. Hagen, vol. i. (Leipsic, 1881),
      p. 346.

  607 Helladius, in Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 534 A, ed. Im. Bekker
      (Berlin, 1824); Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Frogs_, 734, and on
      _Knights_, 1136; Hesychius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ φαρμακοὶ; compare
      Suidas, _Lexicon_, _s.vv._ κάθαρμα, φαρμακός, and φαρμακούς; Lysias,
      _Orat._ vi. 53. That they were stoned is an inference from
      Harpocration. See next note. When the people of Cyrene sacrificed to
      Saturn (Cronus), they wore crowns of fresh figs on their heads. See
      Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 7. 25.

  608 Harpocration, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ φαρμακός, who says δύο ἄνδρας
      ᾽Αθήνησιν ἐξῆγον καθάρσια ἐσομένους τῆς πόλεως ἐν τοῖς Θαργηλίοις,
      ἕνα μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἕνα δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν γυναικῶν. He does not
      expressly state that they were put to death; but as he says that the
      ceremony was an imitation of the execution of a mythical Pharmacus
      who was stoned to death, we may infer that the victims were killed
      by being stoned. Suidas (_s.v._ φαρμακός) copies Harpocration. As to
      the human scapegoats employed by the Greeks at the Thargelia and on
      other occasions see W. Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_
      (Strasburg, 1884), pp. 124 _sqq._; J. Töpffer, _Beiträge zur
      griechischen Altertumswissenschaft_ (Berlin, 1897), pp. 130 _sqq._;
      August Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898),
      pp. 468 _sqq._; Miss J. E. Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study of
      Greek Religion_, Second Edition (Cambridge, 1908), pp. 95 _sqq._; M.
      P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 105 _sqq._; W.
      R. Paton, “The φαρμακοί and the Story of the Fall,” _Revue
      Archéologique_, iv. Série ix. (1907) pp. 51-57.

  609 Ovid, _Ibis_, 467 _sq._:

      “_Aut te devoveat certis Abdera diebus_
      _ Saxaque devotum grandine plura petant_,”

      with the two scholia quoted respectively by M. P. Nilsson,
      _Griechische Feste_, p. 108 note 6, and by O. Schneider, in his
      _Callimachea_ (Leipsic, 1870-1873), ii. 684. The scholiast refers to
      Callimachus as his authority.

 M198 Annual human scapegoats in Leucadia. Human scapegoats annually put
      to death at the festival of the Thargelia in Asia Minor.

  610 Strabo, x. 2. 9, p. 542; Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ Λευκάτης; L.
      Ampelius, _Liber Memorialis_, viii. 4; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._
      iii. 279; Ptolemaeus Hephaest., _Nov. Histor._ in Photius,
      _Bibliotheca_, cod. 190, p. 153, ed. Im. Bekker; _Mythographi
      Graeci_, ed. A. Westermann (Brunswick, 1843), pp. 198 _sq._
      According to the manuscript reading in Photius, _l.c._, the priests
      flung themselves into the sea; but the reading has been altered by
      the editors. As to the Kumaon ceremony see above, pp. 196 _sq._

  611 Suidas and Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ περίψημα. The word which I
      have translated “offscouring” (περίψημα) occurs in 1 Corinthians iv.
      13, where it is similarly translated in the English version. It
      means properly that on which something is wiped off, like a sponge
      or a duster.

  612 J. Tzetzes, _Chiliades_, v. 726-761 (ed. Th. Kiesseling, Leipsic,
      1826). Tzetzes’s authority is the satirical poet Hipponax. The tune
      which was played by the flutes while the man was being beaten is
      mentioned by Hesychius, _s.v._ Κραδίης νόμος. Compare _id._, _s.v._
      Κραδησίτης; Plutarch, _De musica_, 8.

  613 This may be inferred from the verse of Hipponax, quoted by
      Athenaeus, ix. 9, p. 370 B, where for φαρμάκου we should perhaps
      read φαρμακοῦ with Schneidewin (_Poetae lyrici Graeci_,3 ed. Th.
      Bergk, ii. 763).

 M199 Mannhardt’s interpretation of the custom of beating the human
      scapegoat on the genitals: it was intended to free his reproductive
      energies from any restraint laid on them by demoniacal or other
      malignant agency.

  614 W. Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_ (Strasburg, 1884), pp. 113
      _sqq._, especially 123 _sq._, 133.

  615 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xx. 101; Dioscorides, _De materia medica_, ii.
      202; Lucian, _Necyom._ 7; _id._, Alexander, 47; Theophrastus,
      _Superstitious Man_.

  616 Theocritus, vii. 106 _sqq._ with the scholiast.

  617 Compare Aug. Mommsen, _Heortologie_ (Leipsic, 1864), pp. 414 _sqq._,
      _id._, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 468
      _sq._, 479 _sqq._; M. P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic,
      1906), pp. 105, iii _sqq._; W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und
      Feldkulte_ (Berlin, 1877), p. 215.

  618 At certain sacrifices in Yucatan blood was drawn from the genitals
      of a human victim and smeared on the face of the idol. See Diego de
      Landa, _Relation des choses de Yucatan_, texte espagnol et
      traduction française par l’Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg (Paris, 1864),
      p. 167. Was the original intention of this rite to transfuse into
      the god a fresh supply of reproductive energy?

  619 Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ ix. 26.

_  620 The Dying God_, pp. 239 _sq._

_  621 The Dying God_, p. 114.

 M200 W. R. Paton’s view that the human scapegoats at the Thargelia
      personated the spirits of fig-trees, and that the ceremony was a
      magical rite for the fertilization of fig-trees, being copied from
      the process of caprification.

  622 On the other hand, W. Mannhardt regarded the victims as representing
      the demons of infertility, dearth, and sickness, who in the persons
      of their representatives were thus hounded with blows out of the
      city. See his _Mythologische Forschungen_, p. 129.

  623 W. R. Paton, “The φαρμακοί and the Story of the Fall,” _Revue
      Archéologique_, iv. Série, ix. (1907) pp. 51 _sqq._

 M201 This theory is confirmed by a comparison with the Roman rites of the
      _Nonae Caprotinae_.

_  624 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 313 _sqq._

  625 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquitates Romanae_, ii. 56. 4.
      Compare Livy, i. 16. 4; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 27.

_  626 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 248. Compare _Adonis,
      Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 331 _sqq._

  627 See, for example, Helladius, cited by Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 534
      _a_, ed. Im. Bekker, καὶ ἐκράτει τὸ ἔθος ἀεὶ καθαίρειν τὴν πόλιν
      τοῖς φαρμακοῖς; Harpocration, _s.v._ φαρμακός (vol. i. p. 298, ed.
      G. Dindorf), δύο ἄνδρας Ἀθήνησιν ἐξῆγον καθάρσια ἐσομένους τῆς
      πόλεως; Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Knights_, 1136, δημοσίους δέ,
      τοὺς λεγομένους φαρμακούς, οἵπερ καθαίρουσι τὰς πόλεις τῷ ἑαυτῶν
      φόνῳ.

  628 Mr. Paton ingeniously suggests that in the Biblical narrative of
      Adam and Eve, who for eating a particular fruit were condemned to
      death and driven out of the happy garden with aprons of fig-leaves
      about their loins (Genesis iii.), we have a reminiscence of a custom
      of fertilizing fig-trees by a pair of human scapegoats, who, like
      the victims at the Thargelia, assimilated themselves to the tree by
      wearing its foliage or fruit. See W. R. Paton, “The φαρμακοί and the
      Story of the Fall,” _Revue Archéologique_, iv. Série, ix. (1907) pp.
      55 _sq._

 M202 Beating as a mode of dispelling evil influences.

  629 Above, pp. 2, 186. Compare Plutarch, _Parallela_, 35, where a woman
      is represented as going from house to house striking sick people
      with a hammer and bidding them be whole.

  630 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
      (Westminster, 1896), i. 99, 155; _id._, _Tribes and Castes of the
      North-Western Provinces and Oudh_ (Calcutta, 1896), iii. 333, 441,
      445.

  631 A. Certeux et E. H. Carnoy, _L’Algérie Traditionnelle_ (Paris and
      Algiers, 1884), p. 189.

  632 H. Kern, “Een Spanisch schrijver over den godsdienst der heidensche
      Bikollers,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
      Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlvii. (1897) pp. 232 _sq._ The Spanish
      authority is Father José Castaño. An ancient Egyptian relief from
      Saqqarah represents a mummy at the entrance of the tomb, while the
      women tear out their hair and the men wave palm-branches, apparently
      to drive evil spirits away. The custom has been inherited by the
      modern Arabs, who similarly beat off the invisible foes with
      palm-branches. See A. Wiedemann, _Herodots Zweites Buch_ (Leipsic,
      1890), p. 347. However, in these cases the blows seem to be
      administered to the demons and not to the corpse.

 M203 Beating people to rid them of clinging ghosts. Exorcism of ghosts by
      means of leaves and pig’s blood.

  633 J. M. van Baarda, “Ile de Halmaheira,” _Bulletins de la Société
      d’Anthropologie de Paris_, Quatrième Série, iii. (1892) p. 545. As
      to throwing a banana-trunk into the grave, see _Spirits of the Corn
      and of the Wild_, ii. 97.

  634 Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_ (London, 1901), p.
      550.

_  635 Revue d’Ethnographie_, iii. (1885) pp. 395 _sq._

  636 R. Schomburgk, _Reisen in Britisch-Guiana_ (Leipsic, 1847-1848), ii.
      457 _sqq._; Rev. J. H. Bernau, _Missionary Labours in British
      Guiana_ (London, 1847), p. 52; C. F. Ph. von Martius, _Zur
      Ethnographie Amerika’s, zumal Brasiliens_ (Leipsic, 1867), pp. 694
      _sq._; J. Crevaux, _Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud_ (Paris, 1883),
      p. 548.

  637 Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ i. 329. For more evidence see C.
      Boetticher, _Der Baumkultus der Hellenen_ (Berlin, 1856), pp. 369
      _sqq._

  638 See my note on Pausanias, ii. 31. 8, vol. ii. pp. 276 _sqq._

  639 V. Solomon, “Extracts from Diaries kept in Car Nicobar,” _Journal of
      the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 227.

 M204 Beating practised by South American Indians and others as a mode of
      conveying good qualities.

  640 J. de Acosta, _History of the Indies_, vol. ii. p. 375 (Hakluyt
      Society, London, 1880). See above, pp. 128 _sqq._

  641 P. Lozano, _Descripcion Chorographica del terreno, rios, arboles, y
      animales de las dilatadissimas provincias del Gran Chaco, Gualamba_,
      etc. (Cordova, 1733), p. 67. The reappearance of the Pleiades
      probably marked the beginning of the year for these people. See
      _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 307 _sqq._

  642 G. Osculati, _Esplorazione delle regioni equatoriali lungo il Napo
      ed il fiume delle Amazzoni_ (Milan, 1850), p. 118.

  643 H. Coudreau, _Chez nos Indiens: quatre années dans la Guyane
      Française_ (Paris, 1895), p. 544.

  644 G. H. Loskiel, _History of the Mission of the United Brethren among
      the Indians in North America_ (London, 1794), Part i. p. 37.

  645 The _Satapatha Brahmana_, v. 4. 4. 7, translated by J. Eggeling,
      Part iii. (Oxford, 1894) p. 108 (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol.
      xli.).

  646 D. Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_ (St. Petersburg,
      1856), ii. 34.

 M205 Beating people with instruments which possess and impart special
      virtues.

  647 On the positive benefits supposed in certain cases to flow from a
      beating compare S. Reinach, “La flagellation rituelle,” _Cultes,
      Mythes et Religions_, i. (Paris, 1905) pp. 180 _sqq._; E. S.
      Hartland, _Primitive Paternity_ (London, 1909-1910), i. 102 _sqq._

  648 Ch. Keysser, “Aus dem Leben der Kaileute,” in R. Neuhauss’s _Deutsch
      Neu-Guinea_, iii. (Berlin, 1911) p. 124.

  649 Father Lambert, “Mœurs et Superstitions de la tribu Bélep,” _Les
      Missions Catholique_, xii. (1880) p. 273; _id._, _Mœurs et
      Superstitions des Néo-Calédoniens_ (Nouméa, 1900), p. 218.

  650 F. J. de Santa-Anna Nery, _Folk-lore Brésilien_ (Paris, 1889), p.
      253.

  651 R. Temesváry, _Volksbräuche und Aberglauben in der Geburtshilfe und
      der Pflege des Neugeborenen in Ungarn_ (Leipsic, 1900), p. 8.
      Compare E. S. Hartland, _Primitive Paternity_ (London, 1909-1910),
      i. 106.

  652 A. C. Kruyt, “Het koppensnellen der Toradja’s van Midden-Celebes, en
      zijne beteekenis,” _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der Koninklijke
      Akademie van Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, iv. Reeks, iii.
      (Amsterdam, 1899) p. 199.

  653 E. Beardmore, “The Natives of Mowat, Daudai, New Guinea,” _Journal
      of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p. 464.

 M206 Custom in Morocco of beating people with the skins of sacrificed
      sheep or goats.

  654 E. Westermarck, “The Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in Morocco,”
      _Folk-lore_, xxii. (1911) pp. 163-165.

  655 See below, pp. 298, 302, 304.

  656 E. Westermarck, _op. cit._ pp. 165 _sq._, 170, 178. The purificatory
      character of the rite is duly recognised by Dr. Westermarck (_op.
      cit._ p. 178).

 M207 European custom of beating cattle with branches to make them healthy
      or drive away the witches from them. The rowan-tree as a protection
      against witchcraft.

  657 J. G. v. Hahn, _Albanesische Studien_ (Jena, 1854), i. 155.

  658 W. H. D. Rouse, “Folk-lore from the Southern Sporades,” _Folk-lore_,
      x. (1899) p. 179.

  659 K. Bartsch, _Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche aus Mecklenburg_ (Vienna,
      1879-1880), ii. p. 258, § 1348.

  660 J. F. L. Woeste, _Volksüberlieferungen in der Grafschaft Mark_
      (Iserlohn, 1848), pp. 25 _sq._; A. Kuhn, _Die Herabkunft des Feuers
      und des Göttertranks_2 (Gütersloh, 1886), pp. 161 _sqq._ The
      ceremony takes its name of “quickening” from _Quieke_ or
      _Quickenbaum_, a German name for the rowan-tree. Quicken-tree is
      also an English name for the rowan.

_  661 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 52 _sqq._

  662 Rev. W. Gregor, _Notes on the Folk-lore of the North-east of
      Scotland_ (London, 1881), p. 188.

  663 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 106, §
      145.

  664 J. F. L. Woeste, _Volksüberlieferungen in der Grafschaft Mark_
      (Iserlohn, 1848), p. 26. Compare A. Kuhn, _Die Herabkunft des Feuers
      und des Göttertranks_2 (Gütersloh, 1886), p. 179.

 M208 European custom of beating people with branches at Easter to do them
      good: “Easter Smacks.”

  665 F. S. Krauss, _Kroatien und Slavonien_ (Vienna, 1889), p. 108.

  666 W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 257.

  667 Th. Vernaleken, _Mythen und Bräuche des Volkes in Österreich_
      (Vienna, 1859), pp. 300 _sq._; O. Freiherr von
      Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus Böhmen_ (Prague, preface
      dated 1861), pp. 163-167; A. Peter, _Volksthümliches aus
      Österreichisch-Schlesien_ (Troppau, 1865-1867), ii. 285; J. A. E.
      Köhler, _Volksbrauch, Aberglauben, Sagen und andre alte
      Überlieferungen im Voigtlande_ (Leipsic, 1867), pp. 173 _sq._; M.
      Toeppen, _Aberglauben aus Masuren_2, (Danzig, 1867), pp. 69 _sq._;
      A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 70, §
      83; W. Mannhardt, _Der Baumkultus_ (Berlin, 1875), pp. 258-263; W.
      Müller, _Beiträge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in Mähren_ (Vienna
      and Olmütz, 1893), pp. 322, 399 _sq._; Dr. F. Tetzner, “Die
      Tschechen und Mährer in Schlesien,” _Globus_, lxxviii. (1900) p.
      340; P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_
      (Leipsic, 1903-1906), pp. 100 _sq._; Alois John, _Sitte, Brauche und
      Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen_ (Prague, 1905), pp. 67 _sq._
      Mannhardt’s whole discussion of what he calls “the Blow with the Rod
      of Life” (“_Der Schlag mit der Lebensrute_”) deserves to be studied.
      See his _Baumkultus_, pp. 251-303; and compare his treatment of the
      same theme, “Der Schlag mit dem Februum,” _Mythologische
      Forschungen_ (Strasburg, 1884), pp. 113-153. The custom of “Easter
      Smacks” can be traced back to the twelfth century, when the practice
      was for women to beat their husbands on Easter Monday and for
      husbands to retaliate on their wives on Easter Tuesday. See J.
      Belethus, _Rationale Divinorum Officiorum_, cap. 120, appended to G.
      Durandus’s _Rationale Divinorum Officiorum_ (Lyons, 1584), p. 546
      recto: “_Notandum quoque est in plerisque regionibus secundo die
      post Pascha mulieres maritos suos verberare, ac vicissim viros eas
      tertio die quemadmodum licebat servis in Decembri dominos suos
      impune accusare._”

 M209 European custom of beating people with branches in the Christmas
      holidays (Holy Innocents’ Day, etc.) to do them good.

  668 Alois John, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen_
      (Prague, 1905), pp. 5, 23 _sq._, 25, 28. Compare Th. Vernaleken,
      _Mythen und Bräuche des Volkes in Österreich_ (Vienna, 1859), pp.
      301 _sq._

  669 J. A. E. Köhler, _Volksbrauch, Aberglauben, Sagen und andre alte
      Überlieferungen im Voigtlande_ (Leipsic, 1867), p. 174; W.
      Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 264 _sq._

  670 August Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Thüringen_
      (Vienna, 1878), pp. 181 _sq._; W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 265.
      Compare G. Bilfinger, _Unterschungen über die Zeitrechnung der alten
      Germanen_, ii., _Das Germanische Julfest_ (Stuttgart, 1901), pp. 85
      _sq._

 M210 The intention of beating people with fresh green leaves is to renew
      their life and vigour.
 M211 Hence the custom of beating the human victims at the Thargelia with
      fig-branches and squills was probably a charm to increase their
      reproductive energies.

_  671 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 24 sq. It is highly
      significant that the heathen of Harran celebrated the marriage
      festival of all the gods and goddesses in the very month (March) in
      which the artificial fertilization of the date-palm was effected (D.
      Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_, St. Petersburg, 1856,
      ii. 36, 251). The frequency with which the artificial fertilization
      of the palm-tree by a mythical winged figure is represented on
      Assyrian monuments furnishes strong evidence of the religious and
      economic importance of the ceremony.

 M212 Hence the human victims at the Thargelia may have primarily
      represented spirits of vegetation.
 M213 Parallel between the human sacrifices at the Thargelia and the
      bloody ritual of the Arician Grove.

_  672 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 40 _sqq._, ii. 376
      _sqq._

 M214 The custom of sacrificing human representatives of the gods among
      the Aztecs of Mexico.

  673 J. de Acosta, _The Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (London,
      Hakluyt Society, 1880), ii. 323. I have modernized the spelling of
      the old English translator, whose version was originally published
      in 1604. Acosta resided both in Peru and Mexico, and published his
      work at Seville in 1590. It was reprinted in a convenient form at
      Madrid in 1894. Compare A. de Herrera, _General History of the Vast
      Continent and Islands of America_, translated by Captain John
      Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iii. 207 _sq._

 M215 Sacrifice of a man in the character of the great god Tezcatlipoca at
      the festival of Toxcatl in the fifth Aztec month.

  674 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la
      Nouvelle-Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Siméon (Paris,
      1880), pp. 61 _sq._: “_On appelait le cinquième moi_ toxcatl. _Au
      premier jour on faisait une grande fête en l’honneur du dieu appelé_
      Titlacauan, _autrement dit_ Tezcatlipoca, _que l’on croyait être le
      dieu des dieux. C’était en son honneur que l’on tuait, le jour de sa
      fête, un jeune homme choisi.... Cette fête était la principale de
      toutes, comme qui dirait la Pâque, et, en réalité, elle se célébrait
      aux environs de la Pâque de résurrection, ou quelques jours après_.”
      Compare J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 14, vol.
      ii. p. 256 (Madrid, 1723). As to Tezcatlipoca, the greatest of the
      Mexican gods, see J. G. Müller, _Geschichte der amerikanischen
      Urreligionen_ (Bâle, 1867), pp. 613 _sqq._; H. H. Bancroft, _The
      Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London, 1875-1876), iii. 199
      _sqq._, 237 _sqq._; E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii.
      (Berlin, 1899) pp. 125 _sqq._ (_Veröffentlichungen aus dem
      königlichen Museum für Völkerkunde_, vol. vi. Heft 2/4).

  675 On the twenty-third of April according to the Spanish text of
      Sahagun’s work as translated in French by D. Jourdanet and R. Simeon
      (p. 52); the twenty-seventh of April according to the Aztec text of
      Sahagun’s work as translated into German by Professor E. Seler
      (_Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. 194).

  676 J. de Acosta, _Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (Hakluyt
      Society, London, 1880), ii. 378, 380; Diego Duran, _Historia de las
      Indias de Nueva España_ (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 99, 101; _Manuscrit
      Ramirez, Histoire de l’Origine des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle
      Espagne selon leurs traditions_, publié par D. Charnay (Paris,
      1903), pp. 159, 160 _sq._ According to Clavigero, the fifth Mexican
      month, in which the sacrifice of the human representative of
      Tezcatlipoca took place, began on the 17th of May (_History of
      Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen, London, 1807, i. 299); but this
      must be an error.

  677 E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp. 117 note
      1, 121-125, 153 _sq._, 166 _sq._ (_Veröffentlichungen aus dem
      königlichen Museum für Völkerkunde_, vol. vi. Heft 2/4).

  678 J. de Acosta, _op. cit._ ii. 380; Diego Duran, _op. cit._ ii. 101;
      _Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l’Origine des Indiens qui habitent
      la Nouvelle Espagne selon leurs traditions_, publié par D. Charnay
      (Paris, 1903), p. 160; J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib.
      x. cap. 14, vol. ii. p. 257 (Madrid, 1723). I have modernized the
      spelling of Acosta’s old translator (Edward Grimston).

 M216 The training and equipment of the human god. The manner of the
      sacrifice.

  679 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet, et R. Siméon (Paris, 1880), pp.
      61 _sq._, 96-99, 103; E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii.
      (Berlin, 1899), pp. 116-165, 194-209 (the latter passage contains
      the Aztec text of Sahagun’s account with a German translation); J.
      de Acosta, _The Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (Hakluyt
      Society, London, 1880), pp. 350 _sq._; _Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire
      de l’Origine des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle Espagne selon
      leurs traditions_, publié par D. Charnay (Paris, 1903), pp. 157
      _sqq._, 180 _sq._; Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva
      España_ (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 98-105; J. de Torquemada,
      _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 14, vol. ii. pp. 256 _sqq._
      (Madrid, 1723); F. S. Clavigero, _History of Mexico_, translated by
      Charles Cullen, Second Edition (London, 1807), i. 300; Brasseur de
      Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique et de
      l’Amérique-Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 510-512; H. H.
      Bancroft, _The Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London,
      1875-1876), iii. 319 _sq._ According to Torquemada the flesh of the
      human victim was eaten by the elders “as a sacred and divine flesh”;
      but this is not mentioned by the other authorities of the sixteenth
      century cited above. Elsewhere (_Spirits of the Corn and of the
      Wild_, ii. 92 _sq._) I cited this cannibal banquet as an example of
      a sacramental communion with the deity; but the silence of most
      early writers on the point makes it doubtful whether the custom has
      been correctly reported by Torquemada and later writers.

 M217 Sacrifice of a man in the character of the great Mexican god
      Vitzilopochtli (Huitzilopochtli) in the month of May.

  680 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Siméon (Paris, 1880), pp.
      99-104; E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp.
      159-165, 202-209; F. S. Clavigero, _History of Mexico_, translated
      by Ch. Cullen, Second Edition (London, 1807), i. 301-303; Brasseur
      de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique et de
      l’Amérique-Centrale_, iii. 512-516; H. H. Bancroft, _The Native
      Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 321-324. As to the dances of the
      maidens wearing garlands of maize, see also J. de Acosta, _Natural
      and Moral History of the Indies_ (London, 1880), ii. 380.

 M218 Sacrifice of a man in the character of the great Mexican god
      Quetzalcoatl in the month of February.

  681 J. de Acosta, _The Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (Hakluyt
      Society, London, 1880), ii. 321; Diego Duran, _Historia de las
      Indias de Nueva España_ (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 118-120; _Manuscrit
      Ramirez, Histoire de l’Origine des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle
      Espagne selon leurs traditions_, publié par D. Charnay (Paris,
      1903), pp. 182 _sq._ Acosta’s description of the idol is abridged.
      As to the Mexican god Quetzalcoatl, worshipped especially by the
      people of Cholula, see J. G. Müller, _Geschichte der amerikanischen
      Urreligionen_ (Bâle, 1867), pp. 577 _sqq._; H. H. Bancroft, _The
      Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London, 1875-1876), iii. 248
      _sqq._

  682 J. de Acosta, _The Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (Hakluyt
      Society, London, 1880), ii. 384-386. I have modernized the old
      translator’s spelling. The accounts of Duran and the anonymous
      author of the Ramirez manuscript agree verbally with that of Acosta.
      It is plain that Acosta and Duran drew on the same source, which may
      be the Ramirez manuscript. However, Duran is the only one of the
      three who gives the date of the festival (the third of February).
      See Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva España_ (Mexico,
      1867-1880), ii. 120 _sq._; _Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l’Origine
      des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle Espagne selon leurs
      traditions_, publié par de Charnay (Paris, 1903), pp. 182 _sqq._
      Compare A. de Herrera, _The General History of the Vast Continent
      and Islands of America_, translated by Captain John Stevens (London,
      1725-1726), iii. 218 _sq._; J. G. Müller, _Geschichte der
      amerikanischen Urreligionen_ (Bâle, 1867), pp. 589 _sq._; H. H.
      Bancroft, _The Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London,
      1875-1876), iii. 286.

 M219 Sacrifice of a woman in the character of the Mexican Goddess of Salt
      in the month of June.

  683 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Siméon (Paris, 1880), pp.
      64, 115-117; J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_ (Madrid, 1723),
      lib. x. cap. 18, vol. ii. p. 268. Compare F. S. Clavigero, _History
      of Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen (London, 1807), i. 305; Brasseur
      de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations Civilisées du Mexique et de
      l’Amérique-Centrale_, iii. 517 _sq._; H. H. Bancroft, _The Native
      Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 325-327.

 M220 Sacrifice of a woman in the character of the Mexican Goddess of the
      Young Maize about Mid-summer.

  684 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet R. Siméon (Paris, 1880), pp. 65
      _sq._, 118-126; J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_ (Madrid,
      1723), lib. x. cap. 19, vol. ii. pp. 269-271; E. J. Payne, _History
      of the New World called America_, i. (Oxford, 1892) pp. 421-423.
      Compare Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilisées du
      Mexique et de l’Amérique-Centrale_, iii. 518-520; H. H. Bancroft,
      _The Native Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 326 _sq._ I have
      followed Torquemada (vol. ii. p. 269) and the French translators of
      Sahagun (p. 65, note 2) in deriving the name of Xilonen from
      _xilotl_ in the sense of “young cobs of maize.” But according to E.
      J. Payne, the word _xilotl_ means “hair,” and Xilonen is “Hairy
      Mother” (_Mater comata_) with reference to the hair-like fibres or
      tassels that shoot from the maize-cobs. See E. J. Payne, _op. cit._
      i. 417. On either interpretation the goddess is a personification of
      the young maize. The goddess of the maize in general was called
      Cinteotl or Centeotl (Centeutl), a name which, according to
      Torquemada, is derived from _centli_, “maize-cob” (_Monarquia
      Indiana_, lib. vi. cap. 25, vol. ii. p. 52). But E. J. Payne, while
      he regards Cinteotl as the maize-goddess, explains her name
      differently. He says (_op. cit._ i. 416 _sq._): “The Totonacs
      worshipped the corn-spirit under names which were translated into
      Mexican as Tzinteotl (goddess of beginning or origin) and
      Tonacayohua (provider of our food). They considered her to be the
      wife of the sun, their supreme god. Theoretically subordinated to
      him, the maize-goddess was in practice the chief deity of the
      Totonacs: it was to her service that the principal warriors,
      quitting their wives and children, dedicated themselves in their old
      age.” Similarly Clavigero, who lived many years in Mexico and
      learned the Mexican language, explains Cinteotl (Tzinteotl) to mean
      “original goddess”; he adds that the Maize Goddess changed her name
      “according to the different states of the grain in the progress of
      its growth” (_History of Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen, i. 253
      note p). Another name applied to the Maize Goddess Cinteotl was
      Chicomecohuatl or “Seven Snakes.” See J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia
      Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 13, vol. ii. p. 255; J. G. Müller,
      _Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen_ (Bâle, 1867), pp. 491
      _sqq._; E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp.
      108 _sq._, 112. Some have held that Cinteotl was a Maize God rather
      than a Maize Goddess. See H. H. Bancroft, _The Native Races of the
      Pacific States_, iii. 349 _sqq._

 M221 Sacrifice of a woman in the character of the Mexican goddess “Our
      Mother” on Christmas Day.

  685 The Mexican year of three hundred and sixty-five days was divided
      into eighteen months of twenty days each, with five supplementary
      days over. See J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap.
      36, vol. ii. p. 300 (Madrid, 1723); B. de Sahagun, _Histoire
      Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne_, traduite par D.
      Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), p. lxvii.; F. S. Clavigero,
      _History of Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen (London, 1807), i. 290
      _sq._

  686 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp.
      75, 158-160; J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 29,
      vol. ii. pp. 284 _sq._ (Madrid, 1723). Compare F. S. Clavigero,
      _History of Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen (London, 1807), i. 312;
      Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations Civilisées du Mexique
      et de l’ Amérique-Centrale_, iii. 535 _sq._; H. H. Bancroft, _The
      Native Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 337 _sq._

 M222 Sacrifice of a woman in the character of the Mexican goddess the
      Mother of the Gods at the end of August or beginning of September.
 M223 The farewell to the market. The skin of the sacrificed woman flayed
      and worn by a man who personated the goddess.

  687 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp.
      18 _sq._, 68 _sq._, 133-139: J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_
      (Madrid, 1723), lib. x. cap. 23, vol. ii. pp. 275 _sq._; Diego
      Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva España_ (Mexico, 1867-1880),
      ii. 185-191. Compare Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations
      civilisées du Mexique et de l’Amérique-Centrale_, iii. 523-525; H.
      H. Bancroft, _The Native Races of the Pacific States_, iii. 353-359;
      E. J. Payne, _History of the New World called America_, i. (Oxford,
      1892), pp. 470 _sq._ A statue of basalt, about half the size of
      life, said to have come from Tezcuco, represents a man clothed in a
      human skin which he wears on his body, his arms, and his face; his
      own skin is painted bright red, the other skin a dirty white. See H.
      H. Bancroft, _op. cit._ iv. 522; Marquis de Nadaillac, _L’Amérique
      Préhistorique_ (Paris, 1883), p. 295, fig. 119. In the Art Museum
      (_Kunst-Museum_) at Bâle there is a statuette of the same sort. It
      is labelled: “_Xipe. Der in einer Menschenhaut gekleidete Gott.
      Gesch. v. H. Luk. Vischer (1828-1837)._” The figure is about
      eighteen inches high and appears to be made of a porous stone. It
      represents a man seated on his haunches with his feet crossed in
      front of him and his hands resting on his knees. His own skin, of
      which the legs, feet, hands, wrists, neck and part of the face are
      visible, is coloured a terra-cotta red. The rest of his body is
      covered by the representation of the skin of a human victim, of a
      greyish colour, quite distinct from that of the wearer, and this
      skin is also worn like a mask on his face. At his back the jacket of
      human skin only partially meets, displaying the wearer’s red skin
      under it for some distance; it is as if the skin of the human victim
      had been split up the back and then drawn together and fastened at
      the back of the wearer like an ill-fitting and imperfectly buttoned
      coat. The hands of the human victim are represented dangling at the
      wrists of the seated figure. I saw this remarkable statuette in the
      Museum at Bâle on July 25th, 1912, but I was not able to remove it
      from the case for closer examination. As to Xipe, the Mexican god
      clad in a human skin, whom the statuette represents, see below, pp.
      296 _sqq._

 M224 Young girl chosen to personate the Mexican Goddess of the Maize,
      Chicomecohuatl.

  688 As to this name for the Maize Goddess, see above, p. 286, note 1.

 M225 Adoration of the girl who personated the Goddess of the Maize.
 M226 The girl who personated the Goddess of the Maize carried in
      procession and worshipped with offerings of human blood. The human
      representative of the Maize Goddess put to death on a heap of corn
      and her skin flayed and worn by a priest.

  689 Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva España_ (Mexico,
      1867-1880), ii. 179-184. This remarkable festival appears not to be
      noticed by the other early Spanish writers such as Sahagun, Acosta,
      and Torquemada, who have given us detailed descriptions of the
      Mexican festivals. It might perhaps have been conjectured that Duran
      was here describing the similar festival of the Mother of the Gods
      (see above, pp. 288 _sqq._), which fell about the same time of the
      year. But the conjecture is excluded by the simple fact that Duran
      describes both festivals, the one immediately after the other,
      assigning as their dates the fifteenth and sixteenth of September
      respectively (_op. cit._ ii. 180, 185 _sq._). Almost nothing is
      known about Duran except that he was a Spanish monk, apparently a
      native of Mexico, who had weak health and died in 1588. His work
      remained in manuscript till it was edited at Mexico in 1867-1880 by
      José F. Ramirez. The original manuscript is preserved in the
      Natìonal Library at Madrid. The accounts contained in his history
      bear internal marks of authenticity and are in general supported by
      the independent testimony of the other early Spanish authorities.

 M227 Identification of the human victim with the Goddess of Maize whom
      she personated.

_  690 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 236 _sqq._

 M228 The resurrection of the Maize Goddess set forth by the wearing of
      the skin of her human representative.
 M229 Xipe, the Flayed God, and the Mexican festival of the Flaying of
      Men.
 M230 The human shambles. The holy beggars clad in the skins of the flayed
      human victims.
 M231 Various Mexican gods personated by the men clad in the skins of the
      human victims.

  691 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp.
      37 _sq._, 58-60, 87-94, 584 _sq._; E. Seler, _Altmexikanische
      Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp. 76-100, 171-188 (the latter passage
      gives the Aztec text of Sahagun’s account with a German
      translation); Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva España_
      (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 147-155; J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia
      Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 11, vol. ii. pp. 252 _sq._ (Madrid, 1723).
      Compare F. S. Clavigero, _History of Mexico_, translated by C.
      Cullen, Second Edition (London, 1807), i. 297 _sq._; Brasseur de
      Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique et de
      l’Amérique-Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 503 _sq._; H. H.
      Bancroft, _The Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London,
      1875-1876), ii. 306 _sqq._ According to Torquemada, the prisoners
      were flayed alive, but this statement is not, so far as I know,
      supported by the other early Spanish authorities. It is Duran who
      gives the 20th of March as the date of the festival at which the
      captives were killed and skinned; but this is inconsistent with the
      evidence of Sahagun, according to whom the second Aztec month, in
      which the festival fell, ended with the 13th of March. See B. de
      Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne_, p.
      51.

 M232 Men roasted alive as images of the Fire-god.

  692 J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 30, vol. ii. pp.
      285 _sq._ (Mexico, 1723); B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des
      Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R.
      Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp. 164 _sq._ The latter writer does not
      describe the mode in which the victims were sacrificed at this
      quadriennial festival; but he describes as in the text the annual
      sacrifice of victims in honour of the fire-god in the tenth month of
      the Mexican year (_op. cit._ pp. 67 _sq._, 129 _sqq._). Compare F.
      S. Clavigero, _History of Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen, Second
      Edition (London, 1807), i. 306 _sq._; H. H. Bancroft, _The Native
      Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 329 _sq._

 M233 Women flayed in honour of the Fire-god and their skins worn by men
      who personated gods.

  693 J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 30, vol. ii. p.
      286 (Madrid, 1723). Compare F. S. Clavigero, _History of Mexico_,
      translated by C. Cullen, Second Edition (London, 1807), i. 283
      _sq._; Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilisées du
      Mexique et de l’Amérique-Centrale_, iii. 539 _sq._

 M234 The personation of a god by a man wearing the skin of a human victim
      is probably intended to represent and ensure the resurrection of the
      deity. The idea of resurrection from the dead is suggested by the
      observation of snakes and other creatures that cast their skins.

  694 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon, pp. 37, 93; E.
      Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin. 1889) pp. 96, 185
      (quoting the Aztec text of Sahagun).

  695 R. Schomburgk, _Reisen in Britisch-Guiana_ (Leipsic, 1847-1848), ii.
      319. I have already noticed this and the following stories of the
      origin of death in _The Belief in Immortality_, i. 69 _sqq._

  696 R. Schomburgk, _op. cit._ ii. 320.

 M235 Savage notion that men would have been immortal, if only they could
      have cast their skins like serpents and crabs.

  697 A. Landes, “Contes et Légendes Annamites,” _Cochinchine française,
      Excursions et Reconnaissances_, No. 25 (Saigon, 1886), pp. 108 _sq._

  698 H. Sundermann, “Die Insel Nias und die Mission daselbst,”
      _Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift_, xi. (1884) p. 451; _id._, _Die
      Insel Nias und die Mission daselbst_ (Barmen, 1905), p. 68; E.
      Modigliani, _Un Viaggio a Nias_ (Milan, 1890), p. 295; A. Fehr, _Der
      Niasser im Leben und Sterben_ (Barmen, 1901), p. 8.

  699 P. Kleintitschen, _Die Küstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel_ (Hiltrup
      bei Münster, preface dated Christmas, 1906), p. 334.

  700 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), pp. 260, 265; W.
      Gray, “Some Notes on the Tannese,” _Internationales Archiv für
      Ethnographie_, vii. (1894) p. 232. The same story of the origin of
      death has been recorded in the Shortlands Islands and among the Kai
      of German New Guinea. See C. Ribbe, _Zwei Jahre unter den Kannibalen
      der Salomo-Inseln_ (Dresden-Blasowitz, 1903), p. 148; Ch. Keysser,
      “Aus dem Leben der Kaileute,” in R. Neuhauss’s _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_,
      iii. (Berlin, 1911) pp. 161 _sq._ It is also told with some
      variations by the natives of the Admiralty Islands. See Josef Meier,
      “Mythen und Sagen der Admiralitätsinsulaner,” _Anthropos_, iii.
      (1908) p. 193.

  701 Miss A. Werner, “Two Galla Legends,” _Man_, xiii. (1913) pp. 90
      _sq._

 M236 Hence the Mexicans apparently thought that they could renew their
      own skins by putting on those of other people.
 M237 General conclusion: the custom of putting human beings to death in
      the character of gods has prevailed in many parts of the world.

_  702 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 40 _sqq._, ii. 376
      _sqq._

 M238 Annual periods of license. The Roman Saturnalia.

  703 Virgil, _Georg._ ii. 536-540, _Aen._ viii. 319-327, with the
      comments of Servius; Tibullus, i. 3. 35-48; Ovid, _Fasti_, i. 233
      _sqq._; Lucian, _Saturnalia_, 7; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 7. 21-26;
      Justin, xliii. 1. 3-5; Aurelius Victor, _Origo gentis Romanae_, 3;
      Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ i. 34. On Saturn and the
      Saturnalia see especially L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_,3 ii. 10
      _sqq._ Compare J. Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2
      (Leipsic, 1885) pp. 586 _sqq._; W. Warde Fowler, _The Roman
      Festivals of the Period of the Republic_ (London, 1899), pp.
      268-273; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der Römer_2 (Munich,
      1912), pp. 204 _sqq._; _id._, in W. H. Roscher’s _Ausführliches
      Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, iv. 427 _sqq._ A good
      account of the Saturnalia, based on the texts of the classical
      writers, is given by Dezobry (_Rome au siècle d’Auguste_,3 iii. 143
      _sqq._). The name Saturn seems to be etymologically akin to _satus_
      and _satio_, “a sowing” or “planting.” Compare Varro, _De lingua
      Latina_, v. 64, “_Ab satu est dictus Saturnus_”; Festus, _s.v._
      “Opima spolia,” p. 186 ed. C. O. Müller: “_ipse [Saturnus] agrorum
      cultor habetur, nominatus a satu, tenensque falcem effingitur, quae
      est insigne agricolae_.” Compare Tertullian, _Ad Nationes_, ii. 12;
      Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, iv. 9; Augustine, _De civitate Dei_,
      vii. 2, 3, 13, 15, 18, 19. The god’s name appears in the form
      Saeturnus inscribed on an ancient bowl (H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones
      Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. pars i. p. 2, No. 2966).

  704 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ i. 38; Macrobius, _Saturn._
      i. 7. 31; Lactantius, _Divin. Inst._ i. 21; Arnobius, _Adversus
      Nationes_, ii. 68.

  705 For the general dissipation of the Saturnalia see Seneca, _Epist._
      18; for the seven days of the popular festival see Martial, xiv. 72.
      2; Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 10. 2; Lucian, _Saturnalia_, 21.

 M239 The license granted to slaves at the Saturnalia. The mock King of
      the Saturnalia.

  706 Horace, _Sat._ ii. 7. 4 _sq._; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 7. 26;
      Justin, xliii. 1. 4; Plutarch, _Sulla_, 18; Lucian, _Saturnalia_, 5,
      7; Porphyry, _De antro nympharum_, 23.

  707 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 7, i. 24. 23; Solinus, i. 35; Joannes
      Lydus, _De mensibus_, iii. 15; Athenaeus, xiv. 44, p. 639 B; Dio
      Cassius, lx. 19.

  708 Seneca, _Epist._ 47. 14. Compare Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, ii. 23.

  709 Tacitus, _Annals_, xiii. 15; Arrian, _Epicteti Dissert._ i. 25. 8;
      Lucian, _Saturnalia_, 4.

 M240 Personation of Saturn at the Saturnalia by a soldier who afterwards
      suffered death. The sarcophagus of St. Dasius, the martyr on whom
      the lot fell to play the part of Saturn.

  710 “Les Actes de S. Dasius,” _Analecta Bollandiana_, xvi. (1897) pp.
      5-16. I have to thank Prof. Cumont for courteously sending me a copy
      of this important paper. The bearing of the new evidence on the
      Saturnalia has been further discussed by Messrs. Parmentier and
      Cumont (“Le roi des Saturnales,” _Revue de Philologie_, xxi. (1897)
      pp. 143-153).

  711 The phrase of the Paris MS. is ambiguous (τοῖς ἀνωνύμοις καὶ
      μυσαροῖς εἰδώλοις προσεκόμιζεν ἑαυτὸν σπονδήν, ἀναιρούμενος ὑπὸ
      μαχαίρας); but the other two versions say plainly that the mock king
      perished by his own hand (μέλλοντα ἑαυτὸν ἐπισφάξαι τῷ βωμῷ τοῦ
      Κρόνου, Berlin MS.; ἑαυτὸν ἐπισφάξαι αὐτοχείρως τῷ Κρόνῳ, Milan
      MS.).

  712 Franz Cumont, “Le tombeau de S. Dasius de Durostorum,” _Analecta
      Bollandiana_, xxvii. (Brussels, 1908) pp. 369-372. The inscription
      on the sarcophagus runs thus: Ἐνταῦθα κατακεῖται ὁ ἅγιος μάρτυς
      Δάσιος ἐνεχθεὶς ἀπὸ Δωροστόλου. The inscription on the altar runs
      thus: “_Vetere diruta nobiliorem FF. Karmelitani excalciati aram
      extruxerunt subter qua sanctorum martyrum Peregrini Flaviani Dasii
      corpora et infantium ab Herode necatorum ossa minus decenter
      antiquitus recondita honorificentius et populo spectanda reponi
      curaverunt die virgini et matri Theresiae sacro anno MDCCCIV._”

 M241 The mock King of the Saturnalia may have been the degenerate
      successor of a series of temporary kings who personated Saturn at
      the Saturnalia and were put to death in the character of the god.

  713 The opinion that at Rome a man used to be sacrificed at the
      Saturnalia cannot be regarded as in itself improbable, when we
      remember that down apparently to the establishment of Christianity a
      human victim was slaughtered every year at Rome in honour of Latian
      Jupiter. See Tertullian, _Apologeticus_, 9, _Contra Gnosticos
      Scorpiace_, 7; Minucius Felix, _Octavius_, 22 and 30; Lactantius,
      _Divin. Instit._ i. 21; Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, ii. 56. We may
      conjecture that at first the sacrifice took place on the top of the
      Alban Mountain, and was offered to Saturn, to whom, as we have seen,
      high places were sacred.

 M242 The modern Carnival perhaps the equivalent of the ancient
      Saturnalia.

_  714 The Dying God_, pp. 220 _sqq._

 M243 The King of the Bean on Twelfth Night. Crosses made by the King of
      the Bean to protect the house against demons and witchcraft.

  715 Joannes Boemus, _Mores, Leges, et Ritus Omnium Gentium_ (Lyons,
      1541), p. 122; _The Popish Kingdome or reigne of Antichrist, written
      in Latin verse by Thomas Naogeorgus and Englyshed by Barnabe Googe,
      1570_, edited by R. C. Hope (London, 1880), pp. 45 _sq._; E.
      Pasquier, _Recherches de la France_ (Paris, 1633), pp. 375 _sq._; R.
      Herrick, “Twelfth Night, or King and Queene,” _The Works of Robert
      Herrick_ (Edinburgh, 1823), ii. 171 _sq._; J. Brand, _Popular
      Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1883), i. 21 _sqq._; T. F.
      Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_ (London, 1876), pp. 24-28;
      R. Chambers, _The Book of Days_ (London and Edinburgh, 1886), i. 61
      _sqq._; Desgranges, “Usages du Canton de Bonneval,” _Mémoires de la
      Société Royale des Antiquaires de France_, i. (Paris, 1817) pp.
      233-236; L. Beaulieu, _Archéologie de la Lorraine_ (Paris,
      1840-1843), i. 255 _sq._; Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Calendrier Belge_
      (Brussels, 1861-1862), i. 23 _sqq._; _id._, _Das festliche Jahr_
      (Leipsic, 1863), pp. 20-23; E. Cortet, _Essai sur les Fêtes
      religieuses_ (Paris, 1867), pp. 29-50; J. H. Schmitz, _Sitten und
      Sagen, Lieder, Sprüchwörter und Räthsel des Eifler Volkes_ (Trèves,
      1856-1858), i. 6; Laisnel de la Salle, _Croyances et Légendes du
      Centre de la France_ (Paris, 1875), i. 19-29; J. Lecœur, _Esquisses
      du Bocage Normand_ (Condé-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887), ii. 125; L.
      Bonnemère, “Le Jour des Rois en Normandie,” _Revue des Traditions
      populaires_, ii. (1887) pp. 55 _sq._; P. Sébillot, “La Fête des
      Rois,” _Revue des Traditions populaires_, iii. (1888) pp. 7-12; A.
      Meyrac, _Traditions, Coutumes, Légendes et Contes des Ardennes_
      (Charleville, 1890), pp. 74 _sq._; J. L. M. Noguès, _Les Mœurs
      d’autrefois en Saintonge et en Aunis_ (Saintes, 1891), pp. 49
      _sqq._; L. F. Sauvé, _Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889),
      pp. 16 _sq._; Ch. Beauquier, _Les Mois en Franche-Comté_ (Paris,
      1900), pp. 16 _sq._; F. Chapiseau, _Le Folk-lore de la Beauce et du
      Perche_ (Paris, 1902), i. 312-315; Anatole France, “Le roy boit,”
      _Annales Politiques et Littéraires_, 5 Janvier, 1902, pp. 4 _sq._;
      _La Bresse Louhannaise_, Janvier, 1906, pp. 42-46. The custom of
      making white crosses on the ceiling is reported for Germany and
      Switzerland, but apparently not for France. It is mentioned in the
      earliest of the works cited above, namely that of Joannes Boemus,
      whose description applies especially to Franconia (Franken).

  716 This I learn from my friend M. Léon Chouville of Rouen and
      Cambridge. The custom is also kept up in Bresse (_La Bresse
      Louhannaise_, Janvier, 1906, pp. 44-46).

 M244 Serious significance of the King of the Bean and Twelfth Night.
      Divination on Twelfth Night.

  717 L. Beaulieu, _Archéologie de la Lorraine_ (Paris, 1840-1843), i. 256
      note 1; E. Cortet, _Essai stir les Fêtes religieuses_ (Paris, 1867),
      p. 43.

  718 L. F. Sauvé, _op. cit._ pp. 17 _sq._

  719 Anatole France, “Le roy boit,” _Annales Politiques et Littéraires_,
      5 Janvier, 1902, p. 5. In some parts of France divination was
      practised for this purpose on Christmas Day. Twelve grains of wheat,
      each representing a month of the year, were placed, one after the
      other, on a hot fire-shovel; if the grain bounced up from the
      shovel, wheat would be dear in the corresponding month, but it would
      be cheap if the grain remained still. See J. B. Thiers, _Traité des
      Superstitions_ (Paris, 1679), p. 268. See further P. Sébillot, _Le
      Folk-lore de France_, iii. (Paris, 1906) pp. 510 _sq._

 M245 Bonfires on the Eve of Twelfth Night. Fire applied to the
      fruit-trees on the Eve of Twelfth Night in Normandy and the
      Ardennes.

  720 Ch. Beauquier, _Les Mois en Franche-Comté_ (Paris, 1900), p. 12.

  721 J. Lecœur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_ (Condé-sur-Noireau,
      1883-1887), ii. 126-129. Compare Amélie Bosquet, _La Normandie
      Romanesque et Merveilleuse_ (Paris and Rouen, 1845), pp. 295 _sq._;
      W. Mannhardt, _Der Baumkultus_ (Berlin, 1875), pp. 536 _sqq._

  722 A. Meyrac, _Traditions, Coutumes, Légendes et Contes des Ardennes_
      (Charleville, 1890), pp. 75 _sq._

 M246 Fires kindled on Twelfth Night or the Eve of Twelfth Night in
      England for the sake of the crops.

  723 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_, New Edition
      (London, 1883), i. 33. In many parishes of Gloucestershire it used
      to be customary on Twelfth Day to light twelve small fires and one
      large one (J. Brand, _op. cit._ i. 28).

_  724 The Gentleman’s Magazine_, vol. lxi., February, 1791, p. 116. The
      article is signed J. W. and dated “Hereford, Jan. 24.” The passage
      is quoted, correctly in substance, but with many verbal changes, by
      J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_, i. 30 _sq._, and
      by (Mrs.) E. M. Leather, _The Folk-lore of Herefordshire_ (Hereford
      and London, 1912), p. 93.

 M247 One of the fires on Twelfth Day said to be intended “to burn the old
      witch.” Parallel custom observed in Macedonia on the Eve of Twelfth
      Night.

  725 (Mrs.) Ella Mary Leather, _The Folk-lore of Herefordshire_ (Hereford
      and London, 1912), pp. 93 _sq._

  726 (Mrs.) E. M. Leather, _op. cit._ pp. 94 _sq._

  727 See above, pp. 164 _sqq._

  728 G. F. Abbott. _Macedonian Folk-lore_ (Cambridge, 1903), pp. 73-75.

  729 This opinion is mentioned by (Mrs.) E. M. Leather, _The Folk-lore of
      Herefordshire_, p. 95.

 M248 Other accounts of the fires on Twelfth Night in England and Ireland.

  730 Thomas Pennant, “A Tour in Scotland, 1769,” in John Pinkerton’s
      _Voyages and Travels_ (London, 1808-1814), iii. 49.

  731 Thomas Hyde, _Historia religionis veterum Persarum_ (Oxford, 1700),
      p. 257.

  732 Sir Henry Piers, _Description of the County of Westmeath_, quoted by
      J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1883), i.
      25.

  733 H. J. Byrne, “All Hallows Eve and other Festivals in Connaught,”
      _Folk-lore_, xviii. (1907) p. 439.

 M249 Belief of the Germanic peoples that the weather for the twelve
      months of the year is determined by the weather of the Twelve Days.

  734 C. S. Burne and G. F. Jackson, _Shropshire Folk-lore_ (London,
      1883), p. 408.

_  735 The Popish Kingdome or reigne of Antichrist, written in Latin verse
      by Thomas Naogeorgus and Englyshed by Barnabe Googe, 1570_, edited
      by R. C. Hope (London, 1880), p. 46; E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen,
      Sitten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben_ (Stuttgart, 1852), p. 473, § 237;
      A. Birlinger, _Volksthümliches aus Schwaben_ (Freiburg im Breisgau,
      1861-1862), i. 468, § 696; A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Norddeutsche
      Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche_ (Leipsic, 1848), p. 411; A. Kuhn,
      _Sagen, Gebräuche und Märchen aus Westfalen_ (Leipsic, 1859), ii.
      115, § 354; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin,
      1869), p. 61, § 74; Montanus, _Die deutschen Volksfeste,
      Volksbräuche und deutscher Volksglaube_ (Iserlohn, N.D.), p. 18; M.
      Toeppen, _Aberglauben aus Masuren_2 (Danzig, 1867), p. 61; L.
      Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_
      (Oldenburg, 1867), ii. 29, § 294; August Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten
      und Gebräuche aus Thüringen_ (Vienna, 1878), p. 175; K. Bartsch,
      _Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche aus Mecklenburg_ (Vienna, 1880), p.
      250, § 1292; Christian Schneller, _Märchen und Sagen aus
      Wälschtirol_ (Innsbruck, 1867), p. 231; J. Haltrich, _Zur Volkskunde
      der Siebenbürger Sachsen_ (Vienna, 1885), p. 282; Willibald Müller,
      _Beiträge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in Mähren_ (Vienna and
      Olmutz, 1893), p. 317; Alois John, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im
      deutschen Westböhmen_ (Prague, 1905), p. 12; P. Drechsler, _Sitte,
      Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_ (Leipsic, 1903-1906), i. 16
      _sq._

  736 E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben_
      (Stuttgart, 1852), p. 473, § 237; A. Birlinger, _Volksthümliches aus
      Schwaben_ (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1861-1862), i. 468, § 696.

  737 A. Birlinger, _op. cit._ i. 470.

  738 F. J. Vonbun, _Beiträge zur deutschen Mythologie_ (Chur, 1862), p.
      131; A. Birlinger, _Volksthümliches aus Schwaben_, i. 469; Chr.
      Schneller, _Märchen und Sagen aus Wälschtirol_ (Innsbruck, 1867), p.
      231.

 M250 Belief of the Celtic peoples that the weather for the twelve months
      of the year is determined by the weather of the Twelve Days.

  739 Jules Lecoeur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_ (Condé-sur-Noireau,
      1883-1887), ii. 20 _sq._

  740 J. Loth, “Les douze jours supplémentaires (_gourdeziou_) des Bretons
      et les douze jours des Germains et des Indous,” _Revue Celtique_,
      xxiv. (1903) pp. 310 _sq._

  741 J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and
      Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), p. 243.

  742 Thomas Pennant, “A Tour in Scotland and Voyage to the Hebrides in
      1772,” in John Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_ (London,
      1808-1814), iii. 384.

 M251 The Twelve Nights among the ancient Aryans of India.

_  743 The Hymns of the Rigveda_, translated by R. T. H. Griffith
      (Benares, 1889-1892), book iv. hymn 33, vol. ii. pp. 150 _sqq._; H.
      Zimmer, _Altindisches Leben_ (Berlin, 1879), pp. 365-367; A.
      Hillebrandt, _Ritual-Litteratur, Vedische Opfer und Zauber_
      (Strasburg, 1897), pp. 5 _sq._ However, the Ribhus are very obscure
      figures in Vedic mythology. Compare H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des
      Veda_ (Berlin, 1894), pp. 235 _sq._; A. A. Macdonnell, _Vedic
      Mythology_ (Strasburg, 1897), pp. 131 _sqq._

 M252 The Twelve Nights are probably an ancient intercalary period
      introduced to equate twelve lunar months to the solar year.

  744 F. Max Müller, _Lectures on the Science of Language_, Sixth Edition
      (London, 1871), i. 6 _sqq._; O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der
      indogermanischen Altertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901), p. 547; _id._,
      _Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte_3 (Jena, 1906-1907), ii. 228.

  745 This explanation of the sacredness of the twelve days among the
      Indo-European peoples of the East and West is due to A. Weber. See
      O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde_
      (Strasburg, 1901), pp. 391-394; _id._, _Sprachvergleichung und
      Urgeschichte_3 (Jena, 1906-1907), ii. 2. pp. 228-234. It is accepted
      by J. Loth (in _Revue Celtique_, xxiv. 1903, pp. 311 _sq._),
      Professor H. Hirt (_Die Indogermanen_, Strasburg, 1905-1907, ii.
      537, 544), Professor J. H. Moulton (_Two Lectures on the Science of
      Language_, Cambridge, 1903, pp. 47 _sq._), and J. A. MacCulloch (in
      Dr. J. Hastings’s _Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_, iii. 81
      _sq._), but is rejected on what seem to me insufficient grounds by
      Professor O. Schrader (_ll.cc._).

_  746 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 307 _sqq._

 M253 The superstitions attaching to the Twelve Nights are not of
      Christian origin.

_  747 Die gestriegelte Rockenphilosophie_ (Chemnitz, 1759), pp. 860, 861;
      _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs Bayern_ (Munich,
      1860-1867), i. 365; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2
      (Berlin, 1869), p. 61; P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube
      in Schlesien_ (Leipsic, 1903-1906), i. 15; A. John, _Sitte, Brauch
      und Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen_ (Prague, 1905), p. 11. The
      phrase “the Twelve Nights” in the sense of “the Twelve Days and
      Nights” is doubtless derived from the ancient Aryan custom of
      counting by nights instead of by days and of regarding the period of
      the earth’s revolution on its axis as beginning with the night
      rather than with the day. See Caesar, _De bello Gallico_, vi. 18;
      Tacitus, _Germania_, 11; O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der
      indogermanischen Altertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901), pp. 844 _sqq._;
      J. Loth, “L’Année celtique,” _Revue Celtique_, xxv. (1904) pp. 115
      _sqq._ The Athenians reckoned a day from sunset to sunset, and the
      Romans reckoned it from midnight to midnight (Censorinus, _De die
      natali_, xxiii. 3).

  748 A. Tille, _Die Geschichte der deutschen Weihnacht_ (Leipsic, preface
      dated 1893), pp. 3 _sq._, 281 _sqq._; O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der
      indogermanischen Altertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901), p. 392.

  749 P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_ (Leipsic,
      1903-1906), i. 15.

  750 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 61, §
      74. As to the varying dates of the Twelve Nights see further E.
      Mogk, “Mythologie,” in H. Paul’s _Grundriss der germanischen
      Philologie_, iii.2 (Strasburg, 1900), p. 260.

  751 See above, p. 324.

  752 Thus A. Wuttke observes that by far the greater part of the
      superstitions attaching to the Twelve Nights are of purely heathen
      origin (_Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 p. 61); and K. Weinhold
      similarly remarks that the superstitions in question cannot have
      originated in Christian dogmas, and that they point to the
      sacredness of the winter solstice among the heathen tribes of
      Germany (_Weinacht-Spiele und Lieder aus Süddeutschland und
      Schlesien_, Vienna, 1875, p. 4).

  753 See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 254 _sqq._; and for
      Easter in particular see my letter “Attis and Christ,” _The
      Athenaeum_, No. 4184, January 4th, 1908, pp. 19 _sq._; Franz Cumont,
      _Les Religions orientales dans le Paganisme romain_2 (Paris, 1909),
      pp. 106 _sq._, 333 _sq._

 M254 An intercalary period a natural subject of superstition to primitive
      peoples.
 M255 The Three Kings of Twelfth Night.

  754 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1883), i.
      21 _sq._; E. Cortet, _Essai sur les Fêtes religieuses_ (Paris,
      1867), pp. 32, 38, 39-42; Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Calendrier Belge_
      (Brussels, 1861-1862), i. 21 _sq._, 30 _sq._; _id._, _Fest-Kalender
      aus Böhmen_ (Prague, N.D.), p. 18; _id._, _Das festliche Jahr_
      (Leipsic, 1863), pp. 23-26; _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des
      Königreichs Bayern_ (Munich, 1860-1867), ii. 262 _sq._; L. F. Sauvé,
      _Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889), pp. 15-18; Ch.
      Beauquier, _Les Mois en Franche-Comté_ (Paris, 1900), pp. 13-15; _La
      Bresse Louhannaise_, Janvier, 1906, p. 42; P. Drechsler, _Sitte,
      Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_ (Leipsic, 1903-1906), i. 51; A.
      John, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen_
      (Prague, 1905), pp. 32-34; E. Hoffmann-Krayer, _Feste und Bräuche
      des Schweizervolkes_ (Zürich, 1913), pp. 104, 121.

  755 Matthew ii. 1-12.

  756 Ch. Beauquier, _Les Mois en Franche-Comté_ (Paris, 1900), pp. 13-16.

  757 L. F. Sauvé, _Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889), pp.
      15-17. Compare the old Roman cure for the falling sickness (above,
      p. 68).

  758 O. Freiherr von Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus Böhmen_
      (Prague, N.D.), pp. 17 _sq._

  759 Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Calendrier Belge_ (Brussels, 1861-1862), i.
      22. The mere names of the three kings worn on the person were
      believed to be a cure for epilepsy. See J. B. Thiers, _Traité des
      Superstitions_ (Paris, 1679), pp. 350 _sq._

  760 R. Chambers, _The Book of Days_ (London and Edinburgh, 1886), i. 62,
      referring to Warton’s _History of English Poetry_.

 M256 The Lord of Misrule in England. Reign of the Lord of Misrule during
      the Twelve Days. Lord of Misrule in the Temple.

  761 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1883), i.
      497 _sqq._; E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_ (Oxford, 1903), i.
      403 _sqq._

  762 John Stow, _A Survey of London, written in the year 1598_, edited by
      William J. Thoms (London, 1876), p. 37.

  763 Sir Thomas Urquhart, _The Discovery of a most Exquisite Jewel, more
      precious than Diamonds inchased in Gold_ (Edinburgh, 1774), p. 146.

  764 J. Brand, _op. cit._ i. 499.

  765 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1883), i.
      497 _sqq._ As to the Lords of Misrule in colleges and the Inns of
      Court see further E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_, i. 407
      _sqq._

  766 Sir Richard Steele, in _The Spectator_, Friday, 14th December 1711.

 M257 Lord of Misrule at the English Court.

  767 E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_, i. 405-407.

 M258 The Festival of Fools in France.

  768 L. J. B. Bérenger-Feraud, _Superstitions et Survivances_, iv.
      (Paris, 1896) pp. 4 _sq._, quoting Jacob, _Mœurs et Coutumes du
      Moyen-Age_. Compare E. Cortet, _Essai sur les Fêtes religieuses_
      (Paris, 1867), pp. 50 _sqq._ In some places the festival was held on
      the octave of Epiphany. See E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_
      (Oxford, 1903), i. 323.

  769 E. Cortet, _op. cit._ p. 51; Papon, _Histoire Générale de la
      Provence_, iii. p. 212, quoted by L. J. B. Bérenger-Feraud, _op.
      cit._ iv. 9 _sq._; E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_ (Oxford,
      1903), i. 293 _sq._, quoting a circular letter which was addressed
      by the Faculty of Theology at Paris to the bishops and chapters of
      France on March 12th, 1445. Many details as to the mode of
      celebrating the Festival of Fools in different parts of France are
      on record. See A. de Nore, _Coutumes, Mythes, et Traditions des
      Provinces de France_ (Paris and Lyons, 1846), pp. 293-295; E.
      Cortet, _op. cit._ pp. 52 _sqq._; L. J. B. Bérenger-Feraud, _op.
      cit._ iv. 5 _sqq._; G. Bilfinger, _Untersuchungen über die
      Zeitrechnung der alten Germanen_, ii. _Das germanische Julfest_
      (Stuttgart, 1901), pp. 72 _sq._; and especially E. K. Chambers, _The
      Mediaeval Stage_, i. 274 _sqq._

 M259 Buffooneries in the churches at the Festival of Fools.

  770 E. Cortet, _Essai sur les Fêtes religieuses_ (Paris, 1867), pp.
      53-56; L. J. B. Bérenger-Feraud, _Superstitions et Survivances_, iv.
      28-41; E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_ (Oxford, 1903), i.
      330-334. While the Festival of Fools appears to have been most
      popular in France, it is known to have been celebrated also in
      Germany, Bohemia, and England. See E. K. Chambers, _op. cit._ i. 318
      _sqq._ In his youth the Bohemian reformer John Huss took part in
      these mummeries. The revellers wore masks. “A clerk, grotesquely
      vested, was dubbed ‘bishop,’ set on an ass with his face to the
      tail, and led to mass in the church. He was regaled on a platter of
      broth and a bowl of beer, and Huss recalls the unseemly revel which
      took place. Torches were borne instead of candles, and the clergy
      turned their garments inside out and danced” (E. K. Chambers, _op.
      cit._ i. 320 _sq._).

 M260 Festival of the Innocents and the Boy Bishop in France.

  771 E. Cortet, _Essai sur les Fêtes religieuses_, p. 58; E. K. Chambers,
      _The Mediaeval Stage_ (Oxford, 1903), i. 317 _sq._, 336 _sqq._
      Compare L. J. B. Bérenger-Feraud, _Superstitions et Survivances_,
      iv. 25-28. From the evidence collected by the latter writer it
      appears that in some places the election of the Boy Bishop took
      place on other days than Childermas. At Alençon the election took
      place on the sixth of December; at Vienne, in Dauphiné, on the
      fifteenth, and at Soissons on St. Thomas’s Day (the twenty-first of
      December).

  772 This I learn from my wife, who as a girl was educated in the
      convent.

 M261 The Boy Bishop in England.

  773 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1883), i.
      421-431; E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_ (Oxford, 1903), i.
      352 _sqq._; (Mrs.) Ella Mary Leather, _The Folk-lore of
      Herefordshire_ (Hereford and London, 1912), pp. 138 _sq._; _County
      Folk-lore_, II. _North Riding of Yorkshire, York and the Ainsty_,
      edited by Mrs. Gutch (London, 1901), pp. 352 _sq._

  774 J. Brand, _op. cit._ i. 426.

 M262 The customs and superstitions associated with the Twelve Days or
      Nights are probably relics of an old heathen festival of
      intercalation at midwinter.
 M263 Superstitions associated with intercalary periods among the Aztecs
      of Mexico and the Mayas of Yucatan.

  775 As to the Aztec year see above, p. 287 note 1.

  776 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp.
      77, 283; E. Seler, “The Mexican Chronology,” in _Bureau of American
      Ethnology, Bulletin No. 28_ (Washington, 1904), p. 16 (where some
      extracts from the Aztec text of Sahagun are quoted and translated);
      J. de Acosta, _Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (Hakluyt
      Society, London, 1880), ii. 392.

  777 Diego de Landa, _Relation des Choses de Yucatan_ (Paris, 1864), pp.
      204 _sq._, 276 _sq._

 M264 The five supplementary days of the year in ancient Egypt.

  778 Geminus, _Elementa Astronomiae_, viii. 18, p. 106, ed. C. Manitius
      (Leipsic, 1898).

  779 G. Foucart, in Dr. J. Hastings’s _Encyclopaedia of Religion and
      Ethics_, iii. (1910) p. 93. Professor Ed. Meyer adduces astronomical
      and other grounds for thinking that the ancient Egyptian calendar,
      as we know it, began on the 19th of July, 4241 B.C., which
      accordingly he calls “the oldest sure date in the history of the
      world.” See Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_2, i. 2. (Stuttgart
      and Berlin, 1909), pp. 101 _sq._, § 197; and against this view C. F.
      Lehmann-Haupt, in the _English Historical Review_, April 1913, p.
      348.

  780 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 12. Compare Diodorus Siculus, i. 13. 4
      _sq._ As to Keb and Nut, the parents of Osiris, Isis, and the rest,
      see A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_ (Berlin, 1905), p. 29. The
      Egyptian deities Keb, Nut, and Thoth are called by Plutarch by the
      Greek names of Cronus, Rhea, and Hermes. On account of these Greek
      names the myth was long thought to be of comparatively recent date;
      “but the Leyden Papyrus (i. 346) has shown that the legend existed
      in its essential features in the time of the Thebans, and the Texts
      of the Pyramids have carried it back to the very beginnings of
      Egyptian mythology” (G. Foucart, _l.c._). As five days are the
      seventy-second, not the seventieth, part of three hundred and sixty
      days, it was proposed by Wyttenbach to read τὸ ἑβδομηκοστὸν δεύτερον
      instead of τὸ ἑβδομηκοστὸν in Plutarch’s text. See D. Wyttenbachius,
      _Animadversiones in Plutarchi Moralia_ (Leipsic, 1820-1834), iii.
      143 _sq._

 M265 Early attempts of the Aryan peoples to correct the lunar year by
      intercalating a month at intervals of several years instead of
      intercalating twelve days in every year.

  781 H. Zimmer, _Altindisches Leben_ (Berlin, 1879), pp. 365-370. Compare
      _The Hymns of the Rigveda_, translated by R. T. H. Griffith
      (Benares, 1889-1892), Book i. Hymn 164, stanza 48 (vol. i. p. 293),
      Book iii. Hymn 55, stanza 18 (vol. ii. pp. 76 _sq._).

  782 J. A. MacCulloch, in Dr. J. Hastings’s _Encyclopaedia of Religion
      and Ethics_, iii. (Edinburgh, 1910) pp. 78 _sqq._ Compare S. de
      Ricci, “Le calendrier Gaulois de Coligny,” _Revue Celtique_, xix.
      (1898) pp. 213-223; _id._, “Le calendrier Celtique de Coligny,”
      _Revue Celtique_, xxi. (1900) pp. 10-27; _id._, “Un passage
      remarquable du calendrier de Coligny,” _Revue Celtique_, xxiv.
      (1903) pp. 313-316; J. Loth, “L’année Celtique,” _Revue Celtique_,
      xxv. (1904) pp. 113-162; Sir John Rhys, “The Coligny Calendar”,
      _Proceedings of the British Academy, 1909-1910_, pp. 207 _sqq._ As
      the calendar stands, the number of days in the ordinary year is 355,
      not 354, seven of the months having thirty days and five of them
      twenty-nine days. But the month Equos has attached to it the sign
      ANM, which is attached to all the months of twenty-nine days but to
      none of the months of thirty days except Equos, all of which, except
      Equos, are marked with the sign MAT. Hence, following a suggestion
      of M. S. de Ricci (_Revue Celtique_, xxi. 25), I suppose that the
      month Equos had regularly twenty-nine days instead of thirty, and
      that the attribution of thirty days to it is an error of the scribe
      or mason who engraved the calendar.

      In the Coligny calendar the summer solstice seems to be marked by
      the word _trinouxtion_ affixed to the seventeenth day of the first
      month (Samonios, nearly equivalent to our June). As interpreted by
      Sir John Rhys (_op. cit._ p. 217), the word means “a period of three
      nights of equal length.” If he is right, it follows that the Celts
      who constructed the calendar had observed the summer solstice.

 M266 Equivalence of the new intercalary month to the old intercalary
      Twelve Days multiplied by two and a half. The intercalary month may
      have been a period of license, during which the reins of government
      were held by a temporary king.

  783 J. A. MacCulloch, in Dr. J. Hastings’s _Encyclopaedia of Religion
      and Ethics_, iii. 79. Compare Sir J. Rhys, “The Coligny Calendar,”
      _Proceedings of the British Academy, 1909-1910_, pp. 292 _sq._

 M267 The modern Carnival is perhaps the equivalent of the ancient
      Saturnalia.

  784 We know from Livy (xxii. i. 19 _sq._) that the Saturnalia was
      celebrated in December as early as the year 217 B.C.; and in his
      learned discussion of the proper date of the festival the antiquary
      Macrobius gives no hint that it ever fell at any other time than in
      December (_Saturnal._ i. 10). It would be a mistake to infer from
      Livy’s account of the Saturnalia in the year 217 B.C. that he
      supposed the festival to have been first instituted in that year;
      for elsewhere (ii. 21. 1) he tells us that it was established at the
      time when the temple of Saturn was dedicated, namely in the year 497
      B.C. Macrobius (_Saturn._ i. 8. 1) refers the institution of the
      Saturnalia to King Tullus Hostilius. More probably the festival was
      of immemorial antiquity.

 M268 The Saturnalia may have originally fallen at the end of February,
      which would be an appropriate time for a festival of sowing.

  785 Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 12. 7; Solinus, i. 35, p. 13 ed. Th. Mommsen
      (Berlin, 1864); Joannes Lydus, _De Mensibus_, iii. 15. On the other
      hand, we know that the ceremony of renewing the laurels, which
      originally took place on the first of March, was long afterwards
      transferred to the first of January. See Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 135
      _sqq._, and Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 6, compared with
      _Geoponica_, xi. 2. 6, where the note of the commentator Niclas may
      be consulted. This transference is strictly analogous to the change
      which I conjecture to have been made in the date of celebrating the
      Saturnalia.

  786 Palladius, _De re rustica_, books iii. and iv. _passim._

_  787 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 137-139.

_  788 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 136-144, ii. 97
      _sqq._

  789 Compare C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), ii. 268: “To
      the Huichol so closely are corn, deer, and hikuli associated that by
      consuming the broth of the deer-meat and the hikuli they think the
      same effect is produced—namely, making the corn grow. Therefore when
      clearing the fields they eat hikuli before starting the day’s work.”

 M269 The Lenten fast in spring may be an old heathen period of abstinence
      intended to promote the growth of the seed. Autumnal rites of
      mourning and fasting for the sake of the seed.

_  790 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 104 _sqq._ The
      Indians of Santiago Tepehuacan abstain from flesh, eggs, and grease
      while they are engaged in sowing cotton and chilis, because they
      believe that were they to partake of these viands at that time, the
      blossoms would fall and the crop would suffer. See “Lettre du curé
      de Santiago Tepehuacan à son évêque sur les mœurs et coutumes des
      Indiens,” _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ (Paris), Deuxième
      Série, ii. (1834) p. 181.

  791 In Franche-Comté not only husbands and wives were expected to be
      continent from the first Sunday of Lent to the first Sunday after
      Easter, but even sweethearts separated during that time, bidding
      each other a formal farewell on the first of these days and meeting
      again with similar formality on the last. See C. Beauquier, _Les
      Mois en Franche-Comté_ (Paris, 1900), p. 35. I am informed that the
      observance of chastity during Lent is enjoined generally by the
      Catholic church. As to its injunction by the Coptic church see F.
      Wüstenfeld, _Macrizi’s Geschichte der Copten_ (Göttingen, 1845), p.
      84; _Il_ Fetha Nagast, _o Legislazione dei Re, codice ecclesiastico
      e civile di Abissinia, tradotto e annotato da_ Ignazio Guidi (Rome,
      1899), p. 164.

  792 Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, v. 22; Sozomenus, _Historia
      Ecclesiastica_, vii. 19 (Migne, _Patrologia Graeca_, lxvii. coll.
      632-636, 1477); W. Smith and S. Cheetham, _Dictionary of Christian
      Antiquities_, _s.v._ “Lent,” vol. ii. pp. 972 _sq._; Mgr. L.
      Duchesne, _Origines du Culte Chrétien_ (Paris, 1903), pp. 241-243.

  793 Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 27.

  794 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 69: καὶ γὰρ Ἀθήνῃσι νηστεύουσιν αἱ
      γυναῖκες ἐν θεσμοφορίοις χαμαὶ καθήμεναι, καὶ Βοιωτοὶ τὰ τῆς Ἀχαιᾶς
      μέγαρα κινοῦσιν, ἐπαχθῆ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἐκείνην ὀνομάζοντες, ὡς διὰ τὴν
      τῆς Κόρης κάθοδον ἐν ἄχει τῆς Δήμητρος οὕσης. Ἔστι δὲ ὁ μὴν οὗτος
      περὶ πλειάδα σπόριμος, ὂν Ἀθὺρ Αἰγύπτιοι, Πυανεψιῶνα δ᾽ Ἀθηναῖοι,
      Βοιωτοὶ δὲ Δαμάτριον καλοῦσι. As to the festival and the rule of
      chastity observed at it, see further _Spirits of the Corn and of the
      Wild_, i. 116, ii. 17 _sq._

 M270 The Buddhist Lent.

  795 H. Fielding, _The Soul of a People_ (London, 1898), pp. 172 _sq._
      The orthodox explanation of the custom is that during these three
      months the Buddha retired to a monastery. But “the custom was far
      older even than that—so old that we do not know how it arose. Its
      origin is lost in the mists of far-away time.” Compare C. J. F. S.
      Forbes, _British Burma_ (London, 1878), pp. 170 _sq._; Shway Yoe,
      _The Burman, his Life and Notions_ (London, 1882), i. 257, 262
      _sqq._

 M271 Inversion of social ranks at ancient Greek festivals held in Crete,
      Troezen, and Thessaly.

  796 Athenaeus, xiv. 44 _sq._, pp. 639 B-640 A.

 M272 The Greek festival of the Cronia compared to the Roman Saturnalia.
      The Olympian Cronia held at the spring equinox.

  797 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 7. 37 and i. 10. 22; Demosthenes, _Or._
      xxiv. 26, p. 708. As to the temple of Cronus and Rhea, see
      Pausanias, i. 18. 7; Im. Bekker’s _Anecdota Graeca_ (Berlin,
      1814-1821), i. p. 273, lines 20 _sq._ That the Attic month
      Hecatombaeon was formerly called Cronius is mentioned by Plutarch
      (_Theseus_, 12). Other Greek states, including Samos, Amorgos,
      Perinthus, and Patmos, had a month called Cronion, that is, the
      month of Cronus, which seems to have coincided with June or July.
      See G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_2 (Leipsic,
      1898-1901), Nos. 644 and 645; E. Bischoff, “De fastis Graecorum
      antiquioribus,” _Leipziger Studien für classischen Philologie_, vii.
      (1884) p. 400. At Magnesia on the Maeander the month of Cronion was
      the time of sowing (Dittenberger, _op. cit._ No. 553, lines 15
      _sq._), which cannot have fallen in the height of summer. Compare
      _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 8.

_  798 Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum_, iii. No. 77; Ch. Michel, _Recueil
      d’Inscriptions Grecques_ (Brussels, 1900), No. 692, pp. 595 _sq._;
      I. de Prott et L. Ziehen, _Leges Graecorum Sacrae_, i. (Leipsic,
      1896), No. 3, pp. 7 _sq._; E. S. Roberts and E. A. Gardner,
      _Introduction to Greek Epigraphy_, Part II. (Cambridge, 1905), No.
      142, pp. 387 _sq._ From the same inscription we learn that cakes
      with twelve knobs were offered to other deities, including Apollo
      and Artemis, Zeus, Poseidon, and Hercules.

  799 Scholiast on Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 370 (p. 170 ed. E. Vollbehr,
      Kiel, 1844): Καὶ ἐν τοῖς πατρίοις ἐστιν ἑορτὴ Πιθοιγία, καθ᾽ ἣν οὒτε
      οἰκέτην οὔτε μισθωτὸν εἴργειν τῆς ἀπολαύσεως τοῦ οἴνου θεμιτὸν ἦν,
      ἀλλὰ θύσαντας πᾶσι μεταδιδόναι τοῦ δώρου τοῦ Διονύσου. As to the
      festival of the opening of the wine-jars see August Mommsen,
      _Heortologie_ (Leipsic, 1864), pp. 349 _sqq._; _id._, _Feste der
      Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 384 _sqq._ “When the
      slaves,” says Plutarch, “feast at the Cronia or go about celebrating
      the festival of Dionysus in the country, the shouts they raise and
      the tumult they make in their rude merriment are intolerable” (_Non
      posse suaviter vivi secundum Epicurum_, 26). That the original
      festival of Cronus fell at Athens in Anthesterion is the view of
      Aug. Mommsen (_Heortologie_, pp. 22, 79; _Feste der Stadt Athen_, p.
      402).

  800 Pausanias, vi. 20. 1. Compare Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit.
      Rom._ i. 34. The magistrates called “kings” (βασίλαι) by Pausanias
      are doubtless identical with “the kings” (τοὶ βασιλᾶες) mentioned in
      a law of Elis, which was found inscribed on a bronze plate at
      Olympia. See H. Roehl, _Inscriptiones Graecae Antiquissimae_
      (Berlin, 1882), No. 112, p. 39; C. Cauer, _Delectus Inscriptionum
      Graecarum propter dialectum memorabilium_2 (Leipsic, 1883), No. 253,
      p. 175; H. Collitz, _Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften_,
      No. 1152 (vol. i. Göttingen, 1884, p. 321); Ch. Michel, _Recueil
      d’Inscriptions Grecques_, No. 195, p. 179.

 M273 The magistrates called Kings who celebrated the Cronia at Olympia
      may have personated King Cronus himself. Perhaps the man who
      annually personated King Cronus was put to death. A man annually
      sacrificed to Cronus at the Cronia in Rhodes.

  801 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 44 _sqq._, ii.
      177, 361.

  802 Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 111, 169; Plato, _Politicus_, p. 269 A;
      Diodorus Siculus, iii. 61, v. 66; Julian, _Epistola ad Themistium_,
      p. 258 C (pp. 334 _sq._, ed. F. C. Hertlein, Leipsic, 1875-1876);
      “Anonymi Chronologica,” printed in L. Dindorf’s edition of J.
      Malalas (Bonn, 1831), p. 17. See further M. Mayer’s article
      “Kronos,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm.
      Mythologie_, ii. (Leipsic, 1890-1897) col. 1458.

  803 See M. Mayer, _op. cit._ ii. 1501 _sqq._

  804 Pausanias, vi. 20. 4 _sq._

  805 Plato, _Republic_, ix. p. 565 D E; pseudo-Plato, _Minos_, p. 315 C;
      Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ viii. 81; Pausanias, viii. 2 and 38; Porphyry,
      _De abstinentia_, ii. 27; Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, xviii. 17.
      The suggestion that Lycaean Zeus may have been merely a successor of
      Cronus is due to my friend Professor W. Ridgeway.

  806 Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, ii. 54.

_  807 The Dying God_, pp. 161 _sqq._

 M274 The Babylonian festival of the Sacaea.

_  808 The Dying God_, pp. 113 _sqq._

  809 Athenaeus, xiv. 44, p. 639 C; Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ iv. 69 _sq._
      (vol. i. p. 76 ed. L. Dindorf, Leipsic, 1857). From Athenaeus we
      learn that the festival was described or mentioned by Berosus in his
      first book and by Ctesias in his second.

  810 Strabo, xi. 8. 5, p. 512.

 M275 The Sacaea by some identified with Zakmuk or Zagmuk, the Babylonian
      festival of the New Year, which was held about the spring equinox in
      March. Annual renewal of the king of Babylon’s power at the Zakmuk
      festival.

  811 Strabo, xi. 14. 16, pp. 532 _sq._; Ed. Meyer’s article “Anaitis,” in
      W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, i.
      (Leipsic, 1884-1890) pp. 330 _sqq._

  812 By A. H. Sayce, _Religion of the Ancient Babylonians_ (London and
      Edinburgh, 1887), p. 68; Bruno Meissner, “Zur Entstehungsgeschichte
      des Purimfestes,” _Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen
      Gesellschaft_, l. (1896) pp. 296-301; H. Winckler, _Altorientalische
      Forschungen_, Zweite Reihe, ii. Heft 3 (Leipsic, 1900), p. 345; C.
      Brockelmann, “Wesen und Ursprung des Eponymats in Assyrien,”
      _Zeitschrift für Assyriologie_, xvi. (1902) pp. 391 _sq._

  813 P. Jensen, _Die Kosmologie der Babylonier_ (Strasburg, 1890), pp. 84
      _sqq._; H. Zimmern, “Zur Frage nach dem Ursprunge des Purimfestes,”
      _Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft_, xi. (1891) pp.
      159 _sqq._; A. Jeremias, _s.v._ “Marduk,” in W. H. Roscher’s
      _Lexicon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 2347 _sq._; M.
      Jastrow, _Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (Boston, U.S.A., 1898),
      pp. 186, 677 _sqq._; R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian
      Literature_ (New York, 1901), pp. 136 _sq._, 137, 140, 149; C.
      Brocklemann, “Wesen und Ursprung des Eponymats in Assyrien,”
      _Zeitschrift für Assyriologie_, xvi. (1902) pp. 391 _sqq._; H.
      Zimmern, in E. Schrader’s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte
      Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), pp. 370 _sq._, 374, 384 _n._4, 402, 514
      _sqq._; _id._, “Zum Babylonischen Neujahrsfest,” _Berichte über die
      Verhandlungen der königlich Sächsischen Gesellschaft der
      Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philologisch-historische Klasse_, lviii.
      (1906) pp. 126-156; M. J. Lagrange, _Études sur les Religions
      Sémitiques_2 (Paris, 1905); pp. 285 _sqq._ King Gudea is thought to
      have flourished about 2340 B.C. See Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des
      Altertums_,2 i. 2. (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1909) pp. 488 _sq._ As to
      the ceremony of grasping the hands of Marduk’s image, see also C. F.
      Lehmann (-Haupt), _Šamaššumukin, König von Babylonien_ (Leipsic,
      1892), pp. 50 _sqq._; Sir G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples
      de l’Orient Classique_, iii. _Les Empires_ (Paris, 1899). pp. 381
      _sq._

 M276 Reasons for identifying the Sacaea with Zakmuk.

  814 On this subject the Master of St. Catharine’s College, Cambridge
      (the Rev. C. H. W. Johns), has kindly furnished me with the
      following note: “ZAG is the name of the ideogram meaning ‘head or
      beginning.’ MU is the sign for ‘year.’ When put together ZAG-MU
      means ‘beginning of year.’ But ZAG-MU-KU means ZAG MU-d, _i.e._ ZAG
      with MU suffixed. Therefore it is the name of the ideogram, and
      there is as yet no _proof_ that it was ever read Zakmuk. Hence any
      similarity of sound with either Sacaea or Zoganes is precarious. I
      cannot prove that the signs were _never_ read Zakmuku, but that is
      not a Semitic word nor a Sumerian word.”

  815 The statement occurs in an inscription of Nebuchadnezzar. See P.
      Jensen, _Die Kosmologie der Babylonier_, p. 85; H. Zimmern, in E.
      Schrader’s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_3 (Berlin,
      1902), p. 402. The title of the president of the divine synod, “king
      of the gods of heaven and earth,” is believed by Professor Zimmern
      to have originally referred to the god Nabu, though at a later time
      it was applied to Marduk.

 M277 A difficulty in identifying the Sacaea with Zakmuk is that the two
      festivals seem to have been celebrated at different times of the
      year, Zakmuk falling in March and the Sacaea in July. Suggested ways
      of meeting the difficulty.

_  816 See The Dying God_, p. 116 note 1. In Egypt the Macedonian calendar
      seems to have fallen into great confusion. See W. Dittenberger,
      _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_ (Leipsic, 1903-1905), ii.
      pp. 649 _sq._ I would remind the reader that while the _dates_ of
      the Syro-Macedonian months varied in different places, their _order_
      was the same everywhere.

  817 See above, p. 355, note 5. On the other hand Prof. H. Zimmern
      prefers to suppose that the Sacaea was quite distinct from Zakmuk,
      and that it fell in July at the time of the heliacal rising of
      Sirius, which seems to have been associated with the goddess Ishtar.
      See H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader’s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte
      Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), pp. 426 _sq._

_  818 Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ “Year,” vol. iv. (London, 1903)
      coll. 5365 _sqq._

_  819 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 59 _sqq._

_  820 The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 237 _sqq._

  821 J. Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_2 (Leipsic, 1885), pp. 200
      _sq._

 M278 An argument for identifying Sacaea and Zakmuk is the apparent
      connexion of both with the Jewish festival of Purim.

  822 H. Zimmern, “Zur Frage nach dem Ursprunge des Purimfestes,”
      _Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft_, xi. (1891) pp.
      157-169; W. Nowack, _Lehrbuch der hebräischen Archäologie_ (Freiburg
      i. B. and Leipsic, 1894), ii. 198 _sqq._; Br. Meissner, “Zur
      Entstehungsgeschichte des Purimfestes,” _Zeitschrift der deutschen
      morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, l. (1896) pp. 296-301; Fr. Cumont,
      “Le roi des Saturnales,” _Revue de Philologie_, xxi. (1897) p. 150;
      P. Haupt, _Purim_ (Leipsic, 1906). The various theories which have
      been propounded as to the origin of Purim are stated and discussed
      by Prof. L. B. Paton in his _Commentary on the Book of Esther_
      (Edinburgh, 1908), pp. 77-94. See also _Encyclopaedia Biblica_,
      _s.v._ “Purim,” vol. iii. (London, 1902) coll. 3976 _sqq._

  823 S. R. Driver, _Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament_8
      (Edinburgh, 1909), p. 484. Professor T. Witton Davies would date the
      book about 130 B.C. See _Ezra, Nehemiah and Esther_, edited by Rev.
      T. Witton Davies (Edinburgh and London, N.D.), pp. 299-301 (_The
      Century Bible_).

  824 2 Maccabees xv. 36. As to the date of this book, see S. R. Driver,
      _op. cit._ p. 481.

 M279 The Jewish festival of Purim seems to be derived from the Babylonian
      festival of Zakmuk.

  825 We know from Josephus (_Antiquit._ iii. 10. 5) that in the month
      Nisan, the first month of the Jewish year, the sun was in Aries. Now
      the sun is in Aries from March 20th or 21st to April 19th or 20th;
      hence Nisan answers approximately to April, and Adar to March.

  826 Esther iii. 7.

  827 Esther iii. 7, ix. 26.

  828 This is the view of H. Zimmern (_Zeitschrift für die
      alttestamentliche Wissenschaft_, xi. (1891) pp. 157 _sqq._), and it
      is favoured by W. Nowack (_Lehrbuch der hebräischen Archäologie_,
      ii. 198 _sq._). Compare H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader’s _Die
      Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 518.

  829 P. Jensen, _Die Kosmologie der Babylonier_, pp. 240 _sq._

  830 The explanation is that of P. Jensen, quoted by Th. Nöldeke in
      _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ “Esther,” vol. ii. (London, 1901)
      col. 1404 note 1. In Greek, for a similar reason, the word for
      “pebble” and “vote” is identical (ψῆφος). As to this etymology see
      also C. H. W. Johns, _s.v._ “Purim,” _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii.
      (London, 1902) coll. 3979 _sq._

 M280 Connexion of Purim with the Sacaea. The joyous nature of Purim.

  831 Esther x. 22.

  832 J. Buxtorf, _Synagoga Judaica_ (Bâle, 1661), pp. 554 _sq._, 559
      _sq._

  833 J. Buxtorf, _op. cit._ p. 559; Schickard, quoted by Lagarde,
      “Purim,” _Abhandlungen der kön. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu
      Göttingen_, xxxiv. (1887) pp. 54 _sq._ Compare J. Chr. G.
      Bodenschatz, _Kirchliche Verfassung der heutigen Juden_ (Erlangen,
      1748), ii. 256. For the rule forbidding men and women to exchange
      garments, see Deuteronomy xxii. 5.

  834 J. J. Schudt, _Jüdische Merkwürdigkeiten_ (Frankfort and Leipsic,
      1714), ii. Theil, pp. 309, 314, 316, iv. Theiles die ii.
      Continuation, p. 347; I. Abrahams, _Jewish Life in the Middle Ages_
      (London, 1896), pp. 261 _sqq._ I have to thank my learned friend Dr.
      S. Schechter for bringing both these works to my notice.

 M281 The origin of Purim according to the book of Esther. The rival pairs
      Mordecai and Esther on the one side, Haman and Vashti on the other.
 M282 Analysis of the names Mordecai and Esther, Haman and Vashti.
      Jensen’s theory that Haman and Vashti were Elamite deities in
      opposition to the Babylonian deities Mordecai (Marduk) and Esther
      (Ishtar).

  835 P. Jensen, “Elamitische Eigennamen,” _Wiener Zeitschrift für die
      Kunde des Morgenlandes_, vi. (1892) pp. 47-70; compare _ib._ pp.
      209-212. All Jensen’s etymologies are accepted by W. Nowack
      (_Lehrbuch der hebräischen Archäologie_, Freiburg i. Baden and
      Leipsic, 1894, ii. 199 _sq._); H. Gunkel (_Schöpfung und Chaos_,
      Göttingen, 1895, pp. 310 _sq._); D. G. Wildeboer (in his commentary
      on Esther, pp. 173 _sqq._, forming part of K. Marti’s _Kurzer
      Hand-Commentar zum alten Testament_, Freiburg i. B. 1898); Th.
      Nöldeke (_s.v._ “Esther,” _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, vol. ii. coll.
      1404 _sq._); and H. Zimmern (in E. Schrader’s _Die Keilinschriften
      und das Alte Testament_,3 Berlin, 1902, pp. 485, 516 _sq._). On the
      other hand, Br. Meissner (_Zeitschrift der deutschen
      morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, I. (1896) p. 301) and M. Jastrow
      (_The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_, p. 686, note 2) suspend
      their judgment as to the identification of Haman and Vashti with
      Elamite deities, though they apparently regard the identification of
      Mordecai and Esther with Marduk and Ishtar as quite certain. The
      doubt which these scholars felt as to the derivation of one at least
      of these names (Vashti) is now known to be well founded. See below,
      p. 367, note 3.

      It deserves to be noted that on the twenty-seventh day of the month
      Tammuz the heathen of Harran used to sacrifice nine male lambs to
      Haman, “the supreme God, the father of the gods,” and they ate and
      drank on that day. Chwolsohn suggests a comparison of the festival
      with the Athenian Cronia. See D. Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der
      Ssabismus_ (St. Petersburg, 1856), ii. 27 _sq._, 211 _sqq._

  836 Th. Nöldeke, _s.v._ “Esther,” in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, vol. ii.
      (London, 1901) coll. 1405. But in a letter, written to me (20th May
      1901) since the publication of the last edition of this book,
      Professor Nöldeke expresses a doubt whether he has not followed
      Jensen’s mythological identifications in the book of Esther too far.

 M283 But the proposed etymology of Vashti is untenable.

  837 “The change of _m_ to _w_ or _v_ (the Hebrew ו = _waw_) is frequent
      and certain” (the Rev. C. H. W. Johns in a letter to me, May 19th,
      1913). The change is vouched for also by my friend Professor A. A.
      Bevan, who cites as an instance the name of the Babylonian king
      Amel-Marduk, which in Hebrew is changed into Evil-Merodach (2 Kings
      xxv. 27; Jeremiah lii. 31). See E. Schrader, _Die Keilinschriften
      und das Alte Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 396.

  838 The name of the Elamite goddess is read as Parti by the Rev. Father
      Scheil. See E. Cosquin, _Le Prologue-cadre des Mille et Une Nuits,
      les Légendes Perses, et le Livre d’Esther_ (Paris, 1909), p. 68
      (extract from the _Revue Biblique Internationale_, Janvier et Avril,
      1909, published by the Dominicans of Jerusalem). The Master of St.
      Catharine’s College, Cambridge (the Rev. C. H. W. Johns), has kindly
      examined the facsimile of the inscriptions for me. He informs me
      that Father Scheil’s reading is correct and that the reading Mashti
      is quite wrong. He further tells me that Jensen was misled by an
      incorrect edition of the inscriptions to which alone he had access.
      The signs for _par_ (or _bar_) and _mash_ in the inscriptions
      resemble each other and therefore might easily be confused by a
      copyist. All Jensen’s etymologies, except that of Mordecai, are
      adversely criticized by M. Emile Cosquin in the work to which I have
      referred (pp. 67 _sqq._). He prefers with Oppert to derive all the
      names except Mordecai (the identity of which with Marduk he does not
      dispute) from the old Persian. However, these derivations from the
      Persian are rejected by Professor Th. Nöldeke, whose opinion on such
      a point is entitled to carry great weight. See _Encyclopaedia
      Biblica_, ii. (London, 1901) col. 1402, _s.v._ “Esther.”

 M284 The mock king of the Sacaea seems to have personated a god. The view
      of Movers.

  839 F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. (Bonn, 1841) pp. 490 _sq._; 2
      Samuel xvi. 21 _sq._, compare xii. 8. It was a well-attested custom
      of the Assyrian kings, when they had conquered a city, to take into
      their harem the daughters of the vanquished princes and rulers. See
      C. F. Lehmann (-Haupt), _Šamaššumutkîn König von Babylonien_
      (Leipsic, 1892), p. 31. The Persian and Scythian kings seem also to
      have married the wives of their predecessors. See Herodotus, iii. 68
      and 88, iv. 78; K. Neumann, _Die Hellenen im Skythenlande_, i.
      (Berlin, 1855) p. 301. Such a custom points to an old system of
      mother-kin under which the royal dignity was transmitted through
      women. See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 268
      _sqq._

 M285 The mock king of the Sacaea may have mated with a woman who played
      the part of a goddess, whether Anaitis, Astarte, or Semiramis.
      Identity of the mythical Semiramis with Astarte. The lovers of
      Semiramis and Ishtar (Astarte).

  840 Ed. Meyer, _s.v._ “Anaitis,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech.
      und röm. Mythologie_, i. (Leipsic, 1884-1890) coll. 352 _sq._ At the
      temple of Anaitis in Acilisena, a city of Armenia, the daughters of
      the noblest families regularly prostituted themselves for a long
      time before marriage (Strabo, xi. 14. 16, p. 532). Agathias
      identified Anaitis with Aphrodite (_Hist._ ii. 24), and when the
      Greeks spoke of the Oriental Aphrodite, they meant Astarte or one of
      her equivalents. Jensen proposes to identify Anaitis with an Elamite
      goddess Nahuntí, whom he takes to have been equivalent to Ishtar or
      Astarte, especially in her quality of the Evening Star. See his
      article, “Elamitische Eigennamen,” _Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde
      des Morgenlandes_, vi. (1892) pp. 64-67, 70.

  841 Diodorus Siculus, ii. 20; Aelian, _Var. Hist._ vii. 1.

  842 W. Robertson Smith, “Ctesias and the Semiramis Legend,” _English
      Historical Review_, ii. (1887) pp. 303-317. Amongst other evidence,
      Smith refers to Diodorus Siculus, from whose account (ii. 4) of the
      birth of Semiramis he infers that she “is the daughter of Derceto,
      the fish goddess of Ascalon, and is herself the Astarte whose sacred
      doves were honoured at Ascalon and throughout Syria.” It seems
      probable that the legendary Semiramis is to be identified with
      Shammuramat, the “palace wife” of Samsi-Adad, king of Assyria, and
      mother of King Adad-Nirari; she lived towards the end of the ninth
      century B.C., and is known to us from Assyrian inscriptions. See C.
      F. Lehmann-Haupt, _Die historische Semiramis und ihre Zeit_
      (Tübingen, 1910), pp. 1 _sqq._; _id._, _s.v._ “Semiramis,” in W. H.
      Roscher’s _Lexicon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, iv. coll. 678
      _sqq._

  843 Strabo, xii. 3. 37, p. 559, compare xi. 8. 4, p. 512. Zela is the
      modern Zileh, a town of about 20,000 inhabitants clustered at the
      foot of the so-called mound of Semiramis, which is an inconsiderable
      protuberance of natural rock crowned by the walls of an old citadel.
      The place is singularly destitute of ancient remains, but every year
      in the first fortnight of December a fair is held in the town, to
      which merchants come not only from the whole of Asia Minor, but also
      from the Caucasus, Armenia, and Persia. This fair may very well be a
      direct descendant of a great festival held in honour of Anaitis or
      Astarte. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans
      l’Antiquité_, iv. (Paris, 1887) p. 649; F. Cumont et E. Cumont,
      _Voyage d’Exploration archéologique dans le Pont et la Petite
      Arménie_ (Brussels, 1906), pp. 188 _sqq._

  844 Berosus, cited by Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ v. 65, p. 57
      ed. Potter (where for Ταναΐδος we should read Ἀναΐτιδος, as is done
      by C. Müller, _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ii. 509).

  845 Strabo, xi. 8. 4, p. 512, xii. 3. 37, p. 559. The nature of the
      ἱερόδουλοι at Zela is indicated by Strabo in a passage (xii. 3. 36)
      where he describes a similar state of things at Comana, a city not
      far from Zela. His words are πλῆθος γυναικῶν τῶν ἐργαζομένων ἀπὸ τοῦ
      σώματος, ὦν αἰ πλείους εἰσὶν ἰεραί.

  846 Herodotus, i. 184; Strabo, xvi. i. 2, p. 737; Diodorus Siculus, ii.
      14.

  847 Ctesias, cited by John of Antioch, in C. Müller’s _Fragmenta
      Historicorum Graecorum_, iv. 539.

  848 Diodorus Siculus, ii. 13. Note that the first husband of Semiramis
      is said to have hanged himself (Diodorus Siculus, ii. 6).

 M286 The sacred harlots of Ishtar.

  849 A. Jeremias, _Izdubar-Nimrod_, (Leipsic, 1891), pp. 23 _sqq._; M.
      Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (Boston, U.S.A.,
      1898), p. 482; L. W. King, _Babylonian Religion and Mythology_
      (London, 1899), pp. 159 _sqq._; P. Jensen, _Assyrisch-Babylonische
      Mythen und Epen_ (Berlin, 1900), pp. 169, 171; R. F. Harper,
      _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_ (New York, 1901), pp. 338
      _sq._; _Das Gilgamesch-Epos, neu übersetzt von_ Arthur Ungnad _und
      gemeinverständlich erklärt von_ Hugo Gressmann (Göttingen, 1911),
      pp. 31 _sq._ The true name of the Babylonian hero, which used to be
      read as Izdubar, has been found to be Gilgamesh. See M. Jastrow,
      _op. cit._ pp. 468 _sq._; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader’s _Die
      Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 566 note
      4; A. Ungnad, _Das Gilgamesch-Epos_, pp. 76 _sq._ Aelian mentions
      (_De natura animalium_, xii. 21) a Babylonian king, Gilgamus, whose
      name is doubtless identical with that of the hero.

  850 A. Jeremias, _op. cit._ pp. 59 _sq._; M. Jastrow, _op. cit._ pp. 475
      _sq._, 484 _sq._; Herodotus, i. 199. The name which Herodotus gives
      to the goddess is Mylitta, but this is only a corruption of one of
      her Semitic titles, whether Baalath (Hebrew בעלת) “mistress,” or
      perhaps rather _Mullittu_, from _Mu’allidtu_ (Hebrew מילדת), “she
      who helps to the birth.” See E. Meyer, _s.v._ “Astarte,” in W. H.
      Roscher’s _Lexicon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, i. 648; H.
      Zimmern, in E. Schrader’s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte
      Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 423 note 7. The female “votaries of
      Marduk” are repeatedly mentioned in the code of Hammurabi. See C. H.
      W. Johns, _Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Contracts, and Letters_
      (Edinburgh, 1904), pp. 54, 55, 59, 60, 61; _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_,
      Second Edition, p. 63.

 M287 The myth of Ishtar (Astarte) and her lovers acted at the Sacaea in
      Zela.

  851 Along with Anaitis at Zela there were worshipped two deities named
      Omanos and Anadates; Strabo says that they were Persian divinities,
      and certainly their ritual as described by him was purely Persian.
      See Strabo, xi. 8. 4, p. 512, xv. 3. 15, p. 733; Franz Cumont, _Les
      Religions orientales dans le Paganisme romain_2 (Paris, 1909), pp.
      214 _sq._ It has been proposed to identify their names, first, with
      those of the two Persian archangels (Amshaspands), Vohumano or Vohu
      Manah (“Good Thought”) and Ameretât (“Immortality”), and, second,
      with those of Haman and his father Hammedatha in the book of Esther
      (iii. 1). In order to support the identification of Anadates with
      Ameretât and Hammedatha it has been further proposed to alter
      Anadates into Amadates or Amardates in the text of Strabo, which
      would assimilate the name to Amurdâd, a late form of Ameretât. See
      P. Jensen, _Hittiter und Armenier_ (Strasburg, 1898), p. 181; Franz
      Cumont, _Textes et Monuments figurés relatifs aux Mystères de
      Mithra_, i. (Brussels, 1899) pp. 130, 131; H. Winckler,
      _Altorientalische Forschungen_, Dritte Reihe, i. (Leipsic, 1901) p.
      4; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader’s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte
      Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 516 note 3; P. Haupt, _Purim_
      (Leipsic, 1906), p. 26; L. B. Paton, _Critical and Exegetical
      Commentary on the Book of Esther_ (Edinburgh, 1908), pp. 88, 92. As
      to the Persian archangels (Amshaspands) see C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte
      der Religion im Altertum_ (Gotha, 1896-1903), ii. 200 _sqq._; L. H.
      Gray, “The Double Nature of the Iranian Archangels,” _Archiv für
      Religionswissenschaft_, vii. (1904) pp. 345 _sqq._; J. H. Moulton,
      _Early Religious Poetry of Persia_ (Cambridge, 1911), pp. 58 _sqq._
      But apart from the philological difficulty created by the forcible
      alteration of Strabo’s text in order to bring it into conformity
      with the theory, it is difficult to see how the highly abstract
      conceptions of the archangels “Good Thought” and “Immortality” could
      have passed into the highly concrete and by no means angelic figures
      of Haman and Hammedatha. This latter difficulty has been pointed out
      to me in a letter (8th June, 1901) by my friend the Rev. Professor
      J. H. Moulton, who further informs me that in Persian religion Vohu
      Manah is never linked with Ameretât, whereas Ameretât is constantly
      linked with another archangel Haurvatât (“Health”). Professor
      Theodor Nöldeke in a letter to me (20th May, 1901) also expresses
      himself sceptical as to the proposed identifications; he tells me
      that the name of a Persian god cannot end in _data_, just as the
      name of a Greek god cannot end in -δωρος or -δοτος. On the whole it
      seems better to leave Omanos and Anadates out of the present
      discussion.

 M288 Such sacred dramas are magical rites intended to influence the
      course of nature.
 M289 Magical intention of sacred dramas and masked dances among savages.
 M290 Masked dances among the Indians of North-West America.

  852 Franz Boas, “The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the
      Kwakiutl Indians,” _Report of the United States National Museum for
      1895_ (Washington, 1897), p. 396.

  853 Franz Boas, _op. cit._ pp. 420 _sq._ The description applies
      specially to the masked dances of the Kwakiutl tribe, but probably
      it holds good for the similar dances of the other Indian tribes on
      the same coast. Thus among the Bella Coola Indians “the masks used
      in the dances represent mythical personages, and the dances are
      pantomimic representations of myths. Among others, the thunder bird
      and his servant ... appear in the dances” (F. Boas, _op. cit._ p.
      651).

 M291 These masked dances represent mythical incidents and are supposed to
      have been revealed to the Indians by their guardian spirits.

_  854 Tamanawas_ or _tamanous_ is a Chinook term signifying “guardian
      spirits.” See _Totemism and Exogamy_, iii. 405 _sqq._

  855 James G. Swan, _The Indians of Cape Flattery_, p. 66, quoted by
      Franz Boas, _op. cit._ pp. 637 _sq._

 M292 Gods or spirits personated by the actors in the masked dances.
 M293 The dances accompanied by songs.

  856 J. Adrian Jacobsen, “Geheimbünde der Küstenbewohner
      Nordwest-America’s,” _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für
      Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_ (1891), pp. 384 _sq._
      The passage has been already quoted by me in _Totemism and Exogamy_,
      iii. 500-502.

 M294 Spirits personated by masked performers among the Esquimaux of
      Bering Strait.
 M295 The animal masks worn by the actors.
 M296 Identification of the masked actor with the mythical being whom he
      represents.

  857 As to the belief of these Esquimaux that at the Festival of the Dead
      the spirits of the departed enter into and animate their human
      namesakes, see _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, p. 371.

  858 E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” _Eighteenth Annual
      Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington,
      1899) pp. 394 _sq._

 M297 Dramatic ceremonies of the Cora Indians of Mexico in which the
      actors personate gods. Masked dances of the Brazilian Indians to
      ensure fertility and abundance.

  859 K. Th. Preuss, _Die Nayarit Expedition_, I. _Die Religion der Cora
      Indianer_ (Leipsic, 1912), pp. xcii. _sqq._, xcv. _sqq._

  860 Th. Koch-Grünberg, _Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern_ (Berlin,
      1909-1910), i. 130-140, ii. 169-201. The passage translated in the
      text occurs in vol. ii. p. 196.

 M298 Masked dances of the Monumbo in German New Guinea. Masked dances of
      the Kayans of Borneo.

  861 F. Vormann, “Tänze und Tanzfestlichkeiten der Monumbo-Papua
      (Deutsch-Neuguinea),” _Anthropos_, vi. (1911) pp. 415 _sq._, 418
      _sqq._, 426 _sq._

  862 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_ (Leyden, 1904-1907), i. 324.
      As to these masquerades of the Kayans see _Spirits of the Corn and
      of the Wild_, i. 95 _sq._, 186 _sq._

 M299 Dramatic performances of the Sea Dyaks of Borneo, in which the actor
      personates a god.

  863 Rev. J. Perham, “Mengap, the Song of the Dyak Sea Feast,” _Journal
      of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 2
      (Singapore, December, 1878), pp. 123 _sq._, 134; H. Ling Roth, _The
      Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_ (London, 1896), ii. 174
      _sq._, 183. Compare E. H. Gomes, _Seventeen Years among the Sea
      Dyaks of Borneo_ (London, 1911), pp. 213 _sq._: “This song of the
      head feast takes the form of a story setting forth how the mythical
      hero Klieng held a head feast on his return from the warpath, and
      invited the god of war, Singalang Burong, to attend it. It describes
      at great length all that happened on that occasion. The singing of
      this song takes up the whole night. It begins before 8 P.M., and
      lasts till next morning. Except for a short interval for rest in the
      middle of the night, the performers are marching and singing all the
      time.” On the third day of the festival the people go out on the
      open-air platform in front of the house and sacrifice a pig. “The
      people shout together (_manjong_) at short intervals until a hawk is
      seen flying in the heavens. That hawk is Singalang Burong, who has
      taken that form to manifest himself to them. He has accepted their
      offerings and has heard their cry” (E. H. Gomes, _op. cit._ p. 214).

 M300 Religious or magical origin of the drama.

  864 A. E. Haigh, _The Attic Theatre_ (Oxford, 1889), pp. 4 _sqq,_ The
      religious origin of Greek tragedy is maintained by Professor W.
      Ridgeway (_The Origin of Tragedy_, Cambridge, 1910), but he finds
      its immediate inspiration in the worship of the dead rather than in
      the worship of Dionysus.

  865 H. Oldenberg, _Die Literatur des alten Indien_ (Stuttgart and
      Berlin, 1903), pp. 236 _sqq._ Professor Oldenberg holds that the
      evolution of the Indian drama was probably not influenced by that of
      Greece.

 M301 The representation of mythical beings by living men and women may
      furnish a common ground where two rival schools of mythology can
      meet and be reconciled.
 M302 The legend of Semiramis and her lovers a duplicate of the myth of
      Aphrodite and Adonis, of Cybele and Attis, of Isis and Osiris.

_  866 Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 239 _sq._

_  867 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 97 _sqq._

 M303 Sardanapalus and Ashurbanapal. The legendary death of Sardanapalus
      in the fire.

  868 C. P. Tiele, _Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte_ (Gotha, 1886-1888),
      pp. 351 _sqq._; M. Jastrow, _Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_
      (Boston, U.S.A., 1898), p. 43; Sir G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne
      des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, iii. _Les Empires_ (Paris,
      1899), pp. 378 _sqq._; C. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian
      Literature_ (New York, 1901), pp. 94 _sqq._

  869 Athenaeus, xii. 38 _sq._, pp. 528 F-530 C; Diodorus Siculus, ii. 23
      and 27; Justin, i. 3. Several different versions of the king’s
      epitaph have come down to us. I have followed the version of
      Choerilus, the original of which is said to have been carved in
      Chaldean letters on a tombstone that surmounted a great barrow at
      Nineveh. This barrow may, as I suggest in the text, have been one of
      the so-called mounds of Semiramis.

 M304 The burning of Sandan, a mythical god or hero of Western Asia. K. O.
      Müller’s description of the burning of Sandan.

  870 Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8; Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ xxxiii. p. 408
      (vol. ii. p. 16 ed. L. Dindorf, Leipsic, 1857). Coins of Tarsus
      exhibit the effigy on the pyre, which seems to be composed of a
      pyramid of great beams resting on a cubical base. See K. O. Müller,
      “Sandon und Sardanapal,” _Kunstarchäologische Werke_ (Berlin, 1873),
      iii. 8 _sqq._, whose valuable essay I follow. For fuller details see
      _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 91 _sqq._, 139 _sqq._

  871 Agathias, _Hist._ ii. 24.

  872 Joannes Lydus, _De magistratibus_, iii. 64; Apollodorus,
      _Bibliotheca_, ii. 6. 2 _sq._; Lucian, _Dial. deorum_, xiii. 2.

  873 K. O. Müller, “Sandon und Sardanapal,” _Kunstarchäologische Werke_
      (Berlin, 1873), iii. 16 _sq._ The writer adds that there is
      authority for every stroke in the picture. His principal source is
      the sixty-second speech of Dio Chrysostom (vol. ii. p. 202 ed. L.
      Dindorf), where the unmanly Sardanapalus, seated cross-legged on a
      gilded couch with purple hangings, is compared to “the Adonis for
      whom the women wail.”

 M305 Death in the fire of men who personate gods or heroes.

  874 Herodotus, i. 7.

  875 Herodotus, i. 86 _sq._, with J. C. F. Bähr’s note. According to
      another and perhaps more probable tradition the king sought a
      voluntary death in the flames. See Bacchylides, iii. 24-62; _Adonis,
      Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 141 _sqq._

_  876 The Dying God_, pp. 41 _sq._

  877 Sophocles, _Trachiniae_, 1195 _sqq._:

      πολλὴν μὲν ὕλην τῆς βαθυρρίζου δρυὸς κείραντα πολλὸν δ᾽ ἄρσεν
      ἐκτεμόνθ᾽ ὁμοῦ ἄγριον ἔλαιον, σῶμα τουμὸν ἐμβαλεῖν.

      The passage was pointed out to me by my friend the late Dr. A. W.
      Verrall. The poet’s language suggests that of old a sacred fire was
      kindled by the friction of oak and wild olive wood, and that in
      accordance with a notion common among rude peoples, one of the
      pieces of wood (in this case the wild olive) was regarded as male
      and the other (the oak) as female. On this hypothesis, the fire was
      kindled by drilling a hole in a piece of oak with a stick of wild
      olive. As to the different sorts of wood used by the ancients in
      making fire by friction, see A. Kuhn, _Die Herabkunft des Feuers und
      des Göttertranks_2 (Gütersloh, 1886), pp. 35 _sqq._; _The Magic Art
      and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 249 _sqq._ In South Africa a
      special fire is procured for sacrifices by the friction of two
      pieces of the _Uzwati_ tree, which are known respectively as husband
      and wife. See _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 65.

_  878 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 68.

  879 F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. (Bonn, 1841) p. 496.

  880 This suggestion was made by F. Liebrecht, _Zur Volkskunde_
      (Heilbronn, 1879), p. 9. It occurred to me independently.

  881 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 49.

 M306 Traces of human sacrifice in the Jewish festival of Purim; effigies
      of Haman burnt.

  882 Codex Theodosianus, Lib. XVI. Tit. viii. § 18: “_Judaeos quodam
      festivitatis suae solleni Aman ad poenae quondam recordationem
      incendere, et sanctae crucis adsimulatam speciem in contemptu
      Christianae fidei sacrilega mente exurere provinciarum rectores
      prohibeant: ne locis suis fidei nostrae signum immisceant, sed ritus
      suos infra contemptum Christianae legis retineant: amissuri sine
      dubio permissa hactenus, nisi ab inlicitis temperaverint._” The
      decree is dated at Constantinople, in the consulship of Bassus and
      Philip. For _locis_ we should probably read _jocis_ with Mommsen.

  883 Fr. Cumont, “Une formule grecque de renonciation au judaïsme,”
      _Wiener Studien_, xxiv. (1902) p. 468. The “Christian fast” referred
      to in the formula is no doubt Lent. The mention of the Jewish
      Sabbath (the Christian Saturday) raises a difficulty, which has been
      pointed out by the editor, Franz Cumont, in a note (p. 470): “The
      festival of Purim was celebrated on the 14th of Adar, that is, in
      February or March, about the beginning of the Christian Lent; but
      that festival, the date of which is fixed in the Jewish calendar,
      does not always fall on a Saturday. Either the author made a mistake
      or the civil authority obliged the Jews to transfer their rejoicings
      to a Sabbath” (Saturday).

  884 Israel Abrahams, _The Book of Delight and other Papers_
      (Philadelphia, 1912), pp. 266 _sq._ Mr. Abrahams ingeniously
      suggests (_op. cit._ pp. 267 _sq._) that the ring waved over the
      fire was an emblem of the sun, and that the kindling of the Purim
      fires was originally a ceremony of imitative magic to ensure a
      supply of solar light and heat.

  885 Albîrûnî, _The Chronology of Ancient Nations_, translated and edited
      by Dr. C. Edward Sachau (London, 1879), pp. 273 _sq._

  886 Quoted by Lagarde, “Purim,” p. 13 (_Abhandlungen der königlichen
      Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen_, xxxiv. 1887).

  887 M. Güdemann, _Geschichte des Erziehungswesens und der Cultur der
      abendländischen Juden_ (Vienna, 1880-1888), ii. 211 _sq._; I.
      Abrahams, _Jewish Life in the Middle Ages_ (London, 1896), pp. 260
      _sq._

  888 J. J. Schudt, _Jüdische Merkwürdigkeiten_ (Frankfort and Leipsic,
      1714), ii. Theil, p. 309.

 M307 Accusations of ritual murder brought against the Jews. The
      accusations probably false.

  889 Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, vii. 16; Theophanes,
      _Chronographia_, ed. J. Classen (Bonn, 1839-1841), vol. i. p. 129.
      Theophanes places the event in the year 408 A.D. From a note in
      Migne’s edition of Socrates, I learn that in the Alexandrian
      calendar, which Theophanes used, the year 408 corresponded to the
      year which in our reckoning began on the first of September 415.
      Hence if the murder was perpetrated in spring at Purim it must have
      taken place in 416.

  890 This is the view of H. Graetz (_Geschichte der Juden_,2 iv. Leipsic,
      1866, pp. 393 _sq._) and Dr. M. R. James (_Life and Miracles of St.
      William of Norwich_ (Cambridge, 1896), by A. Jessopp and M. R.
      James, pp. lxiii. _sq._).

  891 For an examination of some of these reported murders, see M. R.
      James, _op. cit._ pp. lxii. _sqq._; H. L. Strack, _Das Blut im
      Glauben und Aberglauben der Menschheit_ (Munich, 1900), pp. 121
      _sqq._ Both writers incline to dismiss the charges as groundless.

 M308 Mitigation of human sacrifice by the substitution of a criminal for
      the victim.

  892 Above, pp. 353 _sq._

 M309 The “fast of Esther” before Purim. Jensen’s theory that the “fast of
      Esther” was originally a mourning for the annual death of a deity
      like Tammuz.

  893 J. Buxtorf, _Synagoga Judaica_ (Bâle, 1661), cap. xxix. p. 554; J.
      Chr. G. Bodenschatz, _Kirchliche Verfassung der heutigen Juden_
      (Erlangen, 1748), ii. 253 _sq._

  894 Esther iv. 3 and 16, ix. 31.

  895 So far as I know, Professor Jensen has not yet published his theory,
      but he has stated it in letters to correspondents. See W. Nowack,
      _Lehrbuch der hebräischen Archäologie_ (Freiburg i. Baden and
      Leipsic, 1894), ii. 200; H. Günkel, _Schöpfung und Chaos_
      (Göttingen, 1895), pp. 311 _sqq._; D. G. Wildeboer, in his
      commentary on Esther, pp. 174 _sq._ (_Kurzer Hand-Commentar zum
      Alten Testament_, herausgegeben von D. K. Marti, Lieferung 6,
      Freiburg i. B., 1898). In the Babylonian calendar the 13th of Adar
      was so far a fast day that on it no fish or fowl might be eaten. In
      one tablet the 13th of Adar is marked “not good,” while the 14th and
      15th are marked “good.” See C. H. W. Johns, _s.v._ “Purim,”
      _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. (London, 1902) col. 3980.

  896 M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (Boston, U.S.A.,
      1898), pp. 471 _sq._, 475 _sq._, 481-486, 510-512; L. W. King,
      _Babylonian Religion and Mythology_ (London, 1899), pp. 146 _sqq._;
      P. Jensen, _Assyrisch-Babylonische Mythen und Epen_ (Berlin, 1900),
      pp. 116-273; R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_ (New
      York, 1901), pp. 324-368; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader’s _Die
      Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), pp.
      566-582; _Das Gilgamesch-Epos, neu übersetzt von_ Arthur Ungnad _und
      gemeinverständlich erklärt von_ Hugo Gressmann (Göttingen, 1911).
      Professor Jastrow points out that though a relation cannot be traced
      between each of the tablets of the poem and the corresponding month
      of the year, such a relation appears undoubtedly to exist between
      some of the tablets and the months. Thus, for example, the sixth
      tablet describes the affection of Ishtar for Gilgamesh, and the
      visit which she paid to Anu, her father in heaven, to complain of
      the hero’s contemptuous rejection of her love. Now the sixth
      Babylonian month was called the “Mission of Ishtar,” and in it was
      held the festival of Tammuz, the hapless lover of the goddess.
      Again, the story of the great flood is told in the eleventh tablet,
      and the eleventh month was called the “month of rain.” See M.
      Jastrow, _op. cit._ pp. 484, 510.

  897 Ezekiel viii. 14.

 M310 The resurrection of the dead god perhaps represented by a living man
      who afterwards died in earnest in the character of the god. This
      would explain the apparent duplication of the principal characters
      in the book of Esther: Haman and Vashti would represent the gods
      dying, while Mordecai and Esther would represent the gods rising
      from the dead.

_  898 Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 183 _sq._, 227.

  899 Esther vii. 8.

  900 See above, p. 368.

_  901 Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, p. 183.

  902 J. J. Schudt, _Jüdische Merkwürdigkeiten_ (Frankfort and Leipsic,
      1714), ii. Theil, p. 316.

 M311 The Persian setting of the book of Esther. The Persian ceremony of
      the “Ride of the Beardless One” in spring.

  903 Dio Chrysostom makes Diogenes say to Alexander the Great, οὐκ
      ἐννενόηκας τὴν τῶν Σακαίων ἑορτήν, ἢν Πέρσαι ἄγουσιν (_Or._ iv. vol.
      i. p. 76 ed. L. Dindorf). The festival was mentioned by Ctesias in
      the second book of his Persian history (Athenaeus, xiv. 44 p. 639
      C); and down to the time of Strabo it was associated with the
      nominal worship of the Persian goddess Anaitis (Strabo, xi. 8. 4 and
      5, p. 512).

  904 Lagarde, “Purim,” pp. 51 _sqq._ (_Abhandlungen der königl.
      Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen_, xxxiv. 1887).

  905 Th. Hyde, _Historia religionis veterum Persarum_ (Oxford, 1700), pp.
      183, 249-251; Albîrûnî, _The Chronology of Ancient Nations_,
      translated and edited by Dr. C. Edward Sachau (London, 1879), p.
      211.

 M312 The “Beardless One” in the Persian ceremony is apparently the
      degenerate successor of a temporary king.

_  906 The Dying God_, pp. 148 _sqq._

  907 Esther vi. 8 _sq._, viii. 15.

 M313 The “Ride of the Beardless One” seems to be a magical ceremony for
      the expulsion of winter.

_  908 The Dying God_, pp. 254 _sqq._

 M314 The opposition of Haman and Vashti to Mordecai and Esther seems to
      be a contrast between the annual death of nature in winter and its
      revival in spring.

  909 The goddess Ishtar certainly seems to have embodied the principle of
      fertility in animals as well as in plants; for in the poem which
      describes her descent into the world of the dead it is said that

      “_After the mistress Ishtar had descended to the land of
      No-Return,_
      _ The bull did not mount the cow, nor did the ass leap upon the
      she-ass,_
      _ The man did not approach the maid in the street,_
      _ The man lay down to sleep upon his own couch,_
      _ While the maid slept by herself._”

      See C. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_ (New York,
      1901), pp. 410 _sq._; P. Jensen, _Assyrisch-Babylonische Mythen und
      Epen_ (Berlin, 1900), p. 87.

  910 The interpretation here given of the four principal personages in
      the book of Esther was suggested by me in the second edition of this
      book (1900). It agrees substantially with the one which has since
      been adopted by Professor H. Zimmern (in E. Schrader’s _Die
      Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_,3 Berlin, 1902, p. 519), and
      by Professor P. Haupt (_Purim_, Leipsic, 1906, pp. 21 _sq._).

  911 In this connexion it deserves to be noted that among the ancient
      Persians marriages are said to have been usually celebrated at the
      vernal equinox (Strabo, xv. 3. 17, p. 733).

  912 The five days’ duration of the mock king’s reign may possibly have
      been an intercalary period introduced, as in ancient Egypt and
      Mexico, for the purpose of equalizing a year of 360 days (twelve
      months of 30 days each) to a solar year reckoned at 365 days. See
      above, pp. 339 _sqq._

  913 However, the legend that Semiramis burned herself on a pyre in
      Babylon for grief at the loss of a favourite horse (Hyginus, _Fab._
      243; compare Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ viii. 155) may perhaps point to an
      old custom of compelling the human representative of the goddess to
      perish in the flames. We have seen (above, p. 371) that one of the
      lovers of Ishtar had the form of a horse. Hence the legend recorded
      by Hyginus is a fresh link in the chain of evidence which binds
      Semiramis to Ishtar.

 M315 Wide prevalence of festivals like the Saturnalia in antiquity. Such
      festivals seem to have been held by agricultural communities for the
      good of the crops, and at them the king or his substitute appears to
      have personated the god of fertility, and to have been put to death
      in that character in order to ensure that the god should rise from
      the dead with renewed youth and vigour.
 M316 The festivals point to a remarkable homogeneity of civilization over
      a great part of the Old World in antiquity.

_  914 The Dying God_, pp. 148 _sqq._

_  915 The Dying God_, pp. 46 _sqq._

 M317 The periodical sacrifice of deified men for the sake of maintaining
      the course of nature perhaps helps to explain traditions which
      represent the world or parts of it as created out of the bodies of
      gods. The Brahmanical theory of the perpetual renewal of the
      creation in the daily sacrifice.

  916 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp.
      478-480. Compare E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin,
      1899) p. 117.

  917 Berosus, quoted by Eusebius, _Chronicorum liber prior_, ed. A.
      Schoene (Berlin, 1875), coll. 14-18; _id._, in _Fragmenta
      Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Muller, ii. 497 _sq._; P. Jensen,
      _Assyrisch-Babylonische Mythen und Epen_ (Berlin, 1900), pp. 2
      _sqq._; L. W. King, _Babylonian Religion and Mythology_ (London,
      1899), pp. 54 _sqq._; M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and
      Assyria_ (Boston, U.S.A., 1898), pp. 408 _sqq._; H. Zimmern, in E.
      Schrader’s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_3 (Berlin,
      1902), pp. 488 _sqq._; M. J. Lagrange, _Études sur les Religions
      Sémitiques_2 (Paris, 1905), pp. 366 _sqq._; R. W. Rogers, _Cuneiform
      Parallels to the Old Testament_ (Oxford, preface dated 1911), pp. 31
      _sq._, 36. In the Hebrew account of the creation (Genesis i. 2) “the
      deep” (תהום _tĕhom_) is a reminiscence of the Babylonian mythical
      monster Tiamat.

_  918 Hymns of the Rig Veda_, x. 90 (vol. iv. pp. 289-293 of R. T. H.
      Griffith’s translation, Benares, 1889-1892). Compare A. A.
      Macdonell, _Vedic Mythology_ (Strasburg, 1897), pp. 12 _sq._

_  919 The Satapatha Brâhmana_, translated by Julius Eggeling, Part iv.
      (Oxford, 1897) pp. xiv.-xxiv. (_The Sacred Books of the East_, vol.
      xliii.). Compare Sylvain Lévi, _La doctrine du sacrifice dans les
      Brâhmanas_ (Paris, 1898), pp. 13 _sqq._

  920 [The following Note formed part of the text in the Second Edition of
      _The Golden Bough_ (London, 1900), vol. iii. pp. 186-198. The
      hypothesis which it sets forth has not been confirmed by subsequent
      research, and is admittedly in a high degree speculative and
      uncertain. Hence I have removed it from the text but preserved it as
      an appendix on the chance that, under a pile of conjectures, it
      contains some grains of truth which may ultimately contribute to a
      solution of the problem. As my views on this subject appear to have
      been strangely misunderstood, I desire to point out explicitly that
      my theory assumes the historical reality of Jesus of Nazareth as a
      great religious and moral teacher, who founded Christianity and was
      crucified at Jerusalem under the governorship of Pontius Pilate. The
      testimony of the Gospels, confirmed by the hostile evidence of
      Tacitus (_Annals_, xv. 44) and the younger Pliny (_Epist._ x. 96),
      appears amply sufficient to establish these facts to the
      satisfaction of all unprejudiced enquirers. It is only the details
      of the life and death of Christ that remain, and will probably
      always remain, shrouded in the mists of uncertainty. The doubts
      which have been cast on the historical reality of Jesus are in my
      judgment unworthy of serious attention. Quite apart from the
      positive evidence of history and tradition, the origin of a great
      religious and moral reform is inexplicable without the personal
      existence of a great reformer. To dissolve the founder of
      Christianity into a myth, as some would do, is hardly less absurd
      than it would be to do the same for Mohammed, Luther, and Calvin.
      Such dissolving views are for the most part the dreams of students
      who know the great world chiefly through its pale reflection in
      books. These extravagances of scepticism have been well exposed by
      Professor C. F. Lehmann-Haupt in his _Israel, seine Entwicklung im
      Rahmen der Weltgeschichte_ (Tübingen, 1911), pp. 275-285. In
      reprinting the statement of my theory I have added a few notes,
      which are distinguished by being enclosed in square brackets.]

 M318 The mockery of Christ compared to the mockery of the King of the
      Saturnalia.

  921 P. Wendland, “Jesus als Saturnalien-König,” _Hermes_, xxxiii. (1898)
      pp. 175-179.

 M319 The mockery of Christ compared to the mockery of the King of the
      Sacaea.

  922 The resemblance had struck me when I wrote this book originally
      [1889-1890], but as I could not definitely explain it I preferred to
      leave it unnoticed. [The first in recent years to call attention to
      the resemblance seems to have been Mr. W. R. Paton, who further
      conjectured that the crucifixion of Christ between two malefactors
      was not accidental, but had a ritual significance “as an expiatory
      sacrifice to a triple god.” See F. C. Conybeare, _The Apology and
      Acts of Apollonius and other Monuments of Early Christianity_
      (London, 1894), pp. 257 _sqq._; W. R. Paton, “Die Kreuzigung Jesu,”
      _Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft_, ii. (1901) pp.
      339-341. The grounds for the conjecture are somewhat slender. It is
      true that a Persian martyr, S. Hiztibouzit, is said to have been
      crucified between two malefactors on a hill top, opposite the sun
      (F. C. Conybeare, _op. cit._ p. 270), but the narrator of the
      martyrdom gives no hint of any sacred significance attaching to the
      triple crucifixion.]

  923 Matthew xxvii. 26-31. Mark’s description (xv. 15-20) is nearly
      identical.

  924 Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ iv. vol. i. p. 76 ed. L. Dindorf. As I have
      already mentioned, the Greek word which describes the execution
      (ἐκρέμασαν) leaves it uncertain whether the man was crucified or
      hanged.

 M320 At Purim the Jews may have annually put to death a man in the
      character of Haman, and Christ may have perished in that character.
      But the Passover, at which Christ was crucified, fell a month after
      Purim. Perhaps the annual Haman, like the annual Saturn, was allowed
      a month’s license before being put to death.

  925 See above, p. 392.

  926 [The extreme improbability involved in the suggested transference of
      the date of the Crucifixion is rightly emphasized by my colleague
      and friend Professor C. F. Lehmann-Haupt in some observations and
      criticisms with which he has favoured me. He writes: “I regard it as
      out of the question that ‘Christian tradition shifted the date of
      the Crucifixion by a month.’ You yourself regard it as improbable;
      but in my opinion it is impossible. All that we hear of the Passion
      is only explicable by the Passover festival and by the circumstance
      that at that time every believing Jew had to make a pilgrimage to
      Jerusalem. Without the background of the festival all that we know
      of the Crucifixion and of what led up to it is totally
      unintelligible.”]

  927 Esther iii. 7.

 M321 The part taken by the soldiers in the mockery of Christ.

  928 Tacitus, _Hist._ iii. 24 _sq._, compared with ii. 74.

  929 Luke xxiii. 11.

 M322 The theory that Christ died, not as a malefactor, but in the
      character of Haman helps to explain both Pilate’s reluctance to put
      him to death, and it also explains the remarkable superscription on
      the cross.

  930 Matthew xxvii. 37; Mark xv. 26; Luke xxiii. 38; John xix. 19.

 M323 The part of Mordecai in the annual drama in which Christ died as
      Haman may have been played by Barabbas. The mock King Carabas in
      Egypt.

  931 Matthew xxvii. 15-26; Mark xv. 6-15; Luke xxiii. 16-25; John xviii.
      38-40.

  932 Philo Judaeus, _Adversus Flaccum_, vol. ii. pp. 520-523 ed. Th.
      Mangey (London, 1742). The first to call attention to this passage
      was Mr. P. Wendland (“Jesus als Saturnalien-König,” _Hermes_,
      xxxiii. (1898) pp. 175 _sq._). [Mar-na, “Our Lord,” was the title of
      a Philistine deity worshipped at Gaza and elsewhere. See C. P.
      Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_ (Gotha, 1896-1903), i.
      258. Compare _Hebrew and English Lexicon_, edited by F. Brown, S. R.
      Driver, and Ch. A. Briggs (Oxford, 1906), p. 1101.]

 M324 Hypothesis that every spring at Purim or Passover the Jews paraded
      two prisoners in the characters of Haman and Mordecai, of whom one
      was put to death and the other released.

  933 Matthew xxi. 1-13; Mark xi. 1-17; Luke xix. 28-46; John xii. 12-15.
      [As to the license accorded to temporary kings, see _The Dying God_,
      pp. 56 _sq._, 148 _sqq_.]

 M325 Barabbas (“Son of the Father”) may have been the regular title of
      the prisoner who was released in the character of Mordecai.

  934 [_The Dying God_, pp. 166 _sqq._]

  935 [In favour of the theory in the text, which supposes that in the
      tragic drama of the crucifixion Jesus and Barabbas played parts
      which were the complements, if not the duplicates, of each other, it
      might, as M. Salomon Reinach has pointed out, be alleged that in the
      Armenian and old Syriac versions of Matthew xxvii. 16 and 17, as
      well as in some Greek cursive manuscripts, the name of the prisoner
      whom Pilate proposed to release is given as Jesus Barabbas, a
      reading which was also known to Origen and was not absolutely
      rejected by him. See _Encyclopaedia Biblica_ (London, 1899-1903),
      _s.v._ “Barabbas,” vol. i. col. 477; _Evangelion da-Mepharreshe_,
      edited by F. C. Burkitt (Cambridge, 1904), i. 165, ii. 277 _sq._ In
      the latter passage Prof. Burkitt argues that Jesus Barabbas was
      probably the original reading in the Greek text, though the name
      Jesus is omitted in nearly all our existing manuscripts. Compare S.
      Reinach, “Le roi supplicié,” _Cultes, Mythes, et Religions_, i.
      (Paris, 1905) pp. 339 _sq._]

 M326 The theory that Christ was put to death, not as a criminal, but as
      the annual representative of a god, whose counterparts were well
      known all over Western Asia, may help to explain his early
      deification and the rapid spread of his worship.

  936 Pliny, _Epist._ x. 96. The province which Pliny governed was known
      officially as Bithynia and Pontus, and extended from the river
      Rhyndacos on the west to beyond Amisus on the east. See Professor
      [Sir] W. M. Ramsay, _The Church in the Roman Empire_ (London, 1893),
      p. 224. Professor Ramsay is of opinion “that the description of the
      great power acquired by the new religion in the province applies to
      Eastern Pontus at least.” The chief religious centre of this
      district appears to have been the great sanctuary of Anaitis or
      Semiramis at Zela, to which I have already had occasion to call the
      reader’s attention. Strabo tells us (xii. 3. 37) that all the people
      of Pontus took their most solemn oaths at this shrine. In the same
      district there was another very popular sanctuary of a similar type
      at Comana, where the worship of a native goddess called Ma was
      carried on by a host of sacred harlots and by a high priest, who
      wore a diadem and was second only to the king in rank. At the
      festivals of the goddess crowds of men and women flocked into Comana
      from all the region round about, from the country as well as from
      the cities. The luxury and debauchery of this holy town suggest to
      Strabo a comparison with the famous or rather infamous Corinth. See
      Strabo, xii. 3. 32 and 36, compared with xii. 2. 3. Such were some
      of the hot-beds in which the seeds of Christianity first struck
      root.