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GREY FRIARS IN OXFORD




  Oxford
  HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY




  THE GREY FRIARS IN OXFORD


  PART I A HISTORY OF THE CONVENT


  PART II BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES OF THE FRIARS


  TOGETHER WITH _APPENDICES OF ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS_


  BY ANDREW G. LITTLE, M.A.
  BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD


  Oxford
  PRINTED FOR THE OXFORD HISTORICAL SOCIETY
  AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
  1892

  [_All rights reserved_]




PREFACE.


The object of this work is to give an account of the outward life of the
Franciscans. This might be fairly taken to include the whole activity of
the friars with the exception of their contribution to scholastic
philosophy; for that clearly forms a subject by itself. But even with this
limitation the account here given of the Franciscans’ work does not
pretend to be complete. The documents which remain to us do not by any
means cover the whole of the active life of the Franciscans. While for the
thirteenth century and the Dissolution the records are fairly numerous,
the materials for the intervening period are very scanty. Thus any attempt
at a chronological narrative was out of the question. And the almost total
absence of all Franciscan records (properly so called) in England, has
proved an effectual bar to any completeness of treatment at all. The
arrangement here adopted, both in the choice of subjects and in the
relative prominence given to each of them, is due simply to the exigencies
of the available materials relating to the Oxford Convent. The
topographical information derived from records and other sources has been
neither full enough nor accurate enough to enable me to supply a map or
plan of the property and buildings of the Grey Friars.

A few words will be necessary to explain the plan pursued in Part II. An
endeavour has been made to collect the names of all the Grey Friars who
lived in the Convent at Oxford or who studied in the University: the list,
if complete, would have included all the names which were, or ought to
have been, entered in the ‘Buttery-books’ or ‘Admission-books’ of the
house. To show how far short of this aim the result falls, it is only
necessary to point out that the names of friars actually included in Part
II number little more than three hundred: and the connexion of some of
these with Oxford is doubtful. The bibliographies, appended to the
biographical notices, are intended to include all the extant works of each
friar, but not all the MSS. nor all the editions of each work.
Occasionally works are added which have not been identified, but of whose
previous existence there is sufficient evidence. For this part of the book
I have used, besides the well-known mediaeval bibliographies, a number of
catalogues of manuscripts; a list of these is given below, with the object
of showing not so much what has been done, as what has been left undone.

Among unpublished sources, the most valuable have been various collections
in the Public Record Office, especially the Patent, Close, and Liberate
Rolls; the Registers of Congregation (Reg. A a, G 6, H 7, I 8), the
records of the Chancellor’s Court (Acta Curiae Cancellarii ~D~, ~F~, EEE,
or ~B~), and Brian Twyne’s collections, in the Oxford University Archives.
Further, I have had occasion to consult the Oxford City Archives, some of
the old registers of wills at Somerset House, and various manuscripts in
the British Museum, Lambeth Palace, and Gray’s Inn; the Bodleian and
several College libraries at Oxford; the University (or Public) Library
and several College libraries at Cambridge; the library of Sir Thomas
Phillipps at Thirlestaine House, Cheltenham; the National Library at
Paris, and the Municipal Library at Assisi. I have had no opportunity of
examining the episcopal registers of the diocese of Lincoln, extracts from
which, however, are contained in Twyne’s transcripts.

The Index, so far as it deals with the names of persons and places, will,
I hope, be found complete, with the following limitations. The
authorities quoted, either in the text or in the notes, the places where
the manuscripts cited were written, or were formerly or are now kept, or
where the editions referred to were printed, are not mentioned in the
Index, unless there is some particular reason for including them. So far
as it deals with subjects, the Index is meant to be supplementary to the
Table of Contents. The writings of the friars are not classified in the
Index, except those which come under the headings _Aristotle_, _Bible_,
_Evangelical Poverty_ and _Sentences_.

Finally, I wish to express my thanks to those who have given me aid,
namely, to the Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher, Vicar of St. Michael’s, Shrewsbury,
author of ‘The Black Friars in Oxford,’ who generously placed a valuable
collection of references at my disposal; to Mr. Falconer Madan for
assistance and advice; to the Keeper of the University Archives and the
Town Clerk of Oxford for allowing me free and repeated access to the
documents under their respective charges; and to the authorities in the
various offices and libraries in which I have worked, for their unfailing
courtesy.

ANDREW G. LITTLE.

_30 November, 1891._




CATALOGUES OF MANUSCRIPTS CONSULTED.


For the compilation of the bibliographies in Part II the following
catalogues of manuscripts have been consulted[1]:--

Bernard de Montfaucon, Bibliotheca Bibliothecarum Manuscriptorum; Paris,
1739, 2 vols. fol.

Haenel, Catalogi Librorum Manuscriptorum qui in Bibliothecis Galliae,
Helvetiae, Belgii, Britanniae M., Hispaniae, Lusitaniae, asservantur;
Lipsiae, 1830.

Edward Bernard, Catalogi Librorum Manuscriptorum Angliae et Hiberniae in
unum collecti; Oxon., 1697, 2 vols., fol. Vol. I, Bodleian; Oxford
Colleges; Cambridge Colleges and Public (University) Library. Vol. II,
Cathedral and other libraries in England; Irish libraries.

Catalogues of the following collections in the British Museum:--Royal MSS.
1734, 4to (Casley); Sloane and Birch, 1782, 2 vols. 4to (Ayscough);
Cotton, 1802, fol.; Harley, 1808-1812, 4 vols., fol.; Lansdowne, 2 parts,
1819, fol.; Arundel and Burney, 1834-40, fol.; Additional MSS. from A. D.
1783-1887.

A Catalogue of the Archiepiscopal MSS. in the Library at Lambeth Palace,
by H. J. Todd; 1812, fol.

Ancient MSS. in Gray’s Inn Library, 1869.

Catalogues of the following collections in the Bodleian:--Laudian MSS.,
1858-1885; Canonician MSS., 1854; Tanner MSS., 1860; Rawlinson, 1862-1878;
Digby, 1883; Catalogue of the Ashmolean MSS., 1845-1866.

Catalogus Codicum Manuscriptorum qui in Collegiis Aulisque Oxoniensibus
hodie adservantur (Coxe); Oxon., 1852, 2 vols., 4to.

A Catalogue of the Manuscripts preserved in the Library of the University
of Cambridge, edited for the Syndics of the University Press; Cambridge,
1856, &c., 6 vols., 8vo.

Nasmith, Catalogue of the Parker MSS. in Corpus Christi College,
Cambridge; 1787, 4to.

Catalogue of MSS. in the library of Gonville and Caius, by J. J. Smith;
1849, 4to.

Catalogus Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Regiae Parisiensis; Paris,
1739-1744, 4 vols., fol.

Inventaire des Manuscrits conservés à la Bibliothèque Impériale sous les
Nos. 8823-18613, du Fonds Latin et faisant suite à la série dont le
Catalogue a été publié en 1744 par Léopold Delisle; Paris, 1863, &c., 8vo.

Inventaire des MSS. de la Bibliothèque Nationale, Fonds de Cluni, par L.
Delisle.

Catalogue général des Manuscrits des Bibliothèques Publiques des
Départements; Paris, 1849-1885, 7 vols., 4to.

Catalogue général des Manuscrits des Bibliothèques Publiques de France;
(α) Paris: (1) Bibliothèque Mazarine, by A. Molinier, 3 vols. 8vo.; (2)
Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, by H. Martin, 1885, &c. (vols. 1 and 2 contain
the Latin MSS.). (β) Départements, vols. 1-12, 1886-1889.

Catalogue des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Publique de Bruges (P. J.
Laude), Bruges, 1859, 8vo.

Catalogus Codicum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis, Cod. Lat.
vols. 1 and 2[2]; Monachii 1868-1874.

Katalog der Handschriften der königl. öffentlichen Bibliothek zu Dresden;
Leipzig, 1882-3, 2 vols., 8vo.

Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum praeter Graecos et Orientales in
Bibliotheca Palatina Vindobonensi asservatorum; Vienna, 1864-1875, 7
vols., 8vo. (Codices 1-14,000).

Catalogus Codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Mediceae Laurentianae (Bandini),
1774, 5 vols., folio.

Bibliotheca Leopoldina Laurentiana (Bandini); Florence, 1791, 3 vols.,
folio.

Bibliotheca Manuscripta ad S. Marci Venetiarum (Valentinelli); Venet.
1868-1873, 6 vols., 8vo.

Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, Codices Palatini Latini, tom. I, codices
1-921; 1886.

Bibliothecae Patavinae Manuscriptae publicae et privatae opera Jacobi
Philippi Tomasini; Utini, 1639, 4to. (Tomasin).

Bibliothecae Venetae Manuscriptae publicae et privatae opera Jacobi
Philippi Tomasini; Utini, 1650, 4to. (Tomasin).




ABBREVIATIONS AND EDITIONS USED.


Anal. Franc. = Analacta Franciscana, sive chronica aliaque varia documenta
ad historiam Fratrum Minorum spectantia, edita a Patribus Collegii S.
Bonaventurae, Quaracchi, 1885-7, 2 vols.

Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. = Archiv für Literatur- und Kirchengeschichte
des Mittelalters, herausgegeben von H. Denifle und F. Ehrle.

Bale, Script. = Illustrium Majoris Britanniae Scriptorum ... Summarium,
1559, 2 vols.

B. of Pisa = Bartholomew of Pisa, Liber Conformitatum, ed. Milan, 1510.

Bernard = Catalogi Librorum MSS. Angliae et Hiberniae, Oxon., 1697.

Burnet, Reformation = History of the Reformation of the Church of England,
Oxford, 1829.

Foxe = The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe, edited by Cattley, 1841.

Hist. Litt. = Histoire Littéraire de la France (by the Benedictines of St.
Maur, and the Members of the Institute), 1733-1873.

Lyte = Maxwell Lyte, History of the University of Oxford, 1886.

Montfaucon = B. Montfaucon, Bibliotheca Bibliothecarum MSS., &c.

P.C.C. = Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Wills proved in the, now at
Somerset House.

Q. R. Misc. = Queen’s Remembrancer, Miscellaneous Accounts, now in the
Public Record Office.

Q. R. Wardrobe = Queen’s Remembrancer, Wardrobe Accounts, now in the
Public Record Office.

R.O. = Public Record Office.

R.S. = Rolls Series, or Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and
Ireland during the Middle Ages, published under the direction of the
Master of the Rolls.

Tomasin = Bibliotheca Patavinae MSS., and Bibliothecae Venetae MSS. &c.
(see above).

Wadding = L. Wadding, Annales Minorum, Romae, 1731, &c.

Wadding, Script. = L. Wadding, Scriptores Ordinis Minorum, Romae, 1806.

Wadding, Sup. ad Script. = Supplementum et castigatio ad Scriptores trium
Ordinum S. Francisci a Waddingo aliisve descriptos ... opus posthumum Fr.
Jo. Hyacinthi Sbaraleae, Romae, 1806.

Wood-Clark = Survey of the Antiquities of the City of Oxford, by Anthony
Wood, edited by Andrew Clark, 1889-1890. [The MS. from which this edition
is printed is often referred to in the following pages, namely ‘Wood MS.
F. 29 a’ in the Bodleian.]




TABLE OF CONTENTS.


                                                                      PAGE

  PART I. HISTORY OF THE CONVENT.

  CHAPTER I. EARLY YEARS.
    Arrival and first settlement of the Franciscan Friars at
        Oxford                                                           1
    Their early poverty and cheerfulness                                 3
    Oxford Friars as peacemakers and Crusaders                           7
    Relations to the University and to the earliest Colleges             8
    Their strict observance of the Rule                                 10

  CHAPTER II. PROPERTY AND BUILDINGS.
    First settlement of the Friars was within the City Wall             12
    They acquire the houses of William, son of Richard de
        Wileford (1229), and Robert, son of Robert Oen                  13
    Increase of the _area_ in 1244-1245                                 14
    Grants from the King, Thomas de Valeynes, and others                15
    The island in the Thames, 1245                                      16
    Messuage of Laurence Wych, Mayor of Oxford, 1246                    17
    Friars of the Sack settle in Oxford                                 17
    Their property granted to the Minorites by Boniface VIII,
        Clement V, and Edward II, 1310                                  18
    Grants from various persons, 1310                                   19
    Inquisitiones ad quod Damnum, concerning properties belonging
        to Richard Cary and John Culvard, 1319                          19
    Grants by Walter Morton (1321) and John de Grey de Rotherfield
        (1337)                                                          20
    To what classes did the donors belong?                              20
    Buildings of the Grey Friars, absence of information about          21
    Original houses and chapel                                          21
    School built by Agnellus                                            21
    The stricter Friars oppose the tendency to build                    22
    Building of the new Church of St. Francis                           22
    Its site and appearance                                             23
    William of Worcester’s description of it                            24
    Monuments and tombs in the Church                                   24
    Grave of Roger Bacon                                                26
    Cloisters, Chapter-house, Refectory, and other buildings            27
    Conduit and Gates                                                   28

  CHAPTER III. FRANCISCAN SCHOOLS AT OXFORD.
    Learning necessary to the Friars                                    29
    The first readers or lectors to the Franciscans at Oxford           30
    Nature of the office of lector, as understood by Grostete and
        Adam Marsh                                                      31
    The lector and his _socius_                                         33
    Later lectors were ordinary Regent Masters in Theology              34
    Appointment to the office of lector                                 34
    Special regulations concerning the lectors                          36
    System of instruction in theology recommended by Grostete           36
    Lectures by the Friars                                              37
    Controversy with the University about theological degrees in 1253   38
    Controversy between the University and the Dominicans               39
    Study of Arts (philosophy) before Theology, insisted on by the
        University                                                      41
    Roger Bacon on the need for some preliminary training for the
        Friars                                                          42
    Extortion of graces by external influence; ‘wax-doctors’            42
    Career of a student Minorite                                        43
    On the numbers of Friars sent to Oxford                             43
    Course of study before ‘opposition’                                 44
    ‘Opposition’ and ‘Responsion’                                       45
    The degree of Bachelor of Divinity                                  46
    Exercises before ‘Inception’                                        47
    ‘Vesperies’ and Inception                                           48
    Questions disputed on these occasions in the thirteenth century     49
    How far were the statutable requirements as to the period of
        study really carried out?                                       49
    Expenses at Inception                                               50
    Necessary Regency                                                   52
    Conditions on which dispensations were granted                      52
    Maintenance of Franciscan students at the University                53
    What proportion took degrees                                        54
    Relative numbers of the various Religious Orders at Oxford          54

  CHAPTER IV. BOOKS AND LIBRARIES.
    Absence of privacy in a Franciscan Friary                           55
    Books of individual Friars                                          56
    The two libraries, and their contents                               57
    Grostete’s bequest of books                                         57
    Extant MSS. formerly in the Franciscan Convent                      59
    Alleged illegal detention of books by the Friars in 1330            60
    Richard Fitzralph’s statements                                      60
    Richard of Bury, on the libraries of Mendicant Friars               61
    Dispersion of the books of the Oxford Franciscans                   61
    Leland’s description of the library in his time                     62

  CHAPTER V. PLACE OF OXFORD IN THE FRANCISCAN ORGANIZATION.
    Learned Friars as practical workers among the people                63
    Their Sermons                                                       64
    Educational organization throughout the country                     64
    Relations of the Franciscan School at Oxford to the other
        Franciscan Schools of Europe                                    66
    English Franciscans teach in foreign Universities                   67
    Oxford as the head convent of a _custodia_                          68
    Provincial Chapters held at Oxford                                  69

  CHAPTER VI. RIVALRY BETWEEN THE ORDERS: ATTACKS ON THE FRIARS.
    Rivalry between the Friars Preachers and Minors: proselytism        71
    Politics and Philosophy                                             72
    Peckham and the Oxford Friars                                       73
    Evangelical Poverty                                                 75
    Contrast between theory and practice                                78
    Attack on the Friars by Richard Fitzralph                           79
    Charge of stealing children                                         79
    Wiclif’s early relations to the Friars                              81
    His attack on them in his later years                               82
    Charges of gross immorality made not by Wiclif, but by his
        followers                                                       83
    The University and the Friars; summary of events in 1382            84
    Unpopularity of the Friars in the fifteenth century                 85
    Foreign Minorites expelled from Oxford                              86
    Conspiracies against Henry IV; part taken by the Oxford
        Franciscans                                                     87
    Relations between the Conventual and Observant Franciscans          87

  CHAPTER VII. ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE FRIARS’ MANNER OF LIFE AND MEANS
  OF LIVELIHOOD: BENEFACTORS.
    On the loss of Franciscan Records                                   89
    Mendicancy as a means of livelihood                                 91
    Procurators and limitors                                            92
    Career of Friar Brian Sandon, legal _syndicus_ of the Oxford
        Friary in the sixteenth century                                 93
    Charges of immorality against the Friars                            94
    Their worldly manner of life before the Dissolution                 96
    Poverty of the Convent                                              97
    Sources of income                                                   97
    Annual grants from the King and others                              97
    Frequency of bequests to the Friars                                100
    List of benefactors                                                102
    Some other sources of income                                       110
    Classes from which the Friars were drawn                           111
    Motives which led men to enter the Order                           111

  CHAPTER VIII. THE DISSOLUTION.
    Attitude of the Grey Friars towards the Reformation in its
        intellectual, religious, and political aspects                 112
    The Royal Divorce                                                  114
    Visitation of Oxford University in 1535                            116
    Suppression of the Friaries in 1538                                116
    Condition of the Grey Friary                                       117
    Expulsion of the Friars; their subsequent history; Simon Ludford   119
    Houses and site of the Grey Friars                                 120
    Dr. London tries to secure the land for the town                   121
    Lease and sale of the property                                     121
    Notes on its subsequent history                                    123
    Total destruction of the buildings                                 124


  PART II. BIOGRAPHICAL AND BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES OF INDIVIDUAL FRIARS.

  CHAPTER I.
    Custodians and Wardens                                         125-133

  CHAPTER II.
    Lectors or Regent Masters of the Franciscans                   134-175

  CHAPTER III.
    Franciscans who studied in the Convent at Oxford, or had
        some other connexion with the Town or the University       176-294


  APPENDICES OF ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.

  =A. Documents relating to the acquisition of land property by the
  Grey Friars.=

   1. Grant of a house by William, son of Richard de Wileford          295

   2. Grant of a house by Robert, son of Robert Oen, 1236              296

   3. Royal license to enclose their possessions and throw down
      part of the old City Wall, 1244                                  296

   4. Island in the Thames acquired by Henry III, 1245                 297

   5. Grant of the same island to the Friars, 1245                     297

   6. Grant of two messuages by Thomas de Valeynes, 1245               298

   7. Grant of a messuage by Laurence Wych, Mayor of Oxford, 1246      299

   8. License to enclose their new possessions; the City Wall to
      be repaired, 1248                                                299

   9. Royal grants to the Friars of the Sack, 1262, 1265               300

  10. Grants to the Friars Minors from various persons, 1310           301

  11. Property of the Friars of the Sack conferred on the Friars
      Minors, 1310                                                     301

  12. Re-grant of the same property to them, 1319                      302

  13. Inquiry held at Oxford in 1319 as to the advisability of
      allowing John Culvard to grant a parcel of ground to the
      Friars Minors                                                    303

  14. Grant of a parcel of ground by John de Grey de Rotherfield       305


  =B. Miscellaneous Documents.=

   1. Food for the Friars Minors and others, 1244                      307

   2. Adam Marsh as royal _nuncius_, 1247                              307

   3. For the same, 1257                                               308

   4. The Church of the Minorites used as a Sanctuary, 1284-5          308

   5. Royal grant of 50 marcs, 1289                                    308

   6. Decree of the General Chapter at Paris, 1292                     309

   7. Royal grant of 50 marcs, 1323                                    309

   8. ‘Receptor Denariorum’ of the Grey Friars, 1341                   310

   9. Goods and chattels of Friar John Welle, S.T.P., 1378             311

  10. Expulsion of foreign Minorites, 1388                             312

  11. William Woodford; confirmation of his privileges by
      Boniface IX, 1396                                                312

  12. Appointment of a lecturer to the Convent at Hereford,
      c. 1400                                                          313

  13. Decree of the General Chapter at Florence, 1467                  314

  14. Recovery of debt from a Sheriff, 1488                            315

  15. Documents relating to the lease of a garden at the Grey
      Friars to Richard Leke, 1513-1514                                316

  16. Extracts from the Will of Richard Leke, 1526                     318

  17. An ex-warden called to account, 1529                             318


  =C. Controversy between the Friars Preachers and Friars Minors
  at Oxford, 1269=                                                     320


  =D. Supplications and Graces from the Registers of Congregation.=
    John David, 1450/1, 1454/5                                         336
    John Sunday, 1453/4                                                336
    Richard Ednam, 1462, 1463                                          336
    Walter Goodfeld, 1506-1510                                         337
    John Thornall, 1525                                                338
    Thomas Kirkham, 1527                                               338


  INDEX                                                                341




CORRIGENDA.


P. 6, _n._ 5, _for_ tempora, _read_ temporalem.

P. 33. There was no house of Grey Friars at Evesham. Simon de Montfort was
buried by the monks of Evesham (_see_ Rishanger). The _Miracula Symonis de
Montfort_, however, bears evident traces of Franciscan influence.

P. 49, _n._ 3, _for_ Church, Quarterly Review, _read_ Church Quarterly
Review.

P. 54, _l._ 11, _for_ because, _read_ became.

P. 56, _n._ 5 _for_ quos, _read_ quas.




THE GREY FRIARS IN OXFORD.




_PART I._

_HISTORY OF THE CONVENT, A. D. 1224-1538._




CHAPTER I.

EARLY YEARS.

    Arrival of the Franciscans at Oxford.--Their early Poverty, and
    Cheerfulness.--Oxford Friars as Peacemakers, and Crusaders.--Relations
    to the University, and to the first Colleges.--Their strict observance
    of the Rule.


The Franciscans first arrived in England in 1224[3]. On Tuesday, the 10th
of September in that year (to follow the account of Friar Thomas
Eccleston, the earliest historian of the Order in this country), a
company of nine friars, four of them clerks and five laymen, landed at
Dover, under the leadership of Agnellus of Pisa, the first Provincial
Minister. After staying two days at Canterbury, four of them proceeded to
London; and at the end of the month, two of these, Friar Richard of
Ingeworth and Friar Richard of Devon, set out for Oxford. It is perhaps to
this place that the well-known story told by Bartholomew of Pisa properly
belongs[4]. As they neared Oxford they were stopped by the floods, and
finding themselves at nightfall ‘in a vast wood which lies between Bath
and Oxford,’ they sought refuge ‘for the love of God’ at a grange
belonging to the monks of Abingdon, ‘lest they should perish from hunger
or the wild beasts in the forest.’ The prior, judging them to be
jesters[5], had them turned out; but a young monk, when the rest had gone
to bed, put them into a hayloft and brought them bread and beer. That
night he had a dream. The prior and his brethren were summoned before the
judgment-seat of Christ; and

    ‘there came a certain poor man, humble and despised, in the habit of
    those poor friars, and he cried with a loud voice: “O most impartial
    Judge, the blood of my brethren, which hath been shed this night,
    crieth unto Thee. The guardians of this place have refused them meat
    and lodging, although they have left all for Thy sake, and were now
    coming here to seek those souls which Thou hast redeemed with Thy
    blood; they would not, in fact, have refused as much to jesters and
    mummers.”... Then the Judge commanded them to be hanged on the elm
    that stood in that cloister.’

In the morning the young monk found his companions dead, and became an
early convert to the order of St. Francis.

On their arrival at Oxford, the two friars were received with great
kindness by the Dominicans.

    ‘They ate in their refectory, and slept in their dormitory, like
    conventuals for eight days[6].’

They then hired a house in the parish of St. Ebbe from Robert le
Mercer[7]. Alms sufficient for the purpose were probably already
forthcoming, as the new Order did not have to wait long for recognition.
Though they only occupied this house till the following summer[8], they
were there joined by ‘many honest bachelors and many eminent men’[9]; and
it may have been owing to this increase in their numbers that they left
their first abode in 1225 and hired a house with ground attached from
Richard the Miller[10]. It is significant of the rapid growth of opinion
in their favour that Richard

    ‘within a year conferred the land and house on the community of the
    town for the use of the Friars Minors.’

Enthusiasm and self-sacrifice were the powerful agents which ensured
success and favour to the early Franciscans, and many are the stories of
their primitive poverty and its effects; and if the convent at Oxford was
not especially distinguished like that at Cambridge by ‘_paucilitas
pecuniae_,’ or like that at York by ‘_zelus paupertatis_[11],’ the Oxford
Minorites, during the time of Agnellus at least, departed but little from
the ideal of their founder[12], and lived the life of the poor among whom
they ministered. The pangs of hunger were not unknown in the convent; and
on one occasion the friars were in debt to the amount of ten marks for
food[13]. Their first houses were mean and small--too small for the
numbers who flocked to their Order[14]; and the infirmary was

    ‘so low that the height of the walls did not much exceed the height of
    a man[15].’

When at length they built their church, the brethren worked with their own
hands, and a bishop and an abbat who had assumed the coarse habit of the
friars are said to have ‘carried water and sand and stones for the
building of the place[16].’

The appearance of the Minorites was no less humble than their buildings.
Their habits of coarse gray or brown cloth[17], tied round the waist with
a cord, often worn and patched, as Grostete loved to see them, hardly[18]
distinguished them from ‘simple rustics[19].’ In the convent at Oxford,
pillows were forbidden, and the use of shoes was permitted only to the
infirm or old, and that by special licence[20]. We hear of two of the
brethren returning from a chapter held at Oxford at Christmas time singing
as they

    ‘picked their way along the rugged path over the frozen mud and rigid
    snow, whilst the blood lay in the track of their naked feet, without
    their being conscious of it[21].’

Even from the robbers and murderers who infested the woods near Oxford the
Barefoot Friars were safe[22].

‘Three things,’ said Friar Albert, Minister General, ‘tended to the
exaltation of the Order,--bare feet, coarse garments, and the rejecting of
money[23]’; and the Oxford Franciscans were as zealous in the last respect
as in the other two. The Archdeacon of Northampton sent a bag of money to
Friar Adam Marsh, and when the latter refused it, the messenger threw it
down in the cell and left it:--

    ‘Wherefore,’ writes Adam to the Archdeacon, ‘the bearer of these
    presents has at the instance of the brethren taken the said money,
    just as it was, sealed with your seal, to your lordship, to dispose of
    according to your pleasure[24].’

The evidence of the Public Records, containing scattered notices of grants
from the Crown, is striking on this point, and the poverty of these early
Franciscans can hardly be better illustrated than by the means taken to
relieve it. During the long reign of Henry III, the Patent, Close, and
Liberate Rolls contain only three grants of money to the house of the
Minorites at Oxford, and all of them are due to exceptional circumstances.
They are, ten marks for the support of a provincial chapter in 1238,
60_s._ for their houses in 1245 in lieu of six oaks which the king had
before given them, and three marks for the fabric of their church in
1246[25]. The alms to the house at Oxford are almost wholly in kind, and
consist chiefly of supplies of firewood from the royal forests round
Oxford. The earliest recorded instance of royal bounty was a grant of
thirteen oaks in ‘Brehull’ (Brill) forest for fuel on the 9th Jan.
1231[26]. A few years later they received fifteen cartloads of brushwood
from Shotover forest[27], and in 1237 fifteen oaks in Wychwood Forest ‘to
make charcoal[28].’ Similar notices occur almost every year--sometimes
twice a year--throughout the reign of Henry III[29]. In 1240 the keepers
of the wines at Southampton were ordered to deliver one cask of Gascon
wine, of the king’s bounty, to the Friars Minors at Oxford ‘to celebrate
masses[30].’ In 1248 the Sheriff of Oxford received orders to

    ‘give to the Friars Minors of Oxford one cask of wine of the six casks
    which he took into the king’s hand of the wine of those who lately
    killed a clerk in the town of Oxford[31].’

But a fortnight later the king repented of his generosity and assigned the
same cask to one of his numerous relatives[32]. Of more interest, as
showing that the friars were really classed with the poor of the town, is
a royal brief of the 12th of Dec. 1244 to the bailiffs of Oxford, bidding
them

    ‘give of the ferm of their town to Friar Roger, King’s Almoner, on
    Wednesday the morrow of the feast of St. Lucy the Virgin, ten marks,
    to feed a thousand paupers and the Friars Preachers and Minors of
    Oxford, for the soul of the Lady Empress sister of the King, on the
    day of her anniversary[33].’

With all their poverty and holiness they were singularly free from that
form of piety which consists in wearing a sad countenance and appearing
unto men to fast. We hear indeed of strict silence, of constant prayer, of
vigils that lasted the whole night[34].

    ‘Yet,’ continues Eccleston[35], ‘the brethren were so full of fun
    among themselves, that a mute could hardly refrain from laughter at
    the sight. So when the young friars of Oxford laughed too frequently,
    it was enjoined on one that as often as he laughed he should be
    punished. Now it happened that, when he had received no punishments in
    one day, and yet could not restrain himself from laughing, he had a
    vision one night, that the whole convent stood as usual in the choir,
    and the friars were beginning to laugh as usual, and behold the
    crucifix which stood at the door of the choir turned towards them as
    though alive, and said: “They are the sons of Corah who in the hour of
    chanting laugh and sleep.”... On hearing this dream, the friars were
    frightened and behaved without very noticeable laughter[36].’

Grostete said to a Friar Preacher, ‘Three things are necessary to temporal
health--to eat, sleep, and be merry[37].’ Excessive austerity was
discountenanced by the authorities of the Oxford convent. Friar Albert of
Pisa, who was himself ‘always cheerful and merry in the society of the
brethren[38],’ compelled Friar Eustace de Merc, contrary to custom, to eat
fish, saying that the Order lost many good persons through their
indiscretion[39]. Grostete again

    ‘commanded a melancholy friar to drink a cup full of the best wine as
    a penance, and when he had drunk it up, though most unwillingly, he
    said to him, “Dear brother, if you often performed a penance like
    that, you would have a better ordered conscience[40].”’

The friars lovingly treasured up the great bishop’s puns and jokes and
wise sayings[41], and were always ready to tell or appreciate a good
story. From first to last they had the reputation of being excellent
company[42], and were welcome at the tables of the rich or well-to-do[43].
They were allowed by the rule to

    ‘eat of all manner of meats which be set before them[44],’

a practice which occasionally caused some scandal[45]; and Friar Albert of
Pisa ordered them to keep silence in the house of hosts, except among the
preachers and friars of other provinces[46]. Like St. Francis himself, the
Oxford friars often possessed the courtesy and charm of manner which is
born of sympathy[47]; and it was perhaps to this quality that their
employment as diplomatic agents is to be attributed. Thus Agnellus was
chosen in 1233 to negotiate with the rebellious Earl Marshall and try to
bring him back to his allegiance[48]. Adam Marsh was on more than one
occasion sent beyond the sea as royal emissary[49], and Edward I sent
Oxford Minorites to treat for peace with his enemies[50]. But to the
mediaeval mind, there was a cause more sacred than that of peace or good
government; and the Franciscans would not have had their great
influence--would not have become leaders of men throughout the world--had
they not shared the one ideal, which still even in the thirteenth century
appealed to every class in every country of Europe. The Crusades attracted
the scholastic philosopher no less than the baron with his sins to
expiate, or the serf with his liberty to win. It was partly to increase
his influence as a missionary[51] that Adam of Oxford, one of the first
‘masters’ who joined the Order[52], took the vows of St. Francis; against
the wishes of his brethren in England, who hoped to keep among them so
famous and learned a convert, and who indeed feared lest he should come
under heretical influences[53], he went to Gregory IX, and at his own
prayer was sent by the Pope to preach to the Saracens[54]. When Prince
Edward went to the Holy Land in 1270, he took with him as preacher Friar
William de Hedley, the lecturer and regent master of the Friars Minors at
Oxford[55]. Hedley died before the army reached Acre; but these learned
friars did not flinch when summoned to meet a sterner fate. In 1289
Tripoli was captured by the Saracens: an English friar led the last charge
of the despairing Christians, carrying aloft the cross till his arms were
hewn off;

    ‘the above-mentioned friar,’ continues the chronicler, ‘who by his
    example provoked very many to martyrdom, had been no small space of
    time warden of the Oxford Convent[56].’

The friars of both Orders soon took a leading part in the affairs of the
University. As Bishop of Lincoln[57], Grostete continued to exercise a
kind of paternal authority over the University[58], and his high character
and long connexion with Oxford gave him an influence which was denied to
his successors. It was natural that this influence should be reflected on
the Franciscans, whom he had taken under his especial care and among whom
was his ‘true friend and faithful counsellor[59]’ Adam Marsh. The latter
was specially summoned to the congregation to hear and advise on the
answer sent by Grostete to some petitions of the University[60], and we
find him interceding with the Bishop on behalf of the Chancellor, Radulph
of Sempringham[61]. One of the most important stages in the constitutional
development of the University is marked by the charter of Henry III in
1244, which constituted a special tribunal for the scholars, and formed
the basis of the Chancellor’s jurisdiction. On the 11th of May of the same
year, a deed of acknowledgment was executed at Reading and signed and
sealed on behalf of the University by the Prior of the Friars Preachers,
the Minister of the Friars Minors, the Chancellor of the University, the
Archdeacons of Lincoln and Cornwall, and Friar Robert Bacon[62]. Edward I
in 1275[63] appointed ‘Friars John de Pecham and Oliver de Encourt’ royal
commissioners to decide a suit between Master Robert de Flemengvill[64]
and a Jewess named Countess, the wife of Isaac Pulet, which had long been
pending in the Chancellor’s court; this however was not to be treated as a
precedent to the prejudice of the Chancellor’s jurisdiction.

It is probable that the example afforded by the houses of student friars
was not lost on the founders of the early colleges. We know that Walter de
Merton was a friend of Adam Marsh[65], and a benefactor of the friars, but
it would be dangerous to attempt to trace any direct Franciscan influence
in the statutes of his college[66]. There is however no doubt about the
connexion of the Franciscans with the foundation of Balliol College. Sir
John de Balliol died in 1269 without having established his house for poor
scholars on a permanent footing. His widow Devorguila first gave them a
definite organisation in 1282. According to an old tradition[67], she was
induced to take this step by her Franciscan confessor, Friar Richard de
Slikeburne. It is clear that the latter was her most trusted and energetic
agent in carrying out the plan. Devorguila urges him by all means in his
power to promote the perpetuation of ‘our house of Balliol[68],’ and the
executors of Sir John de Balliol assigned certain moneys to the scholars
of the house

    ‘with the consent of Devorguila and at the advice of Friar Richard de
    Slikeburne[69].’

Nor was the connexion merely a transitory one. The statutes of 1282[70]
are addressed to Friar Hugh de Hertilpoll and Master William de Menyl, who
are evidently the two ‘proctors’ mentioned in the document. To the
proctors (who did not belong to the house but were in the position of
permanent visitors) was entrusted the institution of the principal after
his election by the scholars, together with a general supervision over the
economy of the college. They alone could expel a refractory scholar, and
they were constituted the special guardians of the poorer students[71].
Nothing remains to show how long the first proctors held their office, or
how their successors were appointed. It is probable however that the
office was intended to be a perpetual one[72]--not a temporary expedient
to be called into existence from time to time,--and further that one of
the proctors was always a Franciscan. Two other documents bearing on the
subject are known to exist. In 1325 a doubt had arisen whether the members
of the college might study any science except the liberal arts; it was
declared to be unlawful to do so and contrary to the mind of the founder,
and was consequently forbidden

    ‘by Masters Robert of Leicester, of the Order of Friars Minors,
    S.T.P., and Nicholas de Tyngewick, M.D. and S.T.B., then _Magistri
    Extranei_ of the said House[73].’

The second document[74] is a letter dated 1433 addressed to the Bishop of
London by

    ‘Richard Roderham, S.T.P., and John Feckyngtone of the order of
    Minorites in Oxford, Rectors of Balliol College.’

The Rectors having, ‘according to the exigency of the office which we
discharge upon the rule of the said college and the observance of the
statutes thereof,’ inquired into the working of the first statute,
decided, with the consent of the majority of the house, that it was
prejudicial to the college, and asked the Bishop to consent to the
modification of it[75].

It will be readily admitted that in the thirteenth century the Oxford
Franciscans deserved their high reputation. It is true, that frequent
complaints are heard of the decline of the Order[76]--that many
relaxations had been introduced into the Rule. But these were not demanded
by the English province. When Haymo was General, orders were issued by the
Chapter that friars should be elected in each province to note any points
in the Rule which seemed to require revision, and send them to the
Minister General. Eccleston[77] gives the names of three friars elected
for this purpose in England--Adam Marsh, the foremost of the Oxford
friars; Peter of Tewkesbury, Custodian of Oxford; and Henry de Burford.

    ‘Having marked some articles, the said friars sent them to the
    General, in a schedule without a seal, beseeching him, by the
    sprinkling of the blood of Jesus Christ, to let the Rule stand, as it
    was handed down by St. Francis, at the dictation of the Holy
    Spirit[78].’




CHAPTER II.

PROPERTY AND BUILDINGS.

    First Settlement inside the City Wall.--Acquisition of the houses of
    W. de Wileford (1229) and Robert Oen (1236).--Increase of the _area_
    in 1244-1245.--Grants from the King, Thomas Valeynes, and
    others.--Island in the Thames, 1245.--Messuage of Laurence Wych,
    1247.--Friars of the Penitence of Jesus Christ.--Their property in
    Oxford granted to the Minorites by Clement V, and by Edward II,
    1310.--Grants from various persons, 1310.--Richard Cary and John
    Culvard, 1319.--Walter Morton, 1321.--To what classes did the donors
    belong?

    Absence of information about the buildings at the Grey
    Friars.--Original houses and chapel.--School built by Agnellus.--The
    stricter friars oppose the tendency to build, without
    success.--Building of the new church, 1246, &c.--Its site and
    appearance.--William of Worcester’s description of it.--Richard
    Plantagenet, Earl of Cornwall, buried there, 1272.--Other tombs in the
    church, especially that of Agnellus.--Grave of Roger
    Bacon.--Cloisters, Chapter House, Refectory, and other conventual
    buildings.--Conduit and Gates.


For about a hundred years from the date of their settlement in Oxford, the
Friars Minors were gradually acquiring property. We have seen that after a
short sojourn in the house of Robert le Mercer, the house of Richard le
Muliner became their first permanent abode. The position of the former
cannot be at all definitely ascertained; it was in the parish of St.
Ebbe’s[79], probably near the church and within the city walls[80]. Wood
places it between the church and the Watergate. But he is certainly wrong
in the position he ascribes to the second house, namely,

    ‘without the towne wall, and about a stone’s cast from their first
    hired house[81].’

The house of Richard the Miller was undoubtedly between the wall and
Freren Street (Church Street). In 1244 Henry III allowed the friars to
throw down the wall of the town in order to ‘connect their new place with
the old one[82].’ Even apart from the fact that the Mercer’s house did not
at this time belong to them, it is obvious that the houses which they
acquired in 1224 and 1225 would not in 1244 be distinguished as the ‘old
place’ and the ‘new place’ respectively. The ‘new place’ refers to lands
which came into their possession about the time of this grant, and of
which Wood knew nothing, while the Miller’s house formed part of the ‘old
place.’

In fact, several years elapsed before the friars obtained property outside
the city wall, their first efforts being directed to secure the land
between the wall and Freren Street. It was not long before their cramped
area was enlarged. In the Mayoralty of John Pady[83] the citizens of
Oxford subscribed[84] forty-three marks sterling to buy from William, son
of Richard de Wileford, his house in St. Ebbe’s, with all its
appurtenances, ‘to house the Friars Minors for ever,’ the said good men of
Oxford giving to William one pound of cummin annually in lieu of all
service[85]. The next grant of which we find mention seems also to have
been an act of municipal, rather than of private, charity. In 1236[86]
Robert, son of Robert Oen, had given them a house adjoining their land, on
condition that he,

    ‘having been a free tenant of the prior and brethren of St. John of
    Jerusalem in England in the aforesaid place,’

should have the same privilege attaching to his new house in the parish of
St. Michael at the North Gate. This house of Robert Oen’s in St. Ebbe’s
was one of the ‘mural mansions,’ on the occupiers of which the duty of
repairing the city wall fell[87]. The obligation, however, was now, when
the house came into the hands of the friars, willingly undertaken with the
King’s assent by the Mayor and good men of Oxford.

Under the ministry of Agnellus any tendency to accumulate property was
rigorously suppressed[88], nor does his successor Albert appear to have
been more lenient[89]. But under Haymo of Faversham (1238-9) and William
of Nottingham (1239-51) a different spirit began to prevail, and one far
less in accordance with the original idea of the Order. Haymo

    ‘preferred that the friars should have ample areas and should
    cultivate them, that they might have the fruits of the earth at home,
    rather than beg them from others[90].’

And under William of Nottingham the Oxford house gained a large increase
of territory[91].

It was in 1245 that this took place, and a remarkably full series of
records relating to the event is still extant. By a deed dated 22nd
December, 1244[92], the King gave the Friars Minors permission,

    ‘for the greater quiet and security of their habitation, to inclose
    the street which extends under the wall of Oxford, from the gate which
    is called Watergate[93] in the parish of St. Ebbe, up to the postern
    in the same wall towards the Castle; so that a crenellated wall like
    the rest of the wall of the same town be made round the foresaid
    dwelling, beginning from the west side of Watergate, and reaching
    southwards as far as the bank of the Thames, and extending along the
    bank westwards as far as the fee of the Abbat of Bec in the parish of
    St. Bodhoc, and then turning again northwards till it joins the old
    wall of the foresaid borough on the east side of the small postern;’

and they were further allowed to throw down the old wall which stretched
across their habitation. But in 1248[94] this grant, as far as it related
to the wall, was cancelled; the old wall was to be repaired, and the
proposed new wall was not mentioned.

There can be little doubt that in December, 1244, the friars did not
possess the land which they were then allowed to enclose; it is indeed
very doubtful whether they had any property south of the wall. Possibly
they may have acquired already the place which they held in 1278,

    ‘of the gift of Agnes widow of Guydo[95], which the said Agnes had by
    descent from her predecessors, and they pay thence to Walter Goldsmith
    one pound of cummin[96].’

The value was then unknown, nor is the position specified[97]. It was,
however, no doubt situated in the suburb of St. Ebbe’s parish. Two other
plots of ground are mentioned in the same document as belonging to the
Friars: of one of these (that granted by Thomas Walonges) we have accurate
information, and shall mention it in its due place. Of the other nothing
further is known than that they held it by grant from Master Richard de
Mepham. But the grant was probably of later date than 1244. Richard was
Archdeacon of Oxford in 1263, became Dean of Lincoln in 1273, and probably
died in 1274 at the council of Lyons[98].

But the royal grant in the Patent Roll of 29 Henry III is explained by the
fact that the Franciscans, or rather their benefactors, were already
negotiating for the transfer of a large part of the property there
described, if not of the whole of it.

In February, 1245, Thomas Valeynes, or Valoignes (or Walonges as he is
called in the Inquisition of 6 & 7 Edward I), carried into effect a plan
for the benefit of the Friars Minors which it must have taken long to
bring to a successful conclusion[99]. It consisted in begging or buying
out a number of holders of property in the south-west ‘suburb of Oxford,’
and granting in one case at least tenements in another part of the town as
compensation. Thus, in exchange for two messuages with their appurtenances
on the south-west of the town, Symon son of Benedict and Leticia his
wife, received one messuage outside the North Gate, together with a
building then held by Hugh Marshall,

    ‘which same messuage and building were formerly held by Benedictus le
    Mercer father of the foresaid Symon.’

One messuage with appurtenances was acquired from John Costard and Margery
his wife, two from Warin of Dorchester and Juliana his wife, one from
William ‘le Barbeur’ and Alice his wife, one from Henry ‘le Teler’ and
Alice his wife, and a little later[100] one curtilage ‘in the suburb of
Oxford in the parish of St. Budoc,’ from John Aylmer and Christiana his
wife. All these eight tenements Thomas de Valeynes, ‘at the petition’ of
the former owners, assigned

    ‘to the increase of the area in which the Friars Minors dwelling at
    Oxford are lodged in pure and perpetual alms free and quit of all
    secular service and exaction for ever;’

and we may reasonably conclude that they filled the space from the City
Wall on the north to Trill Mill Stream on the south, and from Littlegate
Street on the east to a line drawn from the ‘fee of the Abbat of Bec in
the parish of St. Bodhoc’s’ to the West Gate on the west[101].

Shortly after this, namely, on the 22nd of April, 1245[102], Henry III
gave the Friars, to enlarge their new area,

    ‘our island in the Thames, which we have bought from Henry son of
    Henry Simeon,’

with permission to make a bridge over the arm of the river dividing it
from their houses, and to enclose it with a wall, or in any other way
which would insure ‘the security of their houses and the tranquillity of
their religion,’ On the same day[103] the King ordered the Barons of the
Exchequer to deduct from the fine of sixty marks,

    ‘imposed on Henry son of Henry Simeonis because he was implicated
    in[104] the murder of a scholar of Oxford, twenty-five marcs, for
    twenty-five marcs which we owed to Henry Simeonis his father for an
    island in the Thames at Oxford which we have bought from him, and
    which said marcs he begged should be reckoned to his son in the
    aforesaid fine.’

The next grant is dated the 27th of November, 1246[105]. The King
announces that he has handed over to the friars, for the enlargement of
their premises, the whole messuage, with its appurtenances, which Laurence
Wych (or Wyth), Mayor of Oxford, committed to him for that purpose,
desiring them to enclose the same as they shall see fit:

    ‘and the Sheriff of Oxfordshire was commanded to receive the messuage
    in place of the King for the use of the said friars.’

It is quite uncertain where this land lay, and whether Wych granted it in
his public or private capacity.

For the next fifty years, excepting the undated grants of Richard Mepham
and Agnes widow of Guydo, which probably belong to this period, there is
no record of a gift of land to the Minorites. On the east they had already
reached the permanent limit of their property[106], and the Friars of the
Penitence of Jesus Christ settled about the year 1260 on the ground lying
to the west. This formed the parish of St. Budoc. In 1262[107] the King
allowed these friars to build an oratory here; in 1265[108] he granted
them, as patron, the church of St. Budoc (which adjoined their premises,
and which, owing to the removal or death of the parishioners, was too
impoverished to support one chaplain), ‘to make thence a chapel for
themselves.’ With the church they acquired[109]

    ‘the cemetery and the houses standing in the same and belonging to the
    said church,’

with the proviso that the cemetery should always be treated as
consecrated[110] ground. The value of the church was 20_s._ a year[111].

At the Council of Lyons in 1274 the Friars of the Penitence of Jesus
Christ, or ‘Friars of the Sack,’ were forbidden to admit new members[112],
and the Order came to an end when the old members died out. The Minorites
and their friends therefore applied themselves to secure the property. As
early as 1296 Boniface VIII wrote to the Bishop of Lincoln, ordering
him[113] to allow the Friars Minors to take possession of the house or
area of the Friars of the Sack, whenever the five remaining brethren
should die or transfer themselves to other religious Orders. At the court
of Clement V, the first of the Avignon popes, the claims of the Minorites
were urged by John of Britanny, Earl of Richmond; and Clement issued a
Bull in their favour, dated the 27th of May, 1309 (VI Kal. Jun. A{o}
IV)[114].

    ‘In a petition exhibited to us on your part,’ runs the document, ‘it
    is contained that owing to the narrowness of your place at Oxford, you
    and other friars, there flocking together to the University from
    divers parts of the world in great multitude, do endure manifold wants
    and various inconveniences. Since therefore the place of the Friars of
    the Penitence of Jesus Christ of the same place of Oxford adjoining
    your place, is shortly, as is believed, to be relinquished by the said
    Friars, to remain at the disposal of the Apostolic Seat, according to
    the tenor of the Constitution published by Pope Gregory X, our
    predecessor, in the Council of Lyons, it is humbly prayed us, that we
    deign to concede to you that place for the enlargement of your place
    aforesaid.’

This prayer the Pope goes on to grant ‘of his special favour,’ mentioning
the earnest supplications of John of Britanny[115] on behalf of the
friars.

The King, however, also had a claim to dispose of lands which his
grandfather had granted, and which, in default of heirs or successors,
legally escheated to the Crown. By Letters Patent dated the 28th of March,
1310[116], Edward II assigned to the Friars Minors the property which
Henry III had previously given to the Penitentiary Friars, with the same
stipulation as to the cemetery. The land is accurately described; it was
contiguous to the place of the Friars Minors, in the suburb of Oxford,
twenty and a half perches long from north to south, six perches wide at
the south end, two and a half at the north, and four perches seven feet in
the middle.

Letters Patent of the same day[117] confirmed the grant of four other
parcels of ground to the Friars Minors: some of these may have been
previously held by the Friars of the Sack. The ‘plot of ground in Oxford,’
five perches two feet from east to west, two perches and a half from north
to south, conferred on the Minorites by John Wyz and Emma his wife, may
have been within the walls, near the West Gate; the others were in the
suburb. Henry Tyeys gave land measuring six perches by five, and lying
between the site of St. Budoc’s Church and the Thames (Trill Mill Stream);
Richard le Lodere’s land, measuring fourteen and a half perches five feet,
by four perches and three feet, and stretching from the Thames to the
above-mentioned place of Henry Tyeys, was included in the grant, as was a
larger plot[118], measuring sixteen and a half perches from the Thames to
the ‘royal way,’ and ten perches in breadth; which seems to have included
the south part of Paradise Gardens[119].

All these places are described as adjoining the property of the Warden and
Friars Minors of Oxford.

It was probably at the instance of the Crown and as a protest against the
papal claims that the Minorites a few years later formally surrendered to
the King the area which had belonged to the Penitentiaries, ‘in its
entirety as it came into their hands,’ and received it back of the King’s
special favour in pure and perpetual alms[120].

One fragment of the Penitentiary Friars’ property came into the hands of
the Franciscans somewhat later. In October, 1319, an _Inquisitio ad quod
Damnum_[121] was held in Oxford to decide whether Richard Cary could,
without prejudice to the King or others, bestow on the Friars Minors a
place in the suburb of Oxford, adjacent to their property, and measuring
five perches in length and five in breadth. The jurors declared that the
grant would not be injurious to the King or others, and that Cary
possessed sufficient property in the town to discharge all his civic
duties. The place ‘at the time when it was built’ was worth 20_s._ a year,
but now, owing to its ruinous condition, only 2_s._ Cary held it for a
rent of 8_s._ a year of Johanna, wife of Walter of Wycombe, Agatha her
sister, and John son of Alice, who was wife of Andrew Culvard, the heirs
of Henry Owayn; they held it of the Prior of Steventon, paying 4_d._ a
year in lieu of all services. The plot was therefore the fee of the Abbat
of Bec mentioned above, and is probably the same as

    ‘the place which the Friars of the Penitence bought of Walter
    Aurifaber, and they pay thence to the Prior of Steventon 2_s._[122]’

A few months previously a similar inquisition[123] was held at Oxford,
which resulted in an addition to the Minorite property on the east side
within the wall. This was a plot of ground of the annual value of 2_s._,
five perches by six, granted to them by John Culvard. The town, however,
claimed the right,

    ‘at all times when it shall be necessary, to have free entry and
    egress thence to restore, repair and defend the wall of the said
    town.’

In 1321[124] Walter Morton obtained leave to grant in mortmain to the
Franciscans a place with its appurtenances, measuring five perches by
five, in the suburb of Oxford; and similar licence was given to John de
Grey de Retherfeld[125] in 1337 to bestow on them a tenement, six perches
by five, lying next their habitation on the east side within the town.
This brings us to the end of the list of grants of landed property to the
Oxford Minorites--a list which we may claim to be fairly complete. It is
interesting to note from what classes the donors were drawn. Most of them
were men of business--the leading tradesmen of the town[126]. Three of
them, Laurence Wych, John Culvard, and Richard Cary, were at various times
Mayors of Oxford, and the two latter represented the city in
Parliament[127]. Richard Mepham belonged to the higher rank of
ecclesiastics. Master Thomas de Valeynes seems to have been a person of
some importance in Oxfordshire and the adjoining counties[128].


Buildings.

Of the buildings of the Friars Minors in Oxford we have disappointingly
little information--with the exception of the boundary wall already
mentioned there are no remains of their house now visible. Excavations
might perhaps yield interesting results, but most of the ground is thickly
built over, and the information derived from the records and other sources
is rarely precise enough to enable us to identify with any certainty the
sites of the various buildings.

For the first twenty years the Friary must have presented a very modest,
not to say mean, appearance, and the brethren were probably contented to
take the accommodation afforded by the houses, which were granted them,
with little alteration. The infirmary built by Agnellus has already been
noticed. After they had been nearly a year in Oxford, the friars built a
small chapel[129]. In 1232, the King gave them

    ‘thirty beams in the royal forest of Savernak for the fabric of their
    chapel which they are having built at Oxford,’

adding that

    ‘if any one in the same bailiwick shall wish to give them timber, the
    bailiff shall permit them without hindrance to carry through the
    forest free of toll oaks to the number of thirty[130].’

Probably this refers to the original chapel. It had a choir where the
brethren attended and celebrated divine service[131], and at, or over, the
door of which stood a crucifix, or wooden cross[132]. It was here, in the
choir before the altar, that Agnellus was buried in a ‘leaden box,’ as
became the _zelator paupertatis_[133]. The chapel was pulled down when the
new church was finished[134]. Under the auspices of Agnellus rose their
first school, which was apparently the finest of their early
buildings[135]. Whether this was afterwards enlarged, or whether new
schools were built on the same site or elsewhere, there is no longer any
means of deciding.

These houses were situated within the wall, and it was not till the
increase of the ‘area’ between 1240 and 1250 that building on a large
scale was commenced between the wall and Trill Mill Stream[136]. The
tendency to build was strenuously resisted by the stricter party among the
friars--the party which upheld the early traditions of the Order.
Eccleston relates how an Oxford friar appeared after death to the
custodian and warned him that,

    ‘if the friars were not damned for their excess in building, they
    would at any rate be severely punished[137].’

An obscure passage in a letter of Adam Marsh probably refers to the same
tendency; even novices, he laments, are taught to neglect the things of
the spirit

    ‘for flesh and blood, for mud and walls, for wood and stone, for any
    kind of worldly gain[138].’

The opposition of the older generation was, however, unavailing, and a
‘stately and magnificent[139]’ convent began to rise. But of the new
friary, too, there are but scanty notices. No English king bestowed on the
house of Franciscans at Oxford that loving care which Henry III bestowed
on the Minorite Church at Reading, or Edward II on the Dominican Church
which rose over the tomb of his ill-fated favourite at Langley. From royal
grants we learn that building was going on at the Grey Friars of Oxford in
1240, when ten oaks were given to them by the King for timber[140]. In
1245 (July 7th),

    ‘the Sheriff of Berkshire was ordered to give to the Friars Minors of
    Oxford for the works of their houses sixty shillings instead of six
    oaks which the King gave them before[141];’

and a further grant of six oaks for timber in 1272 shows that the
operations were of a protracted nature[142]. From similar sources we find
that the Church, which was dedicated to St. Francis, was in process of
erection in February, 1246[143], and February, 1248[144]. At the latter
date the friars are again permitted to

    ‘enclose the street which extends under the wall of Oxford from the
    Watergate ... to the small postern in the wall near the Castle.... We
    grant also that the north side of the chapel built and to be built in
    the aforesaid street may supply the interruption of the wall as far as
    it is to reach, the other breaches in the wall being fully repaired as
    before, except the small postern in the wall, through which the said
    friars can go and return from the new place where they now live, to
    the former place in which they used to live.’

It would appear from this that the street was outside the wall. Mr.
Parker, however, states positively that it was ‘the inner road’ which they
were permitted to enclose[145]; in Wheeler’s Garden, south-west of St.
Ebbe’s Churchyard, there used to be a line of old walling, running
parallel to the city wall inside, and the space between these walls may
have been the street in question[146]. It must be remembered, however,
that the friars had already in 1244 acquired the road with the right to
enclose it, and to throw down this section of the city wall. In 1248,
therefore, we may well believe that little existed of the wall, which on
the south side was never a very prominent feature. The church running due
east and west would extend along and across the site of the wall, the west
end being outside, the east end inside. From the south end of Paradise
Place, where the wall juts out southwards for a few yards, to a point
about the north end of King’s Terrace, there have long been no signs of
the city wall; and it is probably here that the Grey Friars’ Church stood.
The tradition is still preserved in the name Church Place. Of the
appearance of the church we know little. The roof was tiled[147], like
that of the Grey Friars’ Church at Reading; it is probable the east end
was flat, and there was no triforium[148]. Wood thinks that one of the
eight towers which figured in the pageant at the inthronization of Warham
in 1504, represented the tower of the Grey Friars[149]. William of
Worcester has left a somewhat puzzling[150] description of the church in
1480[151].

    ‘The length of the choir of the church of St. Francis at Oxford
    contains 68 steps. The length from the door (_valva_) of the choir to
    the west window contains 90 steps; so in the whole length it contains
    150 (?) steps. The width of the nave of the said church on the east
    (_ab orienti parte_) contains with the aisle 28 steps. The length of
    the nave from the south side to the north door contains 40 steps only,
    and there are ten chapels in the said north nave of the church. The
    width of the north nave of the church contains 20 steps. The width of
    each chapel contains 6 steps, and so the width of the whole nave of
    the church with the ten chapels contains 26 steps. And each chapel
    contains in length 6 steps. And each glass window of the ten chapels
    contains three dayes (or lights) glazed.’

Reckoning William’s ‘steps’ at half a yard each[152], and correcting his
apparent mistake in addition, we find that the church measured
seventy-nine yards from east to west, the choir containing thirty-four
yards, and the nave forty-five. At its widest part the church measured
twenty yards, ten yards of which were taken up by the north aisle. Hence
the width of the nave properly so called, and of the choir, which in
friars’ churches is, where it exists, of the same width as the nave[153],
was ten yards. The choir was aisleless, and the north aisle was probably
the only one in the church: this, too, narrowed from ten yards to four
towards the east end of the nave. In 1535 Friar Henry Standish, Bishop of
St. Asaph, bequeathed £40 ‘for the building of an aisle joining to the
church of the Grey friars, Oxon[154],’ probably on the south side, but it
is almost certain that this was never built.

The wider aisle must have extended nearly the whole length of the nave to
allow space for the north door and the ten chapels, all of which were
built on to the north wall. They would be in part sepulchral chantries,
supported by noble families or gilds, often containing the image or shrine
of some saint, while the shrine of the patron saint stood behind the high
altar. They were presumably later additions, and whether the church in its
original form attained the proportions here described must remain
doubtful. But there is no reason to suppose it was afterwards enlarged to
any great extent. In the thirteenth century, benefactors, great and small,
were willing and eager to help the friars to raise those splendid
buildings which drew forth the fierce denunciations of later reformers;
and though much of the church was doubtless built, like that at London,
‘from good common alms[155],’ there can be little question that the chief
‘founder and benefactor’ was the wealthy Richard Plantagenet, Earl of
Cornwall, and King of the Romans[156]. It was in the choir of this church
that his heart was buried[157]

    ‘under a sumptuous pyramid of admirable workmanship[158].’

Here, too, five years later the remains of his third wife, Beatrice of
Falkenstein, were interred, ‘before the great altar[159];’ and many other
monuments of nobles and famous men must have given the interior of the
church an imposing appearance. Among those buried here were several of the
Golafres: the tomb of Sir John Golafre, who died at Quinton, Bucks, in
1379[160], was in the chancel; that of his younger brother, William, was
probably in the same part of the church[161]. Sir John’s illegitimate son,
John Golafre, knight and lord of Langley, bequeathed his body to be buried
next his father’s, if he should die in England[162]; but

    ‘at the time of his death (1396) he altered his will in that part in
    which he bequeathed his body to be buried in the chancel of the church
    of the Friars Minors at Oxford, and willed and also bequeathed his
    body to be buried in the Conventual Church of Westminster where our
    lord the King shall dispose[163].’

William Lord Lovell, by a will dated 18 March, 1454/5, made provision

    ‘to be buried at the Grayfreris of Oxenford in suche place as I have
    appoynted[164].’

The wills of less distinguished persons occasionally contain information
as to the interior of the church. In 1430 Robert Keneyshame, Bedel of the
University, willed to be buried in the Franciscan Church,

    ‘in the midst between the two altars beneath the highest cross in the
    body of the church[165].’

James Hedyan, bachelor in both laws and principal of Eagle Hall, was
buried in the nave[166]. Agnes, wife of Michael Norton, was in 1438 buried

    ‘in the Conventual Church of the Friars Minors of Oxford before the
    image of the blessed Mary the Virgin of Pity[167].’

And in 1526 Richard Leke, ‘late bruer of Oxford,’ desired

    ‘to be buried within the Graye ffreres in Oxford before the awter
    where the first masse is daily vsed to be saide[168].’

But more honoured than any of these was the ‘fair stone sepulchre[169]’ in
which the body of Agnellus, the only Provincial Minister known to have
been buried at Oxford, found its final resting place. For the shrine of
Agnellus possessed all the fascination of miraculous association and
miraculous power. When the friars, many years after his death, went in the
night to remove the body from the original chapel before its demolition,

    ‘they found the little leaden box in which it lay, together with the
    grave, full of the purest oil, but the body itself with the vestments
    uncorrupted and smelling most sweetly[170].’

Here, too, we are told, was the tomb of one greater than Agnellus; but if
the statement of John Rouse, that Roger Bacon was buried among the
Franciscans at Oxford, is anything more than a tradition, it was perhaps
not in the church, but in the common burial place of the brethren of the
convent, that the Warwick antiquary found his grave[171].

The cloisters, of which we find no mention till the dissolution, were no
doubt situated on the south of the church, round ‘Penson’s Gardens.’
Whether the friars were buried in the cloisters, the garth, the
chapter-house, or ‘the cemetery of the Friars Minors,’ in which John
Dongan was interred in 1464[172] or sometimes in one place, sometimes in
another, is unknown. On the east of the cloisters would be the
chapter-house[173]; over it, and joining the church, a dormitory[174]. On
the south of the cloisters, opposite the church, stood the refectory. It
is possible, but not probable, that the long narrow building stretching
down towards Trill Mill Stream, which is marked in old maps of
Oxford[175], was the refectory: Bridge Street marks the site. The library
may have been on the west side of the cloisters, but no hint remains as to
the building or its position, while the contents may be more appropriately
treated elsewhere. The warden’s house is equally unknown; he may perhaps
merely have had rooms set apart in some one of the larger buildings[176],
as was probably the case with the vice-warden[177]. From the Lanercost
Chronicle we learn that in the thirteenth century the ‘master of the
schools’ had a chamber of his own[178]; and Wiclif tells us that in his
time

    ‘Capped Friars, that beene called Maisters of Diuinitie, haue there
    chamber and service as Lords or Kings[179].’

Ample accommodation for guests was a marked feature in most religious
houses, and there is no reason to suppose that the Oxford Franciscan
Friary formed an exception to a custom which, while it excited some
animosity against the apostles of poverty, tended to ensure the favour and
secure the alms of the rich[180].

The convent was supplied with good water by a conduit of leaden pipes,
which, according to Wadding, was made in the thirteenth century by a
magnate at his own expense, and extended many miles under the watersheds
of the Isis and Cherwell[181]. In 1246-7 we hear that the Friars Preachers
and Minors had appropriated many places on the Thames, and had made there
‘ditches and walls and other things[182].’ Lastly, there were three gates:
one in Freren Street[183], perhaps an entrance to the church through
‘Church Place;’ another in St. Ebbe’s Street, opposite Beef Lane[184],
where St Ebbe’s Churchyard now extends; and a third--their principal
entrance, which existed in Wood’s time--in Littlegate Street, apparently
where the latter is now joined by Charles Street[185].

This completes the list of conventual as distinct from the farm buildings,
and if the account is meagre and unsatisfactory, we may try to console
ourselves with William of Nottingham’s retort, when a friar threatened to
accuse him before the Minister General ‘because the place at London was
not enclosed:’

    ‘And I will answer to the General, that I did not enter the Order to
    build walls[186].’




CHAPTER III.

FRANCISCAN SCHOOLS AT OXFORD.

    Learning necessary to the friars.--The first readers to the
    Franciscans at Oxford.--Nature of the office of lector; Grostete and
    Adam Marsh.--The lector and his _socius_.--Later lectors were ordinary
    Regent Masters.--Appointment to the lectureship.--Special regulations
    concerning the lectors.--System of instruction recommended by
    Grostete.--Lectures by friars.--Controversy with the University about
    theological degrees in 1253.--Controversy between the University and
    Dominicans, and its results.--Study of philosophy (Arts) before
    theology insisted on by the University.--Roger Bacon on the necessity
    of a preliminary training for friars.--Extortion of graces by external
    influence: ‘wax-doctors.’--Career of a student Minorite.--On the
    numbers of friars sent to Oxford.--Course of study before
    ‘opposition.’--‘Opposition’ and ‘Responsion.’--The degree of
    B.D.--Exercises before inception.--The degree of D.D.: the
    licence.--Vesperies.--Inception.--Questions disputed on these
    occasions in the thirteenth century.--How far the statutable
    requirements as to the period of study were a reality.--Expenses at
    inception.--Necessary Regency.--Conditions on which dispensations were
    granted.--Maintenance of Franciscan students at the University.--What
    proportion took degrees.--Relative numbers of the various religious
    Orders at Oxford.


St. Francis himself was always strongly opposed to the learning of his
age.

    ‘Tantum habet homo de scientia quantum operatur,’ he said, ‘et
    religiosus tantum est bonus orator quantum operatur[187].’

But it was inevitable that the missionaries to the towns should be armed
with a knowledge of theology to enable them to cope with the numerous
heresies of the thirteenth century, and with a knowledge of physical
science to enable them to cope with the frequent pestilences caused by the
disregard of sanitary conditions[188]. In addition to this the influence
of many learned men in the Order could not but be felt; and the early
Franciscans in England were as zealous for learning as for good works.

    ‘They were so fervent,’ Eccleston tells us, ‘in hearing the divine law
    and in scholastic exercises, that they hesitated not to go every day
    to the schools of theology, however distant, barefoot in bitter cold
    and deep mud[189].’

Agnellus, though in Wood’s words ‘he never smelt of an Academy or tasted
of humane learning[190],’ frankly recognised the necessity. The school
which he built at Oxford has already been noticed:

    ‘but afterwards,’ adds Bartholomew of Pisa[191], ‘he had reason for
    regret, when he saw the friars bestowing their time on frivolities and
    neglecting needful things; for one day when he wished to see what
    proficiency they were making, he entered the schools whilst a
    disputation was going on, and hearing them wrangling and questioning,
    _Utrum sit Deus_, he cried: “Woe is me, woe is me! Simple brothers
    enter Heaven, and learned brothers dispute whether there is a God at
    all!” Then he sent 10_l._ sterling to the Court to buy the Decretals,
    that the friars might study them and give over frivolities.’

Agnellus rendered the greatest service to his Order by persuading Robert
Grostete, the foremost scholar of his time, and the most influential man
at Oxford, to accept the post of lecturer to the friars[192]. The exact
date at which he undertook these duties is uncertain. He resigned the
archdeaconries of Northampton and Leicester in 1231, but he may have been
lecturer to the Franciscans some time before this; certainly he was
closely connected with their house at Oxford[193]. He was resident in the
University in 1234[194], and according to both Eccleston[195] and the
Lanercost Chronicle[196], he gave up his lectureship only to accept the
bishopric of Lincoln in 1235.

He was succeeded by Master Peter[197], who afterwards became a bishop in
Scotland. The third reader was Master Roger Wesham[198], who afterwards
(namely in or before 1239) was made Dean of Lincoln, and then (1245)
Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield. The fourth was Master Thomas Wallensis,
who,

    ‘after he had lectured laudably at the Friars’ in the same place, was
    appointed (in 1247) to the bishopric of St. David’s in Wales[199].’

Thomas was made Archdeacon of Lincoln by Grostete in 1238, at which time
he was lecturing in Paris[200]; he was then young[201] and it is probable
that he was already archdeacon when he lectured to the friars at Oxford.

All these men were seculars, not friars: it was important at a time when,
as Roger Bacon says[202], ‘the Order of Minors was new and neglected by
the world,’ to secure the services of men of recognised position and
ability. Of Master Peter nothing further is known. The other two were
certainly close friends of Grostete[203]. Matthew Paris bears testimony to
the high character and learning, the kindness and tact, of Roger
Wesham[204]. Bacon ranks Thomas Wallensis among ‘the wise men of
old[205],’ who studied foreign languages and knew the value of philology;
and even Paris admits that this enemy of monks[206] was a man of lofty
purpose, and accepted the bishopric of St. David’s, though it was the
poorest see,

    ‘because it was in his native country, Wales, and he desired to
    console his wretched fellow countrymen by his presence, advice, and
    help[207].’

The divinity lecturer to the Franciscans or ‘Master of the Schools[208],’
as he was also called, had, as such, no status in the University. It is
even doubtful whether he counted as a ‘regent master,’ unless he also
lectured in the University Schools. Thus Adam Marsh protested against
being required by the Masters to subscribe a new statute on the ground

    ‘that he had three years ago retired from the office of teaching in
    their University[209].’

But in a letter written shortly before this, and referring to the same
subjects, he mentions that he was ‘lecturing on Holy Scripture’ to the
friars[210]. The position of the _lector_ was, in fact, not unlike that of
a college tutor, except that he was always a man of proved ability and
long experience. To the friars he was far more than a theological
lecturer; he was a trusted friend, on whose advice and sympathy and help
they might reckon in all the conduct of life. Such at least was the
tradition established by Grostete and carried on by Adam Marsh[211]. Both
of them men versed in affairs of state, both men of acknowledged weight in
the counsels of the realm[212], and fearless opponents of illegality and
oppression, they not only trained the friars in theology and philosophy,
but taught them to comprehend the social needs of the age.

    ‘I return your lordship,’ writes Adam to Grostete[213], ‘the breviate
    which you wrote, “_Of the rule of a kingdom and a tyranny_,” as you
    sent it, sealed with the seal of the Earl of Leicester;’

and Simon de Montfort had frequent consultations with the friar about his
government of Gascony[214]. It was from their daily intercourse with men
like these that the Oxford Franciscans became, if not the leaders, the
spokesmen of the constitutional movement of the thirteenth century[215].
The corpse of Simon de Montfort was buried by the Grey Friars of Evesham,
and it is probably to the Franciscan school that the Latin poems in his
honour are to be ascribed[216], as well as the form of prayer addressed to
him:--

  ‘Sis pro nobis intercessor
  Apud Deum, qui defensor
    In terris extiteras[217].’

The Oxford Franciscans regarded him as a saint and a martyr, though he
died excommunicate, and testified to the miracles which he wrought[218].

The _lector_ had also his _socius_[219], a younger friar who acted as his
secretary, and whose time was almost entirely at his disposal. The
position of both _lector_ and _socius_ will be best illustrated by two
extracts from the letters of Adam Marsh.

In the first of these[220], addressed to the Provincial, he writes that he
has found Friar A. de Hereford, whom the Provincial had assigned to him as
his _socius_, affectionate and of good character, docile and well-read,
and far more capable than ‘some of those who are appointed by the counsel
of the discreet to instruct in Holy Scripture.’

    ‘I see,’ he continues, ‘that any friar who is associated with me to
    help me in my various[221] and constant toil, will have to subordinate
    his ecclesiastical labours and apply himself continually to supplying
    my defects, and directing my goings, and supporting my burdens, though
    this might sometimes produce in him virtue and industry and endurance.
    Far be from me therefore such impious tyranny, as that I should be
    willing to see the great gifts and spiritual progress in the said
    friar stunted or retarded or thwarted by any consideration of private
    convenience; especially as I can through the Saviour’s pity, be
    provided, as I have heretofore been by your grace, with a competent
    companion without injury to the general welfare. I have also reason to
    think that Friar A., however great be his willingness and energy, will
    be unable without bodily suffering and mental disquietude to continue
    permanently with me, unless the stringent rules are relaxed in his
    favour (_nisi quatenus urgentia mitigat obedientiae salutaris diurnos
    aestus et vigilias nocturnas_).

    ‘... I ask therefore confidently, that you will, if it be not
    displeasing to your holy paternity, send to me without delay Friar
    Laurence de Sutthon, as my _socius_, if he consents, and that you will
    send Friar A. to London to study, as he himself greatly desires, if it
    be your good pleasure. And though Friar Laurence suffer some tolerable
    defect, he is yet peculiarly fitted to help me, though vulgar
    obstinacy may not think so.’

The other letter[222] is also directed to the Provincial.

    ‘I am not a little surprised,’ he writes, ‘that through some excessive
    caution and severity, no provision has yet been made for the beloved
    Friar W. de Maddele, who has up to now diligently borne the burden of
    teaching (_eruditionis impendendae_), long since imposed on him. He is
    thus compelled, not only to exhaust the vital spirit by excessive
    studies, but also to wear out his bodily powers by writing every day
    with his own hand, though his strength is not the strength of stone,
    nor his flesh the flesh of brass. And while the other friars who have
    been deputed to the office of lecturing, especially those to whom he
    has succeeded, had great volumes and the assistance of _socii_
    provided for them, he alone does not seem to be cared for; though I
    hear that he has a pleasant faculty of lecturing, is acute in arguing,
    and in writing and speaking useful and acceptable to both friars and
    seculars. It will therefore be for you, if you please, without delay
    to take thought for the peace of mind and provide for the advancement
    (_provectui_) of those who study.’

The position of the _socius_ probably altered but little after this time.
That of the _lector_ underwent a change. The Franciscans assimilated their
system of teaching to the system in vogue in the University generally:
from the time of Adam Marsh the lecturers to the Franciscans were merely
ordinary Regent Masters in theology belonging to the Order. This will be
evident from a comparison of the dates at which the various lecturers,
whose names have been preserved, held the office: a sufficient number of
these dates has now been recovered, on the indisputable evidence of
contemporary records, to put the matter beyond all doubt[223].

The appointment to the lectureship was in the hands of the Provincial
Chapter[224]; practically the person recommended by the leading brethren
at Oxford was elected[225]. This is true of the later as well as of the
earlier lectors. No Minorite could proceed to any degree unless he were
first authorised to do so by papal ordinance or by the election of his
Order[226].

According to the Constitutions of Benedict XII, no Minorite might lecture
on the Sentences in a University (_i.e._ become B.D.),

    ‘unless he had first lectured on the four books of the Sentences with
    the writings of the approved doctors in other _studia_ which are in
    the same Order called _Generalia_,’

or in one of certain specified convents[227]. The friars of the English
province were specially favoured in respect to the degree of D.D. It was
decreed in the General Chapter at Rome in 1411

    ‘that no one shall be promoted to the degree of master, unless he
    first go to Paris, according to the papal statutes and the general
    institutes, and do all that he is bound to do, _Provincia Angliae
    excepta_[228].’

However, the Franciscans at Oxford never obtained the right which was
enjoyed by the Dominicans at Paris, of being the sole judges of the
fitness of any friars of their own Order for academical degrees[229]. In
the case of Adam Marsh, the term of office was one year[230]; and this was
probably the general rule[231], though the readers might perhaps be
re-elected in the annual Provincial Chapter[232]. They often remained at
Oxford after the expiry of their year[233], and no doubt continued to
lecture, though they ceased to be _ex officio_ representatives of the
friars in their dealings with the University or other bodies.

Even in the earliest times it was found necessary to modify the stringency
of the rule in favour of the lecturers. Visiting and good works were
subordinated to their scholastic duties[234]. They were provided with more
ample accommodation than the other friars, and their privacy was at
certain times inviolable[235]. In the Constitutions of Benedict XII (1337)
regulations for their support are given with some detail[236]. Masters,
lectors, and bachelors in Universities were to be provided with the
necessaries of life by the convents of the places where they lectured. But
their other expenses, such as those connected with the necessary books,
were to be assessed by the General or Provincial Minister and to fall on
the convent from which they were sent; or, if the convent was unable to
‘procure’ the funds, these were to be supplied by the custody or province
in which the native convent of the lecturer was situated. In addition to
this, seculars and members of other religious Orders who attended the
lectures, would no doubt have to pay fees[237].

We may reasonably infer that Grostete practised in the Franciscan school
the system of instruction in theology which he subsequently recommended to
the University. When consulted by the latter, he answered that the Regent
Masters in theology ought to take the Old and New Testaments as the only
sure foundations of their teaching and make them the subject of all their
morning lectures, according to the custom of the Doctors of Paris[238].
Roger Bacon laments the exaggerated respect which was paid to the
‘Sentences’ in his day, and points out that

    ‘the learned men of old, some of whom we have seen, such as Robert
    bishop of Lincoln and Friar Adam de Marisco, used only the text’ which
    was ‘given to the world from the mouth of God and of the Saints[239].’

At the Friary, as in the rest of the University, much of the teaching in
the theological faculty was, even in the thirteenth century, done by
bachelors[240]; the admission to the degree of B.D. was accompanied by a
licence to ‘lecture on the book of the Sentences.’ Some of the lectures
would probably be for the brethren alone; others were open to the
University[241]. The latter would certainly be the case when a friar
delivered the lectures, which he was bound to give as ‘Necessary Regent,’
in his monastery. These courses seem however to have been sometimes
delivered in the University Schools in School Street[242].

The academic studies of the friars were confined to the faculty of
theology (in its wide mediaeval sense), and of canon law, the ‘handmaid’
of theology. The regulars were for the most part subject to the same
statutes as the secular students in these faculties, with some important
modifications.

The rules of the two Orders forbade their members to take a degree in
Arts[243]. The customs of the University, on the other hand, required
that the student of theology should have graduated in Arts[244]. The issue
was definitely raised in 1253[245], and we have from the pen of Adam Marsh
a detailed account of the struggle[246]. In February the Chancellor and
Masters of the University were formally petitioned to allow Friar Thomas
of York,

    ‘a man of high repute among the great and the many, on account of the
    eminence of his character, ability, learning, and experience, to
    ascend the chair of ordinary regent in Holy Scripture.’

The objection was then raised that he had not ruled in Arts. A committee
of seven was appointed by the Masters to prepare a report, and the
deliberations lasted, with a short interval, the whole of the next
fortnight (Feb. 22 to March 8). On Saturday, March 8, ‘the chancellor and
masters and some bachelors’ assembled to consider the report, which was to
the effect that Friar Thomas should incept this time, but that a statute
should be passed providing that for the future no one should incept in
theology unless he had previously ruled in Arts in some University, and
read one book of the Canon (of the Bible) or of the Sentences, and
publicly preached in the University; the Chancellor and Masters reserved
to themselves the right of granting dispensations, but provided against
the use of undue influence of powerful patrons in procuring such ‘graces’
by the clause:

    ‘but if any one shall attempt to extort a grace from the University
    through the influence of any magnate, he shall _ipso facto_ be
    expelled from the society of the Masters and deprived of the
    privileges of the University[247].’

The report was at once accepted as the basis of a statute, to be signed by

    ‘the Chancellor and all the regent masters in theology, and Friar Hugh
    of Mistretune, and the other regent masters in decrees and laws, and
    the two rectors (proctors) for the artists, and Friar Adam called de
    Marisco[248].’

Adam however refused to sign, and the meeting was prorogued till the next
day, the first Sunday in Lent, only to be postponed again till Monday,
when Adam, ‘in the presence of the chancellor, masters, and scholars,’
repeated his objections, adding others. He could not, he argued, agree to
a statute of which he disapproved, merely to gain his immediate point. The
promised ‘graces’ were fallacious,

    ‘since by the opposition of any one man such a grace could be long
    delayed or altogether prevented; thus even the best men would be
    rejected, and he who was approved by divinity would be reproved by
    inhumanity.’

Further, it was unreasonable to require his signature, seeing that he was
now almost a stranger (_quasi foras factus_), having for three years
retired from the office of lecturing in their University. At length he
formally washed his hands of the whole matter, withdrawing even his
opposition,

    ‘since the measure, dangerous as it was and distasteful to him, did
    not seem to him to be conceived in a spirit of wilful injustice,’
    (_non videtur secundum planum sui praeferre iniquitatem_).

He then left the assembly, while the seven commissioners withdrew to
decide on the terms of the statute, which was merely a recapitulation of
the original report. The Chancellor at once sent Adam the final decision,
‘written with his own hand,’ which the latter duly forwarded to the
Provincial Minister. He left Oxford on Wednesday, the very day on which
the statute was passed, while Thomas of York celebrated his ‘vesperies’ on
Thursday and his inception on Friday, under the presidency of Friar Peter
de Manners. In view of the bitterness which marked both the contemporary
struggle between the University and Mendicants at Paris, and the disputes
between the University and Dominicans at Oxford sixty years later, it is
impossible not to be struck with the good feeling and moderation displayed
both by Adam and his opponents.

The controversy at the beginning of the fourteenth century was to a large
extent the sequel to the events we have just related[249]. The Dominicans
in 1311 appealed first to the King, and when this proved of no avail, to
the Pope, complaining that graces were frequently refused to fit
candidates, and demanding the repeal of the statute of 1253. The appeal
was read in the church of the Minorites,

    ‘in the presence of a vast multitude of people there assembled on the
    occasion of a public sermon to the clerks,’

but the Franciscans took no active part in the matter, and the details of
the struggle belong to the history of the Black Friars. The other
Mendicant Orders however were no doubt involved in the odium which
attached to the conduct of the Dominicans, and from this time forth the
jealous feeling between the friars and the University never died out.

The issue of the controversy concerned the Franciscans no less than the
Preaching Friars. In 1314 the arbitrators to whom the matter had been
submitted published their award[250]. The statute of 1253 was upheld, but
the right of refusing to any one, who had not ruled in Arts, the grace to
incept in theology, was practically withdrawn from each individual member
of Congregation and vested in the Regent Masters of the Theological
Faculty.

    ‘On such a grace being asked, every Master shall be bound to swear on
    the gospels ... that he will not refuse such grace out of malice,
    hatred or rancour, but only for the common utility and honour of the
    university. And if notwithstanding this oath such grace be refused by
    any one, the reason of the refusal shall at once be set forth in the
    same Congregation of Masters in the presence of the Chancellor and
    proctors of the university and the Masters ruling in Theology, and
    within ten days or less it shall be discussed for the decision of the
    university whether that reason be sufficient or not. And if the reason
    of the aforesaid refusal be sufficient in the judgment of the Masters
    then ruling in Theology or of the majority of them, the refusal of the
    grace shall hold good; but if the reason of the refusal be
    insufficient in the judgment of the same persons, _eo ipso_ the grace
    shall be granted[251].’

The Dominicans however hoped with the Pope’s assistance[252] to get more
favourable terms, and it was not till 1320 that they finally submitted to
the University[253]. The wording of the award was certainly vague and
required explanation. What, for instance, was the meaning of the
expression, ‘the common utility and honour of the university’? It is
probably to this period that the following decree is to be referred, and
it may be regarded as a gloss on the award of 1314[254]:--

    ‘_Item_, quod nullus de cetero, nisi prius in artibus rexerit, in
    disputatione solemni alicujus doctoris in theologia, publice opponere
    permittatur, nisi prius coram Cancellario et Procuratoribus
    Universitatis juramentum praestiterit corporale, quod philosophiam per
    octo annos, solis philosophicis principaliter intendendo, et postea
    theologiam per sex annos completos ad minus audierit, seu partim
    audierit et partim legerit, per spatium temporis supradicti: ad
    fidelem vero hujus statuti conservationem, noverint doctores in
    theologia Regentes se fore specialiter obligatos.’

The award of 1314 remained the permanent law of the University, and for
the next century the friars confined themselves to insisting on the due
execution of its provisions. In 1388, Richard II, hearing that,

    ‘contrary to the decision of the aforesaid declaration you maliciously
    prevent the friars from taking degrees in theology,’

wrote two strongly worded letters to the Chancellor, Proctors, and Regent
Masters of the University, ordering them, ‘under pain of our heavy
displeasure,’ to observe the statute of 1314[255]. In 1421, in
consideration of remonstrances from the King and the Archbishop of
Canterbury, the University gave a solemn undertaking to carry out the same
statute, with some changes in detail[256]. So long however as the
condition, that the candidate must have ruled in Arts, was inserted in the
‘form of licensing to incept in theology[257],’ the religious felt
themselves to be at a disadvantage in comparison with the seculars, and
bitterly resented their inferiority. When therefore, in 1447, the
University was raising funds for the erection of the new schools, the
Mendicants seized the opportunity to secure the abolition of this clause,
promising in return that each friar should pay 40_s._ to the University at
the time of receiving the licence[258]. This may however have been only a
temporary arrangement: the Registers of Congregation supply little
evidence as to its having been carried out[259].

The object of these statutes was partly to prevent the regulars from
having an undue advantage over the seculars in the matter of theological
degrees, but they must have had the effect of ensuring to the friars some
preliminary training before the commencement of their theological
studies. Roger Bacon, as usual, has a decided opinion on the necessity of
such a training. Writing in 1271[260], he says:--

    ‘During the last forty years there have arisen some in the
    Universities (_in studio_) who have made themselves doctors and
    masters of theology and philosophy, though they have never learnt
    anything of real value (_dignum_) and are neither willing nor able to
    do so on account of their ‘_status_.’... They are boys inexperienced
    in themselves, in the world, in the learned languages, Greek and
    Hebrew; ... they are ignorant of all parts and sciences of mundane
    philosophy, when they venture on the study of theology, which demands
    all human wisdom.... They are the boys of the two student Orders, like
    Albert and Thomas and others, who enter the Orders when they are
    twenty years old or less.... Many thousands enter who cannot read the
    Psalter or Donatus, and immediately after making their profession,
    they are set to study theology.... And so it was right that they
    should make no progress, especially when they did not procure
    instruction for themselves in philosophy from others after they
    entered the Order. And most of all because they have presumed in the
    Orders to investigate philosophy by themselves without a teacher--so
    that they have become masters in theology and philosophy before they
    were disciples--therefore infinite error reigns among them.’

The Oxford friars however could not have acquired their great scholastic
reputation unless they had been better fitted than the seculars for the
study of theology; and Friar William Woodford had little difficulty in
pointing to many who, having entered the Order in their youth,

    ‘wrote many works of great wisdom, which remain for the advantage of
    the Church[261].’

The clause of the statute of 1253 which prohibited the extortion of graces
or dispensations by means of the letters of influential persons was not
altogether effective. When, in 1358, the bitter feeling against the friars
found a spokesman in Richard Fitzralph and again burst forth into open
hostility, the clause was re-enacted in a more stringent form[262]. Any
one using such letters was declared for ever incapable of holding or
obtaining any degree at Oxford, and the University determined to hold up
these ‘wax-doctors’ to obloquy.

    ‘These,’ begins a proclamation of the same year[263], ‘are the names
    of the wax-doctors, as they are called who seek to extort graces from
    the University by means of letters of lords sealed with wax, or
    because they run from hard study as wax runs from the face of fire. Be
    it known that such wax-doctors are always of the Mendicant Orders, the
    cause whereof we have found[264]; for by apples and drink, as the
    people fables, they draw boys to their religion, and do not instruct
    them after their profession, as their age demands, but let them wander
    about begging, and waste the time when they could learn, in currying
    favour with lords and ladies.... These are their names: Friar Richard
    Lymynster incepted in theology by means of the prince’s letters, and
    his grace contained the condition that he should incept and not
    lecture, but that Friar John Nutone his predecessor should continue
    lecturing[265]: and Friar Giuliortus de Limosano of the Order of
    Minors, who asserted that he was secretary of the King of Sicily,
    extorted from the University, or rather from the theological faculty,
    by letters of the King, grace to oppose.’

These instances hardly seem to justify the violent language of the
proclamation, and it is uncertain to what extent the Oxford Minorites were
guilty of the practice here denounced. Wiclif repeats the charge against
the Mendicants generally:--

    ‘A what cursedness is this, to a dead man, as to the world, and pride
    and vanitie thereof, to get him a cap of masterdom by praier of
    Lords[266]!’

It remains for us to give an account of the academic, or rather scholastic
career of a Friar Minor at Oxford. As many of the friars entered the Order
in tender years, there is no doubt that boys’ schools formed part of many
of the friaries[267]. There is no evidence of such a school at Oxford, but
at Paris one existed where the student friars received a preliminary
education[268]. It is probable that the names of friars who showed ability
were sent up by the various convents to the Provincial Chapter and that a
certain number were elected by the ‘discreet men’ there assembled to go to
the University[269]. There is no evidence of any definite rule fixing the
number or proportion of friars who might be sent from each convent,
custody, or province, to Oxford[270]. The average number of friars living
in the convent at Oxford at any time during the last quarter of the
thirteenth and the first half of the fourteenth century was probably
between seventy and eighty[271].

A friar usually completed his eight years’ study of Arts, and often began
his course of theology[272], at his native convent. On coming up to Oxford
he at once entered on or continued his theological studies. A secular
student of Divinity during his first three years attended ‘cursory’
lectures on the Bible and was admitted to oppose after the end of the
fourth year[273]. In the friaries the course of study would in the main
correspond with that adopted by the University. After six years[274]
(instead of four) spent chiefly in the study of the Bible, a friar was
presented by his teacher, a Regent Master of the same Order[275], to the
Chancellor and Proctors; special enquiry was then made as to his knowledge
of the liberal arts, his age, morals, and stature; and if he satisfied the
University officers on these points, he was admitted to ‘oppose in
theology[276].’ Two more years elapsed before he could become a
‘respondent[277].’ Opposition or opponency and responsion were the two
sides of a disputation: some question in theology was proposed, probably
by the Master of the Schools; the opponent took one side (affirmative or
negative) and _put_ his case; the respondent then had to take the other
side. The difficulty of the respondent’s task was probably augmented by
his having to answer the arguments of more than one opponent[278]. These
regulations however were apparently superseded in 1358, when it was
enacted that no religious who had not ruled in Arts should presume to read
the Sentences until he had opposed duly and publicly a whole year in the
ordinary disputations of the Masters, no other person of the same Order
opposing at the same time[279]. This appears to have been the theory, and
to some extent the practice, during the times about which we have any
detailed information--i.e. the period covered by the early Registers. In
none of the supplications and graces of the Minorites is there mention of
the lapse of two years or anything approaching it between opponency and
responsion; the latter exercise indeed is usually coupled with opponency,
and treated as a very secondary affair[280]. A few instances will be
sufficient as illustrations. In 1515 a grace was granted to Friar W.
German, scholar of theology, with the stipulation that half a year should
elapse between his opposition and responsion; the condition was
subsequently withdrawn at German’s request[281]. In 1457, Friar Gonsalvo
of Portugal supplicated that he might count two terms of opponency as a
year[282]; Richard Ednam in 1455 was allowed to count eight oppositions
_pro completa forma oppositionis_[283]. Friar John Smith was admitted B.D.
six months after he was admitted to oppose[284]. The opponent had to
dispute in each of the Schools of the Masters in theology[285]; towards
the end of our period, oppositions were held in the new Schools of
theology[286].

After nine years spent in theological study, the friar might be admitted
to read the _Sentences_ of Peter Lombard publicly in the Schools[287],
that is, to take the degree of B.D. On the presentation of the candidate
to the Chancellor and Proctors, one at least of the Regents in theology
must swear that he _knew_ him to be a fit person in morals and learning,
the other Regents, that they _believed_ him to be such[288]. Within a year
from this time[289], the new Bachelor had to begin his lectures on the
_Sentences_, which he continued for a year (three terms), reading the text
on most of the ‘legible’ days of each term, with questions or arguments
pertinent to the matter, giving the accepted interpretation. He was not to
raise doubtful points or attack the conclusions of another, more than once
a term, except at the first and last lectures on each book of the
_Sentences_[290]. In the first year also, he had to preach an examinatory
sermon, which before 1303 was usually held at the Black or Grey Friars,
after that date at St. Mary’s[291]; another Latin sermon, ‘_qui non sit
examinatorius_’ at St. Mary’s[292]; and a third, before his inception, in
the Dominican church, according to the statute of 1314[293]. In the next
two years he had to continue his studies, and perhaps lecture on a book of
the canon of the Bible[294]: the lecturing in this case was apparently to
be done _biblice_; i.e. without commenting or discussing questions, except
only on the text (_quaestiones ... literales_)[295]. Further, after the
lapse of a year from the conclusion of his lectures on the Sentences, he
had to respond to eight Regents in theology separately (or to all if there
were less than eight); all or most of these responsions were to be
‘ordinary,’ or at least ‘concursive’ (_concursivae_), and responsions at
vesperies and inceptions were included in the eight[296]. Whether the rest
of these responsions took place at the terminal disputations in the
Theology School is not quite clear; but a later statute (1583) provides
that none of these terminal disputations shall count to any one ‘_pro
forma_[297].’ The responsions were latterly held in the new schools:
before these were built, in the schools of the various Masters. The
Bachelor had then completed the studies necessary for the degree of S.T.P.
or D.D.

These exercises seem usually to have been insisted on, more or less fully,
even in the century before the Reformation. Friar John Sunday in 1454,
having finished his lectures on the Sentences, supplicated for leave to
incept after responding to each of the doctors and completing his course
on the Bible: the grace was conceded on condition that he should respond
and oppose eight times ‘_pro forma_,’ and respond twice ‘_preter
formam_[298].’ Friar Thomas Anyden, S.T.B., supplicated (1507) that three
responsions in the new schools with an examinatory sermon and
‘_introitus_’ of the Bible should suffice that he should be admitted to
incept[299]. It was rarely that three years intervened before the
admission to read the Sentences and inception[300]. Thus Friar Gilbert
Saunders was admitted to oppose in Nov. 1511, and incepted in July
1513[301]. Friar John Smyth was admitted B.D. in Dec. 1512, and D.D. in
July 1513[302]. Another of the same name however was allowed to incept in
1507 if he had spent four years in the study of theology after taking the
bachelor’s degree[303].

We now come to the exercises and ceremonies connected with inception.
First the grace had to be asked of Congregation; there was no fixed time
for doing this[304]. Secondly came the ‘deponing,’ which was done by all
the regent masters in the faculty present; all of them had to swear that
they _knew_ the candidate to be a fit person; he must be of good life and
honest conversation and not deformed in body (_corpore vitiati_)[305]. He
then received in the ordinary form the Chancellor’s licence to incept,
after swearing to observe the statutes of the University and to incept
within a year of his admission[306].

On the day preceding the day fixed for his ‘vesperies,’ the licentiate
sent to each Master of Theology and requested him to attend the latter
ceremony[307]. Theological vesperies were in the thirteenth century held
in the various schools; a Franciscan celebrated his vesperies in the
school or church of the convent under the presidency of his own
master[308]. At the beginning of the fourteenth century, a statute was
passed enacting that every inceptor in theology should celebrate his
vesperies in St. Mary’s Church[309]. It does not seem that the masters in
the faculty were bound to attend[310], but the prospect of an important or
exciting discussion often attracted a large audience[311]. The exercises
at vesperies consisted of disputations on theological questions proposed
probably by the candidate[312], and announced to Congregation. All the
masters present both at vesperies and at the Act had the right to bring
forward their arguments in turn[313]. Thus Friar Hugh of Hertepol (c.
1280-1290) disputed ‘in the vesperies before the inception of Friar John
de Persole at Oxford[314].’ About the same time ‘Sneyt (debated) a
question in the vesperies of Robert de Bromyard; Thomas of Malmesbury,
preacher, responded[315].’ The proceedings were terminated by a speech
delivered by the presiding master in praise of the inceptor[316]. Grostete
is said to have presided and given the oration at the vesperies of Adam
Marsh[317].

Inception followed the next day. Even this ceremony in the thirteenth
century took place sometimes in the churches of the friars[318]; but at
the beginning of the fourteenth century, it was certainly the custom to
hold the Act in St. Mary’s[319]. The inceptor was admitted into the gild
of Masters by one of the Masters (not the Chancellor), who was called the
Father[320]. In the case of a Franciscan, the Father would usually, though
not always, be a doctor of the same Order[321]. Those about to incept
first read their lectures, then opened a discussion on certain
questions[322]. In later times the exercises consisted of the discussion
by all the inceptors, as opponents, of three questions proposed by the
respondent and sanctioned by Congregation; the respondent, while
statutably a D.D., was usually some M.A. or B.D. who was allowed to count
this responsion _pro forma_[323]. In the more vigorous days of
scholasticism, it is probable that the disputation was more of a
reality--that the inceptor (who took the part of opponent) chose his own
subjects[324] and was answered by a rival among the doctors[325].

Many of the questions discussed at vesperies, inceptions, and other
disputations at Oxford at the end of the thirteenth century--probably in
the convent of the Minorites--are preserved in a manuscript at
Assisi[326]. The question on which Friar Hugh of Hertepol disputed at the
vesperies of Friar John de Persole was: _An Christus in primo instanti
potuit mereri perfectione_. Other questions of the same Friar Hugh were:
_An deus eadem ratione formali videatur trinus et unus_, _An incarnacio
sit possibilis_. The following are also among the questions in the same
volume: _Utrum deus sit infinite potencie_, _Utrum virgo concepit sine
semine_, _An intellectus sit forma corporis_, _An deus sit in omnibus
rebus_, _An omnes beati equaliter participant beatitudine_, _An ratio
ymaginis est in actuali visione dei_.

We may next enquire how far the statutable requirements as to the period
of study were carried out: the only evidence obtainable is from the
registers, which begin about 1450. The statutes, as we have seen, required
that a religious should have studied Arts (i.e. philosophy) and Theology
for fourteen years before opponency. The periods mentioned in the
supplications vary from sixteen to eight years, the most usual number of
years being twelve. Before inception, six more years of study were
demanded, i.e. twenty in all. The period in the supplications varies from
fourteen to twenty years; the usual number is eighteen. There is however
reason to believe that these figures are not very exact. We have no means
of checking them with regard to opponency, and the University was probably
in the same position. But it frequently happened, that a friar, who had
been admitted to oppose on the ground of having studied ‘logic, philosophy
and theology’ for twelve years, supplicated two years later or less for
grace to incept on the plea that he had studied the same subjects for
eighteen years[327].

The expenses at inception were very heavy. The _religiosi_ wore their
usual habit[328], and Mendicants were exempted from the payment of
‘commons’ to the University[329]. Further, when several inmates of the
same convent incepted on the same day, the charges (fees to the bedells
and others?) were the same as for one inceptor[330]. But these details did
not touch the largest expenses. According to ancient custom, every
inceptor on the day of his inception feasted the Regent Masters
(apparently of all faculties)[331], and Wiclif inveighs against the
Mendicant Doctors for their

    ‘great gifts and making of huge feasts of a hundred and many hundred
    pounds[332].’

Friar William Woodford, Wiclif’s contemporary, started from London to take
his D.D. with £40 in his purse[333].

Attempts were made to curtail the expenses of the friars. In his
constitutions for the reformation of the Franciscan Order in 1336, Pope
Benedict XII decreed[334], that

    ‘at inceptions[335] of Masters of the Order in theology, or of
    bachelors beginning the Sentences, they shall not spend in food and
    drink, except once only, more than would suffice for the moderate
    refection of the convent of the place where such inceptions take
    place. Other bachelors, lecturers or other students, both at Paris and
    at other _studia generalia_ and _studia particularia_, shall not spend
    anything at their own inception or scholastic act or at the inception
    or act of others.’

It became usual, both among religious and seculars, to commute the
expenses of the feast for a fixed money payment to the University.
According to the scale fixed by statute in 1478[336], seculars who were
able to spend at the University more than £40 and less than £100 (a year),
paid twenty marks in lieu of the feast; those able to spend £100 or more,
paid £20. A monk’s composition was assessed at twenty marks; a friar’s at
ten marks or £6 13_s._ 4_d._ (equivalent to about £80 of present money).
The sums actually paid by the Franciscans varied considerably. Sometimes
the statutable amount was paid[337]. Friar John Whytwell (1449/50) paid
£10[338]. Friar Richard Ednam (1463) was required to give £15, as well as
a _liberata_ to the Regents _ex sumptu proprio_[339]. More often
(especially in the sixteenth century) a reduction of the sum was granted
by the University, the concession being usually accompanied by the
condition that the friar should say masses _pro bono statu
Regentium_[340]. Friar Thomas Anneday was allowed to pay seven marks,
‘because he is poor and has few friends[341].’ Others obtained a reduction
of their composition by one half[342]; or the whole sum might be remitted
under certain conditions, as in the case of Friar Nicholas de Burgo[343].
Sometimes Congregation refused to allow the full reduction asked for[344].

It was further customary for inceptors to provide robes for masters and
others attending their inception. Perhaps a trace of this custom may be
seen in the grace to Friar Gonsalvo of Portugal, who at his inception was
to

    ‘give a livery, i.e. _cultellos_, according to the ancient practice,
    to all the Regents[345].’

During the period of necessary regency, which followed inception, a
secular had the right to attend all meetings of Congregation, and was
bound to deliver ‘ordinary’ lectures publicly in the schools for the
remainder of the year in which he incepted and the whole of the following
year[346]. A statute of 1478 states the custom as enforced in the case of
the Mendicants[347]:--

    ‘Every one of them so incepting shall be bound to necessary regency
    for twenty-four months to be reckoned continuously from the day of his
    inception, including vacations, or he shall be regent and pay to the
    University according to the ancient customs; and although it happen
    that some other of the same Order incept within the term of the said
    months, he shall yet be bound to observe the foresaid form of regency,
    so that however only one of them come to the house of Congregation,
    according to the custom hitherto in use; proviso, that none of them
    shall omit to lecture (_expendet_) more than thirty days in a year by
    virtue of any grace whether general or special.’

Perhaps the exclusion of the friars, except one of each Order, from the
house of Congregation and consequently from the government of the
University, dates from the middle of the fourteenth century[348]. In 1454
Friar John David, S.T.P., supplicated for leave

    ‘to resume his ordinary lectures and exercise the acts of regent
    excepting the entry to the house of Congregation[349].’

Dispensations from necessary regency were often obtained. In 1452 Friar
Anthony de Vallibus, D.D., asked leave to absent himself from all
scholastic acts for a fortnight in order to visit his friends who were
sick[350]. Friar William Walle was dispensed from fifteen days of his
regency in 1518[351]; Friar John Brown from his regency during Lent in
1514[352]. Gilbert Sander and Walter Goodfeld were released from the whole
of their necessary regency[353]. John Smyth obtained a similar grace as
being ‘warden of a convent and consequently very busy[354].’ Dispensations
from the sermon which was to be preached in St. Mary’s within a year of
inception were also very frequent[355].

These and other graces were usually granted subject to certain
conditions. The recipient was often to say masses ‘for the pestilence’ or
‘for the welfare of the Regents’[356]: or he had to lecture gratuitously
on some specified book[357] or preach a sermon[358]; or again the payment
of a sum of money was imposed as a condition[359]. Thus in 1515 Friar John
Flavyngur was allowed to give extraordinary lectures on a book of the
Decretals,

    ‘on condition that he would pay 6_s._ 8_d._ to the University on the
    day of his admission and would read two books of the Decretals[360].’

Friar Thomas Frances received permission in 1521 to incept

    ‘on condition that he would pay 40_d._ within a month for the repair
    of the staff of the junior bedell of arts and would preach a sermon at
    St. Paul’s within two years and an examinatory sermon before his
    degree[361].’

Franciscan students were maintained at the Universities by a system of
exhibitions. These were provided sometimes by private benefactors[362],
usually by the native convent of the student out of the ‘common alms,’
with the occasional assistance of other convents[363]. From the few traces
which remain of the custom we may infer that the exhibition was generally
reckoned at £5 a year, and that this sum covered the ordinary expenses of
living[364]. Masters, lecturers and bachelors, as already stated, were
supported by the convent in which they lectured[365]: but their allowance
was probably not much larger than that of the ordinary student friars.
Nicholas Hereford, preaching at Oxford in 1382[366], asserted that those
of the Mendicants who had graduated as masters or bachelors, in addition
to the ample allowance which they got from their community, begged for
themselves, saying, ‘I am a bachelor (or master) and require more than
others, because I ought to be able to live up to my position.’ (_Quia
oportet me habere ad expendendum secundum statum meum._)

It is impossible to say what proportion of the Franciscans at Oxford
proceeded to a degree. In 1300 we have the names of twenty-two members of
the convent: of these, ten at least were then, or became afterwards,
Doctors of Divinity[367]. But the proportion of graduates to non-graduates
and B.D.’s in the whole convent cannot have been nearly so large. The
following statistics are derived from the University Registers[368]. From
1449 to 1463, five Franciscans obtained or supplicated for the doctor’s
degree; five others for that of bachelor only. From 1505 to 1538 (i.e.
about thirty-three years, as some pages of the Registers are missing),
twenty-five Franciscans incepted or supplicated for the degree of D.D.;
twenty-six others obtained or supplicated for that of B.D. (one of them
also for B.Can.L.): three more were admitted to oppose: one more
supplicated for B.Can.L. The proportion of D.D.’s to B.D.’s would
generally be larger than this: from 1532 to the dissolution in 1538
fourteen obtained, or supplicated for, the degree of bachelor, two only
became D.D.’s: we may reasonably suppose that some of the fifteen
bachelors would have proceeded to the doctor’s degree had not the
dissolution intervened.

The following figures will show the relative numbers of the various
religious houses in Oxford[369]. The Registers from 1449 to 1463 contain
the names of 10 Franciscans, 13 Dominicans, 12 Carmelites, 9 Austin
Friars, 44 Benedictines, and 8 Cistercians: from 1505 to 1538, of 57
Franciscans, 40[370] Dominicans, 24 Carmelites, 23 Austins, 169
Benedictines, and 44 Cistercians.




CHAPTER IV.

BOOKS AND LIBRARIES.

    Absence of privacy.--Books of individual friars.--The two libraries,
    and their contents.--Grostete’s bequest.--Extant manuscripts once in
    the Franciscan Convent.--Alleged illegal detention of books by the
    friars in 1330.--Richard Fitzralph’s statements.--Richard of Bury on
    friars’ libraries.--Dispersion of the books.--Leland’s description of
    the library in his time.


It is difficult to realise the external conditions under which the friars
produced their works. At the end of the thirteenth and in the early part
of the fourteenth century--the period of their greatest literary
activity--privacy must have been almost unknown. Only ministers and
lectors at the Universities were allowed to have a separate chamber or
compartment shut off from the dormitory[371]. But there can be little
doubt that, from Wiclif’s time onwards[372], each Doctor of Divinity had
his chamber; and every student had some place allotted to him, in which
stood a _studium_, or combined desk and book-case[373]. Every student
friar had books set apart for his especial use[374]; these books were
obtained by gift or bequest[375], by purchase[376] or by assignation by
the Provincial[377] or Warden[378], or they had been copied out by the
friar himself[379]. Alexander IV expressly declared that they were not the
private property of the individual friars[380]; on the death of the friar
who had had the use of them, they reverted to the convent, or were
distributed to others ‘by the Warden with the consent of the convent and
licence of the minister[381].’

There is no reason to suppose that the friars had a chamber specially set
apart as a _scriptorium_; they were comparatively free from the legal
routine or ‘office-work’ which the administration of their vast estates
imposed on the monks and their clerks. But the transcription of
manuscripts was part of the regular work of the Oxford Franciscans; and it
is indeed the only kind of manual labour expressly mentioned in connexion
with the convent. Roger Bacon’s statement[382] that he could only get a
fair copy of his works made for the Pope by writers unconnected with his
Order, means merely that there were no professional scribes among the
Minorites of Paris. The vellum which Adam Marsh asked the Custodian of
Cambridge to send at his earliest convenience[383], may have been intended
for original compositions of the friars, but it was probably to be used
for a careful fair copy of some work--perhaps a Missal or a book of the
Bible. Several manuscripts, containing the works of Nicholas Gorham, are
still extant, which Friar William of Nottingham copied at Oxford with
‘tedious solicitude’ and ‘laborious diligence,’ at the expense of his
brother, Sir Hugh of Nottingham[384].

It was naturally in the libraries that most of the literary treasures were
stored. In the fifteenth century there were two libraries in the
Franciscan convent at Oxford, the library of the convent and the library
of the student friars[385]. There is no evidence that either was founded
by Grostete[386]. The convent probably received its first considerable
collection of books from Adam Marsh, to whom his uncle, Richard Marsh,
Bishop of Durham, bequeathed his library in 1226[387]. The next book we
hear of at the Grey Friars is the volume of Decretals purchased by
Agnellus[388]--doubtless the _Decretum_ of Gratian with the additions
codified by Raymund of Pennaforte and approved by Gregory IX in 1230. In
1253, Grostete,

    ‘because of his love for Friar Adam Marsh, left in his will all his
    books to the convent of Friars Minors at Oxford[389].’

From a rather obscure passage in one of Adam’s letters[390], this would
appear to mean all Grostete’s writings ‘both original and translated,’ not
all the books which he possessed: on the other hand, a copy of St.
Augustine’s _De Civitate Dei_ is extant which the friars received from
Grostete[391]. These works of _Lincolniensis_ were in the library in the
middle of the fifteenth century, when Dr. Thomas Gascoigne was allowed to
consult them[392]. He mentions particularly having seen a complete copy
of Grostete’s letters[393], his autograph gloss or exposition on the
Epistles of St. Paul[394], two copies (one of them autograph) of his
commentary on the Psalter[395], a treatise against luxury[396], and
another _super textum_[397], both written by his own hand. Boston of Bury
notices his translation of the _Testamenta XII Patriarcharum_ in the same
place. Friar Thomas Netter of Walden refers to a book _De Studio_ by
Grostete, with autograph notes by the author, which he had seen in the
Minorite convent[398]; and Wadding mentions two more treatises, or rather
sermons, which Grostete gave to the friars--one _De Laude Paupertatis_,
the other _De Scala Paupertatis_[399]. Probably all these were in the
library of the convent[400]. Another relic of Grostete preserved there was
his ‘episcopal sandals made of rushes[401].’

The statement that all Roger Bacon’s works were in these libraries rests
on the authority of John Twyne[402], but it is not probable that his
writings were ever collected in one place. No doubt the works of the
scholastic philosophers, and chiefly of the Franciscan schoolmen[403],
formed the bulk of the library; which also contained a bibliographical
compilation of considerable value, namely the _Catalogus illustrium
Franciscanorum_, of which Leland often makes use[404]. St. Jerome’s
‘Catalogue of Illustrious Men,’ was there bound up with ‘many other good
books[405],’ his commentaries on Isaiah and Ezechiel[406], a book called
_Speculum Laicorum_[407], and a few Hebrew and even Greek
manuscripts[408].

Few only of the MSS. seem to have been preserved; very few at any rate can
be identified[409]. Caius College possesses two of them, a copy of the
Gospels in Greek and a Psalter in Greek[410]. The volume (already referred
to) containing St. Augustine’s _De Civitate Dei_, with Grostete’s
annotations, is now in the Bodleian[411]. A thirteenth-century MS. of some
of Grostete’s lesser works, with St. Augustine’s _De Concordia quatuor
Evangeliorum_, given to Lincoln College by Gascoigne, was perhaps obtained
by him from the Franciscan library[412]. The copy of Jerome’s ‘Catalogue
of Illustrious Men,’ which Gascoigne saw in this library, appears to be
extant among the MSS. in Lambeth Palace[413]. It may be reasonably
conjectured that the single copy of Adam Marsh’s letters[414], and some or
all of the treatises bound up in Phillipps MS. 3119[415], were also kept,
or at any rate written, in the Oxford convent. The following interesting
notes occur in a Digby manuscript in the Bodleian[416]:--

    ‘For the information of those wishing to know the principles of the
    musical art, this book, which is called _Quatuor principalia Musice_,
    was given by Friar John of Tewkesbury to the Community of the Friars
    Minors at Oxford, with the authority and assent of Friar Thomas of
    Kyngusbury, Master, Minister of England, namely A. D. 1388. So that it
    may not be alienated by the aforesaid community of friars, under pain
    of sacrilege.’... (At the end), ‘This work was first finished on the
    4th of August, 1351. In that year the Regent among the Minors at
    Oxford was Friar Symon of Tunstede, D.S.T., who excelled in music and
    in the seven liberal arts. Here ends the treatise called _Quatuor
    principalia_, which was put forth by a Friar Minor of the custody of
    Bristol, who did not insert his name here because some thought scorn
    of him’ (_propter aliquorum dedignacionem_).

Sometimes, if we may believe their accusers, the Friars obtained books by
less creditable means than gift, bequest, or purchase. In 1330[417] the
Sheriff of Oxfordshire received a writ from the King instructing him

    ‘to command the Warden of the Friars Minors at Oxford and friar Walter
    de Chatton to give back to John de Penreth, clerk, justly and without
    delay, two books of the value of forty shillings, which they are
    unjustly keeping, as he says’;

failing this the said friars shall be summoned to appear before the King’s
justices at Westminster. The Sheriff forwarded this writ to the Mayor, but
the latter declared that the friars were not subject to his jurisdiction,
‘and therefore nothing was done in the matter[418].’

The friars had on all sides the reputation of being great collectors of
books. Richard Fitzralph, the famous Archbishop of Armagh, was fond of
exaggeration[419], and no one will accept without considerable
modifications his statement, made before the Pope in 1257[420], that the
friars have grown so numerous and wealthy,

    ‘that in the faculties of Arts, Theology, Canon Law, and as many
    assert, Medicine and Civil Law, scarcely a useful book is to be found
    in the market, but all are bought up by the friars, so that in every
    convent is a great and noble library, and every one of them who has a
    recognised position in the Universities (and such are now innumerable)
    has also a noble library.’

Some rectors of churches, whom the Archbishop had sent to the
Universities, had even been obliged to return home owing to the
impossibility of getting Bibles and other theological books. Perhaps these
rectors were not filled with a passionate desire to learn. In 1373 the
University passed a statute against the excessive number of unauthorized
booksellers in Oxford[421].

Richard of Bury mentions the great help he received from Dominicans and
Franciscans in collecting his books[422], and bears testimony to the
magnificence of the libraries of the Mendicants which he visited:

    ‘there we found heaped up amid the utmost poverty the utmost riches of
    wisdom[423].’

But Richard of Bury notices a tendency among the ‘religious’ to
subordinate the love of books to

    ‘the threefold superfluous care of the belly, clothes, and
    houses[424],’

and the tendency became much stronger after his time. The almost[425]
total absence of books in the bequests to the Oxford Franciscans in the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries is the more striking because of the
frequency of such bequests to colleges. It is said that the Minorites sold
many of their books to Dr. Thomas Gascoigne[426]. Certain it is that in
the latter days they parted with them, just as ‘forcyd by necessitie,’
they parted with their jewels and plate[427]. The exclusion of the
Mendicant Friars from the use of the University Library by the statutes of
1412[428], cannot have been any real hardship to the Franciscans so long
as their own library was intact. In the sixteenth century however this was
no longer the case, and we accordingly find some instances of Franciscans
supplicating for admission to the library of the University[429]. The
earliest instance is in 1507; but, as the registers from 1463 to 1505 are
lost, it would of course be ridiculous to attempt to draw from this fact
any inference as to the date of the dispersion of the books of the
Minorites. Leland visited the Friary shortly before the Dissolution, and
we have from his pen the last description of the once famous
library[430]:--

    ‘At the Franciscans’ house there are cobwebs in the library, and moths
    and bookworms; more than this--whatever others may boast--nothing, if
    you have regard to learned books. For I, in spite of the opposition of
    all the friars, carefully examined all the bookcases of the library.’




CHAPTER V.

PLACE OF OXFORD IN THE FRANCISCAN ORGANIZATION.

    Learned friars as practical workers among the people.--Their
    sermons.--Educational organization throughout the country.--Relations
    of the Oxford School to the Franciscan Schools of Europe.--English
    Franciscans teach at foreign Universities.--Oxford as the head of a
    _custodia_.--Provincial chapters held at Oxford.


If the Franciscans became leaders of scholastic thought, they were first
and foremost practical workers. ‘Unfitted as the works of Roger Bacon or
of Raymond Lully might seem to the practical divine, it was for him, not
for the philosophic disputant, whether as a missionary among the Saracens
or a combatant of error and heresy at home, that these works were
written[431].’ In the case of Roger Bacon this is abundantly evident.

    ‘Before all,’ he writes[432], ‘the utility of everything must be
    considered; for this utility is the end for which the thing exists....
    The utility of philosophy is in its bearing on theology and the church
    and state and the conversion of infidels and the reprobation of those
    who cannot be converted[433].... The end of all sciences, and their
    mistress and queen,’ is moral philosophy, ‘for this alone teaches the
    good of the soul[434].’

It is difficult to resist the temptation of quoting more passages of this
kind[435] (illustrating as they do the Franciscan view of life),
especially as, in the dearth of records, actual instances are hard to
find: one proof however may be brought that it was not all theory. Among
the twenty-two Oxford Minorites, for whom in the year 1300 the Provincial,
Hugh of Hertepol, claimed the episcopal licence to hear the confessions
of the crowds who thronged to the church of St. Francis, eight were then
or afterwards doctors of divinity and theological lecturers to the Friars
at Oxford, and among the others were two names of yet greater fame, Robert
Cowton and John Duns Scotus[436]. It must however be added that, of the
eight friars who were actually licensed by the bishop to hear confessions,
none appears as having subsequently lectured or taken a degree[437].

Here however we may see how the Franciscans brought their philosophy to
the test of experience in the details of everyday life; and they possessed
to a remarkable degree, in spite of--perhaps because of--their learning,
the power of appealing to the hearts of the people.

    ‘It is the first step in wisdom,’ said Roger Bacon, ‘to have regard to
    the persons to whom one speaks[438],’

and his brethren followed this principle in their preaching. ‘Their
sermons,’ says Brewer, ‘are full of pithy stories and racy anecdotes; now
introducing some popular tradition or legend, now enforcing a moral by
some fable or allegory[439].’ It has often occasioned surprise that the
generation which saw the rise of poetry in England, saw also the rise of
English prose--that, in a word, Wiclif was the contemporary of Chaucer.
When we remember that, for a century and a half, men versed in all the
learning of their time had been constantly preaching to the people in the
vulgar tongue in every part of the country, we shall see less cause to
wonder at the vigorous language, the clear and direct expression, of ‘the
father of English prose.’

For the learning of the friars was not confined to the Universities[440].
To the Franciscans Oxford was more than a place for study; it was the
centre of a great educational organization which extended throughout the
land.

    ‘The gift of wisdom,’ to quote Eccleston’s words, ‘so overflowed in
    the English province, that before the deposition of Friar William of
    Nottingham, there were thirty lecturers in England who solemnly
    disputed, and three or four who lectured without disputation. For he
    had assigned in the Universities students for each convent, to succeed
    to the lecturers on their death or removal[441].’

However, in practice this rule was not very strictly adhered to. Sometimes
a friar would pursue his studies with a view to becoming reader to a
particular convent[442]; but usually, when an ‘extra-university’
lectureship was founded or fell vacant, the convent applied to the
Provincial Minister for any lecturer they chose[443]. Thus about the year
1250, the brethren at Norwich requested that Friar Eustace of Normanville
should be appointed as their lecturer[444]. Eustace, after consulting Adam
Marsh, declined the office with the Minister’s permission, alleging in
excuse his weak health and his want of the necessary training and
experience; and Adam informed Robert de Thornham, custodian of the
Cambridge ‘Custody,’ in which Norwich was situated, of the decision[445].
The appointments, like those of the Oxford lecturers, were in the hands of
the Provincial Chapter, and the various convents obtained letters of
recommendation from powerful patrons in support of their candidate[446].
The lecturer was appointed for one year, and could be re-elected by the
Provincial Chapter at the request of the convent[447]. Nor was it only to
brethren of their own Order that the friars were sent. For many years a
Franciscan was theological lecturer to the monks of Christchurch,
Canterbury, till at length in 1314 one of his pupils was able to take his
place. His teaching, wrote the monks, in grateful recollection of their
‘lector,’

    ‘in urbe redolet Cantuarie, ac plures nostre congregacionis fratres
    ipsius sedulos auditores ita sacre scripture aspersione intima
    fecundavit, quod ipsos ad lectoris officium in scolis nostris
    subeundum ydoneos reputamus; nos unum de fratribus et commonachis
    nostris predictis loco dicti fratris Roberti ad hujusmodi ministerium
    exequendum duximus subrogare[448].’

Thus the friars disseminated over the country, from the universities
outwards, the ‘New Learning’ of the thirteenth century.

But the fame of the Franciscan school at Oxford was not only English, but
European[449]. Friars were sent thither to study not only from
Scotland[450] and Ireland[451], but from France and Aquitaine[452],
Italy[453], Spain[454], Portugal[455], and Germany[456]; while many of the
Franciscan schools on the Continent, both in universities and
elsewhere[457], drew their teachers from England, and, in England, mainly
from Oxford. Eccleston mentions a friar who studied with him at Oxford,
where his lectures, after some failures, won the admiration of Grostete;
afterwards, as his fame increased, he was called by the Minister-General
to Lombardy, and enjoyed a great reputation even at the Papal court[458].
Grostete, on his return from the Council of Lyons, was anxious to get Adam
Marsh out of the neighbourhood of Paris as soon as possible.

    ‘It is not safe,’ he writes to the Provincial Minister, ‘to let Adam
    stay there; for many greatly desire to keep him at Paris, especially
    now that Alexander of Hales and John de Rupellis are dead; and so both
    you and I shall be deprived of our greatest comfort[459].’

At another time[460] the General writes to the Provincial Minister of
England, requesting him to send English friars to Paris to teach; it was
probably on this occasion that Richard of Cornwall[461] left Oxford to win
the applause of his hearers at Paris. Peckham received his early education
in the schools of his Order at Oxford, and lectured at Paris and at the
Court of Rome[462]. Among those whom the Oxford Convent sent to teach in
the universities of the Continent, were John Wallensis, William of
Gainsborough, Roger Bacon, Duns Scotus, and William of Ockham[463]. All
these names belong to the thirteenth or early fourteenth century; from
that time onwards international jealousies and wars rendered the connexion
of the English universities with Paris far less close, and contemporaneous
with this breach was the beginning of the intellectual decline of the
Order of St. Francis.

Oxford was the head of a ‘custody,’ which contained, according to the list
given by Bartholomew of Pisa[464], seven other convents, namely, Reading,
Bedford, Stamford (Linc.), Nottingham, Northampton, Leicester, and
Grantham. What exactly the organization of a ‘_custodia_’ was, it is
impossible to determine; it was probably always rather indefinite, and
Bartholomew of Pisa points out that in early records the word is used very
loosely[465]. Perhaps it was originally intended to hold chapters of
custodies[466], as well as of provinces and convents. The Custodian had in
early years the right of making and enforcing byelaws in his custody; thus

    ‘in the custody of Oxford at the head of which Friar Peter was for
    twelve years, the brethren did not use pillows up to the time of Friar
    Albert the minister[467].’

Each custody had its special characteristic, Oxford being chiefly
remarkable for study[468]. Two Custodians of Oxford, Peter of Tewkesbury
and John of Stamford, became Provincial Ministers[469]. At first the
Wardens of the convents were appointed by the Custodian[470], but in 1240
the right of election was transferred to the convents themselves, and many
friars at the same time demanded the total abolition of the Custodian’s
office, on the ground that it was superfluous[471]. It continued however,
to exist down to the Dissolution and seems to have implied a general right
of supervision; the Custodian was a kind of permanent _visitator_[472].

Several Provincial Chapters were held at Oxford. It was probably a
Conventual, not a Provincial Chapter, before which Grostete, then ‘reading
the act at the Friars Minors,’ preached his sermon in praise of poverty
and mendicancy[473]. Here Albert of Pisa held his first chapter as
Provincial Minister of England, and announced the stern principles which
were to guide his government[474]. Soon after this Elias instituted a
severe visitation throughout the Order, and sent Friar Wygmund or Wygred,
a German, as visitor to England in 1237 or 1238[475]. He held chapters at
London, Southampton, Gloucester, and Oxford[476]. At the latter place the
Warden, Friar Eustace de Merc, was bitterly attacked and excluded a day
and a half from the chapter, though his innocence seems to have been
eventually established[477]. The inquisitorial methods adopted by the
visitor raised a storm of opposition throughout the province, which found
expression, on the completion of the visitation, in a Provincial Chapter
held at Oxford in the summer or autumn of 1238[478]. Here a solemn appeal
to Rome was formulated, and exemption claimed from all visitations, except
those authorized by the General Chapter[479]. The result of this and
similar appeals from the Order was the final deposition of Elias by the
Pope on the 15th of May, 1239[480].

In the spring or early summer of 1248 the Minister-General, John of Parma,
held a Provincial Chapter at Oxford,

    ‘in which he confirmed the provincial constitutions concerning poverty
    in living and buildings (_de parsimonia et paupertate aedificiorum_).
    And when he gave the friars the option of confirming or deposing the
    Provincial Minister (W. of Nottingham), they unanimously asked that he
    might be confirmed[481].’

Eccleston states that in the same chapter the Minister-General

    ‘recalled the brethren to unity who had begun to surpass the rest in
    singular opinions[482].’

For this chapter the King provided one cask of wine and the necessaries of
life[483]. In 1289 three of the four Orders celebrated their Provincial
Chapters at Oxford, that of the Minorites taking place on the feast of the
Nativity of the Virgin (Sept. 8)[484]. No account of the proceedings
remains.

The next Provincial Chapter at Oxford about which we have any information
was held in 1405, at a critical period in the history of the Order in
England. In 1404 ‘a great and very scandalous schism’ arose among the
Franciscans owing to the arbitrary and unconstitutional conduct of the
Provincial, John Zouch[485]. The friars appealed to the Protector of the
Order, the Cardinal-bishop of Sabina, who appointed Friars Nicholas
Fakenham and John Mallaert commissioners, with power to depose the
Provincial, if necessary. The commissioners deposed him in his absence,
called a chapter at Oxford on May 3rd[486], and proceeded to elect a
successor. The Vicar of the Provincial forbade the friars to attend the
chapter.

    ‘And the commissioners prayed the King to order the friars to assemble
    at the chapter at Oxford for the reformation of their religion; and
    they obtained royal briefs about this matter[487].’

John Zouche was afterwards reinstated by the Protector of the Order, but
does not seem to have ever made good his authority over the English
Province[488].




CHAPTER VI.

RIVALRY BETWEEN THE ORDERS: ATTACKS ON THE FRIARS.

    Rivalry between Friars Preachers and Minors: proselytism.--Politics
    and Philosophy.--Peckham and the Oxford friars.--Evangelical
    Poverty.--Contrast between theory and practice.--Attack on the friars
    by Richard Fitzralph.--Charge of stealing children.--Wiclif’s early
    relations to the friars.--His attack on them in his later
    years.--Charges of gross immorality made not by Wiclif, but by his
    followers.--The University and the friars: summary of events in
    1382.--Unpopularity of the friars in the fifteenth century.--Foreign
    Minorites expelled from Oxford.--Conspiracies against Henry IV; part
    taken by Oxford Franciscans.--Conventual and Observant friars.


It was inevitable that a spirit of rivalry should exist between the two
great Mendicant Orders; and the rivalry soon developed into antagonism. In
the thirteenth century one lecturer to the Friars Minors at Oxford was
removed from the convent, another was suspended from lecturing, for
causing offence to the Friars Preachers and at their request[489]. An
‘enormous scandal of discord,’ in Matthew Paris’ words[490], arose in the
year 1243, each of the two Orders claiming precedence of the other. Though
there is little direct evidence on the point, there is no doubt that
Oxford was one of the chief scenes of conflict. The controversy was
carried on by ‘men of education and scholars[491],’ and some details of it
are preserved in the pages of Eccleston. It arose from the proselytising
tendencies of the two Orders[492]. The Dominicans, according to
Eccleston[493],

    ‘were wont to profess on the day of their entry, if they liked, as did
    Friar R. Bacun[494] of good memory.’

Friar Albert of Pisa, when Provincial Minister of England, obtained a bull
from Gregory IX prohibiting this practice:

    ‘the Friars Preachers were not to bind anyone so as to prevent him
    entering any Order he chose, nor were the friars to admit their
    novices to profession till the year of probation had been
    completed[495].’

The Dominicans on their side claimed similar privileges, and obtained a
bull from Innocent IV to the effect that

    ‘no Friar Minor should receive those bound to them (_suos obligatos_);
    if he did so, he should be excommunicated _de facto_; and they
    consented to the same privilege about those bound to us.’

Eccleston complains that the Dominicans made such good use of the bull
that ‘they let scarcely any one go;’ and regards this equitable
arrangement as a great hardship to his Order. ‘But not long,’ he adds,
‘did this tribulation last;’ Friars William of Nottingham and Peter of
Tewkesbury obtained from Innocent IV a revocation of his
constitution[496].

The antagonism between the two Orders did not stop here, and in many of
the great questions of the day they are found on opposite sides. The
Oxford Franciscans, as we have already seen, were among the staunchest
supporters of Simon de Montfort; the Oxford Dominicans seem to have sided
with the King. The famous Mad Parliament, which Henry III summoned to
Oxford in 1258, met in the convent of the Black Friars, and Prince Edward
and his retainers stayed there before the battle of Lewes[497].

The same rivalry made itself felt in the sphere of philosophy, and the
Franciscans dealt a heavy blow at their more orthodox adversaries by
impugning successfully an important doctrine of Thomas Aquinas[498]. The
Angelic Doctor had held with Aristotle and against Averroes that the
individualising principle was not form but matter. How then, asked his
opponents, could the individual exist in the non-material world[499]? Such
a doctrine was in contradiction to the mediaeval theory of heaven and the
life after death; and the Church rallied to the side of the Franciscans.
At Oxford, Archbishop Kilwardby, Dominican though he was, condemned this
among many other errors in 1276, but the sentence seems to have had little
effect at the time[500]. It was chiefly against this opinion that
Peckham’s measures in 1284 were directed[501]. If the Dominicans had
allowed the aspersion cast on their greatest teacher to pass without
serious protest when the condemnation came from one of themselves, they
were anything but content to submit to the adverse judgment of one of
their rivals. Peckham was attacked both by the Provincial of the Black
Friars in a congregation at Oxford[502] and in an anonymous pamphlet
apparently by a Cambridge Dominican[503]--‘a cursed page and infamous
leaf,’ as he describes it, ‘whose beginning is headless, whose middle
malignant, and whose end foolish and formless.’ His action further
involved the whole of the Franciscan Order in England in the storm. He was
accused of ‘having sown discord between the Orders[504];’ and to defend
himself against the charge of unduly favouring the Franciscans, he denied
that he had consulted the latter on the subject and insisted on the
previous condemnation of the same error by his predecessor[505]. He
claimed to be actuated by no personal animus against the dead, whom he
held in high honour and whom he had himself defended; his attack was
directed against ignorant and arrogant men who presumed to teach what they
did not know and to entice youths to the same errors. ‘We cannot and dare
not,’ he urged, ‘fail to rescue our children, as far as we can, from the
traps of error;’ and he forbade ‘curious theologians’ to defend the
condemned doctrines in ‘the disputes of boys’ (_in certaminibus
puerilibus_) at Oxford.

    ‘We by no means,’ he adds, ‘reprobate the studies of philosophers, so
    far as they serve the mysteries of theology, but the profane novelties
    which, contrary to philosophic truth, have been introduced into the
    heights of theology in the last twenty years, to the injuries of the
    saints.’

The question became a matter rather of feeling than of argument; the
_esprit de corps_ of the rival factions was involved, and the two Orders
further estranged[506].

Peckham lost few opportunities of advancing the interests of the
Mendicants at the expense of the monks and secular clergy, and of his
brother Franciscans against the other Orders. The discipline and morals of
the nuns of Godstow had suffered owing to the proximity of their house to
the university-town, and the Archbishop, in his injunctions for the better
government of the same, appointed two Friars Preachers and two Friars
Minors (or four of each if necessary) as permanent confessors to the
Convent[507]. In 1291 he wrote to the Prior of St. Frideswide’s urging him
to confer the church of St. Peter le Bailey on some one devoted to the
Friars Minors and nominated by them[508]. While strenuously asserting the
right of the Minorites to hear confessions in spite of the opposition of
the parish priests[509], he forbade the Carmelites and Austin Friars at
Oxford to hear any confessions of any persons whatsoever, regular or
secular, clerk or lay, male or female, and ordered the Archdeacon, if they
disobeyed, to pronounce public sentence of excommunication on them[510].
Arguing that ‘it was lawful to change a vow for a better one[511],’ he
maintained that the Franciscans might, as they had hitherto done, admit
members of other religious bodies to their Order; he would, he wrote to
the Chancellor of the University of Oxford, himself admit them, if he were
still Provincial Minister.

    ‘We have heard with great surprise,’ he proceeds, ‘that the Prior and
    friars of the Order of St. Augustine in Oxford are imposing the mark
    of excommunication on the Friars Minors of Oxford, and defaming them
    in many ways, for receiving one of their friars in the aforesaid
    canonical form. We therefore order you to go in person to the Austin
    friary and warn them, in our name and by our authority, to cease from
    these detractions. But if they assert that they have raised this
    tumult against the Minorites on the ground of some privilege of
    theirs, you shall ask them to let me have a copy of their privilege to
    compare with those of the Minorites which we have to maintain; and we
    will certainly not allow them to be molested in contravention of their
    privilege; nor will we endure that the Friars Minors be injuriously
    oppressed, for by so doing we should break the commands of the
    Pope[512].’

Peckham further, while condemning the erroneous opinions of the Dominicans
at Oxford, denied the claim to superiority which they put forward[513].
The Franciscans claimed precedence on the ground of their humility (which
of course dwindled in inverse ratio as their assertion of it grew), and of
their absolute poverty. The Archbishop enunciated the formula which was
condemned by the inquisitors and the Pope in the next century, and which
formed, so to speak, the text of the controversy, ‘_De paupertate
Christi_.’ He defined the poverty of the apostles to be

    ‘having no title to the possession of any property real or personal,
    private or common[514];’

the Minorites in following this example were in a state of ‘perfection,’
and lived a holier life than any other Order in the Church.

The claim was generally admitted, and led to the exaltation of the
Minorites in the eyes of the world at the expense of the other
Orders[515]. As early as 1269 a controversy on this point arose between
the convents of the two Orders at Oxford. A Dominican named Solomon of
Ingeham accused the Minorites of receiving money either with their own
hands or through a third party[516]. The Franciscans denied the charge and
demanded the punishment of Friar Solomon. The Dominicans asked them to
prove the falsehood of Solomon’s assertion and promised then to punish
him. ‘The burden of proof,’ replied the Franciscans, ‘lies with you who
affirm, not with us who deny.’ The Dominicans brought forward many
instances in which they maintained that the Minorites had actually
received money. These, answered the latter, were merely personal
transgressions, and affected the community no more than any case of carnal
sin or disobedience. The Dominicans, however, based their contention
mainly on the argument that money bequeathed to the Franciscans must be
received either by them in person or by intermediaries on their behalf.
The Minorites answered

    ‘that, according to the definition of lawyers, money left by will is
    counted among the goods of the deceased until it passes into the
    _dominium_ and property of the legatee. But it cannot become ours by
    legal right or pass into our _dominium_ without our consent. Thus
    money, howsoever it may be deposited by the executors or committed to
    anyone for the brethren, is always counted among the goods of the
    deceased as long as it remains unspent, and the executors can, by
    their own authority or by that of the deceased, reclaim it at
    pleasure. How then can it be called ours?’

Peace was eventually restored by the interposition of the Chancellor and
leading secular masters, at whose recommendation Friar Solomon withdrew
his words. It is curious that neither the document containing the account
of this quarrel, nor Peckham, mention the explanation which afterwards
became the accepted theory, that the ownership of the goods of the
Franciscans was vested in the Pope. Yet this explanation was originally
given by Innocent IV in 1245[517].

As far as the bulk of the Franciscan Order was concerned, the controversy
on ‘Evangelical Poverty’ was purely a theoretical one[518], its ultimate
importance rather accidental than real. The claim to ‘this perfitnesse,’
as Daw Topias contemptuously calls it, rested not on fact but on a legal
construction. The friars had only the use, not the proprietorship, of
their lands and houses and goods. John XXII by his bull, ‘_Ad conditorem
canonum_,’ issued on the 8th of December, 1322, and declaring that use was
inseparable from proprietorship, withdrew from the Order the right of
holding property in the name of the Roman See, and thus went far to
destroy its theoretical claim to precedence. The whole Order, instead of
the party of the _Spirituales_ merely, was for a time banded against the
Pope; and the dispute about a legal quibble became transformed under the
hands of Ockham into an examination of the position and claims of the
Papacy, and of the whole relation of Church and State.

Ockham probably studied at Oxford in his younger days, but it was no doubt
later in life, and under the influence of Marsilius of Padua, that he
developed the doctrines which made him ‘at once the glory and the reproach
of his Order[519].’ In philosophy he had many followers at Oxford in the
fourteenth century, and the Franciscan Convent was, like the rest of the
University, divided on the questions of Nominalism and Realism[520]. The
dispute concerning the poverty of Christ was not allowed to rest. It was
this discussion which first brought the Archbishop of Armagh into open
hostility to the friars[521]; and Wiclif mentions the controversy as
being still carried on between the two Orders in his time.

    ‘Prechours seyn þat Crist hadde hiȝe shone as þei have; ffor ellis
    wolde not Baptist mene þat Crist hadde þuongis of siche schone.
    Menours seyn þat Crist went barfote, or ellis was shood as þei ben,
    for ellis Magdalene shulde not have founde to þus have washid Cristis
    feet[522].’

A great historian has said of the Middle Ages, that ‘at no time in the
world’s history has theory, pretending all the while to control practice,
been so utterly divorced from it[523].’ An extract from the Patent
Rolls[524] will afford a striking illustration of the truth of these words
as far as the learned Franciscans, the professors of evangelical poverty,
are concerned. The date is February 22nd, 1378; the writ is issued in the
King’s name.

    ‘Know that whereas certain horses, cups, books, money, silver vessels,
    and diverse other goods and chattels, which belonged to our beloved
    brother in Christ, John Welle of the Order of Friars Minors, doctor in
    theology, have been abstracted and carried away out of his dwelling in
    London by one Thomas Bele his servant and other evil doers, ... we
    have of our special favour granted to the said John all the horses,
    cups, books, money, vessels and other goods and chattels aforesaid,
    wheresoever they may be,’ &c.

It was probably the glaring contrast between the lofty claims of the
friars and their actual life, rather than any inferiority in their
morality as compared with the secular priests, which exposed them to the
bitterest denunciations and taunts of the reformers. The Mendicants were
far more in sympathy with the poor than were the endowed monks, and
possessed far more than the parish priests the confidence of the
people[525]. Wiclif recognised this fact, while he lamented it.

    ‘Though it raine on the Awter of the Parish Church, the blind people
    is so deceived, that they will rather give to waste houses of Friars,
    then to Parish Churches, or to common waies, though men cattle and
    beasts ben perished therein[526].’

The first important attack on the friars in the fourteenth century was
that led by Richard Fitzralph, Archbishop of Armagh. He had been Fellow of
Balliol College before 1325 and Chancellor of the University in 1333[527].
While assailing the whole principle of mendicancy, his main charge against
the friars, especially the friars at Oxford, was that of ‘stealing’
children, i.e. of secretly inducing them to enter the Mendicant Orders. In
1357 the Archbishop was cited to appear and defend himself before the
Papal Court at Avignon; and on the 8th of November, in a solemn assembly
of Pope and Cardinals, he made a great speech in defence of the parish
priests against the Mendicants[528]. The Archbishop stated that, owing to
the privileges of hearing confessions which the friars enjoyed, almost all
youths in the Universities, and in the houses of their parents (in nearly
all of which friars were to be found as ‘_familiares_’), had Mendicants as
their confessors.

    ‘Enticed by the wiles of the friars and by little presents[529], these
    boys (for the friars cannot circumvent men of mature age) enter the
    Orders, nor are they afterwards allowed, according to report, to get
    their liberty by leaving the Order, but they are kept with them
    against their will until they make profession; further, they are not
    permitted, as it is said, to speak with their father or mother, except
    under the supervision and fear of a friar; an instance came to my
    knowledge this very day; as I came out of my inn an honest man from
    England, who has come to this court to obtain a remedy, told me that
    immediately after last Easter, the friars at the University of Oxford
    abducted in this manner his son who was not yet thirteen years old,
    and when he went there, he could not speak with him except under the
    supervision of a friar.’

Parents were in consequence afraid to send their sons to the Universities,
and preferred to keep them at home as tillers of the soil. While the
numbers both of the friaries and of their inmates had enormously
increased, the number of secular students in every faculty decreased; the
students at Oxford, who in his time were reckoned at 30,000, had now sunk
to 6000.

Though these figures are of course preposterously exaggerated, and though
the main cause of the diminution of the number of students was the Black
Death, there can be no doubt of the essential truth of the accusation. In
1358 the University of Oxford passed a statute forbidding the admission of
boys under eighteen to the Orders. The statute deserves to be quoted at
length[530].

    ‘It is generally reported and proved by experience, that the nobles of
    this realm, those of good birth, and very many of the common people,
    are afraid, and therefore cease, to send their sons or relatives or
    others dear to them in tender youth, when they would make most advance
    in primitive sciences, to the University to be instructed, lest any
    friars of the Order of Mendicants should entice or induce such
    children, before they have reached years of discretion, to enter the
    Order of the same Mendicants; and because owing to the admission of
    such boys to the Mendicant Orders, the tranquillity of the students of
    the University has been often disturbed; therefore the said
    University, zealous in the bowels of piety both for the number of her
    sons and the quiet of her students, has ordained and decreed, that if
    any of the Order of Mendicants shall receive to their habit in this
    University, or induce, or cause to be received or induced, any such
    youth before the completion of his eighteenth year at least, or shall
    send such an one away from the University or cause him to be sent
    away, in order that he may be received into the same Order elsewhere:
    then _eo ipso_ no one of the cloister or community of such a friar,
    ... being a graduate, shall during the year immediately following,
    read or attend lectures in this University or elsewhere where such
    exercises would count as discharge of the statutable requirements in
    this University (_vel alibi quod in hac Vniversitate pro forma aliqua
    sibi cedat_); and this penalty shall be inflicted on all those of the
    Order of Mendicants, and the associates of all those, who shall be
    convicted by credible persons of having withdrawn youths in any way
    from the University, or from hearing philosophy.’

The friars did not deny the charge, but defended their conduct[531], and
exerted themselves to the utmost to obtain a repeal of the statute. Their
efforts were successful. While a suit which they had begun in the Roman
Court was yet undecided, the Provincials of the four Orders laid their
grievances before the King in Parliament[532]. In 1366 the obnoxious
statute was formally annulled, on condition that the friars’ suits at
Rome and elsewhere against the University should cease[533]. The latter,
however, did not abandon the struggle; its influence is probably to be
seen in the petition of the Commons in 1402[534], that no one be allowed
to enter any of the four Orders under the age of twenty-one years. The
King’s answer was not favourable: he ordained merely that no friar should
admit to his Order an infant under fourteen years without the assent of
his father, mother, or guardians. The ordinance applied to the whole of
England, and the petition of the Commons is a sign that the popularity of
the friars had suffered under the attacks of Wiclif.

It has been clearly shown by recent criticism[535] that Wiclif’s enmity to
the friars was confined to the last few years of his life. His earlier
opponents were the monks--the _religiosi possessionati_. At one time he
compares the poverty and mendicancy of St. Francis with the manual labour
of St. Peter and St. Paul, in contrast with the possessions and worldly
honours of the ecclesiastics of his time[536]. He seems to have been on
terms of some intimacy with William Woodford, who may be regarded as the
leader of the Oxford Minorites in their subsequent controversy with the
reformer and his followers. Woodford relates[537] that

    ‘when I was lecturing concurrently with him on the Sentences[538] ...
    Wiclif used to write his answers to the arguments, which I advanced to
    him, in a notebook which I sent him with my arguments, and to send me
    back the notebook.’

Wiclif had indeed many points of sympathy, especially on questions of
ecclesiastical polity, with the Friars Minors. He was in agreement with
them and in antagonism to the monks and many of the bishops, in the
opinion that the tribute to the Pope should be refused, and that the
secular power was, under some circumstances, justified in depriving the
Church of its possessions[539]. Eight or nine years before Wiclif wrote
his famous tract in defence of the Parliament of 1366, an Oxford friar and
doctor declared in his school that the King had the right of depriving
ecclesiastics of their temporalities; he was ordered by Congregation to
recant this and other opinions solemnly after a University sermon, and to
pay 100_s._ to the University[540].

When, however, Wiclif began to call in question the Church’s doctrine on
the Eucharist, he found himself in direct antagonism to the friars; and
the quarrel, which began in a dogmatic difference in the schools[541],
soon acquired a wider character. Wiclif’s accusations resolve themselves
really into three[542]; firstly, that the friars upheld the ‘idolatrous’
doctrine of the Eucharist; secondly, that they maintained the theory of
the mendicancy of Christ; thirdly, that they taught the people to rely for
their salvation on letters of fraternity and prayers and masses, instead
of on a good life; whence a general demoralization ensued.

    ‘Popis graunten no pardoun to men bot if þei be byfore verrely
    contritte, bot þese freris in hor lettres speken of no
    contricioun[543].’

It is improbable, however, that the indulgences granted by the friars
differed from the other indulgences of the Middle Ages, which in theory
absolved from the temporal punishment, not from the sin and eternal
punishment. Wiclif may have classed with the friars the ‘pardoners’ who
did not belong to any of the four Orders[544]. The records relating to the
Franciscan house at Oxford throw no light on the matter, which indeed
belongs to the general history of the Mendicants, not to the history of a
particular convent. Wiclif’s charges amount practically to this: the
friars were the foremost champions of the external, unspiritual form of
religion, which he laboured to destroy: they were no longer leaders of
thought, but obstacles to progress.

Though Wiclif’s writings, especially his English writings, are full of
violent invective against the friars[545], it is difficult to find in them
any definite accusations of the grosser forms of immorality. One instance
will sufficiently illustrate the difference between Wiclif and his
followers.

    ‘Friars also,’ says the former, ‘be foully envenomed with ghostly sin
    of Sodom, and so be more cursed than the bodily Sodomites that were
    suddenly dead by hard vengeance of God; for they do ghostly lechery by
    God’s word, when they preach more their own findings for worldly muck,
    than Christ’s Gospel for saving of men’s souls[546].’

‘Jack Upland’ improves on this, and does not scruple to impute to the
friars generally the vilest sins.

  ‘Your freres ben taken alle day
  with wymmen and wifes,
  bot of your privey sodomye
  spake I not yette[547].’

At Oxford the seculars, always numerically strong and jealous of the
regulars, rallied to Wiclif’s standard; while the Mendicants roused the
anger of the University by appealing to external authority. The friars
were accused of having made use of their position as confessors to stir up
the peasant revolt. On the 18th of February, 1382, the heads of the four
Mendicant Convents at Oxford sent a letter to John of Gaunt, denying the
charge and begging his protection[548]; all evils were attributed to them,
and their lives were in danger. Their chief enemy was Nicholas Hereford.
In Lent of the same year Hereford preached a University sermon at St.
Mary’s, in which he argued that no ‘religious’ should be admitted to any
degree at Oxford[549]. He was appointed by the Chancellor to deliver the
principal English sermon of the year at St. Frideswide’s Cross on
Ascension Day (May 15th), and used the opportunity to attack monks and
friars and mendicancy in general[550]. On the 19th of the same month, the
‘Council of the Earthquake’ met at the Blackfriars in London, and
condemned ten of Wiclif’s conclusions as heretical and fourteen as
erroneous; among the seventeen doctors of divinity who took part in the
council were four Minorites, the Oxford Franciscans being represented by
Hugo Karlelle and Thomas Bernewell[551]. The Archbishop sent Peter Stokes,
a Carmelite, to publish the condemnation at Oxford. The Chancellor and
Proctors resented this interference with their rights, and the general
feeling was strong in Wiclif’s favour. Stokes and his brethren went in
fear of their lives; when the Carmelite ‘determined’ against Philip
Repyngdon on the 10th of June, men were seen in the schools with arms
concealed under their clothes. At length, on June 15th, the Chancellor was
compelled, by the King’s command, to publish the condemnation of the
twenty-four conclusions;

    ‘and he thus so roused the seculars against the religious that many of
    the latter feared death, the seculars crying out that they wanted to
    destroy the University, though really they (the religious) only
    defended the cause of the Church[552].’

In November the University tried to turn the tables on its adversaries; in
an assembly of the clerks at St. Frideswide’s, the Chancellor accused some
of the orthodox party (among them a Minorite friar) of heresy[553]. But
from this time the sacramental controversy tended to retire into the
background, and the alliance of monks and friars, which Wiclif’s attack on
the faith had called into being[554], came to an end. In 1392, Henry
Crompe, a Cistercian monk, who had been a prominent opponent of Wiclif,
was charged with having determined on several occasions against the right
of the friars to hear confessions[555]. Friar John Tyssyngton and other
Minorites took part in his condemnation in a Convocation held in the house
of the Carmelites at Stamford. In their anxiety to silence their
adversaries, the Mendicant Orders proved false to the tradition common to
all the great mediaeval Universities--the tradition of intellectual
freedom; they upheld the claim of Archbishop Arundel to visit the
University, and lent their support to the rigid censorship which he
established[556]. But it is only fair to remember that, years before this,
the authority of the Church had been invoked against the teaching of the
friars themselves. In 1368 Simon Langham sent thirty errors of the friars
to the University, and it was enacted that no one should presume to defend
or approve these tenets in the schools or elsewhere ‘on pain of the
greater excommunication[557].’

The history of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries affords many other
illustrations of the hostility with which the friars, and especially the
Minorites, were regarded by the University. The subject of academical
degrees, and of the action taken by the University against the
‘wax-doctors,’ has been treated elsewhere. A statute, which probably dates
from the first half of the fifteenth century, provides that both the
_collatores_ of University sermons shall, if possible, be seculars[558].
Wood says that in the years 1423 and 1424 there

    ‘were nothing but heartburnings in the University occasioned by the
    Friers their preaching up and down against tithes.’

The chief offender, Friar William Russell, warden of the Greyfriars of
London, taught that tithes might be given arbitrarily, i.e. not to the
parson legally entitled to them, but ‘for the pious use of the poor,’
according to the will of the giver. The University of Oxford condemned
this doctrine and ordained that everyone taking a degree should formally
abjure it: the oath, which remained in force till 1564, runs thus:--

    _Insuper_, tu jurabis quod nullas conclusiones per fratrem Wilhelmum
    Russell, ordinis Minorum, nuper positas et praedicatas, contra decimas
    personales, et in nostra Universitate Oxoniae, necnon in venerabili
    concilio episcoporum, anno Domini millesimo quadringentesimo vicesimo
    quinto celebrato Londoniis, solemniter damnatas, nec alicujus earum
    sententiam tenebis, docebis, vel defendes efficaciter publice aut
    occulte, nec aliquem doctorem, tentorem vel defensorem hujusmodi, ope,
    consilio vel favore juvabis[559].

For a similar offence another Franciscan, William Melton, D.D., was
arrested at the instance of the University, and compelled to recant[560].
The Alma Mater kept a vigilant eye on her sons wherever they might be. In
1482 Friar Isaac Cusack, D.D., began to create disturbances in Ireland by
preaching the old Franciscan doctrine of evangelical poverty; he was
captured, sent to Oxford, and degraded and expelled the University as a
vagabond and a heretic[561].

The feeling of nationality fostered by the long French wars was not
without its influence on the friars in England and especially at the
Universities. In 1369 the Chancellor caused a royal proclamation to be
published at Carfax ordering all French students at Oxford, both religious
and secular, to leave the kingdom[562]. In 1388 a royal writ was issued to
the Warden of the Friars Minors in Oxford at the advice of the same
convent, warning him to admit no foreign friars who might reveal to the
enemy ‘the secrets and counsel of our kingdom,’ and to expel any such
friars for whose good behaviour he would not be responsible, or who would
not pray or celebrate masses for the King and the good estate of the
realm[563].

Among the many problems presented by the reign of Richard II, not the
least obscure is the passionate loyalty with which the Franciscans
regarded his memory[564]. Yet Richard II and his councillors were
suspected of Lollardy, while his successor posed as the champion of
orthodoxy. Henry IV, however, derived his support chiefly from the wealthy
ecclesiastics, and the Lollardy of the Court of Richard II was rather
political than dogmatic; the opinions prevalent at the Court were more in
consonance with Wiclif’s earlier teaching and with the teaching of the
Franciscan Order on the need of poverty in the Church and the evils of its
endowments, than with the Lollard doctrine of the Eucharist. In the early
years of Henry IV the Franciscans were active in organizing
conspiracies[565]; the pulpit and the confessional were used to spread
disaffection against the new monarch[566]; and the failure of his
campaigns was attributed to the magical arts of the Friars Minors[567]. In
1402, eight Minorites of the convent of Leicester were seized, and
convicted on their own admission of having organized an armed revolt to
find King Richard and restore him to the throne[568]. They were condemned
to be hanged and decapitated at Tyburn, and the sentence was carried out
in the sight of many thousands without any ecclesiastical protest. One of
these friars was Roger Frisby, an old man and Master in Theology[569]. On
the Vigil of the feast of St. John the Baptist[570]--the very day on which
the rebels were to meet ‘in the plain of Oxford,’ his head was taken from
London Bridge and brought to Oxford;

    ‘and in the presence of the procession of the University, the herald
    proclaimed: “This Master Friar Minor of the convent of Leicester in
    hypocrisy, adulation, and false life, preached often, saying that King
    Richard is alive, and roused the people to seek him in Scotland;” and
    his head was set on a stake there[571].’

While subject to attacks from without, the Franciscan Order suffered from
rival factions within. The long-standing division between the lax or
Conventual, and the strict or Observant parties, at length received formal
recognition in the Council of Constance (1415) when the Observants were
constituted a semi-independent branch under a Vicar-General[572]. How did
this arrangement affect Oxford as a _studium generale_? The Observants as
a body produced few students; the reformed houses on the Continent
objected to send their brethren to Paris[573]. A few foreign Observants
found their way to Oxford in the fifteenth century[574]; and when later in
the century Observant friaries were founded in England[575], some of their
members studied in the Conventual house at the University[576]. Whether
any part of the Convent was set apart for them is unknown: according to
all appearance, the brethren of both branches lived together in peace and
goodwill.




CHAPTER VII.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE FRIARS’ MANNER OF LIFE AND MEANS OF LIVELIHOOD:
BENEFACTORS.

    Lost records.--Mendicancy.--Procurators and limitors.--Career of Friar
    Brian Sandon.--Charges of immorality against the friars.--Their
    worldly manner of life before the Dissolution.--Poverty of the
    Convent.--Sources of income.--Annual grants from the King and
    others.--Frequency of bequests to the friars.--List of
    benefactors.--Classes from which the friars were drawn.--Motives which
    led men to become friars.


Of the internal economy of the Franciscan house at Oxford, or indeed of
any friary in England, little is known or ever can be known. The
_Registrum Fratrum Minorum Londoniae_ is, in Brewer’s words, ‘the only
work of the kind extant. A painful proof, if such were needed, of the
utter devastation committed when the Franciscan convents were dissolved,
and their libraries dispersed[577].’ We may here give some account of the
records which must once have existed in every Franciscan house or
province. From the earliest times an annual _compotus_[578] or
balance-sheet of income and expenditure was drawn up, and if in later days
this was sometimes omitted, an ex-warden was always liable to be called to
render an account to his successor[579]. In each convent would also be
kept a list of the brethren who died there[580]; and lists both of living
benefactors and of dead, for whose souls prayers or masses were to be
said[581], while many in their lifetime received ‘letters of
confraternity[582].’ In the decrees of the General Chapter of Paris in
1292 it is commanded[583] that each minister should have the lives and
acts of holy friars carefully collected in his province and entered in
special registers, and bring them to the General Chapter; also that all
notable excesses of friars, grave crimes, and credible accusations, the
sentences passed and punishments inflicted on the offenders, should be
noted in books kept for the purpose, preserved in the archives of the
province, and faithfully handed on to each succeeding minister. The acts
of Provincial Chapters were also kept[584]. Of these and similar records
we have, besides the London register already alluded to, only a few
letters of fraternity[585]. Of English Franciscan records originated by or
relating to the convent at Oxford, not one (unless the list of lectors and
the account of the controversy with the Dominicans in 1269[586] can be
called records) is known to exist[587]. Any account, therefore, of the
internal life of the convent must be meagre and unsatisfactory in the
highest degree.

The hours and numbers of daily services seem to have differed little, if
at all, from those observed in other monastic institutions[588]. We may
therefore omit this subject and treat of the points which receive
additional elucidation from documents relating to Oxford.

The first means of livelihood of the Mendicant Friars was naturally
begging. Certain of the brethren were appointed by the Warden to ‘procure’
food for the convent during some fixed period[589]. There were no definite
rules as to how many friars should be sent as ‘procuratores’ or
‘limitors’[590]; the details depended on the necessities of the convent
and the will of the Superior[591]. Each house had definite ‘limits’
assigned to it, within which its members might beg[592]. The friars went
two and two, accompanied by a servant or boy[593] who carried the
offerings, which were usually in kind. The friar in Chaucer’s ‘Sompnoure’s
Tale,’ himself a ‘maister[594]’ in the schools, after preaching in the
church went round the village--

  ‘In every hous he gan to pore and prye
  And beggyd mele or chese, or ellis corn[595].’

A good deal of private begging was done by the student friars to obtain
the means of study[596]. Roger Bacon appealed to his brother in England,
to his powerful and wealthy acquaintances, for money to carry out the
commands of the Pope[597].

    ‘But how often (he writes to the latter) I was looked upon as a
    dishonest beggar, how often I was repulsed, how often put off with
    empty hopes, what confusion I suffered within myself, I cannot express
    to you. Even my friends did not believe me, as I could not explain the
    matter to them; so I could not proceed in this way. Reduced
    (angustiatus) to the last extremities, I compelled my poor
    friends[598] to contribute all that they had, and to sell many things
    and to pawn the rest, often at usury, and I promised them that I would
    send to you all the details of the expenses and would faithfully
    procure full payment at your hands. And yet owing to their poverty I
    frequently abandoned the work, frequently I gave it up in despair and
    forbore to proceed.’

Begging of this kind would either be unauthorized or legalized by special
license. The statutes of the Order[599] enact that every convent shall
have its ‘procurator’ or ‘syndicus,’ who shall transact all the legal
business of the house and receive in the name of the Roman Church for the
use of the friars all pecuniary alms and bequests, or all such alms and
bequests as can be changed into money. The express object of these
constitutions was to

    ‘preserve the Order in its purity and prevent the brethren being
    immersed in secular affairs[600].’

It would appear that at Oxford in the fourteenth century the office of
alms-collector was held by one of the brethren. This conclusion, however
contrary to the spirit and letter of the statutes, seems warranted by a
remarkable legal document of the year 1341[601]. It is the record of a
suit in the Hustings Court, in which Friar John of Ochampton, Warden of
the Friars Minors at Oxford, ‘through Friar John de Hentham his attorney,’
charged ‘Richard de Whitchford minor[602],’ with refusing to render an
account of the sums received by him when he was ‘receiver of pence of the
said warden,’ and with embezzling sixty shillings or more, which he
obtained from various people on the Monday after the feast of St. Michael,
1340. Two of the sums are specified, namely, one mark by the hands of
Richard, servant of John de Couton, and 12_s._ by the hands of Thomas of
London. The Warden claimed to have suffered loss to the extent of one
hundred shillings; Richard de Whitchford could not deny the receipt of the
money, but on his request the court appointed two auditors, Richard Cary
and John le Peyntour; to these he rendered an account, and was found to
be sixty shillings in arrears; ‘and,’ the record continues, ‘as he cannot
make satisfaction he is committed to prison.’

In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the Oxford friars sometimes
employed laymen to represent them in the courts[603]; sometimes the Warden
appeared in person[604], but most of the legal business in the
Chancellor’s court at Oxford was undertaken by one of the brethren. From
1507 or before, to the Dissolution, this duty was entrusted to Friar Brian
Sandon. His name does not occur in the University Register, and he was,
though a priest[605], probably not a student; indeed, his administrative
business would hardly have left him time for other occupations. Between
1507 and 1516 and between 1527 and 1534, he appears as plaintiff or
defendant in some fifteen suits in the Chancellor’s court[606]. Some of
these afford glimpses into the life of the friars. On the 26th of March,
1512[607], Father Brian instituted an action against John Morys, his
proctor, alleging that the latter

    ‘did not according to the convention before entered into between the
    said friar and John Morys, bring corn to the house of the friars
    minors;’

and on April 5th John Morys was committed to prison ‘at the instance of
the provost (_preposeti_) of the friars minors for a debt[608].’

But if the friars did not grow corn, they seem to have made use of their
meadows as pasture land. On the 20th of May, 1529[609], Friar Brian sued
Margery, widow of John Lock, for 7_s._ 8_d._,

    ‘for certain cheeses which the husband of the said Margery bought from
    the aforesaid Brian Sanden.’

Eventually the case was submitted to the arbitration of William Clare the
elder, and Edmund Irishe, bailiffs of Oxford, with the addition of a third
if necessary, each party binding itself to abide by the decision of the
majority under penalty of 40_s._, in case of disagreement, to be paid to
the party willing to accept the judgment.

While these and similar actions were instituted by Brian in fulfilment of
the duties of his position, he was undoubtedly engaged in others of a
private nature. At one time he acts as attorney for a priest[610]. At
another he is charged with wrongfully keeping a knife, the property of
_dominus_ Galfred Coper[611]. In 1531[612] he had a dispute with his
tailor and appealed to the law, alleging

    ‘that, whereas he had given to William Gos[613], tailor, three yards
    and three quarters of woollen cloth to make him a habit, the said Gos
    had purloined one quarter of a yard, and that in consequence his
    clothes were too short (_nimis brevem et succinctam_).’

Brian having declared on oath that he had supplied the above-mentioned
amount of cloth, Gos promised to give him 14_d._ as satisfaction for the
missing quarter of a yard. But later in the day he again appeared and
charged the friar with perjury. After some more recriminations an
agreement was come to out of court, and we hear no more of the habit.

That his litigious spirit should sometimes have brought Friar Brian into
trouble we cannot wonder. Several times in the latter part of his career
he was in danger of ‘bodily injury;’ in 1532[614] he made application to
have Robert Holder bound over to keep the peace, and in 1534 the judge
ordered that James Penerton should not be released from Bocardo till he
found sufficient sureties that he would not inflict bodily harm on Friar
Brian or his friends (_familiaribus_)[615]. The same year he complained of
having been libelled by one Giles Mawket, a carpenter (_fabro lignario_),
in the parish of St. Ebbe’s[616]. This was probably a slander on his
character, which was not above suspicion. In 1535[617] ‘a woman of Radley
named Anna’ asserted in the Commissary’s court that she was with child by
Thomas Denson, Bachelor of Laws:

    ‘qui Denson (as the record puts it, reciting the evidence of Joanna
    Cowper, another woman of ill-fame) egre tulit ut extraneus quisque
    familiaritate dicte Anne uteretur; because (it is added in the margin)
    he tok fryer Bryan wrastelyng w{th} her in a morning[618].’

The records of the Chancellor’s court contain charges of immorality
against two other Friars Minors[619]. The first was ‘_dompnus_’ Robert
Beste[620], who was summoned before the court together with a scholar of
Broadgates Hall,

    ‘on grave suspicion of incontinence and disturbance of the peace.’
    ‘Then the judge commanded ‘_dompnus_’ Beste to go to the prison house,
    namely le Bocardo, and remain there for half-an-hour’--

apparently while his case was considered. It does not appear what the
charge against him was, or what (if any) further steps were taken[621].
His companion was warned to moderate his attentions to the same Joanna,
wife of William Cooper or Cowper, of St. Ebbe’s, who appeared in the trial
above referred to.

Joanna seems to have taken a special interest in the Minorites. At the end
of 1533[622] Friar Arthur, B.D., appealed to the court to stop her
spreading evil reports against him, which she had failed to prove; she was
ordered to abstain in future

    ‘from defaming the said friar or any of his house on pain of a fine of
    40_s._ to be paid to the Convent of friars minors, and banishment from
    the town; also that she shall not in any way lay traps (_paret ...
    insidias_) for the said Arthur or any of his Order or cause such traps
    to be laid, under the aforesaid penalties.’

But if Friar Arthur was innocent, he was peculiarly unfortunate. A few
months later[623] he again appealed for protection against the libels of
Nicholas Andrews and John Poker, scholars of Peckwater’s Inn. At this time
Dr. Baskerfeld, Warden of the Grey Friars, was acting as substitute for
the Commissary, and he heard the case in the house of the Minorites. The
accusation has been carefully obliterated in the Chancellor’s book,
evidently by the friars themselves, but the gist of it can be deciphered.

    ‘Judex interrogavit eosdem an voluissent prefatum Arcturum accusare et
    denunciare: qui responderunt se nolle[624] hoc facere ...; a quibus
    judex petiit ... an aliquid scandalosum et d ... scirent contra dictum
    fratrem, et interrogavit eos quid hoc erat: et dicebant ambo hiis
    verbis sequentibus (tactis evangeliis); ... they saw the seyde frere
    Arctur in a chambre at the sygne of the Bere in all hollows parische
    in Oxoford with a woman in a red capp ... both locked together in a
    chambre, and seid to the mayd of the hous, “then ba ... why ... suche
    ale here to be kept? It is not thy masters will and thy mistres that
    ony suche ale shold be kept here.”’

Friar Arthur strenuously denied the accusation, and the court adjourned
for two hours. When it reassembled, the defendants refused to submit to
Dr. Baskerfeld’s jurisdiction, arguing that he was incompetent to decide a
case in which one of the members of his convent was so deeply implicated.
Two days later, however, they confessed before the judge that they would
not swear to their original statement, and both sides promised to forgive
and forget the whole matter.

Though none of these charges was actually proved, we must admit that they
show that the convent was not in a healthy state on the eve of the
Dissolution. There is certainly no trace of the religious fervour by which
even in the latter days some of the Observant convents were honourably
distinguished. We find the brethren at Oxford engaged in money
transactions, lending[625] and borrowing[626], ‘buying and selling[627].’
Friar John Arter[628] kept a horse in the town and raised difficulties
about the bill; Randulph Craycoke or Cradoc, who had charge of the horse,
would not part with it till he had received ‘about ten shillings for food
and grass,’ which sum the friar refused to pay, asserting that Randulph
had worked the horse himself (_laboravit dictum equum diversis_ (?)
_oneribus_). The court, to which the disputants appealed, reduced the
amount by 2_s._; but Arter was probably unable to pay: no one appeared at
the time appointed to claim the animal, ‘so we sent Cradoc away with the
horse until his bill should be paid.’

The Warden, Friar Edward Baskerfeld, D.D., was plaintiff in a somewhat
similar case[629], in which both sides were represented by counsel. In his
evidence the friar deposed that he had lent Master Richard Weston, LL.B.,

    ‘a Roane hors of the value of 20_s._ in the hostel de flore de
    leust[630], and that he had handed over the horse to the servant of
    the Subdean of Excestre in the name of Richard Weston, and that he
    said these words, stroking (_palpando_) the belly of the horse: “how I
    delyver the hors sane and sound without spurre gallyng I prey you
    delyver hym so ageyn,” and that he never saw hym to this day.’

The parties agreed to submit the dispute to the judgment of three
arbitrators, and the result does not appear in the records of the court.

No doubt some of the friars had private incomes and emoluments of their
own[631] (apart from the allowance or ‘exhibition’ which as students they
still received from their native convents or from benefactors); and some
may have lived outside the walls of their monastery[632]. But the convent
itself was very poor; the love of many had waxed cold, and it was
inevitable that in order to get a livelihood they should resort to means
forbidden by their Rule.

At the beginning of the sixteenth century[633], the Warden, Dr. Goodefyld,
leased one of the gardens lying within the boundaries of the convent to
Richard Leke, brewer of Oxford. The terms of the agreement are unknown,
but the friars thought them--or Leke’s interpretation of them, very
injurious to their interests, and in 1513 and 1514 demanded the
repudiation of the contract. Feeling ran very high, and Leke was in
personal danger; the Warden was bound over to keep the peace, and promised

    ‘that if his friars molested Richard Leke, he would keep them in safe
    custody until the matter had been more fully examined.’

Again the case was referred to arbitration and the decision is unknown. It
is interesting to find that Leke was fully reconciled to the friars before
his death[634].

The poverty of the brethren was aggravated by the irregularity with which
payments, on which they might justly reckon, were made. One of their chief
sources of income was a royal grant of 50 marcs per annum during the
King’s pleasure, to be paid in equal portions at Easter and Michaelmas. It
was first instituted by Edward I[635] in 1289, and was continued by all
the kings (with the exception of Edward V) to the Dissolution[636].
Sometimes the sum was paid direct from the treasury; but often (and this
seems to have been the general custom as regards royal benefactions to
religious houses) a sheriff or other officer was held responsible for the
payment; either he was instructed to send the requisite amount to the
Exchequer, or he paid the money directly; and the sums which he paid were
accredited to him when he produced his accounts at the sessions of the
Exchequer. As may be proved by many instances, the system did not conduce
to regularity of payment. Edward II, in December 1313, ordered Richard
Kellawe, Bishop of Durham[637], ‘to send to our exchequer at Westminster
within fifteen days of the day of St. Hilary,’ ten marks in partial
satisfaction of the grant[638]. But though this sum was to be the first
charge on the arrears in the Durham diocese of the tax of one-half of
their income[639] imposed on the clergy by Edward I (A. D. 1294), and
though writs were repeatedly[640] issued to enforce payment, we find that
on the 4th of June, 1315, nothing had been done, ‘_unde vehementer
admiramur_[641].’

The fifty marks were never made a definite fixed charge on the revenues of
any one county nor were they levied year by year as a single sum; each
year some sheriff or bishop was made responsible for a fraction of the
whole amount. The annuity was on several occasions in arrear. Thus Henry
IV in the first year of his reign granted the friars ‘of his abundant
favour’ (_de uberiori gratia nostra_) all the arrears that had accumulated
during the reign of his predecessor[642]. Affairs of State made themselves
felt in the Franciscan convent. In 1450 Parliament passed a general act of
resumption, annulling all grants made since the King’s accession, and the
annuity to the friars ceased to be paid[643]. The brethren represented to
Henry VI the hardships which this loss of revenue inflicted on them, and
in 1453 the King ordered the arrears to be paid,

    ‘in order that the same warden and friars may be in a happier frame of
    mind (_hillariorem animum habeant_) to offer up special prayers for us
    to the Highest[644].’

Under the circumstances we cannot be surprised if the friars sometimes
took legal measures to recover the debts due to them. It was no doubt in
connexion with this grant, that in 1466 Richard Clyff, ‘custos’ of the
Oxford Grey Friars (first in person and afterwards through his attorney)
sued John Broghton, late Sheriff of Kent, in the Court of Exchequer, for
100_s._ due to him from the preceding year, and claimed damages to the
amount of ten marks[645]. In 1488, in like manner, Richard Salford, Warden
of the Friars Minors at Oxford, applied to the Barons of the Exchequer to
compel John Paston, Knt., late Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, to pay a
debt of £10 18_s._, and put in a claim to £10 damages; he recovered the
debt, but the damages were reduced to 26_s._ 8_d._[646] On the same day he
sued Edmund Bedyngfeld, Knt., late Sheriff of the same counties of Norfolk
and Suffolk, for a debt of ‘seven pounds of silver’ and 100_s._ damages;
the amount of the debt and 20_s._ damages were awarded him[647]. The next
year he again brought an action against the same Bedyngfeld and recovered
the debt (£4 2_s._), while the barons assessed his damages at 10_s._
instead of the £4 which he claimed[648]. We gather from these instances
that though the annuity was usually paid and was not often much in arrear,
it was not collected without considerable trouble and expense on the part
of the friars. These actions involved a journey to London and the
employment of an attorney[649]: they were never settled in one day, and
weeks or months elapsed between the first hearing and the second.

The Grey Friars were also in receipt of annual or weekly alms from others
besides the King. Durham College paid them 50_s._ yearly[650].

    ‘In ye accompts of S. Ebbs made before 1542, it appears in all, y{t}
    ye churchwardens of S. Ebbs parish paid to ye warden of ye Grey
    Freyers Oxon 6_d._ per annum[651].’

The nunnery of Godstow[652] gave every week alternately to the Friars’
Preachers and Minors

    ‘fourteen loaves of the best wheat’ (_pasto_), worth in money value
    8_d._ a week, ‘for the soul of Roger Writtell; and the aforesaid
    friars shall have the seal of the monastery to the amount of 34_s._ a
    year.’

The nuns also gave annually to each of the four Orders of friars at Oxford
3_s._ 4_d._ in money, and ‘one peck (_modium_) of oytemell and one of peas
(_pisarum_) in Lent.’ Among the ‘perpetual alms’ of Osney Abbey is
mentioned a grant of 20_s._ to the four Orders, as the price of one ox, at
Christmas, and of 4_d._ a week to each Order ‘according to ancient
custom[653].’

A large part of their revenue was derived from bequests. To minister to
the sick and the dying was one of the first duties which St. Francis
practised himself and enjoined on his followers: that in this respect the
English Franciscans followed his precepts may be seen in the tradition of
them which remained in the memory of this country and which Shakespeare
has expressed in ‘Romeo and Juliet’:

  ‘Going to find a barefoot brother out,
  One of our order, to associate me,
  Here in this city visiting the sick,
  And finding him, the searchers of the town,
  Suspecting that we both were in a house
  Where the infectious pestilence did reign,
  Seal’d up the doors and would not let us forth.’
                                    (Act V, Scene II.)

But work like this receives little notice in history, and where it is
mentioned it is usually upon the sordid aspect of the case--the greed for
legacies--that the chroniclers insist.

In connexion with Oxford there are perhaps in the extant records only two
instances of a Franciscan being found in the chamber of sickness or death.
On Nov. 24, 1357, the will of Robert de Trenge[654], Warden of Merton,
was proved by the sworn testimony of Friar John of Nottingham of the Order
of Friars Minors, and Master Walter Moryn, clerk. The will itself is dated
June 14, 1351, but in the Middle Ages it was rarely that a man made his
will until he felt that his hours were numbered, and although Robert de
Trenge seems to have lived some time longer, he was probably now lying in
expectation of death, struck down perhaps by the dreaded plague.

The other instance is of later date, namely 10th Dec., 1514[655]. A
scholar, John Eustas, had died intestate at Oxford;

    ‘at the instance of his administrators, Friar Richard of Ireland, of
    the Order of Minors, appeared before us (the commissary), and
    confessed that he had abstracted from the goods of the aforesaid dead
    man, without competent legal authority, two mantles and thirty-one
    yards of linen cloth, and in gold 13_s._ 4_d._, which goods he has
    still in his possession.’

A few days later Friar Richard Lorcan was ordered by the court to restore
these goods under penalty of the law[656].

It is, however, in the wills of men and women of every rank and every
status that we get most insight into the work of the friars as visitors of
the sick. Unfortunately we possess but few wills as early as the
thirteenth or first half of the fourteenth century, while for the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when the popularity of the friars had
greatly declined, they are fairly numerous. Taking those proved in the
Chancellor’s court between 1436 and 1538, we find that one will in every
eight, roughly speaking[657], contains a bequest to the Minorites. In the
‘Old White Book’ (Oxford City Records)[658], the proportion is about one
to every four or five, and in the last half of the fourteenth century,
one-third of the wills of Oxford citizens contain bequests to the
Franciscans; and these figures are borne out by the Oxford wills scattered
through the early Registers at Somerset House[659]. The legacies come from
all ranks; tradesmen and merchants being especially well represented. Nor
were the benefactors confined to Oxford and its neighbourhood: the
Convent, like the University, occupied a national position. But it will be
best to give as complete a list as possible of the bequests to the Grey
Friars, and leave readers to draw their own conclusions.

_John of St. John_[660], clerk, by an undated will, probably about 1230,
left half a mark to the Friars Minors of Oxford.

_Martin de Sancta Cruce_, Master of the Hospital of Sherburn, near Durham,
left 10_s._ to them in 1259, with bequests to Friar Richard of Cornwall
and others[661].

_Boniface of Savoy_, Archbishop of Canterbury, left them fifteen marks at
his death in 1270[662].

_Nicholas de Weston_, citizen of Oxford, left them 10_s._ in 1271[663].

_Walter de Merton_, Bishop of Rochester, Chancellor of England, and
founder of Merton College, bequeathed twenty-five marks to them at his
death in 1277[664].

_Thomas Waldere_, of Wycombe, left them 2_s._ in 1291[665].

_Amaury de Montfort_[666], papal chaplain, Treasurer of York, &c. in an
elaborate will dated Feb. 2nd, 1300/1, ordered that ‘the goods and
revenues of the aforesaid Treasury owed to him’ should be divided into
three parts; one-third was to be subdivided into six parts; the sixth part
was to be again subdivided into three parts, one of which was to go to the
Friars Preachers of Oxford, Leicester, and elsewhere; the second

    ‘fratribus Minoribus, Carmelitis, Oxonii, Leycestrie, Parisius, et
    fratribus ordinis S. Trinitatis;’

the third, to pay any debts he might leave. As Amaury was dispossessed of
the Treasurership in Aug. 1265 (after holding it only for a few months),
and never recovered it, these bequests were merely a pious wish.

_John de Doclington_ bequeathed 20_s._ to each of the four Orders in
Oxford in 1335[667].

_Nicholas Acton_[668], parson of the church of Wystantowe (Salop), and
owner of property in London, left the Oxford Franciscans 40_s._ in 1337.

_William de Burchestre_ left them one marc in 1340[669].

_John son of Walter Wrenche_, of Milton, spicer, by a will dated May 4th,
and proved on May 5th, 1349, gave to the Friars Preachers and Friars
Minors of Oxford each ten quarters of corn[670].

_Edmund Bereford_[671], lord of several manors near Oxford, in his will
dated Jan. 8th, 1350/1 and proved in 1354, gave, among many other pious
bequests, 20_s._ at his death and 10_s._ on his anniversary to the
Minorites.

    ‘Item volo quod xij trisennalia celebrentur pro anima mea, videlicet
    ... in quolibet ordine fratrum j trisennale.’

_Henry Malmesbury_, citizen of Oxford, left them 20_s._ in 1361[672].

_John de Bereford_[673], citizen and sometime Mayor of Oxford, bequeathed
13_s._ 4_d._ to each of the Orders in 1361,

    ‘ut habeant animam meam inter eorum missas recommendatam.... Item,
    cuilibet ordini fratrum predicatorum Minorum Carmelitarum et
    Augustinensium Oxon’, die sepulture mee 2_s._ 6_d._, et in die
    commemorationis anime mee in mensem 2_s._ 6_d._, et die anniversarii
    mei 2_s._ 6_d._’

_Humphrey de Bohun_, Earl of Hereford and Essex (who died 1361), devised

    ‘to the students of each house of the four orders of Mendicants in
    Oxford and Cambridge £10 to pray for us[674].’

_Richard Bramptone_, butcher of Oxford, in 1362, left 10_s._ to be divided
equally among the four Orders of friars[675].

_Walter de Berney_[676], a wealthy citizen of London, with apparently no
near relations, was a benefactor: his will, made in 1377, contains, among
many similar bequests, the following:

    ‘Item fratribus minoribus Oxon’ et Cantebrig’ equaliter x li.’

_Richard Carsewell_, butcher of Oxford, in 1389 left the house in which he
lived, ‘without the South Gate of Oxford toward Grantpounde,’ to his
executors, with instructions to sell it

    ‘and to distribute to the poor friars minors of the money received for
    the said tenement, ten marks[677].’

_John Ocle_ or _Okele_, of Oxford, ‘skinner,’ left in 1390, 20_s._ a year
for three years to Friar John Schankton, of the Order of Minors, to
celebrate masses for the soul of the testator and his friends, in the
Franciscan church at Oxford. To the convent of Friars Minors he bequeathed
5_s._, to celebrate divine service for him on the day or the morrow of his
death[678].

_Sir John Golafre_, of Langley and Fyfield, knight, by will dated Jan.
19th, 1393/4, left the Minorites £10, if he were buried in their church:

    ‘et si ita contingat quod corpus meum sepultum fuerit alibi, tunc volo
    quod predicti fratres minores non habeant nisi tantum x li[679].’

_Richard de Garaford_, of Oxford, who was buried in the Dominican
cemetery, left the Friars Minors 6_s._ 8_d._ in 1395[680].

_John de Waltham_, Bishop of Salisbury, left them 6_s._ 8_d._ in the same
year ‘to pray specially for his soul[681].’

_John Maldon_, Provost of Oriel, left 3_s._ 4_d._ to each of the Mendicant
Orders at Oxford in 1401[682].

_John Bannebury_, of Oxford, left 40_d._ to the Grey Friars in 1401[683].

_Matthew Coke_, of Oxford, in the same year, bequeathed 30_s._ to be
divided among the Orders of friars, ‘to celebrate for my soul,’ and added
the hope:

    ‘et ultra hoc spero in voluntate uxoris mee[684].’

_John Thomas_, priest, left by will made at Oxford 1413, 10_s._ to the
Friars Minors there,

    ‘to say one dirige for me with their other usual suffrages[685].’

_Lady Alienora de Sancto Amando_ in 1426 left £8 to be divided amongst the
four Orders at Oxford ‘to celebrate for her soul[686].’

_Robert James_, Esq., lord of Borstall, left 6_s._ 8_d._ to each Order at
Oxford in 1431[687].

_Agnes_, wife of _Michael Norton_[688], in 1438 willed to be buried in the
Minorite church at Oxford, and gave instructions that her tenement in St.
Ebbe’s should be sold and that

    ‘from the money so acquired an anniversary should be held in the said
    church of the friars Minors of Oxford for my soul and the soul of
    Thomas Clamiter (?) my late husband, for the space of twenty years,
    the friars receiving for each such anniversary 6_s._ 8_d._’

_James Hedyan_, LL.B., and Principal of Eagle Hall, in 1445 bequeathed
8_s._ to the Franciscans, in whose church he was buried, and 20_d._ to
Friar Giles (his Franciscan confessor?)[689].

_Reginald Mertherderwa_, doctor of laws and rector of the parish of St.
Crida the Virgin in the diocese of Exeter, in 1447 left 6_s._ 8_d._ to
each of the four Mendicant Orders at Oxford; and to the convent of Friars
Minors

    ‘to provide one breakfast or dinner among them, that they may the more
    devoutly pray for my soul, three shillings and four-pence[690].’

_William Skelton_, clerk, rector of the parish of St. Vedast, London, left
the Minorites 3_s._ 4_d._ in the same year[691].

_Walter Morleyse_, ‘de alta Sebyndon,’ Co. Wilts, left them 5_s._
(1451)[692].

_Richard Browne, alias Cordon_[693], LL.D. and Archdeacon of Rochester,
Canon of York, Wells, etc., provides in his will dated 1452, that if he
dies in or near Oxford, every Order of friars there shall have one noble
(6_s._ 8_d._)

    ‘for the labour of masses and other suffrages to be said for the
    salvation of his soul and the souls of all the faithful dead.’
    Further, ‘I give and bequeath to Friar David Carrewe, Minorite, Master
    in Theology, 6_s._ 8_d._’

_William Lord Lovell_[694] made arrangements before his death ‘to be
buried at the Grayfreris of Oxenford;’ (will dated 18 March, 1454/5,
proved Sept. 1, 1455). In the arrangements a bequest would no doubt be
included.

_Master Philip Polton_, Archdeacon of Gloucester (buried in All Souls
Chapel), left 40_d._ to each Order of friars of Oxford by will dated
1461[695].

_John Dongan_ in 1464 desired to be buried ‘in the cemetery of the Friars
Minors of the University of Oxford,’ to whom he gives 40_d._[696]

_John Russel_, of Holawnton, Wilts, made his will in 1469[697].

    ‘Also I give and bequeath to the iiij ordyrs off ffrerys w{t} in þe
    Vniuersite, of Oxford iiij nowbles to haue myne obyte holden ther and
    to pray for my sowle and the sowlys of sir Robert Russell, Knyght’
    (and other members of the family).

_William Dagvyle_, gentleman, left 30_s._ to the five Orders of friars at
Oxford in 1474[698].

_William Chestur_, ‘marchaunte of the staple of Caleys and Citezein and
Skynnere of London,’ bequeathed in 1476[699],

    ‘to euery of þe iiij ordres of ffreres in Oxenforde xxxiij_s._
    iiij_d._’

_Robert Abdy_, Master of Balliol College, left £4 to the four Orders of
friars at Oxford in 1483[700].

_Alice Dobbis_, ‘wif of John Dobbis of y{e} town of Oxenford Alderman,’
gave and bequeathed 6_s._ 8_d._ to the ‘ffreris Minours’ in 1488[701].

_James Blacwode_, of Oxford, in 1490 left to the Minorites there ‘V{s} et
unum Gublet de Argento pouncede[702].’

_Master John Martoke_, elected Fellow of Merton College in 1458, left each
Order of friars at Oxford 6_s._ 8_d._ (will executed 1500, proved
1503)[703].

_Margaret Goldsmith_ in 1503 left 13_s._ 4_d._ to be divided among the
four Orders[704].

_Thomas Banke_, Rector of Lincoln College, willed in 1503

    ‘that the friars of each of the Religions in the town of Oxford should
    celebrate exequies for him, and that each house should receive of his
    goods 6_s._ 8_d._[705]’

_John Pereson_ (buried at St. Mary Magdalen), left the four Orders 13_s._
4_d._ in 1507[706].

In the same year, Thomas Clarke, the executor of the will of _John
Falley_, promised to pay Dr. Kynton, Minorite, 26_s._ 8_d._ in four
instalments[707].

_Edmund Crofton_, M.A., who made bequests to Brasenose College and the
convents of St. Frideswide, Osney, and Rewley, left 26_s._ 8_d._ to the
four Orders (1508)[708].

_William Hasard_, of Magdalen College, Proctor of the University in 1495,
by a will dated 19th Aug. 1509 and proved 31st Aug. of the same year,
bequeathed 10_s._ to each house of friars,

    ‘praying each Order to celebrate one trental for his soul with the
    exequies of the dead and a mass on the day of his death[709].’

‘_Richard ffetiplace_, of Estshifford[710] (Berks) Squyer,’ made a will in
1510 containing the entry:

    ‘Item I bequeth to the iiij orders of freers in Oxford xxvj_s._
    viij_d._, and eueryche of theym to kepe a solempne dirige and masse
    praying for my soule.’

‘Dame _Elizabeth Elmys_ of Henley upon Thamys’ in 1510 left to each of the
four Orders in Oxford, if she died in that neighbourhood, 10_s._ for a
trental, &c.

    ‘And I will that thos said places of freeres to whom my legacies shall
    come, Immediatly aftir shall syng in their places oon masse of Requiem
    w{t} placebo, dirige, laudes, and commendacion[711].’

‘_Sebyll Danvers_,’ widow, of Waterstoke, in the diocese of Lincoln and
county of Oxford, in 1511 left the four Orders 13_s._ 4_d._ to be divided
equally among them[712].

_Thomas Dauys_, of St. Edwardstowe, Worcester diocese, in 1511 gave in his
will

    ‘to the iiij orders of freeres for iiij trentalles to be said in
    Oxford xl_s._[713]’

_William Perot_, of Lambourne, Salisbury diocese, in 1511 left to the
‘Grey freres of Oxon xx_d._[714]’

_Richard Harecourt_, Esquire, of Abingdon, left 26_s._ 8_d._ to the four
Orders in Oxford in 1512[715].

_William Besylis_, Esquire, in 1515 bequeathed ‘to the grey ffryers in
Oxenfford vj_s._ viij_d._’[716]

_Robert Throkmorton_, Knight, willed in 1518[717], that

    ‘ther be said for my soule in as shorte a space as it may be doon
    after my deceas twoo trentalles in the Graye ffrieris of Worceter, ij
    Trentalles in the grey ffreris of Oxford, ij trentalles in the grey
    ffreris of Cambrygge, ij trentalles in the blake ffreris of Oxford
    (and same of Cambridge), and for euery of thes trentalles I will there
    be gyven x_s._ apece.’

_Sir Richard Elyot_, ‘Knyght, one of the Kinges Justices of his commen
benche,’ willed in 1520, that the four Orders at Oxford and elsewhere,

    ‘haue at my burying or moneth mynde to kepe dirige and masse for me
    iij_s._ iiij_d._’[718]

_John Tynmouth_, Franciscan friar, Bishop of Argos, Suffragan of Sarum,
and parson of Boston, left to the Grey Friars of Oxford £5: the will was
made in 1523, and proved in 1524[719].

In 1526 _Richard Leke_ or _Leek_[720], ‘late bruer of Oxford,’ bequeathed
4_d._ to each Grey friar of Oxford being a priest, and 2_d._ to each
‘being noo prest;’ 6_s._ 8_d._ to the friars ‘to make a dyner in their
owne place;’ 6_s._ 8_d._ to the Warden ‘to prouide for the premisses;’
20_s._ for altars; and an additional 10_s._ to be paid in three
instalments, namely, ‘at my burying,’ ‘at my monethes mynde,’ and ‘at my
yeres mynde.’

_Walter Curson_, of Waterperry[721], ‘gentilman,’ bequeathed a legacy in
these terms:

    ‘Also I woll and gyue to the iiij orders of ffreers in Oxforde for
    iiij Trentalles to be doēn and had for my soule and my ffrendes soules
    xl_s._ eqally to be dewyded that is to wit to euery one of them x_s._’
    (executed 24 Nov. 1526, proved 2 May, 1527).

_John Rogers_ (Exeter College) in 1527 also bequeathed each Order
10_s._[722]

_John Coles_ (1529), left the four Orders 13_s._ 4_d._ (his executors were
M.A.’s)[723].

_John Seman_, of Oxford, by will dated 1529, gave

    ‘vnto euery one of the iiij orders of ffryours in Oxford, so that they
    be at my buryall and monethes mynde, x_s._[724]’

_Anthony Hall_, of Swerford, a considerable landowner, desired in his will
dated 1529 and proved 1530, to

    ‘haue a trentall of masses to be said for me, the one half at our lady
    ffryers (i.e. Carmelites), and the other half at the gray
    ffryers[725].’

_John Byrton_, of ‘Abburbury,’ also a farmer or landowner, left in 1530 to
the four Orders at Oxford 4_s._[726]

_Thomas Goodewyn_, of Alkerton (Oxon), a large sheepfarmer, bequeathed
2_s._ 8_d._ to the ‘gray ffryers of Oxford,’ in 1530[727].

In 1532 _William Clare_, of Hollywell, Oxford, left 3_s._ 4_d._ to each
Order of friars at Oxford[728].

_Jane Foxe_, of Burford, in 1535 bequeathed her lands and tenements and
‘ii c (200) shepe’ to her son, and 5_s._ 8_d._ ‘to the iiij order of
frears in Oxford[729].’

_Henry Standish_[730], Friar Minor, and Bishop of St. Asaph, in 1535
bequeathed

    ‘five marcs to buy books to be placed in the library of the scholars
    of the friars Minors in the University of Oxford,’

ten marks to the church of the same friars, £40 for the exhibition of
scholars[731] in the University of Oxford, and £40 to build an aisle in
the church of the friars Minors at Oxford.

_Thomas Sowche_, of ‘Spellusbury,’ left to the ‘fore orders of freers in
Oxford, euery one of them iiij_d._[732]’

_Richard Elemens_ or _Elemeus_, of ‘Welleford’ (Berkshire?), in 1536 left
‘vnto the Gray freers yn Oxford x_s._[733]’

_John Claymond_, S.T.B., President first of Magdalen College, then of
Corpus Christi College, left 20_s._ to each of the convents of friars at
Oxford in 1536,

    ‘ut celebrent in ecclesiis suis pro anima ejus[734].’

_Elizabeth Johnson_, of Oxford, widow, in 1537 left

    ‘to the four ordres of fryers four nobles to singe dirige and masse at
    All-hallowes churche at the buryall and moneth mynde.’

The will was proved on Jan. 12th, 1538/9,--after the suppression of the
friaries[735].

Many testators authorized their executors to make due provision of
trentalls and masses ‘for the wealth of their souls,’ without specifying
where they were to be celebrated: the friars no doubt came in for a share
of these. Thus Thomas Hoye, Vicar of Bampton, in 1531 gives the following
instructions[736]:

    ‘It is my will that the forsaid goodes be preysid and put to vendicion
    and the money therof cummyng to be ordered and distributed by myn
    executors for trentallys of masses off Requiem eternam and masses of
    the V woundes of our lord to be celebrate and said for the welthe of
    my soule and all Christen sowles. Amen.’

On the other hand, the parish priests or rectors of churches were legally
entitled to one-fourth of the gifts, bequests, and fees given by their
parishioners to the friars[737]: but it is impossible to say whether the
right was generally enforced. In 1521 Leo X,

    ‘owing to the importunate exaction of the funeral fourth by some
    rectors of churches,’

exempted the friars from the payment[738].

Among other sources of revenue may be enumerated the institution of annual
masses for fees (of which the wills often make mention), commutations of
penances for money[739], payment by the University and others for the use
of their church, schools, and other buildings on various occasions[740],
and collections in church[741]. At the beginning of the sixteenth century
we hear of a

    ‘gild of St. Mary in the church of the Friars Minors[742],’

which no doubt supported one or more friars to say mass in one of the ten
chapels. Of manual labour there is little evidence; the only kind
mentioned is the transcription of manuscripts of which we have already
spoken.

We may here say a few words on two other points. Firstly, from what
classes of society were the Franciscans mainly drawn? In the thirteenth
century a very large number of men of position, of high birth, were
attracted to the Order; but that this was unusual may be gathered from the
rejoicings which took place over converts who were ‘_valentes in
saeculo_[743].’ There is every reason to suppose that the Grey Friars, as
well as the other students at the University, were mainly recruited from
the sons of tradesmen, artisans, and villeins[744]. Friar Brackley, D.D.
was the son of a Norwich dyer[745]; and the towns probably supplied the
greater proportion of the Oxford Franciscans[746]. Secondly, what led men
to take the vows of the Minorites? Excluding again the thirteenth century
(when the highest motives were predominant), and confining ourselves to
the later times, we must admit that, apart from those who entered the
Order as boys, either from choice or at the instigation or compulsion of
relatives[747]--the leading motive was a superstitious belief in the
externals of religion, in the efficacy of ‘the washing of cups and pots.’
How strong this feeling was may be seen from the fact that Latimer was at
one time in danger of yielding to it.

    ‘I have thought,’ he wrote to Sir Edward Baynton, ‘that if I had been
    a friar in a cowl, I could not have been damned, nor afraid of death;
    and in my sickness I have been tempted to become a friar[748].’




CHAPTER VIII.

THE DISSOLUTION.

    Attitude of the Grey Friars towards the Reformation in its
    intellectual, religious, and political aspects.--The
    Divorce.--Visitation of Oxford in 1535.--Suppression of the friaries
    in 1538.--Condition of the Grey Friary.--Expulsion of the friars;
    their subsequent history; Simon Ludford.--Houses and site of the Grey
    Friars.--Dr. London tries to secure the land for the town.--The place
    leased to Frewers and Pye; bought by Richard Andrews and Howe; resold
    to Richard Gunter.--Subsequent history of the property.--Total
    destruction of the buildings.


The intellectual torpor which oppressed Oxford for more than a century
after the disappearance of Wiclif and his followers was due less to the
repressive measures adopted by Archbishop Arundel, than to the want of
vitality, of adaptability to new modes of thought, in the scholastic
philosophy and method, with which the intellectual life of Oxford had for
so long been identified. The University as a whole did not extend a warm
welcome to the New Learning, and it was to be expected that the Mendicant
Orders especially should be attached to the old state of things, with
which their past greatness was connected, and to which their present
position and any prestige they still possessed were due[749]. The Grey
Friars consequently were inclined to oppose the revival of learning; and
Tyndale no doubt classed them among ‘the old barking curs, Duns’ disciples
and like draff called Scotists, the children of darkness,’ who ‘raged in
every pulpit against Greek, Latin, and Hebrew[750].’ Dr. Henry Standish,
sometime Warden of the Grey Friars of London and Provincial Minister of
England, attacked Erasmus’ version of the New Testament in a sermon at
Paul’s Cross and in conversation at Court, and seems to have been the
recognised leader of the ‘Trojan’ party in England[751]. But even among
the Minorites there are traces of the influence of the Renaissance.
Another Provincial Minister, Richard Brynkley, was a student of Greek, and
was supplied with a copy of the Gospels in Greek from the Franciscan
Library at Oxford. Friar Nicholas de Burgo seems to have been one of that
band of Humanists whom Wolsey attracted to Oxford, that they might
propagate in his own University the learning and culture of Italy[752].

The close historical relation, notwithstanding the fundamental
differences, between the intellectual movement and the religious movement,
was neatly expressed in a saying current among the friars: ‘Erasmus laid
the egg; Luther hatched it[753].’ The beginnings of the English
Reformation in its religious aspect are to be sought among the educated
classes, especially at Cambridge. The Minorites, while generally hostile
to the new religion[754], did not take a leading part in suppressing it.
And when it is remembered how very little progress the Lutheran doctrines
made in England before the Dissolution, the few instances of sympathy with
those doctrines recorded in the lives of Oxford Franciscans acquire a
certain importance[755]. These, however, were exceptional cases. If we
trace the fortunes of individual Franciscans after the Dissolution, it
will be found that no generalization as to their attitude towards the
Reformation can be made. A few remained loyal to the old religion[756],
others embraced the new[757], and on both sides persecution was suffered
for conscience’ sake[758]; others again contrived to reconcile themselves
with both old and new according to circumstances[759].

With the Reformation as a political movement, the Franciscans had more
sympathy. A large section of them had, long before this, taught the
supremacy of the State over the Church in all things political[760]; they
approved in principle the confiscation of Church-property for the common
good[761]; and Friar Henry Standish, in defending the claim of the
temporal courts to try and punish criminous clerks, together with the
broad principles on which that claim rested, was only applying to present
circumstances the time-honoured traditions of his Order[762]. It is true
that the Friars of the Observance resisted the royal supremacy in 1534.
But the supremacy claimed by Henry VIII went beyond anything asserted by
his predecessors, involving, as it did in effect, the establishment of a
lay jurisdiction superior to all ecclesiastical courts _in spiritualibus_
as well as _in temporalibus_, constituting Henry ‘a king with a pope in
his belly’[763]. The Franciscans at Oxford seem, like most of the
religious, to have accepted the supremacy in this extended form and to
have taken the oath without demur: at least there is no evidence to the
contrary[764].

The oath administered to the monks and friars involved an acknowledgment,
not only of the royal supremacy, but of the lawfulness of Henry’s divorce
from Katharine and marriage with Anne Boleyn, and a promise to preach the
same on every occasion[765]. The attitude of the Oxford Franciscans to the
divorce, so far as it can be ascertained, may be briefly stated here.

Henry attached great importance to securing a decision in favour of his
divorce from the chief universities of Europe. The divorce became the
all-absorbing topic at Oxford; and individual Minorites took a prominent
part in the discussions. But the convent as a whole did not present a
united front. Dr. Thomas Kirkham, a Franciscan, is mentioned as one of the
Doctors of Divinity who opposed the divorce and were ready to write
against it[766]. Dr. Kynton seems to have been on the same side at
first[767]; Archbishop Warham complained of his having spread calumnious
reports about himself in connexion with the ‘King’s matter,’ and demanded
his punishment. But it is doubtful whether in the end Kynton had the
courage of his opinions; he was one of the committee of three appointed by
the theological faculty to decide the question with the assistance of
thirty other members to be nominated by the smaller committee[768]. This
body subsequently issued, in the name of the University, the qualified
declaration in favour of the King, the tenour of which is well-known.

The most active champion of the King’s cause was also a Minorite, Dr.
Nicholas de Burgo, a native of Italy, who enjoyed the patronage of
Cardinal Wolsey[769]. The unpopularity of the divorce, among those who
were guided by their sentiments rather than by their personal interests,
is shown by the treatment he received at Oxford. He was pelted with stones
in the street, and the good women of the town would have ‘foyled’ him ‘if
their handys might have served their harts’[770]. In retaliation the friar
caused about thirty women to be locked up in Bocardo for three days and
nights[771]. As we shall see later on, his services did not go
unrewarded[772]. The position of Friar Nicholas, however, was exceptional,
and his action cannot be regarded as representative of the feelings of the
Oxford Convent.

The causes which led to the dissolution of the monasteries do not concern
us here. The friaries were not included in the Act of 1536 for the
abolition of the lesser monasteries; they possessed as a rule no estates
except the site on which they were built, and the gains to be derived from
their disendowment were perhaps regarded as insufficient compensation for
the odium which the measure would necessarily involve. The first blow had
already fallen upon the Observant Friars, the fearless champions of the
legality of the Queen Katharine’s marriage and of the Papal supremacy. The
conventuals were left alone till Henry decided on the general suppression
of the religious houses throughout England. The object of the royal party
was then to obtain what was called a ‘voluntary’ surrender of their
property from the members of each religious community; and among those
who had the courage to offer opposition were many houses of Franciscans,
‘with hom,’ writes the Bishop of Dover, ‘in every place I have moche
besynes’[773]. But among these we cannot reckon the convent at Oxford.

In 1535 Cromwell sent his agent, Layton, and others, to Oxford to reform
the University. After abolishing the study of the schoolmen[774], the
visitors proceeded to deal with the religious students[775]. For the
reform of the monasteries, they were armed with a set of eighty-six
articles of inquiry and twenty-five injunctions[776], the real though not
avowed object of which was to make monastic life unbearable and so to
prepare the way for ‘voluntary’ surrenders[777].

    ‘We have further,’ writes Dr. Layton to Cromwell on the 12th of
    September[778], ‘in visitynge the religiouse studenttes, emongyste all
    other injunctions, adjoyned that none of them for no manner of cause
    shall cum within any taverne, in, alhowse, or any other howse
    whatsoever hit be, within the towne and the suburbs of the same, upon
    payne onse so taken by day or by nyght, to be sent imediatly home to
    his cloister whereas he was professede. Withoute doubte we here say
    this acte to be gretly lamentede of all the duble honeste women of the
    towne, and specially of ther laundres that now may not onse entre
    within the gaittes, and muche lesse within ther chambers, wherunto
    they wer ryght well accustomede. I doubt not but for this thyng onely
    the honeste matrones will sew unto yowe for a redresse.’

It is probable, that, between this time and the summer and autumn of 1538,
when the general dissolution of the friaries took place, many of the
Oxford Franciscans had left their house[779]. The Friary, it will be seen,
was wretchedly poor and in a ruinous condition; ‘and few do geve any almys
to them’[780]. The commission to visit the Oxford friaries in 1538
consisted of Dr. John London, the mayor (Mr. Banaster) and ‘master
aldermen’ (apparently Mr. Pye and Mr. Fryer). On the 8th of July[781], Dr.
London writes to Cromwell that he and his fellow-commissioners have been
‘at all the places of the fryers in Oxforde,’ and wishing ‘to know your
lordeships pleasur’ on certain doubtful points, he proceeds to give an
account of his work.

    ‘At Mr. Pyei’s comyng home Mr. Maier and Mr. ffryer wer at London, and
    forasmoch as we dowbtyd of ther spedy comyng home, and Mr. Pye and I
    wer creadable informyd that it wasse time to be doing among the
    friers[782], we went to euery place of them and tok such a vew[783]
    and stay among them as the tyme wolde permytt.’

After visiting the Carmelites and Austin Friars, they came to the Grey
Friars.

    ‘The Grey ffryers,’ continues London[784], ‘hathe prayty Ilondes
    behynde ther howse well woddyde, and the waters be thers also. They
    haue oon fayre orchard and sondry praty gardens and lodginges. It ys a
    great hoge howce conteynyng moche ruinose bylding. They haue impledged
    and solde most of ther plate and juellys forcyd by necessitie as they
    do saye, and that remaynyth ys in the bill. Ther ornamentes of ther
    church be olde and litill worthe. Ther other stuff of howsholde ys
    ybill worth x łi. They haue taken vppe the pypes of ther condytt
    lately and haue cast them in sowys to the nombre lxxij, wherof xij be
    sold for the costes in taking vppe of the pypes, as the warden saith.
    The residew we haue putt in safe garde. Butt we haue nott yet weyd
    them. And ther ys yet in the erthe remaynyng moch of the condytt nott
    taken vppe. In ther groves the wynde hathe blown down many great
    trees, wich do remayn upon the ground. Thees freers do receyve yerly
    owt of thexchequer of the Kinges almys l markes. Thys howse ys all
    coveryde w{t} slatte and no ledde.’

Before August the 14th the doctor had sent up the plate of the Oxford
friaries to Cromwell’s servant in London, Mr. Thacker, and received from
him ‘a bill indentyd conteynyng the parcels of the sayd plate w{t} the
nombre of ownces.’[785] The following is the list of

  Juelles and plate in the grey ffryers[786].

  Imp’mis a crosse of sylu’ and gylt                    liiij vnc’.
  A chales all gylt                                     xiiij vnc’.
  A nother all gylt                                     xv vnc’.
  A nother p̱cell gylt                                   xiij vnc’.
  A nother chales p̱cell gylt                            xiiij vnc’ et di.
  A pyxe of sylu’ gyldyd w{t} owt a cou’                xv vnc’.
  A sensar of sylu’ waynge                              xxxij vnc’.
  A payer of small cruettes gylted                      ij vnc’ iij qrt’.
  V masers olde w{t} bonds of sylu’ weyng w{t} the
      trees[787].                                       lxxxxij vnc’.
  A black horne w{t} sylu’ bonde and fot weyng w{t}
     the horne                                          x vnc’ et di.
  iij dosyn sponys                                      xxxiij vnc’.
  A knappe[788] of the cou’ of a maser                  ij vnc’.

The treatment of the friars themselves was a more complicated problem. All
of them seem to have been willing to become secular priests, and London
urged

    ‘that with spede we may haue ther capacyties, ffor the longer they
    tary the more they will wast[789].’

On the 14th of August[790] he complains that

    ‘as yet we haue nott the capacities and therfor be at the chardge in
    fyndyng them mete and drink.’

On the 31st of August, again, he writes to Cromwell from Oxford[791]:

    ‘I have causyd all our fower ordre of fryers to change ther cotes, and
    have despacchide them as well as I can till they may receyve ther
    capacities, for the wiche I have now agen sent uppe thys berar doctor
    Baskerfelde[792], to whom I do humblie besek your lordeschippe to
    stonde gudde lorde. He ys an honest man, and causyd all hys howse to
    surrendre the same and to chaunge ther papistical garmentes. I wrote
    to your lordeschippe specially for hym to have in hys capacytie an
    expresse licens to dwell in Oxford, altho he wer benefycyd; and your
    lordeschipp then wrote that yt wasse your pleasur he and all other
    shulde have ther capacities according to ther desyer, and for that
    thys man is now an humble sutar unto your lordeschippe. He hath be a
    visitar of dyvers places wiche they do call custodies, and knowith
    many thinges as well in London as otherwise, wiche he hath promised me
    to declare unto your lordeschippe, if it be your pleasur he schall so
    do.’

The list of Oxford Grey Friars who ‘wold haue ther capacytis’ which was
sent to Cromwell[793], contains eighteen names, thirteen of them being
priests, one subdeacon, and four not in holy orders. The names are:
Edward Baskerfelde, Warden, S.T.P.[794]; Friars Brian Sanden, Richard
Roper, B.D., Rodulph Kyrswell, Robert Newman, William Brown, John Covire
(or Conire or Comre), James Cantwell, Thomas Cappes, John Stafforde Schyer
(?), William Bowghnell, James Smyzth, Thomas Wythman, priests; Friar John
Olliff, subdeacon; and Friars Symon Ludforth, Thomas Barly, William Cok,
and John Cok, _non infra sacros_.

It is not often possible to trace the subsequent career of the friars when
they had been turned adrift on the world. The monks as a rule received
pensions, and the entries respecting the payment of these in the
Ministers’ Accounts and other records, afford some clue to their fate. The
Mendicants except in a few isolated cases received no pensions. Dr. London
in his letter of the 8th of July[795] asked Cromwell

    ‘what reward euery freer shall have ...[796] at ther departinge,’

but the question no doubt refers merely to the gift of a few shillings,
which was usually made to each friar on his dismissal. No instance occurs
in the records of a pension having been paid to any of the Grey Friars who
were at Oxford at the time of the suppression[797]. It is probable that
Baskerfeld, who was an important person in the University, received a
benefice with license to live in Oxford. Robert Newman seems also to have
been presented to a living[798]. But the career of only one of these
eighteen friars can be traced with any certainty. Simon Ludford, a native
of Bedford, became an apothecary in London. On November 6, 1553, he
supplicated for the degree of M.B. at Oxford after six years’ study in the
medical faculty. On November 27, he obtained the degree and was admitted
to practise. The College of Physicians remonstrated with the University
and recommended that the degree should be revoked on the ground of
Ludford’s ignorance. Though the University refused to withdraw its
license, the ex-friar proceeded to Cambridge, but the Physicians hastened
to warn the authorities there against him. They had, they wrote to the
University, already examined Ludford ‘on the 17th day before the Calends
of March, 1553’ (?), and, finding him completely ignorant of medicine,
philosophy, and the liberal sciences, and distinguished only by ‘blind
audacity,’ unanimously voted against his admission. Ludford left
Cambridge, but persevered. In May 1560, he supplicated for the degree of
M.D. at Oxford, stating that he had long practised in London by permission
of the London College of Physicians. In July he incepted as M.D. of
Oxford. In April 1563 he was made fellow of the College of Physicians, and
he was censor of the same College in 1564, 1569, and 1572.[799]

We turn now to the Minorites who had studied at Oxford, but who were
living in other convents at the time of the dissolution. Of these a
considerable number obtained benefices[800], a few even rising to
positions of some importance in the Church[801]. But what proportion these
successful cases bore to the unsuccessful cannot be even approximately
ascertained; it would naturally be higher among friars who had received a
university education than among the common herd. Yet it is unlikely that a
majority even of the former were presented to livings. The number of
disbanded monks and friars seeking employment as priests must have been
very large, and at the same time the demand for priests was growing less
and less.[802] Some of the friars probably drifted into secular
employments; others perhaps joined the ranks of the ‘sturdy beggars’ of
whom so much is heard in the sixteenth century. It can hardly be doubted
but that the lot of many was one of hardship and suffering.

In the eyes of Cromwell and his royal master the only question of real
importance was the most advantageous disposal of the property. The
buildings of the Grey Friars were of little account, and the convent was
among those

    ‘howses of freres that have no substance of lead, save only some of
    them haue smale gutters[803].’

The site, however, was of considerable value, Dr. London was anxious that
it should be secured for the city; and his letter[804] gives a curious
picture of the state of Oxford at the time of the dissolution.

    ‘It ys rumoryd her that dyuers of the garde do intende to begge thees
    howsys of the Kinges hyghnes, and that with other consideracions
    moveth me now to be an humble petitioner vnto your lordeschippe for my
    neybours. We haue in Oxforde two of the Kinges grace’s seruantes Mr.
    Banaster and Mr. Pye, two as burgerly and as honest men as lyveth in
    any town and hathe no thing to lyve vpon, nother farmes abrode nor
    fees saving oonly ther wages of the Kinges grace iiij_d._ a daye. Mr.
    Banaster ys now mayer, and Mr. Pye hath be mayer, to hys great
    chardge.’

The writer then urges that Mr. Banaster should have the site (‘cyte’) and
profits of the White Friars, Mr. Pye those of the fair of the Austin
Friars.

    ‘Mr. Pye specially hath be diligent to bring vnto the Kinges grace’s
    hondes thees howses, and therefor I besek your gudd lordeschipp to be
    gudd lord vnto hym. And syns Mr. Mayer com home he ys as diligent as
    maye be and so is Mr. ffryer.’

London goes on to plead for his ‘neybours of Oxford,’

    ‘seying so gudd an occasion ys come wherin your lordeschipp may do
    vnto them the hyest benefytt that euer dydd honorable man. The
    greatest occasion of the povertie of thys town ys the payment of ther
    fee-farme. ffor thys ys customablie seen, that such as befor they haue
    be bayliffes hath be prety occupyers, if in ther yere corn be nott at
    a hie price, then they be nott able to pay ther fee-farme. And for the
    worschipp of ther town they must that yere kepe the better howsys,
    fest ther neybours and wer better apparell, wich maketh them so pore
    that few of them can recouer agen. If by your gudde lordeschips
    mediation the town myȝt haue the grey and black fryers growndes after
    the Kinges grace hath be answerd for the wodd and buyldinges with
    other thynges upon the same, and lykewyse the cytes of the Whyte and
    austen fryers after the decese of Mr. Banester and Mr. Pye; It wolde
    mervelosly helpe the town, and geve them great occasion to fall to
    clothynge, ffor vpon the grey and black fryers water be certen
    convenyent and commodiose places to sett fulling mylles vpon, and so
    people myȝt be sett awork. Now the baylys forcyd by necessitie taketh
    such tolls of such as passith by the town with catell or any maner of
    cariage as makith men lothe to com herbye; and Oxford ys no great
    thorowfare whereby moche resort schuld helpe them. Thys benefytt shuld
    lytill hynder the kinges maiestie and mervelosly helpe thys pouer
    town; and your lordeschipp schuld do a blessyd dede to helpe so many
    pouer men wich by ther fee-farme be notably poverischyd. And yet the
    Kinges grace schuld save a C markes yerly in hys cofers by reason of
    the grey and black fryers wich hath euery of them C (_sic_) markes by
    yere.’

The plan here sketched out, creditable as it is to its author, was not
carried into effect. On August 10th, 1540, William Frewers and John Pye of
Oxford, obtained a lease of the house and site of the Grey Friars,
together with the grove containing by estimation five acres, for
twenty-one years, at a rent of 20_s._ a year--half the amount of the rent
which the same persons paid for the Black Friars[805]. Much of the Grey
Friars’ property was expressly excepted from this lease; namely, the close
called ‘le Churcheyarde’ now held by Richard Gunter of Oxford at an annual
rent of 3_s._ 4_d._, the orchard or garden called ‘Paradise,’ and the
garden called ‘Boteham,’ now held by William Thomas at an annual rent of
6_s._ 8_d._ Further all large trees and shrubs were reserved to the King,
together with all those buildings within the precincts of the two friaries
‘which the King had commanded to be levelled or taken away.’

In 1544 the tenants seem to have opened negotiations for the purchase of
the property. In the official ‘particulars’ sent up to the royal
commissioners we read:

    ‘These houses of ffryers ar wythin the towne of Oxford and as I haue
    lernyd they ar not nyghe eny of the Kinges houses neyther hys graces
    parkes fforestes and chase by seven myles. And what ffyne wylbe gyuen
    ffor the same I know not neyther can lerne. And they ar the ffermers
    them selues y{t} desyreth to by the premysses[806].’

The price which the tenants offered was probably unsatisfactory; the
impecunious Pye with his wages of 4_d._ a day can hardly have had a chance
against wealthier speculators in monastic lands. In 1544 a successful bid
was made by Richard Andrewes of Hales, Esquire (Glouc.), one of the
largest of these speculators[807], who as usual was acting in partnership
with another, in this case John Howe. On July 14th, 1544, the King granted
to these two, in consideration of £1094 3_s._ 2_d._ paid by Richard
Andrewes, various monastic lands in the counties of Derby, Middlesex,
Oxford, &c., including the sites of the Black and Grey Friars in
Oxford[808].

    ‘We give also and for the aforesaid consideration by these presents
    concede to the said Richard Andrewes and John Howe, the whole site of
    the house late of the friars Minors, commonly called “les Grey
    ffreers” within the town of Oxford now dissolved. And also our whole
    grove of land and wood with its appurtenances containing by estimation
    five acres of land, now or late in the tenure or occupation of William
    ffrewers and John Pye or their assigns; and our whole close of land
    called ‘le Churcheyarde’ with its appurtenances, now or late in the
    tenure or occupation of James Gunter or his assigns; and our whole
    garden or orchard called “Paradyse,” and our whole garden called
    Bateham or Boteham, now or late in the tenure or occupation of William
    Thomas or his assigns, with all and each of their appurtenances
    situated within the town of Oxford, lately belonging to the priory or
    house of the friars Minors ...; and all our houses, buildings,
    stables, granaries, curtilages, gardens (_ortos_), orchards, gardens
    (_gardina_), waters, ponds, vineyards, land and soil whatsoever with
    their appurtenances lying within the said boundary of the house of the
    friars Minors.... Which site of the late house of friars Minors and
    all the aforesaid houses, buildings, gardens, orchards, &c., belonging
    thereto, now amount (_extenduntur_) to the clear annual value of
    30_s._... We except however always and totally reserve out of the
    present concession, all the bells and the whole of the lead and glass
    on the said houses of the friars Minors and Preachers, except the lead
    and glass in the gutters and windows of the houses or mansions of the
    same friars: and also in like manner all the buildings and structures
    of the late churches, cloisters, refectories, dormitories, and
    chapterhouses of the said friars.’

All the property granted was to be held by Richard Andrewes and John Howe
and the heirs and assigns of Richard Andrewes, in chief, ‘for the service
of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee.’ An annual rent was to be paid
to the King from each parcel of property, the rent of the site of the
Friars Minors being 3_s._, that of the Friars Preachers 4_s._

The purchase was purely a matter of speculation, and the next month
(August 26th, 1544), Andrewes and Howe obtained from the King, for a fine
of 9_s._, license to alienate the site of the Grey Friars, with the grove,
churchyard, Paradise, and Boteham, and the buildings, except those already
reserved for the King, to Richard Gunter, alderman of Oxford, and Joanna
his wife, and the heirs and assigns of Richard Gunter, to be held by them
‘for the services due thence to us, our heirs, and successors[809].’ It
does not appear whether the leases of Frewers, Pye, and Thomas, were
cancelled or allowed to run their course.

The subsequent history of the property is obscure, and probably would not
repay an exhaustive investigation. Wood states that the land

    ‘being shifted through severall hands doth now acknowledg also
    severall owners[810].’

Part of it was ‘now inhabited by tanners[811].’ The island or grove on the
south of Trill Mill stream belonged

    ‘to Sir William Moorton, Kt., Judge of the King’s Bench, in right of
    his wife Anne, daughter and heir of John Smyth of Oxford, Gent[812].’

Writing about a century later, Peshall states that the site

    ‘now forms the messuage or Tenement and large Yard of Charles Collins,
    Gent; the Garden, Orchard, and Tenement of Swithin Adee, M.D., late
    Sir James Cotter’s, Bart., and the large Garden and Orchard called
    Paradise Garden. The Island in their possession ... is occupied by Mr.
    Shirley, which serves partly for a Tan Yard and Buildings necessary
    thereto[813].’

In a short time little was left of the buildings--so complete was the work
of destruction. ‘The trees were soon cut down, all the greens trod under
foot, the church thrown down, and the stones, with the images and
monuments of the greatest value, scattered about[814].’ The name only
survived; Agas in his map (1578) puts the _Graie Friers_ where the house
of the Black Friars stood. ‘The ruins of this college are gone to ruine,’
wrote Wood, ‘and almost lodged in obscurity[815]:’ and the ‘scanty
fragments’ (_rudera paucula_) which were visible to Hearne and Parkinson
as they walked towards the Watergate[816] have long since vanished. Even
the use to which the materials were put is unknown. Some of the stones
form no doubt the foundation-work of many houses in St. Ebbe’s: but while
something definite is known about the materials of the Houses of the other
Mendicant Orders, the records are silent respecting the greatest of the
friaries[817].




_PART II._

_BIOGRAPHICAL AND BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES._




CHAPTER I.

CUSTODIANS AND WARDENS.

    1. W. of Esseby, Warden and Custos, c. 1225.--2. E. de Merc, Warden,
    1237.--3. P. of Tewkesbury, Custos, 1236-1248.--4. J. of Stamford,
    Custos, 1253.--5. Martin, Warden, c. 1250.--6. Adam of Warminster,
    Warden, 1269.--7. J. Codyngton, Warden, 1300.--8. J. of Okehampton,
    Warden, 1340.--9. R. Clyff, Custos, 1465.--10. R. Salford, Warden,
    1488.--11. W. Vavasour, Warden, c. 1500.--12. R. Burton, Warden (and
    Custos), 1508.--13. W. Goodfield, Warden, before 1513.--14. J. Harvey,
    Warden, 1513.--15. E. Baskerfield, Warden (and Custos), 1534.


Unlike the Abbots and Priors of the _religiosi possessionati_, the heads
of the Mendicant Houses required no royal assent to their appointment.
Their names consequently do not occur in the royal records, and to this
fact is due the incompleteness of the following list of the custodians and
wardens of the Grey Friars at Oxford. It is a noteworthy if not surprising
fact, that not a single original work by any of these men can now be
found.

=William of Esseby= (perhaps Ashby in Norfolk)[818], the first warden, was
one of the four clerks who came to England with Agnellus in 1224; he was
then a young man and a novice, having recently joined the Order in
France[819], and only assumed the habit of a _professus_ when he became
warden at Oxford[820]. He was among the first three Minorites authorized
to preach in England[821].

When the English Province was divided into custodies (c. 1226?), he was
made custodian of Oxford[822]. Afterwards he was sent to found the
convent at Cambridge, and Eccleston draws a strange picture of him
solemnly chanting the service, with one other friar and a crippled novice,
in the wooden shed which served for a chapel[823]. Later William is heard
of at Northampton[824]. About 1238, he was sent by Friar Wygmund, the
German _visitator_ of England, to visit Ireland; his mission here proved
as abortive as that of the German in England; on his return he went to
Cologne to join Wygmund[825]. He had ceased to be warden or custodian of
Oxford before 1237[826]. He was alive when William of Nottingham became
Provincial Minister, and died ‘after many years’ at London[827].

Eccleston gives him a high character. He was specially distinguished for
his obedience.

    ‘When Friar Gregory, the Provincial Minister of France, asked him
    whether he would like to go to his native land, he said, he did not
    know what he would like, because his will was not his own, but the
    Minister’s; so, whatever the Minister would, he would[828].’

By his tact he did much towards winning for his Order the affection of the
world, and he was instrumental in leading many fit persons of various
ranks and ages ‘to the way of salvation[829].’

    Cambridge Univ. Library, MS. Ii I. 24, p. 332. seq. (sec. xiv)
    contains a sermon by the ‘_Prior de Essebi de artificioso modo
    predicandi_,’ and other sermons perhaps by the same author. Tanner and
    others suggest that this Essebi may be the Franciscan: but ‘Prior’ was
    a title unknown in the Franciscan Order. The author was probably a
    Prior of Canons Ashby.

=Eustace de Merc= was a member of the Oxford convent in the lifetime of
Agnellus, and had license to hear confessions; he was warden at the time
of the visitatorial chapter held by Friar Wygred or Wygmund in 1237-8. On
this occasion many accusations were brought against him, in consequence of
which he was for a day and a half excluded from the chapter; the charges
are not specified and do not seem to have been proved. After fulfilling
the duties of warden for a long time, he became custodian of York. The
date of his death is unknown.

While he always showed to others ‘the sweetness of an angelic affection,’
he subjected himself until the end of his life to the severest discipline;
even in his earlier years, his fasts and vigils and self-inflicted stripes
endangered his health, and called forth the remonstrances of his
superiors[830].

=Peter of Tewkesbury.= It is uncertain whether ‘Friar Peter, custodian of
Oxford’ is to be identified with Peter of Tewkesbury; but a comparison of
the dates, so far as they can be ascertained, brings out nothing
inconsistent with this supposition, and we shall put the facts about both
of them together. Peter of Tewkesbury was warden of London about 1234;
about this time he went to Rome with Agnellus and some Friars Preachers on
behalf of the English prelates[831]. Agnellus confessed to him on his
death-bed and constituted him his vicar[832]. When Albert of Pisa was
Provincial, Friar Peter was custodian of Oxford; he held the office for
twelve years (1236-48?)[833]. During the generalship of Haymo, ‘Friar
Peter, custodian of Oxford’ was one of the three friars chosen for the
English province to note doubtful points in the Rule[834]. In 1245 he
again appears as custodian; Adam mentions having written a detailed
account to him about the proceedings at or before the Council of
Lyons[835]. Peter of Tewkesbury was at the general chapter of the friars
at Genoa in 1244, and remained afterwards to obtain and take back two
Papal bulls about the Friars Preachers and Minors, evidently the
revocation of the bull providing that no Minorite should receive the
_obligati_ of the Preachers into his Order[836]. When John of Stamford
fell ill on his return from Lyons, Peter of Tewkesbury was sent to Mantes
to come back with Adam Marsh, at Grostete’s request[837]. In 1250 he was
minister of Cologne[838]. It was probably in the next year that he was
elected fifth Provincial of England after the death of William of
Nottingham[839]: he was succeeded by John of Stamford about 1256 or
1257[840]. He was an intimate friend of Robert Grostete, ‘from whom he
often heard many secrets of wisdom.’[841] Eccleston says of him:

    ‘Friar Peter of Tewkesbury, minister of Germany, with God’s grace
    defended the state of the Order against the King, legate, and many
    false brethren, to such an extent that the fame of the fact spread to
    many provinces, and his zeal of truth was invincibly proved[842].’

He was buried at Bedford[843].

=John of Stamford=, custodian of Oxford[844], was a man of great
importance among the friars. He was at the council of Lyons in 1245 as
_socius_ of Adam Marsh[845]. The Pope had some thoughts of sending him
with others on an embassy to the Chorasmeni, Tartars, and Saracens, who
had attacked the Holy Land, but the plan was not carried out[846]. On his
return, he was taken ill at Beaune, and was tended by Adam Marsh[847].
John of Stamford was one of the three friars to whom the general entrusted
the confirmation of the election of William of Nottingham’s successor in
the office of Provincial Minister (1251)[848]. Some time after 1245 he
became custodian of Oxford; he held the office in 1253 when Thomas of York
incepted[849]. He joined about this time with Adam Marsh and Thomas of
York in a petition to the Provincial, begging for mercy for Hugh Cote,
probably a lay brother, who had stolen three horses of great value, and
then repented[850]. He succeeded Peter of Tewkesbury as provincial
minister about 1256[851]. His friendship with Adam Marsh lasted to the end
of the latter’s life[852]: feeling that his last days were approaching,
Adam begged Bonaventura, then General, to send to him John of Stamford,
the English Provincial, who was at this time (1257), apparently
abroad[853]. As Provincial he procured an endowment (20_s._ per annum) for
St. Owen’s Church in London, the parish in which the Minorites then had
their house[854]. He is said to have died in 1264, but there is no good
authority for the statement[855]. He was buried at Lynn, with which place
he seems to have had some previous connexion: Brewer calls him warden of
Lynn[856].

=Martin= is mentioned in two letters from Adam Marsh to ‘W., Minister of
England’ as warden of Oxford; but the superscription is untrustworthy and
the date of the letters uncertain[857]. This Martin may have been
identical with the ‘Frater Martinus senex’ (mentioned by Eccleston), who
established the convent at Shrewsbury, and delighted in the recollection
of the hardships and poverty which he had then experienced[858]. A Martin
de Barton, who was also known to Eccleston, and had often seen St.
Francis, came to England in the early years of the Order, and was
afterwards vicar of the English Provincial and filled many other
offices[859]. When custodian of York, Martin de Barton enforced the
strictest poverty, only allowing so many friars to live in any place, as
could be supported by mendicancy alone without incurring debts[860].

=Adam of Warminster= was warden in 1269; he took part in a controversy
with the Dominicans at Oxford in that year, defending his Order against
the charge of being ‘receivers of money[861].’

=John de Codyngton= was warden in 1300, when he received license from the
Bishop to hear confessions in the Archdeaconry of Oxford[862].

=John de Okehampton= was warden in 1340; all that is known of him will be
found in the Appendix B.

=Richard Clyff= was custodian in 1465 and 1466. In the latter year he sued
John Broghton, sheriff of Kent for a royal debt. He was sometime
vice-warden of London and was buried in the church of the Minorites
there[863].

=Richard Salford= was warden in 1488 and 1489; he recovered debts from Sir
John Paston, sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, and Sir Edmund Bedyngfeld,
sheriff of the same counties; the records of these suits contain the only
notices of him now remaining[864].

=William Vavasor= was studying at Oxford and transcribing philosophical
treatises in 1490 and 1491[865]. He incepted as D.D. in 1500, and was
warden of the convent about the same time[866]. In Thomas Cromwell’s list
of learned persons not living in Oxford (A. D. 1531) is the name of ‘Dr.
Vavysor, Grey Friar at...’[867]. At the dissolution he was warden of the
Grey Friars at York[868], and was one of the few Mendicants who received a
pension; the amount was £5 a year[869].

=Robert Burton= was warden on April 12, 1508, when he applied to the
Chancellor’s Court to recover a debt.

    ‘Eodem die dedimus terminum domino Joanni Gardener principali aule
    bovine ad satisfaciendum fratri Roberto Burton gardiano fratrum
    Minorum xxv{s} viii{d} sibi debitos in fine quatuor septimarum,’
    &c.[870]

As B.D. he supplicated for D.D. on March 8th, 1507/8 after studying for
twenty years at Oxford and Cambridge, preaching two University sermons at
Oxford, and six at Paul’s Cross, &c.; the grace was conceded on condition
that he should respond once more[871]. Afterwards he became regent of the
Franciscan Schools in London. The register of the Grey Friars, London,
notes among those buried in the chapel of All Saints in the Franciscan
church,

    frater Robertus Burton sacre theologie prof(essor quondam) Regens
    loci, qui obiit 8{o} die mensis Januarii A. D. 1522[872].

=Walter Goodfield= was warden shortly before 1513; as warden he leased one
of the friary gardens to Ric. Leke, brewer[873]. From the University
Register[874], it appears that on Nov. 27, 1506, he supplicated to be
admitted to opponency and to read the sentences, after studying twelve
years in logic, philosophy, and theology; on May 10, 1507, in making the
same supplication, he stated that he had studied the same subjects
fourteen years. He was admitted to oppose on Dec. 10, 1507. On June 3,
1508, he supplicated as B.D. for D.D.

    ‘This grace was granted on condition that he has studied twelve years
    in logic, philosophy, and theology, and that he proceed before Easter,
    and that he preach once ‘_preter formam_,’ after taking his degree,
    and read one book of the sentences publicly and gratis.’

On March 19, 1509/10, he was allowed to count a sermon to be preached on
Ash Wednesday as his examinatory sermon. On May 12, 1510, he was licensed
in theology. On June 27, 1510, he was dispensed ‘_pro suis lecturis
minutis_.’ On July 1, he was admitted D.D.; on Oct. 28, 1510, he was with
three others appointed a judge to examine a sentence passed on Thomas
Foster by the commissary[875]; and on Dec. 10, he was dispensed from his
necessary regency, possibly owing to his duties as warden. He seems to
have become warden of the London convent after this[876]. He died on the
6th of May, 1521, and was buried in the chapel of All Saints, in the Grey
Friars Church, London[877].

=John Harvey= succeeded Goodfield as warden; he held the office in Feb.
1513/4[878], Feb. 1514/5[879], and probably for many years afterwards. He
had ceased to be warden in 1529, when he was required by the vice-warden
or sub-warden John Bacheler, in the name of the then warden, to answer
certain charges made against him respecting his administration[880]. The
following details are known about his scholastic career; he was admitted
to oppose in theology Dec. 6, 1514, and admitted B.D. on Jan. 20, 1514/5;
he was still B.D. in 1529; one of the same name took the degree of B. Can.
L. on April 3, 1530, but he is not described as a friar[881].

=Edward Baskerfild= was probably the immediate successor of John Harvey.
In Jan. 1527/8 he held some office, being then ‘in London on the business
of his house’ and likely to stay there some months[882]; he is described
as warden in 1533, as _custos fratrum minorum Universitatis Oxon’_ in
1534[883], and he was warden at the time of the dissolution.

He supplicated for B.D. on April 12, 1526, after

    ‘studying logic, philosophy, and theology for thirteen years, and
    preaching some sermons at Exeter and Oxford,’

was admitted to oppose on June 13, and became B.D. on Feb. 18,
1526/7[884]. He supplicated for D.D. on Dec. 9, 1531, and March 5, 1531/2,
after sixteen years’ study; and became D.D. on July 8, 1532[885]. He had
previously obtained a reduction of his composition on inception first to
five, and then to four marks;

    ‘Causa est quod est pauperior quam ut possit eam summam pecunie
    (quinque marcas) solvere[886].’

In Oct. 1532, he was dispensed from his necessary regency. In 1533 we find
him at Exeter, trying to extract from Thomas Benet a recantation of his
heresies[887].

He acted as deputy of the commisary, or vice-chancellor, in 1534, 1535,
1536, and 1537[888]. In this capacity he sometimes held his court in the
Franciscan convent, as, for instance, when investigating the charges of
immorality against Friar Arthur[889]. His pecuniary position seems to have
improved: he kept a horse in 1534[890], and in 1537, one Robert Symon was
admitted to the privileges of the University as servant of Dr.
Baskerfild[891].

At the dissolution he made his peace with the visitors by causing his
house to surrender at once[892]. Dr. London sent him to Thomas Cromwell
(Aug. 31, 1538), to obtain the ‘capacities’ for the Oxford friars, and
begged Cromwell to allow him to live in Oxford ‘altho he wer benefycyd.’
As

    ‘visitar of dyvers places wiche they do call custodies,’

he possessed information concerning the friars in London and elsewhere
which might be useful to the King’s agents, and which he was willing to
impart to them. He appears to have accompanied Dr. London on his
visitation after the dissolution of the friars at Oxford, and we find him
on Jan. 3, 1539, receiving in conjunction with the doctor, the surrender
of the Black Friars of Derby[893]. The name is spelt in a variety of ways,
e. g. Baskarwild, Bascafyld, &c.; a fifteenth century MS. in the Bodleian
(Laud. Lat. 114, § 3), containing _Cantica Sacra_, belonged to Edward
Baskervile, D.D.

NOTE. Wood places =Herveius de Saham= among the wardens of the Grey Friars
(A. D. 1285). This is a mistake based on a misunderstanding of the
following passage in Peckham’s Register (p. 895):

    ‘Et ne pro defectu acquietantiae solutionem dictae pecuniae
    retardetis, damus magistro Herveo de Saham, auditori compoti vestri de
    bonis dicti defuncti, Oxoniae commoranti et regenti, et gardiano
    Fratrum Minorum de eadem, tenore praesentium potestatem ut soluta
    dicta pecunia in forma praefata, plenam vobis faciant acquietantiam de
    eadem’ (May 6, 1285).




CHAPTER II.

LECTORS OR REGENT MASTERS OF THE FRANCISCANS.


The following sixty-seven names are classed together under a separate
heading simply because they are found in a list in an old manuscript. The
list is evidently intended to include all the Regent Masters of the Friars
Minors at Oxford[894] in chronological order; it seems to break off about
the year 1350. Whether it is complete up to that date may be doubted; but
no contemporary, or nearly contemporary, notice has been found of any
Friar Minor Regent in Theology or D.D. of Oxford before 1351, whose name
does not occur in this list[895].

The list is found in two MSS:--

I. British Museum; Cotton Nero A IX, fol. 77 a-b, in Eccleston’s
Chronicle. Names 1-5 are in the same hand as the rest of the MS.; 6-21 in
a hand rather larger but not perceptibly later. On the reverse of the
leaf, they are continued in a later fourteenth century hand which ends at
the 58th name; then 59-66 have been added not much later (the ink has
faded a good deal in this part); the last name is in a later hand,
probably fifteenth century.

II. Phillipps, MS. 3119, fol. 76 (at Thirlestaine House). Names 1-21 are
in the same hand as the MS., i.e. the text of Eccleston’s Chronicle;
another scribe has added names 22-49 inclusive; then the names are
continued in another hand to Laurence Briton, where the list ends. This
MS. omits Henry Cruche and Walter de Chauton, so that Laurence Briton is
called the 53rd master instead of the 55th.


Lectors.

1. =Adam Marsh= or =de Marisco= was born probably at the end of the 12th
century in the diocese of Bath[896]. He was educated at Oxford, where he
studied under Robert Grostete[897], whose affectionate interest in him
dated from his early years[898]. His brother Robert was made Archdeacon of
Oxford by Grostete in 1248 and other members of the family were in the
bishop’s service[899]. Adam’s uncle, Richard de Marisco, Bishop of Durham,
from 1217 to 1226, gave him a living near Wearmouth, which he held for
three years[900], and bequeathed to him his library in 1226[901]. At this
time Adam was a Master, probably of Arts. Soon afterwards, at the
instigation of his friend and pupil[902] Adam of Oxford, who had recently
become a Minorite, he gave up ‘all worldly greatness and a large
income[903]’ to enter the Franciscan Order at Worcester, ‘through zeal for
greater poverty[904].’ He is said to have been appointed by the General
Chapter _socius_ of St. Anthony of Padua, the first theological student in
the Order. The two then proceeded, according to the same authority, to
study under the Abbat of St. Andrew’s at Vercelli, where they made such
progress in five years that the Abbat confessed that his pupils had become
his teachers[905]. In 1230 St. Anthony and Adam Marsh are said to have
headed the opposition to the relaxations which Elias was attempting to
bring into the Order[906]; but this tradition is probably unfounded;
Eccleston says nothing about it[907]. After his entry into the Order, Adam
probably resided for the most part at Oxford, where Grostete was then
lecturing to the Franciscans. Wood asserts that the latter presided at his
inception and made the customary speech in praise of the inceptor at the
ceremony[908]; but the statement, though probable enough in itself, lacks
authority and seems to have originated from a confusion between Adam and
Robert Marsh[909]: it is not unlikely that Adam received his theological
degree abroad. There is no direct evidence of his having lectured on
theology to the friars at Oxford before 1252[910], but there can be no
doubt that he began to do so not later than 1247 (when Thomas Wallensis
was elected Bishop of St. David’s), and he probably delivered lectures
long before. He was certainly before this time one of the recognised
leaders of the English Franciscans[911]. He was on a commission of three
elected by the English province to report on the Rule when Haymo was
general (1239-1244), and recommended that no change should be made in the
statutes of St. Francis[912]. He wrote a solemn exhortation in the name of
the English Minorites to Boniface of Savoy on his consecration to the
Archbishopric of Canterbury in 1245[913]. William of Nottingham submitted
to him the names of three friars from whom he was to select one to act as
Vicar in the Provincial Minister’s absence (1250?)[914]. In his latter
years he was one of the foremost men in the church. At the instance of the
Archbishop of Canterbury and for his use, he wrote an address to the Pope
on the occasion of Henry III taking the cross (1250)[915]. He addressed a
long letter of advice to St. Sewalus on his appointment to the
Archbishopric of York in 1255[916]. In the same year he was nominated by
Alexander IV to settle a dispute between the Bishop and the Prior and
Convent of Winchester[917]. He was on a Papal commission to try a cause
between the King and the Bishop of St. David’s, and between the same
bishop and the Abbat of Gloucester[918], and on another commission
appointed to examine the claims of Richard de Wiche to canonization[919].
He supported Grostete in his revolt against the scandalous nepotism of
Innocent IV[920]. At Oxford his character, learning, and friendship with
the great, gave him a very important position, and he acted as spokesman
now of the Franciscans, now of the whole University[921]. His fame was
European, and Grostete was afraid that the Parisians would secure him to
supply the place of Alexander of Hales (1245)[922]. Among his
correspondents and friends were many of the leading men of the age, such
as Walter de Cantilupe[923], Richard de Wiche, Walter de Merton, Richard
Earl of Cornwall, John of Parma, and Bonaventura. He assisted the
Archbishop of Canterbury in his visitation, and accompanied Grostete to
the Council of Lyons. At one time he is wanted to attend the Parliament at
London[924], at another he is summoned by the Queen to Reading, to treat
of ‘matters touching the King and his heirs[925].’ He incurred the royal
displeasure by an outspoken sermon at Court (Oct. 1250)[926]; but his
advice was asked and listened to by the King who afterwards called him his
father[927].

    ‘When the Jews ... had transgressed against the peace of the kingdom,
    so that both by the judgment of the King and the princes of the land
    they were judged worthy of death, he alone resisted their arguments
    and forbade that they should be put to death[928].’

In 1247 he was sent abroad with the Prior of the Dominicans on the King’s
business, and forty marks were granted to buy horses and harness for the
ambassadors[929]. In 1257 he was sent with Walter de Cantilupe, Bishop of
Worcester, on a similar mission, his expenses being paid out of the
treasury[930]. He was no less intimate with the Earl of Leicester than
with the Bishop of Lincoln. He lectures Eleanor de Montfort on her duties
as a mother and wife, and on her excess in dress[931]. He speaks equally
plainly to Simon de Montfort.

    ‘Better is a patient man than a strong man,’ he writes to the
    hot-headed earl, ‘and he who can rule his own temper than he who
    storms a city[932].’

The friar took a keen interest in his friend’s great deeds, recognised his
noble qualities, and the value of his efforts ‘to purge, illuminate, and
sanctify the church of God,’ and looked to him as the guardian of the
public weal[933]. He encouraged the Earl to go forward in his thankless
task of saving Gascony, and tried to win the King over to his side[934].

    ‘If,’ he writes to the Earl in 1250[935], ‘you have received the
    answers of broken friendship and feigned affection, what else are you
    now suffering than what you before expected? The clear circumspection
    of your wisdom will remember, in how many conferences, after repeated
    and careful examination, we drummed into each other’s ears the
    execrable shamelessness of seductive cunning, such as we now see;
    although, considering the trustworthiness of courageous fidelity, your
    wisdom did not think proper to decline the danger of a truly grand
    exploit, for the imminent suspicion merely of some stupendous
    dishonesty.’

With all his other occupations Adam Marsh did not neglect the poor and
oppressed; he begs Grostete to assist two poor scholars relatives of the
bishop; he writes to Thomas de Anesti on behalf of an able and honest
schoolmaster who is in want of the very necessaries of life; a weeping
widow brings her troubles to him, sure of sympathy and help[936]. His
health gave way under the strain of his manifold duties and the severe
discipline of his Order: he suffered from weakness of the eyes and other
infirmities[937]. In 1253 he lost his lifelong friend Grostete, who
bequeathed his library to the Oxford Franciscans out of love for Adam
Marsh[938]. In 1256 the King and Archbishop of Canterbury tried to force
him into the bishopric of Ely; his rival Hugh Balsham who had been elected
by the chapter appealed to Rome and obtained a decision in his favour on
Oct. 6, 1257. His candidature, probably none of his own seeking, seems to
have laid the friar open to a charge of worldly ambition, which must have
embittered his last days[939]. Feeling the end approaching, he wrote to
Bonaventura to send the Provincial John of Stamford,

    ‘by whom, through God’s blessing, I may be directed through things
    transitory and my thoughts raised to things eternal[940].’

On Dec. 23, 1257, he was ordered abroad by the King[941]. He probably died
on Nov. 18[942], 1258, and was buried next to Grostete at Lincoln[943].
Besides the treatise mentioned below, none of his works remain[944] except
the letters, which, stilted and obscure in style, do not justify the title
of _Doctor illustris_, with which subsequent generations honoured
him[945]. His reputation as a philosopher and theologian must rest on the
evidence of his contemporaries, and on the greatness of the school which
he did so much to found. Matthew Paris calls him ‘_literatus_[946].’
Grostete found him

    ‘a true friend and faithful counsellor, respecting truth not
    vanity,’--‘a wise man and a prudent, and fervent in zeal for the
    salvation of souls[947].’

His most famous pupil Roger Bacon had nothing but praise and admiration
for his master, who like Grostete was ‘perfect in all wisdom[948].’

Extant works:--_Epistolae._

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Cotton Vitell. c. viii. (sec. xiii-xiv).

    Bodl.: Digby 104, fol. 90 (sec. xiii), letter 147 only.

    Edited by Brewer, Monumenta Franciscana, I (1858).

_Pastorale excerptum_ (perhaps merely an extract from the letters).

    MS. Vienna: Bibl. Palat. 4923, fol. 40{b}-42{b} (sec. xv).

2. =Ralph de Colebruge= was the second Franciscan master who lectured at
Oxford. He entered the Order while regent in theology at Paris, where he
won some fame; after finishing his course of lectures, he was appointed by
the General of the Order to rule in theology at Oxford, probably before
1250; he was still a novice when he entered on his duties at Oxford[949].

3. =Eustace de Normaneville=, probably took the Franciscan habit at Oxford
about 1250 or before[950]. His conversion was of peculiar importance to
the Order,

    ‘because he was noble and rich, and had laudably ruled in arts and
    decrees, and had been Chancellor of Oxford[951], and was about to
    incept in theology.’

It must have been soon after his entry that the friars at Norwich asked
him to become their lecturer. Adam Marsh was deputed by the Provincial to
make the proposal to him. Eustace refused the honour on the plea of
ill-health and ‘unprepared aptitude of mind[952].’ Eccleston mentions him
as the third who lectured at the Oxford Grey Friars as a master[953]. He
was afterwards sent to Cambridge and was the third regent master of the
Franciscans there[954].

4. =Thomas of York= (1253) is first mentioned in a letter of Adam Marsh
written at Lyons, 1245; the writer sends for various books, among which is

    ‘the chapter of the First Prophecy (Abbat Joachim?) which the beloved
    brother in Christ, Thomas of York had[955].’

Soon afterwards we find him consulting with Adam, Grostete, and the Vicar
of the Provincial Minister, about sending English friars to Denmark[956].
He wrote to Adam about the defeat of St. Louis and the Crusaders in 1250,
and Adam sent the letter on to Grostete[957]. About the same time Adam
remonstrates with him for breaking his promises, especially for omitting
to send him ‘the table of the Trinity’ (? _tabula trinitatis_)[958].
Another letter to him from Adam Marsh refers to the anger of the King
against Simon de Montfort, whose friendship Thomas seems to have enjoyed
and whose party he no doubt supported. Perhaps it was before 1250 that
Adam advised the Provincial Minister to instruct Thomas,

    ‘that he should apply himself to the study of Holy Scriptures by
    attending the lectures of the learned and investigating their
    writings,’

with a view to his eventually becoming lecturer to the Grey Friars at
Oxford; failing this, the writer hints that Thomas would probably be
summoned abroad[959]. In the same letter he refers to his ‘youthful age.’
At the beginning of 1253[960] Thomas of York was presented to incept in
theology at Oxford, objections were raised on the ground that he had not
taken a degree in Arts. Eventually he was allowed to incept, but a statute
was passed to regulate the conduct of the University on similar occasions
in the future. The details of the controversy are given elsewhere[961].
The vesperies took place on Thursday, March 13th, and the inception on the
following day, under the presidency of Friar Peter de Manners, apparently
a Dominican; Adam Marsh, who as master of the inceptor would naturally
have presided, left Oxford on March 12th. Thomas of York now became
lecturer to the Oxford Franciscans[962]. He was afterwards sent to
Cambridge and occurs as the sixth in the list of ‘Masters of the Friars
Minors’ there[963]. Adam Marsh writes to him in the most affectionate
terms and speaks highly of his learning, and the brightness of his
intellect[964]; he describes him to Grostete as an earnest, discreet, and
benevolent man, filled with a heavenly zeal for the salvation of
souls[965]. According to the _Catalogus illustrium Franciscanorum_ he
wrote a commentary on Ecclesiastes[966].

_Frater Thomas de Eboraco super Metaphysicam Aristotelis._

    MS. Florence: Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut. xiv, Sin. Cod.
    V.

5. =Richard Rufus of Cornwall=[967] was a Master, probably of Arts, when
he became a Minorite at Paris

    ‘at the time when Friar Elias threw the whole Order into confusion’
    (c. 1238).

He came to England (where he made his profession) while the trial of the
Minister-General was yet pending in the Roman Court[968]. He is mentioned
as speaking at a chapter at Oxford soon after coming to England--probably
either the visitatorial chapter or the chapter held to protest against the
visitor’s conduct in 1238[969]. Soon after 1250 he received a command from
the General to go to Paris as lecturer, but he seems to have obtained
leave to continue his studies at Oxford owing to his weak health[970]. He
probably lectured on the sentences as B.D. about this time. But soon
afterwards, ‘_ob vehementiores perturbationum occasiones_[971],’ in Adam
Marsh’s words, he formed the ‘inexorable resolution’ of going to France in
accordance with the General’s permission: and Adam in the name of the
other friars, requested the Provincial to facilitate his departure by
providing him with suitable companions and the necessary manuscripts[972].
Early in 1253 again, Adam writes to the Provincial:

    ‘I beg you to look out for some one competent to act as secretary to
    Friar Richard of Cornwall[973].’

It may then be inferred that he went to Paris in 1253, where, according to
Eccleston,

    ‘he gave cursory lectures on the sentences and was judged a great and
    admirable philosopher[974].’

After lecturing in Paris, he returned to Oxford, it appears, and became
regent-master of the friars (c. 1255?)[975]. It was here that he developed
the ‘errors,’ the verbal subtleties, which Roger Bacon so unsparingly
denounced. Writing in 1292, Bacon says[976]:

    ‘Et optime novi auctorem[977] pessimum et stultissimum istorum
    errorum[978], qui vocatus est Ricardus Cornubiensis, famosissimus apud
    stultam multitudinem, set apud sapientes fuit insanus et reprobatus
    Parisius propter errores quos invenerat et promulgaverat, quum
    sollempniter legebat sentencias ibidem, postquam[979] legerat[980]
    sentencias Oxonie, ab anno Domini 1250{o}. Ab illo M CC L igitur
    tempore remansit multitudo in huius magistri erroribus usque nunc,
    scilicet per quatraginta annos et amplius, et maxime invalescit Oxonie
    sicut ibidem incepit hec demencia infinita.’

Adam Marsh, though in somewhat general terms, gives a far more flattering
account of Richard[981].

Martin de Sancta Cruce, Master of the Hospital of Sherbourne, bequeathed
to him in his will dated November, 1259, _unum habitum integrum_, and a
copy of the Canonical Epistles[982].

Assisi MS. 176 contains a compilation ascribed by a note in a late hand to
‘Master Richard Rufus of England;’ the volume was in the possession of the
friars at Assisi in 1373, consists of 226 leaves, and seems to contain
more than one treatise: it is not rubricated.

_Inc._ ‘Deus autem qui dives est in misericordia propter nimiam caritatem
suam.’

6. =John Wallensis= was B.D. of Oxford before he entered the Order[983].
He must have become D.D. and regent master of the Franciscan schools at
Oxford before 1260[984]. It was probably after this that he went as
lecturer to Paris, where he was honoured with the title of _Arbor
Vitae_[985], and where he was buried[986]. But before his death he was
again in England. In October, 1282, ‘Friar John Wallensis, S.T.D.,’ was
sent by Archbishop Peckham as ambassador to the insurgent Welsh[987]. In
1283 he was one of the five doctors at Paris who were deputed to examine
the doctrines of Peter John Olivi[988]. He enjoyed a great reputation as a
theologian, and the widespread and lasting popularity of his works is
shown by the large number of MSS. and printed editions which have come
down to us. His writings are specially illustrative of the practical side
of the Franciscan teaching.

_Summa de Penitentia._ _Inc._ ‘Quoniam provida solertia est.’

    MSS. Brit. Museum: Royal 10 A ix. f. 1-50 b (sec. xiii); 4 D iv. fol.
    244 b (sec. xv)[989].

    Paris:--Bibl. Mazarine, 569, f. 86 b (sec. xiv).

    Falaise:--Bibl. Publ. 38, p. 372 (sec. xiv).

    Cf. Worcester Cathed. Libr. MS. 114 (= 789) ‘Jo. Wallensis ordinis
    Praedicatorum summa de confessione[990].’

_Breviloquium de quatuor virtutibus cardinalibus,_ or, _de virtutibus
antiquorum principum et philosophorum_: four or five parts:

i. De justitia; ii. De prudentia; iii. De temperantia; iv. De fortitudine;
v. De ordinatione virtutum (this is sometimes included in part iv). _Inc.
prol._ ‘Quoniam misericordia et veritas.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Royal 10 A ix., f. 67 b-99 (sec. xiii); 12 E xxi, §
    2, (sec. xv); Burney 360, f. 1 (sec. xv); Harleian 632, f. 25 (sec.
    xv).

    Oxford:--Bodl.: Bodley 58 (= 2006); Laud, Miscell. 603, fol. 103 (sec.
    xiv).--Corp. Chr. Coll. 18[991].--Oriel Coll. 34 (sec. xiv
    ineuntis)[992].

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 3706 (sec. xiv), 6346 (xiv), 6776 f. 1-54 (xiv),
    imperf. at the beginning.

    Toulouse, 340. Cf. MS. St. Omer, 400 (sec. xiv). _Breviloquium de
    sapientia ... sanctorum doctorum_, etc.: _inc._ ‘Quoniam unica est
    Veritas’ (= ‘quoniam misericordia et veritas?’)

    Printed at Venice, 1496; Lyons, 1511 (fol. 200 seq.); Argentina, 1518
    (fol. 151 b-164); and _sine anno et loco_ (Louvain 1485?) under the
    title _Liber de instructione principum per quatuor partes secundum
    quatuor virtutes cardinales_.

_Ordinarium_[993], or, _Alphabetum vitae religiosae_: 3 parts:

i. _Diaetarium_; ii. _Locarium_; iii. _Itinerarium._ _Inc. prol._ ‘Nunquid
nosti ordinem coeli.’ _Inc. pars i._ ‘Quoniam omni negotio.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Harl. 632, f. 1 (sec. xv).

    Bodleian: Tanner 110, f. 124 (sec. xiv ineuntis); Laud, Miscell. 497
    (sec. xv).

    Dublin:--Trinity Coll. 138 (= 278).

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 3588 (sec. xiv).

    Charleville, 113 (xiv) and 272 (xiv).

    Printed at Venice, 1496 (fol. 260); Lyons, 1511 (fol. 217-255);
    Argentina, 1518 (fol. 164).

_Summa collectionum_ (or, _collationum_), or, _Communiloquium_, Summa_
collationum ad omne genus hominum_, or, _De vitae regimine_, or,
_Margarita Doctorum_, or, _Communes loci ad omnium generum argumenta_. A
compendium for the use of young preachers, consisting of 7 parts:

i. De constitutione reipublice; ii. De colligatione membrorum reipublice;
iii. De informacione hominum; iv. De republica ecclesiastica; v. De
instructione scolasticorum; vi. De instructione religiosorum; vii. De
informacione hominum ut sint parati ad mortem. _Inc. prol._ ‘Cum doctor
sive predicator evangelicus.’ _Inc. pars i._ ‘Quoniam respublica, ut
dictum est, est universale quoddam corpus.’ _Inc. cap. i._ ‘Sed primo
notandum est quod respublica est res populi.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Harl. 632, f. 36 (xv).

    Oxford:--Bodley 815 (= 2684), f. 108 (sec. xv).--Balliol Coll. 274 (A.
    D. 1409).--Lincoln Coll. 67 (sec. xiv).

    Cambridge:--Peterhouse 12 or 2-3-9.--Pembroke 123. Cf. Public Library
    Kk II, 11 (sec. xv). ‘Summa compilata a fratre Johanne Walense’--_de
    republica_ added in the table of contents.

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 3488 (sec. xiv), 3935, f. 1 (sec. xv).

    Evreux 11 (sec. xiv).

    Basel, F. III. 16.

    Printed at Cologne c. 1467 by U. Zell; Augsburg, 1475; Ulm, 1481;
    Venice, 1496 (f. 1-166); Lyons, 1511 (f. 1-139); Paris, 1516.

_Floriloquium philosophorum_, or, _Floriloquium sive compendiloquium de
vita et dictis illustrium philosophorum_, or, _de philosophorum dictis
exemplis et vitis_. 10 parts:

i. On philosophy in general; ii. On the name and profession of
philosophers; iii. On the succession of illustrious philosophers and
their life; iv. On the life and maxims of some less famous philosophers;
v. Of divers philosophic perfections; vi. On the four principal sects of
philosophers--peripatetics, stoics, academicians, and epicureans; vii. On
the seven liberal arts; viii. Poets and authors of apologues; ix. On the
abuses of philosophy; x. On the places where philosophic studies have been
most honoured (e. g. Paris and Oxford mentioned). _Inc. prol. i._ ‘Cum
enim debeamus apes imitari.’ _Inc. prol. operis._ ‘Cum ex vita gentilium.’
_Inc. opus._ ‘Circa primum notandum quod diversimode describitur
philosophia.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Royal 6 B xi. f. 127 (sec. xiv).

    Bodl.: Laud. Misc. 603 (xiv).

    Cambridge:--Corp. Chr. Coll. 307 (xv).

    Paris:--Bibl. Mazarine 727, § 5.

    Toulouse 340, vi. (xiv).--St. Omer 622 (A. D. 1346).

    Printed at Venice, 1496 (f. 167-232); Lyons, 1511 (f. 140-194);
    Argentina, 1518 (f. 107-147).

_Breviloquium de sapientia sanctorum._ 8 chapters:

_Inc. prol._ ‘Cum varii sint homines omnes.... Licet in priori
tractatulo[994].’ _Inc. cap. i._ ‘Sapientia enim dicitur ab eo quod est
sapere.’

    MSS. Bodl.: Laud. Misc. 603, f. 99 (sec. xiv).

    Cambridge:--Corp. Chr. Coll. 307 (xv).

    Toulouse 340, vi. (xiv).

    St. Omer 622, § 3 (xiv).

    Printed at Venice, 1496 (f. 233); Lyons, 1511 (f. 195-200 b);
    Argentina (f. 147 b-151 b), and _sine anno et loco_ (Louvain 1485?).

_Summa justitiae_, or, _Tractatus de septem vitiis ex [Gul. Alverno]
Parisiensi_. 10 parts.

i. De peccato in generali; ii. De superbia; iii. De invidia; iv. De ira;
v. De avaricia; vi. De accidia; vii. De gula; viii. De luxuria; ix. De
quinque sensibus corporis; x. De quibusdam peccatis, &c. _Inc. prol._
‘Summa justicie Christi fidelium est declinare a malo et facere bonum.’
_Inc. opus._ ‘Justicia que est via ad regnum ut supradictum est in duobus
consistit.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Harl. 632, f. 168.

    Cambridge: Peterhouse 89 (= 1751).

    Cf. MS. Oxford:--Exeter Coll. 7, § 4 (sec. xv). _Jo. Wallensis Liber
    de vitiis ex Parisiensi confectus_: _inc._ ‘Peccatum vitandum est.’

_Tractatus de vitiis et remediis eorum_ (doubtful).

_Inc._ ‘Dicendum est de vitiis seu peccatis primo in generali.’

    MS. Brit. Mus.: Royal 4 D iv. f. 226-244 (sec. xv).[995]

    Cf. Anonymous _Summa de vitiis et virtutibus_ in MS. Paris:--Bibl.
    Mazarine 924 (sec. xiv), which is compiled chiefly from the _Summa_ of
    William Péraud.

_Moniloquium vel collectiloquium._ A work in 4 parts for the use of young
preachers:

i. De viciis; ii. De virtutibus oppositis dictis viciis; iii. De penis;
iv. De gloria beatorum.

The object is thus set forth in the prologue:

    ‘Cum almus Christi confessor beatus Franciscus, a summo magistro Ihu
    Christo perfectissime edoctus et suo spiritu plenissime (?)
    inspiratus, in sua sacra regula monuerit fratres suos, ut in suis
    predicacionibus sint eorum eloquia casta et examinata ad edificacionem
    et utilitatem populi, annunciando eis vicia et virtutes, penam et
    gloriam, cum brevitate sermonis: ad occasionem dandam minoribus
    predicatoribus colliguntur dicta autentica sanctorum de predictis 4
    annunciandis.’

_Inc. prol._ ‘Cum almus,’ &c. _Inc. opus._ ‘Cum autem nostra sit intencio
ut dictum est aliqua auctentica in generali colligere.’ _Inc. pars i.,
dist. i., cap. i._ ‘De primo notandum quod describitur vicium sub nomine
mali.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Harl. 632, f. 248.

    Cambridge:--Peterhouse 87 or 2-0-4, ‘De quatuor predicabilibus ad omne
    genus hominum.’--Pembroke Coll. 123.

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 6776, f. 55-352 (sec. xiv). Imperf. at the
    beginning; fol. 58, ’Cum autem sit intentio.’--‘Explicit summa de
    viciis et virtutibus compilata a fratre Johanne Galensi ordinis
    fratrum minorum. Orate pro eo.’

    Falaise:--Bibl. Pub. 38, p. 468.

    Munich:--Bibl. Reg. 23595 (sec. xiv), ‘Distinctiones predicabiles
    Johannis Gallensis de virtutibus.’

_Legiloquium sive liber de decem preceptis_, or, _De decem mandatis
divinis_, or, _Summa de preceptis_.

_Inc._ ‘Scribam eis multiplices leges.... Omnipotens creator omnium.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Harl. 632, f. 307 b (sec. xv) imperfect.

    Oxford:--Bodl. Rawlinson C. 534, f. 106 (sec. xiii): cf. Bodl. 2501,
    ‘forte Jo. Wallensis.’--Lincoln Coll. 67, f. 143 (xiv).

    Paris:--Bibl. Mazarine 569, f. 139 b (xiv).

    Bruges 239 (Haenel p. 756).--Falaise 38, p. 325 (xiv.
    ineuntis).--Toulouse 340 (xiv).

    Extracts printed by Charma, ‘Notice sur un MS ... de Falaise,’ 1851.

_Manipulus Florum_, begun by John Wallensis, finished by Thomas
Hibernicus, to whom it is usually ascribed; excerpts from the fathers, in
alphabetical order.

_Inc. prol._ ‘Abite in agro, &c. Paupercula non habet messem.’

_Inc. opus._ ‘Abstinentia. Bonum est in cibo.’

    MSS. Oxford:--Merton Coll. 129 (sec. xiv).--Lincoln Coll. 98 (xiv).

    Cambridge:--Caius Coll. 402 (A. D. 1306).

    Paris:--Bibl. Mazarine 1032, &c.

    Troyes, 1785 (finitus A. D. 1306).--Basel, B iv. 9 (written A. D.
    1324).

    Printed at Piacenza 1483, Venice 1493, &c.

    A similar work, ascribed in the same hand as the text to Friar John
    Walensis, is contained in MS. Charleville 136 (sec. xiv); _inc._
    ‘Accidia. Nota accidiosus est.’

_De origine progressu et fine Mahumeti et quadruplici reprobatione
prophetiae ejus_, cap. xv.

_Inc._ ‘Ad ostendendum quod Mahumetes.’

    Printed at Argentina 1550. The editor, G. Fabricius says: ‘hunc
    Galensis libellum in dissipatis Bibliothecis inventum collegi.’ No
    MSS. of the work have been discovered, and its authenticity seems very
    doubtful. It is not mentioned by the earlier bibliographers, such as
    Philip de Bergamo and Tritheim. Except in the number of chapters, it
    appears to differ entirely from the _Tract. contra falsitates legis
    Machometi_ of Peter de Pennis: Quétif-Echard I 569; MS. Chapitre de
    Bayeux 42.

_Sermones de tempore et de sanctis._

    MSS. Bodl.: 1956 = *NE*. B. i. 14, now Bodley 50; referred to by
    Tanner.

    Munich:--Bibl. Reg. 26941 (sec. xiv. ineuntis) contains a sermon
    preached at Paris by John Wallensis.

    Charleville 113 § 3 (sec. xiv and xiii), _Sermones de tempore_: _inc._
    ‘Dominica prima de adventu’: these are anonymous but follow some works
    by J. Wallensis in the MS.

_Postilla super Johannem._

    MSS. Vienna:--Bibl. Palat. 1533 (sec. xiv).

    Florence:--Laurentiana, _ex bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut. xxvii. Dext. Cod.
    iii. ‘Tabula super Postillam Fratris Joannis de Vallensis (_sic_)
    super Joannem.’ The work itself is missing.

    This appears to be identical with the _Postilla in Evangelium
    Joannis_, printed among Bonaventura’s works. It is doubtful whether
    the commentary should be ascribed to either of these writers. (See
    Hist. Litt. xxv. 193-4.)

_Collationes in Johannem._ Ascribed also to Bonaventura, and printed among
his works (edit. 1589, tom. ii): probably by the same author as the
preceding _Postilla_.

    Cf. MSS. Oxford:--Exeter Coll. 39 (xiv), Thomas Wallensis;--Bruges,
    338, ‘Joannes Anglicus super Joannem’ (Haenel); or 474, ‘Scripta
    Johannis Anglici super Johannitium’ (Laude).

_Commentaries on Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges,
Ruth, Ecclesiastes, Song of Solomon, Isaiah._

    MSS. Oxford:--Bodl. Laud. Misc. 345 (sec. xiv), ascribed to John
    Wallensis.--Merton Coll. 196 (sec. xiv), and New College 30 (sec. xv),
    ascribed to Thomas Wallensis.--Leland mentions the same works in the
    library of Christ Church, Canterbury, where they were ascribed to John
    Wallensis (Leland _Collect._ III. 7).

The following works are sometimes assigned to John Wallensis:--

_Expositio super Pater Noster._

    MSS. Charleville 873 contains, according to Haenel (p. 120), ‘Joannis
    Wallensis ... expositio super pater noster et dietarium super vita
    religiosa.’ In the new catalogue this treatise is given as anonymous,
    the same volume, No. 272 (sec. xiv), containing the _Dietarium_.

    Mondée Abbey (diocese Lisieux), Cod. 3, Joannes Galesius Ordinis
    Minorum super _Pater noster_ (Montfaucon, p. 1333).

_In fabulas Ovidii_, or, _Expositiones seu moralitates in lib. i._ (?)
_Metamorphoseon sive fabularum_ (Leland and Tanner). This appears to be
the work generally ascribed to Thomas Walleys, and, by M. Hauréau, to
Peter Bercherius[996]. There is no real ground for assigning it, as Leland
does, to John Wallensis.

    MSS. Oxford: Bodl. Auct. F. 5. 16 (= Bodl. Sup. A. I Art. 86 or Bodl.
    2581), Johannes Anglicus.

    Brit. Mus.: Royal 15 C xvi, anon.

    Cambridge:--Peterhouse 12 or 2-3-9 ‘a fratre Thoma Waleys de provincia
    Anglie ordinis Predicatorum.’

    Dublin:--Trin. Coll. 8, anon., but bound up with works by John
    Wallensis.

    Reims 741 (Haenel p. 405), ‘Liber fabularum a magistro Joanne Anglico
    compositus.’

    Troyes 1627 (sec. xiv), Thomas Waleys.

    Printed at Paris 1511, &c.

_In mythologicon Fulgentii._

    A commentary on this by John Wallensis is mentioned by Leland in the
    Library of the Friars Minors at Reading (_Collect._ III, 57). Many
    anonymous treatises on the work are extant; e. g.

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Royal 7 C I f. 311.--Dublin:--Trin. Coll. 8 (§ 8),
    bound up with works of John Wallensis.

    Cf. notice of John Redovallensis.

_Comment. in Valerium de non ducenda uxore._

    Seen by Leland in the Franciscan Library, London. The _incipit_ which
    he gives is merely that of the work itself, and is no assistance in
    identifying the commentary of John Wallensis. The latter refers to the
    epistle in his _Breviloq. de quatuor virtutibus cardinalibus_: MS.
    Brit. Mus.: Royal 10 A ix, f. 83 b-84.

    Cf. notice of John Redovallensis.

As to other works attributed to him with some show of reason by the older
bibliographers:

    _De cognitione verae vitae_, mentioned by Wadding, is the same as the
    _Ordinarium_. An anonymous treatise with this title is in Royal MS. 10
    A ix. f. 109-133 (which contains some works by John Wallensis). _Inc._
    ‘Sapientia Dei que os muti aperuit.’

    _De visitatione infirmorum_: Augustine’s treatise on this is in the
    Royal MS. above mentioned (fol. 134-145).

    _Declaratio regulae S. Francisci_ (printed at Venice, 1513 in
    _Firmamentum Trium Ordinum_), is usually attributed to John Peckham.

    _Pastoralia_ by J. Wallensis; formerly in Harl. MS. 632, f. 261; (see
    old table of Contents); fol. 250-265 (old pagination) are missing.
    Boston of Bury calls this _De cura pastorali_: _inc._ ‘Licet beatus.’
    Expl. ‘et haec ad David.’

    _Collectio epistolarum decretalium Romanorum pontificum_ was by John
    Gallensis of Volterra (c. 1200): printed at Ilerda 1576, &c.: MSS.
    Nat. Libr. Paris 3925, A; Toulouse 368 (sec. xiii. med.).

    _Indices duorum operum_; an alphabetical table of contents in Harl.
    MS. 632, f. 133-167.

    _Summa confessorum_; by John Lector of Freiburg: see MSS. Troyes, 156
    and 1492 (sec. xiv), &c. _Inc._ ‘Quoniam dubiorum[997].’

    _De oculo morali_; identical with the work attributed to Grostete and
    Peter de Limoges. _Inc._ ‘Si diligenter.’ It may be noticed that
    Boston of Bury attributes this to John Wallensis and does not mention
    it among Grostete’s works (Tanner, Bibl. pp. xxxiii, xxxvii).

    _De correptione sive correctione._ _Inc._: ‘Probata virtus.’ _Expl._
    ‘Commorabitur’ (Boston of Bury).

    _De exortatione._ _Inc._ ‘Qui exortatur’: _Expl._ ‘Moderantis’
    (ibid.).

    _De disciplina._ _Inc._ ‘Disciplina ad mentem instruendam’
    (ibid.)[998].

    _In quatuor libros Sententiarum._ _Inc._ ‘Quoniam teste B. Augustino’
    (Barth. of Pisa, and Ph. of Bergamo).

    _De arte predicandi_, ascribed to John Wallensis in MS. Paris: Bibl.
    Mazarine 569, f. 80 b: really by Thomas Walleys.

7. =Thomas Docking=, also called Thomas Good[999], was a native of Norfolk
and probably entered the Order at Norwich. In a letter written A. D.
1252-3[1000], Adam Marsh asks the Provincial Minister to assign the bible
of the late P. of Worcester to ‘friar Thomas de Dokkyng,’ who was
distinguished by good morals and pleasant manners, a clear head, great
learning and ready eloquence; his friends were ready to pay handsomely for
the book. He was evidently a student at this time. He became D.D. and
reader to the Franciscans at Oxford about 1260[1001]. In 1269, when he
took an active part in the controversy with the Oxford Dominicans, he is
described as ‘sometime reader at Oxford[1002].’ According to Blomefield,
he was warden of Norwich and died about 1270[1003]. His theological works,
chiefly biblical commentaries, were long held in high repute[1004]; some
are still preserved.

_Expositio super librum Deuteronomii._

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Royal 3 B xii (sec. xv).

    Oxford:--Balliol Coll. 28 (A. D. 1442).

    Lincoln:--Cathedral Libr. (Haenel p. 799), ‘Thomas Bockering.’

_Comment. on Isaiah._

    MS. Oxford:--Ball. Coll. 29 (sec. xv).

_Expositio super Epistolas S. Pauli._

    MSS. Oxford:--Ball. Coll. 30 (sec. xv), containing Galatians,
    Ephesians[1005], Hebrews.

    Magd. Coll. 154, Galatians, imperf. (sec. xv).

_Lectura super Apocalypsin_, doubtfully ascribed to him.

    MS. Oxford:--Ball. Coll. 149 f. 107. _Inc._ ‘Panis ei datus. Querit
    propheta.’

_Expositio Decalogi._ _Inc._ ‘Non habebis deos alienos in conspectu meo.
Hoc est in corde.’

    MS. Bodl. 2403 (= T. Bodley *NE*. F. 4. 9), now Bodley 453, f.
    57-90[1006].

_Questions on St. Luke._

    MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nationale, 3183, § 8 (sec. xiv).

_Questio utrum Job in prosperis fuerit altior coram Deo quam in adversis._

    MS. Ibid. § 11 (sec. xiv).

_Comment. super Sententias_, mentioned in the Catalogue of Illustrious
Franciscans (Leland)[1007].

8. =H. de Brisingham=[1008] is probably the same as

    ‘Frater Henricus Lector Oxoniensis Fratrum Minorum,’

who composed a _Summa de Sacramentis_ in 1261[1009]. He afterwards became
thirteenth master of the Friars Minors at Cambridge[1010]. Blomefield
claims him as a Norfolk man, and says that he died about 1280[1011]. He is
perhaps to be identified with ‘_Henricus de Oxonio Chordigerae sectae_’,
whose sermons were seen by Bale in the Franciscan Library at
Reading[1012].

The _De Sacramentis Summa_ is his only extant work.

    MS. Bodl. Laud. Misc. 2, f. 130 (sec. xiv. ineuntis).

9. =William of Heddele= (Durham or Northumberland?) is mentioned by Adam
Marsh in a letter to the Provincial, c. 1253, as ‘your desirable son Friar
William de Hedele[1013].’ We know from another source that Heddele was
reader at Oxford in 1269, when he took part in the controversy with the
Friars Preachers[1014]. When Prince Edward went to the Holy Land,

    ‘he took with him,’ in the words of the so-called Lanercost
    Chronicle[1015], ‘the reader and master of the Friars Minors at
    Oxford, Friar William de Hedley, a man beloved of God and in favour
    with men.’

The chronicler puts these events in the year 1266. Edward took the cross
in 1268 and sailed in 1270. Friar William died on the outward voyage in
the sea of Greece:

    ‘his corpse,’ continues the same authority ‘being given to the waves
    as the custom is, followed the course of the ships for three days,
    until, at Edward’s command, it was taken again into the vessel and
    afterwards committed to the earth.’

10. =Thomas de Bungay= (Suffolk) has been traditionally associated with
Roger Bacon and regarded as a wizard by later generations. Very little is
known of him. He perhaps entered the Order at Norwich. He lectured as D.D.
in the Franciscan convent at Oxford about 1270; he seems like Roger to
have attached a great importance to mathematics and may have held his
views on the value of natural science and of induction. He lectured
afterwards at Cambridge, being the fifteenth in the list of Franciscan
masters there. He was the eighth English Provincial Minister, and was
succeeded by Peckham, probably in 1275. He was buried at
Northampton[1016].

According to the Catalogue of Illustrious Franciscans he wrote a
Commentary on the _Sentences_[1017]. None of his works are printed; only
one seems to be extant in MS.

    _De celo et mundo_: 3 books. _Inc._ ‘Summa cognicionis, &c.
    Aristoteles probat his tres questiones in primo capitulo. Prima est
    quod omne corpus est completum quo ad divisiones.’ _Expl._ ‘Hic
    terminantur questiones super 3 c. et m. a Magistro T. de bungeya.’

    MS. Cambridge:--Caius Coll. 509, § 3 (sec. xiv. ineuntis).

    Cf. MS. Bibl. Nat. Paris 16144 (sec. xiii), ‘Thomas super librum de
    celo et mundo’ (Aquinas?).

11. =John Peckham= was born in Sussex and received his earliest education
in the Priory of Lewes[1018]. He took the Franciscan vows about
1250[1019]; he was then tutor to the nephew of Master H. of Anjou, perhaps
in the University of Paris, but was probably for the time being residing
at Oxford[1020]. On entering the Order he resigned the tutorship. Adam
Marsh calls him ‘_Dominus Johannes de Pescham Scholaris_;’ he may
therefore either have had no degree at this time, or that of bachelor. He
appears to have spent some time at Oxford, as in later years he expresses
his gratitude for the training he received in the Franciscan convent of
that University[1021]. He then returned to France, studied under
Bonaventura, and took the Doctor’s degree at Paris, where he ruled in
theology[1022]. Among his pupils was St. Thomas of Cantilupe, Bishop of
Hereford[1023]. At Paris too he came in contact with Thomas Aquinas and
probably attended his lectures. He was present when the latter submitted
his doctrine about the ‘Unity of form’ to the judgment of the masters in
theology;

    ‘we alone,’ the Archbishop wrote afterwards, ‘stood by him, defending
    him to the best of our power, saving the truth[1024].’

He was at Paris during the troublous times which followed William of St.
Amour’s attack on the Mendicants, and wrote a defence of the latter[1025].
He returned to England probably about 1270 or soon after, and was admitted
at Oxford to the same degree as he held at Paris[1026]. He now became
lecturer to the Franciscans. On May 2, 1275, he was with Friar Oliver de
Encourt Prior of the Dominicans, appointed, by the King’s writ, to decide
a suit in the University which had long been under consideration in the
Chancellor’s court[1027]. It was probably soon after this that he was
elected ninth Provincial Minister and confirmed by Bonaventura[1028]. He
did not hold this office long, being in 1277, summoned by the Pope
(Nicholas III?) to lecture on theology in the schools of the Papal Court
at Rome[1029]. After lecturing here for something less than two years, he
was appointed Archbishop of Canterbury by Papal bull in January 1279, and
consecrated by the Pope in the following March[1030]. His official
connexion with the Order did not cease; he was deputed by the Pope

    ‘protector of the privileges of the Order of Minors in England,’

and frequently used his powers for the benefit of the Franciscans[1031].
His relations to the Oxford Franciscans, as well as his condemnation of
erroneous doctrines at the University, have already been noticed. While
enforcing to the uttermost his legal rights, the Archbishop evinced a
special solicitude for the poor, feeding them in time of famine,
remonstrating with covetous abbats and careless landlords[1032]. He
himself is said to have travelled on foot, to have surpassed all in
watchings and fastings and prayer, to have used none but vile garments and
bedding--in fine to have lived as became one who held perfection to
consist in the contempt of riches and the search for truth[1033]. He died
on December 8, 1292, and was buried ‘among the monks’ of Canterbury near
Becket’s tomb[1034]. His heart was buried in the choir behind the High
Altar at the Grey Friars of London[1035]. He named as his executors the
Friars Minors of Paris[1036]. The Dominican Nicholas Trivet sums up his
character in these words[1037]:

    ‘He was a zealous promoter of the interests of his Order, an excellent
    maker of songs, of pompous manner and speech, but of kind and
    thoroughly liberal heart.’

A careful and valuable account of his works will be found in Mr. Trice
Martin’s preface to Peckham’s Register, Vol. III[1038].

A few additions may be made to Mr. Martin’s list of his extant writings.

_Constitutiones Ottoboni cum expositione Peccham._

    MS. Cambridge:--Pembroke Coll. 145 (= 2073). Cf. Wilkins, _Concilia_,
    II, 50-51.

_Quaestiones ordinariae._ _Inc._ ‘Utrum theologia ex duobus.’

    MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 3183 (sec. xiv); containing the questions,
    _Utrum theologia sit prae ceteris Scientiis necessaria Praelatis
    Ecclesiae_, and, _Utrum theologia ex duobus componi debuerit
    Testamentis_. Cf. MSS. ibid. 15805, _Quodlibeta S. Thome, J. de
    Pechan, Guil. de Hozon_; and 15986, f. 238 (sec. xiii), _Responsio ad
    questionem Joh. de Peschant_.

_Tractatus Fratris Joannis Pecham Ord. Min. contra Fratrem Rogerium (Ord.
Praed.) obloquentem contra suum Ordinem_ (called by Tanner, _Contra
Priorem Cisterciensium_). _Inc._ ‘Super tribus et super quatuor
sceleribus.’

    MS. Florence:--Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut. XXXVI. Dext.
    Cod. xii. p. 25 (sec. xiv. exeuntis).

_Formula confessionum._ _Inc._ ‘Sicut dicit b. Joannes.’

    MS. Florence:--Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut. IV. Sinist.
    Cod. xi (A. D. 1433).

_Scriptum super Ethicam._

    MS. Florence:--Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut. XII. Sinist.
    Cod. xi.

12. =Henry de Apeltre= was the twelfth reader at Oxford, and seventeenth
master of the Friars Minors at Cambridge. Nothing more is known about
him[1039].

13. =Robert Cross= or =Crouche=[1040] (de Cruce) must have lectured at
Oxford about 1280. In April of that year Peckham forbade an Oxford
Dominican to visit a certain ‘college of women’ on account of grave
suspicion, on the accusation of Friar Robert de Cruce[1041]. Leland states
that he was immersed in philosophical studies to an advanced age, and when
at last he betook himself to theology he showed greater skill in
investigating speculative subtleties than in exploring the literal sense;
the statement might be made with equal truth of most of the scholastics.
He became Provincial Minister soon after 1280. The successor of John
Peckham, Hugh of Bath, died within a short time of his appointment, and
was succeeded by Robert Cross as eleventh minister[1042]. He held the
office in June 1284, when he obtained for the English Minorites exemption
from the payment of a custom due to the King from all who passed to or
from the Continent by the port of Dover[1043]. In Sept. of the same year
he held a chapter of the English Franciscans[1044]; and in March 1285, he
represented the English Province at the General Chapter of Milan[1045]. He
may have resigned the dignity at this Chapter; on Oct. 31, 1285, Peckham
addresses a letter to ‘W., Provincial Minister of the Friars Minors’; this
must be William of Gainsborough[1046]. Robert Cross was buried at
Bridgwater[1047]. None of his works remain. Leland mentions his
commentaries on the _Physics_ and the _Sentences_, on the authority of the
Catalogue of Illustrious Franciscans.

14. =R. de Toftis=, called by Wood, Radulphus de Toftis.

15. =Alanus de Rodano.=

16. =Roger de Marston= or =Merscheton=[1048] was D.D. of Oxford and
lecturer to the Franciscans before 1290. Some questions on which he
disputed, perhaps before he became doctor, are preserved in a MS. at
Assisi[1049]. He subsequently lectured at Cambridge as twelfth master of
the friars[1050]. According to Ehrle, Marston’s theological and
philosophical teaching bears strong resemblance in some respects to that
of Peter John Olivi[1051]. He became thirteenth Provincial Minister
perhaps at the great Chapter of Paris in 1292, certainly between 1285
(when W. of Gainsborough was appointed) and 1299 (when Hugh of Hertepol
was Provincial). He is said to have been warden of Norwich and to have
died in 1303[1052]. He was buried at Norwich[1053].

17. =Alan de Wakerfeld=[1054] was at Oxford in 1269, when he represented
his convent on several occasions in the controversy with the Friars
Preachers[1055]. He was not yet lector.

18. =Nicholas de Ocham= occurs in the Assisi MS. as Hotham, Master
Nicolaus de Hotham, and Frater N. de Ocham minor[1056]. He lectured at
Oxford towards the end of the thirteenth century. Except the _quaestiones
disputatae_ at Assisi, it is doubtful whether any of his works are
extant[1057]. Leland says:

    Catalogus eruditorum Franciscanorum Nicholai Ochami meminit; cujus et
    depraedicat libros; _Commentarios_, videlicet, _in Sententias Petri
    Longobardi_, et opus, cui _De Verbo_ titulus. Scripsit libellum _De
    latitudine oppositionum_, ingeniosi iudicium astrologi[1058].

    Cf. MSS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 14565 f. 173 b (sec. xiv). ‘Fratris
    Nicholai minoris replicationes;’ and Cambridge:--Caius Coll. 319,
    ‘Nicholai super 2 et 3 sententiarum, in 3 libris.’

    Another Friar Nicholas Minorite, (called by Sbaralea[1059],
    ‘Specialis’), flourished about the same time as, or soon after, N. of
    Ocham, and wrote a chronicle on the Franciscan contest with the Pope,
    A. D. 1321-1328 (MS. Bibl. Nat. Paris, 5154: Extracts in Böhmer’s
    _Fontes Rer. German._ IV, 588 seq.)

19. =Walter de Knolle= was afterwards twenty-third master at
Cambridge[1060].

20. =Hugh de Hertepol= or =Hartlepool= was a friar and a man of importance
in Oxford in 1282, when Devorguila appointed him to be one of the two
proctors to whom the government of the new college of Balliol was
entrusted; the statutes of 1282 are addressed to ‘Friar Hugh de Hertilpoll
and Master William de Menyl[1061].’ It was probably some years later that
Hugh became S.T.P. and lecturer to the Franciscan convent. His
disputations seem to have been considered valuable and several of them are
preserved[1062]. He disputed

    ‘in the vesperies before the inception of Friar John de Persole (i.e.
    Persora, his successor) at Oxford[1063].’

He became fourteenth Provincial Minister, in succession to Roger Marston.
The date of his appointment or election is uncertain. In April 1299[1064],
we hear of him going as Provincial, with Friar W. of Gainsborough as his
_socius_, to the General Chapter at Lyons; on this occasion the King gave
to the two friars 10 marks. In 1300 (Aug. 7) at Dorchester (Oxon), he
chose twenty-two friars of the Oxford convent and presented them to
Dalderby, Bishop of Lincoln[1065], with the request that he would license
them to hear confessions. The bishop asked ‘whether he was presenting them
for all the convents in the diocese of Lincoln,’ and, finding that it was
only for the Oxford convent, refused to license more than four. At length
a compromise was effected, and eight of the friars were licensed to hear
confessions in the archdeaconry of Oxford. In 1301[1066], Hugh was again
abroad, probably at the General Chapter at Genoa. In Sept. 1302, he was,
with W. of Gainsborough and others, sent as ambassador to the Court of
Rome to negotiate for peace with the King of France[1067]. While in Italy
on this mission, he attended the General Chapter at Assisi[1068]; he
probably did not return to England, as we are told that he was ‘buried
among the friars at Assisi[1069].’

21. =John de Persora= or =Pershore= (c. 1390) called in the Assisi MS.
John de Persole (see above, under Hertepol).

22. =John of Berwick= lectured at Oxford before the end of the thirteenth
century. He was buried at Stamford. Bale identifies him with a Brenlanlius
who is referred to by John Pico de Mirandola in his treatise _contra
Astrologos_.

_Joannis Anglici Ordinis Minorum Summa Astrologiae Judicialis, quae
anglicana vulgo nuncupatur_ (doubtful).

    MS. Florence:--Laurentiana, in Plut. XXIX (Montfaucon, p. 237, 299).

    Printed at Venice 1489, under the name of Joannes Eschvid (_i.e._
    Eshendon or Ashendon; see MS. Bodl. 3467, p. 91).

_Questiones Joannis de Beroyko de Ordine Fratrum Minorum de Formis._

    MS. Venice:--Bibl. S. Anton. (Tomasin, p. 9).

    Leland adds: ‘Collaudat eruditorum Index Franciscanorum ejus _In
    longobardum elucubrationes_[1070].’

23. =Thomas of Barneby=, wrongly called by Brewer ‘Johannes de Barneby,’
is identified by Wood, without much probability, with the first Senior
Dean of Merton College, who was appointed by Kilwardby in 1276[1071]. He
is mentioned in a record dated March 20, 1326, as ‘master of the Friars
Minors[1072].’

24. =Adam of Lincoln=, D.D. and regent master of the Franciscans at
Oxford, succeeded Hugh of Hertepol as fifteenth Provincial Minister,
probably in 1304[1073]; he had ceased to hold the office in 1310[1074]. He
was one of the doctors of theology appointed in the Provincial Council of
York in July 1311, to examine the charges of heresy against the Knights
Templars[1075]. He was buried at Lincoln. The Register of the Friars
Minors of London adds: _qui fecit mirabilia_; probably some word like
_opera_ is to be supplied[1076].

25. =William of Gainsborough=[1077] must have been Provincial Minister
before he lectured at Oxford[1078]. He was Provincial in Oct. 1285, being
the twelfth in order[1079]. He was doctor of theology in 1294, when he
was sent with Friar Hugh of Manchester, a Dominican, to the King of
France, to protest against the latter’s seizure of Gascony and to renounce
homage in the name of the English King[1080]. In 1299 he accompanied the
Provincial, Hugh of Hertepol, to the General Chapter at Lyons[1081]. Early
in 1300 he was called by Boniface VIII to lecture on theology in the Roman
Curia[1082]; the King paid his expenses.

    Fratri Willmo de Geynesburgh de ordine Minorum eunti ad curiam Romanam
    ad mandatum Pape ad legendum de Theologia in palatio ejusdem Pape, de
    dono Regis ad quatuor equos sibi emendos pro equitatura sua et socii
    sui et pro hernes’ eorundem portand’ versus eandem curiam, 50 marc’.
    Eidem de dono Regis ad expensas suas morando in eadem curia pro
    negotio predicto 50 marc’, per manus Domini J. de Droken’ liberantis
    eidem denar’ apud London’ mense Maii. Eidem de dono Regis nomine
    expensarum suarum eundo de Wysebech usque London’ pro dictis denariis
    ibidem recipiendis mense predicto 26_s._ 8_d._ Summa 68 li[1083].

During the two years that he remained at Rome[1084], his energies were not
entirely confined to his work as lecturer. Boniface was at this time
endeavouring to bring the war between France and England to a close by
arbitration. In Sept. 1300, Friar William of Gainsborough was appointed by
Edward I to act as one of his ‘proctors and special messengers’ at Rome in
this matter[1085]; and in Sept. 1302, he was employed with Hugh of
Hertepol and others in the same capacity[1086]. On Oct. 24, 1302, the
Pope, passing over the candidate of the Chapter, nominated William, Bishop
of Worcester; the consecration took place on Nov. 25, the enthronement on
June 9, 1303[1087]. As a protest against the Papal interference, the King
imposed a fine of 1000 marks on the new bishop[1088], but granted him £100
for the expenses for his inthronization in consideration of his great
need[1089]. William still continued to be employed in affairs of
state[1090]. In March 1307, at Carlisle, he demanded and obtained from the
Papal nuncio the excommunication of the murderers of John Comyn[1091]. On
March 22, he was appointed to accompany Prince Edward on his journey to
France to claim the hand of Isabella[1092]. Later in the same year he was
sent on an embassy to Rome in connexion with the same affair[1093]. On his
return journey[1094] he died at Beauvais (Sept. 17); as nearly all his
attendants died at the same time, it was believed that the calamity was
due to poison[1095]. The bishop was buried among the Friars Minors at
Beauvais[1096].

26. =John Basset.=

    One of this name is said to have written _Chronica_ in English; he was
    probably much later than this friar. Tanner, _Bibl._ 79.

27. =Thomas Rondel= or =Rundel=[1097] was lecturer at Oxford in the last
years of the thirteenth century, having previously read the sentences at
Paris[1098]. In 1309 he was one of the commissioners or inquisitors
appointed to hear the accusations against the Knights Templars; he is then
described as master of theology, and probably resided in the convent at
London[1099], where he was buried[1100].

28. =Adam of Howden= or =Hoveden= or =Houdene=[1101] was D.D. and probably
regent master of the Franciscans at Oxford in 1300. He was one of the
twenty-two friars presented by Hugh of Hertepol on July 26 of this year,
to receive the bishop’s license to hear confessions at Oxford, and was one
of the eight actually licensed[1102]. He afterwards read at Cambridge as
the twenty-ninth master of the Friars Minors[1103]. An ‘Adam de Houdene’
was chamberlain to W. of Gainsborough, Bishop of Worcester (1302-7), but
he was not a friar.[1104]

    A sermon of his preached on the feast of Epiphany is in MS. Oxford,
    New Coll. 92, f. 82 b[1105].

29. =Philip of Briddilton= or =Bridlington= was contemporary with Adam of
Hoveden, and like him was licensed as D.D. by the Bishop of Lincoln to
hear confessions in 1300[1106]. He responded in the schools to Master
Richard de Heddrington or Herington on the question ‘_an omnes beati
equaliter participant beatitudine_[1107],’ a problem which agitated
western Christendom in the early fourteenth century.

30. =Peter de Baldeswell=[1108] was at Oxford in 1300, when he was
presented by the Provincial to the Bishop of Lincoln, but not licensed to
hear confessions[1109]. He was not then D.D.

31. =John de Horley=, co. Oxon or Surrey (the same applies to him as to P.
of Baldeswell).

32. =Martin of Alnwick= was a member of the Oxford convent in 1300; he was
among the twenty-two friars for whom Hugh of Hertepol sought to obtain
license to hear confessions, and was one of those rejected. He was not a
D.D. at this time[1110]. He took his degree and lectured at Oxford between
1300 and 1311. In the latter year he was summoned to Avignon to take part
in the controversy between the Conventual and Spiritual Franciscans, as
one of the four advisers of the General Minister. The matter was tried by
a commission of cardinals and theologians; Martin and his fellows pleaded
the cause of the Conventuals, or Community of the Order. The case was
adjourned to the Council of Vienne and decided by the bull _Exivi de
Paradiso_ (which was published in the last session of the Council, May 6,
1313) in favour of the better section of the Conventuals[1111]. Martin of
Alnwick was evidently one of the leading Franciscans of the time.
According to Bale he died 1336 and was buried at Newcastle[1112].

    A universal chronicle, ‘_Flores temporum seu chronicon universale ab
    urbe condita ad annum 1349_,’ is sometimes attributed to him; Leland,
    e.g. says: ‘Catalogus quoque Franciscanorum scriptorum Chronicorum
    Alaunovicani meminit’ (Tanner, Bibl. 515). See also MS. Arundel 371
    (sec. xv). This is the chronicle of Hermann Gigas based on the
    well-known chronicle of Martinus Polonus (printed 1750). In the
    preface Hermann says that he has followed, ‘inter modernos, Martinum
    Romane sedis penitenciarium (?) de ordine fratrum predicatorum’ (Ar.
    MS. 371, f. 2).

    Several philosophical treatises by _Martinus Anglicus_ are extant in
    MS. Vienna:--Bibl. Palat. 4698 (sec. xiv).

33. =Robert of Beverley.=

34. =Richard de Coniton= or =Conyngton= (co. Cambridge or Huntingdon) was
at Oxford in 1300 and was one of the friars to whom the Bishop of Lincoln
refused the right to hear confessions[1113]. He became D.D. and lecturer
to the Franciscans between 1300 and 1310. He was afterwards thirty-first
master of the Minorites at Cambridge[1114]. He was sixteenth Provincial of
England, and held the office in 1310[1115]. About this time the Order was
disturbed by the violent antagonism of the two parties within it--the
‘Community,’ the lax or moderate party which comprised the majority and
included the official heads of the Order, and the strict or ‘Spiritual’
party. A papal investigation into the causes of dispute and into the
observance of Rule by the Order was instituted, and the leaders of each
party summoned to the Curia. Richard Conyngton as Provincial was the
official representative of the English Franciscans at Avignon and Vienne
(1301-1313)[1116]. He was buried at Cambridge[1117].

He is said by Leland and Bale to have written a treatise _De Christi
Dominio_ against Ockham in defence of the papal authority[1118].

Wadding states that he had seen Richard’s _Commentary on the Sentences_ in
the Vatican[1119]. Bale mentions his exposition on the seven penitential
psalms, _ex monasterio Nordovicensi_[1120].

_Tractatus Magistri Richardi Conygton Ministri Angliae de paupertate
contra opiniones Fratris Petri Joannis (Olivi)._ _Inc._ ‘Beatus qui
intelligit super egenum et pauperem. Ps. Praecedit actus meritorius.’

    MS. Florence:--Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut. XXXVI, Dext.
    Cod. xii (sec. xiv _exeuntis_).

35. =Thomas of Pontefract= was at Oxford in 1300; when the bishop of
Lincoln refused to grant him license to hear confessions. He became D.D.
and lecturer in theology some years after this. In July 1311 he was one of
the inquisitors appointed to extort confession of heresy from twenty-four
Templars in the Province of York[1121].

36. =Peter de Sutton=; ‘jacet Stanfordiae,’ i.e. Stamford, co.
Lincoln[1122].

37. =Ralph of Lockysley=[1123] or =Lockeleye=[1124] was regent master at
Oxford about 1310. He was buried at Worcester[1125]. According to Bale (I,
366) he wrote _De paupertate evangelica_, &c.

38. =William of Schyrbourne= (1312) was at Oxford in 1300; he was one of
the friars presented by the Provincial for license to hear confessions,
and rejected by the bishop of Lincoln[1126]. He was master of the Friars
Minors in 1312, and in this capacity gave some support to the Dominicans
in their controversy with the University[1127].

Leland says: ‘Ejus extant _Quodlibeta Theologica_, lib. i.’ (?)[1128].

39. =William of Nottingham= is confounded with the fourth Provincial
Minister by Wadding, Bale, Pits, and the Register of Friars Minors of
London[1129]. In a work attributed to him, but really composed by his
namesake, occurs the following note, in a hand of the fifteenth
century[1130]--

    ‘This Notyngham was secular canon and precentor of the Church of York’
    (and in another hand), ‘afterwards he became a friar of the order of
    St. Francis.’

In the absence of any confirmatory evidence, no weight can be attached to
this statement. No William of Nottingham occurs in Le Neve’s _Fasti_. At
the beginning of the fifteenth century a John of Nottingham held two
prebends and was treasurer of York: and he may be the person referred to
in the first part of the note; it is worthy of remark that the MS.
originally came from York. William of Nottingham must have been reader to
the Franciscans soon after 1312. While regent in theology at Oxford he was
largely occupied in transcribing MSS., especially the works of Nicholas de
Gorham, the expenses being defrayed by his brother _Dominus_ Hugh of
Nottingham[1131]. He succeeded Richard Conyngton as seventeenth Provincial
Minister[1132]. In 1322 he was at the General Chapter of Perugia, and,
with the other ministers, signed the famous letter in which the
Franciscans declared that the doctrine _De paupertate Christi_ was not
heretical but sane and catholic; this was the beginning of the revolt of
the whole Order (as distinguished from the Spirituals) against John
XXII[1133]. According to Bale he died Oct. 5, 1336[1134]. He was buried at
Leicester[1135].

Bale ascribes to him _Determinatio pro lege Christianorum_, lib. i. _Inc._
‘Numquid deus posset revelare aliquam legem.’

    ‘Ex Redingensi Minoritarum cenobio.’ (MS. Seld. sup. 64, f. 215.)

40. =John de Wylton= lectured at Oxford in 1314: in February of that year
he appears, as representative of the Minorites, in a list of twelve regent
masters in theology (i.e. the theological faculty for the time being), who
condemned as heretical eight articles, chiefly concerning the nature of
the Trinity, in the convent of the Austin Friars[1136]. Wood[1137],
Bale[1138], and Tanner[1139], call him an Austin Friar. Bale states that
he studied and lectured as master at Paris, and says that John
Baconthorpe, in his commentaries on Books I and II of the Sentences,
speaks of him with high praise[1140]. His works seem to have
perished[1141].

41. =John de Crombe= (Cott. MS.) or =Crombre= (Phil. MS.) was perhaps a
native of Combs in Suffolk: he was buried at Oxford[1142].

_Compendium theologicae veritatis per fratrem Johannem de Combis_, lib.
vii. _Inc._ ‘Veritatis theologie cum superni.’

    MS. Cambridge:--Caius Coll. 193.

    Anonymous in MSS. Charleville 19 (written A. D. 1337), and Metz 448
    (sec. xv): generally ascribed to Albertus Magnus and printed at the
    end of tom. xiii. of his works, Lyons 1651.

42. =William of Alnwick= is possibly identical with the friar called Roger
of Alnwick in the list of Oxford Franciscans presented to the bishop of
Lincoln in 1300[1143]. After lecturing at Oxford (c. 1315-1320?), he was
sent to the University of Naples, as Doctor of Theology[1144]. He was
present at the General Chapter of Perugia in 1322, and joined with the
other leading men in the Order in declaring that the doctrine of
Evangelical Poverty was not heretical[1145]. In 1330 he was made bishop of
Giuvenazzo near Bari[1146]. He is said to have died at Avignon in
1332[1147]. Bartholomew of Pisa mentions him among the famous Franciscan
theologians of the English nation[1148]; William Woodford places him among

    ‘inceptores ordinis Minorum qui egregie scripserunt super
    sententias[1149].’

_Questiones Almoich super primum Sententiarum._

_Questiones Almoich in 1 et 2 Sententiarum_[1150].

    MSS. Padua:--Bibl. S. Anton. (Tomasin, p. 61 b, 62 b.)

    Cf. MS. Ball. Coll. 208 (sec. xiv), an abridgment of the commentary of
    Duns Scotus on the 2nd book of the Sentences by ‘Master William of
    Alnwick, Friar Minor.’

43. =William Herberd= or =Herbert=, if we may credit the Lanercost
Chronicle, which is usually trustworthy at this period, was at Paris in
1290[1151]. From his place in the list of masters, it might be inferred
that he lectured at Oxford about 1315-1320. But if the following works
ascribed to him are genuine, he must have flourished not much later than
1250-60. They are preserved in a fourteenth-century MS. formerly in the
library of Henry Farmer of Tusmor, Oxon, now in the Phillipps Library at
Thirlestaine House[1152].

    Sermo Fratris Willielmi Herebert in Ecclesia B. Mariae Virginis Oxon;
    in haec verba: ‘Dixit mater Ihu ad eum, Vinum non habent.’

    Sermo ejusdem Fratris in Ecclesia B. Mariae Oxon. in translatione S.
    Edmundi Archiepiscopi in haec verba: ‘Homo quidam erat dives et
    induebatur purpura,’ etc.

    (St. Edmund was translated in 1247; the words however must mean _in
    festo translationis_, i.e. June 9th.)

    Ejusdem Fratris Epistolae summo Pontifici, Episcopo Coventrensi et
    Lichfeldensi (Roger of Wesham?), Symoni de Montfort, etc.[1153]

    Historica quaedam de Papis Romanis (_anon._).

    Tractatus de Veneno et Antidotis (_anon._).

    Hymns in old English[1154], quibus haec notula adjicitur: ‘Istos
    Hympnos et Antiphonas transtulit in Anglicum non semper de verbo in
    verbum, sed frequenter sensum aut non multum declinando, et in manu
    sua scripsit frater Willielmus Herebert; qui usum horum autem
    habuerit, oret pro anima dicti Patris.’

William Herbert was buried at Hereford, which was probably his native
convent[1155].

44. =Thomas of St. Dunstan= (Kent?).

45. =John of Reading= (de Radingia) was buried at Avignon. He had probably
gone to the papal curia in connexion with the revolt of Michael de Cesena
and William of Ockham[1156].

    Cf. MS. Florence:--Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut. XXXV,
    Dext. Cod. xi, _Primus Fratris Joannis de Padingia (= Radingia?),
    S.T.D. ord. Min. (super sententias?)_.

46. =John of Thornton=; the name is uncertain; it may be Jornton; the
Phillipps MS. reads Zortone.

47. =Richard of Drayton=, was buried at Shrewsbury[1157].

48. =Robert of Leicester= seems to have been a protégé of Richard
Swinfeld, bishop of Hereford, to whom he dedicated his first extant work
in 1294[1158]. He was S.T.P. and in residence at Oxford in 1325, and
probably lecturer to the friars about the same time. In this year he was
associated with Nicholas de Tyngewick, M.D. and S.T.B. as ‘_Magister
Extraneus_’ of Balliol College[1159]. The two were called upon to decide
whether the statutes of the College allowed the members to attend lectures
in any faculty except that of Arts, and ordained ‘in the presence of the
whole community’ that this was not permissible. Among those present in
the Hall of Balliol when the decision was proclaimed was Richard
Fitzralph, afterwards Archbishop of Armagh, the great opponent of the
Mendicant Orders[1160]. Bale and Pits say that Robert died at Lichfield in
1348; ‘but,’ adds Wood, ‘I suppose ’twas sooner.’

_De compoto Hebreorum aptato ad Kalendarium_, four parts with prologue;
composed A. D. 1294. _Inc. prol._ ‘Operis injuncti novitatem, pater
meritis insignissime, magister et domine R. Dei gratia Herfordensis
antistes ecclesie.’

_Compotus Hebreorum purus._ _Inc._ ‘Prima earum est a creacione mundi.’

_Commentariolus supra tabulas in tractatu primo supra recensito
descriptas_ (or, _De ratione temporum_), written in 1295. _Inc._ ‘Ad
planiorem et pleniorem prescripti tractatus intelligenciam.’

    These three works are contained in MS. Bodl. Digby 212 (sec. xiv).

_Distinctiones._

    MS. Cambridge:--Pembroke Coll. 220, § 1; ‘Enchiridion poenitentiale
    ... ex distinctionibus ... Rob. de Leycester (aliorumque).’

_De paupertate Christi._

    Attributed to him by Leland[1161].

49. =Walter de Foxisley=, or =Ffoxle= in Phillipps MS. (Norfolk or
Wilts?).

50. =Henry Cruche.= A sermon by ‘H. de Cruce, Minor,’ is in Merton Coll.
MS. No. 248, f. 170. This name is omitted in the list given in the
Phillipps MS.

51. =John de Ratforde= (cf. 63rd master).

    See MS. Bodl. Digby 216, f. 40, containing three theological questions
    to which the name ‘Ratforde’ is prefixed; the MS. dates from the
    fourteenth century: the questions are: ‘_an quilibet adultus teneatur
    laudare Deum; utrum ex sui meriti vel demeriti circumstantiis juste
    debeat augeri vel minui pena; utrum ad omnem actum creature rationalis
    concurrat necessario Dei efficientia specialis._’

52. =John de Preston=[1162].

53. =Walter de Chauton=[1163] is no doubt identical with =Walter de
Chatton=, who with the warden was summoned to appear in the Mayor’s Court,
to answer a charge, brought against the convent, of wrongfully keeping two
books, in 1330[1164]; he evidently held some official position at this
time, presumably that of regent master. He is said to have been warden of
Norwich, probably his native convent, and to have taught theology
there[1165]. He was one of the D.D.’s whom Benedict XII consulted in
drawing up his Statutes for the Franciscan Order in 1336[1166]. This fact
lends some support to Bale’s statement that he became papal penitentiary
and died at Avignon in 1343[1167]. Bartholomew of Pisa mentions him among
the famous writers of the Order; William of Woodford among those who
entered the Order in their youth, and ‘wrote many works of great
wisdom[1168].’

_Cathon sur les Sentences_ [W. Chatton[1169] or R. Cowton?].

    MSS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 15886, 15887 (sec. xiv), two copies.

_Questio fratris Galtheri magistri ... de schaton, que est secunda in
ordine primi sui in prologo._ _Inc._ ‘Utrum Deus possit creare.’ _Expl._
‘Et ideo non est simile.’

    MS. Cambridge:--Public Library, Ff. III, 26, f. 122, 123, 130 b.

    Cf. MS. Harl. 3243, fol. 55, _Adam Wodham de divisione, etc. contra
    Chatton_.

54. =John de Ridevaus=, =Rideval=, or =Redovallensis=, sometimes called
John de Musca, according to Bale[1170], flourished about 1330. Of the
works attributed to him, the Commentary on Fulgentius seems to be the same
as that attributed to John Wallensis; similarly perhaps with the
commentary on the letter of Valerius to Rufinus; the moral exposition of
the Metamorphoses seems to differ from that ascribed to Thomas Walleys and
Peter Bercherius.

_Lectura super Apocalypsi._

    MS. Venice:--St. Mark, Class. I, Cod. 139, fol. 110-119 (sec. xiv),
    ‘Extracta de lectura fratris Joannis Rydelbast super Apocalypsi,
    ordinis Minorum.’

‘_Commentarius super Fulgencium continens picturas virtutum et viciorum
sub ymaginibus deorum et dearum quos colebat vana superstitio paganorum
editus a fratre J. de Ridevall de ordine fratrum minorum._’ _Inc._
‘Intencio venerabilis viri Fulgencii.’

    MSS. Cambridge:--Pub. Libr. Ii II, 20, f. 121-162 (sec. xv); and Mm I,
    18, § 6 (xv).

    Worcester Cathed. Libr. 154 (= Bernard 829).

    Venice:--St. Mark, Class. I, Cod. 139, f. 121-136 (xiv).

‘_Ovidii Metamorphoseos fabule ccxviii moraliter exposite._’ _Inc._ ‘In
hujus expositionis initio.’

    MSS. Cambridge:--Pub. Libr. Ii II, 20, f. 162-199 (anon. but in the
    same writing as the _Comment. super Fulgencium_ which it follows).

    Worc. Cath. Libr. 89 (= 764), ‘Jo. Risdevallus.’

_In Valerium ad Rufinum de uxore non ducenda._ _Inc._ ‘Loqui perhibeor.’

    Cf. MSS. Cambridge:--Pub. Libr. Mm I, 18, § 5; and London:--Lambeth
    Palace 330 (xv).

_Commentaries on St. Augustine’s De Civitate Dei._ _Inc._ ‘Magnus dominus
et laudabilis nimis in civitate Dei.’

    MSS. Oxford:--C.C.C. 186 and 187 (sec. xv _ineuntis_); on books 1, 2,
    3, 6, and 7, by ‘Jo. Rydevallis’ or ‘Rydewall,’ Friar Minor[1171].

55. =Lawrence Briton= is perhaps the same as Laurentius Wallensis
mentioned by Tanner, who wrote a dialogue on free will[1172]. A sermon by
him is preserved in Merton College, MS. 248, f. 170. He flourished about
1340. A Dominican of the same name was S.T.P. of Paris in the thirteenth
century[1173]. Among the MSS. mentioned in the old catalogue (1381) at
Assisi[1174], is a ‘_Summa mag. fratris Laurentii Vualensis Anglici
ordinis Minorum_;’ this is perhaps a mistake for Johannes Wallensis.

56. =John de Rudinton= or =Rodyngton= belonged to the custody of Oxford,
and the convent of Stamford[1175]. He was D.D. of Oxford[1176], nineteenth
Provincial Minister of England[1177], and is described in the Register of
the Grey Friars of London as ‘vir sanctissimus[1178].’ He was buried at
Bedford[1179]; Bale and his followers mention 1348, the date of the first
great pestilence, as the year of his death.

_Joannes Rodinchon in lib. i. Sententiarum._

    Included by Joannes Picardus in his _Thesaurus Theologorum_ (A. D.
    1503)[1180].

_Johannis de Rodynton determinationes theologicae._

    MS. Munich:--Bibl. Regiae, Cod. Lat. 22023 (sec. xiv).

_Quaestiones super quartum librum Sententiarum_ (by the same author?).

    MS. ibid. fol. 18.

_Questiones super quodlibeta rodincon._

    MS. Bruges, 503 (sec. xv).

57. =John de Howden= (c. 1340).

[John Hoveden of London, S.T.P. and author of many works, was not a friar;
he died A. D. 1275: Tanner, _Bibl._ 415.]

58. =T. Stanschaw=, called by Brewer, G. Stanforth[1181], by others,
Thomas Stanchaw, Straveshaw, &c., was a Minorite of Bristol[1182]. Bale
says:

    ‘obiit Avenione A. D. 1346. Ex quodam Minoritarum registro[1183].’

    Some sermons in MS. Merton Coll. 248 (sec. xiv _exeuntis_) are
    ascribed to ‘Stanschawe.’

    A number of works are attributed to him by Bale, ‘ex Bibliotheca
    Nordovicensi,’ and ‘ex officina Roberti Stoughton[1184].’

59. =Edmund Grafton.=

60. =Stephen Sorel.=

61. =Adam Wodham= or =Godham= was one of the most famous of the later
Franciscan schoolmen[1185]. He is said to have lived chiefly at Norwich,
London, and Oxford[1186], and was probably reader in theology at several
convents in succession. He was a follower of William of Ockham in
philosophy and probably attended his lectures. He may be the Adam to whom
Ockham’s _Summa logices_ was addressed[1187]. The date of his lecturing as
regent master at Oxford is unknown; it must have been about 1340 or soon
after. He was perhaps the ‘Frater Adam magister in sacra theologia de
Anglia,’ who went to Basel in 1339 to consult Friar James de Porta on some
miracles alleged to have been wrought there[1188]. He died, if we may
believe Bale, at Babwell in 1358[1189].

_Comment. in IV libros Sententiarum_, abbreviated by Henry of Oyta. _Inc.
prol._ ‘Ista est lex Adam.’

    MSS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 15892 and 15893 (sec. xiv)[1190].

    Bruges, 162, ‘Magistri Adae lecturae super IV. Sententiarum’ (?).

    Toulouse, 246, the abbreviated version of the lectures of Adam Godham
    or ‘Adam de Vodronio’ by Henry de Hoyta, written in the Franciscan
    convent at Paris, A. D. 1399.

    Rouen, 581 (sec. xiv-xv).

    Printed at Paris, 1512. Perhaps some of the MSS. cited above contain
    the original work of Adam Wodham. See Wadding, _Sup. ad Script._ 2-3.

_Quaestiones variae philosophicae et theologicae_, by Godham and
others[1191].

    MS. Brit. Mus.: Harl. 3243 (sec. xiv).

_Comment, super Cantica Canticorum._

    MS. formerly in the Franciscan Library in London (Leland, _Collect._
    III, 49).

_Postilla super Ecclesiasticum_, Lib. I.

    ‘Ex registro Decani Nordovicensis’ (Bale MS. Bodl. Seld. sup. 64).

_Determinationes_, or, _Determinationes XI_. _Inc._ ‘Utrum officina.’

    Mentioned in _Catalogus illustrium Franciscanorum_, and by Bale (MS.
    _ut supra_) ‘ex bibliotheca Nordovicensi[1192].’

62. =Robert de Redclive.=

63. =Thomas Radford= (cf. 51st master).

64. =John Went= or =Gwent= was a native of the Bristol custody[1193]. He
probably incepted in theology and lectured to the Friars at Oxford about
1340 or soon after. His character for holiness was such that he was
believed to have wrought miracles in his lifetime[1194]. He succeeded John
de Rodyngton as Provincial Minister, being the twentieth in Order,
probably between 1340 and 1350[1195]. Bale adds:

    ‘he died at Hereford A. D. 1348, as I have found in a register of the
    Minorites[1196].’

It is however not improbable that he found only the first statement in the
register and added the date. Both the catalogues of the Provincial
Ministers state that he was buried at Hereford[1197].

65. =Thomas Oterborne= can hardly have written the chronicle generally
ascribed to him. The chronicle itself bears no marks of having been
written by a Franciscan; even the notices of the Order given in Walsingham
and the Eulogium Historiarum are sometimes omitted, and usually shortened,
in the so-called Otterbourne. But apart from this, the evidence of dates
is fairly conclusive: the chronicle, as edited by Hearne, leaves off
abruptly in the year 1420, and Hearne puts Otterbourne’s death at 1421.
Pits and Wood suppose from MSS. which end in 1411 that the writer died in
that year. Hearne says

    ‘there are not wanting MSS. which bring the history hardly beyond
    Edward III.’

But even assuming the existence of such MSS. it is practically impossible
that they can have been the work of the Franciscan doctor. Thomas
Oterborne must have lectured at Oxford before 1350. It is true that the
last nine names of lectors given in the list are in a more recent hand
than the earlier ones; but the names of Went and Oterborne are in the same
writing, and there can be no reasonable doubt that they were
contemporaries. The dates of Oterborne’s two immediate successors at
Oxford are unknown[1198], and the list of lectors here comes to an end. We
cannot therefore know whether there were any more lectors before Simon
Tunstede. Assuming that he was the sixty-eighth lector, we may naturally
conclude that the sixty-fifth read several years before him, i.e. several
years before 1351 when Simon was ‘regent among the Minorites at
Oxford[1199].’ It is therefore most probable that Thomas was reader not
later than 1345. The historian was perhaps the Thomas Otterburn who became
rector of Chingford in 1393 and was ordained priest in 1394[1200].

66. =John Valeys=[1201] was perhaps the Friar John Wells who took a
prominent part in the disputed election to the Chancellorship in 1349, as
a supporter of John Wyllyot, fellow of Merton, whose conduct seems to have
been of a peculiarly riotous and lawless character[1202]. He may possibly
be the John Welle, S.T.P. and Friar Minor[1203], who was robbed by his
servant in London in 1377; some curious details about this affair will be
found in Appendix B.

67. =Richard Malevile= of the London Custody (c. 1350?); this name is
added in a still later hand.




CHAPTER III.

FRANCISCANS WHO STUDIED IN THE CONVENT AT OXFORD, OR HAD SOME OTHER
CONNEXION WITH THE TOWN OR THE UNIVERSITY.


=Agnellus= or =Angnellus of Pisa= was custodian of Paris before becoming
first Provincial of England[1204]. He is said to have been made Provincial
by St. Francis in 1219[1205]; the order as given by Francis a S.
Clara[1206] is as follows:

    ‘Ego frater Franciscus de Assisio Minister Generalis praecipio tibi
    fratri Agnello de Pisa per obedientiam, ut vadas ad Angliam, et ibi
    facias officium Ministeratus. Vale. Frater Franciscus de Assisio.’

It may be doubted whether this letter is authentic, nor is the date beyond
dispute. It may be considered as certain that Agnellus did not come to
England till September 1224[1207]. He was then a deacon, and about thirty
years of age[1208]. He landed with eight others at Dover, went to
Canterbury, and thence to London, establishing houses and receiving
novices. Such was his humility that he long refused the order of
priesthood, and only at length consented, when the Provincial Chapter had
procured a command from the General Chapter, that the order should be
conferred on him[1209]. He was a zealous guardian of the primitive poverty
of the Rule of St. Francis, and would only allow houses to be built or
areas to be enlarged where it was absolutely necessary[1210]. He urged the
demolition of a conventual building called _Valvert_ at Paris, and forbade
the enlargement of the house at Gloucester: he had the infirmary at Oxford
built so low that a man could scarcely stand upright in it. He built a
school at Oxford of more generous proportions, and encouraged the love of
learning in the Order[1211]. The choice of Grostete as the first master of
the Minorites was due to Agnellus[1212]. He was, according to Matthew
Paris, on familiar terms with the King, and was one of his
counsellors[1213]. In December, 1233, he offered his services as
peace-maker between Henry III and the rebellious Earl Marshall, though his
efforts to induce the latter to submit were unavailing[1214]. It would
seem to have been after this that he went to Rome on some business of the
English prelates[1215], and he may also at the same time have attended a
General Chapter in Italy[1216]. On his return, he was seized with
dysentery at Oxford; it was believed that his health had never recovered
from the severities to which he was exposed while labouring for peace in
the winter of 1233[1217]. He recommended that the General Minister, Elias,
should be requested to appoint Albert of Pisa, or Haymo, or Radulf of
Rheims, as his successor. He constituted Peter of Tewkesbury his Vicar,
and made his last confession to him. He died at Oxford in great pain,
crying continually, ‘_Veni, dulcissime Jesu_.’ The exact date of his death
is uncertain; it was probably early in 1235[1218]. He was, says Eccleston,

    ‘a man specially endowed with natural prudence and foresight, and
    conspicuous for every virtue[1219].’

He was buried in a wooden or leaden coffin in the choir of the chapel
before the altar. When this chapel was superseded by the larger church,
the friars came by night to remove the body; they found the coffin and the
grave

    ‘full of the purest oil, the corpse with its garments incorrupt and
    smelling most sweetly.’

His bones were laid with due pomp in ‘a fair stone sepulchre’ in the new
church, and the miracles which were wrought at his tomb were a source of
honour and profit to the Convent at Oxford[1220].

=Richard de Ingewrthe= or =Indewurde= (Norfolk) is named second in the
list of friars who came over with Agnellus in 1224. He was a priest and
advanced in years; according to Eccleston he was the first Minorite who
preached to the people ‘_citra montes_.’ With three other friars he
established the first house of Franciscans in London (at Cornhill); he
then proceeded to Oxford with Richard of Devon, hired a house of Robert le
Mercer in St. Ebbe’s, and thus founded the original convent in the
University town. The two companions then went on to Northampton, where
they again hired a house and founded a friary. Richard of Ingewrthe
afterwards became custodian of Cambridge, which was specially noted for
its poverty under his rule. In 1230, when Agnellus attended the General
Chapter at Assisi, he was associated in the Vicariate of the English
Province with Henry de Ceruise or Treviso, a lay-brother from Lombardy.
Soon after this he was sent by the General, John Parens, as Provincial
Minister to Ireland. At length he was released from the office in General
Chapter by Albert of Pisa (c. 1239), set out as a missionary to Palestine,
and died there[1221].

=Richard of Devon=, a young acolyte, was the third of those who came over
with Agnellus. He accompanied R. of Ingewrthe from Canterbury to London,
Oxford, and Northampton;

    ‘and (in Eccleston’s words) left us many examples of longsuffering and
    obedience. For after he had traversed many provinces in obedience to
    commands, he was for fifteen years worn out by frequent quartan fevers
    and remained continually at Romehale[1222].’

=Adam of Oxford= was a master before he entered the Order[1223]. The
account of his conversion given by Eccleston[1224] is as follows:

    Master Adam of Oxford, of worldwide fame[1225], had made a vow that he
    would do anything he was asked to do ‘for the love of the blessed
    Mary;’ and he told this to a certain recluse, who was a friend of his.
    She revealed his secret to her friends, that is, to a monk of Reading,
    another of the Cistercian Order, and a Friar Preacher; telling them
    that they could gain such a man in such a way; not wishing that Adam
    should become a Friar Minor. But the Blessed Virgin did not permit
    anyone in his presence to make the needful request; but deferred it
    to another time. One night he dreamed that he had to cross a bridge,
    where some men were throwing their nets into the stream, endeavouring
    to catch him: but he escaped this with great difficulty and reached a
    very peaceful spot. Now when by the divine will he had escaped all
    others, he went casually to see the Friars Minors, and during the
    conversation Friar William de Colvile, the elder, a man of great
    sanctity, said to him: ‘Dear master, enter our Order for the love of
    the Mother of God and help our simplicity.’ And Adam immediately
    consented to do so, as if he had heard the words from the lips of the
    Mother of God.

He assumed the habit on January 25[1226], probably A. D. 1227. He was at
this time assistant, or secretary[1227], to the great Adam Marsh, whom he
soon afterwards induced to join the Franciscans. Shortly after this, Adam
of Oxford went to Gregory IX, and was at his own desire sent to preach to
the Saracens[1228]. From a letter of Grostete’s, addressed to Agnellus and
the Convent of Friars Minors at Oxford, relating to this subject, and
written in or before 1231[1229], we learn that Adam had formed the
resolution of going to preach to the infidels before he entered the Order,
and that he was induced to take this latter step partly because it was
likely to add to his influence as a missionary. Grostete urges the Friars
not to grieve for his loss:

    ‘for the light of his knowledge is so bright that it ought to be
    concentrated most there where it may dissipate the thickest darkness
    of infidelity.’ ‘Have no fear,’ the writer continues, ‘that he will be
    cut off from the “Sacred Page;” he has humility, and no “_haeretica
    pravitas_” will slip in.’

He died at Barlete, and miracles are said to have been wrought by his
relics or his memory[1230].

=William of York=, ‘a solemn bachelor,’ was probably an Oxford man, as he
entered the Order on the same day as Adam of Oxford[1231].

=Adam Rufus=[1232] studied under Grostete in the early part of the
thirteenth century, presumably at Oxford. A letter from ‘Robert Grostete
called Master,’ written perhaps before he held any preferments, i.e.
before 1210, addressed to ‘Master Adam Rufus,’ is extant; it is a treatise
on the nature of angels, and Grostete asks Adam to inquire diligently the
opinions of the wise men, with whom he converses, on the subject. In
another letter written about 1237, Grostete mentions having heard of
Friar Ernulphus, papal penitentiary, from ‘Friar Adam Rufus of good
memory,’ formerly his beloved pupil and friend. It may be inferred from
his connexion with Grostete and Ernulphus or Arnulfus, Vicar of the Order
of Minorites[1233], that the Order which he entered was that of the
Franciscans.

=Henry de Reresby=, who entered the Order abroad, was vicar of the
custodian of Oxford about 1235 or before. He was made first provincial of
Scotland by Elias, but died before he could enter on his duties[1234].
According to Leland’s notes from Eccleston he died at Leicester; according
to another account, at Acre in Norfolk[1235]. After his death he appeared
to the custodian of Oxford, and said that,

    ‘if the friars were not damned for excess in buildings, they would at
    any rate be severely punished,’ and added, ‘if the friars said the
    divine service well, they would be the sheep of the Apostles[1236].’

=Walter=, a canon of Dunstable, and =John=, a novice of the same priory,
escaped from their house through a broken window and joined the
Franciscans at Oxford in 1233. Walter afterwards returned with three
Minorites to the Chapter of Dunstable, seeking absolution. After
submitting to corporal punishment, he was absolved; he was further ordered
to restore the books and clothes (_quaternos et pannos_) which he had
taken with him, and to deliberate for a year--i.e. during his
noviciate--whether the discipline of the Order which he had entered was
more severe than that of the Order he had left; if it were so, he was to
remain a Minorite; if not, he was to return to Dunstable. John was found
by the Prior of Dunstable at London and similarly absolved: he afterwards
went to Rome[1237].

=John of Reading=, who became Abbat of Osney in 1229[1238], joined the
Minorites in 1235, probably at Northampton[1239]. He is probably the Abbat
to whom Bartholomew of Pisa refers as having assisted with his own hands
at the building of the Franciscan Church at Oxford[1240]. He was certainly
at Oxford about 1250, when Adam Marsh wrote to the Provincial that he was
in ill-health and requested that Friar Adam de Bechesoueres, the physician
of the Order, might be sent to Oxford to attend him[1241]. Another ‘Frater
Johannes Anglicus de Redingis’ was Visitor of Germany in 1229, and
Minister of Saxony 1230-1232[1242].

=Albert of Pisa= did not, as stated by Bartholomew of Pisa and others,
accompany Agnellus to England. He was (according to Eccleston) Minister of
Hungary, Germany (1223-1227), Bologna, the March of Ancona, the March of
Treviso, Tuscany, perhaps of Spain in 1227[1243]. He was one of the three
recommended by Agnellus as fit persons to succeed him as Provincial of
England, but he was not appointed by Elias till almost a year after the
death of the first Minister[1244] (c. 1236). He reached England on
December 13, and celebrated a Provincial Chapter at Oxford on February
2[1245]. On another occasion Eccleston tells us--

    ‘Friar Albert was present at the sermon of a young friar at Oxford;
    and when the preacher boldly condemned loftiness of buildings and
    abundance of food, he rebuked him for vainglory[1246].’

Soon after his arrival, Albert appointed lecturers at London and
Canterbury[1247], though he does not appear to have been a learned man
himself. His connexion with Oxford was slight, and his acts as Provincial
can hardly claim a place here. After remaining two years and a half in
England, he went to Rome to take part in the proceedings against
Elias[1248]. On the deposition of the latter (May 15, 1239), Albert was
elected Minister General. He died in the same or the following year[1249]
and was buried at Rome[1250].

=Ralph of Maidstone=, bishop of Hereford 1234-1239, resigned his see in
December, 1239, and was admitted into the Franciscan Order by Haymo[1251].
He took this step in accordance with a vow, made perhaps before he became
bishop[1252]. It is uncertain at which convent he took the habit.
Bartholomew of Pisa states that he helped with his own hands to build the
church at Oxford[1253]. It is not improbable that he was there for some
time. He was a Master of Paris, noted for his learning, and was among the
‘famous Englishmen’ who left Paris owing to the disputes in 1229 and
settled at Oxford on the invitation of Henry III[1254]. According to a
later addition in one of the MSS. of Eccleston’s Chronicle, he lived five
years after assuming the habit, staying for the most part in the convent
of Gloucester[1255]. The Dunstable Annals state that he was, for a time at
any rate, rendered incapable by a fall from a rock, but whether this took
place before or after he became a friar is not quite clear[1256]. He died
at Gloucester (c. 1245) and

    ‘was buried in the choir of the brethren, in the presbytery, on the
    north side under an arch[1257].’

A most interesting relic of the friar-bishop is now in the British Museum.
Royal MS. 3 C. xi, a copy of the New Testament with gloss (sec. xiii),
belonged to the Friars Minors of Canterbury,

    ‘_ex dono Fratris Radulphi de Maydenestane, quondam Episcopi
    Herefordensis_.’

He wrote a _Commentary on the Sentences_ when he was Archdeacon of Chester
(c. A. D. 1220). This is mentioned in a treatise on the Sacraments,
‘_secundum Mag. R. de Maidinstan archidiaconum Cestrensem super
Sententias_.’

    MS. London: Gray’s Inn, 14, f. 28-32 (sec. xiii).

=William of Nottingham= was marked out by nature for a Mendicant Friar.

    ‘He told me,’ writes Eccleston, ‘that when he was living in his
    father’s house and some poor boys came begging alms, he gave them of
    his bread, and received the crust from them, because it seemed to him,
    that hard bread, which was asked for the love of God, was sweeter than
    the delicate bread which he ate and his companions; and so, to make
    their bread sweet like this, the little boys went and begged in their
    turn (_ab invicem_) for the love of God[1258].’

William’s brother, Augustine, was also a Minorite; he was first in the
household of Innocent IV, accompanied the Patriarch of Antioch, the pope’s
nephew, to Syria, and at length became bishop of Laodicea[1259]. William
himself successfully championed the interests of his Order against the
Dominicans at the Roman Curia[1260]. At one period he lived for some time
in the Franciscan convent at Rome, where, though (to quote his own words)

    ‘the brethren had no pittance except chestnuts, he grew so fat that he
    often blushed[1261].’

He acted as vicar for Friar Haymo in England (1239), and in 1240 was
himself

    ‘elected and confirmed Provincial Minister by those to whom the
    appointment had been entrusted[1262].’

He had never held any subordinate office, such as that of custodian or
warden[1263]. He was a diligent student of the Scriptures, and seems to
have attended Grostete’s lectures at Oxford[1264]. As minister, he was
energetic in furthering the study of theology, and in developing the
educational organization of the Franciscans in England[1265]. During his
ministry, the friary at Oxford was greatly enlarged[1266]. Evidence of his
popularity was given in the Chapter held at Oxford by the General
Minister, John of Parma (c. 1248), when the friars unanimously refused to
sanction his deposition[1267]. He was ‘absolved’ from the ministry in the
General Chapter of Metz, and sent on behalf of the Order to the
Pope[1268]. It was probably in this Chapter, that, with the assistance of
John Kethene and Gregory de Bosellis, he carried a decree ‘almost against
the whole Chapter,’

    ‘ut privilegium indultum a Domino Papa de recipienda pecunia per
    procuratores penitus destrueretur; et expositio Regulae secundum
    dominum Innocentium, quantum ad ea in quibus laxior esset quam
    Gregoriana, suspenderetur[1269].’

The cause of his deposition is unknown, but the event excited the
displeasure of the English friars, who called a Provincial Chapter and
unanimously re-elected him[1270]. A letter from Adam Marsh, congratulating
him on this second election and urging him not to decline the office is
extant[1271]. But William of Nottingham was already dead. When he reached
Genoa on his mission to the Pope, his _socius_, Friar Richard, was struck
down by the plague;

    ‘while others fled, he remained to comfort his companion, and like him
    he was struck down and died[1272].’

The date of the Chapter of Metz, and consequently of William’s death, is
not quite certain; it was probably in the spring or early summer of
1251[1273]. A few extracts from the chronicle of Eccleston (who knew him
personally) will illustrate the character of the man.

    He sat very long in meditation after matins, and was unwilling to
    attend to confessions and consultations at night, as his predecessors
    had done.... Above all things, he was careful to avoid the vice of
    suspicion. Familiarities of great persons and of women he most
    studiously avoided, and, with wonderful magnanimity, thought nothing
    of incurring the anger of the powerful for the sake of justice. He
    used to say that great persons entrap those familiar with them by
    their advice, and women with their mendacity and malice turn the heads
    even of the devout by their flatteries. He studied with all diligence
    to restore the good name of those who were defamed, provided that he
    thought them penitent, and to comfort the hearts of the desolate,
    especially of those who held offices in the Order[1274].

He represented the tendency to a less strict interpretation of the Rule in
regard to money than had hitherto obtained in England, holding that--

    ‘the friars might in a hundred cases lawfully contract debts, and
    might with their own hands dispense the money of others in alms. He
    said further that it was right after a visitation to amuse oneself a
    little in order to distract the mind from what one had heard[1275].’

The following story may be regarded as an instance of his cynicism or
knowledge of human nature:--

    ‘He used to narrate that St. Stephen, the founder of the Order of
    Grammont, placed a chest in a secret and safe place, and forbade
    anyone to go near it during his life. The brethren were very
    inquisitive, and after his death could not refrain from breaking it
    open, and they found only a piece of parchment with the words; Brother
    Stephen salutes his brethren and prays them to guard themselves from
    the laity. For just as you held the chest in honour, as long as you
    did not know what was in it, so they will hold you in honour[1276].’

That the well-known _Commentary on the Gospels_, called also _Unum ex
quatuor_, or _De concordia evangelistarum_, by Friar William of
Nottingham, was by this William, and not by his namesake, the seventeenth
provincial of the English Minorites[1277], is proved by Eccleston’s words
(Mon. Franc. I, p. 70)--

    ‘... Verba Sancti Evangelii devotissime recolebat; unde et super unum
    ex quatuor Clementinis (Phillipps MS. f. 80 reads _Clementis_) canones
    perutiles compilavit, et expositionem quam idem Clemens fecit complete
    scribi in ordine procuravit.’

The commentary was founded on the work of Clement of Langthon[1278], and
the number of MSS. of it still in existence attest its popularity in the
Middle Ages.

The work comprised 12 parts. _Inc._ ‘Da mihi intellectum.’

    MSS. Brit. Museum: Royal 4 E ii. (A. D. 1381); readers are asked to
    pray ‘pro anima Fratris Willielmi de Notingham, qui studio laborioso
    predictam Expositionem ex variis compilavit.’

    Oxford:--Bodl.: Laud. Misc. 165 (sec. xiv ineuntis), Balliol Coll. 33
    (sec. xiv exeuntis). Merton Coll. 156 and 157 (sec. xiv). Magdalen
    Coll. 160 (sec. xv). St. John’s Coll. 2 (sec. xv).

    Cf. Merton Coll. 68, fol. 121 (sec. xv), ‘Questiones quas movet
    Notyngham in scripto suo super evangelia extracte secundum ordinem
    alphabeticum per Mag. Joh. Wykham.’ _Inc._ ‘Abel. Queritur super:’
    Lincoln Coll. 78 (sec. xv), a similar work: _Inc._ ‘Abraham. Queritur
    super illo dicto.’

_Comment. in Longobardum_, perhaps by the other W. of Nottingham.

    Mentioned in the Catalogue of Illustrious Franciscans (Leland,
    _Script._).

=A. of Hereford= (c. 1248) was assigned by the Provincial to Adam Marsh as
his secretary. Adam thought him too able a man to be kept in this
subordinate position; his learning and eloquence marked him out for a
teacher and preacher; many of those appointed by the Provincial Chapter to
lecture on theology were far inferior to him. In addition to this his
health would not stand the constant strain to which the secretary of the
indefatigable doctor was necessarily subjected. Adam therefore requested
the Provincial to send him to London to pursue his studies, as A. of
Hereford himself desired[1279].

=Laurence de Sutthon= was the friar whom Adam Marsh suggested to the
Provincial as A. of Hereford’s successor. A ‘Friar Laurence’ was with Adam
in 1249, and the latter wrote to Thomas of York, probably after 1250:

    ‘Friar Laurence sends you the books of the mother of philosophy (?)
    for which you sent[1280].’

=Hugo de Lyndun= seems to have been a weak brother at Oxford--weak in mind
and body--whom Adam Marsh took under his especial care (c. 1253)[1281].

=John of Beverley= was a friar at Oxford when Martin was warden, and was
known to Adam Marsh. Friar Thomas of York laboured for the salvation of
the father of this J. of Beverley[1282].

=Gregory de Bosellis= was the first lecturer to the friars at
Leicester[1283] (c. 1240?). He was at the General Chapter of Genoa (1244)
or Metz when he supported W. of Nottingham, Minister of England[1284]; and
he was Vicar of the Province at the time of the same Minister’s
death[1285]. He was with the Earl and Countess of Leicester in
Gascony[1286], and went to the papal court with the Archbishop of
Canterbury in 1250[1287], when the rules of the Order against riding on
horseback were relaxed in his favour[1288]. He had studied at some
University, probably at Oxford, and was capable of filling Adam Marsh’s
place as lecturer to the friars there, though it does not appear whether
he ever actually did so[1289].

=Thomas of Maydenstan=, an invalid novice at Oxford, c. 1253; Adam Marsh
hearing a rumour that he was to be sent away from Oxford begged the
Minister to let him remain,

    ‘as it is believed that his removal would do injury to the souls of
    several persons of whose conversion no slight hope is entertained.’

The brethren at Oxford joined in the request[1290].

=Thomas Bachun= of the Convent of Nottingham was recommended by Adam Marsh
as a suitable person to act as private secretary or amanuensis to Friar
Richard of Cornwall, when the latter was about to proceed to Paris, 1252.
It is however uncertain whether he was appointed or whether he studied at
Oxford[1291].

=Adam de Bechesoueres= or =Hekeshovre=[1292] occurs several times in Adam
Marsh’s letters as the chief physician among the early English friars.
Thus at one time Adam writes to John of Stamford, custodian of Oxford,
requesting him to allow a poor sick scholar named Ralph of Multon, a
friend of the writer’s, to consult Friar A. de Bechesoueres, who has
already done him good. The famous Walter de Merton went to him once with a
letter of introduction from Adam Marsh. He was wanted again at Oxford to
attend Friar John of Reading, formerly Abbat of Osney. Adam Marsh
recommended Grostete to consult him about his health. At another time we
hear of him going to the General Minister in France, with a ‘supplicatory
letter’ from Adam Marsh;

    ‘he promised,’ adds the latter in a letter to the English Provincial,
    ‘to return to England soon and humbly submit in all things to the
    regular discipline.’

=N. of Anivers=, =Anilyeres= or =Aynelers=, a youth of ability, fair
learning and great promise, was ordered by the Minister General to go to
France, probably about the year 1248. Adam Marsh, anxious that the best
should be done both for the young friar and the Order, after consultation
with Peter of Tewkesbury, custodian of Oxford, obtained leave from the
Provincials of England and France for him to stay for a year or two in
England, the consent of the General being also secured:

    ‘it is thought,’ adds Adam in his letter to the Minister of France,
    ‘that he will at present find the requisite helps to the successful
    study of letters more easily obtainable in England than anywhere
    else.’

N. de Anivers was therefore allowed to spend a year in theological study
at Oxford, Cambridge or London. Adam Marsh maintained his interest in his
welfare, and, after the year was over, requested the Minister of France to
allow him to continue his studies in England up to the ensuing Pentecost:
it is probable that he was a pupil of Adam’s at Oxford[1293].

=William of Pokelington= (Yorkshire) entered the Order about 1250 and made
his profession at Oxford in 1251[1294]. He was then a master. Shortly
before this he had been ill and perhaps took the vows on his
recovery[1295]. He was an intimate friend of Adam Marsh and at one period
acted as his secretary[1296]. Adam employed him several times as messenger
to Grostete[1297], who had a high opinion of him and liked to have him as
a companion[1298].

=Walter de Madele=, =Maddele= or =Maddeley= studied in the Franciscan
Convent at Oxford (c. 1235 seq.). While here, he ventured to disregard the
custom which forbade the friars to wear shoes.

    ‘It happened,’ says Eccleston[1299], ‘that he found two shoes, and
    when he went to Matins, he put them on. He stood therefore at Matins,
    feeling unusually self-satisfied. But afterwards when he was in bed,
    he dreamt that he had to go through a dangerous pass between Oxford
    and Gloucester called “_boysaliz_” (?), which was infested by robbers;
    and when he was descending into a deep valley, they rushed at him from
    both sides, shouting, “Kill him!” In great terror he said that he was
    a Friar Minor. “You lie,” they cried, “for you do not go barefoot;”
    and when he put out his foot confidently, he found that he was wearing
    those same shoes: and starting in confusion from sleep, he threw the
    shoes into the middle of the courtyard.’

Walter was ‘_socius_’ or secretary to Agnellus and was at Oxford at the
time of the latter’s death (1235)[1300]. Later he was in Germany with
Peter of Tewkesbury, minister of Cologne, and returned to England in 1249
with Friar Paulinus, perhaps a German, in obedience to Peter[1301]. He
enjoyed a considerable reputation as a theologian and was lecturer at a
Franciscan Convent. Adam Marsh once sent for him to come and see him at
Oxford.

    ‘I conferred with him as you desired,’ he writes to the
    Provincial[1302], ‘about investigating the meaning of Holy Scripture
    in the original books of the saints, and he professed himself very
    ready to do this or anything else which you thought fit to enjoin on
    him.’

This was not the only subject discussed at the interview. The English
Minister suspected Walter of a desire to go abroad and of having obtained
from the General the promise of a lectureship in some foreign convent or
University. The Provincial had indeed just received an order from the
General to send some English friars to teach at Paris, and perhaps
Madele’s name was mentioned. Madele however denied the imputation, and
Adam recommended the Provincial to keep him in England, sending other
friars to Paris, and to remedy his grievances. Though he had long taught
theology with success, no competent provision had been made for him; he
had not only to exhaust his mind by studies but also to wear out his body
by writing daily with his own hand, as he lacked the ‘great volumes and
the assistance of companions,’ which had been provided for his
predecessors in the office. Eccleston refers to him as dead when he wrote
his chronicle[1303]. None of Madele’s writings[1304] have been preserved.

=G. of St. Edmund=: Adam Marsh wrote to the Provincial (W. of Nottingham)
on behalf of Martin the warden and the other friars at Oxford, requesting
him to order without delay

    ‘that Friar G. de Sancto Eadmundo be restored to the convent of friars
    at Oxford[1305].’

=Thomas of Eccleston=, the earliest historian of the Franciscan Order in
England, was probably a native of Lancashire[1306]. All that is known of
him is contained in his Chronicle. He was an inmate of the London Convent
when William of Nottingham was minister (1240-1250), and speaks from his
own experience of the poverty and hard fare of the brethren there[1307].
He was a student at Oxford in the lifetime of Grostete, whether before or
after the latter became bishop is not clear[1308]. He knew the earliest
converts to the Order in England, and enjoyed the intimacy of William of
Nottingham[1309]. His history is dedicated to Friar Simon of
Esseby--perhaps Ashby in Norfolk or Lincolnshire[1310]. In the preface he
states that he had been collecting and arranging materials for
twenty-five years, and explains his object in writing.

    ‘Every upright man ought to judge his life by the examples of better
    men, because examples strike home more directly than the words of
    reason.’

Other Orders have lives of their holy brethren; this Chronicle is intended
similarly to edify the Franciscans by giving them some account of those
who have sacrificed their all to enter the Order and observe the Rule of
St. Francis[1311]. From this point of view, chronology was of little
importance, and there is scarcely a date in the whole book. It is
impossible to give the exact date at which the Chronicle was finished; the
deaths of William of Nottingham and of Innocent IV are mentioned[1312];
and the work was probably not completed before 1260. It is certainly the
narrative of a contemporary, often of an eye-witness, and, apart from the
manifest sincerity of the author, the accuracy of the details can in some
instances be tested by independent and trustworthy authority. To take one
example; Eccleston’s account of the reception of the friars at Cambridge
(pp. 17, 18) may be compared with the following entry in Close Roll 22
Hen. III, m. 12, (June 15 1238):

    Rex ballivis suis de Cantebr’ salutem. Sciatis quod concessimus
    fratribus Minoribus de Cantebr’ domum illam cum pertinenciis in
    Cantebr’ que fuit Magistri Benjamin Judei et quam prius vobis
    concesseramus ad Gayolam nostram (_or_ vestram) inde faciendam, ad
    clausum domorum predictorum fratrum dilatandum, salvis domino feodi
    serviciis et redditibus ei inde debitis. Et idem vobis precipimus quod
    eisdem fratribus de domo predicta plenam saisinam habere faciatis.

The following MSS. of the Chronicle ‘_De adventu Fratrum Minorum in
Angliam_’ are extant, all dating from the early fourteenth century.

    (1) A mutilated MS. in the Chapter Library at York; Brewer’s text for
    the earlier portion of the Chronicle is founded on this.

    (2) Brit. Mus.: Cotton Nero A ix was used by Brewer as the guide for
    the later part: this MS. begins with _Collatio IX_ (i.e. _Collatio
    VIII_ in the York MS.).

    (3) A fragment of the earlier portion of the Chronicle is contained in
    a MS. at Lamport House; this has been printed by Howlett in Mon.
    Franc. II; it supplies most of the chapters wanting in the Cottonian
    MS., of which it probably formed a part.

    (4) No. 3119 of the MSS. of Sir T. Phillipps (Thirlestaine House,
    Cheltenham), contains the whole Chronicle, though without many of the
    incidents which occur in the York and Cotton MSS. Neither Brewer nor
    Howlett knew of its existence. A short account of it will be found in
    ‘The English Historical Review,’ Oct. 1890, p. 754.

    In the same volume of MSS. is the treatise _De impugnatione_, etc.,
    printed in the Appendix C: Bale and Pits ascribe this to Eccleston,
    but without sufficient authority.

=Roger Bacon= is said on the authority of John Rous[1313] to have been
born at or near Ilchester in Dorsetshire. He came of a wealthy perhaps
noble family; he speaks of one brother as rich, of another as a scholar.
He was probably nephew of Robert Bacon the Dominican. Roger’s family
espoused the royal cause in the Barons’ war and suffered great
losses[1314]. The year 1214 is usually given as the date of his birth. The
date is an inference from the following passage written in 1267:

    ‘I have laboured much at sciences and languages, and it is now forty
    years since I first learnt the alphabet; and I was always studious;
    and except for two of those forty years I have always been _in
    studio_[1315].’

The last phrase probably means ‘at a University’ or some place of study.
Boys of ten or twelve years frequently began their education at Oxford,
and it is likely that Bacon went there at an early age[1316]. Roger of
Wendover relates that Friar Robert Bacon preached before the King at
Oxford in 1233, and fearlessly rebuked him for listening to evil
counsellors, especially Peter des Roches. Matthew Paris gives the story
with the following addition:

    ‘a clerk of the court of a pleasant wit, namely, Roger Bacun, ventured
    to make this joke: “My lord King, what is most harmful to men crossing
    a strait, or what makes them most afraid?” The King replied, “Those
    men know who occupy their business in great waters.” “I will tell
    you,” said the clerk, “_Petrae et Rupes_[1317].”’

It cannot be regarded as certain that this Roger Bacon was the famous
friar. The name was not uncommon; e.g. a Roger Bacon, a Thomas Bacon, and
a Peter Bacon occur in Pat. Roll 3 Edw I. On the other hand Roger was
certainly in Oxford in or before this year. He states that St. Edmund,
Archbishop of Canterbury, lectured at Oxford in his time, i.e. Edmund
Riche who became Archbishop in 1233[1318]. At this period too, Roger
attended Grostete’s lectures and made the acquaintance of Adam Marsh, for
both of whom he always retained the greatest admiration. He found in them
that sympathy with and understanding of his experimental method, which
were denied him in later life[1319]. It was doubtless his connexion with
these men that led Roger to enter the Franciscan Order. When or where this
took place is unknown: perhaps at Oxford before the death of Grostete. He
had clearly reached years of discretion when he took the step. This may be
inferred from his denunciation of those who entered the Orders as boys and
begun the study of theology before they had been grounded in
philosophy[1320]. It is also implied in such passages as these:

    ‘When I was in another state, I wrote nothing on philosophy.’ ‘Men
    used to wonder before I became a friar that I lived owing to such
    excessive labour[1321].’

He began his studies on positive science before 1250[1322], and had by
1267 spent more than 2,000 _librae_[1323]

    ‘on secret books and various experiments and languages and instruments
    and tables.’

It is not necessary to assume that this sum was expended before he joined
the Franciscan Order; he could, and undoubtedly did, obtain money by
begging to carry on his experiments[1324]. Roger left Oxford for Paris
some time before 1245; he states that he had seen Alexander of Hales with
his own eyes[1325], and he heard William of Auvergne dispute on the
_Intellectus Agens_ before the whole University: William died in
1248[1326]. Roger was in France in 1250 when he saw the chief of the
Pastoureaux, and remarked that

    ‘he carried in his hand something as though it were sacred, as a man
    carries relics[1327].’

He is said by Rous to have been made D.D. of Paris and to have been
incorporated as D.D. at Oxford[1328]. When he returned to Oxford is
unknown; probably soon after 1250. He must have lectured at this time; he
won some fame, as he says himself[1329], but without doubt made many
enemies. About the year 1257 or 1258--when Adam Marsh could no longer
protect his great pupil--Roger was exiled from England and kept under
strict supervision in Paris for ten years[1330]. In 1263 he wrote an
astronomical treatise called _Computus Naturalium_[1331]. Soon after this,
a clerk named Raymund of Laon mentioned Bacon’s name to the Cardinal
Bishop of Sabina and roused the latter’s interest in his
discoveries[1332]. Bacon sent a letter in reply to the Cardinal’s
communication: this has not been preserved. In 1265 the Cardinal became
Pope Clement IV. On 22nd of June 1266, Clement wrote requesting Roger to
send him a fair copy of the work which Raymond had mentioned, setting
forth the remedies he proposed, ‘_circa illa, quae nuper occasione tanti
discriminis intimasti_;’ the friar was to do this, in spite of any
constitution of his Order to the contrary, secretly and without
delay[1333]. The Pope’s supposition that the work was already written was
erroneous;

    ‘for,’ writes Roger[1334], ‘whilst I was in a different state of life,
    I had written nothing on science; nor in my present condition had I
    ever been required to do so by my superiors; nay, a strict prohibition
    has been passed to the contrary, under penalty of forfeiture of the
    book, and many days’ fasting on bread and water, if any book written
    by us (i.e. the Franciscans) should be communicated to
    strangers[1335].’

However, although the book was not yet written, and notwithstanding
endless difficulties, want of money, want of mathematical and other
instruments and tables, the restrictions of the Rule, jealousy of his
superiors and brethren who, he says,

    ‘kept me on bread and water, suffering no one to have access to me,
    fearful lest my writings should be divulged to any other than the Pope
    and themselves[1336]’--

the Opus Majus, the Opus Minus, and the Opus Tertium, were sent to the
Pope within fifteen or eighteen months after the arrival of the papal
mandate[1337]. ‘Such a feat’ says Brewer, ‘is unparalleled in the annals
of literature.’ The Pope probably used his influence in behalf of Roger,
as the latter seems to have returned to England about this time and to
have been freed from annoyance[1338]. The works sent to Clement he
regarded merely as handbooks; at the same time that he was writing them,
he was engaged on a larger work which was to embrace the whole range of
sciences as then understood[1339]. He was working at this in 1271[1340].
His attacks on all classes, including his own Order, became even more
violent than hitherto. In 1277 and 1278 synods were held at Paris and
Oxford to condemn erroneous doctrines. The repressive movement extended to
the Franciscans; in 1278, Jerome of Ascoli, the Minister General, held a
Chapter at Paris, and among other friars Roger Bacon was condemned
‘_propter quasdam novitates_[1341].’ He is believed to have remained in
prison for fourteen years. Jerome of Ascoli, who became Pope Nicholas IV
in 1288, died in 1292. Raymond Gaufredi, a man of liberal views, was
elected General in 1289, and released many friars who had been imprisoned
for their opinions by his predecessors. In 1292 he held a General Chapter
at Paris, and it is probable that among the friars here set free was Roger
Bacon[1342]. It is certain that the last work of Roger’s of which we have
any notice was written in 1292[1343]. The date usually assigned for his
death (1294) is a pure conjecture[1344]. John Rous says that he was buried
among the Friars Minors at Oxford[1345].

Such then is the chronological outline of his life, as far as it can be
ascertained. A list of his works will be more useful than a short account
of his character or philosophy.

=Roger Bacon’s Works= were neglected and regarded with a pious horror in
the Middle Ages[1346]. The result is that many of those which have
survived at all have reached us in a fragmentary state. ‘It is easier,’
said Leland, ‘to collect the leaves of the Sibyl than the titles of the
works written by Roger Bacon.’ The difficulty has to a considerable extent
been removed by Mr. Brewer’s valuable preface to the _Opera Inedita_, and
by the labours of M. Charles. The following account of Roger Bacon’s works
is based chiefly on these two writers. Some additions have been made and
some rearrangement attempted.

Miscellaneous works, lectures, &c., probably early:--

_Computus naturalium_, an astronomical treatise, is the earliest work of
Bacon’s to which a date can be assigned; it was written A. D. 1263-4.
_Inc._ ‘Omnia tempus habent.’

    MSS. British Museum: Royal 7 F viii. fol. 99-191 (sec. xiii).

    Oxford: University College, 48.

    Douai 691, § 2.

    Summary printed by Charles, _Roger Bacon_, pp. 355-8.

_De termino Paschali_, an earlier work, to which Bacon refers in the
_Computus naturalium_; (Charles, p. 78).

_Questions on Aristotle’s physics._

    MS. Amiens 406, f. 1-25; cf. MS. Bodl. Digby 150, fol. 42 (sec. xiii),
    ‘Summa Baconis.’

_Quaestiones super librum physicorum a magistro dicto Bacon._

    MS. Amiens 406, fol. 26-73.

_De vegetabilibus_ (gloss on this work then attributed to Aristotle).

    MS. Amiens 406 (intercalated in the preceding work).

_In Aristotelis Metaphysica._

    MS. Amiens 406, fol. 74.

_Tractatus ad declaranda quaedam obscure dicta in libro Secreti Secretorum
Aristotelis._ _Inc._ ‘Propter multa in hoc libro contenta qui liber
dicitur Secretum Secretorum Aristotelis sive liber de regimine principum.’

    MS. Bodl.: Tanner 116, fol. 1 (sec. xiii exeuntis); the same MS. fol.
    16, contains Aristotle’s supposititious _Secretum Secretorum_ ‘cum
    glossa interlineari et notis Rogeri Bacon.’

_Questiones naturales mathematice astronomice_, &c. ‘Expliciunt
reprobationes Rogeri Baconis.’

    MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 16089, f. 93 (sec. xiii-xiv).

_Bacon in Meteora._ _Inc._ ‘Cum ad noticiam impressionum habendam.’

    MS. Bodleian: Digby 190, fol. 38 (sec. xiv ineuntis).

_Processus fratris Rogeri Bacon ... de invencione cogitacionis_
(astrological fragment). _Inc._ ‘Notandum quod in omni judicio quatuor
sunt inquirenda, scil. natura planetae.’

    MS. Bodl.: Digby 72, fol. 49 b, 50 (sec. xiv-xv).

_De somno et vigilia._

    MSS. Bodl.: Digby 190, f. 77: _Inc._ ‘De somno et vigilia
    pertractantes, Perypateticorum sentenciam potissime sequemur.’

    Cambridge:--Publ. Library Ii, vi. 5, fol. 85 b-88 (sec. xiii). _Inc._
    ‘Sompnus ergo et vigilia describuntur multis modis.’

Logic:--

_Summulae Dialectices_, an elementary treatise on logic, characterised by
Charles, who expresses a doubt as to its authenticity, as very dry,
unimportant, and intended for lecturing purposes. _Inc._ ‘Introductio est
brevis et apta demonstratio.’ ‘Expliciunt sumule magistri Roberti (_sic_)
Baccun.’

    MS. Bodl.: Digby 205, f. 48 (sec. xiv).

_Syncategoremata._ _Inc._ ‘Partium orationis quaedam sunt declinabiles.’

    MS. Bodl.: Digby 204, fol. 88 (sec. xiv).

_Summa de sophismatibus et distinctionibus._ _Inc._ ‘Potest queri de
difficultatibus accidentibus.’

    MS. Bodl.: Digby 67, fol. 117 (sec. xiii); fragment.

_Tractatus de signis logicalibus._ _Inc._ ‘Signum est in predicamento
relationis.’

    MS. Bodl.: Digby 55, fol. 228 (sec. xiii).

_Opus Majus_, written A. D. 1266-1267; 7 parts. _Inc._ ‘Sapientiae
perfecta consideratio consistit in duobus.’

    MSS. of the whole work: Oxford:--Bodl. Digby 235 (sec. xv and xiv).

    Dublin:--Trinity Coll. 81 (= 221); a transcript of this is in Trinity
    Coll. Cambridge.

    Paris:--Bibl. Mazarine 3488 (sec. xviii).

    Rome:--Vatican 4086 (Montfaucon’s Catal. p. 114), ‘Rogerii Baconi
    causae universales in septem partes distinctae’; probably the _Opus
    Majus_.

    Parts I-VI edited by Jebb, 1733: reprinted at Venice 1750.

    The parts often occur separately.

I. _On the four causes of human ignorance_: authority, custom, popular
opinion, and the pride of supposed knowledge.

    MS. Brit. Museum: Cott. Jul. F vii. fol. 186.

II. _On the causes of perfect wisdom in Holy Scripture_, or, _On the
dignity of philosophy_.

III. _On the usefulness of grammar._

This part, Charles points out (p. 62), is not perfect in Jebb’s edition:
see _Opus Tertium_, cap. XXVI, XXVII.

IV. _On the usefulness of mathematics._

    MSS. London:--British Museum: Cotton, Tib. C. V. (sec. xiv); Julius D.
    V. ‘De utilitate scientiarum’; Julius F vii. fol. 178 (sec. xv),
    ‘Declaratio effectus verae mathematicae.’ And fol. 180, ‘De moribus
    hominum secundum complexiones et constellationes.’

    Royal 7 F vii, p. 1 (sec. xiii), ‘Pars quarta compendii studii
    theologiae’; pp. 82-125, ‘Descriptiones locorum’; pp. 133-140, ‘De
    utilitate astronomiae,’ or ‘Tractatus de corporibus coelestibus.’

    Sloane 2629, f. 17, ‘De utilitate astronomiae.’

    Also Lambeth Palace Library 200 (sec. xv), ‘De arte mathematica.’

    Oxford:--Bodl. E Musaeo 155, p. 185 (sec. xv ineuntis), ‘Pars quarta
    in qua ostendit potestatem mathematicae in scientiis et rebus et
    occupationibus hujus mundi.’ Univ. Coll. 49 (sec. xvii).

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 7455 A (sec. xv), ‘De utilitatibus scientiae
    mathematicae verae.’

    Cf. Bodl.: Digby 218, f. 98 (sec. xiii-xiv).

    Printed, except the last two chapters, by Combach, Frankfurt 1614,
    under the title: ‘Specula Mathematica in quibus de specierum
    multiplicatione ... agitur,’ &c.

V. _Perspective and Optics._

    MSS. London:--Brit. Mus.: Royal 7 F vii. p. 125 (sec. xiii), ‘De visu
    et speculis’; 7 F viii. f. 47 (sec. xiii), ‘Perspectiva quedam
    singularis,’ ‘Perspectiva R. Bacon, liber secundus.’ Sloane 2156, f. 1
    (A. D. 1428), and 2542 (sec. xv): Addit. 8786, f. 84, ‘Incipit
    tractatus de modis videndi.’

    Oxford:--Bodl. Digby 77 (sec. xiv) and 91 (sec. xvi).

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 2598, f. 57 (sec. xv).

    Venice:--St. Mark, Classis XI, Cod. 10 (sec. xiv).

    Rome:--Vatican (Cod. Lat.) 828, f. 49 (A. D. 1349).

    Printed by Combach, Frankfurt 1614, under the title, ‘Rogerii Baconis
    Angli ... Perspectiva.’

VI. _Experimental Science._

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Sloane 2629 (sec. xvi), extracts.

    Oxford:--Bodl.: Digby 235, p. 389; Canon. Misc. 334, fol. 53, ‘Alius
    tractatus ejusdem Fratris Rogeri extractus de sexta parte compendii
    studii theologiae.’ Univ. Coll. 49.

VII. _Moral Philosophy._ _Inc._ ‘Manifestavi in precedentibus quod
cognitio linguarum.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Royal 8 F ii. f. 167-179 (sec. xv), three parts out
    of six.

    Bodl.: Digby 235, p. 421[1347].

    Omitted in Jebb’s edition: extracts printed by Charles, pp. 339-348.
    Printed at Dublin 1860 (?)[1348].

_Opus Minus_, written in 1266-7, was mainly an abstract of the _Opus
Majus_ with some additions on the state of scholasticism, on alchemy
practical and speculative, and on astronomy. Charles gives the following
description of it. It consisted of 6 parts:

i. Introduction or dedicatory letter; ii. Practical alchemy; iii.
Explanation of the _Opus Majus_; the order of the sciences inverted, i.e.
they were arranged according to their dignity, moral philosophy first; iv.
Treatise on the seven sins of Theology; v. Speculative alchemy, or, _De
rerum generationibus_ (see below); vi. _De Coelestibus_.

Of this work only the fragment edited by Brewer (_Opera Ined._ 311-390)
from MS. Bodl. Digby 218, has been discovered. This includes a few pages
of Part ii., all of iii., most of iv., and part of v. Wood quotes a
passage from the _Opus Minus_ which does not occur in this fragment
(_Opera Ined._ xciv. n. 1). From this it has been assumed that he had
access to a MS. of the _Opus Minus_ now lost; but the passage is quoted by
Leland, and probably copied from him by Wood. It may perhaps occur in some
other work of Bacon’s; thus the passage quoted in _Op. Ined._ pp.
xcvii-xcviii, from which Brewer argues that ‘Wood must have seen some
other copy of the _Opus Minus_ not now discoverable,’ occurs in Brewer’s
edition of the _Opus Tert._ pp. 272-3.

Part of the blank on p. 375 is to be filled up from the _Opus Majus, Pars
VI, Exemplum II_, where the passage ‘_Est autem--curabit et_’ occurs, word
for word. How much of the _Opus Majus_ was here inserted is doubtful;
probably to the end of _Exemplum II_. Thus MS. Bodl. Canonic. Miscell.
334, f. 53, begins with the words, ‘_Corpora vero Adae et Evae_,’ _Opus
Minus_, p. 373, and leaves off with the words, ‘_et alibi multis modis_,’
which occur at the end of _Opus Majus, Pars VI, Exemp. II_.

The last part of the _Opus Minus_ is wholly wanting in Brewer’s edition.
The subject of this part may be gathered from Bacon’s words in _Opus
Tert._, cap. xxvi (p. 96):

    ‘Nunc igitur tangam aliquas radices circa haec quas diligentius
    exposui in Secundo Opere, ubi de coelestibus egi’: and (p. 99) ‘Sed in
    Opere Minore ubi de coelestibus tractavi, exposui magis ista.’

In Digby MS. 76, fol. 36 seq. (sec. xiii) is a treatise on this subject,
forming part of the _Physics_ in the great _Compendium Philosophiae_ (see
below). It is not improbable, that, before being incorporated in this
larger work, it formed part of the _Opus Minus_ sent to the Pope; on fol.
42 are the words:

    ‘et est nunc temporis scilicet anno domini 1266.’

_Opus Tertium_, written in 1267 (see _Opera Ined._ p. 277), 75 chapters.

    MSS. London:--Brit. Mus: Cotton Tiberius C. V. (sec. xiv); also
    Lambeth Palace Library, 200 (chapters 1-45).

    Oxford:--Bodl. E Musaeo 155 (sec. xv ineuntis); and Univ. Coll. 49 (A.
    D. 1617).

    Cambridge:--Trinity College, MS. Gale (transcript of the Cotton MS.).

    Douai, 691 (sec. xvii), wanting chapters 38-52: this MS. has been
    described by Victor Cousin, _Journal des Savants_ for 1848 (5
    articles).

    Printed in Bacon’s _Opera Inedita_ (Rolls Series), pp. 3-310.

Charles has been misled by a passage in the work called ‘_Communia
Naturalium_’ into thinking that this latter formed part of the _Opus
Tertium_; Charles, _R. Bacon_, pp. 65, 83-4; his description of _Opus
Tertium_ is consequently erroneous. The passage is from the Mazarine MS.
of the _Communia Naturalium_ (i.e. No. 3576), fol. 85:

    ‘Quod est improbatum in secunda parte primi operis, deinde in hoc
    tertio opere explanavi hoc et solvi objectiones.’

These words refer to Bacon’s doctrine that the _intellectus agens_ is not
part of the soul, but God and angels. This is insisted on in the _Opus
Tertium_, cap. xxiii, and it is not likely that Bacon would do more than
refer to it again casually in the course of the same work. The relation of
the _Opus Tertium_ to the _Commun. Nat._ is probably as follows: the
latter was written or begun first. Bacon repeatedly mentions that he was,
while writing his three _Opera_ for the Pope, engaged on a larger work,
_Scriptum Principale_, which he did not send to Clement[1349]. Much of
this larger work naturally found its way, probably in a summarised form,
into the _Opus Tertium_ as we know it, the treatise actually sent to the
Pope.

_Tractatus de multiplicatione specierum_, or, _De generatione specierum et
multiplicatione et corruptione earum_, is inserted by Jebb in the _Opus
Majus_, pp. 358-445, between Part v and Part vi. The subject is however
discussed in Part iv, which is often quoted or referred to in Part v. In
the _De multiplicatione_, &c. (p. 368), are the words:

    Ut tactum est in communibus naturalium.

Again (p. 358):

    Recolendum est igitur quod in tertia parte hujus operis tactum est,
    quod essentia, substantia, natura, potestas, potentia, virtus, vis,
    significant eandem rem, sed differunt sola comparatione.

There is nothing about this in the third part of the _Opus Majus_; but it
is found in the _Communia Naturalium_. The treatise _De multiplicatione
specierum_ was therefore part of a work of which the _Communia Naturalium_
formed the third part. This large work was according to Jebb, the _Opus
Minus_; according to Charles, the _Opus Tertium_[1350]; according to
Brewer, the encyclopaedic _Compendium Philosophiae._ Brewer is no doubt
right; the _De multiplicatione_ was intended as a sub-section of the great
treatise on Physics.

How then did the treatise come to be regarded as part of the _Opus Majus_,
and to be inserted in the MSS. of that work? There can be little doubt
that it was, in its original form, the treatise on rays sent to the Pope
with the _Opus Majus_, but as a separate work (_Opera Ined._ pp. 227,
230). The references to the _Communia Naturalium_ are not inconsistent
with this hypothesis: (1) the treatise on rays does not seem to have been
written specially for the Pope, and consequently references to works which
he could not know were not unnatural; (2) Bacon had already begun the
encyclopaedic work, but found it impossible to get it finished or send it
to the Pope (_Opera Inedita_, pp. 60, 315).

_Inc._ ‘Primum igitur capitulum circa influentiam agentis habet tres
veritates.’

    MSS. London:--Brit. Mus.: Royal 7 F viii. f. 13; _inc._ ‘Postquam
    habitum,’ &c. Addit. 8786, fol. 20 b: _inc._ ‘Postquam habitum est de
    principiis rerum naturalium’: Sloane 2156, f. 40 (A. D. 1428); _inc._
    ‘Postquam,’ &c.

    Oxford:--Bodl. Digby 235, p. 305 (inserted in the _Opus Majus_).

    Dublin:--Trinity Coll. 81 (in the _Opus Majus_).

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 2598 (sec. xv): _inc._ ‘Postquam,’ &c.

    Bruges, 490 (sec. xiii), called _Philosophia Baconis_.

    Printed in Jebb.

_De speculis_ (on burning mirrors). _Inc._ ‘Ex concavis speculis ad solem
positis ignis accenditur.’

    MS. Oxford:--Bodl. Ashmole, 440 (sec. xvi); cf. Digby 71.

    Printed at Frankfurt 1614, in Combach’s _Specula Mathematica_, p. 168.

_Speculi Abnukefi compositio secundum Rogerium Bacon._ _Inc._ ‘Quia
universorum quos de speculis ad datam distanciam.’

    MS. Bodl.: Canonic. Misc. 408, fol. 48.

    Cf. Brit. Mus. Cott. Vesp. A ii. f. 140.

_Compendium Philosophiae_, an encyclopaedic work, which if completed would
have formed a kind of revised and enlarged edition of the _Opus Majus_,
_Opus Minus_, and _Opus Tertium_. In the _Communia Naturalium_, cap. i.
(MS. Bodl. Digby 70) Bacon gives a sketch of his plan. The work was to
consist of four volumes, and to treat of six branches of knowledge, viz.,
vol. i. Grammar and Logic; vol. ii. Mathematics; vol. iii. Physics; vol.
iv. Metaphysics and Morals. This _Compendium_ seems to have been known
also as _Liber sex scientiarum_. The latter title is found in the
collection printed at Frankfurt in 1603[1351] in MSS. Bodl. Canonic. Misc.
No. 334, fol. 49 b; _ibid._, No. 480, fol. 33; and E Musaeo 155, p. 689.
In each of these MSS. the same passage is quoted, as follows:

    Dicta fratris Rogerii Bacon in libro sex scienciarum in 3{o} gradu
    sapiencie, ubi loquitur de bono corporis et de bono fortune et de bono
    et honestate morum. (_Inc._) In debito regimine corporis et
    prolongatione vite ad ultimos terminos naturales ... miranda potestas
    astronomie alkimie et perspective et scienciarum experimentalium.
    Sciendum igitur est pro bono corporis quod homo fuit immortalis
    naturaliter ... (_Expl._) ut fiant sublimes operaciones et utilissime
    in hoc mundo, etc.

Charles identifies the _Liber sex scientiarum_ with the _Opus Minus_; but
this passage does not occur in the extant portion of the _Opus Minus_
which deals with the same subject and expresses the same ideas (_Opera
Ined._, p. 370 _seq._). It seems probable therefore that this passage is
an extract from the section on Alchemy in vol. iii. of the _Compendium
Philosophiae_.

Vol. I. _Grammar and Logic._ A portion of this has been edited by Brewer,
_Opera Ined._, pp. 393-519, under the title _Compendium Studii
Philosophiae_. It was written in 1271, and contains an introduction on the
value of knowledge and the impediments to it, and the beginning of a
treatise on grammar.

    MS. Cott. Tiberius C. V. (sec. xiv).

Two other treatises on grammar by Roger Bacon are extant, and probably
formed part of the _Comp. Phil._[1352]:

(1) _Inc._ ‘Primus hic liber voluminis grammatici circa linguas alias a
Latino.... Manifestata laude et declarata utilitate cognitionis
grammatice’ (chiefly on Greek grammar).

    MSS. Brit. Museum: Cotton Jul. F viii. f. 175 (sec. xv), a fragment.

    Oxford:--Corpus Christi Coll. 148 (sec. xv); Univ. Coll. 47 (sec.
    xvii).

    Douai, 691 § 1 (sec. xvii), copied from Univ. Coll. MS. 47.

(2) _Inc._ ‘Oratio grammatica autem fit mediante verbo.’ ‘Explicit summa
de grammatica magistri Rogeri Bacon.’

    MS. Cambridge:--Peterhouse, 1, 9, 5, James 3 (sec. xiv).

Vol. II. _Mathematics_; 6 books:

i. _Communia mathematicae_, ii-vi. Special branches of mathematics.

Liber i. _Inc._ ‘Hic incipit volumen verae mathematicae habens sex libros.
Primus est de communibus mathematicae, et habet tres partes principales.’

    MSS. British Museum: Sloane 2156, f. 74-97 (sec. xv), ending in the
    second part of the first book.

    Bodl.: Digby 76, fol. 48 (sec. xiii), containing the remainder of the
    first book (?). _Inc._ ‘Mathematica utitur tantum parte.’

Libri ii-vi. An extant fragment of a commentary on Euclid by Bacon may
have belonged to this part; in _De Coelestibus_ (_Comp. Phil._ vol. iii.)
he often refers to his commentary on the Elements of Euclid (Charles, p.
85).

    MS. Digby 76, f. 77-8 (sec. xiii).

A treatise, _De laudibus mathematicae_, expressing the same ideas as Part
iv. of the _Opus Majus_, may have been intended as an introduction to this
volume.

    MS. Royal 7 F vii. fol. 141-152: cf. Digby 218, f. 98.

Vol. III. _Physics._ First came general physics (1 book), then particular
sciences (3 books).

Liber i. _Communia Naturalium_, divided into 4 parts.

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Royal 7 F vii. f. 84 (sec. xiii), _Liber Naturalium_.
    ‘Hoc est volumen naturalis philosophiae in quo traditur scientia rerum
    naturalium, secundum potestatem octo scientiarum naturalium quae
    enumerantur in secundo capitulo; et habet hoc volumen quatuor libros
    principales, Primum scilicet _De communibus ad omnia naturalia_;
    secundum _De Coelestibus_; tertium _De Elementis, mixtis, inanimatis_;
    quartum _De vegetabilibus et generabilibus_.’ (This MS. ends at the
    third part of the first book).

    Bodl.: Digby 70 (sec. xiv). _Communia Naturalium._ _Inc._ ‘Postquam
    tradidi grammaticam’ [Desinit ad init. cap. vii].

    Cf. Digby 190, f. 29 (sec. xiv ineuntis). _De principiis naturae_;
    beginning illegible.

    Paris:--Bibl. Mazarine 3576; olim 1271, f. 1-90 (sec. xiv). ‘Incipit
    liber primus Communium naturalium Fratris Rogeri Bacon, habens quatuor
    partes principales, quarum prima habet distinctiones quatuor. Prima
    distinctio est de communibus ad omnia naturalia et habet capitula
    quatuor. Capitulum primum de ordine scientiae naturalis ad alias.
    (_Inc._) Postquam tradidi grammaticam secundum linguas diversas.’

    Extracts printed by Charles, pp. 369-391.

Libri ii, iii, iv. The special natural sciences, according to the Royal
MS. just quoted, were treated in three books. They were seven[1353] in
number, as Bacon enumerates them in the second chapter of the first part
of the _Communia Naturalium_.

    ‘Praeter scientiam communem naturalibus, sunt septem speciales,
    videlicet perspectiva, astronomia judiciaria et operativa, scientia
    ponderum de gravibus et levibus, alkimia, agricultura, medicina,
    scientia experimentalis.’

Liber ii. (1) _Optics_ or _Perspective_ (a version of the _De
multiplicatione specierum_). _Inc._ ‘Ostensum quippe in principio hujus
Compendii Philosophiae.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus: Royal 7 F vii. p. 221 (sec. xiii), fragment, called
    ‘Quinta pars Compendii theologiae’; and Addit. 8786, fol. 2
    (fragment).

    [Cf. Bodl. Digby 183, fol. 49 (sec. xiv)?] See the references under
    _Tract. de multiplicatione specierum_.

(2) _Astronomy_, or, _De coelo et mundo_.

    MSS. Oxford:--Bodl. Digby 76, f. 1 (sec. xiii), _Compendium
    Philosophiae_. _Inc._ ‘Prima igitur veritas circa corpora mundi est
    quod non est unum corpus continuum et unius nature.’ _Ibid._ fol. 36,
    _De corporibus coelestibus, sc. de zodiaco, sole, etc._ _Inc._ ‘Habito
    de corporibus mundi prout mundum absolute constituunt’ (cf. _Opus
    Minus_). Cf. Ashmole 393 I, f. 44 (sec. xv), ‘Veritates de magnitudine
    ... planetarum. Tractatus extractus de libris celi et mundi,’ etc.
    Also, Univ. Coll. 49, De corporibus coelestibus.

    Paris:--Mazarine 3576, _De coelestibus_ (five chapters). _Inc._ ‘Prima
    igitur veritas.’

(3) _Gravity_, _Scientia ponderum de gravibus et levibus_.

    Cf. _Tractatus trium verborum_.

Liber iii. (4) _Alchemy_, or, _De elementis_[1354].

Liber iv. _De vegetabilibus et generabilibus_[1355].

(5) _Agriculture._

    See note in Brewer, _Opera Ined._ p. li.

(6) _Medicine._

(7) _Experimental Science._

Vol. IV. _Metaphysics and Morals._

_Inc._ ‘Quoniam intencio principalis est innuere nobis vicia studii
theologici que contracta sunt ex curiositate philosophie.’

    MSS. Bodl.: Digby 190, fol. 86 b (sec. xiii-xiv). ‘Methaphisica
    fratris Rogeri ordinis Fratrum Minorum, de viciis contractis in studio
    theologie’ (25 lines).

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 7440 (sec. xiv), fol. 38-40, fol. 25-32. ‘Incipit
    metaphysica Rogeri Baconis de ordine praedicatorum’ (fragment).

It is, however, probable that these MS. fragments ought to be referred to
Bacon’s last work, the _Compendium Studii Theologiae_, rather than to the
_Compendium Philosophiae_.

_Compendium studii theologiae_, Bacon’s last work, bears the date 1292
(‘usque ad hunc annum Domini 1292’). Extracts from it are printed by
Charles, pp. 410-416. This work consisted of six parts or more.

Part i. _On the causes of error._

Part ii. _Logic and grammar in reference to theology._

    These two parts are extant (though not complete) in MS. British
    Museum, Royal F vii. pp. 153-161: there is a long gap between pp. 154
    and 155.

According to this MS. the work consisted of two parts:

    ‘Incipit compendium studii theologiae et per consequens philosophiae
    ut potest et debet servire theologicae facultati, et habet duas partes
    principales; prima liberali communicatione sapientiae investigat omnes
    causas errorum, et modos errandi in hoc studio.... Secunda pars
    descendit ad veritates stabiliendas et ad errores cum diligentia
    exterminandos.’

Part v. is preserved in Royal MS. 7 F. viii. f. 2 (sec. xiii) (almost
complete); it is a treatise on _optics_.

    _Incipit_: ‘Acto prologo istius quintae partis hujus voluminis quam
    voco compendium studii theologiae, in quo quidem comprehendo in summa
    intentionem totius operis, extra partem ejus signans omnia impedimenta
    totius studii et remedia, nunc accedo ad tractatum exponens ea quae
    necessaria sunt theologiae de perspectiva et de visu.’

Part vi. is mentioned in Part v.: it is to be a treatise, ‘_De
multiplicatione Specierum_.’

In Part iv. also the words ‘_in partibus sequentibus_’ occur.

_Alchemy_ was treated in the _Opus Minus_ and in the _Compendium
Philosophiae_. Bacon divides it into (1) Speculative alchemy, ‘the science
of the generation of things from elements’; (2) Practical alchemy, ‘which
teaches us how to make noble metals and colours,’ &c., and the art of
prolonging life (_Opus Tertium_, cap. xii). Wood mentions a treatise of
Bacon’s _De rerum generationibus_, of which he had seen two copies
varying much. These may have been the versions in the _Opus Minus_[1356]
and the _Compendium Philosophiae_[1357]. A number of works on alchemy and
medicine ascribed to Bacon have been preserved, some of them are
undoubtedly genuine, others apocryphal.

_Epistolae fratris Rogerii Baconis de secretis operibus artis et naturae
et de nullitate magiae_ [or, _De mirabili potestate artis et naturae_].

The work consists of a letter or collection of letters in ten or eleven
chapters, the last five of which Charles considers doubtful, addressed
perhaps to William of Auvergne (who died in 1248), or to John of London,
whom Charles identifies with John of Basingstoke (d. 1252).

_Inc. cap._ 1. ‘Vestrae petitioni respondeo diligenter. Nam licet.’

    MS. Brit. Mus: Sloane 2156, p. 117.

    Printed at Paris 1542; at Oxford 1594; Hamburg 1613; in Zetzner’s
    _Theatrum Chemicum_, 1659; and by Brewer in _Rog. Bacon Opera
    Inedita_, App. I.

The three following treatises were printed at Frankfurt in 1603, under the
title, _Sanioris medicinae magistri D. Rogeri Baconis angli de arte
chymiae scripta_, &c., and elsewhere.

Summary of Avicenna’s _De anima_. _Inc._ ‘In illius nomine qui major est.’

    MS. Bodl: Ashmole 1467 (sec. xvi). [Cf. Charles, _R. Bacon_, p. 59;
    _Opera Ined._ p. 39.]

_Breve Breviarium_, or, _De naturis metallorum in ratione alkimica et
artificiali transformatione_, or, _Coelestis alchymia_, or, _De naturis
metallorum et ipsorum transmutatione_.

Divided into two parts, speculative and practical alchemy; the work
contains no doubt some of the ideas incorporated in the _Opus Minus_ and
the _Comp. Philosophiae_. The date is uncertain.

_Inc._ ‘Breve breviarium breviter abbreviatum.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus: Sloane 276, f. 4 (sec. xv-xvi).

    Bodl.: Digby 119, fol. 64 (sec. xiv); and Bodl. E Musaeo 155, p. 513.

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. new Latin collection, No. 1153. (Abbey of St.
    Germain).

_Tractatus trium verborum_, or, _Epistolae tres ad Johannem Parisiensem_;
namely:

i. ‘De separatione ignis ab oleo,’ or, ‘De modo projectionis’; ii. ‘De
modo miscendi’; iii. ‘De ponderibus.’ _Inc._ ‘Cum ego Rogerus rogatus a
pluribus.’

    MSS. British Museum: Cotton Julius D. V.; Harleian 3528, f. 174;
    Sloane 1754, ‘Mendacium primum, secundum, et tertium.’

    Oxford:--Bodl: Digby 119, f. 82 (sec. xiv ineuntis); Ashmole 1448, pp.
    1-25 (sec. xv); Corpus Christi Coll. 125, f. 84{b}; University Coll.
    49.

_Fragment on alchemy_, without title.

    MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 2598, f. 138 (sec. xv), ‘Explicit de subjecto
    transmutationis secundum Rogerum Bachonis.’ It perhaps occurs in one
    of his larger works.

_Libellus Rogerii Baconi ... de retardandis senectutis accidentibus et de
sensibus conservandis_ (11 chapters). This work is assigned by Charles to
the year 1276. _Inc. prol._ ‘Domine mundi ex nobilissima stirpe originem
assumpsistis.’ _Inc. cap._ 1. (De causis senectutis). ‘Senescente mundo
senescunt homines.’

    MSS. Brit. Museum: Sloane 2320, fol. 56.

    Bodl.: E Musaeo 155, pp. 591-637 (sec. xiv-xv); Canonic. Misc. 334,
    fol. 1 (sec. xv); and 480, fol. 1 (sec. xv).

    Printed at Oxford in 1596 (and in English, London 1683).

_Antidotarius_, a second part of this work. _Inc._ ‘Post completum
universalis sciencie medicacionis tractatum.’

    MSS. Bodl.: Canonic. Miscell. 334 (fol. 21{b} to 25), and 480 (fol.
    16); E Musaeo 155, p. 645. Cf. MS. Canon. Misc. 480, fol. 38{b}-47,
    below.

_Liber Bacon de sermone rei admirabilis, sive de retardatione senectutis._
_Inc._ ‘Intendo componere sermonem rei admirabilis domino meo fratri E,
cujus vitam deus prolonget.’

    MSS. Bodl.: E Musaeo 155, pp. 655-666; Digby 183, fol. 45 (sec. xiv
    exeuntis); Canonic. Miscell. 334, fol. 25-31.

_De universali regimine senum et seniorum._ _Inc._ ‘Summa regiminis senum
universalis est hoc ut dicit Avicenna.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Sloane 2629, fol. 57.

    Bodl.: Canon. Miscell. 334, fol. 18{b}-21{b}; 480 (_explicit_ fol.
    16); and E Musaeo 155, p. 638.

_De graduacione medicinarum compositarum._ _Inc._ ‘Omnis forma inherens.’

    MSS. Bodl. Canon. Misc. 334, fol. 32; 480; fol. 23{b} (the author’s
    name is obliterated in the MS.).

_Tractatus de erroribus medicorum_[1358]. _Inc._ ‘Vulgus medicorum.’

    MSS. Oxford: Bodl. Canon. Misc. 334, fol. 42; 480, fol. 30 (author’s
    name obliterated); E Musaeo 155, pp. 669-689. Corpus Ch. Coll. 127
    (sec xv).

_Canones practici de medicinis compositis componendis_, ‘Cap. i. Extractum
de libro septimo Serapionis qui est antidotarium suum et est theoricum
capitulum.’ (13 chapters.) _Inc._ ‘Necesse est illi qui vult componere
medicinas.’ ‘Explicit tractatus de compositione medicinarum per fratrem
rugerium bacon editus.’

    MS. Bodl. Canon. Misc. 480, fol. 38{b}-47.

_De leone viridi_ (on the manufacture of mercury); only the summary by
Raymund Gaufredi is extant. _Inc._ ‘Verbum abbreviatum.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus.:--Sloane 692, f. 46 (sec. xv). Oxford:--Corpus Chr.
    Coll. 277. Printed at Frankfurt, 1603 (_Sanioris medicinae_, p. 264),
    &c.

A number of works on alchemy are attributed to Roger Bacon erroneously or
without any probability.

_De consideratione quintae essentiae_; 3 books.

The author was a Franciscan who entered the Order at Toulouse[1359]. _Inc.
opus._ ‘Dixit Salomon sapientie cap. vii. Deus dedit mihi.’

    MSS. Bodl.: Canonic. Misc. 334, fol. 59{b}. ‘Primus liber de
    consideracione quinte essencie omnium rerum transmutabilium. In nomine
    domini nostri Jhesu Christi. Incipit liber de famulatu philosophie
    ewangelio domini Jhesu Christi et pauperibus euangelicis viris Amen.’
    Fol. 94{b}, ‘Explicit liber quinte essencie secundum fratrem Rogerium
    Bacun de ordine minorum.’

    Bodl. E Musaeo 155, pp. 431-507. ‘Explicit liber tertius de
    consideracione 5{te} essencie secundum magistrum Rogerum Bacon,
    correctus et scriptus per Johannem Cokkes manibus suis propriis
    Oxon[1360].’

    Brit. Museum: Sloane 2320, f. 73 (sec. xv-xvi).

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 7151 (xv).

    Venice:--St. Mark, vol. IV. CI. XIV., Cod. 39.

_De expulsione veneni._ _Inc._ ‘Ista subscripta sequerentur post capitulum
de hiis que expellunt venenum.’

    MS. Bodl. E Musaeo 155, p. 507 (not expressly ascribed to Bacon in the
    MS.: see Brewer, _Op. Ined._ p. xl.).

_Speculum alchemiae._ _Inc._ ‘Multifariam multisque modis.’

    MSS. Brit. Museum: Addit. 8786, f. 62; 15,549; Sloane 3506 (English
    translation).

    Bodl.: Ashmole 1416, f. 101 (sec. xv).

    Printed in Zetzner’s _Theatrum Chemicum_, vol. ii., A. D. 1659; in
    Manget’s _Theasurus_, vol. i., &c., &c.

_Speculum alchemiae._ _Inc._ ‘Speculum alchemiae quod in corde meo
figuravi.’

    MS. Brit. Mus.: Harl. 3528, fol. 185.

_Speculum secretorum_, or, _Liber secretorum_. _Inc._ ‘In nomine Domini
... ad instructionem multorum circa hanc artem.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Sloane 513, f. 178{b} (sec. xv).

    Oxford:--Bodl.: Digby 28, f. 61 (sec. xiv); Digby 119, f. 90{b};
    Ashmole 1467, f. 208{b}, and 1485, p. 117 (sec. xvi). Also Corpus
    Christi Coll. 125, f. 86.

    Printed at Frankfurt, 1603 (p. 387).

_Secretum secretorum naturae de laude lapidis Philosophorum._ _Inc._
‘Secretum secretorum naturae audiant secreti quae loquor.’

    Printed at Frankfurt, 1603 (pp. 285-291).

_Rogerina major et minor_, two medical treatises; neither by Bacon: one is
by a Roger Baron.

    MSS. Bodl. 2626; Cf. MS. St. Omer 624 (sec. xiii); Charles, _R.
    Bacon_, p. 75, _note_.

    Cambridge, Publ. Libr. Ii, I. 16 (sec. xiv) and Ee, II. 20.

    Brit. Mus.: Sloane 342, f. 146 (sec. xiii).

_De Magnete._ _Inc._ ‘Amicorum intime, quamdam magnetis lapidis.’

    MS. Bodl. E Musaeo 155, pp. 414-426 (anon.): Charles (p. 18) ascribes
    it to Peter de Maricourt.

_Calendar_, wrongly attributed to Bacon; made by a Minorite at Toledo
1297, and extracted from the _Tabulae Toletanae_.

    MS. Cott. Vesp. A. II. f. 2; Cf. _Opus Majus_ p. 140 (ed. Venet,
    1750).

_Semita recta alchemiae_ (or, _Liber duodecim aquarum_).

    MS. Brit. Mus.: Sloane 513, f. 181{b}-188{b} (sec. xv): ‘Explicit
    semita recta alkemie secundum Magistrum Rogerum Bakun.’

    Cf. MS. Sloane 276, f. 21, an anonymous work on the same subject,
    differing somewhat from the above.

    Bodl.: Ashmole 1485, pp. 173-188 (sec. xvi), ‘Liber aquarum.’

_Thesaurus spirituum_, four treatises on the influence of planets, &c.
_Inc._ ‘Hec est doctrina omnium experimentorum.’

    MS. Brit. Museum: Sloane 3853, f. 3-40 (sec. xv). ‘Hec est tabula
    libri sequentis ... a quodam viro venerabili ordinis Minorum fratre
    summa composita et ordinata, et a diligencia M. Rogero Bakon ordinis
    Minorum nuper recognita, qui quidem liber pro omnibus hujus mundi
    experimentis sufficit,’ &c.

    ‘Explicit liber qui secundum Robertum Turconem et Rogerum Bakon
    fratrem Minorum Thesaurus spirituum nuncupatur.’

    Cf. MS. Sloane 3850, f. 129{b}, _De nigromantia_, extracted from the
    above.

_De fistula._

    MS. Sloane 238, f. 214{b}-216{b} (sec. xv). ‘Secundum Rogerum Bacon ut
    habetur in libro qui dicitur Thesaurus pauperum[1361].’

_Necromanciae._ _Inc._ ‘Debes mundare manus et pedes ante visionem
characterum.’

    MS. Sloane 3884, f. 44{b} (sec. xv-xvi): ‘Haec sunt quae Rogerus Bacon
    de pura necromancia dixit.’

Other worthless recipes, fragments, &c., attributed to Bacon will be found
in MSS:--

    Bodl. 3, 349, ‘Index simplicium’; Ashmole 1423, iv. pp. 1-7 ‘Opus,’
    ‘Opus Commune,’ ‘De conclusionibus’; Sloane 692, f. 102, ‘Finalis
    conclusio’; Harl. 2269, art. I; Cott. Jul. D. V. ‘De colore faciendo’;
    Digby 196, f. 163{b}, ‘Septem virtutes naturae’; Ashmole 1485 (sec.
    xv), various.

_De intellectu et intelligentia_, and _De nutrimento_, which Charles
considers genuine, are printed among the works of Albertus Magnus.

    MSS. Bodl.: Digby 67, f. 107 (sec. xiv), anon: and Digby 55, f. 193,
    anon: Alb. Magnus, _Opera_, V. p. 239 and 175 (Lugd. 1657).

_Tractatus de veritate theologiae in septem partes distributus_, perhaps
by Robert Bacon. _Inc._ ‘Flecto genua mea ad patrem domini nostri Jesu
Christi.’

    MS. Bodley 745 (= 2764) (sec. xiv) pp. 113-188: ‘Incipit tractatus
    fratris B.’ Part i. de trinitate dei; ii. de creatura dei; iii. de
    corruptela peccati; iv. de incarnacione verbi; v. de gratia spiritus
    sancti; vi. de medicina sacramentali; vii. de statu finalis judicii.

_Tractatus super Psalterium_, probably by Robert Bacon.

    MS. _ibid._ pp. 193-497. ‘Incipit tractatus fratris R. Bacun, super
    psalterium. Beatus vir qui.’

_Excerptiones Rogeri Bacon ex auctoribus musicae artis_; or correctly,
_Excerptiones Hogeri abbatis_, &c.

    MS. Cambridge:--Corp. Chr. Coll. 260 (_olim_ 189).

    Cf. MS. Milan:--Ambrosiana, _Rogerii de Baccono de generatione et
    corruptione, de Musica, de prospectiva_ (Montfaucon, p. 523). Cf.
    Opera Inedita, 295 _seq._

_De sacrae scripturae profundis misteriis authore Rogero Bacon._

    MS. London:--Gray’s Inn, 17 (sec. xv); the title is in a later hand.
    It is probably a version of the Expositiones Vocabulorum de singulis
    libris Bibliae Rogeri compotistae monachi S. Eadmundi;

    MSS. Oxford:--Bodl. Laud. Misc. 176 (sec. xiv); Magd. Coll. 112 (sec.
    xv).

=John=, Roger Bacon’s favourite pupil, was certainly not John of
London[1362], or John Peckham[1363]. On the other hand it is impossible to
identify him with any known scholastic doctor. It is not certain whether
he was a friar or whether he was ever at Oxford. About 1260 Roger Bacon
found him probably at Paris, as a poor boy of fifteen eager to learn, but
forced to beg his bread and to serve those who gave him the necessaries of
life[1364].

    ‘I caused him,’ says Roger[1365], ‘to be taken care of and instructed
    for the love of God.’

The boy repaid his master’s care. Wishing to send a fit interpreter of his
works to the Pope, Bacon writes[1366],

    ‘I chose a youth whom for five or six years I have had instructed in
    languages and mathematics and optics, in which is all the difficulty
    of what I send; and I instructed him gratis with my own mouth after I
    received your command, feeling that I could not at present have
    another messenger after my own heart.’

There was no one at Paris who knew so much of the roots of philosophy as
did _juvenis Johannes_; he was ‘a virgin, not knowing mortal sin,’ and ‘an
excellent keeper of secrets[1367].’ John was sent to Clement with the
_Opus Majus_ and other treatises[1368] in 1267, the other works, _Opus
Minus_ and _Opus Tertium_, being sent later and probably by other
messengers. From this time we have no authentic information about him, and
do not know whether he fulfilled Bacon’s expectations:

    ‘he has that which will enable him to surpass all the Latins, if he
    lives to old age and builds on the foundations which he has[1369].’

=Robert de Ware=, in Hertfordshire[1370], entered the Order at Oxford
between 1265 and 1268. In the prologue of his only extant work, addressed
to his younger brother John, he gives the following account of his
conversion[1371]:--

    I was the eldest son of my father; at a tender age, tenderly beloved,
    I was designed for a life of study. At length I came to Oxford, and
    then I entered the Order of Friars Minors. At this my father was
    exceedingly grieved, and did all in his power to force me to leave the
    Order, sending my mother and brother and relatives and other friends
    to me, with intreaties and promises; and, I am told, with the help of
    some powerful persons, he made every exertion to secure my liberation
    in the court of Ottobon, who was then acting as legate in
    England[1372]. At length finding himself thwarted because I would not
    give my consent, he became so embittered against me that he absolutely
    refused to see me or speak with me, nor could any of my friends pacify
    him. One day even, when I had come to his gates with my
    companion-friar, and wished to enter, he refused me admittance by his
    servants, drew his sword, and swore with a mighty oath that he would
    kill me if I presumed to enter.

At length the father was stricken down by a mortal disease, and, warned in
a vision, he relented towards his son. The latter was summoned hastily
from London, and reconciled to his father, who before his death gave proof
of his devotion to the Order of St. Francis.

_Twenty-five discourses on the Virgin Mary, by friar Robert de Ware._
_Inc. prol._ “Aue rosarium scripturarum per areolas.”

    MS. London:--Gray’s Inn, 7, f. 62-138: (sec. xiii). No title; the name
    of the author is given in a hand of the fourteenth century.

=Walter de Landen=, =William Cornish=, =William de Wykham=, =Dyonisius=,
and =Robert de Cap(e)ll=, were Franciscans at Oxford, and took part in the
controversy with the Dominicans in 1269. All that is known about them will
be found in Appendix C.

=Nicholas de Gulac= was at Oxford in 1269. Suffering from stone and
despairing of life, he at length prayed the Lord

    ‘to cure him by the merits of his martyr Earl Simon de Montfort.’

On the next morning as he rose from his bed ‘_ut commingeret_,’ the stone
fell at his feet, and he had no pain before or afterwards, being
completely cured on Easter Tuesday, 1269; to this miracle witness was
borne by the whole convent of Minorites at Oxford[1373].

=Laurence of Cornwall=, to whose miraculous recovery from fever, after
prayer to Simon de Montfort, the same Friar N. de Gulac bore witness, was
probably at Oxford about the same time[1374].

=Stephanus Hibernicus=, called also =Stephen of Exeter= and =Stephen of
Oxford=, was born in 1246, and became a Minorite at ‘Mutifernana’ in 1263.
These facts are contained in the _Annales Montis Fernandi (sive
Minoritarum Multifernanae) ab a{o} 45 usque ad an. 1274_, the authorship
of which is usually ascribed to Stephen[1375]. It is very doubtful whether
he was at Oxford.

    The _Annales_ are extant in ‘MS. Bibl. Arch. Armachani,’ according to
    Hardy; formerly MS. Clarendon 19, f. 32-44 (Bernard).

=William of Ware=, or =William Warre=, =Guaro=, =Varro=, &c., born at Ware
in Hertfordshire, entered the Order in his youth, according to William
Woodford[1376]. It is not improbable that he studied at Oxford, but there
is no authority for the statement[1377]. He was S.T.P. of Paris, where
most of his life was spent[1378]. He is said to have been a pupil of
Alexander of Hales[1379] (d. 1245), and master of Duns Scotus[1380], who
went to Paris in 1304. He was called _doctor fundatus_ by later
writers[1381].

His _Commentaries on the Sentences_ were seen by Leland in the Franciscan
Library, London[1382], and are now extant in the following MSS.:

    Oxford:--Merton Coll. 103, 104 (sec. xiv). _Inc._ ‘Utrum finis per se
    et proprius theologie.’

    Toulouse, 242, § 1 (sec. xiv), anon. _Inc. ut supra._

    Troyes, 661, § 1 (xiv). ‘Questiones super I et III lib. Sentent.’
    ascribed to Duns Scotus. _Inc. ut supra._

    Troyes, 661 § 2 (xiv). ‘Questiones Wareti super tertium librum
    Sententiarum.’ _Inc._ ‘Queritur utrum incarnacio sit possibilis Quod
    non. Incarnacio est quedam.’

    Vienna:--Bibl. Palat. 1424, and 1438 (xiv).

    Florence:--Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut. xxxiii, Dext. Cod.
    i (sec. xiii).

    Padua, Bibl. S. Antonii, _in Pluteis_ xxiv and xxii. (Tomasin, pp.
    62{a}, 60{b}.)

=Richard Middleton= is said by Bale, Wood, and others, to have studied at
Oxford, but they produce no evidence for the statement[1383]. He was B.D.
at Paris in 1283[1384], when with other doctors and bachelors he was
appointed to examine the doctrines of Peter Johannis Olivi. He appears to
have incepted as D.D. soon afterwards[1385], and is reckoned among the
masters of Duns Scotus. Like many other famous doctors of his Order, he is
said by Wadding to have written on the Immaculate Conception[1386].
According to Willot he was known at Paris as _Doctor solidus et copiosus,
fundatissimus et authoratus_[1387]: at the Council of Basel he was
referred to as _Doctor profundus_[1388].

_Commentum super iv. Sententiarum._ _Inc. prologus_, ‘Abscondita
produxit.’

    MSS. Oxford:--Bodl. 2765 (now Bodley 744)--Balliol Coll. 198 (sec.
    xiv)--Merton Coll. 98, f. 118 (sec. xiv).

    Cambridge:--Caius Coll. 303--Pembroke Coll. 111, 113.

    Canterbury:--Cathedral Lib. 4.

    Munich:--Bibl. Regia, 3549 (sec. xv) and 8078 (sec. xiii-xiv).

    Printed at Venice 1489, at Venice _sine anno_, and Venice 1507-9, &c.

_Quaestiones quodlibetales_ (two parts). _Inc. Pars I._ ‘Queritur utrum
Deus sit summe simplex.’

    MSS. Oxford:--Merton Coll. 139, fol. 2 (sec. xiv).

    Troyes, 142 (xiv); _Pars II incipit ut supra_.

    Florence:--Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut. xvii, Sin. Cod. vi
    (sec. xiv _ineuntis_).

_Quodlibeta tria._ (The first contains 22 questions; the second 31; the
third 27.) _Inc._ ‘In nostra disputacione de quolibet.’

    MSS. Oxford:--Merton Coll. 139, f. 162 (sec. xiv).

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 14305 (sec. xiii) _Questiones de quolibet_; this
    may contain either the _Quodl. tria_ or the _Questiones Quodlib._, or
    both.

    Toulouse, 738 (sec. xiii).

    Florence:--Laurent. _ut supra_.

    Printed at Venice 1509, Paris 1519, and Brescia 1591.

_De gradibus formarum._

    MS. Munich 8723, fol. 175 (sec. xiv and xv).

_Quaestiones disputatae_, by R. Middleton and others.

    MS. Assisi (see Fratini, p. 203).

_Sermo fratris Ricardi de dilatatione sermonum_ (?). _Inc._ ‘Quoniam
emulatores estis.’

    MS. Oxford:--Merton Coll. 249, f. 175 (sec. xiii).

=William de la Mare=, =de Mara=, or =Lamarensis=, may have studied at
Oxford[1389] before he went to Paris, where he was a disciple of
Bonaventura. In 1284 he published a criticism of Thomas Aquinas, called
_Correctorium operum fratris Thomae_[1390], which afterwards won for him
the title of standard-bearer of the Anti-Thomists[1391]. This treatise,
which may perhaps be still extant in an Italian library, is generally
known only through the reply to it, attributed sometimes to Aegidius
Romanus, but with more probability to Richard Clapwell[1392]. ‘The serious
part of the work of William de Lamarre,’ says M. Charles, ‘seems directly
inspired by Bacon[1393].’ He had no doubt come under Roger’s influence
either at Oxford or Paris. William de Mara appears also to have written in
favour of a strict observance of the Rule of St. Francis. In a dispute on
the interpretation of the Rule in 1310, Friar Ubertino de Casali, one of
the leaders of the ‘Spiritual’ party, quoted, in support of his views,

    ‘the opinion of St. Francis expressed in his Rule, and of Pope
    Nicholas in his Declaration, of Friar Bonaventura in his Apologia, of
    Friars Alexander and Rigaldus ... and of Friar John de Peckham in his
    book on Evangelical Perfection, and of Friar William de Mara, who
    were all solemn masters of our Order[1394].’

From this it is clear that William died before 1310.

Some of his writings are extant in MS.

_Summa Fratris Gul. de Mara contra D. Thomam._

    MS. Venice:--Bibl. S. Anton. _in Pluteo_ xix (Tomasin).

_Correctorium Fratris Gul. de Mera ... secundum dicta D. Thomae de Aquino
contra correctorium Fratris Joannis (?) de Crapuel Ordinis
Praedicatorum_--perhaps the printed _Defensorium seu Correctorium_.

    MS. _ibid. in Pluteo_ xviii.

_Quaestiones de natura virtutis_, by ‘Gulielmus de le Maire, ordinis
Minorum.’

    MS. Brit. Museum:--Burney 358 (sec. xiv)--mutilated at the beginning.

_Sermo Fratris Guillermi de la Mare regentis in Theologia._ (On St.
Peter.) _Inc._ ‘Precurrens ascendit in arborem sycomorum.... Fratres orate
ut sermo Dei currat et clarificetur.’

    MS. Troyes, 1788 (sec. xiv).

_Expositio libri Physicorum Aristotelis_; and _Comment. in libros 1, 2, et
3, Sententiarum_[1395].

    MSS. Sta. Croce, Florence 380, 381, 382, 383; mentioned in Wadding,
    _Sup. ad Script._ These MSS. are now in the Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S.
    Crucis_, Plut. xxxiv. Sin. Codd. iv, v, vi, vii, but they do not seem
    to contain the _Physics_.

_Quaestiones tres philosophicae per Gulielmum (de Mara?) de Anglia,
fratrem ordinis Minorum._ _Inc._ ‘Est dubitacio utrum lineam componam ex
punctis.’

    MS. Bodl. Canon. Misc. 226, f. 76 (sec. xv). There seems no reason for
    attributing these to W. de Mara rather than to William of Ockham, or
    any English Minorite named William[1396].

=John of Oxford=, Friar Minor, was ordained priest by Peckham in
1284[1397].

=Richard de Slekeburne= (co. Durham), confessor of Devorguila, played an
important part in the foundation of Balliol College: this has already
been referred to[1398]. There is no direct proof that Friar Richard was
himself at Oxford. Several documents relating to him are preserved in the
Balliol College Archives, and described in the Reports of the Hist. MSS.
Commission[1399].

(1) A letter of Devorguila to him, in which she speaks of

    ‘the alms of the poor scholars of our House of Balliol now studying at
    Oxford,’

and urges Friar Richard by all means in his power to promote the
perpetuation of the said house, A. D. 1284.

(2) A grant by the executors of Sir John Balliol of sums to the scholars,
with the consent of Devorguila and at the advice of Friar R. de Slekeburne
(three deeds, 1285-1286).

(3) A confirmation by Friar Richard of another grant by Sir J. Balliol’s
executors of debts due to Sir John: the confirmatory deed is dated
Coventry, 1287.

=William of Exeter= was summoned in 1289 from Oxford by Deodatus, Warden
of the Friars Minors of Exeter[1400], to assist him in choosing a new site
for the convent[1401].

=William of Leominster= is placed among the Franciscans by Pits, but it is
not certain that he belonged to this Order[1402]. He was a friar and
master of Oxford in 1290; in this year his name appears as one of the
masters who gave their consent on behalf of the University to the
compromise, effected by the intervention of the King and his council,
concerning the right of the bishop of Lincoln to confirm the
Chancellor-elect[1403]. Bale states that he had seen this friar’s
_Collationes Sententiarum_ and _Quaestiones Theologiae_, at London, ‘_in
quadam officina_’[1404].

=John Bekinkham= appears to have been an Oxford Minorite; he was one of
the friars to whom the royal alms of 25 marks was paid by the exchequer in
1289 or 1290[1405].

=John de Clara= was executor of Hugh de Cantilupe, Archdeacon of
Gloucester, in 1285; he was at this time at Oxford[1406]. In 1289 or 1290
he appears, in conjunction with John Bekinkham, as receiving the royal
grant of 25 marks in the name of the Oxford Convent[1407]. In 1299 he was
entrusted with 10 marks out of the royal exchequer for the expenses of
Hugh of Hertepol and William of Gainsborough, who were going to the
General Chapter at Lyons[1408]. In 1301 he was sent with instructions to
find the Provincial Minister with all speed, and received of the royal
bounty 24_s._ 3_d._ for his expenses[1409].

=John Russell= was private chaplain to Edmund, Earl of Cornwall, in 1293.
In a letter to Raymund, General Minister of the Friars Minors, dated Aug.
29, 1293[1410], the Earl thanks the Minister

    ‘pro vestris muneribus preciosis, cultellis vestris videlicet
    nobilibus de corallo atque insigni vase tiriaco, que in octavis
    virginis gloriose per manus dilecti et domestici nostri fratris
    Johannis Rossel ... recepimus.... Dat’ in manerio nostro de B.
    (Beckley?)[1411] prope Oxon’,’ &c.

Russell wrote about the same time to _dominus_ R. de M. (Roger de
Merlawe):

    ‘Veni ad capitulum fratrum nostrorum Oxon’, proponens vos personaliter
    visitasse; sed jam istud iter impedivit debilitas corporalis[1412].’

This John Russell was contemporary, and probably identical, with the
twenty-second master of the Franciscans at Cambridge[1413].

_Postilla in Cantica Canticorum._ _Inc._ ‘Cogitanti mihi Canticum.’

    MS. London:--Lambeth Palace, 180, f. 1 (sec. xv).

_Lectura super Apocalypsim._ _Inc._ ‘Statuit septem piramides.... Accedens
ad expositionem.’

    MS. Oxford:--Merton Coll. 172, fol. 106 (sec. xiv), manu Will. de
    Nottingham.

_De potestate imperatoris et pape._

    Formerly in the King’s Library, according to Bale (MS. Seld. supra 64,
    fol. 163b, 193): it is not mentioned in Casley’s Catalogue.

=Henry de Sutton= was warden of the Grey Friars, London, in 1302[1414],
and 1307, when the King (Edward I) gave him 40 marks

    ‘pro pitancia fratrum Minorum in capitulo suo generali celebrando apud
    Tolosam in festo Pentecost proximo[1415].’

He procured a legacy of 2 marks annually from Henry Waleys, Mayor of
London, for his convent[1416]. The evidence of his connexion with Oxford
is very slight. His name occurs as the author of a sermon in a collection
of sermons which were probably delivered at Oxford at the end of the
thirteenth century[1417].

=William Mincy=, =William de Newport=, =Roger de Barton= (Cheshire),
=Robert de Gaddestyn= or =Gaddesby=, =John de Westburg=, =Robert de
Mogynton= (Derby), Franciscans at Oxford in 1300, were on the 26th of July
in that year presented at Dorchester by Hugh of Hertepol the Provincial,
and licensed by Dalderby, Bishop of Lincoln, to hear confessions, grant
absolution, and enjoin penances, in the Archdeaconry of Oxford. They were
not at this time, and probably never became, doctors of divinity[1418].

=John de Stapleton=, A. D. 1300, was similarly presented by the
Provincial, but rejected by the Bishop. The Register of the Friars Minors
at London says:

    ‘Friar John de Stapilton, heir to great wealth and lordship, spurning
    wife and heritage, became a Friar Minor.’

It is doubtful whether this refers to the same person[1419].

=Adam de Corf=, =Peter de Todworth=, =Walter Bosevile=, and =Roger de
Alnewyck=, were in like manner presented by the Provincial and rejected by
the Bishop, A. D. 1300. They were not at this time D.D’s. Nothing further
is known of them, unless Roger de Alnewyck is to be identified with
William of Alnwick, 42nd reader at Oxford[1420].

=John Duns Scotus=[1421] was a Franciscan at Oxford in 1300. In the list
of friars presented to the Bishop of Lincoln he appears as ‘Johannes
Douns’[1422]; the Bishop refused to grant him license to hear confessions.
Soon afterwards Duns lectured on the four books of the _Sentences_ as B.D.
at Oxford[1423]. At the end of 1304 he was called to Paris to incept as
D.D. The letter of the General Minister recommending this choice is given
by Wadding[1424], who however has misunderstood it. For this reason, and
because it illustrates some points in the educational system of the
Minorites, the letter may be quoted in full[1425].

    In Christo sibi carissimis Patribus, Guillelmo Guardiano Parisiis, vel
    ejus Vicario et Magistris, Frater Gondisalvus gaudens in Domino.

    Ad expeditionem dilecti in Christo Patris Aegidii de Legnaco, de quo
    per litteras vestras certificatus existo, cum de alio (ut moris est)
    eodem calculo praesentando providere oporteat, et cum, secundum
    statuta Ordinis, et secundum statuta vestri Conventus, Baccalaureus
    hujusmodi praesentandus ad praesens debeat esse de aliqua provincia
    aliarum a Provincia Franciae, dilectum in Christo Patrem Joannem
    Scotum, de cujus vita laudabili, scientia excellenti, ingenioque
    subtilissimo, aliisque insignibus conditionibus suis, partim
    experientia longa, partim fama, quae ubique divulgata est, informatus
    sum ad plenum, dilectioni vestrae assigno, post dictum patrem
    Aegidium, principaliter et ordinarie praesentandum. Injungo
    nihilominus vobis ad meritum salutaris obedientiae, quatenus
    praesentationem hujusmodi cum solemnitate solita sine multo dispendio
    facere debeatis; si tamen constiterit vobis, quod dominus Cancellarius
    velit duos simul licentiare de nostris, volo et placet mihi, quod
    frater Albertus Methensis, si ad Conventum redire poterit, cum
    praefato fratre Joanne debeat expediri. In quo casu mando et ordino,
    quod dictus frater Albertus antiquitatis merito prius incipere debeat,
    dicto fratre Joanne sub eo postmodum incepturo. Valete in Domino et
    orate pro me. Datum in loco Esculi provinciae Marchiae Anconitanae,
    XIV Kal. Dec. anno MCCCIV.

Duns probably taught at Paris till 1307. Wadding, indeed, asserts that he
was sent to Cologne by the General Minister in 1305[1426]; but this is
almost impossible, and the description which Wadding gives of the scene is
derived from later and unhistorical tradition. The statement, however,
that he was appointed Regent by the friars in the General Chapter at
Toulouse in 1307 sounds more plausible[1427]; he may have been made the
first Regent at Paris, or he may have been sent at this time as lector or
Regent of the Franciscan schools at Cologne. At any rate there seems no
reason to distrust the notice of his death which Wadding quotes from the
list of friars who died at Cologne[1428].

    ‘D. P. frater Joannes Scotus, sacrae Theologiae Professor, Doctor
    Subtilis nominatus, quondam lector Coloniae, qui obiit anno MCCCVIII,
    VI Idus Novembris.’

This entry, though certainly not contemporary, was probably derived from
some authentic record. Duns’ title of _Doctor Subtilis_, though it does
not seem to have been given him in his lifetime, is of considerable
antiquity. It is mentioned by Bartholomew of Pisa at the end of the
fourteenth century[1429], and by the MS. Catalogue at Assisi, written in
1381[1430].

A collected edition of his works was printed at Lyons in 1639. Many of the
works included in these twelve folio volumes are considered doubtful by
the editors[1431].

Some few treatises not included in this edition are assigned to him.

_Johannis Scoti super Apocalypsin notulae._ _Inc. liber_: ‘Liber iste
principaliter dividitur in tres partes.’ (Doubtful.)

    MS. Bodl.:--Laud. Misc. 434, f. 1 (sec. xiv).

_[Ejusdem?] super S. Matthaei Evangelium notae._ _Inc._ ‘Liber
generacionis,’ &c.: ‘Sicut fluvius de loco voluptatis egrediens.’
(Doubtful.)

    MS. _ibid._ f. 75.

‘_Utrum pluralitas formalitatum possit stare cum simplicitate divine
essencie._’

    MS. Bodl.: Digby 54, f. 123 (sec. xv).

_De perfectione statuum_[1432]. _Inc._ ‘Quod status prelatorum sc.
pastorum ecclesie.’

    MSS. Oxford:--Merton Coll. 65, f. 119 (A. D. 1456).

    Cambridge:--Public Library Dd. III. 47 (sec. xv); Corpus Christi Coll.
    107, fol. 77-93a (sec. xv).

    Florence:--Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut. xxxvi, Dext. Cod.
    xii, p. 101 (sec. xiv _exeuntis_).

_Opusculum Doctoris Subtilis super aliquos canones Arzachel._ (Doubtful.)

    MS. Cambridge:--Public Library 1017, f. 14-15 (sec. xv). Cf. Tanner,
    _Bibl._ p. 689, _sub_ ‘Stantonus.’

_Tractatus Johannis Dons Scoti de lapide philosophorum._ (Apocryphal.)

    MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 14008, f. 156.

=Robert Cowton=, or =de Couton= (co. York), according to W. Woodford,
entered the Order when young[1433]. He was at Oxford in 1300, when the
Provincial asked the Bishop of Lincoln to license him, among others, to
hear confessions, but Robert was among the rejected[1434]. At this time he
was not a doctor. According to Bale and Pits he studied philosophy at
Oxford and theology at Paris: there can be little doubt that he obtained
the degree of D.D. in the latter University. His title of ‘the pleasant
doctor[1435]’ is not vouched for by any early authority.

If we may draw any inference from the number of MSS. preserved, few works
by any Franciscan were more in demand in England[1436] in the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries than the _Commentaries_ of Robert Cowton _on the
Sentences_. The following MSS. contain them, or parts of them.

    London:--Brit. Mus. Royal 11 B. i. 11 B. iv.--Gray’s Inn, 20.

    Oxford:--Univ. Coll. 76, f. 455--Balliol 192, 199, 200, 201--Merton
    91, 92, 93--New College 290--Exeter 43--Lincoln 36.

    Cambridge:--Caius Coll. 281, 324--Peterhouse 73, 75--Pembroke 107.

=Malachias of Ireland= is said by Wadding to have been a Franciscan and
B.D. of Oxford, c. 1310. According to the same writer, he preached before
Edward II, and was not afraid to rebuke the King to his face[1437].

_Libellus septem peccatorum mortalium_, or, _Tractatus de Veneno_ (often
wrongly ascribed to Grostete.)

    MS. Brit. Mus.: Cott. Vitell. C. xiv, § 6.

    Printed at Paris 1518.

=Walter Brinkley= or =Brinkel= (co. Cambridge), called by Willot ‘the Good
Doctor,’ ‘the ancient Doctor and Sophist[1438],’ is said by Bale to have
been a doctor of Oxford and to have flourished A. D. 1310. Bale and Pits
give a list of his works, but nothing of a trustworthy nature appears to
be known about him[1439].

=John of Winchelsea=, S.T.P. and Canon of Salisbury, a fellow of Merton in
the reigns of Henry III (?) and Edward I, entered the Minorite Order in
his old age at Salisbury, and died during the year of his noviciate, A. D.
1326[1440].

=John Canon= is said to have flourished c. 1320, and to have attended the
lectures of Duns Scotus at Oxford and Paris[1441]. Wood, referring to the
_regestrum Oriell_, says that his

    ‘philosophicall treatises were soe much esteemed among the students of
    this University that they were read to them by their tutors and by
    logick lecturers in each society[1442].’

_Comment. in libros octo Physicorum Aristotelis._ _Inc. prol._ ‘Venite ad
me omnes qui laboratis.’ _Inc. opus._ ‘Utrum substancia finita.’

    Of the MSS. of the work, which are very numerous, the oldest appears
    to be Lambeth MS. 100, f. 103, which Todd refers to the thirteenth
    century.

    Printed at Padua 1475[1443], St. Albans 1481, Venice 1481, 1487, 1492,
    &c.

=John Stanle=, friar, was appointed to receive at the Exchequer the royal
grant of 25 marks payable at Easter 1323 to the Friars Minors at
Oxford[1444].

‘=Philippus a Castellione Aretino=’ (Castello near Arezzo) in the Tuscan
province, is described by Wadding as, ‘_in theologia magister insignis
apud Oxonienses_.’ He flourished 1316, and wrote treatises on the poverty
of Christ[1445].

=William of Ockham=, ‘Auctor nominalium,’ ‘Doctor singularis,’ ‘Doctor
invincibilis[1446],’ was born probably towards the end of the thirteenth
century. Whether he was a pupil of Duns Scotus is doubtful. He studied at
Oxford in the early years of the fourteenth century, and became B.D.
there[1447]. After this he was called to Paris, where he incepted as D.D.
Here he became acquainted with Marsiglio of Padua, over whom, according to
Pope Clement VI, he exercised a powerful influence[1448]. It is probable
that he was present at the famous Chapter of Perugia (1322), though he was
not (as is usually asserted) Provincial of England[1449]. From the first
he took a prominent part in the struggle against the Pope[1450]. He was
imprisoned at Avignon about the end of 1327, and a process was instituted
against him in the Curia

    ‘because of many erroneous and heretical opinions which he had
    written[1451].’

He remained in custody for seventeen weeks, and refused to modify his
opinions. It is said that a ‘rich and noble lady,’ in admiring recognition
of his staunch defence of ‘Evangelical Poverty,’ gave him 70
florins[1452]. On May 25, 1328, he fled from Avignon with Cesena, the
General Minister, and Bonagratia, joined the Emperor in Italy, and was
excommunicated[1453]. In Feb., 1330, he accompanied Louis to Bavaria, and
lived henceforth for the most part in the Franciscan Convent at
Munich[1454]. His literary activity was enormous, as may be seen from the
list of his works. He took a direct part in the affairs of state, being
present at the Councils of Rense and Frankfurt in 1338[1455]. From this
time his writings, hitherto largely theological, became more distinctly
political[1456]. In spite of excommunication, he continued to support the
Emperor’s cause till Louis’ death in 1347, and even later[1457]. But now
few only of the rebel friars were left: Cesena died in 1342, Bonagratia in
1347; and in 1349 Ockham sent back the seal of the Order to the orthodox
General Minister, and professed his desire to be reconciled to the
Church[1458]. Clement VI authorized the General Minister to absolve Ockham
and his associates on their confessing in set form their errors and
heresies, and promising to obey the Pope and his successors. Whether
Ockham subscribed the papal formula, nothing remains to show. The date of
his death is uncertain; it may however be concluded that he died at Munich
not before 1349[1459].


PHILOSOPHICAL AND THEOLOGICAL WORKS.

_Commentarii in Porphyrii librum: in Aristotelis Praedicamentorum librum_
(or _De decem generibus_): _in Aristotelis de Interpretatione libros duo:
in libros Elenchorum._

    MSS. Oxford:--Bodl. Canonic. Misc. 558, fol. 1, 24, 63{b}, 93 (sec.
    xiv).

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 14721.

    Bruges 499, _olim_ 59 (sec. xiii?).

    The first three of these works (and perhaps the last) were printed at
    Bologna in 1496, under the title _Expositio aurea super totam artem
    Veterem_.

In his Catalogue of the Bruges MSS., Haenel reads _ethicorum_ instead of
_elenchorum_. Ockham seems to have written no distinct work on morals,
though another is attributed to him by a careless blunder. Caius College
MS. 200, § 3, contains, according to Smith’s catalogue, _Correcciones
Occami_ (_Occani_ in the old catalogue of 1697) _in Oculum moralem_. The
MS. really reads:

    ‘Correcciones octaui capituli de Ira. (_Inc._) nisi tibi iratus
    fuissem. Refert eciam Valerius. (_Expl._) et ei reuelauit archana. Cum
    igitur sobrietas.’

In other words, it is merely a fragment of chapter viii. of the well-known
_Oculus moralis_ attributed to Grostete or Peter de Limoges. See e.g. MS.
Bodl. Laud. Misc. 677, fol. 180 b, 2nd column.

_Summa logices_ (_ad Adamum_): 3 parts. _Inc._ ‘Dudum me frater et
amice.... Omnes logicae tractatores.’

    MSS. London:--Brit. Mus., Arundel 367 (sec. xiv).

    Cambridge:--Caius Coll. 464[1460]: ‘Logica Gul. de Occham in sex
    tractatus divisa,’ viz. (1) de terminis, (2) de propositionibus, (3)
    de Sillogismo simplici, (4) de S. demonstrativo, (5) de S. topico, (6)
    de S. elenchorum, (written at Magdeburg, A. D. 1341): also Peterhouse
    217.

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 6430, 6431, 6432 (sec. xiv); Bibl. Mazarine 3521
    (sec. xiv).

    Laon 431 (sec. xiv).

    Basel F ii. 25 (written at Oxford, A. D. 1342).

    Florence:--Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut. xii. Sin. Cod. ii
    (sec. xiv), six books.

    Printed at Paris 1488, Venice 1522, Oxford 1675, &c.

_Quaestiones in octo libros physicorum._ _Inc._ ‘Valde reprehensibilis.’

    MS. Oxford:--Merton Coll. 293 (sec. xiv). Cf. Vienna:--Bibl. Palat.
    5460 (sec. xv).

    Printed at Rome 1637[1461].

    In the Bibl. Nat. at Paris, MS. 17841 (sec. xv) contains _Quest. Okam
    super lib. Physic. et quotlibeta_. The first leaf seems to have been
    misplaced; _inc._, ‘(U)trum deus sit super omnia diligendus: quod
    non.’ The second leaf begins: ‘Circa materiam de conceptu questio (?)
    utrum conceptus sit aliquid fictum’: the questions on the physics end
    on fol. 26. They appear to differ from the above[1462].

_Questiones Ockam super phisicam et tractatus ejusdem de futuris
contingentibus._

    MS. Bruges 469 (sec. xiv).

_Summulae in libros physicorum_ (called by Leland, _De introitu
scientiarum_): 4 parts. _Inc. prol._ ‘Studiosissime saepiusque rogatus.’
_Inc. Pars. I._ ‘Solent ante preambula indagare sapientes ante scientie
ingressum de ipsis scientiis.... Primo de ejus unitate.’

    MS. Rodez, 56, p. 107 (sec. xv), ‘Philosophia naturalis.’

    Printed at Venice 1506, and elsewhere.

_Quaestiones_ (or _Commentarii_) _in quatuor libros Sententiarum._ _Inc._
‘Circa prologum primi libri Sententiarum quero primo utrum sit possibile
intellectui viatoris.’

    MSS. Oxford:--Balliol Coll. 299, f. 7 (sec. xiv); Merton College 100
    (sec. xiv).

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 15561, f. 246 (sec. xv).

    Basel A vi. 12.

    Printed at Lyons 1495, &c.

Ockham’s commentary on the first book of the _Sentences_ was probably
composed when he was B.D. of Oxford; it is longer than his commentaries on
the other three books together, and is often found separate.

    MSS. Oxford:--Merton Coll. 106 (sec. xiv).

    Cambridge:--Caius Coll. 325.

    Paris:--Bibl. Mazarine 894 (sec. xiv), ‘de ordinacione fratris
    Guillelmi de Okham de ordine fratrum Minorum Oxonie.’

    Troyes 718 (sec. xiv).

    Printed separately (at Strasburg) in 1483.

It is possible that the commentaries on the last three books exist in a
fuller form in the following MSS. than in the printed editions:--

    MSS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 16398 (sec. xv), books 3 and 4; Cf. ibid.
    16708, f. 253{b} (sec. xiv), ‘Circa tertium Sententiarum secundum
    Okkam.’

    Munich:--Bibl. Reg. 8943 (sec. xv), books 2, 3, and 4.

_Quodlibeta septem._ _Inc. quodl. i. qu. i._ ‘Utrum possit probari per
rationem naturalem quod tantum unus sit deus: quod sic.’

    MSS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 16398, f. 173 (sec. xv), and 17841, fol. 28
    (sec. xv): the latter ends abruptly near the beginning of the fourth
    quodlibet.

    Venice:--Bibl. S. Anton. (Tomasin, p. 11 b).

    Printed at Paris 1487, Argentina 1491.

    At the end of the edition of 1491: ‘Expliciunt quotlibeta septem
    venerabilis inceptoris magistri Wilhelmi de Ockam anglici, veritatum
    speculatoris acerrimi, fratris ordinis minorum, post ejus lecturam
    Oxoniensem (super sententias) edita.’

_De motu, loco, tempore, relatione, praedestinatione et praescientia Dei,
et quodlibetum._

    MS. Basel F ii. 24.

    Cf. MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 14715, f. 82{b} (sec. xiv); 14909, f.
    102{b}; 14579, f. 345; 14580, f. 110{b}. _Incipiunt_: ‘Quia circa
    materiam de predestinatione et prescientia sunt opiniones diverse.’

_De successivis._ _Inc._ ‘Videndum est de locis.’

    MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 16130, f. 121 (sec. xiv). Cf. MS. Bruges, 500.

_Propositio an sit concedenda; essentia divina est quaternitas._

    MS. Basel A vii. 13.

_De sacramento altaris_, and _De corpore Christi_: 2 treatises[1463].
_Inc. i._ ‘Circa conversionem panis.’ _Inc. ii._ ‘Stupenda super munera
largitatis.’

    MSS. Oxford:--Balliol Coll. 299, f. 196 (sec. xiv); Merton College 137
    (sec. xiv).

    Rouen, 561 (sec. xv).

    Printed at Argentina 1491, at the end of the _Quodlibeta_; at Paris
    (1490?), and Venice 1516.

_Centiloquium theologicum._ _Inc. prol._ ‘Anima nobis innata eo potius
naturaliter appetit cognoscere suum finem, quo pre ceteris appetentibus
omnibus corruptibilibus creatis ratione ditata ad ymaginem et
similitudinem dei celsius eminentiusque figuratur.’

    Printed at Lyons 1495, at the end of the _Sentences_.

_Quaestiones Ocham in terminabiles Alberti de Saxonia._

    MS. Padua:--Bibl. S. Joannis in Viridario (Tomasin, p. 37).

_Sermones Occham_, by William or Nicholas of Ockham?

    MS. Worcester:--Cathedral Library 74 quarto (= Bernard, Tom. II. 918).

_Notes or disputations on theology and philosophy_, to which the name
‘Okam’ is appended.

    MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 15888, f. 163, 174, 181.

_Gul. Ocham quedam scripta._

    MS. Venice:--Bibl. SS. Joannis et Pauli (Tomasin, p. 25{b}).


POLITICAL WORKS.

The dates are taken for the most part from Riezler.

_Opus nonaginta dierum_ (written between 1330 and 1333). _Inc. prol._
‘Doctoris gentium et Magistri Beati Pauli.’

    MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 3387, fol. 1-163 b (sec. xv).

    Printed at Louvain 1481, Lyons 1495, and in Goldast’s _Monarchia_, II.
    993-1236.

    This treatise corresponds to _Dialogus_, Part III, Tract vi. _de
    gestis fratris Michaelis de Cesena_ (see below).

_Epistola ad Fratres Minores in Capitulo apud Assisium congregatos_, A. D.
1334. _Inc._ ‘Religiosis viris fratribus minoribus universis A. D.
Millesimo CCCXXXIIII. in festo Petri apud Assisium congregatis frater
Guilhelmus de Ocham fidem defensare.’

    MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 3387, fol. 262 b-265 a (sec. xv).

This has not been printed and is not mentioned by Riezler; it is distinct
from the letter of Cesena to the Friars Minors about to assemble in
Chapter at Perpignan or Avignon, dated April 25, 1331 (printed Lyons
1495), and the letter of Cesena to all the Friars Minors, dated Jan. 24,
1331 (printed ibid.; Goldast, II. 1238, and Riezler, 248, give 1333 as the
date of this last letter).

_Dialogus[1464] inter magistrum et discipulum de Imperatorum et Pontificum
Potestate_; 3 parts:

i. _De fautoribus haereticorum libri septem_ (written A. D. 1342 or 1343).
_Inc._ ‘In omnibus rebus curiosus existis.’

ii. _De dogmatibus Johannis XXII, tractatus duo_ (A. D. 1333 or 1334).
_Inc._ ‘Verba oris ejus iniquitas et dolus.’

iii. _De gestis circa fidem altercantium_, (A. D. 1342-3). (1) De
potestate papae et cleri; 4 books. (2) De potestate et juribus Romani
imperii; 3 books. _Inc._ ‘Discip. Salomonis utcumque sequendo vestigia.’

    MSS. London:--Brit. Mus. Royal 7 F xii, §§ 1 and 2 (sec. xv), Parts I
    and II; Harleian, 33 (sec. xv), Parts I and II; Addit. 33243 (sec.
    xv), Parts I and II; also Lambeth Palace Library 168 (sec. xv), Parts
    II and III.

    Oxford:--St. John’s College, 69 (sec. xv), Part I.

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 3657 (sec. xiv) Part I, fol. 1-208; Part II, fol.
    289-321; Part III, Tractatus ii, fol. 210-287, breaking off with the
    words _nec antedicte sedis scil. Romane antistitem_ in Lib. 3, cap. 16
    of Tract. ii; also 14313 (A. D. 1389), Parts I and II; 14619, fol.
    121-166 (sec. xv), Part III, Tractatus ii, breaking off in Lib. 3,
    cap. 16 of Tract. ii, as above; 15881 (sec. xiv), Parts I, II; and
    Part III, Tractatus ii, breaking off in Lib. 3, cap. 16, as
    above.--Bibl. de l’Arsenal 517, fol. 17-303, Parts I, II, and III,
    ending with the words ‘_Magister Hoc multis racionibus improbatur.
    Primo_ ...’, in Chapter 17 of the 3rd book of Tractatus ii of Part
    III[1465],--Bibl. Mazarine 3522 (sec. xiv), fol. 149-198, Part III,
    Tract. ii, ending in Cap. 16 of Lib. 3; fol. 200-246, Part III, Tract.
    i; fol. 246-297, Part III, Tract. ii, ending with Cap. 23 of Lib. 3,
    _passibilis et mortalis_.

    Rome:--Vatican, Bibl. Regin. Sueciae, 90; cf. 79, ‘de potestate
    papae.’ (Montfaucon.)

    Dijon 340 (sec. xv), Parts I, II, and III, ending with the words ‘_pro
    nunc tibi sufficiant_,’ in the printed editions.

    Auxerre 252, f. 88 (sec. xiv), containing Part III, Tract. ii (3
    books).

    Avignon 185, containing Part I.

    Toulouse 221 (sec. xiv), Parts I, II, and Part III, Tractatus ii,
    which is called Tractatus iii in the MS.

    Basel A vi. 5, Parts I, II, and III.

    Florence:--Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut. xxxvi. Dext. Cod.
    xi (sec. xiv), Parts I and II.

    Venice:--St. Mark, Vol. I, Cl. viii. Cod. 7 (sec. xv), Part I, book 6.

    Printed at Lyons 1495; reprinted in Goldast’s _Monarchia_ II, 398-957.

Part III, according to the scheme drawn up in the Prologue[1466], was to
consist of nine treatises:

i. De potestate papae et cleri; ii. De potestate et juribus Romani
Imperii; iii. De gestis Johannis XXII; iv. De gestis Domini Ludovici de
Bavaria; v. De gestis Benedicti XII; vi. De gestis fratris Michaelis de
Cesena; vii. De gestis et doctrina fratris Geraldi Odonis; viii. De gestis
fratris Guilhelmi de Ockham; ix. De gestis aliorum Christianorum, regum,
&c.

The edition of 1495, of which Goldast’s is a reprint, ends at the 23rd
chapter of the 3rd book of Treatise II, with the words:

    ‘passibilis et mortalis. Et haec de tertia parte Dialogorum pro nunc
    tibi sufficiant.’

The last sentence Goldast surmises to be an addition of the editor,
Ascensius; but it occurs at the end of the Dijon MS., and both Goldast and
Riezler are probably mistaken in thinking that Ascensius had the whole
work before him and arbitrarily omitted Treatises III-IX[1467]. These were
probably never written. The Lambeth MS. (the only MS. in England which
contains Part III) and one version in the Mazarine MS. end with the words
‘passibilis et mortalis,’ like the printed editions, with the colophon (in
Lambeth MS.): ‘Dyalogorum venerabilis Guillermi Okam finis.’ The five
other MSS. in Paris, which contain Part III, leave out the last seven
chapters of the printed edition, and the Auxerre and Toulouse MSS.
likewise do not go beyond the third book of Treatise II. It is possible
that the Vatican and Basel MSS. may supply the remaining treatises; but
this is unlikely. About the year 1400, Peter d’Ailly, who must have had
exceptionally good opportunities for getting information[1468], wrote a
summary of the _Dialogus_[1469]. In this he omits Treatise I of Part III,
and concludes with the 16th chapter of the third book of Treatise II (like
the Parisian MSS.), adding:

    ‘et non plus de hoc notabili opere potui reperire’[1470].

Several of Ockham’s other works correspond in substance to the projected
treatises of Part III; these will be noted in due course.

_Defensorium (de paupertate Christi) contra Johannem XXII_ (written
between 1335 and 1349). _Inc._ ‘Universis Christi fidelibus.... Primus
error est quod Dominus noster.’

    Printed at Venice 1513, and by Edw. Brown, Fascic. Rerum expetend. II,
    439-464.

_De imperatorum et pontificum potestate_; 27 chapters or paragraphs. _Inc.
prol._ ‘Universis Christi fidelibus presentem tractatulum inspecturis,
frater Willelmus de Okkham.’ _Inc. cap._ i. ‘Si reges et principes
ecclesiarum.’

    MS. Brit. Museum: Royal 10 A, xv (sec. xiv).

_Tractatus adversus errores Johannis XXII_, or _Compendium errorum papae_
(written between 1335 and 1338). _Inc._ ‘Secundum Bokkyg (?) super sacram
scripturam.’

    MSS. London:--Lambeth 168, fol. 289-314 (sec. xv).

    Paris:--Bibl. Mazarine 3522, fol. 298-310 (sec. xiv).

    Printed at Louvain 1481, Lyons 1495, and in Goldast II, 957-976.

    Cf. _Dialogus_, Part III, Tract. iii.

_Opusculum adversus errores Johannis XXII._ _Inc._ ‘Non invenit locum
penitencie Johannes XXII.... Ut pateat evidenter, quod retractatio quam
Johannes XXII fecisse refertur, ipsum ab hereticorum numero non excludit.’

    MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 3387, fol. 175-213{b} (sec. xv).

_Tractatus ostendens quod Benedictus Papa XII nonnullas Johannis XXII
haereses amplexus est et defendit_; 7 books (written c. 1338). _Inc.
prol._ ‘Ambulavit et ambulat insensanter non re sed nomine Benedictus XII
in viis patris sui Johannis vidz. XXII.’ _Inc. lib. i_, ‘Dogmatum
perversorum que Johannes XXII pertinaciter tenuit.’

    MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 3387, fol. 214{b}-262{a} (sec. xv).

    Cf. _Dialogus_, Pars III, Tract. v.

_Tractatus oquā_ (sic) _de potestate imperiali._ _Inc._ ‘Inferius
describuntur allegaciones per plures magistros in sacra pagina approbate
per quas ostenditur evidenter quod processus factus et sentencia lata in
frankfort per dominum lodowicum quartum dei gracia Romanorum
imperatorem.’ The decree of Louis referred to is dated Aug. 6, 1338[1471].

    MS. Rome:--Bibl. Apostol. Vaticana, Codd. Palat. Latin. No. 679. Pars
    I, fol. 117 (sec. xv).

    Cf. Boehmer, Fontes rerum Germanicarum, Vol. IV, p. 592, ‘ex libro
    Nicolai Minoritae de controversia paupertatis Christi 1324-1338.’
    _Inc._ ‘Subsequenter ponuntur articuli et describunter de juribus
    imperii.’

_Octo questiones super potestate ac dignitate papali_, or _De potestate
pontificum et imperatorum_ (written between 1339 and 1342). _Inc._
‘Sanctum canibus nullatenus.’ _Inc. quest._ 1. ‘Primo igitur queritur
utrum potestas spiritualis et laicalis suprema.’

    MSS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 14603, fol. 147-216 (sec. xiv): ‘Explicit
    tractatus venerabilis, theologi Guillelmi Okam de potestate
    pape.’--Bibl. Mazarine, 3522, f. 104-148 (sec. xiv).

    Cf. MS. Rome, Vatican, Bibl. Reg. Sueciae, 79, _De potestate Papae_;
    and 375, _De potestate utriusque jurisdictionis_.

_De jurisdictione Imperatoris in causis matrimonialibus_, A. D. 1342.
_Inc._ ‘Divina providentia disponente.’

    Printed at Heidelberg 1598; and in Goldast I, 21. It is of doubtful
    authenticity; see Riezler, 254.

_De electione Caroli IV_ (written 1347-9). _Inc._ ‘Quia sepe viri ignari.’

    See Riezler, p. 271, 303, who refers to Höfler, Aus Avignon, 13.

The following treatises by Ockham are mentioned by Leland, Wadding, and
others, but have not been identified.

I. _Philosophical._

_De pluralitate formae_, contra Sutton (Leland, Tanner).

_De invisibilibus_ (Leland).

_Tractatus incip._: ‘Dominus potest facere omne quod fieri vult non
includit contradictionem’:--

    seen by Leland in the Franciscan Library, London (Collect. III, 49):
    Tanner identifies it with _Defensorium Logices_. Perhaps it is the
    same as _Dialectica Nova_: _inc._ ‘Contradictio in Deo non est.’
    (Bale, Pits).

_Comment. in Metaphysicam._

Tanner refers to MSS. Peterhouse 217 (where however no mention of it
occurs), and Caius Coll. K. 5 (?), perhaps a mistake for H. 5 = 464, which
contains Ockham’s logic.

Leland adds:

    Vidi etiam tres libros Ochami, quorum primus _De privatione, de
    materia prima, de forma_ quae est principium, et _De forma
    artificiali_; secundus vero _De causis materiali, formali, efficiente,
    finali_; tertius _De mutatione subita_ tractat.

    [Cf. _Quaestiones in lib. Physic_?]

_De perfectione specierum_ (Wadding). _Inc._ ‘Quia Magister.’

II. _Political._

_De paupertate Christi et Apostolorum_ (Tritheim, Wadding).

This is probably incorporated in the Dialogus (see Wadding, Ann. Min.
VIII, 81-2). Cf. MS. Florence:--Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut.
xxxi. Sin. Cod. iii (sec. xiv).

_De actibus hierarchicis_, lib. i (Wadding).

Wadding, _Sup._: ‘citat Joan. Picus Mirandulanus in sua Apologia quaest.
1.’

_Errorum quos affinxit papae Johanni_, lib. i (Wadding). _Inc._ ‘Locuti
adversum me lingua.’

(Probably identical with one of the extant treatises.)

_Defensorium_ (against the pope); mentioned by Leland, Bale, &c. _Inc._
‘Omni quippe regno desiderabilis.’

This is the _Defensor pacis_ of Marsilius of Padua.

NOTE.--In his catalogue of Vatican MSS., Montfaucon mentions, among
_Praecipui codices MSS. Bibliothecae Vaticanae_, ‘947, ad 956 Guill.
Occhami opera.’ See Montfaucon, _Bibl. Bibliothecarum MSS._ p. 100.

=Henry de Costesey or Cossey= (Norfolk) is reckoned among the Oxford
Franciscans by Bale and others, but without evidence. He was forty-sixth
Master of the Minorites at Cambridge (c. 1336)[1472], and is said to have
died at Babwell[1473].

_Commentarius super Apocalypsim._ _Inc._ ‘Apocalypsis Jhesu Christi
quam.... Dividitur enim iste liber sicut alii libri in prohemium et
tractatum.’

    MSS. Bodl.: 2004 = *NE*. B. 3. 18, now Bodley 57. Laud. Misc. 85, fol.
    67 b (sec. xiv).

    Cambridge:--Pembroke Coll. 175.

_Comment. super Psalterium._ _Inc._ ‘Aperiam in psalterio.’

    MS. formerly in the Franciscan library, London[1474]: quoted in MS.
    Bodl. Laud. Misc. 213, f. 192 (sec. xv).

=John de Hentham= was a Minorite in the Oxford Convent in 1340, when he
acted as attorney for the warden[1475].

=Hugh de Willoughby= or =Wylluby=, S.T.P., was the Chancellor of the
University in 1334. He held the prebend of Barnby, in the diocese of York,
in 1338. It is not known when he became a Franciscan; but it was no doubt
in his declining years[1476].

=Peter de Gaieta= was elected in the General Chapter at Assisi, c. 1340,
to take the degree of B.D. and lecture on the _Sentences_ at Oxford. When
the appointment of a friar to read the _Sentences_ at Paris was discussed
in the General Chapter at Marseilles in 1343, Peter obtained many votes.
In the same year the degree of Master in the University of Naples was
conferred on him by the command of Pope Clement VI. He had previously
lectured on the _Sentences_ there, and been Minister of the Provinces of
Apulia and Terra Laboris[1477].

=John Lathbury= (Bucks), said to have been a native of the Reading
friary[1478], was D.D. of Oxford and flourished about the middle of the
fourteenth century[1479]. The evidence for the date is found in his own
most famous work[1480]; the passage may be quoted as an authentic specimen
of a subject of conversation between two Oxford Franciscans:

    ‘Item anno domini 1343 in capitulo provinciali Londoniis celebrato, et
    in Oxonia plurimis vicibus prius et post in studio secum commoranti,
    frater Hermanus de Colonia fratri Johanni de Latthebury retulit viva
    voce, quod in patria sua est quedam villa que vulgariter dicatur
    Enger, de qua Anglia vocaliter derivatur, et prope illam villam ad
    distanciam unius miliarii est quedam quercus, arbor ingens et antiqua,
    ad quam ipse cum esset puerulus ex more patrie cum reliquis
    concurrebat. Nam omni nocte nativitatis Christi, quasi nocte media,
    quercus illa glandes grandes et perfectas subita apparicione ex se
    profert et producit copiose. Unde et incole illius patrie annuatim
    illa nocte ad illum locum turmatim ex consuetudine concurrunt, et ibi
    cum luminibus et lanternis vigilantes, horam solitam expectant et
    explorant, bibentes, edentes, ludentes et noctem insompnem ducentes,
    habentes secum lapides, baculos et saculos pro fructu arboris
    excuciendo et asportando.’

There appear to have been two contemporary Minorites of the same name and
family. Bale, after mentioning the commentaries of John Ridevaus on the
letter of Valerius to Rufinus and the mythologies of Fulgentius,
adds[1481]:

    ‘Hos libros cum multis aliis Joannes Lathbury senior contulit juniori
    Joanni Lathbury A. D. 1348. Ex cenobio Minorum Radinge.’

The elder died at Reading at an advanced age in 1362, the younger at
Northampton in 1375[1482]. It is not clear which of the two was the
author.

The best known work of John Lathbury is his _Commentary on Lamentations_,
or _Liber moralium in Threnos Hieremiae_, or _Lectura super librum
Threnorum._ _Inc._ ‘Juxta mores modernorum.’

    MSS. Oxford:--Merton Coll. 189--Exeter Coll. 27, &c.

    Printed at Oxford in 1482, being one of the first books issued by the
    Oxford press.

_Distinctionum liber theologicarum_, or _Alphabetum morale._ _Inc._
‘Abstinendum est a carnalibus delitiis.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Royal 11 A xiii (sec. xv).

    Oxford:--Exeter Coll. 26 (sec. xv), with the note ‘Johannes Latbury,
    doctor de ordine fratrum minorum, qui fecit lecturam super librum
    Trenorum, compilavit istum tractatum.’

    Cambridge:--Peterhouse 96.

_De luxuria clericorum._

    Extracts from this treatise of Lathbury’s are in MS. Bodl. James 19
    (Cf. Bernard’s Catal. I, 260 b), from MSS. in Exeter College: the
    treatise itself seems to be extracted from the _Distinctiones_.

_De timore et amore Domini_, &c., _secundum Johannem Lathbury, Thomam de
Alquino ... aliosque_.

    MS. Oxford:--Magd. Coll. 93 (A. D. 1438); perhaps merely excerpts from
    some other work.

_Super Acta Apostolorum._ _Inc._ ‘Superedificati estis supra fundamentum
apostolorum.’

    Mentioned by Bale (MS. Seld. sup. 64, fol. 89) ‘ex musaeo Rob.
    Talbot.’

=Hermann of Cologne= was a contemporary and friend of John Lathbury at
Oxford, c. 1343[1483]. It is impossible to identify him with any of the
other Hermanns who belonged to the Minorite Order at this time: e.g.
Hermann of Saxony, the lawyer (fl. 1337), or Hermann Gygas, the
historian[1484].

=Robert= (or =John=?) =Lamborne=,

    ‘the son of a baron, and the last heir of that barony, entered the
    Order in London[1485].’

He became confessor to Queen Isabella in 1327[1486], and he still occupied
this office, ‘though he was so attenuated that he was almost or quite
blind,’ in 1343, when Clement VI granted him certain privileges[1487]. It
is however very doubtful whether he was ever at Oxford. The name occurs in
the Old Catalogue of Fellows of Merton College, under the reign of Edward
III. If the two are identical, Lamborne ought to be placed in the
Catalogue under Edward II, as he was clearly a friar in 1327; but there is
no good reason for assuming their identity: Robert Lamborn of Merton may
be a mistake for Reginald Lamborn[1488]. Friar John (?) Lamborne,
confessor to Queen Isabella, was buried in the choir of the Grey Friars
Church, London[1489].

=Reginald Lambourne= was B.D. of Merton College (c. 1350-1360), where he
was a pupil of the famous mathematicians, William Rede and John
Ashendon[1490]. He then entered the Benedictine Order, was at Eynsham
Abbey in 1363/4 and 1367, and incepted D.D. as a monk[1491]. He afterwards
took the Franciscan habit at Oxford, and died at Northampton[1492].

_Epistola a Reginaldo Lambourne, monacho simplici Eynshamensi, ad quendam
Johannem London, de significatione eclipsium lunae ‘hoc anno instante,
1363.’_

_Epistola a Reginaldo Lambourne monacho Eynshamensi_ [ad. Gul. Rede ut
videtur] _a{o} 1367, de conjunctionibus Saturni Jovis et Martis cum
prognosticatione malorum inde in annis 1368-1374 probabiliter
occurrentium._

    MS. Bodl.:--Digby 176, fol. 50, and 40 (sec. xiv).

=Robert Eliphat= flourished in the middle of the fourteenth century; he is
placed among the Masters of the English Province by Bartholomew of
Pisa[1493]. Pits states that he was famous at Oxford and Paris[1494].
There can be little doubt that he is identical with =Robert Alifax= or
=Halifax=, the fifty-sixth Master of the Franciscans at Cambridge[1495].

_Robertus Haliphax de sententiarum libris I et II._

    MS. Assisi 161 (sec. xiv).

_Primus Eliphat super sententias._

    MSS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 14514 (sec. xiv).

    Vienna:--Bibl. Palat. 1511, f. 110-120 (sec. xiv).

_Quaestiones Rob. Eliphat._

    MSS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 14576 (xiv), 15561, f. 243 (xv), 15880 (xiv),
    15888, f. 181, (xiv)[1496].

=Gilbert Peckham=, fellow of Merton in 1324 and 1339, may be identical
with the fifty-ninth Master of the Minorites at Cambridge[1497].

=William Tithemersch= (co. Northampton), ‘of the custody of Oxford,’ was
sixty-first Master of the Minorites at Cambridge, and twenty-first
Provincial, about 1350; he was succeeded by Roger Conway, and was buried
at Bedford[1498].

=William Scharshille= (co. Stafford),

    ‘formerly a justiciary under Edward III, gave away all his temporal
    goods and entered the Order, with great honour, at Oxford[1499].’

The date is not specified. A William de Shareshull, who is no doubt the
same person, was ordered to attend a parliament in Scotland for the
confirmation of a treaty between Edward III and Edward Balliol, in 1333;
he is mentioned as a justice of assize in 1337, and he was appointed one
of the examiners of some ecclesiastical petitions to Parliament in
1351[1500]. In 1356 ‘Dominus Willhelmus de Scharshull’ appears among the
witnesses to an indenture between the University of Oxford and Richard
d’Amory[1501].

=Richard Lymynster= and =Giuliortus de Limosano= are mentioned in a
University decree as ‘wax-doctors’ of the Mendicant Orders at Oxford in
1358. It is uncertain to which Order the former belonged. The latter was a
Minorite from Sicily, who tried to obtain the degree of B.D. by means of
letters from the king of England[1502].

=Jerome of St. Mark= is said to have been a Minorite and Bachelor of
Oxford, and author of a treatise on logic. His date--or even the century
in which he lived--is unknown[1503].

=John of Nottingham= was a member of the Oxford Convent in the middle of
the fourteenth century: he was one of the witnesses to the will of Robert
de Trenge, Warden of Merton, and perhaps his confessor; the will was
executed 1351, and proved 1357[1504].

=Roger Conway=, of the convent of Worcester and D.D. of Oxford, in 1355
obtained papal license to live in the Franciscan Convent of London

    ‘for the spiritual recreation of himself and of the nobles of
    England,’

who were said to flock in great numbers to this friary; Roger was to be
subject to the rules of the house like any other friar[1505]. In 1357 he
came forward as the champion of the Mendicant Orders against the
Archbishop of Armagh, and wrote and preached in London ‘on the poverty of
Christ’ and the right of the friars to hear confessions[1506]. According
to one account

    ‘he strenuously defended his Order in the Curia against
    Armachanus[1507].’

In 1359 Innocent VI issued a bull confirming the decree _Vas electionis_
of John XXII,

    ‘at the instance of Roger Coneway of the Order of Friars Minors, who
    asserts that he needs these letters on behalf of the said
    Order[1508].’

He was twenty-second Provincial Minister of England[1509], and perhaps
held the office at the time of the controversy with Richard
Fitzralph[1510]. Bale and Pits state that he died in 1360; it is not
improbable that he lived several years longer. He was buried in the choir
of the Grey Friars Church, London[1511].

A book formerly belonging to Roger Conway is preserved among the MSS. of
Gray’s Inn; Codex 1, formerly 17 (= 1584 in Bernard)--

    ‘_Joannes Cassianus de Institutis Egyptiorum Coenobiorum._ Cui haec
    notula apponitur: “Iste est liber Fratris Rogeri de Coneway[1512]”.’

_Defensio Religionis Mendicantium_, against Armachanus, or _De
confessionibus per regulares audiendis contra informationes Armachani_;
known also by the opening words of the treatise (preface): ‘Confessio et
pulchritudo.’

    MSS. Oxford:--Bodl. sup. A I, art. 95; also Corpus Christi Coll. 182,
    fol. 37 (sec. xv).

    Cambridge:--Public Library Ii. iv. 5. fol. 15 (sec. xv); also Corpus
    Christi Coll. 333 (sec. xv).

    Paris:--Bibl. Nationale 3221, fol. 206-46 (see. xv); and 3222, fol.
    117, under the title: ‘Quedam informacio contra intentionem domini
    Ricardi Archiepiscopi Armachani super decretali _Vas electionis_,
    edita a ffratre Rogero Conewey magistro in Theologia de ordine fratrum
    minorum.’

    Vienna:--Bibl. Palat. 4127, f. 221 (sec. xv).

    Printed at Lyons 1496; Paris 1511 (among the works of Armachanus); and
    in Goldast, _Monarchia_ II, p. 1410, (under the name ‘Chonoe’).

_Intellectus fratrum de constitutione Vas electionis quo ad Negativam
ibidem definitam._ _Inc._ ‘Verumptamen quia iste dominus Reverendus dicit
quod intellectus fratrum est erroneus.’

    MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nat. 3222, fol. 133{b}-158{b}: it is anonymous in
    this MS., but is attributed to Roger Conway by Bale, MS. Seld. sup.
    64, fol. 157{b}, and Tanner, Bibl. 197. The same MS. contains the
    _Replicationes_ of Armachanus against this work, ff. 159 sqq.

_Quaestiones tres de Christi paupertate et dominio temporali._ _Inc._
‘Questio est hic de mendicitate;’ or ‘Utrum Christus hominum
perfectissimus.’

    MS. Vienna:--Bibl. Palat. 4127, f. 249-269 (sec. xv).

    Wadding (_Script._ p. 212) gives the second _incipit_ and says: ‘Habeo
    MSS.’ These may be now in some Italian library; perhaps in the
    Franciscan Convent at Rome, or MS. Vatican 3740, ‘Tractatus diversorum
    super quaestione de paupertate Christi et Apostolorum’ (Montfaucon, p.
    110).

=Simon Tunstede=, =de Tunstude=, or =Donstede=, is said by Bale to have
entered the Order at Norwich, where, according to Blomefield, he
afterwards became Warden of the Franciscan Convent[1513]. He was Regent
Master of the Friars Minors at Oxford in 1351[1514], and according to
contemporary evidence was ‘skilled in music and in the seven liberal
arts[1515].’ He wrote on the Meteorics of Aristotle[1516], and made some
alterations in the horologe called _Albion_, invented in 1326 by Richard
of Wallingford, Abbat of St. Albans, and in the book which the Abbat wrote
about his invention[1517]. He became twenty-third Provincial Minister in
succession to Roger Conway about 1360[1518]. He was buried among the Poor
Clares of Brusyard in Suffolk[1519]; Bale and Pits mention 1369 as the
year of his death.

A work on music, _Quatuor principalia musicae_, or _De musica continua et
discreta, cum Diagrammatibus_, has been erroneously ascribed to
Tunstede[1520]; it was composed by a Minorite during Tunstede’s regency at
Oxford, and perhaps under his supervision.

    MSS. London:--Brit. Mus. Addit. 8866 (sec. xiv).

    Oxford:--Bodleian; Digby 90 (sec. xiv); Bodley 515 (= 2185) (sec. xv).

    Printed in E. de Coussemaker’s _Auctores de Musica_, &c. Paris 1876.

=Robert de Wysete=, =Wyshed=, or =de Wycett=, D.D. of Oxford, succeeded
Tunstede as twenty-fourth Provincial (c. 1370?)[1521]. He was buried in
the choir of the Grey Friars’ Church in London[1522].

    MS. Worcester Cathed. Library, fol. No. 35: ‘Wyneshed de motu de
    locali et aliis Physicis’ (?); but the name here is probably an error
    for _Swynshed_; see MS. Cambridge, Caius Coll. 499.

=John Mardeslay= or =Mardisle=[1523], probably a Yorkshireman, incepted as
D.D. at Oxford before 1355. Early in this year he disputed with the
Dominican, William Jordan, in the Chapter-house and Chancellor’s schools
at York, _de conceptione B. Mariae Virginis_, upholding the Immaculate
Conception[1524]. His manner of disputation gave offence, and the Chapter
of York issued letters testifying to his good conduct (April 10,
1355)[1525]:

    ‘in putting forward his opinion he behaved amicably, modestly and
    courteously, without introducing any abuse or improprieties
    whatsoever.’

He was certainly an able debater. In 1374 he was summoned with three other
Doctors of Divinity to a council at Westminster, over which the Black
Prince and the Archbishop of Canterbury presided[1526]. The subject of
discussion was the right of England to refuse the papal tribute. The
Archbishop and bishops said: ‘The pope is lord of all, we cannot refuse
him this tribute.’ A monk of Durham brought forward the old argument about
the two swords. Mardeslay at once replied with the text ‘Put up again thy
sword into his place,’

    ‘showing that the two swords did not mean temporal and spiritual
    power, and that Christ had not temporal diminion; which he proved by
    the scriptures and gospels, by quotations from the doctors, by the
    example of the religious who leave worldly goods, and by the
    decretals; and he related how Boniface VIII claimed to be lord of all
    kingdoms, and how he was repulsed in France and England.’

At the end of the day’s sitting, the Archbishop said, ‘There were good
counsels in England without the friars.’ The prince answered, ‘We have had
to call them because of your fatuity; your counsel would have lost us our
kingdom.’ The next day the papal party yielded. Between this date and 1380
Mardeslay was twenty-fifth Provincial Minister[1527]. The date of his
death is uncertain; he was buried at York[1528].

=Thomas of Portugal= studied at Oxford and Paris, c. 1360, and lectured at
Lisbon and Salamanca. He was elected in the General Chapter to lecture on
the _Sentences_ at Cambridge, and was promoted to the degree of D.D. in
the University of Toulouse by Pope Gregory XI in 1371[1529].

=Philip Zoriton= (?), according to Wadding ‘professor in the Universities
of Oxford and Cambridge,’ received the insignia of the _magisterium_ at
the hands of Friar Francis de Cardaillac S.T.P. in 1364[1530]. Zoriton
appears to be a mistake for =Torinton= or =Torrington=. Philip Torrington
S.T.P. was made Archbishop of Cashel in 1373[1531]. He was sent by Richard
II as ambassador to Urban VI, and, on his return in 1379, urged the
English king to invade France in support of the Pope, against the Antipope
Clement VII. Philip died in 1380[1532].

=Dalmacus de Raxach= and =Franciscus de Graynoylles= of the kingdom of
Aragon, friars Minors residing at Oxford for the purposes of study,
obtained royal letters of protection on Feb. 22nd, 1378[1533].

=Francis de S. Simone de Pisis=, called ‘of Empoli,’ is mentioned by
Bartholomew of Pisa as having studied at Oxford[1534], where he perhaps
became D.D. He flourished in the fourteenth century; according to Wadding,
1376.

_Determinatio Magistri Francisci de Empoli de materia montis_ (?)

    MS. Florence:--Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut. xxxi, Dext.
    Cod. xi (sec. xiv _or_ xv).

=John Hilton=, D.D. of Oxford, ‘determined’ in the schools against Ughtred
Bolton monk of Durham, in defence of his Order. Bale and Pits state that
he died at Norwich, 1376[1535].

_Determinationes de paupertate fratrum, et de statu Minorum_, lib. ii.
_Inc._ ‘Articulus pertractandus sit.’

    Mentioned by Bale, ‘Ex bibliotheca Nordovicensi’[1536].

_Quaestiones._

    One or both of these works may be the _Opera Joannis Hilton_ in _Bibl.
    Eccles. Cathed. Sarisbur._ MS. 94 (Bernard).

=Hubert of Halvesnahen= (?) Bachelor of Paris, Oxford and Cambridge, and
‘_destinatus Lector Oxoniae_,’ received the degree of Master in 1376 by
papal commission at the hands of Friar Philip (Torrington), Archbishop of
Cashel, who was then staying at Avignon[1537].

=William de Prato=, of the Order of Minorites, a native of Paris, was in
1363 raised to the degree of Master in the University of Paris by the
Pope. In the papal letter[1538] to the ‘Chancellor of the Church of
Paris,’ it is stated that he had

    ‘studied many years at Oxford and lectured in the theological faculty,
    and obtained the license of teaching in the said faculty and the
    honour of Master; he desired to lecture in the same faculty at Paris,
    and to give to his country what he had acquired elsewhere by studious
    labours.’

The Pope bids the chancellor admit him freely on the papal authority

    ‘ad legendum determinandum disputandum et ceteros actus Magistrales
    exercendum,’

just as though he were D.D. of Paris. The letter is dated XV Kal. Dec.
A{o} II. In 1370 he was sent to the Tartars by the pope, as bishop of
Pekin and head of the Franciscan mission in Asia[1539]. The papal
letter[1540] constituted him ruler of the Friars Minors in the lands

    ‘Saracenorum, Alanorum, Gazarorum, Gothorum, Schytarum, Ruthenorum,
    Jacobitarum, Nubianorum, Nestorianorum, Georgianorum, Armenorum,
    Indorum, Mochitarum.’

_De eruditione Principum_, by William de Prato, _ordinis Praedicatorum_
(?)[1541].

    MS. Vatican, Bibl. Reginae Sueciae, cod. 1960 (Montfaucon).

=John Somer=, of the Convent of Bridgwater[1542], was at Oxford in
1380[1543]. It does not appear whether he was a doctor either at this time
or afterwards. He enjoyed a great reputation as an astronomer, and is said
to have made use of the astronomical researches of Roger Bacon[1544].
Chaucer refers to him in his treatise on the Astrolabe[1545].

Somer is often coupled with the contemporary astronomer Nicholas of
Lynn[1546], and it is possible that the following passage in Mercator’s
_Atlas_, which is supposed by Hakluyt and others to refer to Nicholas,
relates to John Somer[1547].

    ‘That which you see described in this table of those foure Iles is
    taken from the journal of James Knox of Bolduc or the Busse[1548], who
    reporteth[1549] that a certaine English Friar, minorite of Oxford, a
    Mathematician, hath seene and composed the lands lying about the Pole,
    and measured them with an astrolabe, and described them by a
    Geometrical instrument.’

To this account John Dee[1550] adds the date 1360, and calls the friar a
‘Franciscan of Lynn’; Hakluyt (among other details) gives the name as
‘Nicholas de Lynna a Franciscan Friar.’ Nicholas of Lynn was a
Carmelite[1551]. On the other hand, supposing that the story has a good
foundation, it is more likely that the adventurous Friar was a native of
some seaport on the East coast than of a Western town like Bridgwater.

_Tertium opusculum Kalendarii_ (A. D. 1387-1462), composed

    ‘ad instantiam nobilissime Domine, Domine Johanne Principisse Wallie,
    ... ac matris ... Ricardi secundi ..., ad meridiem tamen Universitatis
    Oxonie, ex precepto reverendi Patris, fratris Thome Kyngesburi,
    Ministri Anglie, ... a fratre Johanne Somur (_or_ Semour) ordinis
    minorum, A. D. 1380.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus.: Royal 2 B viii. (sec. xiv). Cotton Faustina A II, f.
    1-12; and Cotton Vesp. E VII. f. 4-22.

    Bodl.: Digby 5, f. 73 (sec. xiv).

_Cronica quaedam brevis fratris Johannis Somour ordinis sancti Francisci
de conventu ville Briggewater._

    MS. British Museum; Cott. Domit. A II, f. 1-6{b}.

    The framework of the annals may be by John Somer: the entries are
    short and scattered--some being later than the middle of the 15{th}
    century--and in different hands. Several refer to Bridgwater, e. g.
    _ad annos_ 1241, 1411. _Ad. an._ 1433 is the entry: ‘E(clipsis) solis
    universalis 17 die Junii in festo S. Botulphi secundum fratrem som.’

His astronomical and astrological writings are frequently quoted:

    Bodl. Laud. Misc. 674 (sec. xv), fol. 24; _Regulae ad sciendum nati
    vitam secundum Jo. Somer, Ord. Minorum_; fol. 24{b}: ‘Hoc receptum
    inveni scriptum de propria manu J. Somour de ordine Minorum.’

    See also fol. 42{b}, ... and fol. 99{b} of the same MS.

    Bodl. Digby 88 (sec. xv), ‘An extracte of freer John Somerys Kalender,
    of ille days in the yere,’ fol. 62{b}.

    Cf. Digby 119, fol. 25{b}.

=Hugh Karlelle= (Carlisle) and =Thomas Bernewell=, Oxford Minorites, were
among the Doctors of Theology who condemned Wiclif’s twenty-four
conclusions at the council held at Blackfriars, London, on May 21st,
1382[1552].

=William Woodford= or =Widford= was one of the most determined opponents
of the Wicliffites. Wadding’s desire[1553] to claim this ‘extirpator of
heretics’ as a fellow-countryman has led him to identify William Woodford
with the comparatively unknown Friar William of Waterford. There is no
ground for this identification, and dates make it almost impossible[1554].
In his earlier days at Oxford, probably when he was B.D., Woodford was on
friendly or even intimate terms with Wiclif. When the two were lecturing
on the Sentences, they carried on a courteous interchange of arguments and
opinions on Transubstantiation[1555].

Woodford’s earliest extant work, of which the date is known, was composed
in 1381; it consists of theological lectures under the title, ‘_72
questiones de Sacramento Altaris_,’ in answer to Wiclif’s ‘Confession,’
and was written in great haste; these lectures were delivered, perhaps at
the Grey Friars London, within five weeks of the publication of the
‘Confession[1556].’ He does not seem to have been D.D. at this time. On
the subject of his inception, a curious piece of information has been
preserved in a MS. of the 15th century;

    ‘when he was going from London to Oxford to incept in theology he fell
    among robbers, who took from him £40[1557].’

In 1389 he was regent master in theology among the Minorites at Oxford,
and as such lectured in the schools of the Minorites against the adherents
of Wiclif[1558]. In 1390 when he also lectured at Oxford on the same
subject, he was vicar of the Provincial Minister[1559]. Among his pupils
was Thomas Netter of Walden, afterwards Provincial of the Carmelites and
reputed author of the _Fasciculi Zizaniorum_[1560]. Woodford appears now
to have resided mainly at the Grey Friars, London: in 1396 he obtained
from Boniface IX a papal sanction of the special privileges and graces
which he enjoyed in this convent; the chief of them was the right to a
private chamber or house[1561]. According to Bale and Pits he died, and
was buried at Colchester in 1397[1562]. His name however appears among
those buried in the choir of the Grey Friars Church, London.

    ‘Et ad ejus (sc. Willelmi Goddard) dexteram sub lapide cruce exarato
    Jacet bone memorie et hereticorum extirpator Acerimus frater Willelmus
    Wydford doctor Egregius et minister[1563].’

The date of his death is uncertain; but one of his works seems to have
been written in the reign of Henry IV[1564].

Woodford’s writings, dealing as they did for the most part with the
question of the hour, were very popular and often copied.

Commentaries on _Ezechiel_, _Ecclesiastes_, _S. Luke_ (cap. 6-9), _S.
Paul’s Epistle to the Romans_.

    British Museum MS. Royal 4 A xiii (sec. xiv)[1565].

_De sacramento Eucharistiae_, or, _72 quaestiones._ _Inc._ ‘Ratione
solemnitatis jam instantis.’

    MSS. Brit. Museum: Royal 7 B iii. § 2, (sec. xiv): Harl. 31, fol. 1-94
    (sec. xv), and 42 fol. 1 (sec. xv).

    Oxford:--Exeter Coll. 7, fol. 4 (sec. xv); St. John’s Coll. 144 (sec.
    xv).

_Determinationes quatuor_; lectures at Oxford 1389-1390. _Inc._ ‘Utrum
motiva.’

    MSS. Brit. Mus.:--Harl. 31 (sec. xv. ineuntis): 1{st} lecture fol.
    124-132; 2{nd} 132-163{b}; 3{rd} 163{b}-170; 4{th} 170-181: Harl. 42,
    f. 1-124.

    Oxford:--Bodleian 2766, f. 69; 2224, p. 33 (= Bodley 393); 3340; Digby
    170, f. 1-33 (sec. xiv. exeuntis): this last MS. begins in the second
    determination with the words: ‘et nullum predictorum est impedimentum
    legitimi matrimonii.’

_De causis condempnacionis articulorum 18 dampnatorum Johannis Wyclif_,
1396. Probably written later; Henry is mentioned as King of England
(_Fasc. rer._ p. 264).

    MSS. British Museum:--Royal, 8 F xi. (sec. xv); Harl. 31, f. 95: Harl.
    42, f. 125.

    Oxford:--Bodl. 2766, § 1. [and Bodl. 3629, p. 216?]--Merton Coll. 198
    § 3 (sec. xv) and 318, f. 84 (xv)--C.C.C. 183, f. 23 (xv).

    Printed, Brown, _Fascic. rerum expetendarum_, I, 190-265.

_De sacerdotio novi testamenti._ _Inc._ ‘Utrum sacerdotium Novi.’

    MSS. British Museum:--Royal 7 B. III. § 1.

    Oxford:--Merton Coll. 198 fol. 14 (xv ineuntis).

_Defensorium mendicitatis contra Armachanum_, or, _Defensorium contra
Armachanum, in Octavo libello de mendicitate Christi._ _Inc._ ‘Postquam
dominus Armachanus.’

    MSS. Oxford:--Magdalen Coll. 75 (sec. xv).

    Cambridge:--Publ. Library, Ff. I. 21, f. 1-257.

_De erroribus Armachani_, or, _Excerptiones xlii. errorum Armachani._
_Inc._ ‘Quoad errores domini Armachani contentos.’

    MSS. Cambridge:--Publ. Libr. Ff. I. 21, f. 258-265.

    Oxford:--New Coll. 290 fol. 258.

_Responsiones contra Wiclevum et Lollardos_, or, _ad lxv. quaestiones
Wiclevi contra fratres._ _Inc._ ‘Primo quaeritur quot sunt ordines.’

    MS. Oxford:--Bodl. 2766, p. 41. (= T. Bodl. super O. I. Art. 9).

_De veneratione imaginum._

    MS. Brit. Mus.:--Harl. 31, f. 182-205; anon. and imperfect at the
    beginning, but probably by Woodford; 8 chapters. _Inc. cap._ 2.
    ‘Aliter tamen senciunt doctissimi Christiani, oppositum ostendentes
    per naturam, per artem, per historiam, per scripturam.’

_Epistola Episcopo Hereford. de decimis et oblacionibus contra Gualterum
Britte_:

    referred to by Woodford in _De causis condempnacionis_ etc., but no
    longer extant; _Fasc. Per. Expetend._ I. 220, 222.

_Super quinque capitula Evangelii S. Matthaei_:

    mentioned by John Wheathamstede among the books which he had
    transcribed, but not now to be found: (Tanner, from MS. Cott. Otho, B.
    IV; this MS. was burnt in the Cotton library fire).

_Questions on God and angels_, ‘fratris Willelmi ex Wodeford junioris.’

    MS. Oxford:--Ball. Coll. 63, f. 100 (sec. xiv).

Other works attributed to him:

_De oblationibus fiendis in locis sanctorum_, and _De peregrinationibus ad
loca sancta_, mentioned by Tanner (_Bibl._ 785), appear to be the same as
_Determinatio, An sancti sint orandi, vel oracio fienda sit sanctis_, an
anonymous treatise in Harl. MS. 31, § 7.

_Summa de Virtutibus_ is identical with the _Summa_ by William de
Wodeford, Abbat, in Caius Coll. Cambridge, MS. 454.

_Tractatus de Religione_, addressed to Cardinal Julian Caesarinus in 1433,
was the work of William of Waterford (Tanner _Bibl._ p. 364, Wadding ix,
129).

=Peter Philargi= or =Philargus de Candia= (afterwards Pope Alex. V) is
said to have been of very humble origin, and to have begged his bread of
necessity[1566]. Early in life he joined the Franciscans, who soon
recognised his ability. He was sent to England in his youth and studied
first at Norwich, and then at Oxford, where he became Bachelor of
Theology[1567] (c. 1370?). He lectured on the _Sentences_ at Paris in
1378[1568], and obtained the degree of D.D. in that University[1569]. In
1402 he became Archbishop of Milan, in 1405 Cardinal, and in 1409 he was
elected Pope at the Council of Pisa, being then more than seventy years
old and famous for learning and piety[1570]. His brief pontificate was
chiefly remarkable for the favours and privileges which he lavished on the
Mendicant Friars. He died on May 3rd, 1410, it was believed of poison
administered by order of his successor John XXIII[1571]. He is described
by an English chronicler as

    ‘jocundus vir et eloquens in Latina lingua et Graeca, solemnis et
    nominatissimus Doctor in Theologia[1572].’

_Lectures on the Sentences._

    MSS. Basel A II. 22. ‘Conclusiones textuales super Magist. Sentent.’

    Paris:--Bibl. Nat. Fonds de Cluni 54, = 1467 of the Latin Addit. MSS.
    (sec. xiv) fol. 8. ‘Expl. collectiva pro primo principio fratris Petri
    de Candia, quam compilavit Parisius, a{o} M{o} CCC{o} LXXVIII{o}
    XXIIII{a} die mensis Septembris, et XXVIII die ejusdem mensis in
    scolis legit, etc.’

    Venice:--St. Mark, Vol. I, Cl. III, Cod. 110 (A. D. 1382), _Questiones
    in lib. 1 Sentent._, being lectures at Paris in 1379.--_Ibid._ Cod.
    III (A. D. 1394), _Questiones in lib. 2 et 3 Sentent._ ‘Explicit
    lectura super sententias ven. mag. fratris Petri de Candia ordinis
    Minorum A. D. 1390 compilata tempore quo Parisiis legebat sententias,
    quas de verbo ad verbum ut jacet suis scolaribus in scolis antedicti
    ordinis prolegebat.’

_Officium Visitationis B. V. Mariae_, compiled by Peter when Bishop of
Novara.

    MS. Florence:--Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut. xxv. Sin. Cod.
    ix.

_Prosae vel Sequentiae quinque_, by Peter then Archbishop of Milan.

    MS. Ibid.

_Praefationes Ambrosianae._

    MS. Rome:--Archiv. Basilicae S. Petri (Montfaucon, p. 158).

_Conclusiones Petri de Candida Cardinalis Mediolanensis, S.T.P., pro
moderno schismate auferendo_ (urging that a general Council should be
called).

    MS. Brit. Mus.:--Harl. 431, fol. 30{b}. Cf. _ibid._ fol. 33{b}, 34{b},
    35; and Cambridge:--Emmanuel Coll. I. § 29, _Conclusiones P. de Candia
    positae in Concilio_.

_De obligationibus Epistola._

    Oxford:--Bodl. Canonic. 278, fol. 65.

    Florence:--Bibl. Leopoldina (Laurentiana), Cod. Gaddian. 188 (sec.
    xv).

=Thomas Kyngesbery=, =Kynbury=, =de Kyngusbury=, D.D. of Oxford, was
twenty-sixth Provincial Minister from 1379 or 1380 to 1390 or 1392[1573].
At the beginning of his ministry, which coincided with the beginning of
the great Schism, he obtained from the Minorites, both in Provincial
Chapter and in the separate convents, an oath of obedience to Urban
VI[1574]. He appears to have been on terms of some intimacy with the royal
family[1575], and about 1390 or 1392[1576] Richard II urged Boniface IX to
appoint him by provision to the next vacant bishopric: the king describes
him as

    ‘virum, prout experiencia certa et ejusdem fama preclaris diffusa
    virtutibus nobis constat, sciencie, vite, ac morum honestate
    perspicuum, et per omnia graciosum, nedum in sciencia speculativa, sed
    in verbi dei predicacione multipliciter preexpertum.’

This recommendation appears to have had no result: perhaps Kyngesbery died
about this time. He was buried at Nottingham[1577]. Though none of his
writings remain, it may perhaps be inferred, from the fact that he is
twice mentioned in connexion with scientific works by Minorites, that he
was a patron of science in the Order[1578].

=John Tewkesbury=, Minorite, gave a treatise called ‘_Quatuor principalia
musicae_’

    ‘to the Community of the Friars Minors at Oxford, with the authority
    and consent of Friar Thomas de Kyngusbury, Master, Minister of
    England, A. D. 1388[1579].’

=John Tyssyngton= subscribed the decree of the Chancellor Berton,
condemning Wiclif’s twelve ‘conclusions’ on the sacraments, in 1381[1580];
he is the only Franciscan among the ten doctors whose names appear, and
was regent master of the Friars Minors at this time[1581]. Soon afterwards
Tyssyngton made an elaborate reply to Wiclif’s _Confessio_ on
Transubstantiation in the Franciscan Schools at Oxford, and issued the
lecture as a treatise[1582]; though this composition bears marks of undue
haste, it was considered to be of great value and was ordered to be kept
in the University Archives[1583]. In 1392 Tyssyngton was at the Council of
Stamford where the heresies of Henry Crompe, consisting chiefly of
conclusions against the friars, were condemned[1584]. He succeeded Thomas
Kyngesbery as twenty-seventh Provincial[1585]. Bale and Pits give 1395 as
the year of his death: he was buried at London[1586].

The only work of his extant is the _Confessio contra confessionem Johannis
Wiclif_, above referred to.

=John Schankton=, of the Order of Minors, appears to have been confessor
of John Okele, skinner of Oxford. The latter, in his will dated October
20th, 1390, left Schankton 20_s._ a year for three years,

    ‘to celebrate masses for my soul and the souls of all those to whom I
    am in any manner bound, and the souls of all the faithful dead, in the
    conventual church of the Minorites at Oxford:’

if Schankton died in the course of those three years, he was, before his
death, to appoint another friar to fulfil the wishes of the
testator[1587].

=John Romseye=, D.D., succeeded W. Woodford as regent master of the Friars
Minors in 1389[1588]. He was buried in the Chapel of All Saints in the
Grey Friars’ Church, London[1589].

=John Wastenays=, Inceptor in theology at Oxford, and possibly one of the
‘wax-doctors,’ is mentioned in the following letter given under the privy
seal, _temp._ Richard II[1590]:

    ‘Tres cher et bien ame. Nous vous prions, que, en ce que notre cher en
    dieu frere Johan Wastenays de lordre dez Menours, Commenceour en
    theologie, ad affaire deuers vous touchant son commencement en la
    Vniuersitee doxon, lui veullez faire la grace et le fauour que
    bonement purrey, sauuant lez estatutz et lez priuileges de la
    vniuersitee auantdicte. Donne souz, etc. (i.e. souz notre priue
    seal).’

=Jacob Fey= of Florence studied at Oxford in 1393, when he transcribed a
manuscript formerly kept in the library of Santa Croce, Florence, now in
the Laurentian library[1591]. The colophon runs:--

    ‘Explicit compilatio quædam diversorum argumentorum recollectorum a
    diversis doctoribus in Vniversitate Oxoniæ ordinata satis pulchre per
    Reverendum Fratrem ...[1592] S.T. Mag. ejusdem Vniversitatis de Ordine
    Carmelitarum, scripta per me Fratrem J. Fey de Florentia Ordinis
    Minorum in Conventu Oxoniæ anno Domini MCCCXCIII die sequenti festum
    40 Martyrum ad laudem Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Amen.’

Fey was inquisitor in his native land in 1402[1593].

=Nicholas Fakenham= (Norfolk) enjoyed the favour and patronage of Richard
II. He was doctor of Oxford and twenty-eighth Provincial Minister of the
Order in 1395. On the 5th of November in that year, on the occasion
apparently of his inception, he ‘determined’ at Oxford on the papal schism
by command of the king. This lecture has been preserved[1594]; the
introduction may be given here, somewhat abbreviated.

    ‘Our mother, the Roman Church, is full of troubles and calamities. Yet
    her daughter, the University of Paris, alone has tried to comfort her:
    Paris has borne the burden and heat of the day, and may well upbraid
    us. We too must work for the union of the Church and the reformation
    of peace. I therefore, promoted to the degree of Master though
    unworthily, through zeal for the religion of Christ and for the Church
    of God, and by reason of the command of our lord the King, propose to
    move some matters pertaining to the proposition, in the form of a
    question, not as a formal _determinator_, but rather as a friendly
    speaker (_familiaris concionator_), now on one side, now on the other,
    now as an impartial person. In these writings I wish to say nothing
    against the Catholic Church or good morals or Pope Boniface; if I do
    so inadvertently I submit to the Chancellor and others in
    authority.--Touching the reformation of the desolate Church, I ask
    whether there is any reasonable way of restoring it to its original
    unity.’

Then he treats learnedly about the schismatical churches and shows that
the Church can be reformed only by the punishment of those who have
disturbed its peace--namely, the Cardinals.

He ceased to be Minister some years before his death. In 1405 he was with
Friar J. Mallaert appointed papal commissary to examine into the charges
made by the English Minorites against John Zouche, then Provincial
Minister. The commissaries deposed Zouche; and on the latter’s
reappointment by papal authority, refused to obey him[1595]. According to
Bale he died 1407[1596]; he was buried at Colchester[1597].

At the end of the ‘_determinatio_’ in Harl. MS., 3768 (fol. 196) is the
note:

    ‘et incipiunt alie conclusiones ejusdem de eodem scismate cum epistola
    directa domino Karolo Regi Francorum pro reformacione scismatis
    prenominati.’

Some ‘conclusions’ then follow.

=(Richard) Tryvytlam= or =Trevytham= seems to have flourished about 1400;
Hearne suggests that he was the same as Robert Finingham, a Franciscan who
lived about 1460[1598], but this is a quite unwarranted assumption.
Tryvytlam is only known from his rhymed Latin poem, ‘_De laude
Universitatis Oxoniae_,’ a defence of the friars and attack on the monks.
From the poem it is clear that he was an Oxford friar, and one line points
to his having been a Franciscan:

    ‘Minorum ordinem proclamat impium,’ etc.[1599].

Among the assailants of the mendicants he mentions by name Ughtred of
Durham, who flourished in the reign of Richard II. His poem has been
edited by Hearne (Oxon. 1729), from a fifteenth century MS. then in the
possession of Roger Gale, Esq.

    MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nationale, MS. 1201 (sec. XV) contains: _Ricardi
    Trevithelani Supplicationes ad beatam Mariam Virginem_.

=William Auger= or =Anger=, according to Leland[1600], studied in the
Franciscan convent at Oxford, and was afterwards made Warden of the Grey
Friars at Bridgwater, where he died and was buried, A. D. 1404[1601].

=John Edes=, =Edaeus=, or =of Hereford=, is said to have been a Minorite
of Oxford, and to have written commentaries on many of Aristotle’s works,
as well as on the Sentences and Apocalypse[1602]. He afterwards retired to
Hereford, where he was elected warden, and where he died in 1406[1603].

_Quedam constituta_ (?)[1604] _Johannis Ede de ordine minorum._ _Inc._
‘Triplex fuit beneficium abrahe, viz. preeleccio, conversacio, propagacio
... Questio utrum personarum accepcio sit peccatum.’

    MS. Oxford:--Bodley 815 (= 2684 in Bernard) f. 1-8, a fragment (sec.
    xv). The MS. (fol. 1) contains the note: ‘Habetur liber complete inter
    fratres minores Hefordie’ (_sic_)[1605].

=William Butler= or =Botellere= was regent master of the Minorites at
Oxford in 1401, when he lectured against the translation of the Bible into
English[1606]. He occurs as the thirtieth Provincial Minister and
successor to John Zouche[1607]. He was probably the person elected by the
Chapter at Oxford on the 3rd of May, 1406, on the deposition of
Zouche[1608]. Though the latter was afterwards restored, he does not seem
to have been generally recognised in England, and was in 1408 made Bishop
of Llandaff[1609]. Butler’s tenure of office seems to have been reckoned
from 1408. A new ordinance was made at this time that no Provincial of the
Minorites should remain in office more than six years[1610]. William
Butler resigned in 1413 or 1414, but was reinstated by Pope John
XXIII[1611]. Whether he actually entered on his duties again does not
appear. The date of his death is unknown. Bale and Pits state that he was
buried at Reading[1612]. The Catalogue of Illustrious Franciscans, as
quoted by Leland, calls him ‘Flos universitatis temporibus suis.’

Besides the treatise against the English translation of the Bible (Merton
Coll. MS. 67) he is said to have written _De indulgentiis papalibus_.
_Inc._ ‘Articulus pro finali cessatione lecture sentenciarum’[1613].

=Vincent Boys=, D.D. of Oxford, was elected thirty-first Provincial on the
voluntary retirement of W. Butler in 1413. Butler was reinstated by the
Pope and the election of Boys quashed; but no stigma was to attach to the
latter[1614]. Tanner mentions a David Boys, Carmelite, c. 1450[1615].

=Peter Russel= was D.D. of Oxford[1616], and taught also in Spain. On
November 25th, 1399, Martin, king of Aragon, gave him power

    ‘legendi docendi et dogmatizandi ubique locorum sui regni _Artem
    generalem_ ceterosque libros Raymundi Lulli.’[1617]

He was the thirty-second Provincial of England, and retired from the
office in 1420, having presumably held it for six years[1618].

He wrote or lectured in defence of Mendicancy. MS. Bodleian, Digby, 90, f.
200, contains a reply to him:

    ‘Determinacio magistri Johannis Whytheed de Hibernia in materia de
    mendicitate contra fratres; in quo respondet pro Radulpho
    Archiepiscopo Armachano contra fratrem Petrum Russel.’

=Robert Wellys= or =Wallys=, D.D. of Oxford, was elected thirty-third
Minister on Russel’s retirement in 1420. Martin V empowered the Minister
of the Roman province to confirm the election, but Wellys died in France
before he had assumed the duties of his new office[1619].

=Thomas Chayne=, Minorite D.D., was one of the five friars appointed by
Congregation in 1421 to decide what should be done with the pledges placed
in the chests ‘before the first pestilence[1620].’ He was buried in the
chapel of All Saints in the Church of the Grey Friars, London[1621].

=Hugo David= was D.D. and regent master of the Oxford Franciscans about
1420[1622]. On the deposition of Roger Dewe or Days, Provincial Minister,
in 1430, Hugo David and John (?) Wynchelse were appointed vicars of the
province[1623].

_Determinacio Fratris et Magistri Hugonis Davidis, ordinis Fratrum
Minorum, in Universitate Oxoniensi Regentis, utrum penitens, peccata sua
confessus Fratri Licentiato, teneatur eadem rursus confiteri proprio
Sacerdoti._

    MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nationale, 3221, § 5 (sec. XV).

=Robert Colman= is said to have been a Minorite of Norwich[1624]. He was
S.T.P. and Chancellor of the University in 1419[1625]. In 1428 he attended
as Minorite D.D. the diocesan synod at Norwich, where inquisition was made
into the heresies of William Whyte[1626]. He is said to have induced
Walter Clopton, Knight, chief justice of England, to enter the Order in
his old age[1627]. Leland says:

    ‘Illud non est silentio praetereundum, catalogum illustrium
    Franciscanorum accurate Colemannum laudare, ac peritissimum carminis
    pronunciare’[1628].

=Matthias Döring= studied at Oxford in his youth[1629], and perhaps
entered the Franciscan Order there. He was certainly a Minorite in 1422,
when he matriculated at Erfurt as ‘lector Minorum’[1630]. He seems to have
been lecturing in the Franciscan Convent at Erfurt some time before this
event; his lectures on the first book of the Sentences were finished on
April 21st, 1422. He may have been at Oxford about 1415 and perhaps took
the degree of B.D. there. In 1423, at any rate, he appears as B.D., and
became Provincial Minister of Saxony in 1427[1631]. He was one of the
representatives of the University of Erfurt at the Council of Basel in
1432, where he played a leading part[1632]. In 1433 he was sent by the
Council as ambassador to Eric, king of Denmark. Soon after this he
returned to Erfurt. In 1438 he wrote a pamphlet entitled ‘_Confutatio
primatus papae_,’ with the object of enlisting the support of the secular
princes on the side of the Council against the pope. He seems himself to
have been a trusted friend of his Margraf, Frederic of Thüringen.

In his relations to his Order he appears as a consistent champion of the
Conventuals against the stricter Observants. In 1443 he was elected
General Minister of the former, and held the office till 1449. In 1455 his
name occurs among the Conventual Provincial Ministers; after a struggle
with the Archbishop of Magdeburg on behalf of the Conventuals he resigned
the Provincialate in 1461, and retired to Kyritz, leaving the Archbishop
in possession of the field. Döring however seems to have been left in
peace till his death, July 24th, 1469. His chief works besides the
treatise already mentioned were a _defence of Nicholas de Lyra_ against
Paul Burgos, written between 1434 and 1440 (printed several times; e.g. at
Basel, 1507); _a defence of the miraculous blood of Wilsnach_; and his
_Chronicle_; the latter was compiled from notes taken at different times
from the end of the thirties onwards; and embraces the period from 1420 to
1464. It has been twice edited, by Mencken and by Riedel; both editions
are said to be inaccurate.

=William Russell=, ‘of the Convent of Stamford in the diocese of Lincoln,’
argued that a religious might lie with a woman without mortal sin; this
thesis was discussed and condemned in the Convocation of Canterbury at St.
Paul’s on October 12th, 1424, and Russell submitted to the decision of
the clergy[1633]. On May 15th, 1425, he again appeared before Convocation
to answer the charge of having publicly held and preached on Jan. 28th,
1425, that tithes need not be paid to the parish priest, but might be
applied by the tithe-payer ‘_in pios usus pauperum_’[1634]. At this time
Russell was warden of Friars Minors of London[1635]. At first he tried to
defend his doctrine, then submitted. The Archbishop enjoined on him, as a
penance, that he should next Sunday after service solemnly renounce his
error in set form[1636] at Paul’s Cross. At the time appointed Russell did
not appear and was in consequence excommunicated. The proceedings against
him dragged on for some time. On July 11th, a letter of the University of
Oxford in condemnation of his doctrines was exhibited, and later a similar
letter from Cambridge; and on the 13th it was decreed

    ‘that he should be judged and condemned as a heretic and schismatic.’

Meanwhile, Russell, now no longer warden, fled to Rome ‘to defende the
forsaide erronye doctrine’[1637]. On August 12th, 1425, he was imprisoned
by order of the Pope, first in the Pope’s, then in the ‘Soldan’s’ prison.
The following January he escaped from prison and fled to England, where he
was received for one night by the Friars Minors of London. He seems to
have remained at large for more than a year. He surrendered or was
captured in March, 1427, and on the 21st of that month, in accordance with
the papal decision, he read in English a complete recantation of his
doctrine on tithes at Paul’s Cross[1638], and was then handed over to the
Bishop of London to be imprisoned during the Pope’s pleasure. He was at
liberty again in 1429 when he incepted as D.D. at Oxford, and paid £10 to
the University instead of giving a feast to the Regents[1639]. The
University showed its hatred of his teaching by adding to the oaths which
had to be taken by every inceptor in every faculty[1640], a disavowal of
Russell’s teaching on tithes[1641]. The oath has already been quoted at
length in Chapter VI.

_Super Porphyrii Universalia compendium_, by William Russell, Friar Minor.

_Comment. in Aristotelis Praedicamenta_, anonymous, but probably by the
same author.

    MS. Oxford:--Corpus Christi Coll. 126, fol. 1, and fol. 4.

=William de Melton= in 1427 went about the country preaching against
tithes,

    ‘and teaching seditious doctrines among the common people in many
    places by uncircumcised words.’

He had probably taken a degree at Oxford, as the University was appealed
to to stop his preaching. The University wrote to the Duke of Gloucester
and the King’s Council, and secured his arrest. Melton was brought back to
Oxford, and is said to have recanted over and over again on his
knees[1642]. He is probably the same as William Melton of the Friars
Minors, S.T.P.[1643], who was preaching at York in 1426, on the subject of
the mystery plays.

    ‘He commended the play to the people, affirming that it was good in
    itself and very laudable; but for several reasons he induced the
    people to have the play on one day and the Corpus Christi procession
    on the second, so that the people might be able to come to the
    churches on the festival’[1644].

=Roger Donwe= or =Days=, D.D. of Oxford, became thirty-fifth Provincial
Minister in succession to John David between 1426 and 1430; in the latter
year he was ‘for just causes deposed by the Minister General.’ He was
buried at Ware[1645].

=Richard Leke= or =Leech=, D.D. of Oxford, was thirty-sixth Provincial
Minister between 1430 and 1438. He was buried at Lichfield[1646].

=Thomas Radner= or =Radnor=, of the custody of Bristol and the Convent of
Hereford, D.D. of Oxford, was Provincial in 1438, being the thirty-seventh
in order. He was buried at Reading[1647].

=John Feckyngtone=, ‘of the Order of Minors in Oxford,’ was one of the two
Rectors of Balliol College in 1433, his colleague being Richard Roderham,
S.T.P. The Rectors, having, at the instance of the College, inquired into
the working of the statutes, recommended a change in the clause of the
first statute which provided that the Master of the College, if he
received a benefice of the clear annual value of £10, was thereby
incapacitated from holding his office.

    ‘In witness whereof, because our seals are known to few, we have
    procured that the seal of the Chancellor of the University of Oxford
    should be appended to these presents. Given at Merton College, April
    19, 1433’[1648].

The matter was submitted to the Bishop of London, who cancelled the
objectionable clause[1649].

=John Whytwell=, Minorite, on February 7th, 1448/9, was allowed to count
twenty oppositions _pro completa oppositione_[1650]. On January 25th,
1449/50, it was decided in solemn congregation, that one-half of the £10
paid by this friar at his inception as D.D. should be placed in the
Rothbury Chest to be used for the partial redemption of the University
jewels, and that the other half should be given to the proctors in payment
of certain sums owed to them by the University[1651].

=John Argentine= supplicated for B.D. on October 20th, 1449, on the ground
that he had studied philosophy for nine years, theology for seven, and had
opposed and responded formally four times. The grace was conceded[1652].
In 1470 a John Argentine challenged and disputed against all the Regents
of Cambridge; he does not appear to have been a friar[1653]: he was
probably the John Argentine, M.D. and D.D., who was physician to the
princes Edward and Arthur, and held several prebends and livings in the
dioceses of Ely, Lichfield, Wells, and London, between 1487 and
1508[1654]. One of the same name, with the degree of B.D. was Provost of
King’s College, Cambridge, from 1501 to 1507[1655].

=Antony de Valle= or =Vallibus= was admitted B.D., February 6th,
1449/50[1656]. He incepted as D.D. before March 22nd, 1451/2, when he was
permitted

    ‘to absent himself from every scholastic act for a fortnight, that he
    might be able to visit his friends who were sick’[1657].

=John David=, on March 4th, 1450/1, was allowed to curtail his period of
opponency and take the B.D. degree, on condition that he would lecture on
the first book of Isaiah in the public schools[1658]. He became D.D.
before June 5th, 1454, when he received permission

    ‘to resume his ordinary lectures after the feast of St. Thomas next
    ensuing (July 3rd), and to resume the acts of a Regent, except entry
    into the house of Congregation’[1659].

Another of the same name was lecturer to the Franciscans of Hereford
before 1416, D.D. of Cambridge, and thirty-fourth Provincial Minister in
1426[1660].

=David Carrewe=, S.T.P., in 1452 received 6_s._ 8_d._ under the will of
Richard Browne, alias Cordon, LL.D., Archdeacon of Rochester, &c., and
benefactor of the friars of Oxford and elsewhere[1661]. This Carrewe is
probably identical with the Friar =David Carron=, S.T.P., who, in 1448,
was with Friar Nicholas Walshe, S.T.B., appointed commissioner to elect a
Provincial of the Minorites in Ireland on the deposition of William
O’Really: their choice fell on Gilbert Walshe, a relative of Nicholas, but
O’Really was afterwards reinstated by the Pope[1662].

=John Foxholes= (co. York) on April 14th, 1451, was allowed to count
opponency from Michaelmas term to Easter as his complete opposition, on
condition that he should preach one Latin sermon in addition to those
which he was bound to deliver by the University statutes[1663]; this was
equivalent to a supplication for B.D.

We venture to identify John Foxholes with =John Foxalls= or =Foxal=,
Minorite, who lectured at Bologna and some other University[1664]. In 1475
he was appointed Archbishop of Armagh by the Pope, but died in England
within a year or two, probably without having visited his diocese[1665].

He was the author of several works[1666]--

_Expositio Universalium Scoti._ _Inc._ ‘Creberrime instantiusque rogatus.’

    Printed at Venice, 1508 and 1512, under the name _Joannes Anglicus_.

_Opusculum super libros Posteriorum._

    MS. Paris:--Bibl. Nationale, 6667 (A. D. 1501).

    Printed at Venice, 1509 (?).

_Opusculum de primis et secundis intentionibus, juxta mentem Scoti,
Mayronis, Aureoli, Boneti, et Antonii Andreae._ _Inc._ ‘Quoniam materia de
primis.’

    MS. Florence, _olim_ Bibl. S. Crucis (_nunc_ Bibl. Laurent.?).

_Expositio super metaphysicam Antonii Andreae._

    MS. _olim penes Waddingum_[1667].

=John Sunday=, on May 17th, 1453, was allowed to count ‘opposition in each
of the schools’ for about seven months, together with eighteen additional
oppositions, as equivalent to the statutable opposition of one year[1668].
On June 10th, he was admitted B.D.[1669] On February 5th, 1453/4, after
finishing his lectures on the Sentences, he supplicated for D.D., and
grace to incept was conceded under certain conditions[1670].

=Richard Treners=, S.T.B., obtained a grace on December 2nd, 1454, to
substitute one additional Latin sermon after taking his degree (of D.D.)
for two responsions before the degree[1671].

=William Goddard= the elder, ‘Doctor Oxoniae Disertissimus,’ succeeded
Thomas Radnor, according to the Register of the Grey Friars of London, as
thirty-eighth Provincial Minister[1672]. Radnor was minister in 1438, and
it is probable that Goddard was not his immediate successor. At any rate,
the latter was a leading man among the friars, and probably provincial
minister between 1450 and 1460. Bishop Reginald Pecock wrote a letter
addressed _Doctori ordinis fratrum minorum Godard_, in which

    ‘he calls the modern preachers pulpit-bawlers (_clamatores in
    pulpitis_)’[1673].

A little later, the friar had his revenge. On November 27th, 1457, Pecock,
being convicted of heretical opinions, abjured at Paul’s Cross.

    ‘And doctor William Gooddard the elder, that was provinciall of the
    Grey-freeres, apechyd hym of hys erysys’[1674].

He was living in London many years after this event. In the will, dated
March 6th, 1471/2, of John Crosby, ‘citezein and grocer and alderman of
London,’ is the clause:

    ‘Item, I bequeth to maister Godard thelder doctoure of dyvynyte to
    pray for my soule C{s}’[1675].

Similar bequests follow to the prior of the Austin Friars of London and to
the provincial of the same Order. From this entry it would appear that
Goddard was not provincial of the Minorites in 1472. From the
distinguished position which he evidently occupied in 1457, and from the
passage in the Grey Friars’ Chronicle quoted above, it might be assumed
that he had already held the office and retired. But William Goddard is
mentioned as provincial in a record dated Dorchester, October 4th,
1485[1676]. Was this Goddard _senior_ or _junior_? For there were two
Franciscans of this name in the fifteenth century. There is nothing to
show that the younger Goddard was ever provincial minister; he was warden
of the London convent, but was not buried in the choir, where all the
ministers mentioned in the Register were buried[1677]. Further, the
Register of the Grey Friars states that the younger Goddard died on
September 26th, 1485, i.e. before the record was drawn up. The Register
is, however, in the matter of dates absolutely untrustworthy. Without
further evidence it seems impossible to decide with certainty which of
the two was provincial in 1485; and, if it was the elder, whether he held
office twice. William Goddard the elder was buried in the choir of the
Franciscan Church in London.

    ‘Ad cujus (Johannis Hastyng’, comitis Pembrochie) dexteram in plano
    sub lapide jacet venerabilis pater et frater Willelmus Goddard doctor
    egregius et ordinis fratrum minorum in anglia Minister benemeritus.
    Qui obiit 30{o} die Mensis Octobris a{o} domini 1437’[1678].

_Aqua vite secundum doctrinam magistri Godard per Johannem Grene medicum
scriptum_; a short receipt in English.

    MS. Brit. Mus.:--Sloane 4, p. 77 (c. A. D. 1468).

=Richard Ednam= supplicated on January 27th, 1454/5, that eight
oppositions should stand for the complete opposition required by the
statutes[1679]; the grace was conceded without conditions, and Ednam was
admitted B.D., November 28th, 1455[1680]. On April 2nd, 1462, he
supplicated for D.D., promising to pay £10 on the day of his inception;
the grace to incept was granted on condition

    ‘that he should incept within a year and give the Regents the usual
    livery’[1681].

He did not take advantage of this grace, and on May 24th, 1463, he again
supplicated for D.D.; the grace was conceded on condition

    ‘that he should incept before the feast of St. Thomas (July 3rd), pay
    £15 on the day of his inception, and give a separate livery to the
    Regents at his own expense’[1682].

He was at this time clearly not in the position of a simple mendicant. In
March, 1464/5 he was made Bishop of Bangor[1683]. The next year[1684] he
was allowed to appropriate a benefice ‘owing to the smallness of the
income of the episcopal table.’ He died in 1496[1685].

=Gundesalvus (Gonsalvo) of Portugal= was admitted to oppose in theology in
April, 1456[1686]. In February, 1456/7, he supplicated that he might
reckon the two terms, during which he had been opponent, as a year, and
proceed to the bachelor’s degree[1687]. On May 29th, 1459, having
performed the exercises required for the doctor’s degree, he supplicated
for grace to incept in theology, ‘notwithstanding that he had not ruled in
Arts.’ The grace was conceded on condition that he should incept in the
first week of the next term, and

    ‘give a livery, i.e. _cultellos_, according to the ancient custom, to
    all the Regents’[1688].

Among the Observant friars of Portugal who died in 1504 to 1505 was

    ‘venerandus pater frater Gundisalvus, qui bis Vicarius Provincialis
    fuit’[1689].

_Gundessalvi Libri de Divisione Philosophiae_, Bodl. MS. 2596 (Bernard)
are probably not by this friar: cf. Cambridge MSS. No. 1025 (in Bernard):
and Bibl. Nat. Paris, 16613 ‘Gumdissalvi Liber de anima’ (sec. xiii).

=John Alien=, B.D. of Cambridge, was on December 1st, 1459, incorporated
as B.D. at Oxford under the following conditions: (1) he was to respond
twice in the first year of his incorporation, and (2) to preach once to
the University in the same period; (3) he was to pay 40_s._ to the
building of the schools, and (4) oppose twice before his incorporation.
The last two conditions were on the same day withdrawn at Alien’s
request[1690]. He may be the same as Friar John Alen, S.T.P., sometime
warden of the convent at London, where he was buried, in the Chapel of All
Saints[1691].

=Richard Rodnore= and =---- Roby=, ‘friars of the Order of St. Francis,’
at Oxford, had a quarrel in 1461, in consequence of which Roby procured
from the Archbishop of Canterbury an inhibition to prevent Rodnore being
admitted to the degree of D.D. At the inception on June 27th, 1461, the
Commissary refused to recognise the inhibition, Rodnore took his degree,
and three persons who had been employed in presenting the Archbishop’s
command were imprisoned by the Congregation of Regents as ‘disturbers of
peace and violators of privileges,’ and suspended from their office in the
University[1692].

=Laurentius Gulielmi[1693] de Savona=, a man of noble birth, and friar of
the Province of Genoa, was for five years a pupil of Friar Francis of
Savona (who in 1471 became Pope Sixtus IV), at Padua and Bologna[1694].
After this Laurentius lectured at Paris and Oxford[1695]. In 1478 he was
at Cambridge, writing on rhetoric[1696]. In April, 1485, he dates a letter
to William Waynflete, in praise of his foundation of Magdalen College, ‘in
almo Conventu S. Francisci Londonii,’ where also he seems to have written
his _Triumphus Amoris Domini nostri Jesu Christi_[1697]. He subsequently
returned to Savona, where he died in 1495 at the age of eighty-one[1698].

His treatise _Nova Rhetorica_ or _Margarita eloquentiæ_, &c., was printed
at St. Albans in 1480[1699].

_Arenga fratris Gwilhelmi Sauonensis de epistolis faciendis._ _Inc._
‘Conquestus mecum es.’

    MS. Munich:--Bibl. Regia, 5238 (sec. XV).

_Fratris Laurentii Gulelmi de Traversagnis de Saona, ord. Min., S. Pag.
Prof., in libros septem dialogorum, sive directorium vitae humanae, seu
directorium mentis in Deum._ _Inc. prol._ ‘Quum plures nationes:’ written
at Savona, 1492[1700].

    MS. Venice:--St. Mark, Vol. IV, Cl. x. Cod. 246.

=Isaac Cusack=, or =Cusag=, in 1473, obtained letters from the University
testifying to his learning and good conduct, and certifying that he had
incepted as D.D., and

    ‘laudably fulfilled his regency and all that pertains to the solemnity
    of such a degree.’

Armed with this testimonial, he went over to Ireland with a Dominican
named Dionisius Tully; and the two friars

    ‘preached publickly that Christ preached from door to door, that Pope
    John was a Heretic, and such like, telling the People withal, that
    they in their proceedings had been encouraged by the University of
    Oxford.’

In 1482 the University, hearing of their doings, had them arrested with
the co-operation of the Archbishop of Dublin, and sent back to Oxford.
Being convicted of heresy, they were (according to Wood)

    ‘after recantation degraded and rejected the University as vagabonds.’

There seems to be no authority for Wood’s surmise, that they were
afterwards reconciled to the University ‘by their complaints to great
persons’[1701].

=William Dysse= in 1477 represented the Friars Minors of Oxford in the
Court of Chancery. He may have been warden, more probably permanent or
temporary ‘syndicus’ of the house[1702].

=Menelaus (Menma) M{c}Cormic= or =M{c}Carmacan= is said to have studied at
Oxford. He was promoted to the see of Raphoe in 1484, died on May 9, 1515
or 1516, and was buried in the Minorite Convent of Donegal[1703].

=---- Wyȝht.= The proctors in their accounts for the year ending April 17,
1482,

    ‘reddunt compotum de compositionibus 4 Doctorum Theologie, viz.
    Morgan, Browne, et Richeford, fratrum ordinis predicatorum, et Wyȝht
    ordinis minorum, 26{li} 13{s} 4{d}.’[1704]

=Mauritius de Portu=, or =O’Fihely=, a native of County Cork, studied
first at Oxford, then became regent of the Franciscan Schools at Milan in
1488, and regent doctor in theology at Padua in 1491, where he was
honoured with the title of ‘_Flos Mundi_.’ He was minister of Ireland in
1506 and took a prominent part in deposing the General, Ægidius Delphinus,
in the first _capitulum generalissimum_ at Rome in that year. In 1506
also, he was made Archbishop of Tuam by Julius II. He was present at the
Lateran Council in 1512, and died the next year; he was buried among the
Grey Friars of Galway[1705].

    For his writings, most of which have been printed, see Tanner, _Bibl._
    p. 605, Wood, _Athenae_ I, 16-18. They relate for the most part to
    works of Duns Scotus, ‘whom (Wood remarks) he had in so great
    veneration that he was in a manner besotted with his subtilties.’ The
    _Distinctiones ordine alphabetico_ by ‘Frater Mauricius Anglus’ cannot
    be by Mauritius de Portu; they exist e.g. in a fourteenth-century MS.
    in the British Museum (Royal 10 B. xvi), and in a thirteenth-century
    MS. at Paris[1706].

=Petrus Pauli de Nycopia=, friar, who transcribed a work of Duns Scotus at
Oxford, c. 1491, was probably a Minorite[1707].

=John Percevall=, D.D. of Oxford, was Provincial Minister about
1500[1708]. There appears to have been a contemporary writer of the same
name, a Carthusian, who studied at Oxford and Cambridge. Among those
buried in the choir of the Grey Friars, London,

    ‘in plano sub lapide jacet venerabilis pater et frater Johannes
    Persevall doctor egregius et ordinis minorum in anglia minister qui
    obiit 16 die Mensis Decembris, A{o} Domini 1505{o}’[1709].

=Thomas Roger=, warden of the Grey Friars of Gloucester, is mentioned in
the following record of the Chancellor’s Court; it is to be regretted that
no explanation of the circumstances is forthcoming.

    ‘Ultimo Februarii 1499 (= Feb. 29th, 1500) W. Botehill de Gloucestre,
    scitatus coram nobis ad instanciam fratris Thome Roger gardiani
    fratrum minorum Gloucestrie, prestitit juramentum corporale quod ipse
    in persona sua propria comparebit Gloucestrie responsurus obiciendis
    sibi pro parte dicti Gardiani et hoc citra ffestum Pasche
    proximum’[1710].

=John Kynton= is once only described as a Minorite in the records.

    ‘Eodem die (October 24th, 1507) Thomas Clarke executor testamenti
    Joannis Falley promisit se soluturum domino doctori Kynton ordinis
    Minorum xxvi{s} viii{d}[1711].’

He was _senior theologus_ in 1503, and acted as commissary or
Vice-Chancellor in 1503, 1504, 1507, 1510, 1512, 1513; ‘Dr. Kyngton,
_senior theologus_,’ was commissary in 1532[1712]. Kynton preached the
University sermon on Easter Sunday in 1515[1713]. He was Divinity reader
to Magdalen College, and afterwards third Margaret Professor of Divinity:
the latter post he resigned on October 5th, 1530[1714]. He was one of the
theologians deputed by the University to confer with Wolsey on the
condemnation of Luther’s books in 1521; he was further one of the
committee appointed by the king’s command to examine more thoroughly the
Lutheran doctrines at Oxford in the same year[1715]. He also took a
prominent official, though not very decisive, part in the proceedings at
Oxford in connexion with the king’s divorce[1716]. He was buried in Durham
College Chapel;

    ‘for,’ writes Wood, ‘on a little gravestone there, yet remaining, is
    written this: “Obiit Johannes Kynton, Frater Minor, sacræ Theologiæ
    professor, 20 Januar. 1535”[1717].’

=John Smyth=, B.D., on June 30th, 1506, obtained grace to incept with the
condition

    ‘that he shall say the mass _Salus populi_ thrice for the good estate
    of the regents.’

In January, 1506/7, he supplicated for the same grace, which was granted,

    ‘conditionata quod habet studium 4{or} annorum in sacra theologia post
    gradum bacallariatus.’

He was licensed on January 22nd, and incepted on January 26th, under
Richard Kidderminster, Abbat of Winchcombe, paying £5 for his composition.
In July 1507, he was dispensed from the duty of ‘deponing’ for that term,
and in June 1508 he was allowed to postpone a sermon till the next
term[1718].

=John Hadley= was B.D. in June, 1506[1719].

=Christopher Studeley= supplicated for B.D. on November 18th, 1506, after
studying for ten years. He was buried at the Grey Friars, London, ‘between
the choir and the altars.’

    ‘Et ad capud ejus (i.e. J. Seller, D.D. warden of London) sub lapide
    jacet frater Xpoforus Studley electus [gardianus?] qui obiit 10 die
    mensis Marcii A. D. 157{o} (_sic_)’[1720].

=Ambrose Kell=, Friar Minor, and scholar of theology, in March, 1506/7
obtained from Congregation the right of free entry into the University
library on taking an oath not to injure the books[1721].

=Gerard Smyth=, on May 4th, 1507, obtained grace to oppose and proceed to
the B.D. degree, after fifteen years’ study, on condition

    ‘quod legat tres primas questiones Scoti’[1722].

He was admitted B.D. on February 6th, 1507/8[1723]. He was still B.D. in
1510, when he was appointed to preach the University sermon on Ash
Wednesday[1724].

=Brian Sandon=, =Sandey=, or =Sanden= was _Syndicus_, legal advocate and
bursar of the Franciscan Convent at Oxford from 1507 or before till the
dissolution. A sketch of his career has already been given[1725].

=Peter Lusetanus=, or =de Campo Portugaliensis=, supplicated for B.D. on
June 15th, 1506, after studying for eight years. He was admitted to oppose
on May 10th, 1507, and appears as B.D. in the following March. He
supplicated for D.D. in June 1509[1726].

=John Banester= supplicated for B.D. on October 24th, 1508, after studying
for sixteen years ‘_in universitate et extra_’.

    ‘Hec est concessa conditionata, una quod habet studium 6 annorum in
    universitate; alia quod predicet semel preter formam in ecclesia b.
    Virginis’[1727].

=Thomas Rose=, scholar of theology, was admitted to oppose on March
1508/9[1728].

=Thomas Anyden= as B.D. supplicated for D.D. on November 20th, 1507: the
grace was conceded on condition that he would proceed before next Easter.
On the same day, at his request, the condition was graciously cancelled.
He was still B.D. in December, 1512. He is probably identical with
‘=Thomas Anneday=, frater ordinis minorum et Inceptor in s. theologia,’
who supplicated on April 12th, 1513,

    ‘quatinus graciose secum dispensetur sic quod solvat tantum septem
    marcas de compositione sua, causa est quia est pauper et habet paucos
    amicos.’

‘Friar Thomas Anyday’ incepted July 4th, with three other Minorites, and
paid the above sum[1729].

=Roduricus= admitted to oppose in theology, June 12th, 1509; he is perhaps
the same as Roderic Witton, Franciscan, mentioned by Pits and
Tanner[1730].

=Walter Goldsmyth= was appointed to preach on Ash Wednesday,
1509/10[1731].

=John Tinmouth=, or =Maynelyn=, Franciscan of Lynn, was educated at Oxford
and Cambridge. He was warden of the Grey Friars of Colchester in 1493. In
1511 he resigned the rectory of Ludgershall, Bucks. In 1510 he had been
made suffragan bishop of Lincoln with the title bishop of Argos; he held
this office till his death. He was vicar of Boston in Lincolnshire in
1518. In the same year he became a brother, and in 1579 Alderman, of the
Gild of Corpus Christi in Boston. He died in 1524, desiring in his will to
be buried at Boston,

    ‘to the end that his loving parishioners, when they should happen to
    see his grave and tomb, might be sooner moved to pray for his soul.’

He left £5 to each of the Franciscan houses at Lynn, Oxford, and
Cambridge. He is said to have written a life of St. Botolph[1732].

=Alexander Barclay=, D.D. of Oxford, the translator and part-author of the
_Ship of Fools_, entered the Franciscan Order after 1514. He died in
1552[1733].

=Henry Standish=, of Standish in Lancashire, was D.D. of Oxford, and
appears to have studied also at Cambridge[1734]. He was one of the court
preachers at the beginning of Henry VIII’s reign, and frequently received
payments for his services: the earliest grant to him in the State Papers
was a sum of 20_s._ for preaching in 1511[1735]. In 1514 the King gave £10
to Dr. Standisshe and the Friars Minors for charges at the general chapter
to be holden at Bridgwater[1736]. The next year the friar was in debt to
the extent of 100 marcs[1737]. Standish was probably at this time warden
of the Grey Friars of London[1738]. The time during which he was
Provincial Minister cannot be determined[1739]. In 1515 he attended a
council of divines and temporal lords summoned by the King to consider a
sermon preached by Richard Kidderminster, Abbat of Winchcombe, on benefit
of clergy. The Abbat maintained that a recent act which deprived
‘murderers, robbers of churches, and housebreakers’ of their clergy if
they were not in holy orders, was contrary to the law of God and the
liberties of the Church. The Franciscan doctor defended the act, arguing
that

    ‘it was not against the liberty of the Church, because it was for the
    weal of the whole realm.’

Soon afterwards he was summoned to answer for his opinion before
Convocation. He appealed to the King, and Henry quickly brought the
bishops to submission by an assertion of the royal supremacy and a threat
of _praemunire_[1740]. Standish thus won the goodwill of the court; he
possessed the confidence of the people. The feeling against foreign
traders was now very bitter in London, and in 1517 one John Lincoln,
acting as spokesman of the citizens, urged the warden of the Franciscans

    ‘to take part with the commonalty against the strangers’

in a sermon he was to deliver on Easter Monday[1741]. Standish refused,
wisely, as the event showed; for an inflammatory sermon the next day
resulted in a serious riot. In 1518 Standish obtained the bishopric of St.
Asaph by royal influence, in spite of the opposition of Wolsey[1742]. In
1524 he was sent as royal ambassador to Denmark[1743]. In 1528 he was one
of the ‘counsellors appointed for the hearing of poor men’s causes in the
King’s Court of Requests’[1744].

His administration of his diocese was not altogether blameless. His
Vicar-General, Sir Robert ap Rice, was indicted for extortions on the
King’s tenants in 1533, and relatives of Sir Robert had, three years
previously, been indicted for maintaining thieves and had not yet been
punished[1745].

But Standish is best known as a champion, probably the foremost champion,
of the ‘Old Learning’ in England. He was, there can be little doubt, the
Franciscan theologian who in 1516 tried to organize a combined critical
attack on the writings of Erasmus[1746]. It was some years later--in
1520--that he preached at Paul’s Cross against Erasmus’ edition of the New
Testament, and inveighed against his writings in conversation at
court[1747]. He consequently became the object of the famous scholar’s
satire and invective, and his memory has suffered accordingly.

In 1528, when the royal divorce suit was proceeding, he became Katharine’s
chief counsellor, being apparently chosen by the queen herself[1748].
During the long trial, however, he showed little of the boldness which
characterised Fisher’s conduct, and Katharine seems not unreasonably to
have entertained some suspicion of his sincerity[1749]. He was present at
the coronation of Anne Boleyn, June 1533[1750]. That he was willing to
admit the royal supremacy[1751] is not surprising. He proposed to add to
the King’s Articles (which required the surrender, by Convocation, of the
legislative powers of the clergy), the words:

    ‘Provided that the King allow those constitutions which are not
    contrary to the law of God or of the realm to be put in execution as
    before[1752].’

He died on July 9th, 1535[1753]. His will is dated July 3rd, 1535[1754].
He desired to be buried ‘inter fratres Minores’ (London?).

    ‘Item pro sepultura mea quadraginta libras. Item pro Tumba erigenda
    xiij{li}. vj{s} viij{d} in ecclesia fratrum minorum ubi contigerit
    corpus meum quiescere. Item pro exhibicione scolarium in Universitate
    Oxonie quadraginta libras. Item pro edificatione Insule ecclesie
    fratrum Minorum Oxonie quadraginta libras.’

His bequest of £5 to buy books for the Oxford Franciscans, and his
appointment of two executors to distribute his own library should make us
hesitate to accept unreservedly the charge of ‘gross ignorance’ which
Erasmus brings against him[1755]. Among other legacies may be noticed £40
to the Church of St. Asaph ‘_pro pavimento chori_,’ 20 marcs to the
Carmelites of Denbigh ‘to build their cloister,’ £10 to the Minorites of
London for thirty trentals, £40 to the parish church of ‘Standisshe,’ and
a messuage in ‘Wrixham’ to Nicholas Rygbye. The will was not allowed to
pass uncontested; ‘for the law is plain, that when a religious man is made
a bishop, he cannot make a will’[1756]. Cromwell seems to have exacted
heavy fines from the executors and legatees[1757].

=Robert Sanderson= supplicated for B.D. on Jan. 22, 1510/1, after studying
twelve years. On May 30, 1511, he petitioned

    ‘quatenus gratiose secum dispensetur ut respondeat sine aliqua
    oppositione propter defectum schole. Hec est concessa et conditionata
    quod replicet in scholis post responsionem.’

In April 1513, as B.D., he obtained grace to proceed to D.D., stating that
he had studied for eighteen years. In June his composition was reduced by
four nobles (= 26_s._ 8_d._), on condition

    ‘that he will tell no one except those whom it concerns.’

He incepted on July 4, 1513, paying £5 8{s}. 8{d}[1758]. At the time of
the dissolution he was warden of the Grey Friars at Richmond in
Yorkshire[1759].

=John Brakell= obtained grace to oppose and proceed to the B.D. degree on
Jan. 27, 1510/1, after studying for fourteen years[1760].

=John Brown=, having studied for twelve years, supplicated for B.D. on
Jan. 22, 1510/1; he obtained the Chancellor’s license Nov. 19, 1512. In
June 1513, he supplicated as B.D. for D.D., after eighteen years’ study.
The grace was conceded

    ‘sic quod semel predicet in ecclesia B. M. V. infra annum, et non
    utatur aliqua gratia generali vel speciali pro sua necessaria regentia
    infra annum.’

The second condition was afterwards deleted. Brown incepted on Feb. 20,
1513/4, his composition being reduced by five marcs[1761]. On July 6,
1513, he appeared in the Chancellor’s Court as witness of the indenture
between Dr. Goodfield, ex-warden, and Richard Leke[1762].

=John Smyth= was admitted to oppose in June 1511, after studying for
fourteen years, and to the degree of B.D. in Dec. 1512. Six months later
he was licensed in theology, and allowed to incept as having studied for
eighteen years, with one responsion in the new schools and two sermons _in
diebus Parasceues_ at the Friars Minors. At his inception he paid £6
13_s._ 4_d._ He was dispensed from his necessary regency

    ‘quia est gardianus alicujus loci et sunt ei magna negotia’[1763].

=Harmon=, friar, who was admitted to oppose on Jan. 26, 1511/2, is perhaps
identical with ‘Friar Simondez Harm,’ lector of the Grey Friars of
Leicester in 1538[1764].

=Gilbert Sawnders=, after sixteen years’ study, was admitted to oppose in
Nov. 1511, provided

    ‘he said the mass _de Spiritu Sancto_ five times for the good estate
    of the regents, and preached _in propria persona_ at St. Mary’s before
    Easter.’

In 1512 he was appointed to preach the sermon on Ash Wednesday[1765]. On
April 13, 1513, he supplicated for D.D. In May he asked that 40_s._ might
be deducted from his composition; he was allowed to deduct 20_s._; this
was afterwards increased to four nobles,

    ‘et nemini revelabit nisi quarum interest.’

He incepted on July 4, and paid £4 6_s._ 8_d._ In the following November
he was dispensed from his necessary regency, and in Feb., 1514, from a
sermon[1766]. He died on July 16, 1533, and was buried in the Chapel of
All Saints at the Grey Friars, London[1767].

=John Sanderson=, B.D., supplicated for D.D. on Dec. 14, 1512, having
studied for sixteen years,

    ‘cum oppositione et responsione (?) in novis scolis et responsione in
    capitulo (?) generali cum introitu biblie’[1768].

=William German=, or =Germyn=, or =Germen=, in Nov. 1511 obtained leave
from the Chancellor to enter the University library[1769]. He supplicated
for B.D. on July 3, 1513, after studying ‘logic, philosophy, and
theology’ for twelve years[1770]. He was still only _scolaris sacre
theologie_ in June, 1515, when he asked

    ‘quatenus illa particula olim posita in sua gratia, viz. quod sit
    medietas anni inter oppositionem et responsionem possit deleri. Hec
    est concessa, sic quod dicat unam missam de spiritu sancto pro bono
    statu regentium, et aliam de trinitate, et aliam de recordare[1771].’

In Nov. 1516, he obtained grace to incept, and asked for a reduction of
his composition by one-half, which was probably granted[1772]. He did not,
however, become D.D. till June, 1518[1773]. He was one of the executors of
Henry Standish, Bishop of St. Asaph (_d._ 1535), who left

    ‘omnes libros meos distribuendos secundum discrecionem magistri
    Johannis Cudnor S.T.D., nunc gardiani fratrum Minorum Londoniensium et
    magistri Willelmi German eiusdem facultatis, et cuilibet ipsorum
    quinque marcas pro labore[1774].’

=Alyngdon=, Doctor, friar Minor, in Jan. 1513/14

    ‘promised to pay William Hows 11_s._ 4_d._ before the fourth Sunday in
    Lent under penalty of the law[1775].’

=Richard Lorcan=, an Irish Franciscan, ‘subtracted’ some goods and money
of John Eustas, a scholar, who died intestate, in 1514, and was ordered by
the Chancellor’s Court to restore them[1776].

=John de Castro of Bologna= was admitted to oppose on Dec. 6, 1514, and to
read the _Sentences_ four days later[1777]. He made the following entry
with his own hand in the Register of the Chancellor’s Court (_sub anno_
1514):

    ‘In die cinerum ego frater Joannes ordinis minorum italus de Castro
    Bononiensi praedicabo sermonem dante domino[1778].’

=Radulph Gudman= on May 23, 1515, obtained grace to oppose, &c., after
studying for twelve years

    ‘in hac universitate et Cantibrigie et in partibus
    transmarinis[1779].’

=William Walle=, having studied for twelve years, obtained grace to
oppose, with the stipulation that six months should intervene between his
opposition and responsion (July 3, 1513). He incepted in June or July,
1518, and half his composition was remitted. In Dec. 1518, he was
dispensed from his regency for a fortnight[1780].

=John Flavyngur= or =Flanyngur=, scholar of Canon Law, supplicated on June
20, 1515,

    ‘quatenus studium octodecim annorum in eodem jure et in jure civili
    cum multis lecturis publicis in cathedra doctoris et multis aliis
    locis sufficiat ut admittatur ad lecturam extraordinariam alicujus
    libri decretalium. Hec est concessa sic quod solvat vj{s} viij{d}
    Universitati in die admissionis sue et legat duos libros
    decretalium[1781].’

It is curious that a scholar should, before attaining the degree of
B.Can.L., lecture as a Doctor: most of the instruction in civil and canon
law was given by Bachelors[1782].

=Thomas Peyrson=, elected Fellow of Merton College in 1520, is said to
have entered the Order of Observant Friars while still a B.A.[1783]
Perhaps he is confused with

    ‘Johannes Perse (_or_ Person) electus et cursor theologie hujus loci
    (London), qui obiit 18 die Mensis februarii 1527,’

who was buried at the Grey Friars, London, _inter chorum et
altaria_[1784]. Thomas Peyrson was an Observant Friar at Lynn in 1534,
probably as a prisoner: he was still there at the dissolution[1785].

=John Porrett= or =Parott= obtained leave, on Nov. 19, 1511, to enter the
University library[1786]. He supplicated for B.D. on April 26, 1520,
having studied for sixteen years. He was not admitted till May, 1526,
after fourteen years’ study (?)[1787]. Early in the next year he applied
to have his composition reduced to £4: this was granted on condition that
he would proceed at the next act, say five masses for the regents, and
interpret the epistles of Paul to the Galatians before Easter. He does
not appear to have fulfilled these conditions: on May 23, the same grace
was conceded,

    ‘because he is very poor and scarcely has what is necessary to take a
    degree,’

with the condition that he should read the first epistle of the
Corinthians publicly in his house, _schedulis fixis hostio ecclesie b.
Marie Virginis_[1788], after graduating. He incepted on July 8. On Oct.
10, 1527, he was dispensed from his necessary regency as being Warden of
the Grey Friars of Boston: he was, however, to continue to deliver his
ordinary lectures till All Saints’ Day[1789].

=David Williams=, B.D., was allowed to incept, after fourteen years’
study, on condition of preaching at St. Mary’s and St. Paul’s, continuing
his studies at the University for two years, and paying a ‘golden angel’
to repair the staff of the inferior bedell of arts (Jan. 24,
1520/1)[1790]. In April his examinatory sermon was at his request
postponed till after his degree:

    ‘Causa est quia dicit se plura beneficia a parentibus consequuturum si
    fuerit inceptor quam non[1791].’

On May 13, he supplicated

    ‘quatenus graciose secum dispensetur ut posset iterum circuire non
    obstante aliquo statuto in oppositum. Hec est concessa et
    conditionata; conditio est quod non circuerat [circueat?] ante festum
    Penthecostes’ (i.e. May 19)[1792].

The meaning of this is not clear; perhaps he had already ‘gone round’ once
and failed to incept at the ensuing Congregation[1793]. Having secured a
reduction of his composition to £4, he incepted on July 9[1794]. In Oct.
he obtained a dispensation from all scholastic acts till the first Sunday
in Advent, ‘because he has to preach on that day[1795]’. In Feb. of the
next year, he was dispensed from his necessary regency[1796].

=William Curtes= was admitted to oppose on April 20, 1520. Soon afterwards
he obtained permission

    ‘to respond in the new schools without having any opposition there
    previously.’

In Feb. 1521/2, as B.D. he supplicated for D.D., having studied arts and
theology for eighteen years.

    ‘Hec gratia est concessa sic quod solvat xl d{os} ad reparationem
    baculi inferioris bedelli sue facultatis et quod predicet sermonem
    ante gradum susceptum et quod procedat ante pascha[1797].’

=Richard Clynton= supplicated for B.D., after eight years’ study, April
26, 1521. Among the conditions imposed was one

    ‘that he should celebrate three masses for the plague and another for
    peace[1798].’

=Thomas Frances=, B.D., had grace to incept (after sixteen years’ study)
on condition of paying 40_d._ to mend the staff of the sub-bedell of arts,
preaching at St. Paul’s within two years, and preaching an examinatory
sermon before his degree (Jan. 24, 1520/1). He incepted on July 9, 1521,
having three days before obtained a dispensation from his necessary
regency,

    ‘because he is warden in some convent of his Order and cannot continue
    in the University.’

The conditions on which this was granted were:

    ‘(1) that he should say the Psalter of David before Michaelmas; (2)
    that he should celebrate seven masses for the good estate of the
    Regents; (3) that he should pay his debts to the University before
    going away[1799].’

=John Thornall=, on Nov. 19, 1521, having studied for sixteen years, was
allowed to proceed to B.D., on condition

    ‘quod studuit hic vel in alia universitate per xii annos.’

He was admitted B.D. in June, 1523, and obtained grace to incept in May,
1524, after ‘studying fifteen years in this University.’ His composition
was reduced to five marcs on condition

    ‘quod solvat illas quinque marcas in primis suis inceptionibus,’

and that he should incept before Easter[1800]. He failed to do so, and on
July 11, 1525, was permitted to pay £5, instead of his full composition,
with the stipulation that he should distribute 10_s._ for the use of poor
secular scholars[1801]. He incepted on July 17. In Oct. he was dispensed
for all scholastic acts for twenty ‘legible’ days,

    ‘because he has promised to preach at two places which are forty miles
    distant from each other[1802].’

At the Dissolution he was living at the Grey Friars, London[1803].

=Nicholas de Burgo= an Italian Minorite, native of Florence, B.D. of
Paris, was incorporated B.D. of Oxford in Feb. 1522/3[1804]. A year later
(Jan. 25) he supplicated for the Doctor’s degree, stating that he had
studied seventeen years, seven of them having been spent in Oxford[1805].
On the same day he prayed that his composition to the University on his
inception might be remitted[1806].

    ‘Causa est quia est alienigena et anglice nescit, preterea multos hic
    labores suscepit, legendo publice in hac academia hoc septennio, et
    pene gratis, et lecturus est quoque perpetuo, et hic remoraturus, modo
    dignati fuerint magistri Regentes tantum gratiarum sibi impartire. Hec
    gratia est concessa sic quod legat unum librum sacre theologie publice
    et gratis post gradum ad designationem Domini Cancellarii.’

A few days later he was dispensed from nearly all his necessary regency,
promising to preach ‘on some day when there shall be a general
procession[1807].’ In March, being ‘unable to procure all that was
necessary to him,’ he was allowed to postpone his inception till after
Easter, paying a fine of 20_s._ to the University. The fine was afterwards
remitted and a sermon substituted, as Nicholas alleged extreme poverty
(June 20)[1808]. He incepted shortly after this. His dispensation from
necessary regency seems to have lapsed, for in Oct. he obtained leave to
absent himself for ten ‘legible’ days,

    ‘because he had been bidden to preach a sermon within twenty days,’

and had not time to fulfil the duties of regent[1809]. He preached at St.
Peter’s-in-the-East on Ash Wednesday, 1528[1810]. He was patronized by
Wolsey, but whether he came to England at the Cardinal’s invitation is
doubtful. In Nov. 1528, ‘Fryer Nicholas of Oxford’ received £5 as a reward
from Wolsey[1811]. In 1529 the King desired that the friar should have a
benefice[1812]; payments to him from the Privy Purse and other sources are
frequently found[1813]. The Italian friar had made himself useful by
advocating the King’s divorce[1814]. He was perhaps the

    ‘Franciscan, who was one of the chief writers in favour of the King,’

and who consorted with Dr. Barnes, the Austin Friar and friend of
Luther[1815]. His advocacy of the divorce rendered him very
unpopular[1816], and perhaps after the fall and death of his old
protector, Wolsey, he felt his position less secure. In Dec. 1531, he came
to London, having ‘disposed of his stuff at Oxford,’ to ask leave to
return to Italy for his health. It was thought impolitic to let him go,
‘he being so secret in the King’s great matter as he has been,’ and means
were found to keep him in England[1817].

Wolsey had already appointed him public reader in theology at Cardinal
College, in succession to Thomas Brynknell, at a yearly salary of 53_s._
4_d._, besides commons[1818]; and in 1532, Henry VIII. re-appointed him to
the chair of divinity[1819]. He was also divinity lecturer in Magdalen
College. In Jan. 1533, he writes to Thomas Cromwell,

    ‘I have performed the duties of reader bestowed on me by the King, and
    for greater advantage I have added public lectures. I have received no
    remuneration, for those who distribute the King’s gifts do so
    arbitrarily. I have often asked in vain. Mr. Baxter retains the
    profits of my benefice, and has not paid me the money due Michaelmas
    last[1820].’

This appeal was not fruitless: in June, 1533, Dr. Nicholas de Burgo
received £6 13_s._ 4_d._ from Cromwell[1821]. In 1534 he was still at
Oxford, and acted as substitute for the Commissary in the Chancellor’s
Court[1822]. Next year he obtained permission to return to Italy. In Oct.
he wrote to Henry VIII, expressing a hope that he would be allowed to
retain his fellowship at Oxford (_locus collegii_), and his
benefice[1823]. In the same year he resigned the divinity lectureship at
Magdalen College[1824]. In July 1537 he again wrote to the King from
Italy, renewing his previous request; he was at present prevented by
trouble and illness from coming to England, but hoped to come next
month[1825].

=Thomas Kirkham= was admitted B.D. in 1523, after twelve years’
study[1826]. In 1526 he supplicated ‘that four years’ study after the
degree of Bachelor’ might entitle him to incept. He became D.D. in July,
1527, his composition being reduced to £4, ‘because he is very poor,’ and
in November he was dispensed from the greater part of his necessary
regency as warden of the Grey Friars at Doncaster[1827]. He continued to
hold this office till the Dissolution[1828]. He was, in Wood’s words,

    ‘a very zealous man against the divorce of King Henry VIII from Queen
    Katharine[1829].’

He seems to have obtained Church preferment immediately after the
Dissolution. In Feb., 1539, Thomas Kirkham was admitted to the rectory of
St. Mary’s, Colchester[1830], and in 1548, to that of St. Martin’s,
Outwich: he resigned the latter living in 1553 or 1554[1831]. From these
dates it is clear that he had joined the Protestant party.

=Richard Brinkley= (co. Cambridge), D.D. of Cambridge, and ‘Minister
General of the Order of Minors throughout all England,’ was incorporated
D.D. of Oxford on June 26, 1524[1832]. There is a discrepancy about the
dates, which seems to admit of no satisfactory explanation. A Minorite
called Peter Brikley was S.T.B. of Cambridge in 1524. ‘Brinkley frater
minor’ was admitted D.D. of Cambridge in 1527, when he paid £5 6_s._ 8_d._
‘pro non convivando[1833].’ He was buried at Cambridge[1834].

An illuminated copy of the Gospels in Greek, now MS. Caius College 403,
was lent to him out of the Franciscan Library at Oxford, as the following
inscription on p. 1 testifies,

    ‘Iste liber est de con(ventu) fratrum minorum Oxonie omissus et
    accommodatus fratri Ricardo Brynkeley Magistro.’

Another MS. in the Caius College Library (No. 348), containing the Psalter
in Greek, has this note (p. 113):

    ‘here xeeld be nō qweyr’ off ye nūbyr off 8, ffor her’ ys all _q_ ffr.
    Ric. Brynkeley[1835].’

=Edmund Bricott=, =Brycoote=, or =Brygott=, born about 1495[1836],
supplicated for B.D. in Jan. or Feb. 1525/6, having studied ten years
‘here and at Paris.’ He was admitted to oppose on June 13, and became B.D.
on June 28. In Jan. 1527/8, he obtained grace to incept after fourteen
years of study. He was licensed in Feb. 1529/30. In June he obtained a
reduction of his composition to £5 on the score of poverty, and a
dispensation (in advance) from his necessary regency, because he was
warden of some house of Minorites. He incepted in July, 1530[1837]. He was
warden of Lynn at the Dissolution[1838]. Like so many others, he seems to
have gone with the times; he held the living of Thorley, Herts., from 1545
to 1562; was collated to the rectory of Wiley, Essex, in 1547, to that of
Hadham, Herts, in 1548; and became Prebendary of St. Paul’s in 1554. He
probably died in 1562[1839].

=Thomas Knottis= was admitted B.D. in May, 1527. He may be the same as the
Thomas Knott who supplicated for B.A. in 1522; if so, he became a
Franciscan after that date[1840].

=Anthony Papudo=, of Portugal, was admitted to oppose in June, 1526, and
B.D. in May, 1527[1841].

=William Walker= supplicated for B.D., June 3, 1527, after studying
fourteen years. The grace was conceded on condition

    ‘that he will read the Epistles of St. Paul to the Ephesians and the
    Galatians in his house’ (_in edibus suis_, i.e. the Franciscan
    Convent)[1842].

=Robert Knowlys= supplicated for B.D. in Jan. 1526/7[1843]. In Oct., 1529,
as B.D., he obtained grace to incept, after eighteen years’ study,

    sic quod procedat in proximo actu, et legat 2{m} et 3{um} Scoti super
    sententias in Domo sua, et faciat sermonem latinum in templo Dive
    Virginis intra annum post gradum susceptum, et alium etiam intra annum
    anglice intra universitatem[1844].

His composition was reduced to £5, owing to his poverty (June 22, 1530).
He was dispensed from his necessary regency,

    ‘because he was lecturing in some house of the Order of Friars Minors’
    (June 28, 1530).

He incepted D.D. in July, 1530[1845].

=John Arture= kept a horse in Oxford in 1528[1846]. In May, 1533, he
supplicated for B.D., after fourteen years of study; he was to preach,
before Christmas, a sermon at St. Mary’s,

    ‘another from the pulpit (_e suggestu_) of St. Paul’s London, and
    another _e pulpito_ at Westminster[1847].’

In Dec. of the same year he sued Joanna Coper for libel: the scandal
about him, and his doings ‘at the sign of Bear’ (May, 1534) have already
been noticed. Soon afterwards he was again in trouble, and had to give
bail for his appearance whenever he should be required to answer certain
charges, which are not specified in the register[1848]. About this time
(1534-5) he was appointed warden of the Grey Friars of Canterbury,
according to his own account, by the King, ‘against the heart of the
provincial[1849].’ There was continual war between himself and the
brethren of the house. Each side accused the other of hostility to the
King. Arthur wrote that he kept the observance somewhat strict because the
friars rebelled against the King and held so stiffly to the Bishop of
Rome[1850]. On the other hand a brother whom Arthur had imprisoned brought
an accusation of disloyalty against him. This seems to have been founded
on a sermon which Arthur was said to have preached in the Church of Herne
on Passion Sunday, 1535[1851], in which he ‘blamed these new books and new
preachers for misleading the people’ and discouraging fasts, prayers, and
pilgrimages, especially to the shrine of St. Thomas.

    ‘And he said, if so be that St. Thomas were a devil in hell, if the
    Church had canonized him, we ought to worship him, for you ought to
    believe us prelates though we preach false.’

Further he did not pray for the King as head of the Church, nor for the
Queen. As the result of this charge, Arthur was thrown into prison by
Cromwell’s orders, and an Observant, ‘his mortal enemy,’ was made his
keeper, while another friar was appointed warden. Fearing to be starved,
Arthur escaped to France, and wrote letters from Dieppe to a servant of
Cromwell, and to Browne, the Provincial Prior of the Austin Friars,
praying for his own recall and urging the punishment of his enemies[1852].
He appears to have returned, if the dates in the Calendars are correct,
and to have been again arrested on Aug. 21, 1537 at Cromwell’s command by
‘Cardemaker[1853].’

=John Baccheler= was vice-warden or sub-warden of Grey Friars in 1529 and
in 1534. At the latter date he became one of the sureties for Friar Robert
Puller. In June, 1533, supplicated for B.D., after studying twelve years:
the grace was conceded on condition of his preaching at St. Mary’s and
Paul’s Cross, but it does not appear whether the friar took advantage of
it[1854].

=Gregory Based=, or =Basset=, B.D., was at one time suspected of heretical
leanings and subjected to persecution.

    ‘For in Bristol (writes Foxe, referring to John Hooker as his
    authority) he lay in prison long, and was almost famished, for having
    a book of Martin Luther, called his Questions, which he a long time
    privily had studied, and for the teaching youth a certain
    catechism[1855].’

He afterwards abjured, and, to prove his orthodoxy, took a prominent part
in the examination and condemnation of Thomas Benet, who was burned at
Exeter in 1533[1856]. On December 20, 1534 (?), he came forward as one of
the sureties of Friar Robert Puller, for a debt of 25_s._, in the
Chancellor’s Court at Oxford[1857]. He was still alive in Mary’s reign,
and is mentioned by Foxe as ‘a rank papist,’ in connexion with the trial
of Prest’s wife, a half-witted woman, who was burned as a heretic at
Exeter in 1558[1858]. In 1561 a warrant was out for the arrest of ‘Friar
Gregory, alias Gregory Basset, a common mass-sayer,’ who was lying hid, it
was thought, in Herefordshire[1859].

=Robert Beste= was summoned before the Chancellor’s Court on September 30,
1530, to answer a charge of ‘incontinence and disturbance of the peace:’
he does not appear to have been convicted. He continued to reside at
Oxford during the next few years. In 1539 he became vicar of St. Martin’s
in the Fields; he supported the reformation, and was expelled from his
vicarage on Mary’s accession. He was afterwards reinstated, and resigned
the living before January, 1572[1860].

=Nicholas Sall=, admitted B.D. March, 1531/2[1861].

=John Rycks=, according to Wood, spent some time among the Grey Friars at
Oxford[1862]. In 1509, John Rickes, M.A. (who may have been the same
person), was elected fellow of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge[1863]. In
a list of Franciscans written in Cromwell’s hand, and dated September 13,
1532, ‘Father Rykys’ appears as warden of the Observant Convent at Newark
(Notts.)[1864].

    ‘At length in his last days (being then esteemed a placid old man),
    when he saw the pope and his religion begin to decline in England, he
    became a zealous protestant[1865].’

He died at London A. D. 1536[1866]. His works are as follows:--

_The image of divine love._ _Inc._ ‘Consideryng in my mind how.’

    Printed at London 1525[1867].

_Against the blasphemies of the papists[1868]._

_Otto Brunsfelsius. A very true Pronosticacion with a Kalendar gathered
out of the moost auncyent Bokes of ryght Holy Astronomers for the yere of
our Lorde MCCCCCXXXVI, and for all yeres hereafter perpetuall. Translated
out of Latyn into Englyshe by John Ryckes Preest[1869]._

    Printed at London 1536: dedicated to Thomas Cromwell.

=John Nottingham=, or =Nottynge=, supplicated for B.D. in October, 1532,
after studying for twenty years. He was admitted to oppose in November of
that year; but in an entry two years later he is not described as
B.D[1870].

=Edward Ryley= was allowed to proceed B.D. in June, 1533, after sixteen
years’ study, on condition of preaching at St. Mary’s and St.
Paul’s[1871]. He was warden of the Franciscan Friars of Aylesbury in 1534,
and as such took the oath of Succession[1872]. He seems to have remained
loyal to the old religion; he held several livings in Mary’s reign,
namely, Wakering Parva, and Peldon in Essex (A. D. 1555), St. Mary at Axe
(1556), which was united to the parish of St. Andrew Undershaft in 1561;
he resigned the living St. James Garlickhithe, London, in 1560, and that
of Stisted, Essex, in 1561[1873].

=John Williams= was admitted to oppose in 1533, after studying fourteen
years. On May 4, 1534, in the dispute about a horse, already referred to,
between Dr. Baskerfeld and Richard Weston, he was called as a witness on
behalf of the former. In January, 1536/7, Baskerfeld bound himself on
pain of imprisonment to produce John Williams when required, to answer
charges brought against him; the nature of the charges does not
appear[1874].

=William Browne= was admitted B.D. in January, 1534/5. He was at Oxford
when the friary was dissolved[1875].

=John Tomsun=, ‘Ordinis Franciscani,’ was admitted to oppose on October
17, 1534[1876]. The name appears among the twenty-seven names appended to
the deed of surrender of the Grey Friars, London, November 12, 1538[1877].

=Robert Puller= was at Oxford about 1534; Richard Roberts, scholar of
Broadgates Hall, brought an action against him for the recovery of

    ‘xxv solidos sibi debitos ab eodem Roberto Puller fratre ex causa
    emptionis et vendicionis.’

John Bacheler and other friars engaged to pay the debt[1878].

=John Notly=, or =Snotly=, Minorite, was appointed to preach the
University sermon at St. Peter’s (in the East?) on Ash Wednesday,
1535/6[1879].

=David Whythede= was at Oxford in January, 1535/6, when the warden bound
himself to produce him in the Chancellor’s Court whenever required[1880].

=John Joseph=, a Minorite of Canterbury, supplicated for B.D. in June,
1533, after studying for twelve years. He was licensed D.D. in 1541, and
incepted in 1542, as _vir litteris ac moribus ornatissimus_. He was
dispensed from his necessary regency

    ‘quia astringitur ad residentiam nec his diutius manere poterit.’

It is evident that he held some benefice at this time. In 1542/3, he was
dispensed from a sermon owing to ill-health[1881].

He was one of Cranmer’s chaplains, and a zealous member of the reforming
party, and was appointed preacher at Canterbury by Cranmer[1882]. In 1546
he became Rector of St. Mary-le-Bow[1883]. In 1547 he was made one of the
commissioners for the visitation of the dioceses of Peterborough, Lincoln,
Oxford, Coventry, and Lichfield[1884]. In 1549 he preached at Paul’s Cross
against the observance of Lent[1885], and, on another occasion, as
substitute for the Archbishop, against the rebellions in that year,
concerning

    ‘the subdewynge of them that dyd rysse in alle iij places, and how
    mysery they ware browte unto, and there he rehersyd as hys master dyd
    before that the occasyone came by popysse presttes[1886].’

In 1550 he was presented to a prebend in the Church of Canterbury[1887].
On Mary’s accession he was deprived of his preferments, being married. He
fled to the Continent[1888].

=Hugh Payne=, Observant Friar of Newark, who opposed the King’s divorce
and upheld the papal supremacy in 1533-4, may have studied at Oxford
before he entered the Order; a Hugh Payne supplicated for B.A. in
1523[1889].

=Richard Risby=, warden of the Friars Observant at Canterbury, was
executed on May 5th, 1534, for being implicated in the conspiracy of the
Nun of Kent. It is doubtful whether he was identical with Richard Rysby,
B.A., Fellow of New College in 1506[1890].

=William David= supplicated for B.D. in November, 1534, after studying
arts and theology for thirteen years[1891]. The grace was conceded, and in
February, 1535, he obtained permission to defer his ‘Opposition’ until
after he had taken the degree[1892]. He may be the Dr. David, Grey Friar,
who assisted at the condemnation of Thomas Benet for heresy at Exeter in
1533[1893].

=Richard David=, ‘Ordinis Franciscani,’ admitted to oppose, October 17,
1534[1894].

=Thomas Tomsun= supplicated for B.D. in November, 1534, after studying
philosophy and theology for fifteen years _hic et Cantabriæ_, and was
admitted on January 29, 1534/5[1895]. With Gregory Basset, he became
surety for his fellow friar Robert Puller in December, 1534 (?)[1896].

One of this name was rector of Lambourne, Essex, in 1546 (and died before
April 16, 1557), and rector of Beamont, Essex, in 1555 (died before
1559)[1897].

=John Billing= was admitted B.D. in 1537, after seven years’ study[1898].
His name occurs in a list of Observant Friars of the year 1534, as having
fled to Scotland[1899].

=Guy Etton=, or =Eton=, was admitted to oppose in January, 1534/5, and was
admitted B.D. in the same month. In October, 1535, he was allowed to
substitute for a sermon at St. Mary’s,

    ‘concionem ruri vel in suo monasterio ad placitum[1900].’

In 1553 (in Edward VI’s reign) he was granted license to preach. In Mary’s
reign he took refuge at Strasburg with John Jewell. In 1559 he obtained
the archdeaconry and a prebend of Gloucester, which he held till 1571 or
later. In 1576 he was instituted Vicar of St. Leonard’s, Shoreditch, and
died before June 14, 1577[1901].

=Anthony Brookby= (Brockbey, Brorbe), sometime student in Magdalen
College, a man learned in Greek and Hebrew, entered the Franciscan Order
apparently after leaving the University. Bourchier calls him licentiate in
theology at Oxford; Francis a S. Clara, Doctor of Theology. He attacked
the King’s anti-papal and anti-monastic measures, was thrown into prison,
tortured, and at length (July 19, 1537) strangled with his own cord[1902].

=John Forest=, who entered the Franciscan Order at Greenwich, about the
age of seventeen, is said by Wood to have been instructed afterwards in
theology among the Friars Minors of Oxford, and to have supplicated for
B.D. There seems to be no evidence in support of this statement. Forest
was burnt in 1538, aged sixty-four, for denying the royal supremacy[1903].

=John Taylor= alias =Cardmaker=, of Exeter, entered the Franciscan Order
when under age[1904]. In Dec. 1532, after studying sixteen years at Oxford
and Cambridge, he obtained grace to proceed to B.D.[1905] He was warden of
the Grey Friars at Exeter in 1534[1906]. At the time of the Dissolution he
preached against the Pope[1907]. In 1543 he became vicar of St. Bride’s in
Fleet Street[1908], then prebendary, and in 1547 Chancellor of
Wells[1909]. In the reign of Edward VI. he married a widow (by whom he had
a daughter)[1910], and was appointed reader in St. Paul’s, where he
lectured three times a week[1911];

    ‘his lectures were so offensive to the Roman Catholic party, that they
    abused him to his face, and with their knives would cut and haggle his
    gown[1912].’

On the accession of Mary he tried to escape to the continent, disguised as
a merchant; he was caught, committed to the Fleet, and afterwards removed
to the Compter in Bread Street[1913]. Convened before Gardiner and others,
he appears to have shown some signs of wavering at first.

    ‘You shall right well perceive,’ he wrote to a friend, ‘that I am not
    gone back, as some men do report me, but am as ready to give my life
    as any of my brethren that are gone before me; although by a policy I
    have a little prolonged it, ... That day that I recant any point of
    doctrine, I shall suffer twenty kinds of death[1914].’

He was convicted of heresy, deprived of his preferments, and burnt with
others at Smithfield on May 30, 1555[1915].

=John Crayford= or =Crawfurthe= supplicated for B.D. in April, 1537,
after studying fourteen years at Oxford and Cambridge[1916]. He was the
last warden of the Grey Friars at Newcastle-on-Tyne, and surrendered his
house to the King on Jan. 9, 1538/9[1917]. In 1543 he was presented by
Henry VIII to a canonry in Durham Cathedral. He became vicar of Midford in
Northumberland in 1546, and resigned the living in or before 1561. He died
in 1562, bequeathing legacies to several of the canons, grammar-scholars,
and others connected with the church of Durham. To the library he left St.
Augustine’s works in ten volumes, St. Basil in Greek and Latin, and Rabbi
Moses in print; and to Sir Stephen Holiday, all St. Cyprian’s works. He
willed his body to be buried in St. Michael’s, Wytton-Gylbert, if he died
there; otherwise in Durham Cathedral[1918].

=Hugh Glaseyere= supplicated in 1535 that fourteen years’ study might
suffice for his admission to oppose and read the _Sentences_. He was
admitted to oppose on July 13, and B.D. on July 14, 1538[1919], i.e. on
the day of the dissolution of the Oxford friary. His name, however, does
not appear in the list of Minorites at Oxford ‘who would have their
capacities.’ He conformed to the various changes in religion. In November,
1538, he was instituted to the rectory of Hanworth, Middlesex, on the
presentation of the King; he resigned it in 1554. In 1546 he was appointed
to the rectory of Harlington, which he held till his death[1920]. In 1541
he was appointed by Cranmer to the difficult post of commissary-general of
the Archbishop at Calais[1921]. In 1542 he was made canon of Christchurch,
Canterbury[1922]. In Edward’s reign he was reckoned ‘an eager man for
reformation,’ and preached at Paul’s Cross (1547) that the observation of
Lent was only

    ‘a politic ordinance of man, and might therefore be broken of men at
    their leisure’[1923].

In 1553 he was presented by Queen Mary to the rectory of Deal[1924]. In
March, 1558, Cardinal Pole appointed certain commissioners for the
suppression of heresy in his diocese, among them being Hugh Glazier,
S.T.B.[1925] Hugh did not survive the persecution in Kent which followed.
On the 27th July, 1558, ‘Magister Glasier, sacellanus cardinalis,’ was
buried at Lambeth[1926].

=Henry Stretsham= supplicated for B.D. in May, 1538, having studied twelve
years at Oxford and Cambridge; he was to preach at St. Mary’s and in some
other church _intra Universitatis precinctum_[1927].

=Richard Roper=, B.D., was one of the Franciscans at Oxford who desired
‘to have their capacities’ at the dissolution[1928].

=Radulph Kyrswell=, or =Creswell=, was an Observant Friar at Reading in
1534, having probably been sent there as a prisoner for refusing to
acknowledge the royal supremacy. At the time of the dissolution he was at
Oxford, and as priest supplicated for a ‘capacity’[1929].

=Robert Newman= was one of the priests among the Oxford Franciscans at the
dissolution who asked for ‘capacities.’ He became vicar of Hampton in
1541, joined the reforming party, and was deprived of the living on the
accession of Mary[1930].

=John Comre= (?), =James Cantwell=, =Thomas Cappes=, =William Bowghnell=,
=James Smyth=, =Thomas Wythman=, were among the priests in the Franciscan
Convent who asked for ‘capacities’ at the dissolution[1931].

=John Staffordeschyer=, priest, was at Oxford when the friary was
suppressed[1932]. John Stafford, who was warden of the Grey Friars at
Coventry in 1519 and 1538, when he surrendered his house to the King on
the 5th October, seems to have been a different person[1933].

=John Olliff=, sub-deacon, after asking for a ‘capacity’ on the
dissolution of the Oxford friary, joined the Grey Friars of Doncaster and
was among the ten brethren who signed the surrender of that house on
November 20th, 1538[1934].

=Thomas Barly=, =William Cok=, and =John Cok=, who were not in holy
orders, desired ‘capacities’ at the suppression of the Oxford
Convent[1935]. A John Cooke subscribed the surrender of the Grey Friars of
Cambridge[1936].

=Simon Ludford= was a Minorite at Oxford at the dissolution. An account of
his subsequent career has been given in Part I, Chapter VIII[1937].




APPENDIX A.

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE ACQUISITION OF LANDED PROPERTY BY THE GREY
FRIARS.

    1. William son of Richard Wileford (c. 1228).--2. Robert son of Robert
    Oen (1236).--3. Royal license to the Friars to enclose their lands
    (1244).--4. Purchase by the King of an island in the Thames
    (1245).--5. Grant of the same island to the Friars (1245).--6. Thomas
    de Valeynes, grant of two messuages (1245).--7. Laurence Wyche, grant
    of a messuage (1246).--8. Royal license to enclose (1248).--9. Royal
    grant to the Friars of the Sack (1265).--10. Grants from various
    persons (1310).--11. Grant by the King of the property of the Friars
    of the Sack to the Minorites (1310).--12. Regrant of the same
    (1319).--13. John Culvard, Inquisitio ad quod damnum (1319).--14.
    Grant by John de Grey de Rotherfield (1337).


1

Grant of a house by William de Wileford.

The following document is by far the earliest private deed relating to the
English Franciscans now extant[1938], and very few grants in the Public
Records are of greater antiquity. The original is to be found in the
Oxford City Archives (No. 17). It is not dated, but it was executed during
the mayoralty of John Pady, who held the office from 1227 to 1229[1939].
The document is in excellent preservation, and the seal of W. de Wileford
is still attached.

Notum sit uniuersis Christi fidelibus, quod ego Willelmus filius Ricardi
de Wileford concessi dimisi et liberaui Johanni Pady, tunc maiori Oxonie,
et Andree Halegod et Laurencio Halegod et Philippo Molendinario et ceteris
probis hominibus Oxonie, illam domum meam in parochia Sancte Abbe in
Oxonia que aliquando fuit Ricardi de Wileford patris mei cum omnibus
pertinentibus eiusdem domus, ad hospitandum fratres minores in perpetuum.
Et si ita contigerit quod fratres minores a uilla Oxonie discesserint, et
ibi amplius manere noluerint, ad hospitandum ibi aliquos probos uiros in
elemosina, saluo quod dicti probi homines Oxonie et eorum heredes faciant
Capitalibus dominis illius feodi annuale seruicium quod ad predictam
terram pertinet, et reddendo michi et heredibus meis annuatim unam libram
cymini ad festum Sancti Michaelis pro omni seruitio. Et ego dictus
Willelmus et heredes mei warantizabimus predictum mesuagium cum
pertinenciis predictis probis hominibus hereditarie sicut prediuisum est
contra omnes homines et feminas, pro hac autem mea concessione dimisione
liberatione et warantizatione predicti probi homines Oxonie ex elemosyna
collecta dederunt michi quadraginta tres marcas sterlingorum. Et ut hac
predicta rata permaneant huic scripto sigillum meum apposui.

Hiis testibus, Pentecost et Henrico filio Tome tunc prepositis, Roberto
Oein, Henrico filio Henrici, Petro filio turoldi, Ricardo Mol(endinario),
Ricardo Taillur, Milone drapario, Benedicto Mercer, Radulpho Palmer,
Willelmo clerico, et aliis.


2

Grant of a house by Robert Oen, A. D. 1236.

Close Roll, 20 Hen. III, m. 9.

Rex Maiori et probis hominibus suis Oxon’ salutem. Quia per litteras
vestras nobis directas accepimus quod sponte suscepistis in vos onus
muragii ville Oxon’ quod ad platiam quam Robertus filius Roberti Oen
tenuit iuxta domos fratrum minorum Oxon’, et quam idem Robertus eisdem
fratribus dedit in augmentum mansionis sue: Vobis mandamus quod eisdem
fratribus de predicta platia plenam seisinam habere faciatis; Ita quod
predictus Robertus, qui prius fuit liber hospes prioris et fratrum sancti
Johannis Jerusalem in Anglia in predicta platia, eandem libertatem habeat
in corpore domus sue in qua nunc manet alibi in eadem villa in parochia
sancti Michaelis ad portam Borealem. Teste ut supra (i.e. Rege apud
Gloucestriam iii{o} die Julii).


3

License to enclose their possessions and throw down part of the old wall,
A. D. 1244.

Pat. 29 Hen. III, m. 9 (printed in Mon. Franc. I. 616).

Pro fratribus Minoribus Oxon’. Rex concessit fratribus minoribus Oxon’ ad
maiorem quietem et securitatem habitacionis sue, quod possint claudere
uicum qui extenditur sub muro Oxon’ a porta que dicitur Watergat’ in
parochia Sancte Ebbe usque ad paruum posticum eiusdem muri uersus castrum;
Ita quod murus karnollatus similis reliquo muro eiusdem municipij fiat
circa prefatam habitationem incipiens ab occidentali latere dicte porte de
Watergat’, et se extendens uersus austrum vsque ad ripam tamisie et inde
protendens super eandem Ripam uersus occidentem vsque ad feodum Abbatis de
Becco in parochia Sancti Bodhoci, iterum reflectatur uersus Aquilonem
usquequo coniungatur cum ueteri muro prefati Burgi iuxta latus orientale
prenominati posticij (_sic_) parui. Rex etiam concessit eisdem ad
continuandum locum nouum cum ueteri, quod possint prosternere de muro
antiquo quantum extenditur habitatio ipsorum infra eundem. Saluo tamen
semper nobis et heredibus nostris, Regibus Anglie, libero transitu per
medium loci noui, in quolibet aduentu nostro ibidem. In cuius, etc. Teste
Rege apud S. Albanum, xxii die Dec.

Et mandatum est vicecomiti Oxon’, Maiori et Balliuis Oxon’, quod id fieri
permittant. Teste ut supra.


4

Island in the Thames, A. D. 1245 (see below).

Liberate Roll, 29 Hen. III, m. 9.

Rex Baronibus de Scaccario salutem. Allocate Henrico filio Henrici
Simeonis in fine lx marcarum quem fecit nobiscum eo quod inponebatur ei
quod interfuit interfectioni cuiusdam scolaris Oxon’ xxv Marcas quas
debuimus Henrico Simeonis patri suo pro quadam Insula in aqua Tamisis apud
Oxoniam quam ab eo emimus, et quas ipse petebat eidem filio suo in fine
predicto allocari. Teste ut supra (i.e. King at Windsor, April 22nd).


5

Grant of the island to the Friars Minors, A. D. 1245.

Pat. 29 Hen. III, m. 6 (printed in Mon. Franc. I. 615.)

Pro fratribus Minoribus.

Rex omnibus salutem. Sciatis quod ad ampliacionem aree in qua de nouo
hospitari ceperunt ffratres Minores Oxon’, assignauimus Insulam nostram in
fluuio Thamis’ quam emimus ab Henrico filio Henrici Simeonis, concedentes
eis et volentes, quod ipsi pontem fieri faciant ultra brachium illud
Thamis’ quod currit inter insulam predictam et domos suas, et quod Eandem
Insulam ad securitatem domorum suarum et tranquillitatem Religionis sue
muro uel alio modo, sicut sibi uiderint expedire, faciant includi. In
huius Rei testimonium etc. Teste ut supra (i.e. Rege apud Westmonasterium
xxii die Aprilis).

Et mandatum est vicecomiti Oxon’ quod Insulam illam eis habere faciat.
Teste Rege apud Wind(esor) xxiiij die Aprilis.


6

Grant of two messuages by Thomas de Valeynes, 1245.

Feet of Fines, Oxon; 29 Hen. III, m. 40.

Hec est finalis concordia facta in curia domini Regis apud Westmonasterium
a die Purificacionis beate Marie (Feb. 2nd) in Tres septimanas, anno regni
Regis Henrici filii Regis Johannis vicesimo Nono, coram Henrico de
Bathonia, Rogero de Thurkelby, Roberto de Notingham, Jollano de Nevill,
Gilberto de Preston et Johanne de Cobeham, Justiciariis, et aliis domini
Regis fidelibus tunc ibi presentibus. Inter Thomam de Valeynes querentem
et Symonem filii Benedicti et Leticiam uxorem eius Inpedientes, de duobus
Mesuagiis cum pertinentiis in suburbio Oxon’ unde placitum Warantie carte
summonitum[1940] fuit Inter eos in eadem curia, scilicet quod predicti
Symon et Leticia recognoverunt predicta mesuagia cum pertinentiis esse ius
ipsius Thome, ut illa que Idem Thomas habet de dono predictorum Symonis et
Leticie; Habenda et Tenenda eidem Thome et heredibus suis de capitalibus
dominis feodi illius imperpetuum, faciendo inde omnia seruicia que ad
predicta mesuagia pertinent. Et predicti Symon et Leticia et heredes
ipsius Leticie Warantizabunt, adquietabunt, et defendent eidem Thome et
heredibus suis predicta mesuagia cum pertinentiis per predicta seruicia
contra omnes homines imperpetuum. Et pro hac recognitione, Warantia,
adquietancia, defensione, fine et concordia, Idem Thomas ad peticionem
predictorum Symonis et Leticie attornauit et assignauit predicta mesuagia
cum pertinentiis in augmentum aree in qua hospitantur fratres minores
Oxon’ commorantes, in puram et perpetuam elemosinam, liberam et quietam ab
omni seculari seruicio et exactione in perpetuum. Et preterea idem Thomas
dedit et concessit predicte Leticie unum mesuagium cum pertinentiis extra
portam Aquilonarem Oxon’ in angulo de Horsmongharestrete iuxta terram
Reginaldi Gamages, simul cum fabrica quam Hugo Marescall tenet, que
scilicet Mesuagium et fabricam Benedictus le Mercer pater predicti Symonis
aliquando tenuit; Habenda et Tenenda eisdem Symoni et Leticie et
heredibus ipsius Leticie de capitalibus dominis feodi illius imperpetuum,
faciendo inde omnia seruicia que ad predicta tenementa pertinent: Ita
tamen quod non licebit predicto Symoni predicta tenementa dare, vendere,
assignare, vel legare, vel aliquo alio modo alienare, quominus illa
tenementa remaneant predicte Leticie et heredibus suis in perpetuum.


7

Grant of a messuage by Laurence Wych, A. D. 1246.

Pat. 31 Hen. III, m. 8.

Pro fratribus Minoribus Oxon’. Rex omnibus etc. Salutem. Sciatis quod (ad)
amplificationem aree ffratrum Minorum Oxon’ assignauimus eis totum
mesuagium illud cum pertinenciis quod laurencius Wych maior noster Oxon’
nobis reddidit et commisit ad amplificationem aree predictorum ffratrum,
concedentes eis et uolentes, quod, ad securitatem domorum suarum et
tranquillitatem religionis sue, muro uel alio modo, sicut sibi uiderint
expedire, illud faciant includi. In cuius etc. Teste Rege apud Clarendon
xxvij die Nouembris.

Et Mandatum est vicecomiti Oxon’ quod mesuagium illud loco Regis recipiat
ad opus eorundem ffratrum.


8

License to enclose their new possessions; the city wall to be repaired, A.
D. 1248.

Pat. 32 Hen. III, m. 10 (printed in Mon. Franc. I. 617).

Pro fratribus minoribus Oxon’.

Rex omnibus etc. salutem. Noueritis nos intuitu pietatis concessisse ut
vicus qui extenditur sub muro Oxon’ a porta que dicitur Watergat’ in
parochia Ste. Ebbe vsque ad paruum posticum eiusdem muri uersus Castrum
claudatur propter maiorem securitatem et quietem fratrum minorum iuxta
dictum vicum habitancium, quamdiu domino loci placuerit. Saluo tamen nobis
et heredibus nostris, Regibus Anglie, libero transitu per medium Noui loci
in quolibet aduentu nostro ibidem. Concedimus etiam ut latus aquilonare
capelle in prefato vico constructe et construende suplere (_sic_) possit
prenominati muri interruptionem, quantum se extendere debet, ceteris
eiusdem muri rupturis in integrum reparatis ut prius, excepto paruo
posticu in dicto muro, per quod possint dicti fratres ire et redire de
nouo loco in quo modo hospitantur ad priorem locum in quo prius
hospitabantur. In cuius, etc. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium, x die
febr’.

This concession is repeated and confirmed in Patent Roll 18 Edw. III. m.
19 (A. D. 1344).


9

Royal grant to the Friars of the Penitence of Jesus Christ or Friars of
the Sack, 1265.

Pat. 49 Hen. III, m. 24.

As the Minorites subsequently obtained the ‘area’ of the Friars of the
Sack, records relating to this property will naturally find a place here.
On May 7th, 1262, the king gave them permission,

    quod in area sibi collata[1941], quam habent in parochia ecclesie
    Sancti Boduci Oxonie, in qua ius patronatus habemus, oratorium
    construere possint ad diuina ibidem celebranda (Pat. Roll 46 Hen. III,
    m. 11).

On February 5th, 1265, he made them a further grant (Pat. 49 Hen. III, m.
24), and on February 8th, 1265, this second grant was again made in
greater detail (ibidem). It is this last which is here quoted.

       *       *       *       *       *

Pro fratribus de penitencia Iħū Xp̄ī Oxon’. Rex episcopo Lincolniensi
salutem. Cum ecclesia sancti Budoci in suburbio Oxon’ nostri patronatus
per amocionem et decessum parochianorum eiusdem ecclesie iam in tantum
depauperata sit et adnullata, quod fructus et obuenciones eiusdem ad
sustentacionem vnius capellani ministrantis in eadem non sufficiunt, vt
veraciter accepimus; ac fratres de penitencia Ihu quendam situm habeant
ibidem contiguum ecclesie predicte, in quo domos suas construxerunt, deo
famulari proponentes ibidem: nos, intuitu caritatis et pro salute anime
nostre et animarum antecessorum et heredum nostrorum, dictis fratribus
ecclesiam predictam cum cimiterio eiusdem et domibus existentibus in eodem
et ad ecclesiam eandem pertinentibus, quantum ad nos pertinet, concessimus
pro nobis et heredibus nostris habendam sibi et successoribus suis,
videlicet ad faciendam inde sibi capellam in qua diuina celebrare possint
inperpetuum, ita quod cimiterium predictum tanquam cimiterium benedictum
in statu suo remaneat. In cuius, etc. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium,
octauo die februarii. Et habent dicti fratres litteram aliam (?) sub hac
forma, ‘Rex omnibus etc.’[1942]


10

Grants from various persons, A. D. 1310.

Pat. 3 Edward II, m. 14.

Rex omnibus ad quos etc. salutem. Sciatis quod de gratia nostra speciali
concessimus et licenciam dedimus pro nobis et heredibus nostris quantum in
nobis est, dilectis nobis in Christo Gardiano et fratribus de ordine
Minorum Oxon’, quod ipsi de Johanne Wyz et Emma uxore eius quandam placeam
terre in Oxonia continentem in se ab oriente versus occidentem quinque
perticatas et duos pedes terre et ab aquilone versus austrum duas
perticatas terre et dimidiam: et de Henrico Tyeys quandam placeam terre
iacentem inter placeam in qua ecclesia Sancti Budoci edificata fuit et
aqua (_sic_) Thamisis, que quidem placea continet in se sex perticatas
terre in longitudine et quinque perticatas terre in latitudine; et quandam
aliam placeam terre extendentem se ab aqua Thamisis vsque ad predictam
placeam terre que fuit Ricardi le Lodere, et continentem in se in
longitudine quatuordecim perticatas et dimidiam et quinque pedes terre et
in latitudine quatuor perticatas et tres pedes terre: et quandam aliam
placeam terre continentem in se in longitudine ab aqua Thamisis vsque ad
viam regalem sexdecim perticatas terre et dimidiam et in latitudine decem
perticatas terre, placee dictorum Gardiani et fratrum ibidem contiguas;
adquirere possint habendas sibi et successoribus suis ad elargacionem
placee sue predicte imperpetuum, statuto de terris et tenementis ad manum
mortuam non ponendis edito non obstante. In cuius, etc. Teste Rege apud
Westmonasterium xxviij die Marcij; per ipsum Regem.


11

Grant of the property of the Friars of the Penitence of Jesus Christ to
the Friars Minors, A. D. 1310.

Pat. 3 Edward II, m. 9.

Rex omnibus ad quos etc. salutem. Licet de communi consilio regni nostri
statutum sit, quod non liceat viris Religiosis seu aliis ingredi feodum
alicuius ita quod ad manum mortuam deueniat sine licencia nostra et
capitalis domini de quo illa (_sic_) immediate tenetur; Volentes tamen
dilectis nobis in Christo Gardiano et fratribus de ordine Minorum Oxon’
gratiam facere specialem, concessimus et licenciam dedimus pro nobis et
heredibus nostris, quantum in nobis est, eisdem Gardiano et fratribus,
quod ipsi quandam placeam terre in suburbio Oxon’ placee dictorum Gardiani
et fratrum in eadem villa contiguam, continentem viginti perticatas terre
et dimidiam in longitudine, et sex perticatas terre in latitudine ad capud
australe, et ad capud boriale duas perticatas et quatuor pedes terre, et
medio inter capud australe et capud boriale quatuor perticatas et septem
pedes terre, in qua placea aliquo tempore fuit quedam ecclesia parochialis
sancti Budoci cum quodam cimiterio pertinente ad eandem ecclesiam, quam
quidem placeam cum dicto cimiterio dominus H. quondam Rex Anglie auus
noster per cartam suam dedit et concessit fratribus de ordine de
penitencia Iħu Xp̄ī Oxon’ pro quadam capella ibidem construenda in qua
diuina celebrare possent: Ita quod cimiterium predictum tanquam cimiterium
benedictum in suo statu remaneret, sic(ut) per quandam inquisicionem per
dilectum et fidelem nostrum Walterum de Gloucestria Escaetorem nostrum
citra Trentam de mandato nostro inde factam et in Cancellaria nostra
retornatam est compertum de predictis fratribus de penitencia Iħu Xp̄ī,
perquirere possint et tenere sibi et successoribus suis ad elargacionem
placee sue predicte imperpetuum, Ita tamen quod Cimiterium predictum
tanquam benedictum in suo statu remaneat imperpetuum. Nolentes quod
predicti Gardianus et fratres aut successores sui ratione premissorum per
nos vel heredes nostros, Justiciarios, Escaetores, Vicecomites aut alios
balliuos seu Ministros nostros quoscunque occasionentur, molestentur in
aliquo, seu grauentur. In cuius, etc. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium
xxviij die Marcii per ipsum Regem.


12

Regrant of the property of the Friars of the Penitence of Jesus Christ to
the Friars Minors, A. D. 1319.

Pat. 12 Edward II, part 2, m. 25.

This document was probably intended as a protest against the claim implied
in the papal grant of the same property, as already explained (Chapter
II), or perhaps merely as an additional confirmation of the friars’ title.

Pro fratribus de ordine minorum Oxon’. Rex omnibus ad quos etc. salutem.
Sciatis quod cum fratres de ordine Minorum Oxon’ totam illam aream que
quondam fuit fratrum de penitencia Iħu Xp̄ī Oxon’ in suburbio Oxon’ aree
dictorum fratrum de ordine Minorum ibidem contiguam de eisdem fratribus de
penitencia Iħu Xp̄ī adquisivissent, et iidem fratres de ordine Minorum
aream illam adeo integre sicut ad manus suas devenit, nobis dederint et
in manus nostras reddiderint habendam nobis et heredibus nostris
imperpetuum: Nos, ob affectionem quam ad dictum ordinem fratrum Minorum
gerimus et habemus, volentes eis graciam facere specialem, dedimus eis et
concessimus pro nobis et heredibus nostris, quantum in nobis est, aream
predictam nobis sic redditam cum pertinenciis, habendam sibi et
successoribus suis fratribus eiusdem ordinis apud Oxoniam commorantibus,
ad elargacionem aree sue predicte, in liberam puram et perpetuam
elemosinam, salvo iure cuiuslibet. In cuius, etc. Teste Rege apud Eboracum
vi{to} die Marcii, per ipsum Regem.


13

Inquiry held at Oxford, A. D. 1319, into the advisability of allowing John
Culvard to grant land to the Friars Minors.[1943]

Inquisitio ad quod damnum 12 Edw. II, No. 47.

Edwardus dei gracia Rex Anglorum dominus hibernie et dux Aquitanie,
Magistro Ricardo de Clare Escaetori suo vltra Trentam, salutem. Mandamus
vobis, quod per sacramentum proborum et legalium hominum de Balliua
vestra, per quos rei Veritas melius sciri poterit, diligenter inquiratis,
si sit ad dampnum vel preiudicium nostrum aut aliorum, si concedamus
Johanni Culuard de Oxonia, quod ipse quandam placeam terre cum
pertinenciis in Oxonia, manso dilectorum nobis in Xpo Gardiani et fratrum
de ordine minorum in eadem villa ex parte orientali contiguam, continentem
in se in longitudine sex perticatas terre et in latitudine quinque
perticatas terre, dare possit et assignare eisdem Gardiano et fratribus
habendam et tenendam sibi et successoribus suis ad elargacionem mansi sui
predicti imperpetuum, necne. Et si sit ad dampnum vel preiudicium nostrum
aut aliorum, tunc ad quod dampnum et quod preiudicium nostrum, et ad quod
dampnum et ad quod preiudicium aliorum, et quorum, et qualiter, et quo
modo; de quo vel de quibus placea illa teneatur, et per quod seruicium, et
qualiter et quo modo; et quantum valeat per annum in omnibus exitibus
iuxta verum valorem eiusdem; et qui et quot sunt (_sic_) medii inter nos
et prefatum Johannem de placea predicta; et que terre et que tenementa
eidem Johanni remaneant vltra donacionem et assignacionem predictas, et
vbi et de quo vel de quibus teneantur, et per quod seruicium, et qualiter
et quod modo, et quantum valeant per annum in omnibus exitibus; et si
terre et tenementa eidem Johanni remanencia vltra donacionem et
assignacionem predictas sufficiant ad consuetudines et seruicia tam de
predicta placea sic data quam de aliis terris et tenementis sibi retentis
debita facienda, et ad omnia alia onera que sustinuit et sustinere
consueuit, vt in sectis, visibus franci plegii, auxiliis, tallagiis,
vigiliis, finibus, redempcionibus, amerciamentis, contribucionibus, et
aliis quibuscumque oneribus emergentibus sustinenda. Et quod idem Johannes
in assisis iuratis et aliis recognicionibus quibuscumque poni possit,
prout ante donacionem et assignacionem predictas poni consuevit. Ita quod
patria per donacionem et assignacionem predictas in ipsius Johannis
defectum magis solito non oneretur seu grauetur. Et inquisicionem inde
distincte et aperte factam nobis, sub sigillo vestro et sigillo eorum per
quos facta fuerit, sine dilacione mittatis et hoc breue. Teste me ipso
apud Eboracum, v die Marcii, anno regni nostri duodecimo.

Inquisicio capta coram Escaetore domini Regis citra Trentam apud Oxoniam
xviii{o} die Maii anno regni Regis Edwardi filii Regis Edwardi duodecimo,
secundum formam breuis huic inquisicioni consuti, per sacramentum Johannis
de Coleshull, Willelmi Pennard, Rogeri Mymekan, Gilberti de Grensted,
Thome Somer, Willelmi de Whatele, Roberti de Watlington, Johannis de
Gunwardeby, Johnnis de Ew, Henrici de Edrope, Ricardi de Hethrop, et
Willelmi de Eueston. Qui dicunt per sacramentum suum, quod non est ad
dampnum nec preiudicium domini Regis nec aliorum, si dominus Rex concedat
Johanni Culuard de Oxonia quod ipse quandam placeam terre cum pertinenciis
in Oxonia, manso Gardiani et ffratrum de ordine minorum in eadem villa ex
parte orientali contiguam, continentem in se in longitudine sex perticatas
terre et in latitudine quinque perticatas terre, dare possit et assignare
eisdem Gardiano et ffratribus, habendam et tenendam sibi et successoribus
suis ad elargacionem mansi sui predicti imperpetuum: Ita tamen quod
communitas ville Oxon’ in omnibus temporibus quando necesse fuerit liberum
habeat introitum et egressum ibidem ad murum ville predicte reficiendum
reparandum et defendendum. Et dicunt quod predicta placea tenetur de
Willelmo de Adreston’ in capite per seruicium vnius denarii per annum pro
omni seruicio; et quod predicta placea valet per annum ij{s} in omnibus
exitibus iuxta verum valorem eiusdem; et quod non sunt plures medii inter
dominum Regem et prefatum Johannem de placea predicta nisi predictus
Willelmus de Adreston’. Et dicunt quod eidem Johanni vltra donacionem et
assignacionem predictas remanent sexaginta solidi terre tenement’ et
redditus in eadem villa que de domino Rege tenentur in capite pro seruicio
ij sol’ per annum pro omni seruicio. Et dicunt quod terre et tenementa
eidem Johanni remanencia ultra donacionem et assignacionem predictas
sufficiunt ad consuetudines et seruicia tam de predicta placea sic data
quam de aliis terris et tenementis sibi retentis debita facienda, et ad
omnia alia onera que sustinuit et sustinere consueuit. Et quod idem
Johannes in assisis iuratis et aliis recognicionibus quibuscumque poni
possit, prout ante donacionem et assignacionem predictas poni consueuit.
Ita quod patria per donacionem et assignacionem predictas in ipsius
Johannis defectum magis solito non oneretur seu grauetur. In cuius rei
testimonium predicti Jurati huic Inquisicioni sigilla sua apposuerunt.
Dat’ predictis die, anno, et loco.

The license to alienate this land was granted to John Culvard on the 8th
of July of the same year, and is entered in the Patent Roll for 13 Edw.
II, m. 44. The same year similar inquisition was held to consider the
petition of Richard Cary to grant land to the Friars Minors at Oxford;
Inquis. ad quod damnum 13 Edw. II, no. 31.


14

Grant of a parcel of ground by John de Grey de Rotherfield, A. D. 1337.

Pat. Roll 11, Edw. III, pt. II, m. 6.

A certain interest attaches to this deed as recording the last gift of
land to the Oxford Minorites, of which evidence remains--probably the last
gift ever made.

Pro Gardiano et fratribus ordinis Minorum Oxon’ de acquirendo ad
elargacionem mansi.

Rex omnibus ad quos, etc. salutem. Licet de communi consilio regni nostri
statutum sit, quod non liceat viris religiosis seu aliis ingredi feodum
alicuius ita quod ad manum mortuam deueniat sine licencia nostra et
capitalis domini de quo res illa immediate tenetur; Volentes tamen
dilectis nobis in Christo Gardiano et fratribus ordinis minorum in villa
Oxon’ graciam facere specialem; concessimus et licenciam dedimus pro
nobis et heredibus nostris, quantum in nobis est, dilecto et fideli nostro
Johanni de Grey de Retherfeld, quod ipse quandam placeam terre cum
pertinenciis in villa predicta manso predictorum Gardiani et fratrum
ibidem ex parte orientali contiguam, continentem in se in longitudine sex
perticatas terre et in latitudine quinque perticatas terre, dare possit et
assignare eisdem Gardiano et fratribus, habendam et tenendam sibi et
successoribus suis ad elargacionem mansi sui predicti imperpetuum: et
eisdem Gardiano et fratribus, quod ipsi placeam predictam cum pertinenciis
a prefato Johanne recipere possint et tenere sibi et successoribus suis
predictis ad elargacionem mansi sui predicti imperpetuum, sicut predictum
est tenore presencium, similiter licenciam dedimus specialem. Nolentes
quod predictus Johannes vel heredes sui, seu predicti Gardianus et fratres
aut successores sui, racione statuti predicti per nos vel heredes nostros
inde occasionentur in aliquo seu grauentur. Saluis tamen capitalibus
dominis feodi illius seruiciis inde debitis et consuetis. In cuius, etc.
Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium, xix die Augusti.




APPENDIX B.

MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS.

    1. Food for the Friars Minors, etc. (A. D. 1244).--2. Adam Marsh as
    royal _nuncius_ (A. D. 1247).--3. For the same (A. D. 1257).--4. The
    Church of the Minorites used as a Sanctuary (A. D. 1284-5).--5. Royal
    grant of 50 marcs (A. D. 1289).--6. Decree of the General Chapter at
    Paris (A. D. 1292).--7. Royal grant of 50 marcs; tally on the sheriff
    of Oxford for half the amount (A. D. 1323); evidence of payment.--8.
    ‘Receptor denariorum gardiani Fratrum Minorum Oxon’ (A. D. 1341).--9.
    Goods and chattels of Friar John Welle, S.T.P. (A. D. 1378).--10.
    Expulsion of foreign Friars Minors from Oxford (A. D. 1388).--11.
    Friar William Woodford; confirmation of his privileges by Pope
    Boniface IX (A. D. 1366.).--12. Appointment of a lecturer to the
    Convent at Hereford (c. A. D. 1400).--13. Decree of the General
    Chapter at Florence (A. D. 1467).--14. Recovery of debt from a Sheriff
    (A. D. 1488).--15. Documents relating to the lease of a garden at the
    Grey Friars to Richard Leke (A. D. 1513-1514).--16. Extracts from the
    will of Richard Leke (A. D. 1526).--17. An ex-warden called to account
    (A. D. 1529).


1

Food for Friars Minors, &c., A. D. 1244.

Liberate Roll, 29 Hen. III, m. 14.

Mandatum est Balliuis Regis Oxon’ quod de firma ville sue habere faciant
fratri Rogero Elemosinario Regis die Mercurij in crastino sancte Lucie
Virginis decem Marcas ad pascendum mille pauperes et fratres predicatores
et minores Oxon’ pro anima domine Imperatricis sororis Regis in
aniuersario ipsius Imperatricis sicut ei iniunxit Rex. Et computetur etc.
Teste ut supra (King at Woodstock, Dec. 12th).


2

Adam Marsh as royal _nuncius_, A. D. 1247.

Liberate Roll, 31 Hen. III, m. 4.

Rex Thesaurario et Camerario salutem. Liberate de Thesauro nostro Herberto
de Denmade quadraginta marcas ad Equos et Harnesium emendum ad opus[1944]
... Mathei Prioris Prouincie ordinis fratrum predicatorum et fratris Ade
de Marisco, quos mittimus In Nuncium ad partes transmarinas, et ad
expensas eorundem. Teste Rege apud Clarendon’ xviii die Julii.


3

For the same A. D. 1257.

Liberate, 42 Hen. III, m. 3.

Rex Vicecomiti Kancie salutem. Precipimus tibi quod venerabili Patri W.
Wygornensi Episcopo et fratri Ade de Marisco, quos mittimus in nuncium
nostrum ad partes transmarinas, facias habere festinum passagium in portu
nostro Douor’ et illud aquietes et computetur[1945] tibi ad scaccarium.
Teste me ipso apud Westmonasterium, xiij die Decembris, anno regni nostri
xlij{o}.

Rex Thesaurario et Camerario, etc. Liberate[1946] Johanni Marscallo nostro
xj{li} ij{d} pro iiij equis emptis ad opus nostrum et liberatis per
preceptum nostrum iiij{or} fratribus ordinis predicatorum et minorum
euntibus in nuncium ad partes transmarinas, et lxix{s} vij{d} obolum pro
expensis eorundem equorum et garcionum custodientium eos per xxxv dies.
Liberate etiam eidem Johanni lxvj{s} ix{d} pro hernesiis emptis ad opus
fratrum predictorum.... Teste ut supra (Rege apud Westm’ xxi die Dec.).


4

The Church of the Minorites used as a Sanctuary, A. D. 1284-5.

Assize Roll 710, m. 55[1947].

Adam de Kydmersford posuit se in Ecclesiam fratrum minorum Oxon’ et
cognouit se esse latronem de pluribus latrociniis et abiurauit regnum
coram Coronatore. Nulla habuit catalla.


5

Royal grant of 50 marcs, 1289.

Exchequer, Queen’s Remembrancer, Wardrobe Acc{ts} 4/7, Anno 17-18, Edw. I.

This is the earliest mention which I have found of the annual grant of 50
marks to the Oxford Minorites. After reciting the similar grant to the
Friars Preachers, the record goes on (11th October):--

Et ffratribus Minoribus Oxon’, percipientibus similiter annuatim a Rege in
subsidium sustentacionis L marcas, scilicet eodem modo ad duos terminos
pro Elemosina Regis predicti; de termino Sancti Michaelis anno presenti
per manus ffratrum Johannis de Bekinkham et Johannis de Clara, xvi{li}
xiij{s} iiij{d}.

Later in the same document occurs this entry:--

Pro Scaccario. ffratribus Minoribus Oxon’ percipientibus[1948] annuatim L
marcas de Elemosina Regis ad sustentacionem suam ad duos anni terminos,
vid. ad festum Sancti Michaelis et ad Pasch’, pro eadem Elemosina de
termino Sancti Michaelis anno xvj{mo} finiente et de termino pasche anno
xvij{o} xxxiij{li} vj{s} viij{d}.


6

Decree of the General Chapter at Paris, A. D. 1292.

The following extract is reprinted from Ehrle’s ‘Die ältesten Redactionen
der Generalconstitutionen des Franziskaner-Ordens,’ in the ‘Archiv für
Literatur- und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters,’ vol. VI. p. 63. The
Franciscan School at Oxford evidently had at this time a greater
reputation and greater popularity than those at Cambridge and London. But
why the burden should be especially heavy during the long vacation is not
quite clear. Can the Mendicant Friars have been to any large extent
dependent on the alms of the secular scholars?

Memoriale ministro Anglie. Ut tempore vacacionis maioris onus conventus
Oxonie aliqualiter relevetur, ordinat generale capitulum, quod studentes
ibidem de provinciis inter ipsam Oxoniensem et Londonensem et
Canteb[_rigiensem_] conventus pro tertia parte, connumeratis aliis
studentibus extraneis, qui in prefatis Londonensi et Cantebrugiensi
conventibus fuerint, ad ministri provincialis arbitrium dividantur.


7

Royal grant of 50 marcs; tally on the Sheriff of Oxford for half the
amount, A. D. 1323; evidence of payment.

R.O. Exchequer, Treas. of Receipt 3/35.

Gardiano et conventui ordinis fratrum Minorum Oxon’----xvj{li} xiij{s}
iiij{d}.

Liberatum eisdem xxv die Maij. In vna tallia facta ... Coll’ x{a} et
vj{ta}[1949] in comitatu Oxon’ et Liberata fratri Johanni de Stanle
videlicet pro hoc termino Pasche de illis quinquaginta marcis per annum
quas Rex eis concessit ad scaccarium percipiendas de elemosina Regis ad
voluntatem suam per breue de Liberate datum apud Westmonasterium primo die
Aprilis anno xvj{o}. persolutum et est inter breuia de hoc termino.


8

‘Receptor Denariorum,’ A. D. 1341.

Brian Twyne MS. xxiii. 266.

This document--the prosecution of the collector of alms by the Warden of
the Oxford Friars Minors for embezzlement--seems to be the only one of the
kind extant. As Twyne points out, we should naturally have expected the
suit to be tried by the Chancellor, not by the Mayor and Bailiffs of
Oxford[1950]. The original is no longer to be found in the City Archives,
and is probably irretrievably lost. Twyne’s reference is: ‘Ibid. (i.e.
Oxford City Archives) Husteng’ Oxon’ tent. ibid’ die D (_lunæ_ crossed
out) proxim’ post festum Epiphaniæ Domini, a{o} Ed. 3{i} 14{o}.’ (Jan.
1340/1.)

Ricardus de Whitchford minor summonitus fuit ad respondendum fratri
Johanni Ochampton Guardiano ordinis fratrum Minorum Oxon’ de placito
computi, et unde idem Gardianus per fratrem Johannem de Hentham attornatum
suum queritur quod praedictus Ricardus iniuste non reddit computum de
tempore quo fuit receptor denariorum ipsius Gardiani, etc.: et ideo
iniuste, quia idem Gardianus dicit quod praedictus Ricardus die Lunae
proximo post festum Santi Michaelis anno regni regis praedicti 14{o} (i.e.
A. D. 1340) recepit apud Oxoniam de denariis dicti Gardiani per manus
diversorum ad summam 60 solidorum et amplius, viz. per manus Ricardi
famuli Johannis de Couton j marc, per manus Thomae de Lundon xij{s}, etc.,
ad computum inde reddendum cum inde requisitus fuerit, etc.: unde idem
Gardianus saepius postea venisset ad praedictum Ricardum et ipsum rogasset
ut computum ei inde reddidisset, etc.; idem Ricardus computum inde reddere
recusavit et adhuc recusat, etc.: unde dicit quod deterioratus est et
damnum habet ad valorem c{s} et inde producit sectam, etc.: et praedictus
Ricardus venit et non potest dedicere receptionem praedictam et petit
Auditores, etc.: et sic per curiam dantur ei Auditores, viz. Ricardus Cary
et Johannes le Peyntour, etc.: et idem Ricardus postea computavit coram
praefatis Auditoribus de summis praedictis, et invenitur in arreragiis de
60{s}, unde non potest satisfacere, ideo committitur custodiae quousque,
&c.


9

Goods and chattels of Friar John Welle, S.T.P., A. D. 1378.

Patent Roll, 1 Ric. II, Part 4, m. 37.

It is doubtful whether the following extract is entitled to a place in
this work. There is no evidence that Friar John Welle had any connection
with Oxford[1951]; but we venture to print the document here as
illustrating in some degree the actual manner of life of a Franciscan
Doctor of Divinity of the later 14th century.

Pro fratre Johanne Welle. Rex omnibus ad quos etc. salutem. Sciatis quod,
cum quedam equi, salices (_sic_), libri, moneta, vasa argentea, ac diuersa
alia bona et catalla, que fuerunt dilecti nobis in Xpo fratris Johannis
Welle de ordine fratrum Minorum in theologia doctoris, extra hospicium
suum London’ per quendam Thomam Bele servientem suum et quosdam alios
malefactores nuper elongata et asportata fuerint, quorum quidem bonorum et
rerum aliqua, vna cum persona dicti Thome, per suspicionem occasione
eiusdem mesprisionis apud villam nostram Cantebrigg’ arestata existunt,
sicut per prefatum fratrem Johannem coram nobis plenius est testificatum;
Nos, de gracia nostra speciali, concessimus eidem Johanni omnia, equos,
calices, libros, monetam, vasa et alia bona et catalla predicta, vbicumque
fuerint, seu eciam denarios de eisdem bonis et catallis, in casu quo idem
Johannes eosdem denarios in manibus dictorum malefactorum seu aliorum,
quibus iidem malefactores partem eorundem bonorum et catallorum
vendiderint peruenientes, inuenire poterit, ac eciam bona et catalla per
eosdem malefactores de denariis per ipsos de dictis bonis et catallis, que
fuerunt dicti Johannis, receptis empta, habenda de dono nostro, si ea ad
nos tanquam forisfacta seu confiscata occasione eiusdem mesprisionis de
iure debeant pertinere. In cuius, etc. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium,
xxii die ffebruarii. per breue de privato sigillo.


10

Expulsion of foreign Friars Minors, A. D. 1388.

Close Roll, 12 Ric. II, m. 42.

De certis fratribus expellendis. Rex dilectis sibi in Christo Gardiano
ordinis fratrum Minorum de Oxonia ac fratribus Anglicis, de consilio
Conuentus eiusdem ordinis ibidem, qui nunc sunt vel qui pro tempore
fuerint, salutem. Quibusdam certis de causis nos et consilium nostrum
intime monentibus, vobis inhibemus firmiter iniungentes, ne aliquos
fratres alienigenas ordinis vestri predicti, nisi tantum eos pro quibus
respondere volueritis quod ipsi secreta et consilium regni nostri
aduersariis nostris in scriptis seu alio modo minime reuelabunt, in dictam
domum vestram vobiscum moraturos ex nunc recipiatis, et si aliquos
huiusmodi fratres alienigenas in dicta domo vestra ad presens comorantes,
pro quibus in forma predicta respondere nolueritis, habeatis seu qui
ordinacionibus dictorum ordinis et Conuentus humiliter parere ac missas,
si sacerdotes fuerint, deuote celebrare, seu aliud diuinum seruicium sibi
iniunctum facere, aut pro nobis et statu dicti regni nostri specialiter
orare noluerint, prout alii fratres indigene dicti ordinis faciunt et
tenentur: tunc eos omnes cuiuscumque gradus fuerint ab eadem domo vestra
et Vniuersitate dicte ville Oxon’ de tempore in tempus penitus expelli
faciatis, Et hoc sub incumbenti periculo nullatenus omittatis. Teste Rege
apud Oxoniam tercio die Augusti.


11

William Woodford: confirmation of his privileges by Boniface IX, A. D.
1396.

MS. New College 156.

This document is bound up at the beginning of vol. 156 of the New College
MSS. The first half of the last two lines has been torn away. Compare the
letter of Innocent VI to Roger de Conway in Wadding _Annales_, vol. viii.
p. 457.

Bonifacius episcopus servus servorum dei Dilecto filio Wilhelmo Wodford
ordinis fratrum Minorum professori, in Theologia Magistro, Salutem et
apostolicam benedictionem. Religionis zelus, litterarum sciencia, vite ac
morum honestas, aliaque laudabilia probitatis et virtutum merita, super
quibus apud nos fidedigno commendaris testimonio, nos inducunt ut te
favoribus apostolicis et graciis prosequamur. Exhibita siquidem nobis
nuper pro parte tua peticio continebat, quod quidam locus in Conventu
domus fratrum Minorum londonien’ quem obtines, et nonnulla aliqua
privilegia et gracie per superiores tuos tibi fuerunt concessa. Quare pro
parte tua nobis fuit humiliter supplicatum, ut tibi, quod locum
quoadvixeris cum omnibus Cameris et pertinenciis suis retinere valeas,
concedere ac huiusmodi privilegia confirmare de benignitate apostolica
dignaremur. Nos igitur tuis in hac parte supplicacionibus inclinati, tibi,
ut predictum locum cum omnibus Cameris et pertinenciis suis quoadvixeris
retinere et possidere, et quod ab eo absque rationabili causa nullatenus
amoveri valeas, auctoritate apostolica concedimus ac huiusmodi privilegia
et gracias, si alias rite tibi concessa fuerint, confirmamus per
presentes, Constitucionibus apostolicis ac statutis et consuetudinibus
dicti ordinis contrariis non obstantibus quibuscunque. Nulli ergo omnino
hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre concessionis et confirmacionis
infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attemptare
presumpserit indignacionem om... et Pauli Apostolorum ejus se noverit
incursurum. Dat’ Rome apud sanctum petrum.... Pontificatus nostri Anno
septimo.


12

Appointment of a lecturer to the Convent at Hereford, c. 1400.

Harl. MS. 431, fol. 100 b.

This letter illustrates the educational organisation--the ‘University
Extension System’--of the Franciscans. Friar John David, the lecturer
mentioned, was D.D. of Cambridge[1952] and does not appear to have studied
at Oxford; but original documents relating to the subject are so scarce
that no apology will be necessary for inserting the letter here.

The writer, John Prophet, was Dean of Hereford from 1393 to 1407[1953].
John David was Provincial Minister in 1425[1954].

Scribit J. Prophete Prouinciali et Capitulo generali (_sic_) ad
admittendum quemdam fratrem J. Dauid in Lectorem et Regentem Domus
Hereford’.

Venerabiles ac religiosi viri in Christo carissimi. Post votiue salutis ac
salutacionis affectum: cum omnes de conuentu fratrum vestrorum hereford’
in votis iam habeant ac desideriis intensis affectent, vt instruor,
fratrem Johannem Dauid, cum prepollens virtutibus ac litterarum sciencia
preditus et acceptus, vt dicitur, existat eisdem, suum ibidem habere
lectorem eciam et regentem anno proximo iam futuro, vt ex sua inibi per
tanti temporis interuallum exhibenda presencia feliciori valeat gubernari
regimine. Vestram reuerenciam presentibus censui deprecandum ex corde,
quatinus, desiderijs atque votis huius predicti Conuentus graciosius
annuentes de predicto fratre Johanne, sub quo prefatus Conuentus maximam
in religione ac scolastica disciplina dinoscitur obtinere proficiendi
fiduciam, in hoc venerabili prouinciali vestro Capitulo eidem Conuentui
eciam harum precium mearum intuitu dignemini, si placeat, prouidere; claro
si libeat considerantes intuitu, quod Conuentus ille predictus, qui in
perfeccione religionis et fame consueuerat hactenus haberi prefulgidus
nisi celerius prouideatur eidem, ad lamentabilem, vt informor, in breui
videbitur deuenire ruinam: Quod siquidem per ipsius confratris Johannis
presenciam, vt speratur a multis Conuentui predicto beneuolis et amicis,
apcius quam per alium poterit euitari. Ad scribendum communi vestro cetui
venerando pro expedicione felici votiui desiderij supradicti Conuentus,
pro tanto quod in fratrem de Conuentu predicto receptus existo, ac de
cognacione mea non pauci Conuentui predicto beneuoli pro bono inibi
exercendo regimine ad idem videre desiderant, et parentes mei et alij de
genere meo multi in Conuentuali ibidem tumulantur ecclesia, multo
procliuior sum effectus. Itaque super isto, vt vtilis effectus inde exequi
videatur, cogitare dignetur vestra reuerencia prelibata. Omnia conseruare
etc.


13

Decree of the General Chapter at Florence, A. D. 1467.

In the _Definitio studiorum_ quoted by Sbaralea (Wadding, Sup. ad Script.
p. 717) from the Acts of this Chapter, occurs the following clause.

Ad provinciam Anglie possunt mittere omnes provincie Ordinis, scil. ad
Studium Oxoniarum, Cantabrigie, et ad alia studia ejusdem provincie.


14

Recovery of debt from a Sheriff, A. D. 1488.

Exchequer of Pleas; Plea Roll, 3 Hen. VII, m. 35.

Pro Ricardo Salford querente versus Johannem Paston Militem nuper
vicecomitem Comitatuum Norff’ et Suff’ defendentem in placito debiti per
billam.

Ricardus Salford Gardianus ffratrum Minorum Oxon’ venit coram Baronibus
huius Scaccarii vicesimo die Maii hoc termino per Jacobum Bartelot
attornatum suum et queritur per billam versus Johannem Paston Militem
nuper vicecomitem Comitatuum Norff’ et Suff’ presentem hic in Curia eodem
die, super compoto suo de officio suo predicto hic ad hoc Scaccarium
reddendo, per Edmundum Dorman’ attornatum suum, de eo quod predictus nuper
vicecomes ei debet et iniuste detinet decem libras decem et octo solidos
argenti; Et pro eo iniuste, quod, cum dictus Rex nunc pro diuersis debitis
in quibus indebitatus fuerat prefato querenti, inter alia assignasset
eidem querenti decem libras decem et octo solidos predictos per quandam
talliam curie his ostensam eandem summam continentem leuatam ad Receptam
Scaccarii dicti domini Regis apud Westmonasterium, terciodecimo die Maii
anno regni dicti domini Regis tercio, pro ffratribus Minoribus Oxon’,
prefato querente tunc Gardiano ffratrum Minorum predictorum existente, de
et super prefato iam defendente per nomen Johannis Paston nuper
vicecomitis dictorum Comitatuum Norff’ et Suff’ percipiendam de ipso de
exitibus balliue sue et de pluribus debitis suis; Et licet predictus
querens decimo septimo die Maii dicto anno tercio apud villam
Westmonasterium in Comitatu Midd’ per quendam Jacobum Bartelot adtunc
seruientem suum monstrauerit et ad deliberandum optulerit talliam
predictam cuidam Edmundo Dorman’ adtunc attornato predicti nuper
vicecomitis iam defendentis super compoto ipsius nuper vicecomitis hic ad
hoc Scaccarium faciendo pro solucione decem librarum decem et octo
solidorum predictorum habenda secundum effectum tallie predicte, ac tunc
et ibidem ipse querens requisiuit prefatum nuper vicecomitem iam
defendentem ad ei soluendum x{li} xviij{s} predictos iam in demanda; Quo
quidem decimo septimo die Maii ipse iam defendens ibidem satis habuit in
manibus suis de dictis exitibus balliue sue predicte prouenientibus et de
pluribus debitis predictis, vnde ipse tunc soluisse potuit prefato
querenti x{li} xviij{s} predictos secundum effectum tallie predicte; Ipse
tamen nuper vicecomes iam defendens x{li} xviij{s} illos siue aliquam inde
parcellam prefato querenti nondum soluit, set hoc facere contradixit et
adhuc contradicit; et vnde predictus querens deterioratur et dampnum habet
ad valenciam decem librarum. Et hoc offert etc.

Et predictus nuper vicecomes, per predictum attornatum suum presens etc.,
petit auditum bille predicte, et ei legitur etc.: qua audita dicit quod
ipse ad presens non est auisatus ad respondendum prefato Ricardo Salford
in premissis. Et petit diem inde loquendi vsque Octavis sancte Trinitatis
citra quem etc.: quod per curiam concessum est ei. Et idem dies datus est
prefato Ricardo Salford hic etc.--Ad quem diem (xxv die Junii, _in
margin_) predictus Ricardus Salford venit hic per predictum attornatum
suum et petit quod predictus nuper vicecomes ei respondeat in premissis.
Et super hoc idem nuper vicecomes ad respondendum prefato Ricard Salford
in premissis hic solempniter exactis etc., non venit set fecit defaltam
etc. Et super hoc idem Ricardus Salford petit iudicium suum in premissis
et debitum suum predictum vna cum dampnis suis predictis sibi in hac parte
adiudicari etc. Super quo, visis premissis per Barones predictos habitaque
inde deliberacione pleniori inter eosdem, consideratum est per eosdem
Barones quod predictus Ricardus recuperet versus prefatum nuper
vicecomitem debitum suum predictum decem librarum decem et octo solidorum
predictorum, et dampna sua, tam occasione iniuste detencionis debiti
predicti, quam pro misis custagiis et expensis suis circa sectam suam
predictam in hac parte appositis (?), taxata per eosdem Barones ad viginti
sex solidos et octo denarios, que quidem summe in toto se attingunt ad
summam duodecim librarum quatuor solidorum et octo denariorum; et quod
predictus nuper vicecomes sit in misericordia domini Regis, etc.


15

Documents relating to the lease of a garden at the Grey Friars to Richard
Leke, A. D. 1513-1514.

Acta Curiae Cancellarii, Oxford Univ. Archives, ~F~, fol. 194, 197, 210,
212.

Eodem die (June 10, 1510) dominus doctor Kynton accepit sibi in seruientem
Ricardum Leke pandaxatorem promittens sibi 6{s} 8{d} annuatim aut unam
robam, quem juratum ad privilegia admisimus (fol. 194).

Eodem die gardianus fratrum minorum Oxon’ promisit, quod ab isto die de
cetero, donec maior communicacio in causa, que euidencius in quadam
indentura inde confecta liquet, inter prefatum gardianum et Ricardum Leke
habeatur, non impediet, aut impediri procurabit per se aut per alium,
quominus predictus Ricardus Leke uti valeat jure et libertate sibi
concessis secundum effectum dictarum indenturarum prefato Ricardo
concessarum (_ibid._).

Eodem die gardianus predictus promisit in verbis sacerdocii quod litem
istam et causam motam non trahet ad extra que pendet inter prefatum
gardianum et Ricardum Leke predictum (_ibid._).

6{o} die Julii comparuit coram nobis doctor Goodefyld ordinis minorum et
olim gardianus eiusdem loci, qui fide media confessus est Ricardum Leke
recepisse in firmam ab eodem, tempore prioratus sui, et conuentu eiusdem
loci, quemdam ortum infra cepta sua secundum tenorem cuiusdam indenture
inde confecte, quam indenturam affirmat eadem fide fuisse legittime
factam. Hoc idem testificante fratre vocato Brown bacallario sacre
theologie eiusdem loci (_ibid._).

(Aug. 12). Gardianus fratrum Minorum promisit fide data quod seruabit
pacem domini regis pro se et suis, quantum in illo est, aduersus Ricardum
Leke, et si contingat fratres suos perturbare predictum Ricardum, quod
retinebit eos in salua custodia quousque res maturius possit examinari, si
possit deuenire in noticiam eorum (fol. 197{b}).

(Jan. 23, 1513/4). Comparuit coram nobis gardianus fratrum minorum et
constituit suum procuratorem Magistrum Carew cum clausulis necessariis,
etc. (fol. 210).

Eodem die Mr. Carew nomine procuratoris pro ecclesia fratrum minorum
petiit restitucionem in integrum aduersus quemdam contractum indentatum
inter predictos fratres et Richardum Leke cuius datum est, etc., et causa
est quia predicta Ecclesia ut asseruit est grauiter lesa et in futuro
erit, ad quod probandum accepit terminum viz. istum diem ad octo dies
(_ibid._).

(Feb. 19). Comparuit coram nobis eodem die Ricardus Leke, et conquestus
est de fratre Johanne Haruey, gardiano fratrum minorum, de et super quodam
contractu indentato inter eos pro quodam gardino et expensis factis circa
idem infra precinctum fratrum predictorum: et post multa communicata
amicabilia inter partes predictas, tandem compromiserunt se expectare
laudum, arbitramentum, et determinacionem Johannis Cokkes, legum doctoris,
et Willelmi Balborow, utriusque juris bachularii, in alto et in basso, in
omnibus causis, negociis, et querelis, motis vel mouendis, inter predictos
fratrem et Ricardum, concernentibus se et conuentum suum, pro predicto
gardino, edificio murorum, et occasione eorundem, a principio mundi usque
in presentem diem; ita quod feratur sentencia siue laudum per predictos
arbitros citra festum annunciationis B. Virginis ... (fol. 212{b}).


16

Extracts from the will of Richard Leke, A. D. 1526.

Prerog. Court of Canterbury, Register Porch, quire 9.

In the name of God amen. In the yere of our Lorde god a Thousand fyve
hundred twenty and six; The first day of May, I Richard Leke, late Bruer
of Oxford, beying of hole and perfite mynde and sike of body, make my
testament and last wille in this maner and fourme folowing, ffirst I
bequethe my soule to almighty god to our blissed lady saint marye and to
all the holy company of hevyn, my body to be buried w{t} in the graye
ffreres in Oxford before the awter where the first masse is daily vsed to
be saide.... Item I will that my body be first brought to the Church of
saint Ebbe, and there dirige and masse to be songe for me. Item I bequeth
to two hundred prestes two hundred grotes to say dirige and masse at saint
Ebbys and at the gray freres with other parishe Churches the day of my
burying.... Item I bequeth to euery gray frere being prest w{t}in the gray
freres in Oxford iiij{d}, and to euery gray frere there being noo prest
ij{d}, to dirige and masse for my soule the day next after my burying.
Item I bequeth to the said gray freres vj{s} viij{d} to make a dyner in
their owne place, and also other vj{s} viij{d} to the wardeyn of the same
gray freres to prouide for the premisses. Item I bequeth to the said
wardeyn of the gray freres xx{s} to prouide the awters to be prepared and
ornated w{t} apparell for prestes to say masse w{t}in the said freres.
Item I bequeth to euery oon of the foure orders of freres in Oxford x{s}
to be paid after the maner and fourme folowing, that is to say, at my
burying iij{s} iiij{d}, at my monethes mynde iij{s} iiij{d}, and att my
yeres mynde iij{s} iiij{d}. And also to bringe me to Churche I woll the
foresaid iiij orders, and there to synge dirige and masse for my soule and
to receyue their money after the manner aboue expressed....

The will was proved on the 26th of July, 1526.


17

An ex-warden called to account, A. D. 1529.

Acta Curiae Cancellarii, EEE, fol. 124 b.

(_Secundo die Sept._) Comparuit coram nobis (sc. Commissario) Johannes
Bacheler ordinis minorum Oxon’ vicegardianus eiusdem ordinis, qui petiit,
nomine gardiani eiusdem domus, a patre Johanne Harwey S.T.B., eiusdem
ordinis et loci dudum gardiano, quosdam fideiussores produci ad reddendum
compotum super omnibus et singulis que eidem obicientur ex parte gardiani
moderni; qui pater Johannes in fideiussores produxit Willelmum Symcokes et
Willelmum Plummer Oxon’, qui pro predicto Johanne Harwey fideiubebant in
summa x librarum sterlingorum, dicto gardiano et ordinis prefati conuentui
soluendorum, si dictus Johannes Harwey citra festum Pasche proximum
legittime compotum non reddidit secundum formam petitionis prefati
gardiani, cum ab eo requisitus et licite monitus.




APPENDIX C.

CONTROVERSY BETWEEN THE FRIARS PREACHERS AND FRIARS MINORS AT OXFORD, A.
D. 1269.


This curious treatise, here printed for the first time, is preserved in
Vol. 3119 (ff. 86-88) of the Phillipps MSS. at Thirlestaine House. The
MS., a folio with two columns on each page, is written in a clear upright
hand of the late 13th or early 14th century. The work, which appears to
have been unknown to Wood, is attributed by Bale and Pits to Eccleston,
probably merely because it is bound up with a copy of Eccleston’s
Chronicle: the MS. itself gives no clue as to the author, and the style
bears no close resemblance to that of Eccleston. It is clearly the work of
an Oxford Minorite who was an eyewitness of, and probably a participator
in, the events which he records. The treatise is interesting as affording
a glimpse from the inside into the life of the Oxford friars, and as
showing the shifts and quibbles to which the Franciscans were compelled to
have recourse in order to establish their claim to be professors of
‘perfect poverty.’


_Impugnacio fratrum Minorum per fratres Predicatores apud Oxoniam._

A. D. MCCLXIX circa quadragesimam venerunt fratres predicatores de
conventu Oxon’, viz. Salomon de Ingeham et Robertus de novo Mercato[1955]
pro quibusdam negociis expediendis ad domum fratrum Minorum Oxon’. Cumque
tractarent de negociis suis cum tribus fratribus minoribus, viz. Waltero
de Landen, Willelmo Cornubienci, Alano de Wakerfelde, nacta quacumque
occasione, dixit frater Salomon: ‘Vos fratres Minores peccuniam recipitis
per interpositas personas sicut nos in personis propriis.’ Respondens
frater Alanus dixit: ‘Noli, frater, ita dicere, quia nobis est verbum hoc
verbum scandali et religioni nostre cedit in derogacionem et nobis omnibus
in manifestam offensionem; cum non recipiamus nec recipere possimus, et
certi sumus de nostra veritate quod non recipimus.’ Ffrater Salomon cum
impetu sponte[1956] (?) manum suam ad crucem in pariete depictam juravit
dicens: ‘In crucifixo juro quod vos recipitis;’ et adjecit: ‘Ergo non sum
magnus clericus nec homo magne litterature, et tamen constanter hoc
affirmo, et in presencia pape, si necesse fuerit, affirmabo.’ Et cum esset
pluries increpatus ut taceret, sepius idem replicans affirmabat. Hec in
presencia duorum predicatorum et trium Minorum quos supra memoravimus
facta sunt, ideo certam probacionem habent.

Post hec fratres Minores, hiis non obstantibus, caritatis obsequia
predictis predicatoribus exhibuerunt, et accepto caritatis indicio, versus
domum suam conduxerunt. Cumque starent in porta fratrum Minorum, frater
Alanus ait, qui solus ibi tunc aderat cum predicatoribus: ‘Ffrater
Salomon, rogo in lege fraterne caritatis, ut verbum istud offensionis et
scandali de cetero de ore tuo non procedat, quia plane tibi facio
constare, quod non recipimus peccuniam per nos nec per alios; nec de
professione nostra recipere possumus.’ Respondit frater Salomon: ‘Ex
verbis tuis sic arguo: vos de non recipiendo peccuniam votum fecistis; hec
est major; assumo--et recepistis; ac concludo; ergo vos estis in statu
dampnacionis.’ Ad hec frater Alanus respondit: ‘Majorem concedimus,
minorem negamus, quia simpliciter falsa est; et ideo non est mirum si
conclusio sit falsa.’ Hiis dictis recesserunt fratres. Ad hec non modicum
fratres turbati, tum propter imposicionem tum propter imponendi modum.
Habita ergo deliberacione diligenti, de consilio discretorum, missi sunt
duo de minoribus ad predicatores, rogantes humiliter errata corrigi et
delinquentem regulariter emendari. Post modicum temporis spacium, missi
sunt duo de predicatoribus ad minores pro pace reformanda, viz. frater
Vincencius le Sauvage et frater Robertus de novo Mercato; qui fratribus
minoribus in unum convocatis hoc inicium proposuerunt. ‘Ffratres nostri
petunt, quod vos doceatis fratrem Salomonem errasse et falsum vobis
imposuisse, et extunc fratres nostri manum correctionis apponent et
delinquentem juxta peccata regulariter emendabunt.’

Ex parte minorum fuit responsum sic: ‘Vos affirmatis nos peccuniam
recipere, et ideo partem affirmativam tenetis; nos negamus, et negativam
tenemus. Unde, si ad probacionem accedendum sit, vestrum est probare, non
nostrum; quia affirmative, non negative, incumbit probacio.’ Quo dicto
tacuerunt predicatores. Hec de substancia nuncii.

Extra ordinarie proposita fuerunt ista verba, dicente fratre Roberto de
novo Mercato: ‘Videtur sic posse persuaderi quod vos recipitis peccuniam
per interpositas personas ad minus. Pono quod aliquis moriatur et in
testamento suo unam summam peccunie vobis leget. Quero cujus sit illa
peccunia. Defuncti non est, quia nichil proprietatis in ea aut in re alia
defunctus habet aut habere potest; vivencium enim et non moriencium est
jus et proprietatem in rebus habere, et in eis dominium vendicare.
Executorum non est, constat. Ergo aut omnino nullius erit, aut vestra
erit.’

Ad hec frater Minor dupliciter respondit; primo per instanciam sic:
‘Ponatur quod illa peccunia legaretur alicui fabrice alicujus ecclesie;
quero, cujus esset illa peccunia. Non executorum, constat; et secundum te
non est defuncti. Sed qua racione non est defuncti? Si defunctus unde
defunctus nichil proprietatis in rebus habet, nec fabrice illius ecclesie
erit, ut videtur; cum non sit major racio a parte fabrice non viventis,
quam a parte defuncti non viventis, ut videtur. Non est ergo necessarium
dicere quod legatum semper transit in dominium legatarii. Et ideo peccunia
quamvis nobis legetur, non est necesse dicere quod sit nostra. Ad quod
accedit quod nunquam in dominium consensimus, et nobis invitis et
contradicentibus nullo modo in dominium nostrum transire potest: vero
ipsam tanquam nostram petere possimus aut debemus nullo jure. Ex quo patet
quod racio vestra non valet.’

Secundo fuit sic responsum, quod, secundum diffinicionem jurisperitorum,
peccunia legata in bonis annumeratur defuncti, quousque transierit in
dominium et proprietatem legatarii. ‘In jus autem nostrum aut dominium
nullo modo potest transire, nobis invitis et non consentientibus. Unde,
qualitercumque peccunia ab executoribus deponatur seu apud quemcumque pro
fratribus reponatur, quam diu manet inexpensa, semper in bonis defuncti
annumeratur, et possunt eam executores, auctoritate propria vel defuncti,
repetere quando volunt. Quomodo[1957] ergo dicetur nostra? nullo modo.’

Ad hec predicatores, ut suam contra minores sentenciam roborarent, plures
casus personales proposuerunt, in quibus asserebant fratres minores non
posse excusari quin peccuniam per se vel per alios recepissent. Ad hec
frater minor respondit, dicens quod hoc in nullo modo derogat communitati;
quia communitas religionis a principio tales transgressores punit et
parata est semper punire, ubicumque fuerint inventi. Item transgressio
talium nullo modo probare potest, quod fratres stent cum transgressione
sue professionis, sicut vero[1958] lapsus carnis aut contumax
inobediencia, si contingeret, quod absit, alicujus persone singularis.

Circa hanc ergo materiam verbis cessantibus, dictum est a parte Minorum:
‘Mirum est, cum tot sint status religiosorum et tot status secularium tam
in clero quam in populo, sicut cernimus, quare diligencius et curiosius
(in) statum nostrum quam aliorum exploratur, et omnibus aliis tacentibus
vos soli verba de statu nostro tintinatis[1959] (?) et de professione
discutitis.’ Respondit frater Vincencius le Sauvage, ‘Hec est,’ inquit,
‘racio. Veniunt ad nos diversi seculares et religiosi, comparacionem inter
statum et statum facientes, statum vestrum extollentes, et nostrum in hoc
deprimentes, quod nos peccuniam recipimus, vos autem non recipitis,
judicantes nos in hoc minus perfectos mundi contemptores. Nos modo in
declaracionem veritatis et status nostri exaltacionem, dicimus vos hoc
facere per interpositas personas quod nos facimus in propriis personis.’
Et cum inculcando quereretur a fratre Vincencio, quare in ista materia
haberent contra minores faciem sic obstinatam, respondit: ‘Quia nunquam
duos fratres minores in hoc articulo inveni consencientes.’ Cui cum esset
responsum ex parte minorum; ‘En octo sumus congregati omnes unanimes et
uno corde et ore idem sencientes et asserentes;’ respondit, ‘Certe verum
est, sed si seorsum vos haberem in privata collacione, non ita esset;
eciam vos duos,’ demonstratis fratribus Willelmo de Wykham et Dyonisio,
‘habita seorsum collacione, invenirem discordes et de vobis diversa
elicerem.’ Ista turbato animo et impetu sponte[1960] (?) proferens, non
minus fratri suo proprio quam eciam ipsis fratribus minoribus offensionis
materiam dedit. Quod cum averteret, ad pedes fratrum se projecit in
terram, culpam confitendo. Cui frater suus proprius, verba contumeliosa
equanimiter non ferens, sic ait: ‘Cum mihi capud fregeris, penam[1961]
dabis.’ Quo dicto domum redierunt fratres.

Hic transeo unum diem in quo miserunt fratres minores ad predicatores
iterum postulantes sibi satisfieri, et errata regulariter corrigi; quibus
erat pacifice et mansuete responsum a parte predicatorum et de emenda
humiliter facienda promissum. Set in solucione promissi inventi sunt minus
habentes, unde tantum[1962] facta fuit negocii dilacio.

Cum vero pendente tempore predicatores juxta promissa nichil facerent,
minores injuriam personalem non multum ponderantes, sed injuriam
communitatis sue conniventibus oculis dissimulare non poterant, et ideo de
consilio discretorum miserunt ad predicatores iterum, duo postulantes.
Primum est, quod principalis transgressio facta per fratrem Salomonem
emendaretur; secundum est, quod fratres pacifici et mansueti ex parte
eorum ad tractandum de negocio pacis et amoris mitterentur. Quo petito,
habita deliberacione, missi sunt quatuor predicatores ad minores, quorum
principalis fuit frater Willelmus de Stargil. Qui, convocatis minoribus,
hoc nuncium ex parte fratrum suorum proposuerunt: ‘Ffrater Vincencius, qui
insolenter apud vos se habuit in nuncio faciendo, fuit in nostro capitulo
a proprio socio fratre Roberto de novo mercato accusatus, a suo superiore
correptus, et secundum exigenciam sue religionis punitus.’ Quo dicto,
siluit: et cum expectarent minores de principali responsum, sc. de facto
fratris Salomonis, nihil est auditum. Et cum peterent responsum sibi dari
de principali, responsum istud secundarium non multum ponderantes,
respondit frater Willelmus de Stargil predicator pro se et suis sociis, se
non esse ad hoc missos. Hec de substancia nuncii.

Extra ordinarie autem proposita ista verba fuerunt, dicente fratre Thoma
de Docking: ‘Mirum est, quod vos non cessatis nos impugnare in articulo de
recepcione peccunie, et hac racione, vos dicitis quod nos recipimus per
interpositam personam; nos e contra (?) negamus et dicimus quod non. Mota
est ergo lis et controversia inter nos et vos, et ideo oportuit per
judicem determinari, quia per nos non potuit. Demigravimus ad judicem non
quemcumque sed summum pontificem, et ad illum qui regulam nostram dictavit
et mentem beati francisci, eodem papa sibi ipsi testante, novit. Ipse pro
nobis sentenciavit. Quid ultra queritis? quid impugnatis?’ Et adjecit idem
frater Thomas de Docking, dicens: ‘Occurrit racio idem dictans, talis
peccunia a quocumque data seu quocumque titulo pro fratribus apud
quemcumque deposita nunquam est nostra; ergo nunquam recepimus eam nec per
nos nec per interpositam personam.’

Ad hoc respondit frater W. de Stargil, predicator, dicens: ‘Sic possem
arguere de capa quam porto que nunquam fuit mea, nec erit nec est; et
tamen ego recepi eam.’ Ad hoc obvium fuit instanciam non valere; Sic,
‘quamvis tu non habeas personalem proprietatem in capa tua, ordo tamen
tuus totus et communitas ordinis tui in ea proprietatem habet; sed nec
persona nec communitas ordinis nostri aliquam proprietatem habet nec
habere potest in peccunia a quocumque oblata, data, seu deposita. Preterea
in assercione vestra hoc inconveniens incurritis. Nos habemus regulam qua
utimur secundum declaracionem domini pape qui eam juxta mentem beati
francisci declaravit. In sua declaracione dicit, quod nos ipsam
declaracionem cum regula observando peccuniam non recipimus per
interpositam personam. Vos ergo, si insistitis contrarium asserendo, notam
mendacii, ut videtur, domino pape inponitis.’ Respondit frater predicator:
‘Absit a nobis hec presumpcio, sed plane videtur quod dominus papa non
declaravit regulam juxta mentem beati francisci et ipsius regule.’ Ad hec
frater Thomas de Docking sic opposuit: ‘Papa in sua declaracione dicit
quod intencionem beati francisci plenius novit, et ad hoc persuadendum
idem papa in sua declaracione tres raciones posuit: prima, quia longam
familiaritatem cum eo traxit, in qua solent homines secreta cordium suorum
mutuo communicare; secunda, quia in condendo predictam regulam sibi
astitit cum esset in minori officio constitutus; tercia, quia in optinendo
ipsius regule confirmacionem eciam sibi non defuit. Si ergo papa dicit et
racionibus convincit, se nosse intencionem beati francisci, ex quo eciam
sequitur declaracionem factam juxta intencionem ejusdem sancti, quid
dicetis?’

Ad hoc quidam predicator dixit: ‘Nullo modo videtur quod papa novit
intencionem beati francisci, quod probo sic. Voluntas testamentaria fuit
beati francisci, quod fratres nullo modo quererent litteras expositorias a
sede apostolica, sed hoc non obstante quesierunt et papa annuente
optinuerunt. Non solum ergo fratres sed et papa contra intencionem ejus
fecerunt; ex quo videtur quod intencionem ejus non noverunt; quia si ipsam
novissent contra ipsam non fecissent.’

Ad hoc frater Minor: ‘Esto quod racio sit bona, cum illacio sit satis
mirabilis. Ex hac racione probatur papam vel mentitum esse vel falsum
dixisse; ipse enim dixit, plenius novimus intencionem ipsius sancti.
Preterea, ut ad unum sit dicere de testamento suo quod non novimus, non
respondemus, sed regulam quam observare promisimus parati sumus defendere.
Accedit ad hoc, quod nec fratres nec dominus papa fecerunt contra
intencionem beati francisci, quam in condendo regulam habuit, sed contra
intencionem petende declaracionis. Nec in hoc pape potuit in aliquo
prejudicari in facienda declaracione, maxime cum apud eum resideat plena
potestas et auctoritas tocius ecclesie gubernande. Quo etiam in sua
declaracione dicente et probante, ut patet inspicienti, hoc non potest nec
debet in aliquo fratribus prejudicari.’

Inter hec et alia que proponebantur, ait frater W. de Stargil: ‘Scimus
quidem quia regulam et regule declaracionem ab eo qui potuit declarare,
habetis et utramque observatis; hoc et nobiscum confitemur. Sed quomodo
vos peccuniam non recipiatis, non videmus.’ Ad hoc ffrater Thomas Docking
sic respondit: ‘Frater karissime, audeo plane dicere, quod si habitum
secularem haberes quem ante habitum tue religionis portabas, facillime
veritatem mee professionis tibi persuaderem; et ad spacium vii psalmorum
quam nos videmus luce ipse clarius videres.’

Hiis ergo transactis transivimus ad principale, petentes iterum quod ipsi
responderent nobis de principali, ipsum accessorium de quo factum est
nuncium non ponderantes. Respondit frater W. sicut prius, dicens se non
posse nec debere hoc facere, cum non esset ad hoc missus; tamen peticionem
nostram libenter fratribus suis nunciaret. Quo facto domum redierunt
fratres.

Hic transeo alium diem, in quo missi sunt de minoribus duo ad
predicatores, quibus facte fuerunt multe promissiones de correctione
facienda, sed in solvendo promissum inventi sunt iterum minus habentes, ut
videtur: unde tantum fuit dilacio negocii. Interim pendente tempore et
fratribus predicatoribus nichil respondentibus, supervenit prior
provincialis predicatorum[1963] Oxoniam. Ffratres Minores pro pace mutua
reconsilianda[1964] et servanda miserunt[1965] ad eum, cum humilitate
postulantes, excessum corrigi et sibi regulariter satisfieri. Prior vero
provincialis, habita deliberacione et facta diligenti inquisicione per
fratres suos, sic respondit: ‘Ego claudam os fratris de cetero ne presumat
talia dicere contra vos, et ego ipse dicam sicut vos ipsi, cum de illo
articulo agitur, dicitis; et ut alii fratres sic dicant, pro viribus
inducam. Fratrem vero Salomonem, quem vos esse transgressum (dicitis),
aliter punire non possum, quia plane sicut dixit ita et sentit, nec induci
potest ad contrarium, quia sua consciencia est quod vos estis receptores
peccuniarum ad minus per interpositas personas; unde ego contra leges
consciencie non possum. Misissem autem ipsum pro culpa dicenda sua ad vos,
sed timui ne ipse plus vos provocasset et fierent novissima pejora
prioribus.’ Hic nota quod frater non dixit ex surrepcione, sed ex plena
deliberacione. Hec de substancia nuncii.

Extra ordinarie autem allocutus priorem predicatorum quidam de minoribus
cum mansuetudine predicatoris[1966] et obsecrans, ut ipse partes suas de
pace lesa reparanda et reparata jam fovenda vigilanter juxta discrecionem
a deo sibi datam interponeret. Adjecit autem dictus frater minor cum
mansuetudine dicens: ‘Mirum est quod ita extranee de re nobis manifesta
quidam de vestris senciunt, maxime cum peccunia a quocumque legata seu
donata nunquam ad dominium nostrum transeat. Et propterea nullo modo dici
possumus receptores non per nos nec per interpositas personas.’ Respondit
prior provincialis cum mansuetudine dicens: ‘Unum est quod videre non
possumus. Cum peccunia in usus vestros quocumque titulo deputata
multociens sit apud multos deposita, et cum post deposicionem transeat a
dominio conferentis nec cedat in dominium depositarii--hoc, inquam, est
quod videre non possumus, quin peccunia illa in vestrum cedat dominium.’

Ad hoc respondit frater minor, quod peccunia, quocumque titulo ad usus
fratrum deputata, nunquam in eorum dominium transeat juxta declaracionem
domini pape, sed possunt fratres in suis necessitatibus recursum habere ad
recipientem, qui auctoritate domini principalis potest fratribus, si vult
et non aliter, subvenire; quia jure debiti nullo modo fratribus tenetur,
nec nomine depositi aliquid[1967] exigere possunt ab eodem. Auctoritas
ergo et dominium peccunie quocumque titulo tradite permanet penes ipsum
tradentem, intantum quod nunquam transit nec transire potest in fratrum
dominium ullo jure: unde dicit[1968] dominus papa quod principalis potest
eam repetere si vult, quamdiu manet inexpensa.

Ad hoc prior: ‘Quid si peccunia penes ipsum recipientem est centum annis
aut plus remanserit?’ Ad hoc frater Minor: ‘Non plus juris habent fratres
nostri in peccunia in fine C annorum aut cujuscumque alterius spacii quam
in fine prime diei. Et hoc parati sumus probare, et pro loco et tempore
mundo manifestare.’

Ad hoc attonitus prior cum admiracione dixit: ‘Vere si hoc constaret,
mundo non sic habundaretis sicut habundatis.’ Respondit frater Minor:
‘Quomodocumque habundancia se habeat, veritatem professionis narro.’ Tunc
exclamans quidam predicator, cujus nomen ad presens ex causa retineo,
factum eorum ut videtur non approbans, ait: ‘Eya, domine deus, verba que
de vobis facimus ex malis que de nobis dicitis occasionem[1969] sumunt.’

Interim dum hec agebantur, fratres minores inter se contulerunt, et habito
consilio miserunt ad priorem provincialem gratias agentes de sua
oblacione, rogantes quod frater Salomon, ex quo conscienciam suam non
deponit nec culpam suam recognoscere proponit, pro mutua pace concilianda
et servanda, de loco, ex quo pacem perturbavit, amoveretur. Respondit
prior se super hoc velle deliberare. Habita vero deliberacione,
sollempnes nuncios de ordine suo mittens, sic respondit: ‘Frater Salomon
pro conventu Oxon’ fratribus suis est multum necessarius et utilis sicut
bonus et ministerialis, in tantum eciam ut difficile esset mihi invenire
alium eis ita utilem et necessarium, et ideo grave esset ipsum amovere.
Item pro peccato privato, publica pena non debet adjungi. Hoc autem fieret
si frater Salomon de loco suo ad alium locum amoveretur. Unde peticio de
dicto fratre amovenda non videtur consona racioni. Nec debetis turbari,
quia peticionem vestram in hac parte non fulcio, quia, ut videtur, id quod
vobis primo optuli debet sufficere, viz. quod os ejus per obedienciam
claudatur, et ne de cetero a(liqua) sinistra contra puritatem regule
vestre dicere presumat.’

Ffacta ista responsione nuncii ex parte prioris tres faciebant peticiones.
Prima fuit, quod pro dicto unius stulti communitas fratrum minorum non
turbaretur; secunda fuit, quod caritas mutua ut olim omnimodis signis
ostenderetur. Tercia fuit quod regula nostra cum exposicione vel
exposicionibus eis ad tempus ostenderetur, ab illis tantummodo et non ab
aliis quam nos nominare decrevimus inspicienda. Hec de substancia nuncii.

Extra ordinarie autem facta sunt verba ista, dicente fratre Minore: ‘Si
stultus de sua stulticia corrigendus est, mirum est quod fratrem Salomonem
non corrigitis, qui in sua stulticia manet; quem eciam vos ipsi stultum
nominatis, cum petitis quod propter dictum unius stulti communitas fratrum
minorum non turbetur. Item si peccatum est corrigendum, maxime vobis qui
estis professores veritatis, mirum est quod fratrem Salomonem non
corrigitis, quem peccasse probatis, cum pro eo allegatis quod pro peccato
privato publica pena non sit injungenda.’

Post hec fratres Minores, habita diligenti deliberacione, perpendentes
quod fratres predicatores a principio in toto processu aut id negocium
distulerunt aut dissimulaverunt aut a principali diverterunt, ut videtur,
miserunt ad eos fratres diffinitive sic respondentes; ‘Pendente
principali, videtur fratribus quod peticionibus vestris accessoriis non
sit respondendum; unde ad huc petunt fratres quod frater Salomon, qui
pacem mutuam turbavit, ammoveatur; ad quod movere[1970] potest pax et
tranquillitas mutua utriusque ordinis, que est magis ponderanda quam
utilitas ministerialis unius persone. Ad hoc autem quod vos dicitis, quod
penitencia publica peccato privato non sit imponenda, sic responderunt
fratres; quod quamvis ammoveatur, peccatum suum non publicatur. Est enim
pene omnium sentencia una, tam secularium quam religiosorum, quod fratres
vestri[1971] conventuales ad prelacias et ceteras dignitates, et studentes
ad doctorum officia exercenda, cum gloria et non cum ignominia, frequenter
emittuntur et de loco ad locum transferuntur. Unde ad huc petunt vel quod
ammoveatur vel quod culpam suam confiteatur. Et ad hoc movere debet, quod
fratres Minores in consimili casu personas multum dissimiles, viz.
lectores, in tantum humiliaverunt, quod pro levi occasione unum valde
graciosum ad pacem vestram conservandam de conventu suo ammoverunt, et
alium suspenderunt per annum a predicacione et confessione; et usque hodie
manet a lectione suspensus. Ad hoc autem quod vos dicitis, quod nobis
debet sufficere, quod os ejus obstruatur, ne mala de nobis loquatur,
respondent fratres, quod non debet sufficere, quia ad hoc tenetur de
communi lege caritatis eciam si nunquam aliquem offendisset.’ Cum vero
fratres non solum bis aut ter, sed eciam sepcies, pro correctione
transgressionis postulanda missi fuerunt, nec est eis in aliquo
satisfactum, dicunt quod nolunt ulterius vexari, sed si predicatores
noluerint hac vice satisfacere, sedebunt in domo patiencie sue,
expectantes tempora meliora. Hec de substancia nuncii.

Extra ordinarie autem fuit responsum a parte predicatorum ad racionem de
ammocione facienda sic: ‘Ffratris minorum delictum contra predicatores
fuit publicum, et ideo non fuit mirum si publice ammoveretur; sed istius
fratris predicatoris peccatum fuit privatum, et ideo non est simile.’ Ad
hoc frater Minor: ‘Esto quod illius fratris ammocio, cum esset persona
valde gravis, in cujus comparacione, secundum judicium humane
estimacionis, frater Salomon est persona multum humilis, movere non
debeat; saltem moveat vos quod alius lector fuit ammotus a loco suo pro
pace vestra servanda, qui eciam cum se in presencia quorundam predicatorum
excusaverat, nichil contra eum habuerunt nec habere potuerunt.’

Post hec, pendente dissencionis tempore et predicatoribus nihil super
petita respondentibus, urgente quadam necessitate, prior provincialis
predicatorum repente de Oxonia recessit; qui nacta temporis opportunitate
rediit, ne (?) incepta feliciter consummaret. Quadam vero die, clam
fratribus Minoribus, credentes fratres predicatores negocium[1972] melius
agere per seculares magistros, necnon et dissencionem et ejus occasionem
celerius quam per semet ipsos extirpare, rogatus est dominus Cancellarius
cum magistris quatuor de sollempnioribus tocius universitatis, ex parte
predicatorum in causa dissencionis fortiter instructi, subito et occulte
venerunt, et fratres Minores convocari rogaverunt, antequam de responsione
facienda aliquid deliberarent aut deliberare potuerunt[1973]. Convocatis
igitur minoribus, ex parte predicatorum, processum dissensionis supra
memoratum quamquam incomplete recitaverunt, hoc nuncium adicientes:
‘Petunt fratres predicatores et nos cum ipsis petimus, consilium in id
ipsum dantes, quod vos descendatis in formam pacis et unitatis. Ipsi enim
parati sunt, vobis, juxta racionis exigenciam et discrecionem
arbitrancium, regulariter per omnia satisfacere[1974].’ Inculcando vero
adjecerunt: ‘Nos invenimus predicatores ad omnia secundum racionis
exigenciam paratissimos, iniantes quantum possunt forme pacis et unitatis
et fraterne caritatis; utinam in vobis contrarium non inveniamus.’ Hec de
substantia nuncii et consilii.

Ffacta autem ista peticione, deliberans penes se sicut potuit, quidam
frater Minor sic ait: ‘Magistri mei et amici karissimi, duo verba tantum
ad presens vobis propono, unum pro devota gratiarum accione, aliud pro
humili peticione. Primo enim regracior vobis pro labore vestro, quod vos
pro nobis pauperibus dignati estis tantum laborare, non minores gratiarum
acciones exsolvens, quam zelum dei habentes pro forma pacis et unitatis
insudatis. Secundo peto quod, sicut hodie principaliter pro predicatoribus
laborastis, secundario pro nobis, ita cras placeat vobis laborare
principaliter pro nobis, secundario pro predicatoribus, ut, vobis in unum
ubicumque placuerit convenientibus, super petita cum deliberacione
respondeam, et totum processum plenius manifestem.’ Magistri vero
instabant ut statim eis responderetur, si fieri posset bono modo. Minores
vero ad eorum instanciam ab eis paululum divertentes, habita
deliberacione, responderunt communiter ad omnia que magistri ex parte
predicatorum recitaverunt, in qua nimirum responsione non declinabant in
aliquo a responsionibus supra memoratis; adicientes quod, sicut
predicatores, ita et semet ipsos, ad formam pacis et unitatis paratos
invenirent. Hec de responsionis substancia.

Extra ordinarie autem facta fuerunt verba disputacionis magne inter
seculares magistros, fratribus minoribus nichil opponentibus aut
respondentibus; ubi fratres perpenderunt quod fuerunt contra eos graviter
informati. Ipsi vero habili cautela redimentes tempus pertraxerunt in
longum. Unde, pendente tempore, accidit quod bedellus universitatis missus
fuit eciam bis ex parte universitatis, dominum Cancellarium pro quadam
incepcione advocare; quo vocato una cum magistris aliis recessit.
Magistrorum nomina, qui cum ipso ex parte predicatorum venerant, erant
hec: Magister Johannes de Wyntun’, Magister Hugo de Corbrug’, Magister
Hugo de Hevesham, Magister Willelmus[1975] Pomay. Nomen vero Cancellarii,
Magister N. de Ewelm’.

Interim pendente tempore, minores quesierunt consilium, quid facto opus
esset discucientes. Ffacta vero discussione in hoc consenserunt, quod
amicos eorum, de quibus specialiter confiderant, convocarent, et eos
secundum veritatem de toto processu informarent. Convocatis autem quinque
de majoribus tocius universitatis, frater unus capitulum regule sue de
recepcione peccunie, et ejusdem declaracionem secundum dominum papam
factam, recitavit. Quesivit frater si magistri intelligerent. Respondit
Magister, persona multum sollempnis, in utroque jure peritus, Johannes le
Gras nomine: ‘Intelligo quidem ego.’ Et incepit volvere capitulum et
revolvere, et super hoc sermonem continuare. Qui ita proprie vitam fratrum
communem et vivendi modum quem tenebant, et secura consciencia tenere
poterant, instinctu nescio quo descripsit, quasi ipse inter fratres vitam
fratrum per longa tempora duxisset. Admiratus quidam frater quod ita
proprie loquebatur, quesivit an super hoc ab aliquo fratre fuisset
informatus. Magister respondit et cum juramento asseruit, se nunquam
verbum super hoc a fratre Minore prius audisse, adiciens hec verba:
‘Ponamus quod papa nunquam declarasset capitulum id, eciam secundum jura
communia possetis regulam vestram sancte et sincere observare. Nec dico
vobis aliud quam jura civilia et canonica communiter dicunt. Unde mirabile
est, quod vobis imponitur recepcio peccunie ad utilitatem vestram
quocumque titulo deputate, ex quo in dominium vestrum non transit nec
transire potest ullo jure, sed semper remanet dominium et auctoritas
peccunie penes principalem dominum, et eam repetere potest quando volt
quamdiu manet inexpensa.’ Et inculcando adjecit dicens: ‘Fratres, non
oportet ut in hoc casu timeatis. Ego enim sum paratus pro ista veritate
defensanda curiam adire romanam, si necesse esset, et aliquis se opponeret
impudenter.’ Magister Adam de Norfolk’ hoc idem sentit et idem dixit. Alii
vero facta super hoc longa disputacione idem senserunt.

Post hec ffrater unus totum processum a principio supra memoratum eis
enarravit. Quo audito obstipuerunt. Magistrorum vero nomina qui ex parte
minorum venerant hec fuerunt; Magister Johannes de Maydeston,
Archidiaconus Bedeford’, Magister Thomas de Bek’, Magister Johannes le
Gras, Magister Stephanus de Wytun’, Magister Adam de Norfolk’.

Post hec de istorum magistrorum consilio, rogaverunt minores magistros,
qui ex parte predicatorum venerant, ut iterum plenius veritatem audituri
convenirent. Qui cum venissent, et in uno loco cum magistris, qui ex parte
minorum venerant, congregati essent, unus minorum sic exorsus est, dicens:
‘Magistri boni, sicut scitis, ex infirmitate condicionis humane orta fuit
quedam dissensio, persuadente generis humani inimico, inter predicatores
et nos; et[1976] injuria incepit a predicatoribus; petimus nos bis
regulariter satisfieri. Oblata fuit quedam satisfactio, sed non sufficiens
nec plena, ut videbatur; et cum Minores amplius habere non poterant,
pacienter meliora tempora expectabant. Negocium autem id publicare eciam
amicis suis nolebant duplici racione; primo quia timebant animos
infirmorum scandalizare, secundo quia injuria a predicatoribus incepit et
absque correccione a suis superioribus dissimulata fuit, cum esset
correccio pluries petita; et ideo non poterant minores, ut videtur, hiis
et aliis causis, negocium istud publicare, nisi aliqua[1977] verba
dicerent que in predicatorum derogacionem sonarent, unde minus in
conspectu secularium commendabiles redderentur. Igitur contra infirmorum
scandala et contra predicatorum derogacionem sanctam cautelam adhibentes
prudenter tacuerunt et humiliter dissimulaverunt. Modo autem quia
predicatores primo amicis suis divulgaverunt, urgente quadam necessitate,
eciam minores suis amicis publicare voluerunt.’

Quo dicto, incepit idem frater omnes in communi informare sicut prius
specialiter Minorum amicos informabat. Quo facto ceperunt Magistri, qui
prius ex parte predicatorum venerant, aliqualiter magis pie quam prius
sentire. Facta igitur longa disputacione, de discretorum consilio facta
deliberacione, ait frater Minor: ‘Magistri karissimi, nos parati sumus per
omnia in hac causa stare arbitrio vestro et provisive discretioni in forma
pacis et unitatis, scientes quod nunquam sitivimus nec adhuc sitimus penam
fratris, sed tantum correccionem et emendam. Nec multum ponderamus fratris
emissionem de suo loco, sed omnis satisfaccio, quantacumque exilis, que
precludit viam et occasionem resumendi de cetero consimilia verba contra
nos, potest et debet nobis sufficere. Tamen, si placet, duas peticiones
vobis facio; primo, ut sic provideatis de forma pacis ut non detur[1978]
predicatoribus aut fratri, qui deliquit, occasio iterum delinquendi. Nec
hoc dico sine causa, quia si decreveritis ipsum non errasse nec
deliquisse, in futuro tempore, nacta aliquali occasione, posset dicere,
“sic et sic pro isto tempore dixi, toti universitati constabat, nec[1979]
judicabat me in aliquo deliquisse; quare eciam modo similiter non
dicerem?” Hec future dissensionis occasio piis cautelis est precludenda.
Secundo peto quod vos, ex quo vobis constat secundum jura, prout quidam
vestrum[1980] dicunt, quod frater ille est in errore consciencie, Priorem
suum provincialem adeatis et persuadeatis ei, quod ipse informet fratrem
suum ad conscienciam contrariam, ut videlicet errorem deponat, et pie,
sicut debet, de Minoribus senciat.’ Quod quidam se securos (?)
spoponderunt. Hec de substancia negocii.

Extra ordinarie autem allocutus est Gardianum in secreto unus de magistris
sollempnibus, Johannes le Gras nomine, sic dicens: ‘Ffrater karissime,
fratres vestri non deberent[1981] in aliquo turbari si fratres
predicatores de eis mala dixerint, quia pro constanti habeatis, quod quo
pejora de vobis dixerint, deterius eciam eis in hominum estimacione
eveniet, nec vobis cedet aut cedere potest in nocumentum, si tantum[1982]
claustra labiorum custodieritis et bona de ipsis semper predicaveritis.’

Cui Gardianus hec verba dixit: ‘Unum est de quo doleo et verecundor nimis,
et inde est quod fratres multum verecundantur; videlicet, quod istius
dissensionis noticia jam inter seculares est publicata, et que per nos
discuti poterat, per ipsos est discussa.’

Ad hoc Magister: ‘Nolite in hoc contristari aut verecundiam pati, sed
magis gaudere et diem letum ducite, et hac racione; Modo manifesta est
nobis omnibus veritas, que prius fuit occulta; unde nos, qui sumus majores
tocius universitatis, jam veraciter super facto isto informati, alios
informabimus. Sed et ego omni quo possum conatu omnes informare studebo,
et ipsos precipue predicatores conabor informare.’

Superveniens autem Magister alius, Hugo de Evesham nomine, hoc exaggerando
inculcavit, dicens: ‘Crede mihi, ffrater Gardiane, quod nos quinque
magistri, qui prius ex parte predicatorum venimus ad vos, eramus omnes
heri in presencia predicatorum constituti, ubi eciam prior ipse
provincialis non defuit; nec memini me unquam in vita mea forciorem
disputacionem audivisse, opponentibus nobis pro facto vestro secundum
diffinicionem utriusque juris et exigenciam racionis, predicatoribus
communiter respondentibus; facta vero longa disputacione, ita predicatores
omnes racionibus vexavimus et convicimus, quod sedentes omnes in pace et
obstupescentes tacuerunt, in tantum quod prior ipse provincialis, inter
alios plus motus et spiritu sancto plenius, ut arbitror, informatus,
dixit: “Eya, dilectissimi Magistri, quid plura? quid ulterius inculcatis?
Ecce ego paratus sum discalciatis pedibus Minores, si vultis, adire et eis
per omnia satisfacere.”’ Adjecit autem Magister Hugo Corbrug’
occasionaliter hec verba in predicatorum presencia dicens, ‘Karissimi,
audeo plane dicere, quod ille qui dicit eos recipere peccuniam per se vel
per interpositam personam, qui declaracionem domini pape super regulam
fratrum Minorum observaverit (_sic_), audeo inquam plane dicere, quod nec
jura novit nec terminos juris.’ Alias autem in predicatorum eorundem
absencia dixerunt Magistri Johannes le Gras et Adam de Norfolch’; ‘Eciam
si papa nunquam regulam declarasset, possent eam fratres absque
prevaricacione observare, maxime cum peccunia ad eorum utilitatem
quocumque titulo deputata nunquam in dominium eorundem transeat[1983]
ipsis invitis.’ Et cum supplicaret Gardianus Magistro Stephano de Witon’
quod propter deum fratres predicatores secretius juxta scita legum
informaret, zelo accensus magister A. de Norf’ dixit: ‘Mirum est quid ipsi
habent intromittere se de professione vestra, et de regula vestra verba
tintinare, cum nec sunt superiores vestri, nec in aliquo spectat ad eos
vos corrigere, si, quod absit, contingeret vos in aliquo contra
professionem vestram aliquid attemptare. Quod autem petitis de
informacione facienda juxta scita legum, non est necesse sic petere; sed
petas ut juxta veritatem vestram informentur, omni eciam jure consopito.’
Et adjecit Magister Stephanus dicens: ‘Non solum paratus sum predicatores
pro vobis informare, sed eciam personaliter pro causa vestra curiam adire
romanam.’

Interim pendente tempore, iverunt Magistri quinque primo nominati, quorum
principalis fuit Cancellarius, ad predicatores, et efficaciter pro parte
minorum persuadentibus, tandem fratrem Salomonem, qui offensam fecerat, de
assensu et voluntate sui prioris provincialis necnon fratrum suorum, ad
fratres minores duxerunt, cum quo venerunt quinque[1984] fratres
predicatores subscripti; Adam de Lakeor, cum socio Willelmo de
Hodum’[1985], eorum cursore de sentenciis, Radulphus de Swelm’, quondam
prior localis Oxon’, Iohannes de Mesley, tunc eorum visitator. Fuerunt
eciam cum predictis quinque Magistris, sex fratres minores subscripti;
Adam de Werministre, tunc Gardianus, Thomas de Doking, quondam lector
Oxon’, Willelmus de Heddel’, tunc lector Oxon’, Dyonisius, Robertus de
Cap(e)ll’, Alanus de Wakefend’. In quorum omnium conspectu pro bono pacis
frater Salomon hec verba nomine culpe in scriptis recitavit, et recitata
eciam in scriptis Gardiano tradidit; verba autem sunt hec: ‘Per illa verba
que protuli, non intellexi quod vos receperitis vel recipitis per vos vel
per alios peccuniam contra regulam vestram et ejus interpretacionem, nec
intendebam communitati vel ordini derogare. Et si ex modo dicendi fuistis
provocati, doleo, et peto quod remittatis.’ Hic finis negocii et
reformacio pacis, per omnia benedictus deus in secula amen.

Memorandum autem quod cum extra ordinarie facta essent verba inter
magistros seculares de veritate processus memorati, dixerunt inter
se[1986], aliquid in processu propositum est falsum et calumpniabile, et
maxime quod pro fundamento erat positum. Ffrater N. predicator, nunquam se
fecisse illam racionem, ubi est conclusio de statu dampnacionis, manifeste
dicit, sed dicit fratrem Alanum minorem fecisse premissas. Ipse vero
subintulit; ‘Si ita est sicut vos dicitis, sequitur conclusio de statu
dampnacionis.’ Aliud autem calumpniabile non receperunt. Quod cum
minoribus constaret, vocatus fuit frater Alanus minor, in conspectu
Cancellarii et Magistri Johannis de Wynton’ requisitus super hoc, dixit:
‘Verum est, solus ego frater Minor eram in porta cum eis, et ideo
probacionem non habeo; sed tantum confido de veritate fratris Roberti de
Novo Mercato et ipsius eciam Salomonis, quod si ipsi requisiti dicant in
veritate deliberate consciencie, quod frater Salomon ipsam racionem non
fecit, ego libenter subiciam me pene, tanquam sufficienter essem de falsi
imposicione convictus.’ Post hec ait unus ffrater Minor: ‘De ista racione
magna vis non est, quia de racione cujus (?) non disputamus, sed de hoc
quod ipse nobis imposuit, quod negare non potuit, scilicet peccunie
recepcionem, emendam quesivimus et emendam, benedictus deus, recepimus.’
Terminata fuit ista dissensio Anno domini MCCLXIX Non’ Junii.




APPENDIX D.

SUPPLICATIONS AND GRACES FROM THE REGISTERS OF CONGREGATION.


=John David.=

(1450/1). 4{o} die Marcij supplicat etc. ffrater Johannes Dauid ffrater
ordinis sancti ffrancisci, quatinus eius oppositio, incepta in termino
sancti Michaelis vltimo et continuata vsque ad festum Pasche proximum,
sufficiat sibi pro completa forma sue oppositionis.

Hec gratia est concessa sub condicione quod legat primum librum ysaie in
scolis publicis. (Regist. Aa. fol. 51 b.)

(June 5, 1454/5). Supplicat frater Johannes Dauid ordinis minorum et
doctor sacre pagine quatinus secum graciose dispensetur vt valeat post
festum sancti Thome proximo sequens resumere lecciones ordinarias et
regentis actus exercere, ingressu in domum congregacionis dumtaxat
excepto.

Hec gratia est simpliciter concessa, et ab altero procuratore etc. (Ibid.
fol. 83.)


=John Sunday=; inception.

(Feb. 5, 1453/4). Supplicat etc. frater Johannes Sunday de claustro
minorum qui compleuit lecturam sentenciarum quatinus cum singulis
responderit doctoribus completaque lectura Biblie, incipere valeat in
theologica facultate.

Hec gratia est concessa et condicionata 2{ci} condicione; prima condicio
est quod octo vicibus respondeat pro forma et octies opponat; 2{a}
condicio est quod bis respondeat preter formam et sub hiis condicionibus
etc. (Regist. Aa. fol. 79 b.)


=Richard Ednam=; inception.

(April 2nd, 1462). Supplicat frater Ricardus Ednam, bacallarius sacre
theologie, quatinus 8 argumenta, 8 responsiones, introitus biblie, lectura
libri sentenciarum, sermo examinatorius, sermo ad quem tenetur ex nouo
statuto, sufficiant sibi ad effectum quod possit admitti ad incipiendum in
sacra theologia, ita quod die inceptionis sue soluat Vniuersitati x li.
Hec gratia est concessa condicionata; condicio est quod incipiat infra
annum; alia condicio quod det Regentibus liberatam consuetam. (Reg. Aa. f.
122.)

(May 24th, 1463.) Supplicat frater Ricardus Ednam de ordine Minorum
quatinus tres responsiones, introitus biblie, introitus libri
sententiarum, sermo examinatorius, sermo ad quem tenetur ex nouo statuto,
sufficiant sibi ad effectum quod possit admitti ad incipiendum in sacra
theologia. Hec gracia est concessa cum multis condicionibus; prima est
quod incipiat ante festum S. Thome, 2{a} quod soluat xv li. in die
inceptionis sue, 3 quod det liberatam regentibus distinctam ex sumptu
proprio. (Ibid. f. 128 a.)


=Supplications and Graces of Walter Goodfield, Warden of the Franciscans.=

(Nov. 27, 1506). Eodem die supplicat frater Walterus Goodfelde ordinis
minorum et scolaris sacre theologie, quatenus studium xii annorum in
logicis philosophicis et theologicis sibi sufficiat ut admittatur ad
opponendum in sacra theologia, qua oppositione habita vna cum responsione
in nouis scolis possit admitti etc. Hec est concessa contra quod legat
tres primas questiones canonici publice et gratis ante pascha; 2{a} quod
dicat vnam missam _de quinque vulneribus_, cum ista colecta _Deus summa
spes_, pro anima primi fundatoris vniuersitatis, et aliam missam _de
trinitate_ pro bono statu magistrorum regentium. (Regist. G. 6. f. 27 b.)

(May 10, 1507). Supplicat frater Walterus Gudfeld ordinis minorum quatenus
studium 14 annorum in logicis philosophicis theologicis sufficiat ad
opponendum in nouis scolis qua oppositione habita vna cum responsione in
eisdem possit admitti ad lecturam libri sententiarum. Hec est concessa
conditionata quod predicet vnum sermonem preter formam infra annum. (Ibid.
fol. 39 b.)

(June 16, 1507). Supplicat frater Walterus Goodfyld ordinis minorum et
sacre theologie scolaris quatenus vnus sermo per eum post gradum susceptum
dicendus ei sufficiat pro gradu baculariatus in sacra theologia. Hec est
concessa simpliciter. (Ibid. fol. 41 b.)

(He was admitted to oppose on Dec. 10, 1507.)

(June 3, 1508). Supplicat frater Walterus Goodfylde, ordinis minorum et
sacre theologie baccalarius, quatenus 4{or} responsiones in nouis scolis
cum introitu biblie, vna cum sermone examinatorio, sufficiant ei ut
admittatur ad Incipiendum in eadem facultate. Hec est concessa
conditionata quod habuit studium 12 annorum in Logicis philosophicis
theologicis et quod procedat ante pascha et quod semel predicet semel
(_sic_) preter formam infra annum post gradum et quod legat vnum librum
sententiarum publice et gratis. (Ibid. fol. 58.)

(Jan. 24, 1508/9). Supplicat frater Walterus Goodfyld ordinis minorum et
bachallarius sacre theologie quatenus studium quod habuit post gradum
bachallariatus cum quattuor responsionibus cum sermone examinatorio et
introitu biblie sufficiat ad incipiendum in eadem. (Ibid. fol. 67 b.)

(March 19, 1509/10). Supplicat frater Walterus Gudfylde (B.S.T.) quatenus
sermo per eum dicendus in die cinerum possit stare pro sermone suo
examinatorio. Hec gratia est concessa simpliciter. (Ibid. fol. 82 b.)

(On May 12, 1510, he was licensed in theology, fol. 86.)

(June 27, 1510). Supplicat frater Walterus Gudfyld, ordinis minorum et in
sacra theologia licentiatus quatenus si contingat eum realiter incipere in
sacra theologia secum gratiose dispensetur pro suis lecturis minutis. Hec
est concessa sic quod compleat toto isto tempore et postea secundum
dispositionem commissarii tunc presentis. (Ibid. f. 92.)

(He was admitted DD on July 1, 1510.)

(Dec. 10, 1510). Supplicat frater Walterus Gudfylde doctor sacre theologie
quatenus secum gratiose possit dispensari pro sua necessaria regencia
secundum dispositionem commissarii. Hec est concessa et ille disposuit
post proximum actum. (Ibid. fol. 104 b.)


=John Thornall=, July 11, 1525.

Eodem die supplicat frater Johannes Thornall ordinis minorum et
licenciatus in sacra theologia, quatenus cum eo graciose dispensetur ut
composicio sua diminuatur ad quinque Libras; causa est quia est admodum
pauper et uix habet pecunias necessarias pro gradu suscipiendo.

Hec gracia est concessa, et condicionata, quod causa non sit ficta, et
celebret unam missam contra pestem, aliam pro bono statu regentium, et
compleat necessariam regentiam, et distribuat decim solidos illarum
peccuniarum jam diminutarum in vsum pauperum scolarium secularium. (Reg.
H. 7, fol. 140.)


=Thomas Kirkham=, Nov. 14, 1527.

Eodem die supplicat Mr. Thomas Kyrkam doctor in sacra theologia in ultimo
Actu Creatus et necessarius Regens quatenus cum eo graciose dispensetur
pro sua necessaria Regentia: causa est quia est gardianus cuiusdam loci
ordinis minorum in villa Dancastrie, unde non potest commode hic adesse et
interesse actibus scolasticis ad quos teneretur Racione sue necessarie
Regentie. Hec gratia est concessa et condicionata ut faciat quinque missas
de 5 vulneribus celebrari pro bono statu Regentium et continuet lectiones
suas usque ad proximum actum. (Reg. H. 7, fol. 180 b.)




INDEX.


  A.

  A., warden at London, 136, _n._ 4.

  A., of Hereford, secretary to Adam Marsh, 33;
    biographical notice of, 185.

  Abburbury, 109.

  Abdy, Robert, Master of Balliol, bequest, 106.

  Aberdeen, Observant friars at, 89, _n._ 4.

  Abingdon, monks of, 2, 12, _n._ 2;
    mentioned, 108.

  Acre (Palestine), 8.

  Acre (Norfolk?), 180.

  Acton, Nic., bequest, 103.

  Adam of Bechesoueres, physician, 181;
    notice of, 187.

  Adam of Bury St. Edmund’s, Archdeacon of Oxford, 102, _n._ 1.

  Adam of Corf, friar Minor, 219.

  Adam Godham: _see_ Adam Wodham.

  Adam of Hekeshovre: _see_ Adam of Bechesoueres.

  Adam of Hoveden or Howden, lector, mentioned, 163;
    notice of, 162.

  Adam of Kydmersford, robber, 308.

  Adam de Lakeor, Dominican, 334.

  Adam of Lathbury, abbat of Reading, 235, _n._ 4.

  Adam of Lincoln, lector and provincial, notice of, 160.

  Adam Marsh or de Marisco, upholds Franciscan poverty, 4, and _n._ 8, 11,
        22;
    books bequeathed to him, 57;
    royal ambassador, 7, 307-8;
    influence at Oxford, 8;
    relations to Walter de Merton, 9, and Richard Earl of Cornwall, 25,
        _n._ 2;
    friendship with Simon de Montfort, 32, Grostete, 32, 48, 57, Walter of
        Madele, 189, Roger Bacon, 192, 193;
    lecturer to the friars at Oxford, 31-32, 36, 37, 186, 188;
    letters illustrating the position of lector and socius, 33-4, 56, _n._
        3;
    his socius, 185, 186, 188;
    controversy on theological degrees in 1253, 38-9;
    his activity and reputation, 32, _n._ 2, 3; 67;
    at the Council of Lyons, 127, 128;
    obtains a papal privilege, 141, _n._ 2;
    his letters, 57, _n._ 1, 59;
    mentioned, 57, 65, 128, 129, 139, _n._ 8, 140, 141, 142-3, 151, 153,
        154, 156, _n._ 3, 179, 181, 184, 186, 187, 189, 211;
    biographical notice, 134-139.

  Adam of Norfolk, secular master, 331, 332, 334.

  Adam of Oxford, missionary, 7;
    pupil of Adam Marsh, 135;
    biographical notice, 178.

  Adam Rufus: _see_ Rufus.

  Adam of Warminster, warden at Oxford, notice of, 129;
    controversy with Dominicans, 333-5.

  Adam Wodham, lector, nominalist, 77, _n._ 4, 170, 226;
    notice of, 172.

  Adam of York, lectured at Lyons, 66, _n._ 10.

  Adee, Swithin, 124.

  Adreston (Adderstone?), _see_ William of.

  Ægidius de Legnaco, 220.

  Ægidius Delphinus, general minister, 267.

  Ægidius Romanus, 215.

  Agas, Map of Oxford, 124.

  Agatha (daughter of Walter Goldsmith?), 20.

  Agnellus of Pisa, first provincial, comes to England, 1-2, 125;
    character of the province under him, 3;
    royal ambassador, 7;
    opposes extension of areas, 13;
    builds infirmary and school at Oxford, 3, 21, 30;
    secures Grostete as lecturer, 30;
    holds provincial chapter at Oxford, 69;
    buried there, 21, 26;
    mentioned, 57, 89, _n._ 2, 126, 127, 178, 179, 181, 188;
    biographical notice, 176.

  Agnes, widow of Guido, grant of land to the Franciscans at Oxford, 14,
        15, _n._ 2, 17.

  Ailly, Peter d’: _see_ Peter.

  Alan of Rodan, lector, 157.

  Alan of Wakerfeld, lector, 158, 320, 321, 335.

  Albert the Great, Dominican, mentioned by Roger Bacon, 42;
    works ascribed to, 167, 210.

  Albert of Metz, 220.

  Albert of Pisa, provincial, his sayings, 4, 6;
    knew St. Francis, 6, _n._ 7;
    his connexion with the Oxford friary, 3, _n._ 7, 68;
    policy as minister, 7, 13, 72;
    opinion of the English province, 11, _n._ 3;
    mentioned, 2, _n._ 1, 127, 177, 178, 180, _n._ 3;
    notice of, 181.

  Alexander IV, pope, 136, 214, _n._ 2.

  Alexander V, pope, mentioned, 66, _n._ 7;
    biogr. notice of, 249.

  Alexander of Hales, 67, 137, 192, 213, 214, _n._ 2, 215.

  Alien, John, mentioned, 41, _n._ 5, 53, _n._ 4;
    biogr. notice, 265.

  Alienora de S. Amando, bequest by, 105.

  Alifax, Rob.: _see_ Eliphat.

  Alkerton, 109.

  Alnwick: _see_ Martin, Roger, William, of.

  Alyngdon, doctor, mentioned, 96, _n._ 2; 276.

  Amaury de Montfort: _see_ Montfort.

  Ambassadors, Franciscans employed as, 7, 128, 137, 138, 144, 159, 161,
        162, 177, 243, 272, 307-8.

  Amory, Richard d’, 239.

  Amour, William de St.: _see_ William.

  Ancona, march of, 181.

  Andrewes, Richard, of Hales, buys site of Grey and Black Friars, Oxford,
        122, 123.

  Andrews, Nic., of Peckwater’s Inn, 95.

  Anesti, Thomas of: _see_ Thomas.

  Anger: _see_ Auger.

  Anivers (Anilyeres, Aynelers), Nic. de: _see_ Nicholas.

  Anjou, master H. of, 154.

  Anna of Radley, 94.

  Anneday, Thomas, mentioned, 47, 51;
    biogr. notice, 270.

  Anthony of Padua, St., 135, 156, _n._ 1.

  Anthony Papudo, biogr. notice, 284.

  Anthony de Vallibus, 52;
    biogr. notice, 261.

  Antioch, Patriarch of, 183.

  Antonius Andreas, 130, _n._ 2, 262.

  Anyden, Thomas: _see_ Anneday.

  Apeltre, Henry of: _see_ Henry.

  Apulia, Franciscan province, 235.

  Aquinas, St. Thomas: _see_ Thomas.

  Aquitaine, Friars from, at Oxford, 66.

  Aragon, Minorites from, at Oxford, 243;
    Peter Russel teaches in, 255.

  Arctur, John: _see_ Arthur.

  Arezzo: _see_ Philip of Castello.

  Argentina: _see_ Strasburg.

  Argentine, John, biogr. notice, 260;
    cf. 191, _n._ 1.

  Argos, bishop of: _see_ Tinmouth.

  _Aristotle_, 73.

  -- Commentaries on, 254.

  -- -- De coelo et mundo, 153.

  -- -- Ethics, 156.

  -- -- Logic, 225-6, 259, 262.

  -- -- Metaphysics, 142, 196, 233.

  -- -- Meteorics, 130, _n._, 2, 196, 241.

  -- -- Physics, 157, 196, 216, 224, 226, 227.

  -- -- [Secretum Secretorum], 196.

  -- -- [Vegetabilia], 196.

  Armagh, Archbishops of: _see_ Richard Fitzralph;
    Foxholes, J.: _see also_ 288, _n._ 7.

  Arnulphus, vicar of the Order, 180.

  Arter: _see_ Arthur, John.

  Arthur or Arter, John, Friar Minor, charges against him, 95-6, 132;
    kept a horse, 96;
    biogr. notice, 284.

  Arthur, prince, 260.

  Arundel, Thomas, Archbp., 85, 112.

  Ascensius, editor of Ockham’s _Dialogus_, 231.

  Ascoli: _see_ Jerome of.

  Ashby, 125, 189;
    prior of Canons Ashby, 126.

  Ashendon, John, mathematician, 160, 237.

  Asia, Franciscan mission, 244.

  Assisi; MS. at, 143;
    burial at, 159;
    general chapters at, 159, 177, 178, 229, 235.

  Auger, William, biogr. notice, 254.

  Augustine, St., work in the Franciscan Library, Oxford, 57;
    mentioned, 150, 292.

  Augustine, brother of William of Nottingham, 183.

  Aureolus, 262.

  Aurifaber, Walter: _see_ Goldsmith.

  Austin Canons, join Minorite Order, 180.

  Austin Friars, 7, _n._ 2, 75, 80, 263, 281, 285.

  Auvergne, William of: _see_ William.

  Averroes, 73.

  Avignon, 163, 164, 167, 168, 170, 172, 239: _see_ Clement V;
    Ockham imprisoned at, 225;
    General Chapter at, 229.

  Aylesbury, 163, _n._ 2;
    Grey Friars of, 287.

  Aylmer, John and Christiana, property granted to Minorites, 16.

  Aynelers: _see_ Nicholas of Anivers.


  B.

  Babwell, Grey Friars at, 56, _n._ 4, 173;
    _see_ Bury St. Edmund’s.

  Bacheler, John, Friar Minor, vice-warden at Oxford, 131, 288, 318;
    biogr. notice, 285.

  Bachun, Thomas, biogr. notice, 187.

  Bacon, Sir Francis, quoted, 64, _n._ 3.

  Bacon, Peter, mentioned, 192.

  Bacon, Robert, Dominican, signs charter of Henry III for the University,
        9;
    professed on day of entry, 68;
    uncle of Roger Bacon, 191;
    preaches to the King, _ib._;
    life of St. Edmund by, 192, _n._ 1;
    works by, 196 (?), 210.

  Bacon, Roger, buried at Oxford, 26;
    quoted, 31;
    on the study of theology, 37, 42;
    nature and object of his writings, 37, _n._ 1, 63, 64;
    writings in the Franciscan Library at Oxford, 58;
    lectures to Spanish students, 66, _n._ 8,
    at Paris, 68;
    sends works to the pope, 56;
    begs for alms, 91;
    pupil and friend of Grostete and Adam Marsh, 135, _n._ 1, 139;
    his pupil John, 33, _n._ 4, 211;
    his opinion of Thomas Aquinas, 73, and Richard of Cornwall, 143;
    influence on Bungay, 153, W. de Mara, 215, and J. Somer, 244;
    biographical notice, 191-5;
    works, 195-210.

  Bacon, Roger, mentioned, 192.

  Bacon, Thomas, mentioned, 192.

  Baconthorpe, John, Carmelite, 166.

  Balborow, William, 317.

  Baldeswell: _see_ Peter de.

  Balliol College: _see_ Oxford.

  Balliol, Edward, 238.

  Balliol, Sir John de, 9, 217.

  Balsham, Hugh, Bishop of Ely, 138.

  Bampton, Vicar of, 110;
    Hugh of, _see_ Hugh of Bath.

  Banaster or Banister, Alderman and Mayor of Oxford, visits the friaries,
        110, _n._ 1, 117, 121.

  Banester, John, mentioned, 44, _n._ 4;
    biogr. notice, 270.

  Bangor: _see_ Ednam, Ric. Bp. of.

  Banke, Thomas, Rector of Lincoln Coll., bequest, 107.

  Bannebury, John, bequest, 104.

  Barbeur, William le, and Alice his wife, 16, 20, _n._ 5.

  Barclay, Alexander, 271.

  Bari, 167.

  Barlete, 179.

  Barlow, Richard, debt, 110, _n._ 8.

  Barly, Thomas, Friar Minor, 119, 294.

  Barnby, prebend, 235.

  Barneby, Thomas of: _see_ Thomas.

  Barnes, Dr., Austin Friar, 281.

  Baron, Roger, work by, 209.

  Bartelot, Jac., attorney, 99, _n._ 7, 315.

  Bartholomew of Pisa, quoted, 2, 6, _n._ 4, 30, 72, 167, 170, 180, 181,
        182, 238, 243.

  Barton: _see_ Martin de, Roger de.

  Based: _see_ Basset.

  Basel, mentioned, 173;
    Council of, 214, 257.

  Basil, St., works of, 292.

  Basingstoke: _see_ John of.

  Baskerfield, Edward, Warden at Oxford, 95, 288;
    his horse, 96, 287;
    surrenders his house, 118, 119;
    biogr. notice, 132.

  Basset, Gregory, Minorite, mentioned, 113, _n._ 5, 6; 290;
    biogr. notice, 286.

  Basset, John, lector, 162.

  Bath, 2, 134;
    _see_ Henry of, Hugh of.

  Baxter, Mrs., 282.

  Baynton, Sir Edw., 111.

  Beamont, 290.

  Beatrice of Falkenstein, wife of Ric. Earl of Cornwall, buried at
        Oxford, 25.

  Beaune, 128.

  Beauvais, W. of Gainsborough buried at, 162: _see_ 268, _n._ 1.

  Bec, fee of the Abbat of, in Oxford, 16, 20, 297.

  Beche, Phil. de la, Sheriff, 60, _n._ 2.

  Bechesoueres: _see_ Adam of.

  Becket, Thomas, Archbishop, 155, 285.

  Beckley, 218.

  Bedford, Minorite convent in the Oxford custody, 68;
    burials at, 128, 172, 238.

  -- Simon Ludford, Friar of, 119.

  -- Duke of, 265, _n._ 4.

  -- Archdeacon of, 331.

  Bedyngfeld, Edmund, Sheriff, 99, 130.

  Bek’: _see_ Thomas de.

  Bekinkham: _see_ John.

  Bele, Thomas, servant of Friar J. Welle, 78, 311.

  Benedict XII, pope, constitutions for Friars Minors, 35, 36, 50-1, 170.

  -- Attacked by Ockham, 231, 232.

  Benedict le Mercer of Oxford, 16, 296, 298;
    Symon, son of: _see_ Simon.

  Benedictines; students at the Universities, 43, _n._ 7.

  -- Franciscan lecturers to, 66.

  -- Monks enter Minorite Order, 2, 237.

  Benet, John, will mentioned, 90, _n._ 1.

  Benet, Thomas, martyr, 132, 286, 289.

  Benjamin, Jew of Cambridge, 190.

  Bercherius, Peter, 149, 170.

  Bereford, Edmund, bequest, 103.

  Bereford, John of, Mayor of Oxford, bequest, 103.

  Bergamo, Philip of: _see_ Philip.

  Berkhamstede, 218, _n._ 4.

  Berkshire, Sheriff of, 22.

  Bernard of Gascony, Minister of Tuscany, 311.

  Bernardin of Siena, St., 221, _n._ 3.

  Bernewell, Thomas, at Council of the Earthquake, 84, 246.

  Berney, Walter de, bequest, 104.

  Berton, William, Chancellor, 251.

  Berwick: _see_ John of.

  Beste, Robert, charge of incontinence, 94-5;
    joins reformation, 113, _n._ 7;
    biogr. notice, 286.

  Besylis, William, bequest, 108.

  Beverley: _see_ John of.

  -- Robert of.

  _Bible_, the study of the, 36-7, 38, 44, 46, 47, 61, 65, _n._ 3, 141,
        183, 185, 188, 197, 261, 275, 277, 279, 336-8.

  -- MSS. of, in possession of the Friars, 56, notes 2, 3, 4, 57, 58 and
        _n._ 14, 59 and _n._ 3, 113, 143, 182, 283.

  -- An Oxford Franciscan lectures against the translation of, into
        English, 254.

  -- Works on, 139, _n._ 2, 210.

  -- Commentaries on books of Old Testament, 32, _n._ 4, 141, 147, 149,
        151, 152, 164, 173, 210, 218, 234, 235, _n._ 6, 236, 247.

  -- New Testament, edited by Erasmus, 273.

  -- -- Commentaries on Gospels, 148, 149, 152, 185, 217, _n._ 3, 221,
        247, 248.

  -- -- Acts, 236.

  -- -- Epistles of St. Paul, 58, 113, _n._ 5, 152, 247, 277, 278, 284.

  -- -- Revelation, 152, 171, 218, 221, 234, 254.

  Billing, John, Observant, 88, _n._ 5, 290.

  Bilney, Thomas, martyr, 113, _n._ 5.

  Black Death, 3, _n._ 7, 44, _n._ 1, 80, 172.

  Black Friars: _see_ Dominican Order.

  Blacwood, James, bequest, 106.

  Blund, Rob., vintner, 70. _n._ 3.

  Bockering: _see_ Thomas Docking.

  Bohun, Humphrey de, E. of Hereford and Essex, bequest, 103.

  Bokkyg: _see_ Thomas Docking.

  Boleyn, Anne, 114, 273, 285.

  Bologna, Albert of Pisa, Minister of, 181;
    Bishop of, 224, _n._ 8.

  -- John Foxalls lectures at, 262.

  -- _see_ 266, 281.

  Bologna: _see_ John de Castro.

  Boltere, William le, of St. Ebbe’s, 75, _n._ 2.

  Bonagratia, friar, 225.

  Bonaventura, general minister, mentioned, 11, _n._ 1, 128, 137, 139,
        154, 155, 215, 216, _n._ 2.

  -- Works ascribed to, 149, 193, _n._ 4;

  -- his constitutions, 55, _n._ 1.

  Bonetus, 262.

  Boniface VIII, pope, grants land to Minorites at Oxford, 18;
    calls W. of Gainsborough as lecturer to Rome, 161: _see also_ 242.

  -- IX, pope, 247, 250, 253, 312-3.

  Boniface of Savoy, Abp. of Canterbury, bequest, 102;
    mentioned, 32, _n._ 3, 136, 137, 138, 139, _n._ 8, 186.

  Bonner, Bp., visits Hadham, 284, _n._ 1.

  Bordeaux, 160, _n._ 10.

  Borstall, 105.

  Bosellis: _see_ Gregory de.

  Bosevile: _see_ Walter de.

  Boston, parson of: _see_ J. Tinmouth.

  -- Gild at, 271.

  -- Grey Friars at, 278.

  Boston of Bury, 58, 150, 151.

  Botehill, W., 268.

  Botolph, St., life of, 271.

  Bowghnell, William, Friar Minor, 119, 293.

  Boys (Bors), Vincent, biogr. notice, 255;
    ‘boysaliz,’ 188.

  Bozon, Nicholas, 37, _n._ 2, 64, _n._ 4, 167, _n._ 10, 240, _n._

  Brackley, Friar John, of Norwich, 111.

  Brakell, John, Minorite, 274.

  Bramptone, Ric., bequest, 104.

  Brenlanlius: _see_ John of Berwick.

  Brewer, Mr., quoted, 63, 64, 89, 129, 194, 208, _n._ 2.

  Brian Sandon: _see_ Sandon.

  Bricott, Edmund, biogr. notice, 283.

  Bridgwater, Grey Friars at, 157, 244, 245, 254;
    chapter at, 271.

  Bridlington or Briddilton: _see_ Philip of.

  Brikley, Peter, Cambridge Franciscan, 283.

  Brill, 5.

  Brinkley, Ric., provincial, studies Greek, 113;
    biogr. notice, 283.

  Brinkley or Brinkel, Walter, biogr. notice, 223.

  Brisingham, A., H., T., of: _see_ Henry of.

  Bristol, Minorites of, 60, 172, 174, 260, 286.

  Britanny, John of, E. of Richmond, benefactor of the friars, 18.

  Briton, Laurence: _see_ Laurence.

  Britte, Walter, 248.

  Broadgates Hall: _see_ Oxford.

  Broghton, John, Sheriff, 99, 129.

  Bromyard: _see_ Rob. of.

  Brookby (Brorbe), Anthony, Minorite, catholic martyr, 290.

  Brown, John, sup. for B.D. 45, _n._ 5, 50, _n._ 1, 52;
    biogr. notice, 274.

  Browne, Oxford Dominican, 267.

  Browne, provincial of Austin Friars, 285.

  Browne, Ric. (alias Cordon), bequest, 105, 261.

  Browne, William, Minorite, 116, _n._ 7, 119, 288, 317.

  Bruni: _see_ Simon.

  Brunsfelsius, Otto, 287.

  Brusyard (Suffolk), Poor Clares of, 241.

  Brygott: _see_ Bricott.

  Brynkley: _see_ Brinkley.

  Brynknell, Thomas, 281.

  Bucks, 271.

  Bukenham: _see_ Walter de.

  Bungay: _see_ Thomas of.

  Burchestre, William de, bequest, 103.

  Burford, 109.

  -- _see_ Henry of.

  Burgo: _see_ Nicholas de.

  Burnham (Essex), 284, _n._ 4.

  Burton, Robert, warden at Oxford, 44, _n._ 2;
    biogr. notice of, 130.

  Bury: _see_ Boston of.

  -- _see_ Richard of.

  -- St. Edmund’s: _see_ Adam of: _see_ Babwell;
    monk of, 210.

  Butler, William, regent master and provincial, biogr. notice, 254-5.

  Byrton, John, bequest, 109.


  C.

  Calais, staple of, 106;
    commissary general, 292.

  Call, William, provincial minister, leans to reformation, 113, _n._ 5.

  Cambrai, 231.

  Cambridge, mentioned, 311.

  -- reformation begins at, 113.

  -- University, 258, 260.

  -- Caius College, 59, 226.

  -- Corpus Christi College, 286.

  -- King’s College, 260, 261.

  -- Austin friar at, 7, _n._ 2.

  -- Carthusian at, 268.

  -- Dominicans at, 74, 103, 108.

  -- Franciscans at;
    custody, 57, 65, 68, _n._ 5, 139, _n._ 8, 178.

  -- -- friary;
    foundation, 126;
    burial at, 283;
    grant of a house, 190;
    gifts and bequests, 97, _n._ 5, 104, 108, 271;
    numbers, 44, _n._ 1;
    _limites_, 91, _n._ 4;
    dissolution, 294.

  -- -- schools, 34, _n._ 2, 35, _n._ 2, 66, _n._ 10, 110, _n._ 6, 309,
        314;
    Oxford Franciscans study or lecture in, 130, 140, 141, 153, 156, 157,
        158, 162, 164, 214, 218, 234, 238, 242, 243 (2), 261, 265, 266,
        271, 276, 283, 290, 291, 293.

  -- -- _see also_ 49, _n._ 9, 80, _n._ 2, 113, _n._ 5, 119, 313.

  -- Jew of: _see_ Benjamin.

  -- Mendicant Orders at, 103.

  Cambridgeshire, 164, 223, 283.

  de Campo Portugaliensis: _see_ Peter Lusetanus.

  Candia: _see_ Alexander V.

  Canon, John, realist, 77, _n._ 4;
    biogr. notice, 223.

  Canterbury: Archbishops: _see_ Arundel, Thomas;
    Becket;
    Boniface of Savoy;
    Cranmer, Thomas;
    Edmund Rich;
    Kilwardby, Robert;
    Langham, Simon;
    John Peckham;
    Warham, William;
    _also_ 41, 81, _n._ 7, 84, 155, 242, 258, 265.

  -- convocation of, 257.

  -- preachers at, 289.

  -- Christchurch, monastery: Franciscan lectures at, 66.

  -- -- Peckham’s burial and bequest, 155, and _n._ 10.

  -- -- shrine of St. Thomas Becket, 285.

  -- -- canon, 292.

  -- Franciscans at, 2, 176, 178, 285, 288, 289;
    their school, 181.

  -- -- MS. belonging to, 182.

  Cantilupe: _see_ Hugh, Thomas, Walter, of.

  Cantwell, James, at Oxford at Dissolution, 119, 293.

  Capell: _see_ Robert de.

  Cappes, Thomas, at Oxford at Dissolution, 119, 293.

  Capua, 281, _n._ 3.

  Cardaillac: _see_ Francis de.

  Cardmaker, John, entered Minorite order young, 111, _n._ 5;
    becomes reformer, 113, _n._ 7, 120, _n._ 3;
    arrests Friar Arthur, 285;
    burned, 114, _n._ 1;
    biogr. notice, 291.

  Carew, Mr., 317.

  Carlisle, 162: _see_ Hugo Karlelle.

  Carmelites, 75, 80, 84, 85, 103, 245, 255, 274.

  Carn, David, Dominican, 261, _n._ 8.

  Carrewe, David, Minorite bequest to, 106;
    biogr. notice of, 261.

  Carron, David: _see_ Carrewe.

  Carsewell, Richard, bequest, 104.

  Carthusian monk, 268.

  Cartwright, Thomas, 101, _n._ 3.

  Cary, Richard, Mayor of Oxford, grants land to the Franciscans, 19-20,
        303, _n._ 1, 305;
    represents Oxford in Parliament, 21;
    auditor, 92, 311;
    will, 101, _n._ 4.

  -- -- Alice his wife, 101, _n._ 4.

  Castello: _see_ Philip of.

  Castro: _see_ John de.

  Casuelis: _see_ Queswell.

  _Catalogus illustrium Franciscanorum_, 58, 139, _n._ 2, 141, 152, 153,
        157, 158, 160, 163, 169, _n._ 3, 173, 185, 254, 255, 256.

  Catton (Norwich), 170, _n._ 3: _see_ Walter de Chatton.

  Ceruise: _see_ Henry de.

  Cesena: _see_ Michael de.

  Charles IV, Emperor, 225, _n._ 7, 233.

  Charles VI, King of France, 253.

  Charles, M., life of Roger Bacon, 195, 215.

  Chatton: _see_ Walter de.

  Chaucer, 64, 89, _n._ 5, 91, 244.

  Chayne, Thomas, biogr. notice, 256.

  Cheshire, 215, _n._ 1, 219.

  Chester, archdeacon of, 182;
    Franciscans at, 240.

  Chestur, William, bequest, 106.

  Chichele, Henry, Abp., 258, 259.

  China, Franciscan mission in, 244.

  Chingford, 175.

  Chorasmeni, 128.

  Cistercians, 85, 156, 178.

  Clacton Parva, 277, _n._ 6.

  Clamiter, Thomas, 105.

  Clapwell, Richard, Dominican, 215, 216.

  Clara: _see_ John de.

  Clare: _see_ Richard of.

  Clare, William, bailiff of Oxford, 93;
    bequest, 109.

  Clarendon, documents, dated at, 299, 308.

  Clarke, Thomas, 107, 268.

  Claymond, John, president of Magdalen and C.C.C., bequest, 109.

  Clement IV, pope, constitutions for Minorites, 65, _n._ 3;
    relations to Roger Bacon, 91, 193-4, 200, 201, 211.

  Clement V, pope, grants property to the Oxford Franciscans, 18, 44, _n._
        1, 302;
    bull, 77, _n._ 1.

  Clement VI, pope, 224, 225, 235, 237.

  Clement VII, antipope, 243.

  Clement of Langthon, 185.

  Clerkson, Simon, Carm., 54, _n._ 3.

  Clopton, Walter, chief justice, Minorite, 256.

  Clyff, Richard, custodian at Oxford, 99;
    notice of, 129.

  Clynton, Richard, Minorite, 279.

  Cobeham: _see_ John of.

  Cocke, John, bookseller, 217, _n._ 7.

  Codyngton: _see_ John de.

  Cok, John, Minorite, 119, 294.

  -- William, Minorite, 119, 294.

  Coke, Matthew, bequest, 104.

  Cokkes, John, scribe at Oxford, 208.

  -- -- LL.D., 317.

  Colchester, Grey Friars, 247, 253, 271.

  -- rector of St. Mary’s, 282.

  Colebruge: _see_ Ralph de.

  Coles, John, bequest, 108.

  Coleshull: _see_ John of.

  Collins, Charles, 124.

  Colman, Robert, Minorite, Chancellor of Oxford, 256.

  Cologne, 126;
    Franciscans at, 89, _n._ 4;
    _studium_ at, 221.

  -- minister of: _see_ Peter of Tewkesbury.

  -- _see_ Hermann of.

  Colvile: _see_ William de.

  Combis: _see_ John de Crombe.

  Combs (Suffolk), 166.

  Comre, John: _see_ Covire.

  Comyn, John, murder of, 162.

  Confessions: Franciscan friars as confessors, 63-4, 74-5, 79, 105, 110,
        126, 127, 129, 159, 162, 163, 177, 219, 220, 239, 251.

  -- works on, 144, 173, _n._ 6, 239-240, 256.

  Coniton: _see_ Richard de Conyngton.

  Constance, canon of, 216, _n._ 3.

  Constantine, donation of, 257, _n._ 3.

  Conti: _see_ Rinaldo.

  Conway, Roger: _see_ Roger.

  Conyngton: _see_ Richard de.

  Cooper, Joanna, wife of William, 94, 95, 284.

  Cooper, William, 269, _n._ 4.

  Coper, Galfred, 94.

  Corbrug: _see_ Hugh de;
    Ralph de Colebruge.

  Cordon: _see_ Browne, Ric.

  Corf: _see_ Adam of.

  Cork, county, 267.

  Cornish, William, Minorite, 212.

  Cornwall, Archdeacon of, 9.

  -- Earls of: _see_ Edmund;
    Richard.

  -- _see_ Laurence of;
    Richard of, secular;
    Richard Rufus of, Franciscan.

  Cossey, or Costesey: _see_ Henry of.

  Costard, John, and Margery his wife, 16.

  Cote, Hugh, 128.

  Cotter, Sir James, 124.

  Countess (Comitissa), Jewess at Oxford, 9.

  Couton: _see_ John de.

  Coventry, 217, 289;
    Grey Friars, dissolution, 293: _see_ Roger of Wesham.

  Covire, John, Minorite, 119, 293.

  Cowton: _see_ Robert.

  Cradoc, or Craycocke, Ralph, 96.

  Cranmer, 281, _n._ 3, 288, _n._ 7, 289, 292.

  Crayford, or Crawfurthe, John, Minorite, 120, _n._ 3;
    biogr. notice, 191.

  Creswell, Ralph, Observant, 88, _n._ 5, 119, 293.

  Crofton, Edmund, bequest, 107.

  Crombe: _see_ John de.

  Crompe, Henry, Cistercian, 85, 251.

  Cromwell, Thomas, reforms university, 116;
    disposes of friars and their property, 120;
    letters to, 117, 118, 119, 282;
    mentioned, 130, 132, 274, 285, 286, 287.

  Crosby, John, citizen of London, 263.

  Cross, Crouche (de Cruce): _see_ Robert.

  Croy, Henry, Dominican, 165, _n._ 7.

  Cruche (de Cruce): _see_ Henry.

  Crusades, 7, 8, 63, 136, 138, _n._ 3, 140, 153, 195, _n._, 4:
    _see also_ Missionaries.

  Crussebut, J., Cambridge Minorite, 49, _n._ 9.

  Cudnor, John, warden of Grey Friars, London, 276.

  Culvard, Andrew, and Alice his wife, 20.

  -- John, Mayor of Oxford, grants land to Minorites, 20, 303-5;
    represents Oxford in parliament, 21.

  Curson, Walter, bequest, 108.

  Curtes, William, Minorite, 279.

  Cusack, Isaac, preaches in Ireland, 86;
    biogr. notice, 266.

  Cyprian, St., works of, 292.


  D.

  Dagvyle, William, bequest, 106.

  Dalderby, John, bishop of Lincoln, 63-4, 129, 159, 162, 163, 164, 165,
        167, 219, 220, 222.

  Dalmacus de Raxach, Minorite from Aragon, 243.

  Danvers, Sebyll, bequest, 107.

  Darlington, John, Dominican, 72, _n._ 4.

  David, Hugo, regent master, biogr. notice, 256.

  -- John, lecturer to Minorites at Hereford, 34, _n._ 3, 261, 313-14;
    provincial minister, 259.

  -- John, D.D., Oxford, 52, 53, _n._ 2, 336;
    biogr. notice, 261.

  -- Richard, Minorite, 116, _n._ 7, 289.

  -- William, Minorite, 116, _n._ 7;
    biogr. notice, 289.

  Davys, Thomas, bequest, 107.

  Daynchurch: _see_ Oliver de Encourt.

  Days, Roger: _see_ Dewe.

  Deal, 292.

  Dee, John, 245.

  Delamere, forest, 215, _n._ 1.

  Delphinus, Ægidius, general minister, 267.

  Denbigh, Carmelites of, 274.

  Denmade: _see_ Herbert.

  Denmark, English friars wanted for, 140;
    king of, 257;
    Standish sent to, 272.

  Denson, Thomas, 94.

  Deodatus, warden at Exeter, 217.

  Derby, surrender of the Black friars, 133.

  Derbyshire, 122, 156, _n._ 2, 219.

  Devon: _see_ Richard of.

  Devorguila, wife of John Balliol, 9, 158, 216-7.

  Dewe, Roger, provincial, 256;
    notice of, 259.

  Dieppe, 285.

  Divorce of Henry VIII: _see_ Henry VIII.

  Dobbis, Alice, bequest, 106.

  Docking: _see_ Thomas.

  Doclington, John of, bequest, 103.

  Dominican Order, constitutions of, 1228, 37, _n._ 6, 90, _n._ 7.

  -- Master of: _see_ Jordan.

  -- in England, 7, 8, 55, _n._ 3, 61, 72, 73, _seq._, 80, 81, _n._ 7,
        127, 137, 156, 178, 183, 307, 308, 326, 334, _n._ 3.

  -- -- _see_ Cambridge, Derby, Guildford, Langley Regis, Leicester,
        London, Oxford.

  Doncaster, Grey Friars at, 282, 294, 339.

  Donegal, Minorites of, 267.

  Dongan, John, buried in Grey Friars’ cemetery, 27;
    bequest, 106.

  Donstede: _see_ Simon Tunstede.

  Donwe, Roger: _see_ Dewe.

  Dorchester (Oxon.), 63, 159, &c.:
    _see_ Hugh of Hertepol.

  Dorchester (Dorset), Friars Minors at, 84;
    mentioned, 263.

  Dorchester: _see_ Warin of.

  Döring, Matthias, Minorite, 66, _n._ 10;
    biogr. notice, 256.

  Dorman, Edmund, 315.

  Dorsetshire, 191.

  Dover, 2, 157, 176, 308;
    bishop of, 116.

  Draper: _see_ Milo.

  Drayton: _see_ Richard of.

  Drewe, Edward, 55, _n._ 3.

  Droken’, J. de, 161.

  Dublin, Friars Minors of, 68, _n._ 3.

  -- Archbishops of, 129, _n._ 1, 267.

  Duns: _see_ John Duns Scotus.

  Dunstable, canons of, become Franciscans, 180.

  Dunstan: _see_ Thomas of St.

  Durham, bishops of, _see_ Ric. Marsh, Ric. Kellawe, Ric. of Bury.

  -- tax on clergy in the diocese, 98.

  -- Church of, 292;
    library, _ibid._

  -- County, 153, 216.

  -- College: _see_ Oxford.

  Dyonisius, Minorite, 212, 323, 335.

  -- Tully, Dominican, 266.

  Dysse, William, Minorite, 267.


  E.

  Eccleston: _see_ Thomas of.

  Edes, John, biogr. notice, 254.

  Edmund, Earl of Cornwall, 218.

  Edmund, St. (Rich), Abp. of Canterbury, 168, 192.

  Edmund: _see_ G. of St.

  Ednam, Ric., Minorite, bishop of Bangor, 45, 46, _n._ 10, 51, 52, _n._
        1, 336-7;
    biogr. notice, 264.

  Edrope: _see_ Henry of.

  Edward I, employs Minorites as ambassadors, 7, 161;
    his Crusade, 8, 153;
    stays at the Black Friars, Oxford, 72;
    grant to the Oxford Minorites, 97, 308-9;
    grant to friars in General Chapter, 219.

  Edward II, assigns to the Minorites the property of the Friars of the
        Sack in Oxford, 18-19, 301-3;
    supports Dominicans at Langley Regis, 22, 53, _n._ 9;
    grant to the Oxford Minorites, 98, 309;
    marriage with Isabella, 162;
    mentioned, 223.

  Edward III, stays at the Grey Friars, York, 27, _n._ 9;
    mentioned, 60, _n._ 2, 238, 239, 300.

  Edward IV, 98.

  Edward V, 98.

  Edward VI, 291, 292.

  Edward, the Black Prince, 81, _n._ 7, 242.

  Edward, prince, 260.

  Elemeus, Ric., bequest, 109.

  Elias, general minister, 67, _n._ 1, 69, 135, 142, 177, 180, 181, 184,
        _n._ 1.

  Eliphat, Robert, 222, _n._ 5;
    biogr. notice, 238.

  Elmys, Elizabeth, bequest, 107.

  Ely, bishopric of, 138, 260.

  Elyot, Sir Ric., judge, bequest, 108.

  Empoli: _see_ Francis de S. Simone.

  Encourt: _see_ Oliver de.

  Enger (near Cologne), curious custom at, 235.

  Erasmus, 112, 113;
    relations to Henry Standish, 273.

  Erfurt, University, Franciscans at, 257;
    254, _n._ 6.

  Eric, King, of Denmark, 257.

  Erlandi, John, bp. of Roskild, 140, _n._ 6.

  Ernulphus: _see_ Arnulphus.

  Eschvid, John: _see_ Ashendon.

  Esseby: _see_ Simon of.

  -- _see_ William of.

  Essex, Archdeacon of, 49, _n._ 8;
    Earl of: _see_ Bohun.

  Essex, 284, 287, 290.

  Eton, William: _see_ Will. of Esseby.

  Etton, Guy, Minorite, and reformer, 113, _n._ 7, 116, _n._ 7, 120, _n._
        3;
    biographical notice, 290.

  Eueston: _see_ William of Euston.

  Eustace de Merc, warden at Oxford, compelled to eat fish, 6;
    excluded from chapter, 69;
    biogr. notice, 126.

  Eustace de Normanville, lector, declines to lecture at Norwich, 65;
    biogr. notice, 139.

  Eustas, John, scholar, dies intestate, 101, 276.

  _Evangelical Poverty_, dispute concerning, 75-8, 86, 129, 163, 164, 166,
        167, 225, 266, 320-335;
    _cf._ 92.

  -- works on, 164, 165, 169, 215-6, 222, 224, 232, 234, 239, 240, 243,
        248, 255, 266;
    _cf._ 320-335.

  Evesham, Simon de Montfort, buried at, 33 (_see Corrigenda_).

  -- _see_ Hugh of.

  Ew, _see_ John of.

  Ewelme, _see_ N. de.

  Exeter, diocese of, 105;
    dean of, 7;
    subdean, 96.

  Exeter: Grey Friars’ house at, 27, _n._ 9, 217, 291;
    _studium_ at, 35, _n._ 3.

  -- friars preach at, 132.

  -- persecution at, 132, 286, 289.

  -- Adam of: _see_ Adam of Oxford.

  -- Stephen of: _see_ Stephen of Ireland.

  -- _see_ William of.

  Eynsham, abbey, 237.


  F.

  Fabricius, G., quoted, 148.

  Fakenham: _see_ Nicholas of.

  Falkenstein: _see_ Beatrice of.

  Falley, John, 107, 268.

  Farmer, Henry, of Tusmor, 167.

  Faversham: _see_ Haymo of.

  Feckyngtone, John, Minorite, Rector of Balliol Coll., 10;
    biogr. notice, 260.

  Ferrara, bp. of, 224, _n._ 8.

  Fetiplace, Ric. bequest, 107.

  Fey, Jacob, biogr. notice, 252.

  Fisher, John, 273.

  Fitzralph: _see_ Richard.

  Flavyngur, John, Minorite, lectures on decretals, 53;
    biogr. notice, 277.

  Flemengvill: _see_ Robert de.

  Florence, general chapter at, 314.

  -- friars Preachers at, 55, _n._ 3.

  -- _see_ Fey (Jacob), Nicholas de Burgo.

  Florence, John, Minorite, 46, _n._ 10.

  Foliot, Alice, 15, _n._ 2.

  Folvyle, W., 80, _n._ 2.

  Foreign friars at Oxford: _see_ Oxford.

  Forest, John, Catholic martyr, 290.

  Foster, Thomas, 131.

  Fox, Edward, 281, _n._ 3.

  Foxal, Foxalls: _see_ Foxholes.

  Foxe, Jane, bequest, 109.

  Foxholes, John, Minorite, biogr. notice, 261-2.

  Foxle: _see_ Walter de.

  France; kings of, and country, 138, _n._ 3, 140, 159, 161, 243, 253, 285.

  French students expelled from Oxford, 86.

  French Minorites at Oxford, 66, 187, 244;
    expelled, 86.

  -- _see_ Paris.

  -- Provincial of the Minorites in, 126, 187.

  -- Rob. Wellys, dies in, 256.

  Frances, Thomas, inception, 52, _n._ 10, 53;
    biogr. notice, 279.

  Francis, St., of Assisi, 1, _n._ 1, 129, 176;
    appears in visions, 2, 142, _n._ 3;
    church at Oxford dedicated to, 22, 24;
    his condemnation of learning, 29;
    mentioned, 6, _n._ 7, 81, 100, 129, 177, _n._ 6.

  -- his Rule, observance and relaxations, 7, 11, 14, 22, 29, 33, 36, 55,
        69, 91, 97, 127, 135, 136, 147, 176, 181, 183, 186, 187, 188, 190,
        193, 194, 215, 325, 327, 328, 331: _see_ Gregory IX, Benedict XII.

  Francis de Cardaillac, 243.

  Francis de Graynoylles, Minorite from Aragon, 243.

  -- de Mayronibus, 262.

  Francis de S. Simone (of Pisa or Empoli), 66, _n._ 7;
    biogr. notice, 243.

  Francis of Savona (Sixtus IV), 265-6.

  Franciscan Order, General Chapters, 11, 35, 66, _notes_ 6 and 10, 90,
        127, 135, 157, 159, 161, 166, 167, 176, 177, 178, 183, 186, 194,
        218, 219, 221, 224, 229, 235, 242, 267, 275 (?), 309, 314.

  -- Decrees relating to Oxford, 35, 66, _notes_ 6, 10, 309, 314.

  -- _see Evangelical Poverty._

  -- England;
    character of the Order in, 4, _n._ 1, 11, _n._ 3, 13, 14, 27, _n._ 9,
        29-30, 61, 69, 78-9, 82-3, 100, 101, _n._ 5, 111, 113, 115-6, 129,
        320, _seq._

  -- -- Provincial Chapters;
    held annually in England, 36, _n._ 4, 66, _n._ 1.

  -- -- at Oxford, 4, 5, 69, 70, 126, 142, 181, 183, 184, 218, 254.

  -- -- elsewhere, 69, and _n._ 4, 157, 176, 184, 235, 250, 271, 314.

  -- -- records of the, lost, 89, 90.

  -- Provincial Ministers of England, appointment or deposition of, 1,
        _n._ 1, 70, 127, 128, 177, 181, 183-4, 253, 254, 255, 256, 259.

  -- Order in England, custodies, 68, 125, 133.

  -- _Studia_: _see_ Cambridge, Oxford.

  -- -- 34 and _n._ 3, 35 and _n._ 3, 44, 51, 64, _n._ 5, 65, 186, 188,
        189, 249, 270, 275 (276), 277, 284, 309, 311, 313-4, 314.

  -- Lecturers, appointment or election of, 30, 34, and _n._ 3, 35, _n._
        2, 36, 43, 65, 66, 139, 140, 141, 142, 177, 181, 183, 186, 189,
        220, 235, 242, 313-4;
    _cf._ 329.

  -- Monastic school at Canterbury presided over by a Franciscan, 66.

  -- Monks and Canons enter the Franciscan Order, 2, 3, 180, 237.

  -- -- Other friars become Minorites, 75.

  -- Limit to age of admission to Order, 80-1.

  -- Dress of the Friars, 4.

  -- Letters of Fraternity, 82, 90.

  -- Suppression of the friaries, 116;
    pension to a Franciscan, 130.

  -- Political teaching, 32-3, 81-2, 84, 85, 86, 87, 114, 137, 141, 191,
        242, 272.

  -- -- works on politics, 144, 145, 218, 229-234, 244.

  -- Individual friars: privileges granted to, 141, _n._ 2, 237, _n._ 5,
        239, 247, 312.

  -- -- alms and exhibitions, 53-4, 91-2, 97.

  -- -- bequests, 102, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 143, 251, 261, 263, 268,
        282, _n._ 9, 318.

  -- -- private property, 78, 96, _n._ 1, 108, 109, 271, 273, 311.

  -- Spiritual and Observant Friars, 77, 88, 89, _n._ 4, 96, 114, 115,
        163, 164, 166, 215, 257, 265, 269, _n._ 6, 277, 285, 286, 289,
        290, 293.

  -- Rivalry between Mendicant Orders, 71, _seq._, 127, 183: _see_
        Dominican Order in England.

  -- Convents: _see_ Aberdeen, Aylesbury, Babwell, Bedford, Boston,
        Bridgwater, Bristol, Brusyard (Poor Clares), Cambridge,
        Canterbury, Chester, Colchester, Coventry, Doncaster, Donegal,
        Dorchester, Dublin, Evesham (_see Corrigenda_), Exeter, Galway,
        Gloucester, Grantham, Greenwich, Hereford, Ipswich, Leicester,
        Lichfield, Lincoln, London, Lynn, Newark, Newcastle, Northampton,
        Norwich, Nottingham, Oxford, Reading, Richmond, Salisbury,
        Shrewsbury, Southampton, Stamford, Ware, Winchester, Worcester,
        York.

  -- Order: _see_ Ambassadors.

  -- -- _Catalogus illustrium Franciscanorum._

  -- -- Confessions.

  -- -- Heresies.

  -- -- Missionaries.

  Frankfurt, council of, 225, 232;
    mentioned, 288, _n._ 7.

  Frederic II: _see_ Isabella, wife of.

  Frederic of Thüringen, 257.

  Freiburg: _see_ John Lector of.

  Frewers: _see_ Fryer.

  Friars: _see_ Austin Friars;
    Carmelites;
    Dominicans;
    Franciscans;
    Sack, friars of the;
    Trinitarians;
    and Mendicant Orders.

  Frideswide, St.: _see_ Oxford.

  -- _see_ John of.

  Frisby, Roger, Minorite, executed, 87.

  Fryer, William, alderman, visits Oxford friaries, 117, 121;
    obtains lease of Grey Friars, 121, 122.

  Fugardi, Rogerus filius, 191, _n._ 1.

  Fulgentius, commentaries on, 170.

  Fulham: _see_ Robert de.

  Fullo, Radulph, Thomas, William, 15, _n._ 2, 19, _n._ 3.

  Fyfield, 25, _n._ 9, 104.


  G.

  G. de Sancto Edmundo, biogr. notice of, 189.

  Gaddesby or Gaddestyn: _see_ Robert de.

  Gaieta: _see_ Peter of.

  Gainsborough: _see_ William of.

  Gallensis, Gualensis: _see_ John Wallensis.

  Gallensis, John, of Volterra, 150.

  Galway, Franciscans of, 267.

  Gamages, Reginald, land in Oxford, 298.

  Garaford: _see_ Richard de.

  Gardener, John, principal of Beef Hall, 130.

  Gardiner, Stephen, trial of, 284, _n._ 1;
    mentioned, 291.

  Gascoigne, Thomas, Chancellor of Oxford, on the Franciscan library,
        57-9, 61, _n._ 7;
    quoted Thomas Docking, 151, _n._ 7.

  Gascony, Simon de Montfort in, 138, 186.

  -- seized by French King, 161.

  Gaufredi: _see_ Raymund.

  Gaunt, John of, Earl of Lancaster, 81, _n._ 7, 84.

  Gaveston, Piers, 22, 27, _n._ 9.

  Gedleston (Gilstone?), 277, _n._ 6.

  Genoa, general chapters at, 127, 159, 184, _n._ 1, 186.

  -- Franciscan province, 265.

  -- plague at, 184.

  Gerald Odonis, Spiritual Minorite, 231.

  German, William, Minorite, 45, 50, _n._ 1 and 8;
    admitted to Univ. library, 62, _n._ 3;
    biogr. notice, 275.

  Germany, provincial ministers of, 128, 160, _n._ 9, 181, 188: _see_
        Wygmund.

  -- Minorites from, at Oxford, 66, 237, 256.

  Ghent: _see_ Henry of;
    Simon of.

  Gigas: _see_ Hermann Gygas.

  Gilbert of Grensted, of Oxford, 304.

  Gilbert Peckham, Minorite, fellow of Merton, biogr. notice, 238.

  Gilbert of Preston, 298.

  Gilbert (Stratton), 162, _n._ 6.

  Giles, friar, 105.

  -- (Egidius), Minorite, 142, _n._ 3.

  Giuliortus de Limosano, wax-doctor, 43;
    biogr. notice, 239.

  Giuvenazzo, bp. of, 167.

  Glaseyere, Hugh, Minorite, 116, _n._ 7;
    biogr. notice, 292.

  Gloucester, Abbat of, 136;
    Archdeacons of, 106, 218, 290;
    Minorites at, 44, _n._ 1, 69, 176, 182, 268.

  -- mentioned, 188, 296.

  -- duke of, 259.

  -- _see_ Walter of.

  Goddard, William, provincial, 247;
    biogr. notice, 262-4.

  -- Warden, London, 263.

  Godham: _see_ Adam Wodham.

  Godstow, nunnery;
    reformed by Peckham, 74;
    alms to Oxford friars, 100.

  Golafre, Sir John, buried at Grey Friars, Oxford, 25.

  -- John, lord of Langley, benefactor, 25, 104.

  -- William, buried at Grey Friars, Oxford, 25.

  Goldsmith, Margaret, bequest, 106.

  Goldsmith, Walter, Minorite, 271.

  Goldsmith, citizen of Oxford, 15, 20.

  Gonsalvo, minister general, 164, _n._ 3, 220.

  Gonsalvo of Portugal, Observant Minorite, 45, 66, _n._ 9, 88, _n._ 3;
    inception of, 51-2;
    biogr. notice, 264.

  Good (Gude), Thomas: _see_ Thomas Docking.

  Goodewyn, Thomas, bequest, 109.

  Goodfield (Goodfylde, Gudfeld), Walter, Warden at Oxford, 36, _n._ 9,
        52, 53, _n._ 3;
    leases land, 97, 317;
    mentioned, 271, _n._ 3, 274;
    biogr. notice, 131.

  -- graces to, 337-8.

  Gorham, Nicholas, works of, 57, 166.

  Gorry (or Grey), John, Minorite of Dorchester, agitates among labourers,
        84, _n._ 1.

  Gos, William, tailor, 94.

  Grafton, Edmund, lector, 172.

  Grammont, Order of, 185.

  Grantham, Minorite Convent in the Oxford custody, 68.

  Gras: _see_ John le.

  Gratian, _decretum_ of, 57.

  Graynoylles: _see_ Francis de.

  Greek, study of, 42, 59, 112, 113, 249, 283, 290.

  Greenwich, Observant friary, 88, 290.

  Gregory IX, pope, 8, 57, 69, 72, 179, 184;
    explanation of the Rule of St. Francis, 325, 327, 331, 334.

  Gregory X, pope, 18.

  Gregory XI, pope, 242.

  Gregory, provincial minister of France, 126.

  Gregory de Bosellis, Minorite, 183;
    biogr. notice, 186.

  Gregory of Rimini, 238, _n._ 3.

  Grene, John, 264.

  Grensted: _see_ Gilbert.

  Grey de Retherfeld, John, gives land to Minorites, 20, 305-6.

  Grey Friars: _see_ Franciscan Order.

  Grostete, Robert, bishop of Lincoln;
    his sayings, 6;
    influence at Oxford, 8;
    lectures to the Franciscans, 30, 32, 67, 69, 177, 180, 183, 189, 192;
    bequeaths books to the Franciscans, 57-9, 138;
    friendship with Adam Marsh, 48, 67, 127, 135, _seq._;
    influence on Roger Bacon, 37, 139, 192;
    sermon in praise of poverty, 69;
    quarrel with Innocent IV, 59, _n._ 1;
    works ascribed to, 151, 223, 226: _see also_ 4, 61, _n._ 7, 62, _n._
        1, 128, 140, 141, 179, 187, 188, 189.

  Gryffith, Maurice, Dominican, 54, _n._ 6.

  Guaro: _see_ William of Ware.

  Gudman, Ralph, Minorite, 276.

  Guido: _see_ Agnes.

  Guildford, Dominicans at, 89, _n._ 4.

  Gulac: _see_ Nicholas de.

  Gunter, James, has lease of part of the Grey Friars, 123.

  -- Richard and Joanna, have part of the Grey Friars’ property, 122, 123.

  Gunwardeby: _see_ John of.

  Gwent: _see_ Went, John.


  H.

  H. M., 152, _n._ 1.

  Hadham, 284.

  Hadley, John, Minorite, 269.

  -- R., Observant, 269, _n._ 6.

  Haldeswel: _see_ Peter of Baldeswell.

  Halegod, Andrew, citizen of Oxford, 295.

  -- Laurence, citizen of Oxford, 295.

  Hales: _see_ Alexander of.

  -- _see_ Andrewes, Ric.

  Halifax, Rob.: _see_ Eliphat.

  Hall, Anthony, bequest, 109.

  Halvesnahen: _see_ Hubert of.

  Hampton, 293.

  Hanworth, 292.

  Hanyden: _see_ Anneday.

  Harecourt, Ric., bequest, 108.

  Harlington, 292.

  Harm’, Simondez, 275.

  Harmon, 275.

  Harvey, John, warden at Oxford, 54, _n._ 3, 132, 317, 319;
    biogr. notice, 131.

  Hasard, William, proctor, bequest, 107.

  Hastings, John, E. of Pembroke, 264.

  Hauréau, M., 149.

  Haymo of Faversham, 7, _n._ 7;
    provincial of England, 14, 177, 181, _n._ 10, 182, 183;
    prefers manual labour to mendicancy, 14;
    general minister, 11, 127, 136.

  Hearne, Thomas, 124, 174.

  Hebrew, taught at Oxford, 59, and _n._ 2;
    at reformation, 112, 290.

  Heddele, Hedele, Hedley: _see_ William of Heddele.

  Heddrington, _or_ Herington, Ric., 163.

  Hedyan, James, buried in Franciscan Church at Oxford, 26;
    bequest, 105.

  Hekeshovre: _see_ Adam of Bechesoueres.

  Henley, 107.

  Henry III, King of England, grants to friars at Oxford, 5, 13, 14, 16,
        17, 18, 21, 22, 69, 70, 296-300, 307-8;
    Cambridge, 97, _n._ 5;
    Reading, 22;
    calls Mad Parliament at Oxford, 72;
    takes cross, 136;
    relations to Adam Marsh, 137-8;
    mentioned, 177, 191, 302;
    his queen, 137.

  Henry IV, 70, 81, 87, 98, 247, 248, 249, _n._ 2.

  Henry V, 98, _n._ 1.

  Henry VI, 98-99;
    his council, 259.

  Henry VII, 98, _n._ 1.

  Henry VIII, grant to Oxford Minorites, 98, _n._ 1;
    royal supremacy, 114, 272, 273, 287, 289, 291, 293;
    divorce, 114-15, 269, 273, 280-1, 282;
    suppression of monasteries, 115, 290;
    treatment of the friars’ property in Oxford, 120, 122;
    court preachers of, 271;
    appoints N. de Burgo reader at Cardinal College, 281, 282: _see also_
        285, 292.

  Henry of Apeltre, lector, 153, _n._ 1;
    biogr. notice, 156.

  Henry of Ast, minister general, 254, _n._ 9.

  Henry of Bath, 298.

  Henry of Brisingham, lector, 143, _n._ 11, 151, _n._ 4;
    biogr. notice, 152.

  Henry of Burford, Minorite, 11.

  Henry of Ceruise, vicar of the provincial, 178.

  Henry of Costesey (Cossey), biogr. notice, 234.

  Henry Cruche, lector, 134, 169.

  Henry de Edrope (Heythrop?), of Oxford, 304.

  Henry of Ghent, 154, _n._ 7.

  Henry, son of Henry, citizen of Oxford, 296.

  Henry Lector, of Oxford, 152, 156.

  Henry of Oyta, 173.

  Henry of Reresby, 22;
    biogr. notice of, 180.

  Henry Simeonis, his island in the Thames, 16, 17, 297.

  Henry Standish: _see_ Standish.

  Henry Stretsham: _see_ Stretsham.

  Henry of Sutton, 162, _n._ 16;
    biogr. notice, 219.

  Henry, son of Thomas, bailiff of Oxford, 296.

  Hentham: _see_ John of.

  Herberd, Herbert, Herebert, William, lector, 169, _n._ 2;
    biogr. notice, 167-8.

  Herbert of Denmade, 307.

  Hereford, Grey Friars at, 254, 260;
    school, 34, _n._ 3, 261, 313-4;
    burials at, 168, 174, 254.

  -- bishop of: _see_ Ralph Maidstone, Thomas of Cantilupe, Swinfeld
        (Ric.), 248.

  -- dean of, 313.

  -- Earl of, stays at Grey Friars, Exeter, 27, _n._ 9: _see_ Bohun.

  -- _see_ A. of.

  -- J. of: _see_ Edes, John.

  -- Nicholas, sermon against the friars, 54, 84, 91, _n._ 8.

  Herefordshire, 286.

  Heresies, eastern, 8, 63, 179: _see_ Knights Templars.

  -- Franciscan, 70, 82, 85-6, 166, 167, 257-9, 266-7: _see_ William of
        Ockham.

  -- at Oxford, 70, 73, 82, 85, 86, 166.

  -- elsewhere, 251, 256, 263.

  -- _see_ Reformation.

  Hermann of Cologne, Minorite student at Oxford, 69, _n._ 10, 235;
    biogr. notice, 236.

  -- Gygas (_or_ Gigas), 163, 237.

  -- of Saxony, 237.

  Herne, church of, 285.

  Hertepol: _see_ Hugh of.

  Hertford, 211, 213.

  Hertfordshire, 277, _n._ 6, 283, 284.

  Hertilpoll: _see_ Hugh of Hertepol.

  Herveius de Saham, Chancellor, 133.

  Hevesham; _see_ Hugh of Evesham.

  Heythrop: _see_ Richard of.

  Hibernicus, &c.: _see_ Ireland.

  Hilton, John, biogr. notice, 243.

  Hoger, abbat, 210.

  Hokenorton (Hooknorton), 15, _n._ 2, 19, _n._ 2, 109, _n._ 2.

  Holawnton (Wilts.), 106.

  Holder, Robert, 94.

  Holiday, Sir Stephen, 292.

  Horley: _see_ John of.

  Hotham: _see_ Nicholas of Ocham.

  Hoveden _or_ Howden: _see_ Adam of, John of.

  Howe, John, buys sites of Friaries at Oxford, 122, 123.

  Hows, Will., 96, _n._ 2, 276.

  Hoye, Thomas, vicar of Bampton, will of, 110.

  Hoyta: _see_ Henry of Oyta.

  Hozon (Hotham?): _see_ William of Hodum.

  Hubert of Halvesnahen, biogr. notice, 243.

  Hugh Balsham, 138.

  -- of Bampton, or Bath (Bathampton?), provincial, 157.

  -- of Cantilupe, 218.

  -- of Corbrug, secular master, 331, 334.

  -- of Evesham, 331, 333.

  -- of Hertepol, lector and provincial: proctor of Balliol Coll., 10;
    disputes at Oxford, 48, 49;
    presents twenty-two friars to the bishop for license to hear
        confessions at Oxford, 63, 129, 162, 163, 164, 165, 167, 219, 220,
        222;
    employed as ambassador, 7, _n._ 10, 161;
    mentioned, 158, 160, 218;
    biographical notice of, 158-9.

  -- Karlelle, at the council of the earthquake, 84, 246.

  -- of Lyndun, biogr. notice, 186.

  -- of Manchester, Dominican, 161.

  -- of Mistretune, Dominican, 38.

  -- of Newcastle, 167, _n._ 3.

  -- of Nottingham, 57, 166.

  -- Willoughby (Wylluby), chancellor and Minorite, notice of, 235.

  Humphrey de Bohun: _see_ Bohun.

  Hundertone, Master Gilbert, 56, _n._ 2.

  Hungary, Minorite province, 181.

  Hussites, 257, _n._ 3.


  I.

  Ilchester, R. Bacon born at, 191.

  Ingeham: _see_ Solomon of.

  Ingewrthe: _see_ Richard of.

  Innocent IV, pope, 59, _n._ 1, 72, 77, 136, 137, 183, 184, 190.

  Innocent VI, pope, 239, 312.

  Inquisition, 160, 162, 165, 252.

  Ipswich, Grey Friars at, 27, _n._ 6.

  Ireland;
    Friars from, study at Oxford, 66;
    visitation of, 126;
    provincial ministers of, 178, 261, 267: _see_ 142, _n._ 5, 243, _n._
        2, 266.

  -- _see_ Carrewe (David);
    Cusack (Isaac);
    Hubert of Halvesnahen;
    John Duns Scotus (?);
    Lorcan, Ric.;
    Malachy of Ireland;
    Maurice de Portu;
    Menelaus McCormic;
    Stephen of Ireland;
    Thomas of Ireland;
    Whythead, John.

  Irishe, Edmund, bailiff of Oxford, 93.

  Isabella, wife of Frederick II, 6, 307.

  -- wife of Edward II, 162, 237.

  Italy, 281, 282;
    friars from, at Oxford, 66: _see_ Agnellus;
    Albert of Pisa;
    Francis de S. Simone;
    Fey (Jacob);
    John de Castro;
    Laurentius Gul. de Savona;
    Nicholas de Burgo;
    Peter of Gaieta;
    Philip of Castello.


  J.

  J., friar Minor, at Council of Lyons, 128, _n._ 5.

  ‘Jack Upland,’ Lollard writer, 83.

  James de Porta, Minorite, 173.

  James, Rob., bequest, 105.

  Jerome (St.), works of, in Franciscan library, Oxford, 58.

  Jerome of Ascoli (Nicholas IV), general minister, 156, _n._ 1;
    holds chapter at Paris, 194.

  Jerome of St. Mark, notice of, 239.

  Jewell, John, 290.

  Jews, protected by Adam Marsh, 137: _see also_ 9, 167, _n._ 9, 169, 190.

  Joanna, princess of Wales, 245.

  Joanna, wife of Walter of Wycombe, 20.

  John XXI, pope, 155, _n._ 4.

  John XXII, pope, bulls in favour of the Dominicans at Oxford, 40;
    controversy with the Franciscans, 77, 92, _n._ 1, 158, 166, 224-5, 229
        _seq._, 239, 266.

  John XXIII, pope, 249, 255.

  John, friar, Dr. of Oxford, advocates disendowment, 82.

  John, Minorite, gives away a book, 56, _n._ 6.

  John, Roger Bacon’s pupil, 33, _n._ 4;
    biogr. notice, 211.

  John of Basingstoke, 206.

  -- of Bekinkham, Minorite, 217, 218, 309.

  -- of Berwick, lector, biogr. notice of, 159.

  -- of Beverley, Minorite, 141, _n._ 9;
    biogr. notice, 186.

  -- Canon: _see_ Canon.

  -- de Castro (Bologna), Minorite, 45, _n._ 9, 54, _n._ 3, 66, _n._ 7;
    biogr. notice, 276.

  -- de Clara, 309;
    biogr. notice, 218.

  -- of Cobeham, 298.

  -- of Codyngton, warden, biographical notice, 129.

  -- of Coleshull, citizen of Oxford, 304.

  -- of Couton, benefactor of the friars, 92, 310.

  -- de Crombe, lector, biogr. notice, 166.

  -- Duns Scotus, presented for license to hear confessions, 64;
    lectures abroad, 68;
    mentioned, 112, 116, _n._ 2, 130, _n._ 2, 167, 213, 223, 224, 241,
        _n._ 4, 262, 268, 270, 284;
    biographical notice of, 219-222.

  -- of Dunstable, joins Oxford Franciscans;
    notice of, 180.

  -- of Ew, of Oxford, 304.

  -- Feckyngtone: _see_ Feckyngtone (John).

  -- Gallensis of Volterra, 150.

  -- of Gaunt: _see_ Gaunt.

  -- le Gras, secular master, expounds Franciscan Rule, 331-334.

  -- of Gunwardeby, of Oxford, 304.

  -- of Hentham, ‘_syndicus_,’ 92, 235, 310.

  -- of Hereford: _see_ Edes, John.

  -- of Horley, lector, 163.

  -- of Hoveden or Howden, lector, 172.

  -- (of Kent), papal nuncio, 141, _n._ 2.

  -- of Kethene, Minorite, 183.

  -- of Lathbury, Minorite, 236;
    biogr. notice, 235 (_cf._ 56, _n._ 2).

  -- Lector of Erfurt, 254, _n._ 6.

  -- Lector of Freiburg, 144, _n._ 150.

  -- of London, 206, 211.

  -- London, 237.

  -- London, warden of New College: _see_ London.

  -- of Maidstone, archdeacon of Bedford, 331.

  -- Mardisle: _see_ Mardisle.

  -- Marshall, 308.

  -- of Meslay, visitor of the Oxford Dominicans, 334.

  -- Nottingham, Minorite, 287.

  -- of Nottingham, Minorite, witnesses a will, 101, 239.

  -- -- treasurer of York, 165.

  -- of Okehampton, warden, 92, 310;
    biogr. notice, 129.

  -- of Oxford, Minorite, 216.

  -- Parens, minister general, 178.

  -- of Parma, minister general, praises the English province, 11, _n._ 3;
    holds chapter at Oxford, 69, 70, 183;
    friend of Adam Marsh, 137: _see also_, 187, 193, _n._ 4.

  -- Peckham (Pecham, &c.), royal commissioner, 9;
    at Oxford, Paris, and Rome, 67;
    condemns errors at Oxford, 73;
    relations to Thomas Aquinas and Dominicans, 73, _seq._;
    favours Franciscans, 74;
    sends John Wallensis as ambassador, 144;
    works by, 150, 215;
    influenced by Roger Bacon, 195, _n._ 4;
    mentioned, 153, 156, 157, 211;
    biographical notice, 154.

  -- of Persole, Pershore, lector, 48, 49, 158, _n._ 6;
    biogr. notice, 159.

  -- le Peyntour, auditor, 94, 311.

  -- Picard, 172.

  -- of Preston, lector, 169.

  -- of Ratforde, lector, 169.

  -- of Reading, abbat of Osney, joins Franciscans, 3;
    mentioned, 187;
    biographical notice, 180.

  -- of Reading, lector, 168.

  -- of Reading, minister of Saxony, 181.

  -- de Ridevaus, lector, 150, 236;
    biogr. notice of, 170-1.

  -- of Rodyngton or Rudinton, lector and provincial, 174;
    notice of, 171.

  -- de Rupellis, Minorite, 67.

  -- de Rupescissa, Minorite, 208, _n._ 1.

  -- of St. Frideswide, mayor, 103, _n._ 7.

  -- of St. John, bequest, 102.

  -- of Sanford, Abp. Dublin, 129, _n._ 1.

  -- of Stamford, custodian of Oxford, 187;
    Provincial, 68, 138;
    at Lyons, 127;
    biographical notice, 128.

  -- de Stanle, Minorite, 224, 310.

  -- of Stapleton, biogr. notice, 219.

  -- of Tewkesbury, Minorite, gift to library, 60, 251.

  -- of Thornton, lector, 168.

  -- Tynmouth: _see_ Tinmouth, John.

  -- Tyssyngton: _see_ Tyssyngton.

  -- Wallensis, lector, 37, _n._ 1, 170;
    at Paris, 68;
    biogr. notice, 143;
    works, 144-151.

  -- Wallensis, Minorite, 311, _n._ 1.

  -- of Waltham, bishop of Salisbury, bequest, 104.

  -- of Ware, 212;
    _cf._ 213, _n._ 6.

  -- of Westburg, Minorite, 219.

  -- of Westover, and Isolda, his wife, 310, _n._ 2.

  -- of Winchelsea, Minorite, notice of, 223;
    _cf._ 256.

  -- of Wylton, lector, biogr. notice, 166.

  -- -- monk, 166, _n._ 11.

  -- de Wyntun, secular master, 331, 335.

  -- of Zortone: _see_ John of Thornton.

  Johnson, Elizabeth, bequest, 110.

  Jollan of Nevill, 298.

  Jordan of Saxony, Master of Friars Preachers, 71, _n._ 4.

  Jordan, William, Dominican, 242.

  Jornton: _see_ John of Thornton.

  Joseph, John, Minorite, 113, _n._ 7;
    biographical notice, 288.

  Julian Caesarinus, cardinal, 249.

  Julius II, pope, 267.


  K.

  Karlelle: _see_ Hugo.

  Katharine of Aragon, 114, 115, 273, 282: _see_ Henry VIII.

  Kell, Ambrose, Minorite, admitted to University library, 62, _n._ 3;
    270.

  Kellawe, Ric., bp. of Durham, 98.

  Kemerdyn, Phil., 101, _n._ 3.

  Keneyshame, Robert, bedell, his will, 26.

  Kent, 168;
    sheriff of, 99, 129, 308.

  -- nun of, 289, 290, _n._ 5.

  -- persecution in, 293.

  Kethene: _see_ John of.

  Kidderminster, Ric., abbat of Winchcombe, 49, _n._ 4, 269, 272.

  Kilwardby, Rob., Abp. of Canterbury, 73, 160;
    provincial of the Dominicans, 326, 327, 328, 329, 333, 334;
    upholds private judgment, 326.

  Kingesthorpe, Ric.: _see_ Ric. of Ingewrthe.

  Kingsbury: _see_ Thomas of Kyngesbery.

  Kirkby, 260, _n._ 7.

  Kirkham, Thomas, Minorite, 113, _n._ 7;
    opponent of King’s divorce, 114;
    grace to, 338;
    biogr. notice, 282.

  Knights Hospitallers, house in Oxford, 13.

  Knights Templars, 160, 162, 165.

  Knolle: _see_ Walter de.

  Knottis, Thomas, biogr. notice, 284.

  Knowlys, Rob., Minorite, 284.

  Knox, James, of Bois-le-Duc, 245.

  Kydmersford: _see_ Adam.

  Kydmynster, Ric.: _see_ Kidderminster.

  Kynton, John, 97, _n._ 2, 107, 112, _n._ 1, 316;
    opposes reformation, 113;
    attitude to divorce, 115;
    biographical notice, 268.

  Kyritz, 257.

  Kyrswell: _see_ Creswell, Ralph.


  L.

  Lakeor: _see_ Adam de.

  Lamarensis: _see_ William de Mara.

  Lambeth Palace, MS. from Franciscan library, Oxford, 59.

  -- burial at, 293.

  Lambourn (Berks) 107, (Essex) 290.

  Lambourn, Reginald, fellow of Merton Coll., Minorite, biogr. notice, 237.

  -- Robert (_or_ John), Minorite, biogr. notice of, 237.

  -- Simon, of Merton Coll., 237, _n._ 9.

  Lancashire, 189, 271.

  Lancaster: _see_ Gaunt, John of.

  Landen: _see_ Walter de.

  ‘Lanercost Chronicle,’ written by an Oxford Minorite, 1, _n._ 1, 27, 30,
        167.

  Langberg, of Merton Coll., 137, _n._ 9.

  Langham, Simon, Abp. of Canterbury, 85.

  Langley (Regis), Dominicans at, 22, 53, _n._ 9.

  -- _see_ Golafre, John.

  Laodicea, bp. of, 188.

  Laon: _see_ Raymund of.

  Lathbury: _see_ John of.

  Latimer, Hugh, bp. of Worcester, 111.

  Laurence Briton (Wallensis), lector, 134, 171.

  -- of Cornwall, Minorite, 212.

  -- of Sutthon, _socius_ of Adam Marsh, 34, 140, _n._ 5;
    biogr. notice, 186.

  Laurentius Gulielmi de Traversagnis de Saona, biographical notice of,
        265.

  Layton, sent to reform the University, 116.

  Lector: _see_ John.

  Ledbury, John, buys a book, 56, _n._ 2 (_cf._ John Lathbury).

  Legnaco: _see_ Ægidius de.

  Leicester, four Orders at, 103.

  -- Dominicans at, 102.

  -- Minorite convent, in the Oxford custody, 68;
    lectures at, 186, 275;
    rebel friars at, 87;
    burials at, 166, 180.

  -- Earl of: _see_ Montfort, Simon de.

  -- Grostete, archdeacon of, 179, _n._ 4.

  -- _see_ Robert of.

  Leke (Leech), Ric., provincial, 259.

  Leke, Ric., brewer, buried at Grey Friars, Oxford, 26;
    lease of land to, 97, 131, 274, 316-8;
    bequests, 108, 318;
    servant, of John Kynton, 269, _n._ 4, 316.

  Leland, John, visits Franciscan library, 62;
    on R. Bacon’s works, 195;
    mentioned, 149, 150, 199.

  Lemster: _see_ William of Leominster.

  Leo X, pope, 110.

  Letheringfont, Minorite, Cambridge, 49, _n._ 9.

  Letitia, wife of Simon, son of Benedict, 15, 298-9.

  Lewes, battle, 72;
    priory, 154.

  Lichfield, Minorites of, 59, _n._ 3;
    burials at, 169, 259.

  -- bp. of: _see_ Roger Wesham.

  -- diocese, 260, 289.

  Limoges: _see_ Peter of.

  Limosano: _see_ Giuliortus de.

  Lincoln, burials at, 139, 160.

  -- bishops of: _see_ Grostete, Richard of Gravesend, Sutton (Oliver),
        Dalderby.

  -- William of Alnwick, Suffragan of, 271.

  -- archdeacon of, 9;
    diocese of, 257, 289.

  -- _see_ Adam of.

  -- John, citizen of London, 272.

  Lincolnshire, 189, 271.

  Lisbon, University, 242.

  Llandaff, bp. of, 255.

  Lock, Margery, 93.

  Lockysley: _see_ Ralph of.

  Lodore: _see_ Richard le.

  Lollards, 83, 87, 248: _see_ Wiclif.

  Lombard, Peter: _see Sentences_.

  Lombardy, an Oxford Minorite teaches in, 67.

  London: Austin Friars, 263.

  -- Black Friars, council of the Earthquake at, 84, 246;
    prior of, 320, _n._ 1.

  -- Grey Friars: foundation, 2, 176, 178.

  -- -- house and convent, 28, 89, _n._ 2, 128, 132, 180, 189, 239, 258,
        263, 266, 274, 280, 311;
    numbers, 44, _n._ 1.

  -- -- political meeting at, 282, _n._ 11.

  -- -- privileges to inmates, 237, 239, 247, 312-3.

  -- -- property of a London Minorite, 78, 311.

  -- -- church, 25.

  -- -- -- burials in, 126, 129, 130, 131, 155, 162, 240, 241, 247, 251,
        252, 256, 263, 264, 265, 268, 269, 273, 275, 277.

  -- -- Chapters at, 69, and _n._ 4, 235.

  -- -- custody, 175.

  -- -- schools, 35, _n._ 3, 130, 172, 181, 186, 188, 246, 277, 306, 311.

  -- -- -- exhibition for a London Minorite, 53, _n._ 7.

  -- -- library, 144, _n._ 5, 150, 173, 233, 234.

  -- -- dissolution, 288.

  -- -- Wardens, 78, _n._ 3, 83, 89, _n._ 2, 112, 127, 131, 136, _n._ 4,
        212, 258, 263, 265, 269, 272, 276.

  -- -- Vice-warden, 129.

  -- bishops of, 10, 258, 260 281, _n._ 3, 284, _n._ 1;
    diocese, 261.

  -- St. Paul’s, convocation at, 257;
    prebendary of, 284;
    Cardmaker reader in, 291.

  -- -- Cross, sermons, 46, _n._ 9, 53, 113, 130, 258, 263, 278, 279, 284,
        285, 287, 289, 292.

  -- Parishes;
    St. Andrew Undershaft, 287;
    St. Bride’s, Fleet Street, 291;
    St. George’s, Botolph Lane, 293, _n._ 3;
    St. Leonard’s Shoreditch, 290;
    St. Martin’s in the Fields, 286;
    St. Martin’s Outwich, 283;
    St. Mary at Axe, 287;
    St. Mary at Bowe, 289;
    St. Mary Magdalen, Old Fish Street, 293, _n._ 7;
    St. Owen’s, 128;
    St. Vedast’s, 105.

  -- Bridge, head of a Franciscan rebel on, 87.

  -- Smithfield, burnings at, 291.

  -- Compter (prison), 291.

  -- Fleet (prison), 291.

  -- College of Physicians, 119-120.

  -- Parliament at, A. Marsh called to, 137; 32, _n._ 3.

  -- foreign traders in, 272.

  -- mentioned, 99, 103, 104, 106, 281.

  -- _see_ John of;
    Thomas of.

  London, Dr. John, Warden of New College, 110, _n._ 1, 166, _n._ 8;
    Visits the Oxford friaries, 117-121, 132;
    and other friaries, 133.

  Longespee, Ela, countess of Warwick, 300, _n._ 1.

  Loo, J., 96, _n._ 1.

  Lorcan, Richard, Irish Minorite at Oxford, 101, 276.

  Louis IX (St.), King of France, 138, _n._ 3, 140.

  Louis of Bavaria, emperor, 225, 231, 232.

  Lovell, William Lord, buried in Grey Friars Church, Oxford, 26, 106.

  Ludford, Simon, Minorite, becomes apothecary and physician, 119, 294.

  Ludgershall, 271.

  Lull, Lully, Raymund, 59, _n._ 2, 255.

  Lundia, abp. of, 140, _n._ 6.

  Lusetanus: _see_ Peter.

  Luther, Martin, 113, 269, 281, 286.

  Lymynster: _see_ Richard.

  Lynn, Grey Friars, numbers, 44, _n._ 1, 283;
    burial at, 129;
    mentioned, 271.

  -- -- Observant at, 277.

  Lyons, council of, 15, 18, 67, 127, 128, 137, 140.

  -- general chapter at, 159, 161, 218.

  -- Franciscan school at, 66, _n._ 10.

  Lyra: _see_ Nicholas de.


  M.

  M{c}Carmacan, or M{c}Cormic: _see_ Menelaus.

  Madele: _see_ Walter of.

  Magalona (Montpellier), bp. of, 144, _n._ 8.

  Magdeburg, abp. of, 257

  Mahomet, works on, 148.

  Maidstone: _see_ John of;
    Ralph of;
    Thomas of Maydenstan.

  Major, John, 172, _n._ 11.

  Malachias of Ireland, Minorite, student at Oxford, 66, _n._ 5;
    223.

  Maldon, John, provost of Oriel, bequest, 104.

  Malevile, Richard, lector, 175.

  Mallaert, John, Minorite, 70, 253.

  Malmesbury, Henry, bequest, 103.

  -- _see_ Thomas of.

  Manchester: _see_ Hugh of.

  Manners: _see_ Peter of.

  Mansourah, battle of, 138, _n._ 3, 140.

  Mantes, 127.

  Mara, forest of, 215, _n._ 1.

  -- _see_ William de Mara.

  Marbres, John, 224, _n._ 1.

  Mardisle (Mardeslay), John, provincial, argues against papal tribute,
        81, _n._ 7;
    biogr. notice, 242.

  Maricourt (Maharncuria): _see_ Peter de.

  Marseilles, general chapter, 235.

  Marsh (de Marisco): _see_ Adam;
    Richard;
    Robert.

  Marshall, Earl, 7, 177.

  Marshall, Hugh, his tenement in Oxford, 16, 298.

  -- John, 308.

  Marsilius of Padua, 77, 114, _n._ 4, 224, 234.

  Marston: _see_ Roger.

  Martin IV, pope, 92, _n._ 1, 111, _n._ 6.

  -- V, pope, constitutions for Friars Minors, 53, _n._ 8, 65, _n._ 6, 92,
        _n._ 1, 255.

  -- king of Aragon, 255.

  -- Warden at Oxford, mentioned, 186, 189;
    biogr. notice, 129.

  -- the old, Minorite, 129.

  -- of Alnwick, lector, biogr. notice, 163.

  -- de Barton, Minorite, 129.

  -- de Sta. Cruce, bequests, 102, 143.

  Martinus Polonus, 164.

  Martoke, John, fellow of Merton, bequest, 106.

  Mary, the Virgin, works on, &c., 49, 67, _n._ 2, 212, 214, 242, 250, 254;
    _cf._ 178-9.

  Mary, queen, 286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293.

  Maryner, William, citizen of London, 53, _n._ 7.

  (Matthew), provincial of Dominicans, signs Charter for University, 8;
    ambassador, 137, 307.

  Matthew, Garret, 96, _n._ 1.

  Matthew Döring: _see_ Döring.

  Maurice de Portu, Minorite at Oxford, 66, _n._ 5;
    biogr. notice, 267.

  Mawket, Giles, carpenter in Oxford, 94.

  Maynelyn: _see_ Tinmouth, John.

  Mayronis: _see_ Francis de Mayronibus.

  Mediavilla: _see_ Richard Middleton.

  Melitona, Middleton, Milton: _see_ William of Middleton.

  Melton: _see_ William de.

  Mendicant Orders, 78, 79, 80-85.

  -- bequest to, 218, _n._ 4.

  -- pensions at the Dissolution, 119, 130.

  -- provincials of, 80.

  -- _see_ Oxford, Mendicant Orders at;
    Richard Fitzralph, Wiclif.

  Menelaus MacCormic, or MacCarmacan, biogr. notice, 267.

  Menyl: _see_ William de.

  Mepham, Ric., archdeacon of Oxford, grants land to the Minorites, 15,
        17, 21.

  Merc: _see_ Eustace of.

  Mercator’s Atlas, 245.

  Mercer: _see_ Benedict le.

  Mercer: _see_ Robert le.

  Merlawe: _see_ Roger de.

  Merschton: _see_ Roger Marston.

  Mertherderwa, Reginald, bequest, 105, 261, _n._ 8.

  Merton: _see_ Walter de.

  Merton College: _see_ Oxford.

  Meslay: _see_ John of.

  Metz, general chapter, 183, 186: _see_ Albert of.

  Michael de Cesena, general minister, 168, 225, 229, 231.

  Middlesex, 122, 292.

  Middleton, John: _see_ John de Wylton;
    Richard;
    William of Middleton.

  Midelton, abbey of, 84, _n._ 1.

  Midford, 292.

  Milan, general chapter, 66, _n._ 6, 157;
    Franciscan schools, 267.

  -- abp. of, 249.

  Miller: _see_ Philip, and Richard.

  Milo, draper of Oxford, 296.

  Milton (near Oxford), 103.

  Mincy, William, Minorite at Oxford, 219.

  Minorites: _see_ Franciscan Order.

  Mirandola, J. Pico de, 159, 234.

  Missionaries, friars as, 7, 128, 139, _n._ 8, 140, 178, 179, 183, 244.

  Mistretune: _see_ Hugh of.

  Mogynton: _see_ Robert de.

  Monks, 78, 114, 119;
    attacks on, 81, 253: _see_ Benedictines, Cistercians, Oxford.

  Montfort, Amaury de, bequests, 102, 103.

  Montfort, Eleanor de, 137, 186.

  -- Simon de, Earl of Leicester, friend of Adam Marsh and Grostete, 32,
        137;
    honoured by the Franciscans, 32-3, 72, 141, 212;
    letter to, 168;
    Gregory of Bosellis with, 186.

  Morgan, Oxford Dominican, 267.

  Morleyse, Walter, bequest, 105.

  Morton, Walter, grants land to Minorites, 20.

  Morton, Sir William, 16, _n._ 3, 124;
    Anne his wife, 124.

  Moryn, Walter, 101.

  Morys, John, 93.

  Moses, Rabbi, works, 292.

  Muliner: _see_ Miller.

  Multifernana (Meath diocese), 213.

  Multon, Ralph de, scholar, 187.

  Munich, 225.

  Musca: _see_ John de Ridevaus.

  Mymekan, Roger, of Oxford, 304.


  N.

  N. de Ewelme, Chancellor, takes part in controversy between Dominicans
        and Franciscans, 77, 329, 330, 331, 334, 335.

  Naples, University, William of Alnwick teaches at, 167;
    Peter of Gaieta, D.D. of, 235.

  Narbonne, 144, _n._ 8;
    general chapter at, 194, _n._ 1.

  Netter, Thomas, of Walden, Carmelite, 58;
    pupil of W. Woodford, 247.

  Nevill: _see_ Jollan of.

  Newark, Observant Friars of, 286, 289.

  Newcastle, Grey Friars, numbers, 44, _n._ 1;
    school, 35, _n._ 3;
    burial at, 163;
    dissolution, 292: _see_ Hugh of.

  Newman, Rob., Minorite, reformer, 113, _n._ 7, 119;
    has a living, 119;
    biogr. notice, 293.

  Newmarket: _see_ Robert of.

  Newport: _see_ William of.

  Nicholas III, pope, 77, _n._ 1, 155, 215.

  -- IV, pope: _see_ Jerome of Ascoli.

  -- of Anivers, 66, _n._ 6;
    biogr. notice, 187.

  -- de Burgo, lectures at Oxford, 36, _n._ 9, 53, _n._ 2, 66, _n._ 7;
    his composition remitted, 51: _see_ 97, _n._ 1;
    humanist, 113;
    supports royal divorce, 115;
    biogr. notice, 280.

  -- of Fakenham, commissioner to depose provincial, 70;
    biogr. notice, 252.

  -- de Gulac, biogr. notice, 212.

  -- Hereford: _see_ Hereford.

  -- of Lynn, Carmelite, 245.

  -- de Lyra, Minorite, 32, _n._ 4, 257.

  -- of Ocham, lector, mentioned, 229;
    biogr. notice, 158.

  -- de Schomberg, _or_ Scombergt, German Dominican, 281, _n._ 3.

  -- Specialis, Minorite historian, 158, 233.

  -- de Tyngewick, 10, 168.

  -- of Weston, citizen of Oxford, bequest, 102.

  Norfolk, 99, 125, 130, 151, 169, 178, 180, 189, 234, 252, 315: _see_
        Adam of.

  Normanville: _see_ Eustace of.

  North Pole, voyage of an Oxford Franciscan to, 245.

  Northampton, Grey Friars, foundation, 126, 178;
    in the Oxford custody, 68;
    school, 64, _n._ 5;
    a friar of, 56, _n._ 2: _see also_ 180;
    burials at, 129, _n._ 6, 153, 236, 237.

  -- archdeacon of, 4.

  Northamptonshire, 156, _n._ 2, 238.

  Northumberland, 153, 292.

  Norton, Agnes, buried in the Franciscan Church, Oxford, 26;
    bequest, 105.

  Norwich, Grey Friars at, numbers, 44, _n._ 1;
    school, 64, _n._ 5, 65, 139, _n._ 8, 140, 172, 249: _see also_ 111,
        151, 153, 158, 170, 241, 243, 256.

  -- library, MSS. in, 172, 173.

  -- bp. of, 31, _n._ 1, 167, _n._ 1.

  -- synod, 256.

  Notly, John, Minorite, 288.

  Nottingham, Grey friars at, in the Oxford custody, 68, 187, 250: _see_
        Augustine of;
    Hugh of;
    John of;
    Robert of;
    William of (2).

  -- county, 286.

  Nottynge: _see_ John Nottingham.

  Noyf, Roger, 12, _n._ 2.

  Nutone, John, friar, lectures at Oxford, 43.

  Nycopia: _see_ Peter Pauli de.


  O.

  Observant Friars: _see_ under Franciscan Order.

  Ocham: _see_ Nicholas of;
    William of Ockham.

  Ochampton: _see_ John of.

  Ockham: _see_ William of.

  Ocle or Okele, John, bequest, 104, 251.

  Oen or Owen, Robert, citizen of Oxford, 296.

  Oen or Owen, Robert, son of Robert, 13, 20, _n._ 5, 296.

  O’Fihely: _see_ Maurice de Portu.

  Oliver de Encourt, Dominican, 9, 155.

  Olivi: _see_ Peter John Olivi.

  Olliff, John, Minorite, 119, 294.

  O’Really, William, provincial of Ireland, 261.

  Oterborne, Thomas, lector, biogr. notice of, 174.

  Ottaviano Scotto, printer at Venice, 267, _n._ 5.

  Otto Brunsfelsius, 287.

  Ottobon, legate, 156, 212.

  OXFORD: ENDOWED ORDERS.
      _Monks_, expenses at inception, 51, 52;
        inception of a monk, 237.
      -- numbers of students (Benedictine and Cistercian), 54.
      Dissolution, 116, _n._ 4, 119: _see_ Benedictines, and Monks.
      Bec, fee of the abbat of: _see_ Bec.
      Osney Abbey (Austin Canons), 15, _n._ 2, 19, _n._ 2, 100, 107,
        109, _n._ 5, 300, _n._ 1: _see_ John of Reading.
      Rewley Abbey (Cistercians), 107.
      St. Frideswide’s (Austin Canons), 15, _n._ 2, 46, _n._ 9, 74, 84,
        85, 107: _see_ John of St. Frideswide.

    MENDICANT ORDERS.
      alms and bequests, 54, 100, 103-110, 318.
      feasts and expenses at inception, 50, 51, 246.
      necessary regency, 52.
      numbers of students, 54.
      excluded from congregation, 52, 261, 336.
      -- library, 62.
      attacks on and unpopularity of, 40, 79, 84, 90, _n._ 6.
      support Abp. Arundel, 85.
      wax-doctors, 43, 239, 252.
      visitation and suppression, 116, 117, 124.

    =Austin Friars=, 75, 103, 121, 160;
      258, _n._ 7: _see_ Oxford, Mendicant Orders.

    =Carmelites=, 55, _n._ 1, 75, 84, 94, _n._ 10, 103, 109, 111, 121,
        252: _see_ Oxford, Mendicant Orders.

    =Dominicans=, receive the Minorites, 2;
      controversies with them, 59, _n._ 9, 71-8, 129, 151, 153, 155,
        156, 158, 212, 320-335;
      _cf._ 80, _n._ 2.
      -- provincial prior signs charter for the University, 8.
      -- controversy with the University, 39-41, 65, _n._ 3, 165.
      -- academical exercises at the Black Friars, 46, 49.
      -- schools and scholars, 37, _notes_ 4, 5, 6; 43, _n._ 7, 267.
      -- numbers, 54.
      -- prior of the, 9, 73, _n._ 3.
      -- Mad Parliament at, 72;
          Edward (I) stays at, _ibid._
      -- feasts at the burial of Piers Gaveston, 27, _n._ 9.
      -- accused of stirring up rebellion, 84.
      -- burial at, 104.
      -- alms, 6, 23, _n._ 1, 55, _n._ 3, 100, 307, 308.
      -- bequests to, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110;
           261, _n._ 8.
      -- (Preachers’ Bridge, 17, _n._ 4.)
      -- Dissolution, 118;
        lease of the site, 121-124: _see_ Oxford, Mendicant Orders.

    =Franciscans=: _see_ Table of Contents;
      Franciscan Order.
      Custody, 68, 171-2, 180, 238.
      Friary, foundation of, 2-3, 178.
      -- houses, 3, 12, 21-8, 176-7, 295, _seq._, 318, 320.
      -- -- Vice-chancellor’s court at, 95-6, 132.
      -- Church, 3, 6, 21-6, 39, 46, 49, 104, 105, 106, 117, 123, 124,
        177, 180, 182, 251, 273, 299, 318.
      -- -- sermons in, 46, 181, 275, 290.
      -- -- used as a sanctuary, 308.
      -- -- gild in, 24, 110.
      -- Churchyard, 17, 19, 27, 106, 122, 123, 300, 302.
      -- Property, held for the friars by the city, 3, 13, 295;
        by the King, 17, 299;
        _cf._ 76-7, 322.
      -- Boteham, 122, 123.
      -- Paradise: _see_ Oxford City.
      -- garden leased to Richard Leke: _see_ Leke.
      -- Library, Part I, Ch. IV; 195, _n._ 4, 251, 273, 283.
      -- Schools, Part I, Ch. III; 21, 66, 67, _n._ 2, 177, 186, 189, 246,
          251, 278, 284, 329.
      -- -- payments at inceptions, 41, 50-2, 132, 258, 260, 264, 265,
        267, 269, 270, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 282, 283, 284,
        336-8.
      -- -- gratuitous lecturing, 36, 53, 131, 280, 338.
      -- -- foreign friars at, 18, 66, 309, 312: _see_ under names of the
          various countries.
      -- -- Oxford Franciscans at other Universities, 66-7, 276: _see_
          Bologna, Cambridge, Naples, Padua, Paris, Rome, Toulouse.
      -- Relations to Dominicans: _see_ Oxford, Dominicans.
      -- Number of friars, 43-4, 54.
      -- Royal grant of 50 marcs, 97-9, 129, 130, 217, 218, 224, 267, _n._
          2, 308, 309, 315.
      -- wardens, Part II, Ch. I;
        vice-warden: _see_ Bacheler (J.).
      -- warden at the capture of Tripoli, 8.
      -- chronicles by Oxford Franciscans: _see_ Lanercost, Thomas of
          Eccleston;
        _cf._ Bassett (J.), Martin of Alnwick, Oterborne (T.), Somer (J.).
      -- voyage of an Oxford Franciscan to the North Pole, 245.
      -- Dissolution, Part I, Ch. VIII; 132, 292, 293, 294.

    =Sack, Friars of the= (or of the Penance of Jesus Christ), settle in
        Oxford, 17, 300;
      place bought from Walter Goldsmith, 20.
    -- property comes into the hands of the Franciscans, 18, 19, 20, 44,
        _n._ 1, 301-3.

  OXFORD CITY:
    state of, at time of the Dissolution, 120-1.
    citizens subscribe to buy a house for the Grey Friars, 13, 295-6.
    the poor of Oxford, 5-6, 307.
    Pestilence, 53, 279, 338.
    Robbers in the neighbourhood of, 4, 188, 246.
    Document dated at, 512.

    =Government and officers.=
      Burgesses, 21.
      Mayors, 13, 17, 20, _n._ 5, 60, 103, 117, 121, 170, 295, 296, 297,
        299, 310.
      Aldermen, 106, 110, _n._ 1, 117, 121, 123.
      Bailiffs, 5, 69, _n._ 4, 93, 296, 297, 307, 310.
      jurisdiction over the friars, 60, 92, 310.
      Hustings Court, 92, 101, 310.
      sworn inquisitions, 15, _n._ 1, 19, 20, 28, _n._ 2, 303-5.
      _firma burgi_, 5, 69, _n._ 4, 121, 307.

    =Local Divisions.=

    _Churches and Parishes_--
      All Saints, 95, 110.
      Carfax, proclamation at, 86;
        records, 124, _n._ 6.
      Holywell, 109.
      St. Aldate, 14, _n._ 5.
      St. Budoc (Bodhoc), 14, 16, 17, 19, 297, 300, 301, 302.
      St. Ebbe, parish, 2, 12, 13, 14, 15, 28, 94, 95, 124, 178, 295, 297,
        299;
        alms to friars, 100;
        church, 23, 26, _n._ 2, 318;
        rector, charge of adultery against, 75, _n._ 2;
        tenement in, 105.
      St. Giles, 124, _n._ 6.
      St. Mary Magdalen, 103, _n._ 6, 107.
      St. Mary the Virgin: _see_ under Oxford, University.
      St. Michael, 13, 296.
      St. Peter le Bailey, 74, 124, _n._ 6.
      St. Peter in the East, sermon at, 280, 288.

    _Streets, &c._--
      Beef Lane, 28.
      Bridge Street, 27.
      Charles Street, 17, _n._ 4, 28.
      Church Place, 23, 28.
      Church Street, _or_ Freren Street, 13, 28.
      Grandpont (Folly Bridge), 104.
      Horsemonger Street, 298.
      Littlegate Street, 14, 16, 17, _n._ 4, 28.
      Norfolk Street, 16, _n._ 3.
      Paradise garden, place, and square, 15, _n._ 2, 16, _n._ 3, 19, 23,
        122, 123, 124.
      Penson’s Gardens, 27.
      Preachers’ Bridge, 17, _n._ 4.
      School Street, 37.
      Wheeler’s Garden, 23.
      Cherwell, 28.
      Thames, 28;
        island in the, 16-17, 297.
      Trill Mill Stream, 16, 19, 22, 27, 123, 297, 301.

    _Buildings and Institutions_--
      Bear inn, 95, 285.
      Fleur de Lys, 96.
      Bocardo, 94, 95, 115.
      Castle, 14, 297, 299.
      Eastgate, 12, _n._ 2.
      Hospital of St. John, 12, _n._ 2.
      Littlegate: _see_ Watergate.
      Northgate, 16, 296, 298.
      Southgate, 14, _n._ 5, 104.
      Watergate (_or_ Littlegate), 14, 17, _n._ 4, 23, 297, 299.
      Westgate, 16, 19, 23, 297, 299.
      Wall, 13, 14, 16, 20, 22, 23, 296, 297, 299, 304.
      -- mural mansion, 13, 296.

    Fair at Austin Friars, 121.

    Gild of St. Mary in the Grey Friars Church, 110;
      _cf._ 24.

    Hospitallers (St. John of Jerusalem), house belonging to, 13, 296.

    -- _see_ Jews.

  OXFORD: UNIVERSITY.

    University: visited by Abp. Arundel, 85, 112: reformed by Cromwell,
        116.

    =Government and Officers.=
      Charter of Hen. III to, 8.
      Chancellor, delegate of the bp. of Lincoln, 8, _n._ 5, 217;
        election of, 175.
      -- court and jurisdiction, 8, 9, 93-7, 101, 130, 155, 268, 274, 276,
        286, 310.
      -- proclamation against French students, 86.
      -- conferment of degrees, 31, _n._ 10, 38, 39, 40, 41, 45, 46, 48,
        49, 165, _n._ 7, 253, 265, 274, _cf._ 280, 330-1.
      -- relation to the friars, 75, 77.
      -- attitude to Wiclif, 84, 85, 251.
      -- executor of a will, 102, _n._ 1.
      -- seal of, 260.
      -- _see_ Berton, William;
        Colman, Robert, Minorite;
        Eustace of Normaneville, Minorite;
        Gascoigne, Thomas;
        Hugh of Willoughby, Minorite;
        N. de Ewelme;
        Radulph of Sempringham;
        Richard Fitzralph;
        Symon of Ghent.
      Vice-Chancellor, or Commissary, 95, 110, 131, 132, 265, 268, 282,
        316-7, 318-9, 338: _see_ Chancellor, court.
      Proctors, 38, 40, 41, 45, 84, 107, 130, _n._ 9, 165, _n._ 7, 258,
        _n._ 7, 260, 267, 336.
      Congregation, 38, 40, 47, 48, 51, 82, 141, 256, 260, 265, 270.
      -- exclusion of friars from, 52: _see_ Oxford, Mendicant Orders.
      Bedells, 26, 50, 53, 278, 279, 330.
      Faculties; study of Arts before Theology, 37-42, 45, 50, 141, 192,
        265.

    =Miscellaneous.=
      Poem _De laude Univ. Oxon_, 253.
      Lutheran doctrines condemned, 269.
      Secular students;
        numbers according to Ric. Fitzralph, 79-80;
        bequests to, 109, 273;
        gifts to, 280, 338;
        expenses at inception, 51;
        murder of a scholar, 17, 297;
        assault on a scholar, 269, _n._ 4.
      Northerners and Irish students, 142, _n._ 5.

    =Local Divisions.=--

    _Colleges and Halls_--
      All Souls.
      Balliol, connexion of Franciscans with, 9, 158, 168, 216-217, 260.
      -- library, 61, _n._ 7: _see also_, 79, 106.
      Beef Hall, 130.
      Brasenose College and Hall, 107, 191, _n._ 4.
      Broadgates Hall, 95, 288.
      Christ Church, or Cardinal College, 281.
      Corpus Christi, 109.
      Durham, 61, _n._ 7;
        alms to friars, 100;
        burial at, 269.
      Eagle Hall, 105.
      Exeter College, 108.
      Gloucester: _see_ Oxford, Monks.
      Lincoln, 59, 61, _n._ 7, 107.
      Magdalen, 107, 109, 266, 269, 290;
        N. de Burgo lectures at, 282.
      Merton, founder, 9, 102;
        warden, 100-1;
        fellows, 106, 130, _n._ 9, 175, 251, _n._ 2;
        mentioned, 260;
        fellows of, become Franciscans, 223, 237, 277.
      -- Franciscans claimed as Mertonians, 154, _n._ 4, 160, 191, _n._ 4,
        214, _n._ 1, 219, _n._ 8.
      New, 7, _n._ 3, 58, _n._ 9, 289: _see_ London, J., warden of.
      Oriel, 59, _n._ 7, 61, _n._ 7, 104.
      Peckwater’s Inn, 95.
      St. Bernard’s College: _see_ Oxford Monks.
      St. John’s, 25, _n._ 9.

    _Institutions and Buildings_--
      University Chests, 256, 260.
      University Library, exclusion of the friars from, 62;
        admission to, 62, 270, 275, 277.
      -- Bodleian, 59, 60.
      -- MSS. written at Oxford, 166, 208, 225, 268, cf. 59, 60, 245, 252.
      -- Books printed at, 226, 236.
      -- Booksellers at, 61.
      -- Archives, Tyssyngton’s treatise kept in, 251.
      University Church (St. Mary’s), 44, 48, 49, 52, 84, 168, 270, 274,
        275, 278, 284, 285, 287, 290, 293.
      Schools, 31, 37, 41, 45, 46, 47, 261, 262, 274, 275, 279, 336;
        building of, 41, 265.
      Margaret Professor of Divinity, 269.

  OXFORD COUNTY, 122, 163.

    Sheriff, 5, 14, _n._ 7, 17, 23, _n._ 1, 60, 70, _n._ 3, 297, 298, 309.

    -- receives land for the use of the Franciscans, 299.

  OXFORD DIOCESE, 289.

    Archdeacon of: _see_ Mepham, Ric., Robert Marsh;
      49, _n._ 8, 75, 101, _n._ 5, 102, _n._ 1.

    Archdeaconry of, 129 (_see_ _Confessions_).

  Oxford, _see_ Adam of;
    John of;
    Stephen of Ireland.

  Owayn, Henry, heirs of, 20.

  Owen, Robert: _see_ Oen.

  Owtred, J.: _see_ Ughtred Bolton.

  Oyta: _see_ Henry of.


  P.

  P. of Worcester, his bible, 56, _n._ 3, 151.

  Padua, 266, 267:
    _see_ Anthony of, Marsilius of.

  Pady, John, mayor of Oxford, 13, 295.

  Palestine, 139, _n._ 8, 178:
    _see_ Saracens, Missionaries, Crusades.

  Palmer, Ralph, of Oxford, 296.

  Papudo: _see_ Anthony.

  ‘Pardoners,’ 83.

  Parens: _see_ John.

  Paris, synod at, 194.

  -- University, 66, _n._ 5, 73, _n._ 1, 231, _n._ 2, 253.

  -- -- teaching of theology, 36-7.

  -- Carmelites, 103.

  -- Dominicans at, 36, 39, 43, _n._ 7, 334, _n._ 3.

  -- Franciscans: general chapters at Paris, 157, 194, 309.

  -- -- at, school for boys, 43.

  -- -- statutes, &c., respecting, 35, 51:
    _cf._ 220, 235.

  -- -- English, called to, 67, 137, 189.

  -- -- Oxford Franciscans teach or study at, 139, 142, 143, 154, 162,
        166, 167, 182, 187, 192, 193, 213, 214, 215, 220, 222, 223, 224,
        238, 242, 243, 244, 249, 283;
    _cf._ 211, 266, 280.

  -- -- degrees conferred by pope, 244.

  -- -- appointment of lecturers, 220.

  -- -- bequest to, 103.

  -- -- Observant Friars, 88.

  -- -- _see also_ 49, _n._ 9, 56, 155, 176.

  Paris, Matthew, quoted, 31, 82, _n._ 3, 139, 177, 191.

  Parkinson, 124.

  Parma: _see_ John of.

  Parott, John: _see_ Porrett.

  Passelewe, Rob., justice in Eyre, 23, _n._ 1.

  Pastoureaux, 193.

  Paston, John, Knt., Sheriff, 99, 130, 315.

  Paul, St.: _see_ Bible.

  Paul, Burgos, 257.

  Paulinus, 188.

  Payne, Hugh, Observant, 289.

  Peasant Revolt, 78, _n._ 4, 84.

  Peckham: _see_ Gilbert.

  -- _see_ John.

  Pecock, Reginald, bp. of St. Asaph and Chichester, 263.

  Pekin, Franciscan bishop of, 244.

  Peldon, 287.

  Pembroke, Earl of, 264.

  Penerton, James, 94.

  Penitence: _see_ Sack, friars of the;
    and Oxford, Mendicant Orders, Friars of the Sack.

  Pennard, 158, _n._ 3.

  -- William, of Oxford, 304.

  Pennis: _see_ Peter de.

  Penreth, John, 60.

  Pentecost, bailiff of Oxford, 296.

  Péraud: _see_ William de.

  Percevall, John, provincial minister, biogr. notice, 268.

  Pereson, John, bequest, 107.

  Perot, William, bequest, 107.

  Perpignan, general chapter, 229.

  Persole (Pershore): _see_ John of.

  Person, John, lector at London, 277.

  Perugia, general chapter, 166, 167, 224.

  Peshall, Sir J., 124.

  Pestilence: _see_ Oxford, City.

  Peter, lecturer to the friars, bp. in Scotland, 30, 31.

  -- d’Ailly, cardinal, 231.

  -- of Baldeswell, lector, 163.

  -- of Gaieta, biogr. notice, 235.

  -- John Olivi, 144, 157, 164, 214, 215, _n._

  -- of Limoges, 151, 226.

  -- Lombard: _see_ _Sentences_.

  -- Lusetanus, Minorite, 66, _n._ 9;
    biogr. notice, 270.

  -- of Manners, Dominican, 39, 141.

  -- of Maricourt (Maharncuria), 209.

  -- Pauli de Nycopia, Oxford friar, 268.

  -- de Pennis, work on Mahomet, 148.

  -- Philargus of Candia: _see_ Alexander V.

  -- of Sutton, lector, 165.

  -- of Tewkesbury, custodian of Oxford and provincial, 11, 68, 187;
    obtains papal privileges for the Order, 72;
    minister of Cologne, 188;
    vicar of Agnellus, 177;
    mentioned, 1, _n._ 1, 65, _n._ 4, 126, _n._ 3; 139, _n._ 8, 142;
      biographical notice.

  -- son of Thorald, Mayor of Oxford, 20, _n._ 5, 296.

  -- of Todworth, Minorite, 219.

  Peterborough, diocese, 289.

  Peyntour: _see_ John le.

  Peyrson, Thomas, Minorite, 277.

  Philargus: _see_ Alexander V.

  Philip the Fair, King of France, 159, 161.

  Philip, miller, Oxford, 295.

  -- of Bergamo, 148, 151.

  -- of Briddilton, or Bridlington, lector, 163.

  -- of Castello (Arezzo), Minorite, biogr. notice, 243.

  -- Torrington, bp. of Cashel, biogr. notice, 224.

  -- Wallensis, lectures at Lyons, 67, _n._ 1.

  -- Zoriton: _see_ Phil. Torrington.

  Pico, J., of Mirandola, 159.

  Pisa: _see_ Agnellus of, Albert of, Bartholomew, Francis de S. Simone.

  -- council of, 249.

  Plummer, William, of Oxford, 110, _n._ 1, 318.

  Pokelington; _see_ William of.

  Poker, John, 95.

  Pole, Cardinal, 293.

  Polton, Philip, bequest, 106.

  Pomay: _see_ William.

  Pontefract: _see_ Thomas of.

  Pope, confers degrees, 35, 235, 242, 243-4, 244.

  -- influence in appointing provincial ministers, 70, 254, 255, 256, 261.

  -- English tribute, 81, 242.

  Porrett, John, Minorite, admitted to University library, 62, _n._ 3;
    lectures on St. Paul, 113, _n._ 5;
    biogr. notice, 277.

  Porta: _see_ James de.

  Portu: _see_ Maurice de.

  Portugal, friars from at Oxford, 66;
    Observants of, 265: _see_ Anthony Papudo, Gonsalvo of Portugal, Peter
        Lusetanus, Thomas of Portugal.

  _Poverty_: _see_ _Evangelical_.

  Prato: _see_ William de.

  Prest, wife of, burned, 286.

  Preston: _see_ Gilbert of, John of.

  Prophet, John, dean of Hereford, 313-4.

  Pulet, Isaac, Jew, 9.

  Puller, Robert, Minorite, 96, _n._ 3, 285, 286, 288, 290.

  Pye, Alderman, visits Oxford friaries, 117;
    lease of the Grey Friars, 121-3.


  Q.

  Quesuell, Peter, 224, _n._ 1.

  Quinton (Quainton?), 25.


  R.

  R. de Wydeheye, lecturer to the monks at Canterbury, 66.

  Radford: _see_ Thomas.

  Radley, 94.

  Radnor, Thomas, provincial, 262;
    biogr. notice, 260.

  Ralph of Colebruge, lector, 34, _n._ 3;
    biogr. notice, 139.

  -- of Lockysley, lector, 165.

  -- of Maidstone, Minorite, bp. of Hereford, helps to build Franciscan
        Church at Oxford, 3;
    biogr. notice, 182.

  -- of Rheims, 177.

  -- of Swelm (Ewelme?), Dominican prior at Oxford, 334.

  -- de Toftis, lector, 157.

  Raphoe, bp. of, 267.

  Ratforde: _see_ John of.

  Raxach: _see_ Dalmacus de.

  Raymund Gaufredi, general minister, 194;
    work by, 208;
    letter to, 218.

  -- of Laon, recommends Roger Bacon to pope, 193.

  -- Lullus: _see_ Lully.

  -- of Pennaforte, 57.

  Reading, Grey Friary, 4, _n._ 1, 22, 23, 27, _notes_ 3, 5; 235-6, 255,
        293.

  -- -- numbers, 44, _n._ 1;
    in the Oxford custody, 68;
    burial at, 260.

  -- library, &c., 150, 166, 235-6.

  -- Adam Marsh called to, 137.

  -- monk of, 178.

  -- _see_ John of.

  Redclive: _see_ Robert of.

  Rede, William, of Merton, 237, 238.

  Redovallensis: _see_ John de Ridevaus.

  Reformation, 113, 269, 272, 273, 283, 285, 286, 287, 289, 290, 291, 292,
        293.

  Reginald de sub muro, 19, _n._ 3.

  Rense, council, 225.

  Repyngdon, Philip, Lollard, 84.

  Reresby: _see_ Henry of.

  Retherfeld (Rotherfield), 20, 305-6.

  Rice: _see_ Robert ap.

  Richard, II, 25;
    favours Mendicants at Oxford, 41, _cf._ 252;
    Franciscans loyal to his memory, 86-7;
    grant to the Franciscans in arrear, 98:
    _see_ 243, 245, 250, 253, 311, 312.

  -- Earl of Cornwall and King of the Romans, benefactor of the Oxford
        Franciscans, 25;
    his heart buried in their church, 25;
    known to Adam Marsh, 137.

  -- _socius_ of W. of Nottingham, dies at Genoa, 184.

  -- servant of J. de Couton, 92, 310.

  -- Brynckley: _see_ Brinkley.

  -- de Bury, bp. of Durham, 61.

  -- of Clare, escheator, 303.

  -- of Conyngton (Coniton), lector, provincial, 160, _n._ 5, 166;
    biogr. notice, 164.

  -- (Rufus) of Cornwall, lector;
    his secretary, 56, _n._ 5, 187;
    at Paris, 66, _n._ 6, 67;
    bequest to, 102;
    mentioned, 151, _n._ 3;
    biogr. notice, 142-3.

  -- of Cornwall, secular, 142, _n._ 5.

  -- of Devon, Minorite, 2, 178.

  -- of Drayton, lector, 168.

  -- Fitzralph, abp. of Armagh, attack on the Mendicant Orders, 42, 77,
        79, 239-240, 248, 255;
    remarks on friars’ libraries, 60-1;
    fellow of Balliol and chancellor, 79, 169.

  -- of Garaford, bequest, 104.

  -- of Gravesend, bp. of Lincoln, 300.

  -- of Heythrop, of Oxford, 304.

  -- of Ingewrthe, Minorite, 2, 178.

  -- of Ireland: _see_ Lorcan.

  -- le Lodere, grants land to the Oxford Franciscans, 19, 301.

  -- Lymynster, wax doctor, 43, 239.

  -- Malevile: _see_ Malevile.

  -- Marsh, bp. of Durham, leaves library to Adam Marsh, 57, 135.

  -- Middleton, works in Franciscan library, 58, _n._ 11;
    biogr. notice of, 214.

  -- the Miller, leases and grants house to Franciscans at Oxford, 3, 12,
        13;
    _see also_ 20, _n._ 5, 296.

  -- Rufus: _see_ Richard (Rufus) of Cornwall.

  -- le Ruys, 142, _n._ 1.

  -- of Slekeburne, _or_ Slikeburne, confessor of Devorguila, 9;
    biogr. notice of, 216.

  -- of Wallingford, abbat of St. Albans, 251.

  -- de Wauz, Minorite, 128, _n._ 5.

  -- de Whitchford, collector of alms, 92, 310.

  -- de Wiche, bp. of Chichester, 136, 137.

  Richeford, Oxford Dominican, 267.

  Richmond: _see_ Britanny, John of.

  -- (Yorkshire), Grey Friars of, 274.

  Rickes, John: _see_ Rycks.

  Rigaldus, Minorite, 215.

  Rinaldo Conti, protector of the Order, 69, _n._ 7.

  Risby, Richard, Observant, 289.

  Robert, of Beverley, lector, 164.

  -- of Bromyard, Dominican provincial, 48.

  -- of Capell, Minorite, 212, 335.

  -- of Cowton, presented for license to hear confessions, 64;
    mentioned, 170;
    biogr. notice, 222.

  -- Cross, de Cruce, lector and provincial, biogr. notice, 156-7.

  -- de Sancta Cruce, 156, _n._ 3.

  -- Eliphat: _see_ Eliphat.

  -- of Flemengville, 9.

  -- of Fulham, Minorite, lecturer to the monks at Canterbury, 66.

  -- of Gaddesby, Minorite, 219.

  -- Grostete: _see_ Grostete.

  -- Halifax: _see_ Eliphat.

  -- of Leicester, lector, proctor of Balliol Coll., 10;
    biogr. notice, 168.

  -- Marsh, archdeacon of Oxford, 135, 136.

  -- le Mercer, lets house to Franciscans in Oxford, 2, 12, 13, 178;
    _see also_ 20, _n._ 5, 296.

  -- of Mogynton, Minorite, 219.

  -- of Newmarket, Dominican, 320, 321, 324, 335.

  -- of Nottingham, 298.

  -- of Redclive, lector, 173.

  -- ap Rice, 272.

  -- of Thornham, custodian of Cambridge, 65, 139, _n._ 8.

  -- de Trenge, warden of Merton, 100, 239.

  -- of Ware, biogr. notice, 211.

  -- of Watlington, of Oxford, 304.

  -- de Wysete (Wyshed), provincial, 241.

  Roberts, Ric., 96, _n._ 3, 288.

  Roby, Minorite at Oxford, 265.

  Rochester, bp. of: _see_ Merton, Walter de;
    Fisher, John.

  -- archdeacon: _see_ Browne, Ric.

  Rockysley: _see_ Ralph Lockysley.

  Rodano: _see_ Alan of.

  Roderham, Ric., proctor of Balliol Coll., 10, 260.

  Roderic Witton, Minorite, 271.

  Rodnore, Ric., Minorite at Oxford, 265.

  Rodromo: _see_ Adam Wodham.

  Roduricus, Minorite, 271.

  Rodyngton: _see_ John of.

  Roger, king’s almoner, 5, 307.

  -- Dominican, 156.

  -- Bacon: _see_ Bacon.

  -- de Barton, Minorite, 219.

  -- Compotista, monk of Bury, 210.

  -- Conway, provincial, mentioned, 79, 238, 241, 312;
    biogr. notice, 239.

  -- Frisby: _see_ Frisby.

  -- de Marston, lector and provincial, mentioned, 159;
    biogr. notice, 157.

  -- de Merlawe (Marlow), 165, _n._ 2, 218.

  -- of Thurkelby, 298.

  -- of Wendover, 191.

  -- of Wesham, lecturer to the friars, bp. of Lichfield, 30, 31 and _n._
        5, 168.

  Roger, Thomas, warden of Fanciscans, Gloucester, biogr. notice, 268.

  Rogers, John, bequest, 108.

  Rome; appeals to the pope, 39, 81, 138, 186, 258.

  -- Lateran Council, 267.

  -- Franciscans, general chapters, 35, 267;
    Roman province, 256;
    Oxford friars at, 127, 180;
    as ambassadors, 159, 161, 177;
    as lecturers, 67, 155, 161;
    deposition of Elias, 69, 181.

  -- Albert of Pisa buried at, 181.

  -- mentioned, 313.

  Romehale, 178.

  Romseye, John, regent master, 252.

  Roper, Richard, Minorite, 119, 293.

  Rose, Thomas, Minorite, 270.

  Roskild, bp. of, 140, _n._ 6.

  Rous, John, at Oxford, 25, _n._ 4, 26;
    quoted, 191, 193, 195.

  Rufus, Adam, biogr. notice, 179.

  -- Richard: _see_ Richard (Rufus) of Cornwall.

  Rundel, Thomas, lector, biogr. notice, 162.

  Rupellis: _see_ John de.

  Rupescissa: _see_ John de.

  Russell, John, Minorite, biogr. notice, 218.

  -- John, bequest, 106.

  -- Peter, provincial biographical notice, 255.

  -- Sir Robert, 106.

  -- William, Warden of Grey Friars, London, heresies of, 85-6;
    biogr. notice, 257.

  Rycks, John, Minorite, reformer, 113, _n._ 5;
    biogr. notice, 286.

  Rygbye, Nicholas, 274.

  Ryley, Edward, Minorite, 113, _n._ 6;
    biographical notice, 287.


  S.

  Sabina, cardinal bp., protector of the Order, 70;
    _see_ Clement IV.

  Sack, Friars of the, suppressed, 18;
    _see_ Oxford, Mendicant Orders.

  Saham: _see_ Herveius de.

  St. Alban’s, abbats of, 241, 248;
    document dated at, 297.

  S. Amando: _see_ Alienora de.

  St. Andrew’s, Vercelli, 135.

  St. Asaph, church of, 274:
    _see_ Standish, Henry.

  St. Crida, parish of (Exeter), 105.

  St. Cross: _see_ Martin de Sta. Cruce;
    Robert Cross.

  St. David’s, bp. of, 30, 31, 136.

  St. Dunstan: _see_ Thomas of.

  St. Edwardstowe, 107.

  St. John: _see_ John of St. John.

  St. John of Jerusalem, brethren of, 13.

  St. Simon: _see_ Francis de S. Simone.

  Salamanca, University, 242.

  Salford, Richard, Warden at Oxford, sues for a debt, 99, 315;
    biogr. notice, 130.

  Salisbury, 104, 223.

  -- Grey Friars, martyrology, 138, _n._ 10;
    Convent, 223.

  Sall, Nicholas, Minorite, 286.

  Salomon: _see_ Solomon.

  Sanders, Gilbert, Minorite, 47, 51, _n._ 10, 52;
    biogr. notice, 275.

  Sanderson, John, Minorite, 275.

  Sanderson, Robert, Minorite, 50, _n._ 1, 52, _n._ 11;
    biogr. notice, 274.

  Sandon, Brian, _syndicus_ of the Oxford Minorites, legal business, 93,
        94;
    scandal about, 94:
    _see also_ 96, _n._ 1, 119, 270.

  Sanford: _see_ John de.

  Saracens, 8, 63, 128, 178, 179, 244.

  Sauvage: _see_ Vincent le.

  Savernak forest, 21.

  Savona, 266.

  Savonarola, 55, _n._ 3.

  Saxony, Franciscan province, 181, 257, 237.

  Sawnders: _see_ Sanders.

  Schankton, John, Minorite, bequest to, 104, 251.

  Scharshille, William, biogr. notice, 238.

  Schaton: _see_ Walter de Chatton.

  Schism, the great, 249, 250, 252-3.

  Schomberg (Scombergt): _see_ Nicholas de.

  Schyrbourne: _see_ William de.

  -- John, 165, _n._ 8.

  Scotland, Minorites in, 66;
    provincial of, 180.

  -- parliament in, 238.

  -- mentioned, 290.

  Scotto: _see_ Ottaviano.

  Scotus: _see_ John Duns.

  Sebyndon, 105.

  Seller, J., warden at London, 269.

  Seman, John, bequest, 109.

  _Sentences_ of Peter Lombard;
    study of, 37, 38, 45, 46, 47, 65, _n._ 3, 81, 131, 143, 162, 242, 246,
        249, 250, 257, 262, 284, 292, 336-338;
    works on, 151, 152, 157, 158, 160, 164, 166, 167, 168, 170, 172, 173,
        182, 213, 214, 216, 217, 220, 222, 223, _n._ 3, 224, _n._ 5, 227,
        235, 238, 242, 249, 254.

  Serlo, dean of Exeter, 7, _n._ 5.

  Sewal, St., abp. of York, 136.

  Sherburn (Durham), master of the hospital, 102.

  Shifford, 107.

  Shotover, 5.

  Shrewsbury, Grey Friars, foundation, 129;
    burial at, 168.

  Sicily, Minorite of, wax doctor, 43, 239.

  Simcox, William, of Oxford, 319.

  Simeon: _see_ Henry Simeonis.

  Simon, son of Benedict, 15, 298-9.

  -- Bruni, Minorite at Toulouse, 311, _n._ 1.

  -- of Esseby, Minorite, 189.

  -- minister of Germany, 160, _n._ 9.

  -- of Ghent, Chancellor of Oxford, 162, _n._ 16, 219, _n._ 4.

  -- de Montfort: _see_ Montfort.

  -- Tunstede, regent master, provincial, 60, 174;
    biogr. notice, 241.

  Sixtus IV, 266.

  Skelton, William, bequest, 105.

  Slekeburne, _or_ Slikeburne: _see_ Richard of.

  Smith, Gerard, Minorite, 53, _n._ 2;
    biogr. notice, 270.

  -- James, Minorite, 119, 293.

  -- John, Minorite, 45, 47, 51, _n._ 3, 52;
    biogr. notice, 274.

  -- -- Minorite, 47, 49, _n._ 4, 51, _n._ 6;
    biogr. notice, 269.

  -- -- gent., 124.

  Smyth: _see_ Smith.

  Sneyt, 48.

  Snotly: _see_ Notly.

  Solomon, warden of the London Franciscans, 89, _n._ 2.

  Solomon of Ingeham, Dominican, accuses Franciscans, 76, 320, 321, 324,
        326, 327, 328, 329, 334-5.

  Somer, John, Minorite astronomer, 250, _n._ 3, 251, _n._ 1;
    biogr. notice, 244-6.

  Somer, Thomas, of Oxford, 304.

  Sorel, Stephen, lector, 172.

  Southampton, wine at, 5;
    chapter of Minorites at, 69.

  -- _see_ Walter de Chatton.

  Sowche, John, bequest, 109.

  Spain, friars from, at Oxford, 66, 243.

  -- Peter Russel teaches in, 255.

  -- Albert of Pisa minister of, 181.

  Spellusbury, 109.

  Stafford, John, warden at Coventry, 293.

  Staffordshire, 238.

  -- John, Minorite, 119, 293.

  Stamford, Grey Friars, in Oxford custody, 68, 172;
    school at, 25, _n._ 3 (?);
    burial at, 165;
    mentioned, 257.

  -- Carmelites, convocation, 85, 151.

  -- _see_ John of.

  Standish (Lancs.), 271, 274.

  -- E., 101, _n._ 3.

  -- Henry, Minorite, bp. of S. Asaph, bequests to Grey Friars, Oxford,
        24, 61, _n._ 6, 109, 276;
    opposes new learning, 112;
    upholds secular power, 114;
    biogr. notice, 271-4.

  Stanle: _see_ John de.

  Stanschaw, Thomas, lector, biogr. notice, 172.

  Stapleton: _see_ John de.

  Stargil: _see_ William de.

  Steeple Aston, 109, _n._ 2.

  Stephen, St., founder of the Order of Grammont, 185.

  -- of Ireland, Minorite, 66, _n._ 5;
    biogr. notice, 213.

  -- Sorel: _see_ Sorel.

  -- de Wytun, secular master, 332, 334.

  Steventon priory, 16, _n._ 2, 20.

  Stisted, 287.

  Stokes, Peter, Carmelite, 84.

  Stokesley, John, bp. of London, 281, _n._ 3.

  Ston, John and Agnes, 56, _n._ 6.

  Stoughton, Rob., bookseller, 172.

  Strasburg (Argentina), province, 66, _n._ 10:
    _see_ 290.

  Stratton, Gilbert, 162, _n._ 8.

  Straw, Jack, his confession, 78, _n._ 4.

  Strensham, Henry, 293, _n._ 3.

  Stretsham, Henry, Minorite, 116, _n._ 7, 293.

  Strey, Thomas, of Colchester, 282, _n._ 9.

  Studeley, Christopher, Minorite, biogr. notice, 269.

  Suffolk, 99, 130, 166, 241, 315.

  Sunday, John, Minorite, 46, _n._ 1, 10, 336;
    biogr. notice, 262.

  Surrey, 163.

  Sussex, 154.

  Sutthon: _see_ Laurence of.

  Sutton, 233: _see_ Henry of, Peter of.

  -- Oliver, bp. of Lincoln, 18.

  Swelm (Ewelme?): _see_ Ralph of.

  Swerford, 109.

  Swinfeld, Ric., bp. of Hereford, 168, 169.

  Swynshed, 241.

  Sylvester, pope, 257, _n._ 3.

  Symon, Rob., servant of Dr. Baskerfeld, 132.

  Syria, 183: _see_ Saracens.


  T.

  Taillur, Richard, of Oxford, 296.

  Talbot, Rob., 236.

  Tartars, 128, 244.

  Tate, J., will mentioned, 90, _n._ 1.

  Taylor, John: _see_ Cardmaker.

  Taler, Henry le, and Alice his wife, 16, 20, _n._ 5.

  Templars: _see_ Knights.

  Terra Laboris, Franciscan province, 235.

  Tewkesbury: _see_ John of;
    Peter of.

  Thacker, Cromwell’s servant, 117.

  Thomas, of Anesti, 138.

  -- Aquinas, as viewed by Roger Bacon, 42, 73, _n._ 1;
    his teaching impugned, 73-4, 154;
    attacked by W. de Mara, 215, 216;
    works by, 154, 156, 236.

  -- of Barneby, lector, biogr. notice, 160.

  -- de Bek’, secular master, 331.

  -- Bernewell: _see_ Bernewell.

  -- of Bungay, lector and provincial, influenced by Bacon, 195, _n._ 4;
    biogr. notice of, 153.

  -- of Cantilupe, St., bp. of Hereford, pupil of Peckham, 154.

  -- Docking, lector, 36, _n._ 5, 37, _n._ 1;
    bible assigned to, 56, _n._ 3;
    takes part in controversy with Dominicans, 324, 325, 326, 335;
    biogr. notice, 151-2.

  -- of Eccleston, his chronicle quoted, 1, 6, 11, 30, 65, 70, 71, 72,
        126, 128, 129, 134, 135, 143, 177, 178, 180, 181, 182, 184, 185,
        189, and notes _passim_;
    mentioned, 320;
    student at Oxford, 67;
    biogr. notice, 189-191.

  -- of Ireland, doctor of the Sorbonne, 148.

  -- of Kingsbury (Kyngesbery, &c.), provincial, 60;
    mentioned, 242, _n._ 5, 245, 251;
    biogr. notice, 250.

  -- of London, benefactor of the Oxford friars, 92, 310.

  -- of Maidstone (Maydenstan), biogr. notice, 186-7.

  -- of Malmesbury, Dominican, 48.

  -- Netter of Walden: _see_ Netter.

  -- Oterborne: _see_ Oterborne.

  -- of Pontefract, lector, 164.

  -- of Portugal, biogr. notice, 242.

  -- Radford, lector, 174.

  -- Radnor: _see_ Radnor.

  -- Rundel, lector, 162.

  -- of St. Dunstan, lector, 168.

  -- Stanschaw, lector, 272.

  -- de Valeynes, grants land to the Minorites at Oxford, 15, 21, 298.

  -- Wallensis, lecturer to the Minorites, bp. of St. David’s, 30, 31, 136.

  -- Wallensis, _or_ Walleys, Dominican, 144, _n._ 7, 149, 150, 151, 170.

  -- of Wycombe: _see_ Waldere, Th.

  -- of Wynchelse, Minorite, 256.

  -- of York, lector, inception of, 38-9, 128;
    lectures at Oxford, 65, _n._ 2;
    mentioned, 143, _n._ 2, 186;
    biogr. notice, 140-142.

  -- John, bequest, 105.

  -- William, obtains part of the Grey Friars’ property, 122, 123.

  Thorald: _see_ Peter, son of.

  Thorley, 283.

  Thornall, John, Minorite, 44, _n._ 4, 51, _n._ 7;
    grace to, 338;
    biogr. notice, 279.

  Thornham: _see_ Robert of.

  Thornton: _see_ John of.

  Throckmorton, Rob., bequest, 108.

  Thüringen, 257.

  Thurkelby: _see_ Roger of.

  Tinmouth, John, Minorite, bp. of Argos, bequest to Oxford Minorites, 108;
    biogr. notice, 271.

  Tithemersch: _see_ William.

  Todworth: _see_ Peter of.

  Toledo, Minorite of, 209.

  Tomsun, John, Minorite, 116, _n._ 7, 288.

  Tomsun, Thomas, Minorite, 116, _n._ 7, 290.

  Toulouse, Minorite of, 208;
    general chapter, 219, 221.

  -- University, 242, 311, _n._ 1.

  Treners, Ric., Minorite, 262.

  Trenge: _see_ Robert de.

  Trent (river), 302, 303, 304.

  Treviso, Albert of Pisa, minister of, 181;
    _see_ Henry de Ceruise.

  Trinitarian Friars, bequest to, 103.

  Tripoli, heroism of an Oxford Franciscan at, 8.

  Tritheim, 148.

  Trivet, Nicholas, Dominican, on J. Peckham, 155.

  Tryley: _see_ Ryley.

  Tryvytlam (Trevytham), Ric., biogr. notice, 253.

  Tuam, abp. of, 267.

  Tully, Dionisius, Dominican, heretical teaching in Ireland, 266.

  Turco, Robert, 209.

  Tunstede: _see_ Simon.

  Tuscany, Albert of Pisa, minister of, 181;
    Bernard of Gascony, minister of, 311, _n._ 1.

  Tyburn, Franciscans executed at, 87.

  Tyeys, Henry, grants land to the Minorites at Oxford, 19, 301.

  Tyndale, quoted, 112.

  Tyngewick: _see_ Nicholas de.

  Tyssyngton, John, Minorite, regent master, 82, _n._ 2, 85;
    biogr. notice, 251.


  U.

  Ubertino de Casali, Minorite, 215.

  Ughtred, Bolton, monk of Durham, 81, _n._ 7, 242, 243, 253, _n._ 5, 254.

  Urban V, 311, _n._ 1.

  Urban VI, pope, 243;
    oath of obedience to, taken by English Franciscans, 250.


  V.

  Valeynes: _see_ Thomas de.

  Valeys, John, lector, 175.

  Valla, Laurence, 171, _n._ 2.

  Vallibus: _see_ Anthony de.

  Varro: _see_ William of Ware.

  Vavasour, William, warden at Oxford, pension to, 119, _n._ 4;
    mentioned, 268, _n._ 2;
    biogr. notice, 130.

  Venice, printing press at, 267, _n._ 5.

  Ver, G. de: _see_ William of Ware.

  Vercelli, abbot of St. Andrew’s at, 135.

  Vienne, Council of, 163, 164.

  Vilers: _see_ Valeys, John.

  Vincent Boys: _see_ Boys.

  -- le Sauvage, Dominican, 321, 323, 324.

  Vodromio: _see_ Adam Wodham.

  Volterra, J. Gallensis of, 150.


  W.

  Wakerfeld: _see_ Alan of.

  Wakering Parva, 287.

  Walden: _see_ Netter, (Thomas) of.

  Waldere, Thomas, of Wycombe, bequest, 102.

  Wales, 31;
    John Wallensis sent as ambassador to rebel Welsh, 144.

  Waleys, Henry, mayor of London, 219.

  -- Thomas: _see_ Thomas Wallensis.

  Walker, William, Minorite, lectures on St. Paul, 113, _n._ 5, 284.

  Walle, William, Minorite, 45, _n._ 6, 51, _n._ 8, 52;
    biogr. notice, 277.

  Wallensis: _see_ John;
    Laurence Briton;
    Philip;
    Thomas.

  Wallingford: _see_ Richard of.

  Wallys: _see_ Wellys, Robert.

  Walonges: _see_ Thomas de Valeyns.

  Walshe, Gilbert, Minorite, 261.

  -- Nicholas, Minorite, 261.

  Walter de Berney, bequest, 104.

  -- de Bosevile, Minorite, 219.

  -- Brinkley: _see_ Brinkley.

  -- de Bukenham, friar of Babwell, 56, _n._ 4.

  -- of Cantilupe, bp. of Worcester, 137, 308.

  -- de Chatton, lector, 60, 134;
    biogr. notice, 170.

  -- canon of Dunstable, becomes Minorite, 180.

  -- de Foxle, lector, 169.

  -- of Gloucester, escheator, 303.

  -- de Knolle, lector, 158.

  -- de Landen, Minorite, 212, 320.

  -- de Madele, lecturer in some Franciscan convent, 34;
    biographical notice, 188.

  -- de Merton, bp. of Rochester, &c., friend of Adam Marsh, and
        benefactor of the friars, 9, 102, 137, 187.

  Waltham: _see_ John of.

  Ware (Herts.), Grey Friars of, 91, _n._ 4, 211, 213;
    burial at, 259.

  -- _see_ John of;
    Robert of;
    William of.

  Warham, William, abp. of Canterbury, 23, 115.

  Warin of Dorchester, and Juliana his wife, 16.

  Warminster: _see_ Adam of.

  Warwick, countess of, 300, _n._ 1.

  Wastenays, John, Minorite, biogr. notice, 252.

  Waterford: _see_ William of.

  Waterperry, 108.

  Waterstoke, 107.

  Watlington: _see_ Robert of.

  Wanz: _see_ Richard de.

  Waynflete, William, bp. of Winchester, 266.

  Wearmouth, Adam Marsh had a living near, 135.

  Welle, John, Minorite D.D., his property stolen, 78;
    175, 311.

  Welleford, 109.

  Wells, diocese, 261;
    canon of, 105;
    chancellor of, 291.

  -- John, 175.

  Wellys, Robert, provincial, 255.

  Welsh: _see_ Wales;
    Wallensis.

  Wendover: _see_ Roger of.

  Went, John, lector and provincial, 174.

  Wesham: _see_ Roger of.

  Westburg: _see_ John of.

  Westminster, burial at, 25;
    sermon at, 284;
    council at, 81, _n._ 7, 242;
    mentioned, 267, _n._ 2, 298, 300, 301, 302, 306, 308, 310, 312, 315.

  Weston: _see_ Nicholas de.

  -- Ric. LL. B., 96, 287.

  Westover: _see_ John of.

  Wetherset, 173, _n._ 6.

  Whatele: _see_ William of.

  Wheathamstede, John, abbat of St. Albans, 248.

  Whitchford: _see_ Richard de.

  Whitehead, David, reformer, 288, _n._ 7.

  Whyte, William, heresies, 256.

  Whythede, David, Minorite, 288.

  Whytheed, John, of Ireland, 255.

  Whytwell, John, Minorite, 51, 54, _n._ 3;
    biogr. notice, 260.

  Wiche: _see_ Richard de.

  Wiclif, quoted, 27, 43, 50, 78, 79;
    his English prose, 64;
    on friars’ sermons, 64, _n._ 4;
    his poor priests, 82, _n._ 3;
    points of agreement with the friars, 81, 114, _n._ 4;
    attack on the friars, 81, _seq._;
    relations to W. Woodford, 81, 246;
    works written against him, 246, 248, 251;
    mentioned, 55, 112.

  Wileford, William, son of Richard de: _see_ William.

  Wiley (Essex), 284.

  William, warden of the Franciscans at Paris, 220.

  -- clerk of Oxford, 296.

  -- -- of Adreston, 304-5.

  -- -- of Auvergne, 192-3, 206.

  -- de Colvile, Minorite, 179.

  -- de Conchis, 247, _n._ 7.

  -- Cornish, 212, 320.

  -- of Esseby, warden of the Grey Friars, Oxford, 7, _n._ 7, 178, _n._ 2;
    biogr. notice, 125-6.

  -- of Euston, of Oxford, 304.

  -- of Exeter, Minorite, biogr. notice, 217.

  -- of Gainsborough, lector, lectures at Rome, 68;
    provincial minister, 157, 158;
    royal ambassador, 7, _n._ 10, 159;
    attends general chapter, 159, 218;
    bp. of Worcester, 162;
    biographical notice, 160-2.

  -- of Heddele, lector, accompanies Prince Edward on Crusade, 8;
    mentioned, 151, _n._ 4, 335;
    biogr. notice, 153.

  -- de Hodum, Hozon (Hotham?), 156;
    cursory lecturer, 334.

  -- of Leominster, friar, 134, _n._ 2;
    biogr. notice, 217.

  -- lord Lovell: _see_ Lovell.

  -- de Mara, Minorite, influenced by Roger Bacon, 195, _n._ 4;
    biogr. notice, 215.

  -- of Constance, 216, _n._ 3.

  -- de Melton, heresies of, 86;
    biogr. notice, 251.

  -- de Menyl, proctor of Balliol College, 10, 158.

  -- of Middleton, Minorite, 214, _n._ 2.

  -- of Newport, Minorite.

  -- of Nottingham, provincial minister, 126, 127, 128, 187;
    signs Henry III’s charter to the University, 8;
    increase in the friars’ property under him, 14;
    retort to a friar, 28;
    extends University teaching, 65;
    friend of Grostete, 69, _n._ 1;
    popularity, 70;
    obtains papal privileges for the Order, 72;
    mentioned, 126, 127, 128, 129, 136, 139, _n._ 8, 141, 155, _n._ 2,
        165, 186, 187, 189, 190;
    biographical notice, 182-185.

  -- of Nottingham, lector and provincial;
    copies works of Nicholas Gorham, 57;
    mentioned, 185, 224, _n._ 7;
    biogr. notice, 165.

  -- of Ockham, lectures abroad, 68;
    followers at Oxford, 77, 173;
    on evangelical poverty, 77, 164;
    mentioned, 151, _n._ 7, 166, _n._ 3, 168, 172, _n._ 11, 216, 217, _n._
        3.

  -- biographical notice, 224;
    works, 224-234.

  -- de Péraud, 147.

  -- of Pokelington, Minorite, biogr. notice, 188.

  -- de la Pomay, secular master, 331.

  -- de Prato, French Minorite, bp. of Pekin, 66, _n._ 6;
    biogr. notice, 244.

  -- of St. Amour, 154.

  -- of Schyrbourne, lector, biogr. notice, 165.

  -- of Shareshull, 238.

  -- de Stargil, Dominican, 324, 325, 326.

  -- Tithemersch, provincial, biogr. notice, 238.

  -- of Ware, Minorite, biogr. notice, 213.

  -- of Waterford, Minorite, 247, 249.

  -- of Whatele, of Oxford, 304.

  -- son of Richard de Wileford, of Oxford, his house bought for the
        Minorites, 13, 90, _n._ 6, 295-6.

  -- de Wodeford, abbat, 249.

  -- Woodford (Widford, Wydeforde, &c.), Minorite;
    on the clothing of the Grey Friars in England, 4, _n._ 1;
    on the statutes of Benedict XII, 35, _n._ 2;
    robbed, 5;
    defends admission of children into the Orders, 80;
    relations to Wiclif, 81;
    papal privileges to, 312-3;
    quoted or mentioned, 42, 167, 170, 195, _n._ 4, 213, 222, 252;
    biographical notice, 246-9.

  -- of Worcester, description of the Grey Friars Church, Oxford, 24.

  -- of Wykeham, 58, _n._ 9.

  -- of Wykham, Minorite, 212, 323.

  -- of York, Minorite, 179.

  Williams, David, Minorite, 53, _n._ 6;
    biogr. notice, 278.

  -- John, Minorite, biogr. notice, 287.

  Willoughby: _see_ Hugh of.

  Wilsnach, miraculous blood of, 257.

  Wiltshire, 169.

  Winchcombe: _see_ Kidderminster (Ric.), abbat of.

  Winchelsea: _see_ John of;
    Thomas Wynchelse.

  Winchester, Grey Friars at, 4, _n._ 4;
    numbers, 44, _n._ 1.

  -- bp. of (Aymer de Lesignan), 136.

  -- prior and convent of, 136.

  Windsor, documents dated at, 297, 298.

  Winslow: _see_ Wynslo, Richard.

  Wisbech, 161.

  Witnam, near Oxford, said to be Roger Bacon’s birthplace, 191, _n._ 1.

  Witton, Roderic, 271.

  Wodham: _see_ Adam.

  Wolsey, Cardinal, 113, 115, 269, 272, 280, 281.

  Wood, Anthony, 12, 23, 30, 85, 123, 124, 133, 135, 199.

  Woodford: _see_ William.

  Woodstock, documents dated at, 60, _n._ 2, 307.

  Worcester, Grey Friars at, 108, 239;
    Adam Marsh enters the Order at, 135;
    burial at, 165.

  -- bps. of: _see_ Walter of Cantilupe, William of Gainsborough.

  -- _see_ P. of, William of.

  Wrenche, John son of Walter, bequest, 103.

  Writtel, Roger, alms in memory of, 100.

  Wrixham, 274.

  Wych (Wyth), Laurence, mayor of Oxford, grants land to the friars, 17,
        20, 299.

  Wychewood forest, 5.

  Wycombe: _see_ Joanna, wife of Walter of.

  -- _see_ Waldere of.

  Wydeheye (_or_ Sydeheye): _see_ R. de Wydeheye.

  Wygmund (Wygerius), German friar, 69, 126, 142.

  Wykeham: _see_ William of.

  Wykham, master John, 185.

  Wyllyot, John, fellow of Merton Coll., 175.

  Wylton: _see_ John of.

  Wynchelse: _see_ Thomas.

  Wynslo, Richard, 96, _n._ 2.

  Wyntun: _see_ John de.

  Wysete (Wyshed): _see_ Robert de.

  Wystantowe, 103.

  Wythman, Thomas, Minorite, 119, 293.

  Wytton-Gylbert, 292.

  Wytun: _see_ Stephen de.

  Wyz, John and Emma, grant land to Minorites in Oxford, 19, 301.

  Wyȝht, Minorite, 267.


  Y.

  York, abp. of: _see_ Sewal.

  -- provincial council of, 160, 165.

  -- canons, &c., of, 102, 105, 165, 166, 235.

  -- schools and chapter at, 242.

  -- mystery plays at, 259.

  -- Grey Friars of, 27, _n._ 9;
    studium, 35, _n._ 3;
    burial at, 242.

  -- -- custodians, 127, 129;
    warden, 130.

  -- documents dated at, 303, 304.

  -- _see_ Adam of;
    Thomas of;
    William of.

  Yorkshire, 156, _n._ 2, 188, 220, 242, 261, 274.


  Z.

  Zoriton: _see_ Philip Torrington.

  Zortone: _see_ John of Thornton.

  Zouche, John, provincial, deposed, 70, 253, 254.


FINIS.




FOOTNOTES:

[1] A few others have been used occasionally, such as the Phillipps
catalogue (1837), and Ulysse Robert’s _Inventaire sommaire_.

[2] I have not seen Part 3 of Vol. 2 (Codices 15029-21405), which is
missing in the British Museum.

[3] Chronicle of Thomas Eccleston, ‘De Adventu Minorum,’ Mon. Francisc. I,
p. 5: ‘A. D. MCCXXIV ... feria tertia post festum nativitatis Beatae
Virginis.’ This date has been disputed. Wadding (Annales Minorum, I, 303,
362) places the arrival in 1219. The arguments in favour of this view are,
(1) that St. Francis appointed Agnellus minister of England in 1219; (2)
the statement of Matthew Paris _sub anno_ 1243, that the friars ‘built
their first houses in England scarcely twenty-four years ago’ (Chron.
Majora, IV, 279). But the evidence in favour of (1) is not conclusive; the
letter of St. Francis to Agnellus (Wadding, I, 303; Collectanea
Anglo-Minoritica, pp. 5-6) is undated. The contention however seems to be
supported by a passage in Eccleston (Mon. Franc. I, 10), identifying the
32nd year after the settlement of the friars in England with the second
year of the ministry of Peter of Tewkesbury, who according to the received
chronology became minister in 1250 (more probably 1251). From this one
might conjecture that the establishment of the English province was
officially dated from 1219. But the fragment in Mon. Franc. II, and
another MS. of Eccleston in the Phillipps Library at Thirlestaine House,
No. 3119, fol. 71-80 (a MS. unknown to either of the editors of the
Monumenta Franciscana), read here (fol. 73) ‘_quinto anno administrationis
Fratris Petri_,’ instead of ‘_secundo anno_,’ and this is probably the
correct version. As to argument (2), Paris probably wrote his account (of
1243) a few years later than 1243, and dated accordingly; again the
passage refers to Dominicans as well as Franciscans. The evidence in
favour of the later date is much stronger. Besides Eccleston, the best
authority, we have the statement of the author of the Lanercost Chronicle,
himself a Friar Minor: ‘Quo et anno (1224) post festum natalis Virginis
gloriosae applicuerunt fratres Minorum in Angliam’ (p. 30). This may be
derived from Eccleston, but on the next page is a statement which is
certainly independent of him: ‘Eodem anno (1224) venerunt primo fratres
Minores in Angliam, in festo beati Bartholomaei apostoli’ (Aug. 24). Cf.
‘Annals of Worcester,’ _sub anno_ 1224 (Ann. Monast. IV, 416).

[4] If so, Bartholomew’s narrative is inaccurate; according to him the
adventure happened to Agnellus and his four companions (among whom was
Albert of Pisa) on their way from Canterbury to Oxford. But Bartholomew is
not remarkable for accuracy. Liber Conformitatum, fol. 79 (ed. Milan,
1510).

[5] ‘Joculatores et non dei servos.’ Wood’s version of the story differs
in several points from that of Bartholomew of Pisa, from whom it is
professedly derived. (MS. F 29a, f. 175a, quoted in Dugdale, VI, pt. 3, p.
1524.)

[6] Eccleston, Mon. Franc. I, p. 9.

[7] Ibid. p. 17.

[8] Eccleston, Mon. Franc. I, p. 9.

[9] Ibid. p. 17: ‘In qua intraverunt ordinem multi probi baccalaurei et
multi nobiles.’ Cf. ib. p. 61.

[10] Ibid. Denifle (‘Die Universitäten des Mittelalters,’ I, 245) puts the
arrival of the Franciscans at Oxford in the year 1225, the hiring of their
first house in 1226, of their second ‘at the beginning of the thirties,’
on the authority of Eccleston.

[11] Mon. Franc. I, p. 27.

[12] See, e.g., Wadding, Ann. Minorum, I, 10, 302, &c.; Mon. Franc. I, 567
seq., &c.

[13] Lanercost Chron. 130: ‘Tenemur creditoribus in urbe decem marcarum
solutionem.’ The whole account of the circumstances is very curious, but
too long to quote here. The date is about 1280.

[14] Mon. Franc. I, p. 17: ‘Fuit autem area ipsa brevis et arcta nimis’;
p. 34, ‘Usque ad tempus Fratris Alberti domus ipsa diversorio careret.’
Wiclif attributed the great plague in a large measure to the friars
herding together in cities; Trialogus, IV, cap. 32 (p. 370).

[15] Mon. Franc. I, 34.

[16] Barth. of Pisa, Liber Conform. f. 79b: cf. Mon. Franc. I, 16, 542.
The prelates referred to are Ralph Maidstone and John Reading.

[17] Liberate Roll, 23 Hen. III, m. 6: ‘ccc ulnas panni grisei’ for
Minorites; and m. 3: ‘Lij ulnas Russetti ad tunicas faciendas ad opus xiij
fratrum Minorum de Rading’, scilicet ulnam de precio xi denariorum ad
plus.’ Four ells went to make a habit. The quality was not the best, the
ordinary price for russet--i.e. undyed cloth of black wool--was 1_s._
4_d._ an ell; Rogers, ‘Hist. of Prices,’ II, 536-7. At the end of the
fourteenth century Friar W. Woodford says that the friars were better
clothed in England than elsewhere owing to the abundance of wool in this
country; Twyne, MS. XXI, 501.

[18] Mon. Franc. I, 66: cf. ibid. 55.

[19] Or ‘idiots,’ as Brewer translates (Mon. Franc. I, 631) the original
‘omnes fatui nativi,’ Lanerc. Chron. 30. Cf. Mon. Franc. I, 564 (Testament
of St. Francis): ‘We were content to be taken as ideotis and foolys of
euery man.’

[20] Mon. Franc. I, 28; other convents were less scrupulous; see Liberate
Roll, 23 Hen. III, m. 6--an order to buy ‘ccc paria sotularium’ at the
Winchester fair for the Friars Minors there.

[21] Lanerc. Chron. 31.

[22] Eccleston, p. 38.

[23] Ibid. p. 52.

[24] Mon. Franc. I, p. 195; the date of the letter is probably about 1250.
On the other hand, Adam seems to have accepted ‘small coins’ (quatrinos)
by way of alms from a friend; ibid. p. 229.

[25] Liberate Rolls, 22 Hen. III, m. 15; 29 Hen. III, m. 5; 30 Hen. III,
m. 17. In making this statement, I have relied on the MS. Calendar of the
Patent Rolls for Hen. III (3 vols. folio, containing some 4000 pages), the
MS. Cal. of the Close Rolls from the 12th year of Hen. III to the end of
his reign (10 vols. folio), both in the Public Record Office; the Liberate
Rolls of the same reign, for which no Calendar exists, I have gone
through; after Hen. III these latter become less full and interesting.

[26] Close, 15 Hen. III, m. 11.

[27] Ibid. 20 Hen. III, m. 11.

[28] Ibid. 21 Hen. III, m. 1.

[29] See _Close Rolls_ for the following years of Hen. III: 15 (m. 2), 17
(m. 15, and 10), 18 (m. 28, and 18), 19 (pt. 1, m. 8), 20 (m. 6), 22 (m.
16), 26 (m. 4), 30 (m. 17, and 2), 36 (m. 24), 39 (m. 15), 40 (m. 8), 41
(m. 10), 42 (m. 6), 43 (m. 9), 45 (m. 21), 47 (m. 8), 48 (m. 6), 50 (m.
3), 51 (m. 4), 54 (m. 8), 55 (m. 1). _Liberate Rolls_, 17 (m. 6), 22 (m.
9), 23 (m. 10), 24 (m. 13), 26 (m. 5), 30 (m. 16), 32 (m. 4), 36 (m. 14).

[30] Close, 24 Hen. III, m. 11 (_Custodibus vinorum Suhant_) and Liberate,
24 Hen. III, m. 12 (_Custodibus vinorum R. Oxon_).

[31] Close, 32 Hen. III, m. 9; cf. Lyte, p. 43.

[32] Ibid. m. 8.

[33] Liberate, 29 Hen. III, m. 14. Isabella, sister of Henry III, married
Frederick II in 1235, and died Dec. 1, 1241.

[34] Mon. Franc. I, p. 19.

[35] Ibid. p. 20.

[36] Barth. of Pisa has changed this story from a dream into a reality and
added miraculous incidents: ‘Crux lignea ... fragore stupendo se vertit ad
fratres; ... et plures eorum mortui sunt in brevi.’ Liber Conform. f. 80.

[37] ‘Tria sunt necessaria ad salutem tempora, cibus, somnus et jocus.’
Mon. Franc. I, 64.

[38] Ibid. p. 56.

[39] Ibid. p. 58; he added, that, ‘when he was with St. Francis, the saint
compelled him to double every day what he had been accustomed to eat.’ Cf.
Mrs. Oliphant’s ‘Francis of Assisi,’ p. 85.

[40] Mon. Franc. I, 64-5.

[41] Mon. Franc. I, pp. 64-66.

[42] Bishop Gardiner’s description of a Cambridge Augustinian, quoted by
Dixon, ‘Church of England,’ II, p. 253, n.: he ‘was of a merry scoffing
wit, friar-like; and as a good fellow in company was beloved of many.’

[43] In 1398, e. g. ‘On Sunday came two Friars Minors to dine with the
fellows (of New College), also the farmer of Heyford.’ Boase, Oxford, p.
78.

[44] Mon. Franc. II, 68. St. Francis used to sprinkle sumptuous fare with
ashes; Oliphant, p. 86.

[45] See story of the warden who on the day that he preached to the people
cracked jokes with a monk after dinner in the presence of a secular; Mon.
Franc. I, 53. ‘Oxoniæ’ in the same paragraph should be ‘Exoniæ’: Serlo was
Dean of Exeter, 1225-1231, Le Neve, Fasti.

[46] Mon. Franc. I, p. 55.

[47] Cf. ibid. p. 6, W. of Esseby; and p. 23, Haymo of Faversham; ‘fuit
enim ita gratiosus et eloquens, ut etiam adversantibus Ordini gratus et
acceptus existeret.’

[48] Ibid. 52; M. Paris, Chron. Majora, IV, p. 257. Cf. ibid. p. 251;
Annals of Tewkesbury (Ann. Monast. I, 92).

[49] Liberate Rolls, 31 Hen. III, m. 4, 42 Hen. III, m. 3.

[50] See Part II, W. of Gainsborough, H. of Hertepol.

[51] Grosseteste, Epistolæ, p. 21.

[52] Mon. Franc. I, p. 15.

[53] Grosseteste, Ep. p. 21, ‘nec moveat aliquem,’ &c.: a striking
illustration of the fascination of Eastern heresies at the time.

[54] Ibid. and Mon. Franc. p. 16.

[55] Lanerc. Chron. p. 81.

[56] Ibid. p. 128. His name is not given.

[57] It will of course be remembered that in the early thirteenth century
the Chancellor of the University was in fact as in legal theory the
delegate of the bishop of the diocese.

[58] Lyte, p. 38.

[59] Grosseteste, Ep. Letter XX.

[60] Mon. Franc. I, p. 99.

[61] Ibid. p. 100-101.

[62] Pat. 28 Hen. III, m. 7 _in dorso_. Mr. M. Lyte (p. 42, note 3) makes
the date of the king’s writ May 10, 1246, of the deed of acknowledgment,
May 11, 28 Hen. III (i.e. 1244); and adds to the confusion about the
Bacons by reading John instead of Robert.

[63] Close, 3 Edward I, m. 18 _in dorso_, writ to the Chancellor. Oliver
was Prior of the Dominicans about this time, Wood-Clark, II, 337.

[64] fflemēguiłł.

[65] Mon. Franc. I, 405.

[66] The _Wardens_ of the college and of the convent were liable to be
deposed on the petition of the members of their respective houses, and the
system of ‘exhibitions’ for scholars must have resembled that in vogue
among the friars at the University. But the year of probation, the
observance of silence, the ‘scrutinies’ or chapters, were common to all
monastic institutions.

[67] Twyne, MS. XXII, 103c; Cap. 32 of Woodford’s _Defensorium_: ‘It is
manifest that one friar minor confessor to a venerable Lady moved her to
make that Hall at Oxford which is called the Hall of Balliol.’

[68] Letter of Devorguila to Friar R. de Slikeburne, dated 1284, in
College Archives: Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. IV, p. 442.

[69] Ibid. pp. 442, 444, four deeds from 1285 to 1287.

[70] Preserved in the College Archives: printed in Savage’s
_Balliofergus_, p. 15 seq.

[71] The care taken of the poorer students, of their feelings no less than
of their purses, is particularly interesting in connexion with the
Franciscans.

[72] Cf. the Statutes of 1282, which are to be observed ‘in the time of
all proctors whatsoever;’ the Statutes of Sir Philip Somerville (1340)
mention ‘_duo Magistri extrinseci_’ (Statutes of the Oxford Colleges, Vol.
I, Balliol, p. x).

[73] History MSS. Com. _ut supra_.

[74] Ibid. (abstract).

[75] The clause to which objection was made was, that if the Master
obtained a benefice of the annual value of £10, ‘_ipso facto noverit (ab
officio) se amotum_.’ Statutes of the Oxford Colleges, Vol. I, Balliol, p.
xx.

[76] E.g. in 1257, Bonaventura investigates the causes ‘_cur splendor
nostri Ordinis quodammodo obscuratur_.’ Wadding, IV, 58; cf. M. Paris,
Chron. Majora, IV, 279-8; Mon. Franc. I, 361-3, 408, &c.

[77] Mon. Franc. I, 48.

[78] Ibid. 48. Friar Albert of Pisa, who, as Minister of seven provinces
and General of the Order, had no lack of experience, ‘died commending the
English above all nations in zeal for their Order’ (ibid.). Cf. ibid. p.
68, John of Parma, General, frequently exclaimed when in England: ‘Would
that such a province had been set in the midst of the world to be for an
example to all the churches!’

[79] Eccleston, p. 9.

[80] An entry in ‘Placita Corone 25 Hen. III, Oxon. M. 5/1} 2, m. 1 b,’
may lead to the identification of the site; it is an agreement between
Robert, Master of the Hospital of St. John, outside the East Gate, and
Roger Noyf, ‘de escambio unius messuagii cum pertinenciis in Oxonia ...
videlicet quod idem Rogerus dedit et concessit predicto magistro in
escambium predicti messuagii magnam domum ipsius Rogeri lapideam, que est
ante ecclesiam Sce Abbe cum pertinenciis. Et quod situm est inter terram
Roberti le Mercer et terram quam tenet de Abbate de Abendon.’

[81] Wood-Clark, II, 358.

[82] Pat. 29 Hen. III, m. 9; cf. Pat. 32 Hen. III, m. 10; both printed in
Mon. Franc. I, 616-7, and in Appx. A.

[83] Mayor in 1227, 1228, 1229, Wood-Peshall, ‘City of Oxford,’ p. 355.

[84] ‘Ex elemosyna collecta.’

[85] The original of this grant is in the Oxford City Archives, marked
‘17.’ See Appx. A. 1.

[86] Close Roll, 20 Henry III, m. 9: printed in Appx. A. 2.

[87] Parker, ‘Early History of Oxford,’ p. 342: extracts from Domesday
Book.

[88] Eccleston, Mon. Franc. I, p. 34: ‘Tantus erat zelator paupertatis, ut
vix permitteret vel ampliari areas vel domos aedificari, nisi secundum
quod exegit inevitabilis necessitas.’

[89] Mon. Franc. I, p. 55.

[90] Ibid. pp. 34-5.

[91] ‘Sufficienter ampliatus,’ Eccleston, p. 35: cf. Wykes, Ann. Monast.
IV, 93 (1245): ‘The Friars Minors at Oxford, hitherto confined to narrow
limits, began to widen their boundaries and build new houses.’

[92] Pat. 29 Hen. III, m. 9; Appx. A. 3.

[93] i.e. Littlegate, not South Gate (as Boase, p. 68), which was in St.
Aldate’s parish.

[94] Pat. 32 Hen. III, m. 10; Appx. A. 8; Mon. Franc. I, p. 617. It was
this grant of 1248 that remained in force: see confirmation of it in Pat.
18 Edw. III, m. 19.

[95] It is uncertain who this Guydo was: a ‘Guido filius Roberti’ was
Sheriff of Oxfordshire in 1249: Liberate, 33 Hen. III, m. 9; and two sons
of Guydo had a lawsuit in 13 Ed. I: Placita Corone, Oxon. M. 5/2} 1, m. 5
đ, &c.

[96] Brian Tywne, MS. XXII, 131: ‘Ex Rotulo general, Inquis. com. et
villae Oxon. per hundred capta A{o} 6{o} et 7{o} Ed{i} I{i} per
sacramentum inhabitantium.’ Wood (MS. F 29 a, f. 176 a) copies this from
B. Twyne: Peshall and Stevens, copying carelessly from Wood, speak of it
as an ‘Inquisition taken in the year 1221.’

[97] Wood (MS. F 29 a, f. 176) after quoting this Inquisition, goes on:
‘besides w{ch} they had another large piece of ground of y{e} said Agnes
since knowne (as now tis) as part of paradise garden;’ and he adds in the
margin: ‘another piece of land they had w{ch} was Tho. Fullonis or Alice
Foliot ut in Carta 66 ex lib. S. frid. v. AV. p. 19,’ i.e. Wood MS. C 2,
p. 19 in Bodleian--a charter from Stephen to St. Frideswide’s, confirming
the property of the Priory in and outside Oxford: among the tenants is
Tho. Fullo, who pays 5_s._ for land in St. Ebbe’s; the charter is No. 66
in the Corpus Copy of St. Frideswide’s Chartulary, and dates in its
present form from c. 33 Hen. III. (I am indebted to Rev. S. R. Wigram for
this reference.) This tenement of Tho. Fullo was very likely near St.
Budhoc’s, where William and Rad. Fullo had land. See B. Twyne, MS. III,
8-9, Charter of R. de Hokenorton, in ‘libro Osneyensi;’ and XXII, 286.

[98] Le Neve, Fasti.

[99] Feet of Fines, Oxon., 29 Hen. III, m. 40-44, and 46. For first grant
see Appx. A. 6.

[100] Feet of Fines, Oxon., 29 Hen. III, m. 46, ‘a die S. Johannis
Baptiste In tres septimanas.’

[101] This fee of the Abbat of Bec belonged to Steventon Priory, Berks, a
cell of the Abbey of Bec in Normandy. Dugdale, Vol. VI, p. 1044.

[102] Pat. 29 Hen. III, m. 6 (Appx. A. 5). Whether the island lay to the
south or west of the Friary is not certain. Wood says: ‘This piece of
ground I suppose was part of (or at least near adjoyning to) paradise
garden though wee now see it all one intire piece; for in ancient time it
was divided in severall Islands, as may be seene by the arches under a
ruinous stone wall to this day remaining in the same garden.’ MS. F 29 a,
f. 176 (Wood-Clark, II, 396). Cf. Clark’s edition of Wood’s ‘City of
Oxford,’ Vol. I, p. 578, note 37. ‘Paradise Garden formerly belonging to
the Grey Fryers. There was a rivulet running sometimes through and made it
two. The arch is in the wall to this day that parts Paradise and the Grey
Friers. It came from the east part of Paradice and soe ran downe as far as
the brewhouse which brewhous was formerly part of Paradise.’ Elsewhere he
says: ‘Which isle was situated on the south side of their habitation (the
rivulet called Trill Mill running between) and on the west side of the
habitation of the Black Fryers; and is now belonging to Sir William
Morton, Kt.’ &c.; ibid, Vol. II, p. 361; cf. p. 396, n. 2, where he
identifies this piece of land (i.e. the ground between the present New
St., Norfolk St., and Friars St.) with the friars’ _grove_ as
distinguished from the island.

[103] Liberate Roll, 29 Hen. III, m. 9 (Appx. A. 4).

[104] Or ‘present at’--_interfuit_.

[105] Pat. 31 Hen. III, m. 8 (see Appx. A. 7).

[106] Ingram in his Memorials of Oxford, published 1837 (Vol. III, under
St. Ebbe’s), says, speaking of Pat. 29 Hen. III, m. 9: ‘A great part of
the wall built according to this agreement is still in existence, or at
least an old wall on the same site.’ Some of it, on the west side of
Littlegate Street, south of Charles Street, is still to be seen. Cf. Wood,
MS. 29 a, fol. 179: ‘On the east side of it (i.e. Minorites’ property) ...
was the way leading from Watergate to Preachers Bridge.’

[107] Pat. 46 Hen. III, m. 11 (May 7).

[108] Pat. 49 Hen. III, m. 24 (Feb. 5).

[109] Ibid. (Feb. 8), Appx. A. 9.

[110] B. Twyne (MS. III, 13) seems to have been led astray by the word
‘benedictum’ into thinking there was a Benedictine church here.

[111] Placita Coronae, Oxon. 13 Edw. I, M. 5/2} 3, m. 55.

[112] Chronicles of Edw. I & II, Vol. I, p. 83 (R.S.).

[113] Wadding, V, p. 575, No. xxii _Ex parte dilectorum_. The date is VI
Kal. Sept. An. 2.

[114] Wadding, Ann. Min. Vol. VI, p. 463.

[115] Wadding calls him ‘Earl of Kichiemunda.’

[116] Pat. 3 Edw. II, m. 9 (Appx. A. 11).

[117] Pat. Edw. II, m. 14 (Appx. A. 10).

[118] No donor’s name occurs.

[119] This is probably the land which Wood refers to as having belonged to
Thomas Fullo. The charter of Rob. Hokenorton to Osney mentions ‘land which
Will. Fullo held of Reginald de Sub Muro, juxta ecclesiam S. Budoci,
Oxon., quae tendit a Regia Semita usque ad aquam Thamesis in profundum, et
usque ad terram Radulfi Fullonis in latum, ex australi parte predicte
Ecclesie.’ B. Twyne, MS. III, 8-9.

[120] Pat. 12 Edw. II, m. 25 (6 March, 1319); Appx. A. 12.

[121] Inquis. a. q. D. 13 Edw. II, No. 31.

[122] Inquis. Oxon. Capta 6 and 7 Edw. I; Brian Twyne, III, 8-9. Walter
Aurifaber had a daughter named Agatha; ib. XXIV, 253.

[123] Inquis. a. q. D. 12 Edw. II, No. 47 (5 March, 18 May), Appx. A. 13;
Pat. 13 Edw. II, m. 44 (8 July).

[124] Pat. 14 Edw. II, m. 10 (12 May).

[125] Pat. 11 Edw. III, pt. 2, m. 6 (19 Aug.), Appx. A. 14.

[126] Rob. le Mercer and others are commanded to help the Mayor, Peter son
of Thorald, in building the city wall (Claus. 18 Hen. III, m. 23). Robert
Owen and Ric. the Miller witness William of Wileford’s deed, see App. The
names are significant--the Mercer, the Miller, the Barber, the Tailor.

[127] Wood-Peshall, Ancient and Present State, &c., p. 355.

[128] One of this name was Commissioner of gaol delivery for Dorchester,
Wycombe, Aylesbury, &c.: Pat. 54 Hen. III, m. 17 đ, 12 đ; and 55 Hen. III,
m. 28 đ.

[129] Eccleston, Mon. Franc. I, p. 9.

[130] Close Roll, 16 Hen. III, m. 9 (June 17).

[131] Eccleston, p. 20.

[132] Ibid.; and Barth. of Pisa, Lib. Conform. fol. 80.

[133] Eccleston, p. 54. Barth. of Pisa says, ‘in capsa lignea,’ fol. 80.

[134] Eccleston, ibid.

[135] Eccleston, p. 37, ‘Scholam satis honestam.’

[136] Pat. 32 Hen. III, m. 10.

[137] Mon. Franc. I, 25.

[138] Ibid. 362: ‘quasi carni et sanguini, quasi luto et lateribus, quasi
lignis et lapidibus, quasi quibuscunque qualicunque compendiolo mundanis
questibus totum dandum esset.’

[139] Wood, MS. F 29 a, f. 179 a.

[140] Claus. 24 Hen. III, m. 17 (Feb. 5); Liberate, 24 Hen. III, m. 19
(Feb. 7).

[141] Liberate, 29 Hen. III, m. 5.

[142] Claus. 56 Hen. III, m. 7.

[143] Liberate, 30 Hen. III, m. 16: ‘Mandatum est Vicecomiti Oxonie quod
de amerciamentis Itineris Roberti Passelewe et sociorum suorum
Justiciariorum qui ultimo Itinerauerunt ad placita foreste in Comitatu suo
faciat habere fratribus minoribus Oxonie iij Marcas et fratribus
predicatoribus eiusdem ville iij ad fabricam ecclesie sue de dono Regis.’

[144] Pat. 32 Hen. III, m. 10.

[145] Early Hist. of Oxford, p. 298: his map of Oxford gives a street
outside the wall.

[146] I am indebted to Mr. Parker for this information and suggestion.

[147] Cromwell Corresp., 2nd series, Vol. XXIII, fol. 709 b (Record
Office).

[148] Cf. Walcott’s ‘Church and Conventual Arrangement,’ on Friars’
Churches, &c.

[149] Annals, 662.

[150] Stevens, ‘Hist. of Abbeys,’ &c., I, 137: ‘This account appears to me
very confuse and unintelligible.’

[151] Itinerarium, p. 296.

[152] Ibid. p. 83, ‘Memorandum quod 24 steppys sive gressus mei faciunt 12
virgas ... Item 50 virgae faciunt 85 gradus sive steppys mei:’ and p. 281,
‘quaelibet virga tres pedes,’ &c.

[153] Walcott, as above.

[154] P.C.C. Regist. Hogen, qu. 26 (in Somerset House).

[155] Mon. Franc. I, 508, &c.

[156] Wood-Clark, II, 407. Adam Marsh was personally known to the Earl of
Cornwall; in a letter to the Queen of England he mentions having been with
him; Mon. Franc. I, 291: cf. ibid. 105-6, 400. A letter from Adam to
Senchia, Richard’s wife, is extant, ibid. p. 292. The following character
of Richard is curious as being drawn probably by a Franciscan: ‘Hic erga
omnes mulieres cujuscunque professionis luxuriosissimus, thesaurorum
collector cupidissimus et avidissimus, pauperum oppressor
insolentissimus.’ MS. Cott. Cleop. B xiii, f. 148: cf. Hardy, Descript.
Catal. &c.

[157] He died 1270, according to Walsyngham, Ypodigma Neustriae, p. 165
(R.S.); 1272 according to Trivet, Ann. 279. The latter is probably
correct: see Foedera, I, 489.

[158] J. Rouse, p. 199 (ed. Hearne). Rouse studied at Oxford, and died
1491.

[159] Chron. of Osney, 17 Oct. 1277: R.S. ed. p. 274.

[160] Wood, MS. F 29 a, fol. 179 b.

[161] Ibid.

[162] Regist. Arundel, I, fol. 155. Sir H. Nicolas reads Exon. instead of
Oxon: p. 135.

[163] Ibid. fol. 155 b. The Golafre property at Fyfield now belongs to St.
John’s College; the President informs me that the College has no documents
relating to the Golafre family.

[164] Early Lincoln Wills (A. Gibbons, 1888), p. 186.

[165] B. Twyne, MS. XXIII, 478. He altered this part of his will in a
codicil, and was buried in St. Ebbe’s.

[166] Mun. Acad.: Anstey, p. 543.

[167] ‘Coram ymagine beate Marie Virginis de pyte.’ Oxford City Records,
Old White Book, f. 90 a.

[168] P.C.C. Porch, fol. 9.

[169] Barth. of Pisa, fol. 80.

[170] Eccleston, 54.

[171] J. Rouse, Hist. p. 29: ‘et modo in ordinis sui fratres Minores Oxon
sepultum.’

[172] Oxford Univ. Reg. A a a, fol. 213.

[173] First mention is in 1370: Anstey’s Mun. Acad. 232-3.

[174] At Reading, the chapter-house and dormitory seem to have formed one
building. Liberate Rolls, 23 Hen. III, m. 6, and 24 Hen. III, m. 1.

[175] Agas map of 1578, engraved by Neale 1728; Hollar’s map, 1643.

[176] The warden at Reading occupied one of ‘thre prety lodginges’ at the
Grey Friars; Cromwell Corresp., Vol. XXIII, f. 742.

[177] Cf. Inventory of the Grey Friars, Ipswich; Chapter House Bks. A
3/11; ‘owthe of the Vicewarden’s Chamber.’

[178] P. 130.

[179] ‘Two short treatises against the Begging Friars’ (Oxf. 1608), p. 30;
cf. Roy’s Satire on Card. Wolsey, Harl. Misc., Vol. IX, p. 42, &c.

[180] See Pecock’s Repressor, p. 543, on the objection that ‘religiose
monasteries (nameliche of the begging religiouns) han withinne her gatis
and cloocis grete large wijde hiȝe and stateli mansiouns for lordis and
ladies ther yn to reste, abide, and dwelle;’ and p. 548-50. Edward III
stayed at the Grey Friars, York, in 1335 (Rymer, Foed., Vol. II, pt. ii,
p. 909). In the Record Office (Excheq. Q. R. Wardrobe 21/12) is a document
containing details as to feasts in the Dominican Convent at Oxford in
connexion with the burial of Piers Gaveston; the feasts were continued for
four weeks. The Earl of Hereford, who spent Christmas at Grey Friars,
Exeter, in 1288, found his lodgings detestable and the stench
insupportable: Oliver, Monast. Exon. p. 331.

[181] ‘Ex magnatibus unus rem magnam ausus est et perfecit, ut suis
sumptibus a multis milliaribus Anglicanis ductis sub Isidis et Chervelli
fluminum divortiis plumbeis canalibus, corrivaretur ad omnes Monasterii
officinas aqua salubris in magna abundantia.’ Ann. Minorum, I, 364, A. D.
1221. Wadding gives no authority for the statement.

[182] Placita Coronae, 31 Hen. III, Oxon. M 5/1} 3, f. 40: ‘Jurati
presentant quod fratres predicatores et fratres minores ceperunt in
pluribus locis super aquam Thamesis et ibi fecerunt fossata et muros et
alia.’

[183] B. Twyne, MS. XXIII, 151 (11 Hen. VII).

[184] Oxford City Records, 191.

[185] Wood, MS. F 29 a, fol. 179 a.

[186] Eccleston, p. 35.

[187] Wadding, I, 346; cf. Mon. Franc. I, xxx-xxxii.

[188] Cf. Bacon’s works, _De retardatione senectutis_, _Antidotarius_,
&c.; and Opera Inedita, 374--‘regimen sanitatis.’ Grostete’s ‘interest in
physical science seems to date from his connexion with the friars.’ M.
Lyte, p. 30.

[189] Mon. Franc. I, 24.

[190] MS. F 29 a, f. 176.

[191] Liber Conf. fol. 79 b.

[192] Mon. Franc. I, 37.

[193] Grostete, Epistolae, p. 17 sqq., letter to Agnellus and the convent
at Oxford, written between 1225 and 1231.

[194] Lyte, ‘Hist. of Univ. of Oxford,’ p. 29.

[195] Mon. Franc. I, 37: ‘Ipso igitur ab cathedra magisteriali in
cathedram pontificalem ... translato.’

[196] P. 45: ‘Vir iste primus cathedram scholarum fratrum minorum rexit
Oxoniae, unde et assumptus fuit ad cathedram praelatiae.’

[197] Mon. Franc. ibid.

[198] Ibid. p. 38. The dates are from Le Neve.

[199] Ibid.

[200] Grostete, Ep. p. 149. In Letter xvii ‘Magister Thomas Walensis’ is
mentioned as being in England; the date of the letter must be between 1235
and 1239 (when W. de Raleger became Bishop of Norwich); probably 1238,
after Thomas had returned from Paris, before he became Archdeacon.

[201] Ibid. p. 151.

[202] Opera Ined. p. 325.

[203] Grostete, Ep. ut supra. Both received high offices in Lincoln
diocese, Roger as dean resisted the bishop’s claims. Paris, Chron. Majora,
III, 528; IV, 391.

[204] Chron. Majora, IV, 424, ‘vir moribus et scientia eleganter
insignitus;’ V, 644, ‘vir omni laude dignissimus.’ We may perhaps see a
result of his contact with the Franciscans in his exhortation to the
clergy of his diocese ‘to preach often in the vulgar tongue, simply and
without discussion, to the people, using practical not subtle arguments.’
B. Twyne, MS. XXI, 280 (Episc. Coventr. ‘_in suis institutis MS._’).

[205] Opera Inedita, pp. 88, 428.

[206] Chron. Majora, IV, 245.

[207] Ibid. 647.

[208] Lanerc. Chron. p. 130; cf. ibid. pp. 45, 58.

[209] Mon. Franc. I, 348. The statute was to be subscribed by ‘the
Chancellor and all the regent masters in Holy Scripture ... and Friar Adam
called de Marisco.’

[210] Mon. Franc. I, 335.

[211] For Grostete, see Lanerc. Chron. p. 45: ‘The friars then going to
Robert as to a pedagogue relate what has happened and beg him to say what
he thought,’ &c. The extraordinary activity of Adam Marsh in this and in
many other spheres has been too often and too well described to detain us
here: see Brewer’s pref. to Mon. Franc. I, Pauli, ‘Pictures of Old
England,’ pp. 67, 68 (extract quoted by Lyte, p. 51), and his ‘Grosteste
and Adam Marsh.’ Cf. Bacon, Op. Ined. p. 186. Adam’s description of the
ideal pastor might be applied to himself. Mon. Franc. I, 445.

[212] For Adam’s influence with Hen. III, see Lanerc. Chron. p. 24; Mon.
Franc. I, 142 and 268 (on behalf of Earl Simon). He incurred the royal
displeasure ‘propter verba vitae;’ ibid. 275. Cf. ibid. 335: one of the
grounds on which he declines to assist the Archbishop in his visitation is
‘districtum domini regis mandatum, quo interdictum fuit domino
archiepiscopo ne me, velut proditorium inimicum, ad comitivam suam
evocaret.’ Cf. p. 387, he is summoned to Reading and London ‘on matters of
the highest importance, touching the sceptre and the kingdom.’

[213] Ibid. p. 110. Compare Nicholas de Lyra’s commentary on Psalm xliv.
quoted by J. Rouse, ‘Hist. Regum Anglie,’ ed. Hearne, p. 38.

[214] Mon. Franc. I, 267.

[215] Stubbs, Const. Hist. II, p. 313, n. 1: ‘The sentiments not of the
people but of the Universities, and incidentally of the Franciscans also,
are exemplified in the long Latin poem printed in Wright’s Political
Songs, pp. 72-121.... It was clearly a manifesto, amongst themselves, of
the men whose preaching guided the people.’

[216] See note 6, p. 32. The poem expresses the constitutional view of
monarchy with extraordinary clearness. Parts of it are translated by Mr.
York Powell, ‘Hist. of England,’ pp. 148-9, and 152.

[217] Polit. Songs (Camden Soc.), p. 124.

[218] ‘Miracula Symonis de Montfort’ (printed at the end of Rishanger’s
Chronicle, Camden Soc. 1840), pp. 87, 95, 96. Cf. Dictum de Kenilworth,
cap. 8 (Stubbs’ Select Charters, pp. 420-421).

[219] Cf. Bacon, Op. Ined. 329. It was apparently in this relationship
that ‘Juvenis Johannes’ stood to Roger Bacon.

[220] Mon. Franc. I, 314-316.

[221] Adam’s position was exceptional, and his _socius_ no doubt
exceptionally hard-worked.

[222] Mon. Franc. I, 354.

[223] See the list of 67 _lectores_ in Part II. The list is taken from the
Cottonian MS. of Eccleston. In the same MS. (Cott. Nero A IX, fol. 78) is
a similar list of readers at Cambridge under the heading, ‘Fratrum Minorum
Magistri Cantabrigie.’

[224] Mon. Franc. I, 335; cf. Harl. MS. 431, fol. 100 b, election of J.
David to be lector at Hereford: Wadding, X, p. 156 (A. D. 1430); XIII, 73.
At first the lecturers seem to have been appointed by the Provincial
Minister (Mon. Franc. I, 37, 354), or, when a friar was sent from one
province to another, by the General (Ibid. 39, R. de Colebruge). In the
14th and 15th centuries, the reader had to be confirmed by the General,
and might be appointed by him: MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, f. 77 b; and
Wadding, X, 156. Anal. Franc. II, 240 (A. D. 1411).

[225] Mon. Franc. I, 357.

[226] Woodford in his reply to Armachamus (cap. 8) says: ‘Pope Benedict
ordained statutes for the order of friars Minors, of great and mature
counsel, which are called among the Minorities _statuta papalia_; in these
it is decreed concerning which parts of the Order ought to lecture on the
Sentences at Paris, which parts at Oxford and Cambridge, how they ought to
be elected in general and provincial chapters, and how consequently they
ought to ascend to the doctor’s degree by papal ordinance or election of
the Order.’ The constitutions of Benedict XII, _de studiis_ (A. D. 1336),
were printed in _Chronologia historico-legalis seraphici Ordinis Fratrum
Minorum_, Neapoli 1650, tom. I, p. 46 (referred to in Anal. Franc. II,
165); I have not seen this book. They are omitted by Baronius et
Raynaldus, Annales Eccles. Vol. XXV, p. 92 seq. They are contained in
Bodl. MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, ff. 73 seq., but no mention of Oxford occurs
here. The following regulations are given for Cambridge (fol. 77 b):
‘Simili quoque modo, aliorum (qui) ordinabuntur ad legendum sentencias in
studio Cantabrigie, duo assumantur duobus annis de provincia Anglie per
ipsius provincie provinciale Capitulum eligendi, et tercius anno tercio de
aliis partibus ordinis per generale capitulum tam de cismontanis quam de
ultramontanis eligendus.’

[227] MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, fol. 78: ‘Nullus quoque frater dicti ordinis
ad legendum in prenominatis studiis (i.e. recognised Universities)
sententias assumatur, nisi prius legerit 4{or} libros sententiarum cum
scriptis approbatorum doctorum in aliis studiis qui (_sic_) in eodem
ordine dicuntur generalia vel conventibus infrascriptis, vidz ...
Londoniensi, Eboricensi, ... Novi castri, Stramforicensi (?) ...
Exoniensi,’ &c. Nineteen convents in all are mentioned; only those which
are, or may be, in England are here quoted. I have found no evidence to
show whether this rule was or was not carried out.

[228] Anal. Franc. II, 241.

[229] Lyte, p. 107.

[230] Mon. Franc. I, 232.

[231] See dates of the Oxford lectors in Part II; Harl. MS. 431, fol. 100
b, &c. The period of necessary Regency was at first one year, afterwards
two.

[232] That the Chapters of the Minorites were actually held yearly in
England may be seen from Pat. Roll, 1 Hen. IV, part 5, m. 7: ‘ac pro
capitulo suo provinciali quod in Anglia singulis annis celebratur.’

[233] e.g. Adam Marsh, T. Docking, &c.

[234] Mon. Franc. I, 40.

[235] MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, f. 11 b; Lanerc. Chron. p. 130: ‘Non,’ inquit
(janitor), ‘audeo tam mane ostiolum illius (i.e. magistri scholarum)
pulsare, cum ipse studio intendat quid legere debeat.’

[236] MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, fol. 80.

[237] Mun. Acad. 428; Masters of Arts were compelled to exact their fees.
Gratuitous lecturing by Franciscans is always spoken of as exceptional.
Thus Nic. de Burgo urges his having lectured ‘pene gratis’ as a reason why
he should be excused the payment of his composition (Reg. H. 7, f. 117). A
grace to Walter Goodfylde, S.T.B., is conceded ‘condicionata ... quod
legat unum librum sentenciarum publice et gratis.’

[238] Epistolae, pp. 346-7. The bibliographies in Part II will give some
idea of the subjects chiefly taught by the early Franciscans: see
especially John Wallensis (ethics and practical theology), Thomas Docking
(biblical exegesis), Roger Bacon (physics, &c.).

[239] Op. Ined. 329. Cf. pp. 81 and 82: ‘tota sapientia concluditur in
sacra scriptura ... sed ejus explicatio est jus canonicum cum
philosophia;’ and this was the system followed by Grosteste and Adam. In
the Opus Minus (p. 357), Bacon gives a curious example (after Augustine)
of what he understands by ‘explaining the Scriptures by natural science.’
Cf. ‘Les contes moralisés de Nicole Bozon, Frère Mineur,’ by Miss L. T.
Smith and Paul Meyer.

[240] Mon. Franc. I, 38.

[241] Cf. Wadding, IV, 14-15, on the schools of the two Orders at Paris.
Tywne, MS. III, 300; Dominicans complain that the seculars ‘prevent
scholars from going to the schools of the friars,’ &c. (1312).

[242] Cf. Lyte, p. 108; a Dominican Regent goes to the school and finds it
occupied by other disputants (1312).

[243] Acta Fratrum Praedicatorum, Collectanea, II, p. 217; Archiv für
Litt. u. K. Gesch. I, p. 189. Constitutions of the Dominicans in 1228: ‘in
libris gentilium et philosophorum non studeant,’ &c. Bacon, Op. Ined. p.
426; Denifle, ‘Die Universitäten,’ &c. I, 701, 719-720.

[244] Mun. Acad. p. 25: ‘Statuit Universitas Oxoniensis, et si statutum
fuerit, iterato consensu corroborat,’ &c.

[245] Wood gives 1251 as the date. But both the statute (Mun. Acad. 25)
and the letters of Adam Marsh (Mon. Franc. I, 337--reference to
controversy about the Southwark Hospital, M. Paris, An. 1252) are clear
and at one on the point.

[246] Mon. Francisc. I, 338, 346 sqq.

[247] Mun. Acad. p. 25--the statute itself.

[248] The statute as it exists is not signed.

[249] The official account of the proceedings in the suit between the
Friars Preachers and the University has recently been edited by Mr.
Rashdall, Collect. Vol. II, Oxf. Hist. Soc.

[250] Collectanea, Vol. II, p. 264 seq.

[251] Ibid. p. 271.

[252] John XXII issued several bulls in their favour; Anno 2, VII Kal.
Nov., XVII Kal. Nov., Kal. Nov.; Anno 4, IV Id. Aug. I have not seen this
last.

[253] Collect. II, 272.

[254] Mun. Acad. 391. This explanation or compromise was not suggested in
any of the three bulls of John XXII, which I have seen. The Pope did not
advance matters much: on this point he decreed, ‘quod fratres predicatores
et alii religiosi predicti ejusdem loci Oxoniensis, dummodo alias ydonei
fuerint, ad idem Magisterium in facultate predicta (sc. theologica), etiam
si antea in artibus Magistri non fuerint, non petita, eo pretextu quod
Magistri non fuissent in artibus, ab ipsis Cancellario et Magistris vel
aliis, ad quos id pro tempore inibi pertinet, licentia per viam gratiae,
sed per modum merae justitiae, libere assumantur.’ Bull of John XXII, VIII
Kal. Nov. A{o} 2, transcribed by Mr. Bliss from _Regesta_, Vol. 67.

[255] Close Rolls, 11 Ric. II, m. 15; 12 Ric. II, m. 45.

[256] Wilkins, Concilia, III, 400.

[257] Ibid. 574-5. The same form of licensing was used for all faculties,
and there was no mention of regency in Arts in the licence for the faculty
of theology, strictly speaking: Ibid. 382-3. It was however contained
among the conditions which the licentiate swore he had fulfilled or been
dispensed from: Ibid. 391-2, 394.

[258] Ibid. 575.

[259] In 1459 John Alien, B.D. of Cambridge, supplicated for incorporation
at Oxford: one of the conditions imposed was, ‘quod solvat xl{s} ad
fabricacionem scolarum.’ This condition was withdrawn the same day.
Regist. Aa, f. 119.

[260] Opera Inedita, pp. lv and 399.

[261] Twyne, MS. XXII, f. 103 c (Defensorium, cap. 62).

[262] Mun. Acad. 206.

[263] Ibid. 207-8.

[264] The following passage is taken with some alterations from Richard de
Bury’s Philobiblon, p. 51 (edited by E. C. Thomas).

[265] I do not know to which Order these two belonged.

[266] ‘Two Short Treatises,’ &c., p. 30.

[267] Wadding, V, 300; statutes made at the General Chapter at Paris,
1292.

[268] Ibid. II, 382.

[269] Cf. Woodford, Defensorium, cap. 8. Friars are sent to the University
by papal ordinance or election by the Order.

[270] Such as existed e. g. among the English Benedictines, one monk out
of every twenty being sent to the University. Cf. the practice among the
Dominicans, at Paris: ‘Tres fratres tantum mittantur ad studium Parisius
(_sic_) de provincia’ (Constitutions, c. 1235, in Archiv f. L. u K. Gesch.
I, 189), and at Oxford, whither two students were sent from each province;
Fletcher, The Black Friars of Oxford, p. 6.

[271] As the estimates of the numbers of friars and monks vary
considerably, it may be worth while to give the evidence (which is
entirely indirect) on which this calculation is based. In 1255, there
were, according to Eccleston, 49 Franciscan houses in England and 1242
friars, giving an average of rather more than 25 to each convent (Mon.
Franc. I, 10). At London, according to the _Regist. Fratrum Min. London._,
there were about 100 friars, on the average, in the fourteenth century
(Ibid. p. 512). The public records give more trustworthy statistics. It
was often customary for the kings on their progresses to give pittances of
4_d._ each to the friars of the places through which they passed. I have
found no such grant to the Oxford Minorites: but the statement in the text
may be compared with the following instances.

At _London_ in 1243, there were _80_ Minorites (Liberate, 28 Hen. III, m.
18: cf. also Q. R. Wardrobe, 6/3 and 8/1); August, 1314, _64_ (Q. R.
Wardrobe, 24/10); October, 1314, _72_ (Q. R. Wardrobe, 24/10); 1315, _72_
(Q. R. Wardrobe, 24/10); 1325, _72_ (Q. R. Wardrobe, 25/1). At _Norwich_
in 1326, _47_ (Q. R. Wardrobe, 25/1). At _Lynn_ in 1326, _38_ (Q. R.
Wardrobe, 25/1). At _Gloucester_ in 1326, _40_ (Q. R. Wardrobe, 25/1). At
_Cambridge_ in 1326, _70_ (Q. R. Wardrobe, 25/1).

It is not often possible to compare the numbers in the same houses at
different dates. In the northern convents, before the Black Death, there
was a large decrease: thus at _Newcastle_ in 1299, provision was made for
_68_ Minorites (Q. R. Wardrobe, 8/55 f. 4); about 45 years later, for _32_
only (Chapter-house Books, A 5/10, 149); but this may be explained by
reference to the special circumstances of the North. Elsewhere we find an
increase.

At _Winchester_, there were _23_ Minorites in 1243 (Liberate, 27 Hen. III,
m. 2); _43_ in 1315 (Q. R. Wardrobe, 24/10). At _Reading_, there were _13_
in 1239 (Liberate, 23 Hen. III, m. 3); _26_ in 1326 (Q. R. Wardrobe,
15/1).

From these figures, and from the Bull of Clement V in 1309 (granting
property of the Friars of the Sack to the Grey Friars), we may infer that
the numbers in the Oxford convent increased rather than diminished up to
A. D. 1349.

[272] Mun. Acad. 388: ‘quidam in eorum primo adventu in villam Oxoniae ...
ad opponendum in sacra theologia se offerunt inopinate.’ Ibid. 390: ‘nisi
prius dictas liberales artes per octo annos integros in Universitate vel
alibi rite audierit,’ &c. Friars sometimes however spent the whole time at
the University; see Regist. G. 6, fol. 55 a (R. Burton); H. 7, fol. 124
(J. Thornall).

[273] Mun. Acad. 389; Lyte, 223.

[274] Mun. Acad. 389. One of these years at least must be spent at Oxford;
ib. 388: sometimes six or even twelve years’ residence in a University was
insisted on; Regist. G. 6, f. 61 b (Banester); H. 7, f. 73 (Thornall).

[275] Ibid. 204, 388: ‘a doctore proprio ejusdem ordinis et Regente.’

[276] Mun. Acad. 204, 388.

[277] Ibid. 389.

[278] Cf. Univ. Reg. Vol. II, Part I, p. 22, disputations ‘in Parvisis’
(for B.A.).

[279] Mun. Acad. 206.

[280] The usual form of application for B.D. is: ‘Supplicat frater Joannes
Brown ordinis minorum et scolaris in sacra theologia quatenus studium 12
annorum in logicis philosophicis et theologicis sufficiat ut admittatur ad
opponendum in novis scolis qua habita una cum responsione possit admitti
ad lecturam libri sententiarum.’ Reg. G. 6, f. 107.

[281] Regist. G. 6, f. 254 b: cf. ibid. f. 187, similar condition in the
grace to Friar W. Walle, 1513.

[282] Reg. A a, f. 101 b.

[283] Ibid. 87 b.

[284] Reg. G. 6, f. 127 b; ibid. 160 a. John de Castro of Bologna became
B.D. four days after his admission to opposition (Boase, Register, p. 93).

[285] Reg. A a, f. 74 b: ‘oppositio in singulis scolis’ (J. Sunday, 1453).

[286] Reg. G. 6, and H. 7, _passim_.

[287] Mun. Acad. 389.

[288] Ibid.: this ceremony was called ‘deponing.’

[289] Ibid. 395.

[290] This seems to be the general sense of the words: ‘non replicet
pluries quam semel in termino, ultra introitus librorum, et cessationes
eorumdem; introitus enim et cessationes librorum, ac recitatio locorum ad
materiam propriam pertinens, ... pro replicationibus minime computantur;’
Ibid. 395. For these technical terms, cf. Twyne, MS. II, f. 147 b.

[291] Collectanea, II, 225, 270; Mun. Acad. 392.

[292] Mun. Acad. 395: this is the sermon which is often alluded to in the
Supplications, &c. of the fifteenth century as ‘sermo ad quem tenetur ex
novo statuto.’

[293] Collectanea, II, 270. The registers make no mention of this sermon;
it seems to have been superseded by sermons at St. Paul’s, St.
Frideswide’s, St. Mary’s, &c. See Reg. G. 6, f. 185; H. 7, f. 51 b, 110,
&c.

[294] Mun. Acad. 391, 396. From the latter passage (and from statute of
1253, ibid. p. 25) it would appear that lectures on the Bible were a
substitute for lectures on the Sentences: ‘et aliquem librum de canone
bibliae vel sententiarum Oxoniae in scholis theologiae publice legant.’
This however does not seem to have been the case in reality: see
_supplicat_ of Friar John Sunday, Feb. 5, 1453/4, in Appendix: cf. Reg. A
a, f. 54 (J. Florence), 122 (Ednam), f. 114, &c.

[295] Mun. Acad. 392, 394: ‘biblice seu cursorie.’ For the explanation of
the term ‘cursory lectures,’ see Clark’s Univ. Reg., Vol. II, Part I, p.
76.

[296] Mun. Acad. 392, 394. I do not understand ‘_concursivae_’; cf. note 6
on p. 81.

[297] Clark, Register of the Univ., Vol. II, Pt. II, pp. 109-110.

[298] Reg. A a, f. 79 b (printed in Appendix).

[299] Reg. G. 6, f. 47 b.

[300] Three years was theoretically the minimum; Mun. Acad. 391: the
extension of the period to four years must be of later date; Clark, Reg.
Vol. II, Pt. II, p. 139. An instance of the later custom is found in 1507;
Reg. G. 6, fol. 22 b.

[301] Reg. G. 6, fol. 168 b, 187 b.

[302] Ibid. fol. 160, 187 b.

[303] Ibid. fol. 22 b.

[304] Registers, _passim_: cf. Clark, Register, Vol. II, Pt. I, 142 seq.,
for the later customs.

[305] Mun. Acad. 379, 396.

[306] Ibid. 374, 377, 380, 450.

[307] Ibid. 432, 433. The phrase ‘_tenere vesperias_’ (cf. ibid. 429)
perhaps refers to the Master who presided, ‘_celebrare vesperias_,’ to the
incepting Bachelor. Vesperies might be held in any faculty on any day
which was a _dies legibilis_ among the artists; Mun. Acad. 433. Anstey
(Ibid.) and Lyte (213) are mistaken in thinking that this only applied to
the Faculty of Arts.

[308] Collectanea, II, 217, 222-3.

[309] Mun. Acad. 393; Collectanea, ibid.

[310] Mun. Acad. 432.

[311] Cf. Lyte, 106.

[312] This at least was the later practice; Clark, Register of the Univ.,
Vol. II, Pt. I. p. 180: the statute in Mun. Acad. 432 (‘_quomodo Regens_,’
&c.) may mean that the presiding master proposed the questions; perhaps
this refers only to the Arts Faculty.

[313] See decree of 1586 in Clark, Reg. of Univ., Vol. II, Pt. I, p.
120--evidently an attempt to return to an older custom: cf. Mun. Acad.
433-4, though this probably refers only to the Act.

[314] Assisi MS., No. 158, _questio_ 185: Hugh of Hertepol however
probably presided in this case; see Part II.

[315] Ibid, _questio_ 159.

[316] Trivet, Annals, p. 306; Lyte, 214.

[317] Bale, Script. Brit., Vol. I, p. 306: ‘in vesperiis Adae.’

[318] Trivet, _ut supra_.

[319] Mun. Acad. 392: ‘sicut in ecclesia Virginis gloriosae honorem
recipit magistralem.’ Perhaps it was always unusual to hold the Act
anywhere except in St. Mary’s.

[320] Rashdall, Early Hist. of Oxford; Church, Quarterly Review, Vol.
XXIII; Lyte, p. 213 _seq._; Mon. Franc. I, 135.

[321] Friar John Smyth, Minorite, was created D.D. by the Abbat of
Winchcombe; Reg. G. 6, fol. 31 b. Cf. Mon. Franc. I, 348.

[322] Mun. Acad. 433: ‘Incepturi quidem suas legant in principio
lectiones, deinde quaestiones, quas disputare voluerint, proponentes
Magistris opponant.’

[323] Clark, Regist. of the Univ., Vol. II, pt. I, pp. 144, 180, 121.

[324] Mun. Acad. 433 (passage quoted in note 3 of this page).

[325] Cf. Assisi MS. No. 158, _questio_ 117: ‘questio domini Archidiaconi
essexte in inceptione sua: respondit archidiaconus Oxon’.’

[326] No. 158 in the Municipal (formerly conventual) Library at Assisi.
Some of the questions have the names of Cambridge friars attached to them
(e. g. Letheringfont; and _questio_ 104, frater Johannes Crussebut apud
Cantebrigiam); two are disputations by Minorites at Paris and _in curia_.
The names of seculars and Friars Preachers also occur.

[327] See e. g. John Brown, Regist. G. 6, fol. 107, 185. Robert Sanderson,
ibid. fol. 107 and 171: contrast W. German, ibid., fol. 187, 301. The
generalizations in this paragraph are derived from an examination and
analysis of all the entries, relating to the Franciscans, in the
University Registers to the end of the year 1525.

[328] Mun. Acad. 434.

[329] Ibid. 480; cf. Regist. A a, f. 2.

[330] Ibid. 450-1.

[331] Ibid. 353, &c.

[332] Two Short Treatises, &c. (ed. 1608), p. 30.

[333] See Part II.

[334] Bodleian MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, fol. 79 b, cap. X. De expensis
studencium evitandis.

[335] p’nis, _principiis_ (MS.).

[336] Mun. Acad. 353-4.

[337] Regist. G. 6, f. 187 b; J. Smyth (1513).

[338] Regist. A a, fol. 7 (printed in Boase’s Reg. p. 287).

[339] Reg. A a, f. 128; cf. ibid. 122. Ednam was probably in an
exceptional position: shortly after this he became Bishop of Bangor; Le
Neve, Fasti.

[340] e. g. on Nov. 27, 1506, ‘supplicat frater Johannes Smyȝth ordinis
minorum s. t. b. quatenus secum graciose dispensetur sic quod quinque
libre solvende in die admissionis sue possunt sibi sufficere pro sua
composicione. Hec est concessa condicionata quod quinquies dicat missam de
quinque vulneribus et ter dicat missam de trinitate pro bono statu
regentium ante Pascha.’

[341] Regist. G. 6, fol. 169 b: cf. Regist. H. 7, f. 140, S. Thornall
(printed in Appendix).

[342] e. g. W. German, W. Walle: see Part II.

[343] Regist. H. 7, f. 117.

[344] Reg. G. 6, f. 177, G. Sander.

[345] Mun. Acad. 755: cf. Ric. Ednam above. A monk gave robes to all the
Regent Masters of Arts at his inception in 1360; Mun. Acad. 223.

[346] Mun. Acad. 419, 451, 452.

[347] Ibid. 453.

[348] Or earlier: see Mon. Franc. I, 347.

[349] Regist. A a, f. 83.

[350] Ibid. f. 62 b.

[351] Reg. H. 7, f. 6 b.

[352] Reg. G. 6, f. 207.

[353] Ibid. f. 104 b, and f. 199 b: cf. N. de Burgo, H. 7, f. 117 b.

[354] Reg. G. 6, f. 194 b: cf. T. Frances, H. 7, f. 68.

[355] Mun. Acad. 396; Reg. G. 6, f. 213 b (R. Saunderson), 214 (G.
Sawnder), &c.

[356] Registers, _passim_.

[357] Reg. A a, f. 51 b, J. David (see Appendix); G. 6, fol. 39, Gerard
Smyth; H. 7, fol. 117, N. de Burgo.

[358] Regist. G. 6, f. 39 b, W. Gudfeld (see Appendix), &c.

[359] e. g. Regist. A a, f. 119, John Alien; H. 7, fol. 119, N. de Burgo.

[360] Regist. G. 6, fol. 257 b.

[361] Regist. H. 7, fol. 51b: cf. D. Williams (ibid.): ... ‘predicet unum
sermonem in ecclesia divi pauli London, et solvat angelum aureum ad
reparationem baculi inferioris bedelli artium.’ Cf. ibid. fol. 64, the
same friar was to pay 12_d._ for the same purpose.

[362] See the will of William Maryner, ‘citezein and salter of London,’ in
Somerset House (P.C.C. Fetiplace, qu. 8), A. D. 1512: ‘Item, I bequeth to
the exhibucion of a vertuons scoler of the said freeres Minours (of
London) to be provided and ordeyned of the goode discrecion of the said
wardeyn of the place, v{li}.’ Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. III,
p. 497: May 24, 1521, ‘to a Grey Friar for his exhibition at Oxford 8_d._’
(weekly?).

[363] Bullarium Romanum, I, 251 (‘Martiniana,’ A. D. 1430), cap. X: ‘...
ita et taliter quod cuilibet studenti pro posse provideatur de suis
necessariis, tam pro libris, quam pro reliquis opportunis, de communibus
eleemosynis per procuratorem receptis pro quolibet conventu sive loco
nativo fratris ad studium promovendi. Exhortantes strictissime in
visceribus Jesu Christi ceteros fratres aliorum locorum, quod quum
viderint idoneos ad studia promovendos, totis viribus eisdem impendant
auxilium, consilium et favorem, ... quaerendo pro eis eleemosynas,
recommendando valentibus subvenire,’ &c.

[364] See note 7: cf. Wiclif, Trialogus, IV, cap. 35 (p. 369): ‘...
quilibet consumat annuatim in persona sua de bonis regni centum solidos et
totidem in aedificationibus,’ &c. Lyte, p. 93, on cost of living at
Oxford: cf. Palmer, in Reliquary, Vol. XIX, p. 76; the king supported
Dominicans at Langley at the rate of 3_d._ a day each, A. D. 1337.

[365] Bodl. MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, fol. 80.

[366] Twyne, MS. IV, 173.

[367] See Wood-Clark, II, 386.

[368] The Register as edited by Boase has been relied on in the main. J.
Whytwell, described by Boase as a friar, was a Minorite (Reg. A a, fol. 23
b): similarly John Harvey (Acta Cur. Canc. F, f. 212 b), and J. de Castro
(ibid. F, f. 263). Edward Drewe (sup. for B.A. in June, 1505) is called
friar by Boase, not in Reg. G. 6, f. 1. Simon Clerkson was a Carmelite.
Reg. I, 8, f. 279.

[369] Those described merely as friars or monks and whose Order I have not
discovered, I have omitted in this calculation.

[370] M. Gryffith (Boase, 168) is described in one place as Dominican, in
another as Franciscan: I have counted him among the Dominicans.

[371] MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, fol. 11 b (Bodleian): ‘Nullus frater cameram
habeat clausam vel a dormitorio sequestratam, ministris exceptis et
lectoribus in generalibus studiis constitutis. Nec in studiis aliorum
fratrum habeantur velamina vel clausura, quominus fratres inter (? intra)
existentes patere possint aspectibus aliorum.’ This MS. dates from the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and contains ‘_Constitutiones fratrum
Minorum_’ made at various times. This extract is from the constitutions of
Bonaventura as re-enacted in 1292. Cf. Mon. Franc. I, 195; Lanerc. Chron.
p. 130. In the sixteenth century the Oxford Carmelites seem to have had a
separate ‘_cubiculum_’ each; Acta Cur. Canc. EEE, f. 249 b.

[372] Wiclif, Two Short Treatises, &c., cap. 13 (p. 30). The custom seems
to have been new in his time.

[373] Cf. note 1. Several grants of timber to the Dominicans ‘_ad studia
facienda_’ occur in the early records; e. g. Close Roll, 42 Hen. III, m.
2; Liberate, 45 Hen. III, m. 6; Close, 53 Hen. III, m. 6, seven oaks to
the friars Preachers, Oxford, ‘for the repair of their studies.’
Representations of these _studia_ are not uncommon in mediaeval pictures
and illuminations. Savonarola’s _studium_ is still in the Dominican
monastery of S. Marco, Florence. Cf. also M. Lyte, p. 204.

[374] Bullarium Romanum, I, 251.

[375] MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, f. 80 b: cap. x, ‘de libris donatis vel
legatis cuivis communitati seu persone ordinis,’ &c.

[376] Cf. Burney MS. 325 _in principio_: ‘Istum librum emit Johannes
Ledbury, de ordine fratrum minorum, a magistro Gilberto Hundertone, de
elemosina amicorum suorum.’ (A. D. 1349.) In Liberate Roll, 30 Hen. III,
m. 10, is a grant of ten marks to a friar, apparently a Minorite of
Northampton, ‘_ad unam Bibliotecam emendam_.’

[377] Mon. Franc. I, 359-360. Adam Marsh writes to the Provincial, ‘rogans
obnixius quatenus ... Bibliam carissimi P. de Wygornia piae recordationis
eidem (sc. fratri Thomae de Dokkyng) ad usum salutarem assignare
velitis.... Insuper non desunt qui de pretio libri memorati cumulatius, ut
audio, satisfaciant.’

[378] MS. Canonic. _ut supra_; cf. Burney MS. 5, Bible belonging to
Minorites of St. Edmundsbury, ‘cujus usus debetur fratri Waltero de
Bukenham ad vitam.’

[379] Mon. Franc. I, 349: ‘Plures, aut audio, reperientur opportuni ad
nunc dictum fratris obsequium (i.e. to act as Secretary to Friar Ric. of
Cornwall), si scripturae quos ex studiosa praefati fratris R. (Cornubiae)
vigilantia manibus suis conscripserint, singulis suae concedantur in usus
utilitatis privatae, tam ad communitatis profectum ampliorem.’

[380] Bullarium Romanum, I, 110. Friars Minors promoted to bishoprics, &c.
shall give up to the General or Provincial Minister ‘libros et alia quae
tempore suae promotionis habent,’ as these must really belong to the
Order. (A. D. 1255.) The books were however practically treated as private
property; see e. g. a MS. in the Bodleian, Laud. Misc. 528, ‘quondam
Johannis Ston et Agnetis uxoris ex dono Johannis, fratris ordinis
Minorum.’ Cf. ibid. No. 176; Ball. Coll. MS. 133, f. 1, &c.

[381] MS. Canonic. _ut supra_, where careful and elaborate instructions
are given: e. g. ‘meliores seu utiliores libri semper remaneant in
conventu’; ‘Libri vero ad communitatem custodie pertinentes distribuantur
in provinciali capitulo fratribus ejusdem custodie tantum per ministrum et
diffinitores juxta disposicionem custodis et fratrum discretorum,’ &c.

[382] Opera Ined. p. 13.

[383] Mon. Franc. I, 391. The MS. of Adam Marsh’s letters in the Cottonian
Collection was probably written in the Franciscan Convent at Oxford.

[384] Merton Coll. MSS. 168, 169, 170, 171.

[385] Gascoigne, _Loci a libro veritatum_ (ed. Rogers), pp. 103, 140. Cf.
Gottlieb, _Mittelalterliche Bibliotheken_.

[386] Stevens, Wood, &c.: who however do not assert it positively.

[387] Close Roll, 10 Hen. III, m. 6 (3rd Sept.). The usual meaning of
_Biblioteca_ in mediaeval Latin is _Bible_, and this may possibly be the
meaning here.

[388] Mon. Franc. I, 634 (from Bartholomew of Pisa).

[389] Nic. Trivet, Annales, 243.

[390] Mon. Franc. I, 185, letter to the Dean of Lincoln: ‘scriptis ... tam
editis quam translatis.’

[391] MS. Bodl. 198.

[392] Gascoigne, _passim_; cf. note in Balliol Coll. MS. 129, fol. 7 (the
handwriting is, I think, Gascoigne’s): ‘et nota quod in illo armario sive
libraria (sc. fratrum minorum Oxon.) sunt optimi libri et specialiter ex
dono domini R. Grostete ... qui fecit plures libros ibi existentes.’

[393] Note in Bodleian MS. quoted in preface to Grostete’s _Epistolae_, p.
xcvi.

[394] Gascoigne, pp. 102 and 174.

[395] Ibid. pp. 126, 177.

[396] Ibid. p. 138.

[397] Ibid. p. 126.

[398] Twyne, MS. XXI, 496: ‘ex tomo 2{o} et lib. 5{o} Doctrinalis
Antiquitatis Ecclesiae Th. Waldeni fratris Carmelitae de Sacramentis, cap.
77.’

[399] Annales Minorum, I, 364. The first of these sermons, if not both of
them, is contained in MSS. Royal 6 E v, 7 E ii, f. 251 b; Laud. Misc. 402,
f. 133; Phillipps, 3119, fol. 62. The sermon _de laude paupertatis_ was
preached on the feast of St. Martin to Franciscans: ‘sumusque in loco
paupertatis et inter professores paupertatis.’ Cf. Mon. Franc. I, 69.

[400] See Gascoigne, pp. 102-3.

[401] Ibid. 140. William of Wykeham left his sandals to his college at
Oxford; Register Arundel, fol. 215.

[402] ‘_Comment. de rebus Albionicis_,’ quoted in Wood MS. F 29 a, fol.
166, and 177 b. John Twyne lived c. 1500-1581.

[403] Wood-Clarke, II, 405, books of Richard Middleton; also some writings
of Robert Kilwardby, mentioned by Boston of Bury (Tanner, _Bibl._ p.
xxxviii.)

[404] ‘Libellus praeterea est instar catalogi de eruditis Franciscanis,
quem olim vidi, atque adeo legi in collegio ei sectae dicato propter
Isidis Vadum.’ Leland, _Script._ 268; other references to it, _ibid._ 269,
272, 289, 297, 302, 304, 315, 325, 326, 329, 406, 409, 433. It must have
been compiled in the 15th century.

[405] MS. Balliol Coll. 129, fol. 7.

[406] Lambeth MS. 202, fol. 99 b: ‘et preter istas omelias super Jerimiam
et ezechielem, scripsit idem Jeronymus 18 libros super ysaiam prophetam et
14 libros super ezechielem, ut patet inter fratres Minores Oxonie, ubi
isti libri sunt’ (note by Gascoigne).

[407] Wood, Hist. et Antiq. (Latin ed.), p. 83; a note from Gascoigne: the
book contained a full account of Grostete’s quarrel with Innocent IV in
the chapter on Excommunication. MSS. of the work are Royal 7 C. XV, and
Caius Coll. 184.

[408] Wood-Clark, II, 380; cf. R. Bacon, Opera Ined. p. 88. Hebrew was
taught at Oxford in the fourteenth century; Twyne, MS. XXIV, 94, 101: cf.
Wadding, VI, 199, on the efforts of Friar Raymund Lully to secure the
teaching of oriental languages at Oxford and elsewhere.

[409] MSS. usually contained anathemas against any one who should deface
or remove them. Persons into whose possession they came would naturally
seek to obliterate all traces of their former ownership; e. g. in Royal
MS. 3 D. I (fol. 234 b) the words ‘conventui fratrum minorum Lichefeldie’
(the former owners of the book) are almost obliterated; ‘a fure viz. qui
codicem abstulerat,’ remarks Casley: cf. Bodl. MS. Canonic. Misc. 80 (a
thirteenth-century Bible), ‘olim Fratrum ordinis Minorum de ...’

[410] Nos. 348 and 403. It is not expressly stated whether the latter
belonged to the Oxford Franciscans; see Smith’s Catalogue, p. 166. I do
not know the age of either of these MSS.; probably c. 1500.

[411] MS. Bodl. 198.

[412] Now Lincoln Coll. MS. 54: see p. 61, n. 7.

[413] Lambeth MS. 202 (sec. xiii). It cannot be certainly identified: the
volume has been rebound and several leaves cut out at the end. There is
nothing to indicate to what house or Order the book belonged. On fol. 81
occurs a note on the title of the ‘_Catalogus_’ of St. Jerome, with the
addition: ‘Hoc Mag. Thomas Gascoigne Oxonia in Collegio de Oriell Ebor’
diosic’ natus; 1432.’ In Ball. Coll. MS. 129, f. 7, is the note,
apparently in Gascoigne’s writing, ‘qui liber (sc. virorum illustrium) est
in armario fratrum minorum Oxonie; et continet idem liber plures alios
bonos libros.’ Lambeth MS. 202 contains also several treatises by St.
Augustine, Isidore, &c.: see Todd’s Catalogue.

[414] MS. Cott. Vitell. C. viii: cf. Mon. Franc. I, p. lxix.

[415] Among the contents are, treatises against the Mendicant Orders,
Grostete’s sermon in praise of poverty, Eccleston’s Chronicle, _Impugnacio
Fratrum Minorum per Fratres Praedicatores apud Oxon’_, and other tracts
relating for the most part to the Franciscans.

[416] Digby MS. 90; this extract is copied from the catalogue. The
treatise has been printed under the name of Simon de Tunstede by E. de
Coussemaker, ‘_Auctores de Musica_,’ &c., Vol. IV, pp. 220-299 (Paris,
1876).

[417] Twyne, MS. XXIII, 488, ‘ex chartophylacio civitatis Oxon. In
fasciculo Brevium’; (this is not now among the City Records). The date is,
‘T. meipso apud Wodestok, 28 die Martii a{o} regni nostri 4{o},’ i.e.
Edward III (not II, as Twyne), who was then at Woodstock; and the mention
of P. de la Beche, sheriff, leaves no doubt on the matter (see Wood,
Annals, A{o} 1327).

[418] Twyne, ut supra: ‘In dorso brevis, ita: “Gardianus ordinis fratrum
minorum et frater Walterus de Chatton confrater ejusdem Gardiani nihil
habent in balliva nostra extra sanctuarium ubi possunt summoneri seu
attachiari; ideo de eis nihil actum est.”’

[419] e. g. his statement that in his time there were 30,000 students at
Oxford.

[420] Sermon in Twyne, MS. XXII, 103 a-b.

[421] Mun. Acad. 233.

[422] Philobiblon (ed. E. C. Thomas), pp. 65-8.

[423] Ibid. (§ 135).

[424] Ibid. p. 47.

[425] The will of Henry Standish contains a bequest of five marks for
books (1535); this is the only instance which I have found. See list of
bequests in Chapter VII. On the other hand it must be remembered that a
friary produced its own books.

[426] See note by Gascoigne in MS. Bodl. 198, fol. 107 (A. D. 1433): ‘et
nota quod omnes note et figure in margine istius libri fuerunt scripte
propria manu sancte memorie Magistri Roberti Grosseteste Episcopi
Lincolniensis, et librum dedit mihi sponte sub sigillo suo conventus
fratrum minorum Oxonie.’ Gascoigne is said to have given the books which
he had from the Minorites to the libraries of Balliol, Oriel, Lincoln and
Durham Colleges; this MS. was given to Durham College.

[427] Cromwell Corresp. (Rec. Office), Second Series, Vol. XXIII, fol. 709
b. Leland, who was evidently received with scant courtesy by the
Franciscans, and who is consequently very bitter against them (he calls
them ‘braying donkeys’), remarks on the dispersion of the books: ‘Nam
Roberti episcopi volumina et exemplaria omnia, ingenti pretio comparata,
furto ab ipsis Franciscanis, huc illuc ex praescripto commigrantibus (aut
ut verius loquar) vagantibus sublata sunt’; quoted in Wood-Clark, II,
381-2.

[428] Mun. Acad. p. 264.

[429] Register G, fol. 35 a (A. Kell); Acta Cur. Cancell. F, fol. 156 b
(W. German and J. Porret).

[430] Leland, Collect. Vol. III, p. 60. Cf. Wood-Clark, II, 381-2. Leland
mentions only one library; but he probably saw all that was to be seen.

[431] Brewer, Mon. Francisc. I, p. li. See the rest of his luminous
remarks there, and in his preface to R. Bacon, Opera Inedita.

[432] Opera Ined. pp. 19-20, Opus Tertium.

[433] Cf. Ibid. p. 116, on the potential value of burning-glasses in the
Crusades.

[434] Ibid. 53. Cf. p. 50, ethical part of moral philosophy: ‘et haec est
pulchrior sapientia quam possit dici.’

[435] e. g. Opus Majus, 46; Opus Tert. pp. 3-4, 10-11, 40, 48, 84; Opus
Minus, 323; Compend. Studii, 395, 397, 400 sqq., &c.

[436] Twyne, MS. II, fol. 23, from Register of D’Alderby, bishop of
Lincoln; printed in Wood, Hist, et Antiq. (Lat. ed.), p. 134, and in
Wood-Clark, II, p. 386. It may seem bold to identify ‘Johannes Douns’ with
the great schoolman, but there is no doubt he was a young friar at Oxford
at the time (he lectured at Oxford c. 1304); and he is in company with
many other prominent schoolmen of the time.

[437] Two of them were already D.D.’s.

[438] Opera Inedita, p. lvi. Cf. Sir Francis Bacon: ‘non accipit indoctus
verba scientiae, nisi prius ea dixeris quae versantur in corde ejus.’

[439] Mon. Francisc. I, li. See ‘Les contes moralisés’ of Friar Nicholas
Bozon. Wiclif is less complimentary to Friars’ sermons: they are ‘japes’
pleasing to the people, and ‘rimes’; Select Works, III, 180. The old
school of theologians, secular and monastic, and the clergy disliked them
intensely.

[440] The Franciscans at Northampton receive ten oaks to build a house for
their schools; Close Roll, 42 Hen. III, m. 6 (dated Oxford, June 26).

[441] Mon. Franc. I, 38. Brewer (p. xlix) gives a misleading version of
the passage. The original of the last part runs thus: ‘Assignaverat enim
in Universitatibus, pro singulis locis, studentes, qui decedentibus vel
amotis lectoribus succederent.’

[442] e.g. Thomas of York for Oxford, Mon. Franc. I, 357.

[443] It was not necessary that he should have been at any _studium
generale_. Thus the Dominicans complain that a friar who has often
lectured on the sentences and Bible _extra universitatem_ cannot lecture
on the Bible at Oxford unless he is a B.D. _Acta Fratrum Praedicatorum_,
Collectanea, II, 226. Cf. Clement IV’s constitutions for the Friars Minors
in 1265, Bullarium Romanum, p. 130, § 5: ‘Fratres autem de ordine vestro,
quos secundum institutiones ipsius ordinis conventibus vestris deputandos
duxeritis in lectores, sine cujusquam alterius licentia libere in domibus
praedicti ordinis legere ac docere valeant in theologica facultate (illis
locis exceptis in quibus viget studium generale), ac etiam quilibet in
facultate ipsa docturus solemniter incipere consuevit.’

[444] Mon. Franc. I, letter 178. It is no doubt addressed to W. of
Nottingham (who died 1251), as in a letter written later than this and
referring to R. de Thornham, Adam mentions ‘Peter minister of Cologne,’ i.
e. P. of Tewkesbury, Nottingham’s successor in the English Provincialate;
ibid. letter 183.

[445] Ibid. letter 179.

[446] Harl. MS. 431, fol. 100 b (printed in Appx. B). Wadding, Vol. X, p.
156 (cap. viii of the ‘_Martiniana_,’ A. D. 1430); Vol. XIII, 73.

[447] Harl. MS. _ut supra_. Cambridge Public Library, MS. Ee. V. 31,
contains letters addressed by the convent of Christchurch, Canterbury, to
the Provincial Minister and Chapter of the Friars Minors in England,
requesting permission for Friar R. de Wydeheye to continue to act as
master of their schools; the letter was written every year; e.g. in 1285,
1286, 1287, &c.: see ff. 21 b, 24 b, 28, 29, 34, &c.: cf. Wilkins,
Concilia, II, 122.

[448] Cambridge MS. Ee. V. 31, fol. 156 b, ‘Littera fratris Roberti de
Fulham quondam lectoris nostri de conversacione sua.’ It is doubtful
whether he is the same as Robert de Wydeheye mentioned in the preceding
note, and whether he had been at the University.

[449] See Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. d. Mittelalters, VI, 63 (A. D. 1292)
and Wadding, _Sup. ad Script._ 717 (A. D. 1467); printed in Appx. B.

[450] Scotland for many years formed part of the English province. Mon.
Franc. I, 32; Wadding, IV, 136.

[451] Stephen of Ireland, Malachias of Ireland, Maurice de Portu, &c.

[452] William de Prato; perhaps N. de Anilyeres, or Aynelers, or Anivers
(Mon. Franc. I, 316, 379, 380). Several English students returned to
Oxford from Paris before taking their degree (e.g. Ric. of Cornwall; Mon.
Franc. I, 39); and probably many came over during the dissensions at Paris
in the middle of the thirteenth century. See also decree of Gen. Chapter
of Milan, 1285; ‘Provintia Aquitanie potest mittere unum studentem
Oxonie’; Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. d. Mittelalters, VI, 56.

[453] See Part II, Peter Philargus of Candia (Alex. V), John de Castro of
Bologna, Nic. de Burgo, Francis de S. Simone de Pisa, &c.

[454] Rymer’s Foed. IV, 30. It was probably in Paris that Roger Bacon was
laughed at by the Spanish scholars at his lectures; Opera Ined. 91, 467.

[455] Part II, Gundesalvus de Portugalia, Peter Lusitanus, etc.

[456] Mon. Franc. I, 313, Part II, Hermann of Cologne, Mat. Döring; Anal.
Francisc. II, 242: ‘Provinciae seu studia, ad quas et quae Provincia
Argentinensis studentes de debito transmittere potest; videl. Oxoniae,
Cantabrigiae,’ &c.

[457] Mon. Franc. I, 38: ‘Usque adeo fama fratrum Angliae, et profectus in
studio aliis etiam provinciis innotuit, ut minister generalis, Frater
Helias, mitteret pro Fratre Philippo Walensi et Fratre Ada de Eboraco qui
Lugduni legerunt.’ Lyons was not a _generale studium_; Denifle, I, 223.

[458] Mon. Franc. I, 39. As the passage is of great interest, it may be
quoted at some length: ‘An excellent lecturer, who studied with me at
Oxford, used always in the schools, when the master was lecturing or
disputing, to employ himself in the compilation of original things instead
of attending to the lecture. Now when he had become lecturer himself, his
hearers became so inattentive, that he said he would as lief shut up his
book every day and go home, as lecture; and conscience-stricken he said,
“By a just judgment of God, no one will listen to me, because I would
never listen to any teacher.” He was besides, since he consorted too much
with seculars and thus paid less attention to the brethren than was usual,
a living example to the others, that the words of wisdom are only learnt
in silence and quiet.... But after he had returned to himself and applied
himself to quiet contemplation, he made such excellent progress that the
Bishop of Lincoln said that “he himself could not have delivered such a
lecture as he had delivered.” So, as his good fame grew, he was called to
the parts of Lombardy by the General Minister, and in the very court of
the pope was in high repute. But at last, as he was in the extreme agony,
the Mother of God, to whom he had always been devoted, appeared to him,
and drove away the evil spirits, and he was held worthy, as he afterwards
revealed to a friend, to enter happily to the pains of purgatory. For he
told him that he was in purgatory and had great pains in his feet, because
he was wont to go too often to a holy woman (_religiosam matronam_) to
console her, when he ought to have been intent on his lectures and other
more necessary occupations; he begged him also to have masses celebrated
for his soul.’

[459] Grostete, Epistolae, p. 334.

[460] Mon. Franc. I, 354.

[461] See Part II.

[462] Peckham’s Reg. p. 977, and Part II.

[463] For dates and authorities, see notices of these friars in Part II.

[464] Liber Conformitatum, fol. 126. This list does not always agree with
Eccleston; the latter mentions e.g. a ‘custody of Salisbury,’ p. 27.

[465] Liber Conform. f. 99. For a curious use of the word, see Liberate
Roll, 17 Hen. III, m. 10; the _custodes_ of the houses of Friars Minors in
Dublin were seculars and trustees of their property.

[466] Liber Conform. ibid.

[467] Mon. Franc. I, 27. In the custody of Cambridge the brethren did not
use ‘mantles.’

[468] Ibid.

[469] See notices in Part II.

[470] Evers, Analecta, p. 60.

[471] Ibid., and Mon. Franc. I, 48. The custodian admitted novices to
profession; Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. VI, 89.

[472] Wright, Suppression of the Monasteries (Camden Soc.), p. 217. The
word is sometimes used as equivalent to _gardianus_; e.g. Acta Cur.
Cancell. ~F~. fol. 53 b. Cf. W. of Esseby, Warden and Custodian of Oxford,
Mon. Franc. I, 10, 27.

[473] Mon. Franc. I, 69. If we may believe Eccleston, the sermon seems
hardly to have expressed Grostete’s real convictions; he told W. of
Nottingham in private, ‘quod adhuc fuit gradus quidam superior, scilicet
vivere ex proprio labore.’ On this sermon, see Chapter IV, p. 58.

[474] Ibid. 55; ‘in festo Purificationis,’ i.e. Feb. 2nd, prob. anno 1237.

[475] Ibid. 29, 31: in the Phillipps MS. of Eccleston (fol. 75) he is
called Wygerius. Jordan’s Chronicle gives 1237 as the date of the
visitation, 1238 as the date of the appeal; Analecta Franciscana I, pp.
18-19.

[476] Mon. Franc. I, 30. A chapter was held in London about May 18th, 1238
(Liberate Roll, 22 Hen. III, m. 11), and at Oxford soon after June 30th,
1238 (ibid. m. 15); the latter entry, dated June 30th, runs thus: ‘Rex
ballivis suis Oxon’ salutem. Precipimus vobis quod de firma ville nostre
Oxonie faciatis habere fratribus minoribus Oxon’ X marcas ad
sustentacionem suam et fratrum suorum qui nuper convenient ad capitulum
sunm apud Oxon’.’ These are probably the chapters held by the visitor.

[477] Mon. Franc. I, 31.

[478] Ibid. 30.

[479] Ibid.: ‘Igitur cum venissent fratres ad Romam, mox petiverunt ut
fratres de cetero in suis locis visitarentur per capitulum generale,’ &c.
It is no doubt to these events that Grostete refers in his letters to
Gregory IX and Cardinal Rinaldo Conti, Protector of the Order at Rome;
Epistolae, LVIII, LIX.

[480] Wadding, Vol. III, _sub anno_.

[481] Mon. Franc. I, 68. The date is fixed by the entry in Liberate Roll,
32 Hen. III, m. 7 (May 16th, 1248).

[482] Mon. Franc. I, 50; probably an offshoot of the errors of Mendicants
at Paris, 1243; see Mat. Paris, Chronica Majora, Vol. IV, pp. 280-3;
Martene and Durand, Thesaurus, &c., Vol. IV, p. 1686, § 8.

[483] Liberate Roll, _ut supra_: ‘Mandatum est Vicecomiti Oxon’ et
Berkshire quod ... cariari faciat unum dolium vini usque Domum fratrum
Minorum Oxon’, quibus Rex illud dedit de celario quod fuit Roberti Blundi
Vinetarii, et eisdem fratribus in die Capituli sui inveniat victui
necessaria de elemosina Regis’ (Woodstock, May 16).

[484] Osney Chron. in Ann. Monast. IV, 318; Peckham, Register, p. 958.

[485] Eulogium Historiarum (continuatio), III, 403; Wadding, IX, 499.

[486] Eulog. Hist. III, 405. The diploma of Innoc. VII (in Wadding, IX,
499) gives the names of the commissioners.

[487] Eulog. Hist. ibid.

[488] Wadding, _ut supra_.

[489] Phillipps, MS. 3119, fol. 87 dorse (printed in Appx. C). This
happened before 1269; the names are not given. Perhaps the explanation of
the following note to the list of lectors at Oxford in Eccleston’s
Chronicle is to be found here: ‘Notandum quod secundum alia chronica
quartus magister ... hic non nominatur,’ &c. Mon. Franc. I, 552.

[490] Chron. Majora IV, 279.

[491] ‘Viri literati et scolares,’ ibid.

[492] The proselytising fervour of the Dominicans is well illustrated in
the letters of Jordan, Master of the Order, 1223-1236, _Lettres du B.
Jourdain de Saxe_ (Paris, 1865), pp. 28, 66, &c.; p. 126: ‘Apud studium
Oxoniense, ubi ad praesens eram, spem bonae captionis Dominus nobis dedit’
(A. D. 1230). But Jordan cherished no ill-feeling against the Franciscans:
Mon. Franc. I, 22.

[493] Mon. Franc. I, 56.

[494] i.e. Robert, not Roger, as Leland and others have supposed; even
Dean Plumptre makes this mistake; Contemp. Review, Vol. II.

[495] Mon. Franc. I, 56. A Papal letter containing the last clause and
addressed to the Friars Minors is printed in Wadding, III, 400; the date
is ‘X Kal. April. Pontificatus anno xii,’ i.e. 1238.

[496] Mon. Franc. I, 56. See letters of Innocent IV (1244) to the Friars
Preachers and Friars Minors in Wadding, III, 433-5. In these the Pope
refers to other letters of his forbidding either Order to receive the
_obligatos_ of the other; the term is now declared not to include novices
during their year of probation.

[497] Fletcher, Black Friars in Oxford, pp. 6-7. John Darlington, one of
the King’s nominees in the committee of twenty-four appointed in 1258 to
carry out reforms, was a Dominican; Pat. 50 Hen. III, m. 42; Stubbs,
Const. Hist. II, 77. The confessors of the English kings were almost
invariably Dominicans. Compare also the part which the Oxford Dominicans
took in the Piers Gaveston struggle.

[498] Dean Plumptre (Contemp. Rev. II, p. 376 note) identifies the
‘unnamed professor at Paris,’ referred to by Roger Bacon, with Thomas
Aquinas, and I am inclined to agree with this suggestion. A passage in
Royal MS. 7 F. VII. f. 159 (quoted in Part II, _sub_ Richard of Cornwall)
would at first sight seem to identify the unnamed professor with Friar
Ric. of Cornwall. But there is no evidence that the latter was quoted as
an authority in the schools (like Aristotle, Avicenna, and Averroes)
during his lifetime (Bacon, Op. Ined. p. 30), nor could the statement that
‘he never heard lectures on philosophy and was not educated at Paris or
any other school where philosophy flourishes’ (ibid. 31 and 327) apply to
Richard (Mon. Franc. I, 39). On the other hand, all the facts mentioned
about the unnamed professor coincide with what is known of Thomas Aquinas
(Quétif-Echard, I, 271). It may then be assumed with some probability that
we have here Bacon’s judgment on his great contemporary. ‘Truly,’ he
writes, ‘I praise him more than all the crowd of students, because he is a
very studious man, and has seen infinite things, and had expense; and so
he has been able to collect much that is useful from the sea of authors,’
but he was fatally handicapped by not going through the regular training
(Opera Ined. p. 327). His followers maintain that philosophy as published
in his works is complete--that nothing further can be added. ‘These
writings,’ Bacon continues, ‘have four sins: the first is infinite puerile
vanity; the second is ineffable falsity; the third superfluity of volume
...; the fourth is that parts of philosophy of magnificent utility and
immense beauty and without which facts of common knowledge (_quae vulgata
sunt_) cannot be understood--concerning which I write to your glory--have
been omitted by the author of these works. And therefore there is no
utility in those writings, but the greatest injury to wisdom.’

[499] Mullinger, Cambridge, I, 120-1.

[500] Wood, Annals, sub anno 1276, p. 306. Peckham, Reg. III, 852, &c.
Kilwardby seems to have generally supported his Order against the
Franciscans: see Peckham’s letter to the Prior of the Friars Preachers at
Oxford; he is amazed at the ‘cruelty and inconsideration’ of a letter of
his predecessor’s, in which the latter apparently made an attack on the
Minorites; Register, III, 117-118.

[501] Ibid. III, 866, 898. Wood, Annals, 318 seq.; Annales Monast. IV, 297
seq.

[502] Peckham, Reg. III, 864.

[503] Ibid. 896-901, 943.

[504] Ibid. 867.

[505] Ibid. 852, 866, 901.

[506] Peckham writes: ‘Diversity of opinion among philosophers does not
dissolve friendship, but among modern vain-talkers it has passed to the
affection of the heart.’ Reg. III, 900.

[507] Ibid. 845-852 (A. D. 1284).

[508] Peckham, Reg. III, 977.

[509] Ibid. 956: cf. 952, the Friars Minors and Preachers have more power
than the secular priests, being _literatiores et sanctiores_ than the
latter. The Franciscans no doubt contrasted favourably with their
neighbour, the Rector of St. Ebbe’s, at this time. In 1284 the Rector of
St. Ebbe’s was summoned by the Archdeacon to answer to a charge of
repeated adultery with the wife of a parishioner, William le Boltere; it
was further alleged that to get the husband out of the way he had twice
secured his imprisonment on a false charge; the second time, the
unfortunate man died in gaol. Ibid. 855. Perhaps there was also a black
sheep among the Oxford Franciscans about this time; an unbeliever might
suspect human agency in the ‘memorabile factum’ related in the Lanercost
Chronicle, p. 136; q. v. (A. D. 1290).

[510] Reg. I, 99-100: A. D. 1280.

[511] Ibid. III, 838-840: A. D. 1284. But see Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch.
VI. 41, 88.

[512] The passage has been somewhat condensed in translating.

[513] Reg. III, 867.

[514] Reg. III, xcix--summary of Peckham’s Liber Pauperis: ‘nihil
possessorie sibi intitulatum; mobile vel immobile, proprium vel commune,
nil dico quod divicias saperet, vel delicias redoleret, aut secularem
gloriam ministraret.’ Among the questions discussed by Peckham and others
at this time was, ‘Utrum habere aliquid in communi minuat de perfectione.’
Archiv für Litt. u. Kirch. Gesch. IV, 46, &c.

[515] Phillipps, MS. 3119, fol. 86, dorse: ‘Veniunt ad nos diversi
seculares et religiosi comparacionem inter statum et statum facientes,
statum vestrum (i.e. Minorum) extollentes, et nostrum (Praedicatorum) in
hoc deprimentes, quod nos peccuniam recipimus, vos autem non recipitis,
judicantes nos in hoc minus perfectos mundi contemptores.’

[516] Phillipps, MS. 3119 fol. 86-88: printed in Appx. C.

[517] Wadding, III, p. 130. Cf. Nicholas III’s bull, ‘_Exiit qui seminat_’
(1279), and Clement V’s ‘_Exivi de Paradiso_’ (1312). Peckham held that
the ownership remained with the donors; Regist., Vol. III, Preface, p. c
(from Peckham’s declaration of the Rule in the ‘_Firmamentum trium
ordinum_’).

[518] On the whole subject see Ehrle’s articles in the Archiv für Litt. u.
Kirch. Gesch. on ‘Die Spiritualen;’ Vol. IV, p. 46 seq. contains a clear
exposition of the basis of the ‘theoretischer Armuthsstreit.’

[519] Lyte, Oxford, p. 118; Shirley, Introd. to Fasc. Zizan. p. xlix; R.
L. Poole, Wycliffe, p. 41.

[520] e. g. among the followers of Ockham was Friar Adam Godham; among the
realists, Friar John Canon, &c. Cf. Wood, Annals, I, 439.

[521] Lechler, Johann v. Wiclif, I, 218 seq. Fitzralph had been deputed by
Clement VI in 1349-1350 to inquire into this dispute; see his Liber de
pauperie Salvatoris, edited by R. L. Poole for the Wyclif Society, 1890
(p. 273).

[522] Select English Works of J. Wyclif, I, 76. Cf. ibid. p. 20; among the
‘fals lores’ sown by the friars, Wiclif mentions ‘of þe begginge of
Crist.’

[523] Bryce, Holy Roman Empire, p. 121 (7th edition).

[524] Pat. 1 Ric. II, pt. 4, m. 37 (printed in Appx. B). John Welle may
have been Warden, though the fact would probably have been stated in the
record; I have not been able to find any names of London Wardens between
1368 and 1398; Mon. Franc. I, 521, 523.

[525] This is clearly brought out in the history of the peasant revolt of
1381, if we may trust Walsingham’s account of Jack Straw’s confession
(Hist. Angl. II, 10): ‘Postremo regem occidissemus, et cunctos
possessionatos, episcopos, monachos, canonicos, rectores insuper
ecclesiarum de terra delevissemus. Soli mendicantes vixissent super
terram, qui suffecissent pro sacris celebrandis aut conferendis universae
terrae.’

[526] ‘Two short treatises,’ &c. p. 35 (cap. 17).

[527] Hist. MSS. Comm. 4th Rep. 442; Lechler, I, 217. His principal
opponent was also an Oxford man, Friar Roger Conway; see notice of him in
Part II.

[528] Ibid. 220 seq. (full analysis of the speech). The original is
printed in Edw. Brown’s Fascic. Rer. Expetend. (1695), Vol. II, under the
title, _Defensorium Curatorum_. A short summary in old English will be
found in Mon. Franc. II.

[529] Cf. statute of the University against ‘wax-doctors’ (A. D. 1358);
Mun. Acad. 207-8; ‘Nam pomis et potu, ut populus fabulatur, puerulos ad
religionem attrahunt et instigant;’ (from Richard de Bury’s Philobiblon),
quoted on p. 42.

[530] Mun. Acad. 204.

[531] Wood, Annals, I, 475 (W. Folvyle, Cambridge Minorite); Twyne, MS.
XXII, f. 103 c (W. Woodford). The Oxford Dominican (?) who writes under
the pseudonym of Daw Topias says in answer to this accusation, ‘To tille
folk to Godward, I holde it no theft.’ Polit. Poems, II, 83 (R.S.).

[532] Rolls of Parliament, Vol. II, p. 290.

[533] Rolls of Parliament, Vol. II, p. 290.

[534] Ibid. Vol. III, p. 502, § 62.

[535] Lechler, J. v. Wiclif, I, 319, 374, 585 seq.

[536] Ibid. 588.

[537] Twyne, MS. XXI, 502; from Woodford’s _Quaestiones de sacramento
altaris contra Wyclefum_, qu. 63.

[538] ‘Quando concurrebam cum eo in lectura sententiarum.’ I do not know
the precise meaning of the phrase: cf. Mun. Acad. 393, ‘Statutum est quod
duo Magistri in theologia, si velint, possunt concurrere disputando.’

[539] See the curious account in the _Continuatio Eulogii Historiarum_ of
the council of bishops and lords held at Westminster under the presidency
of the Black Prince in 1374, the subject of discussion being the papal
tribute. Four doctors of theology were present, namely, the Provincial of
the Friars Preachers, J. Owtred, monk of Durham, an opponent of the friars
(see MS. Ball. Coll. 149, ff. 63-5), J. Mardisle, Friar Minor, and an
Austin Friar. The Archbishop said, ‘The pope is lord of all; we cannot
refuse him this,’ ‘quod omnes praelati seriatim dixerunt.’ The Dominican
refused to give an opinion, and suggested a hymn or mass. The monk used
the old argument about the two swords. Mardisle promptly retorted with the
text, ‘Put up again thy sword into his place,’ showing that the two swords
did not mean spiritual and temporal power; ‘et quod Christus temporale
dominium non habebat, nec Apostolis tradidit sed relinquere docuit;’ which
he proved by a learned appeal to scripture, authorities, and history. The
subsequent proceedings are very humorously told; Eulog. Hist. III, 337-8.
Four Mendicant B.D.’s were, at John of Gaunt’s wish, present at Wiclif’s
trial in 1377, to support him by argument in case of need. Lechler, I,
369, and note.

[540] Mun. Acad. p. 208. He is called merely ‘Frater Johannes ... Doctor,’
the surname and Order being omitted; but his ‘heresies’ are those of the
Franciscans.

[541] Lechler, I, 586. Of the twelve doctors who condemned Wiclif’s
doctrines at Oxford in 1381 (or beginning of 1382), six were Mendicants;
Tyssyngton was the only Minorite. Wood, Annals, I, 499.

[542] These are clearly stated in his treatise ‘_De Blasphemia, contra
Fratres_,’ Select English Works, III, 402 seq.; Trialogus, Lib. IV, cap.
27-32. Ibid. cap. 37, another charge is added, namely, the opposition
offered by the friars to the ‘Poor Priests,’ of which Wiclif says: ‘Revera
inter omnia peccata, quae unquam consideravi de fratribus, hoc mihi
videtur esse sceleratissimum propter multa; emanavit enim integre ex
unicordi consilio et consensu omnium horum fratrum.’ The ‘Poor Priests’
resembled the early Friars Minors in many points, e.g. as itinerant
preachers: perhaps Wiclif, when organizing the former, was led to look
more closely into the ideal which the latter professed to follow; and if
so, he may well have been shocked at the contrast between that ideal and
the reality. One change in the life of the friars--their gradual
approximation to the seclusion of the older Orders, may be illustrated by
two passages from Matthew Paris and Wiclif (allowance being made for the
prejudices of the writers). The friars, says the Benedictine historian,
‘wandered through cities and villages,’ and ‘had the ocean for their
cloister’ (Chron. Majora, V, 529). Wiclif attacks them for living ‘closed
in a cloister,’ instead of going about among the people, ‘to whom thy maie
most profite ghostlie ... Charitie showld drive Friars to come out amongst
the people and leaue Caymes Castels that bin so needeless and chargeous to
the people.’ (Two Short Treatises, &c., p. 21.)

[543] Select English Works, III, 424.

[544] Wyclif, Latin Works, _Sermones_, II, xlvii. Jusserand, _La Vie
Nomade_, p. 186 seq.; Rogers’ Introd. to Gascoigne’s _Liber Veritatum_, p.
123.

[545] He accuses them, e.g. of ‘stinking covetise,’ of ‘simonie and foule
marchandise;’ they are ‘worse enemies and sleers of man’s soule than is
the cruel fende of hell by himself;’ some of them are ‘damned divels;’ Two
Short Treatises, Select English Works, _passim_. Latin works, _Sermones_,
II. Cf. Polit. Poems (Rolls Series), I, 266:

  ‘Ther shal no saule have rowme in helle
  Of frers ther is suche throng.’

[546] Two Short Treatises, cap. 48 (printed by Vaughan, p. 254).

[547] Polit. Poems, II, 49.

[548] Fascic. Zizan. 292-5: the letter is dated Oxford, ‘sub sigillo
priorum et gardiani conventuum et ordinum praefatorum.’ The part which the
Franciscans took in the peasant revolt still remains obscure. An undated
letter of Richard II ‘to the Minister of the Friars Minors of Dorchester’
refers to an individual friar agitating among the labourers about this
time; but whether before or after the rising I cannot say. The letter
occurs in MS. Dd. III, 53, p. 97, in the Cambridge Public Library. ‘Nous
auons entenduz coment votre Confrere et obedientier du dit ordre ffrere
Johan Gorry (or Grey?) fait excitacion et maintenance a les cotagiers et
autres tenauntz notre cher en dieu labbe de Midelton, laborers demorantz
dedeinz la Seigneurie mesme labbe, de rebeller contre le dite Abbe leur
seignur es choses queles ils sont tenuz et deuient fair a lui de reson
selonc la forme de lestatut fait des laborers,’ &c.

[549] Fascic. Zizan. p. 305.

[550] Lyte, 264. A Latin version of the sermon is in Twyne, MS. IV, 172-4.

[551] Fascic. Zizan. 287.

[552] Fascic. Zizan. 298, 301, 311, &c.

[553] Lyte, 273; Wilkins, _Conc._ III, 172.

[554] Polit. Poems, I, 259.

[555] Fascic. Zizan. 343-357.

[556] Twyne, MS. Vol. II, f. 229, letter of Archbishop Arundel to John
XXIII, dated Aug. 20 (1410?).

[557] Wood, Annals, I, 481.

[558] Mun. Acad. 289; the statute before it is dated 1431, that after it,
1432.

[559] Mun. Acad. 376; for other references see notice of William Russell
in Part II.

[560] Wood, Annals, I, 572.

[561] Ibid. 638.

[562] Twyne, MS. XXIII, 188.

[563] Close Roll, 12 Ric. II, m. 42 (Appx. B).

[564] The _Continuatio Eulogii Historiarum_ gives the reasons alleged by
two individual friars for their support of Richard:--(1) personal: ‘teneor
sibi et tota parentela mea quia ipse promovit illam,’ p. 390; (2)
legitimist standpoint: ‘electio nulla est, vivente possessore legitimo,’
p. 392.

[565] Eulog. Hist. III, 388 seq.; Stubbs, Const. Hist. III, 36.

[566] Eulog. Hist. III, 392.

[567] Stubbs, _ut supra_.

[568] Eulog. Hist. III, 391: it is mentioned with less detail in most of
the chronicles of the time, e.g. Walsingham, Otterbourne. Adam of Usk’s
account differs in some points; ‘undecim de ordine fratrum minorum in
theologia doctores,’ &c., p. 82.

[569] Eulog. Hist. III, 391, where his defence before the King, or rather
statement of his position, is given. Before his execution he preached on
the text, ‘Into thy hands, Lord, I commend my spirit.’ ‘Et devote
recommendavit omnes qui causa mortis suae erant;’ ibid. 393. His name is
given by Wylie, _Henry IV_, Vol. I, p. 277. He was D.D. of Cambridge
(Fascic. Zizan. 287) and perhaps had no further connexion with Oxford than
that mentioned in the text.

[570] Nativitas (June 24) or Decollatio (Aug. 29)?

[571] Eulog. Hist. III, 394. The whole description of these events by the
anonymous continuator of the _Eulogium_ is extremely graphic and powerful;
his sympathies are strongly on the side of the rebels.

[572] Anal. Franc. II, 260.

[573] Ibid. 297; A. D. 1435: the Observants in answer to the reproach of
the Conventuals ‘quod non haberent magistros in theologia nec vellent
studere etc., dicebant, quod studere vellent et desiderarent, sed conqueri
de hoc merito deberent, quod ipsi de communitate omnes conventus, in
quibus habet Ordo studium generale, vellent ipsi habere et nullum
Observantibus dare, nec ipsi vellent permittere, quod ibi promoverentur ad
studia, sed promotiones darent illis de sua vita. Sed et propter
innumerabiles dissolutiones, quae multo adhuc amplius vigent in
conventibus studiorum generalium, sicut Parisius testatur locus, qui
dicitur infernus, propter inhonestates tacendas, ne aures audientium
tinnire contingeret, et propter exactiones pecuniarias ampliores quam apud
saeculares, multaque alia tacenda; dicebant, se cum puritate regulae non
posse ibi studere.’

[574] E. g. Gonsalvo of Portugal.

[575] The first according to Wadding (XIV, 252) was Greenwich, A. D. 1480.

[576] E. g. John Billing, Ralph Creswell.

[577] Mon. Franc. I, lxxi.

[578] Ibid. 8: ‘Unde accidit ut Frater Angnellus, cum Fratre Salomone,
gardiano Londoniae, vellet audire compotum fratrum Londoniae, quantum sc.
expendissent infra unum terminum anni, cumque audisset quod tam sumptuose
processisset vel satis parca fratrum exhibitio, projecit omnes talias et
rotulos, et percutiens seipsum in faciem, exclamavit, “Ay me captum!” et
nunquam postea voluit audire compotum.’

[579] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, f. 124 b (2nd Sept. 1529), printed in Appx.

[580] Wadding (VI, 108) refers to the ‘tabula or index of the brethren who
died there (Cologne) such as is kept commonly in the monasteries of the
Order.’ See the curious necrology of the Observant Friars of Aberdeen,
Mon. Franciscana, II, 123-140. Lansdowne MS. 963 is said to contain notes
by Bishop Kennett, ‘ex obituario conventus Fratrum Minorum Guldefordiae,
MS. Norwic. 671:’ it is really notes from the obituary of the Friars
Preachers of Guildford, now in the University Library, Cambridge; MS. Ll.
II, 9.

[581] Polit. Poems and Songs, &c., Vol. II, p. 24 (R.S.). Chaucer’s
‘Sompnoure’ offers an explanation of the disappearance of these ‘tables’
(Poet. Works, Vol. I, pp. 367-8: Bohn’s edition):--

  ‘His felaw had a staf typped with horn,
  A payr of tablis al of yvory,
  And a poyntel y-polischt fetisly,
  And wroot the names alway as he stood
  Of alle folk that gaf him eny good,
  Ascaunce that he wolde for hem preye.

    *       *       *       *       *

  And whan that he was out atte dore, anoon
  He planed out the names everychoon
  That he biforn had writen in his tablis.’

[582] Mon. Franc. II, preface, p. xxxi. Cf. Wills in Somerset House,
Holder, fol. 4 (will of J. Tate); Logge, f. 121 (J. Benet); Polit. Poems
and Songs, II, 29, 33; Wiclif, Two Short Treatises, &c. (Oxford, 1608),
cap. 15.

[583] Wadding, V, 299-300.

[584] Some of those relating to the German provinces are given in Nicholas
Glasberger’s Chronicle, Anal. Franc. II.

[585] Specimens will be found in Mon. Franc. II; Surtees, Hist. of Durham,
Vol. I, p. 27; Archaeologia, XI, 85; Mullinger, Cambridge, Vol. I, p. 317,
mentions a letter of fraternity of a somewhat different kind.

[586] Mon. Franc. I, 552; Appendix C.

[587] The deed of W. Wileford (Appx. A. 1) is not a Franciscan record, any
more than the Public Records are. I have not been able to find the seal of
the Oxford Minorites. It was attached to the original letter addressed by
the four Mendicant Convents to John of Gaunt, a copy of which is printed
in Fascic. Zizan. pp. 292-5. This is the only mention of the seal which I
can recall. There are a few special references to Oxford in the decrees of
the General Chapters; see Index, under Franciscan Order.

[588] See Testament of St. Francis: ‘Oure dyvyne servyce the clerkis saide
as other clerkis.’ Mon. Franc. I, 564. An article in the Dominican
statutes of 1228 (Dist. 1, n. 4) provides that ‘hours’ shall be said
rapidly, ‘ne fratres devotionem amittant et eorum studium minime
impediatur.’ Archiv für Litt. u. Kirch. Gesch., Vol. I, p. 189.

[589] Mon. Franc. I, 10-11; Bullarium Romanum, I, 250.

[590] Wiclif, Two Short Treatises, &c., p. 31: ‘and who can best rob the
poore people by false begging and other deceipts shal have this Judas
office.’

[591] Bullarium, ut supra. Constitutions of Martin V, cap. vi: ‘Item quod
omnes fratres vadant pro eleemosyna confidenter juxta discretionem
Praelati praecipientis, cujus arbitrio committimus discernendum, qui
congrue mittendi sunt pro eleemosyna, vel qui non.’

[592] Wadding, IX, 438; complaint of the Minorites of Cambridge in 1395
that a house of the same Order at Ware was trespassing on their _limites_,
and bull forbidding the same. Cf. Polit. Songs and Poems, &c., Vol. II,
pp. 21, 78.

[593] In early days they carried the offerings themselves in their
‘caparones’ or under their arms. Mon. Franc. I, 10-11.

[594] Poet. Works, I, 382. This poem, though banished, owing to its
coarseness in some parts, from polite society, contains a more lifelike
and graphic description of the English mediaeval friar than is to be found
elsewhere in literature.

[595] Ibid. 367.

[596] Burney, MS. 325, quoted above, p. 56, n. 2. Cf. Twyne, MS. IV, 173,
sermon of N. Hereford in 1382: ‘Cum eorum limitatores satis mendicaverint
pro sua communitate, statim mendicant iterum pro seipsis, et sic falsi
pravi monstrant (se) esse apostatas et frangunt regulam,’ &c.

[597] Opera Ined. p. 16.

[598] _Familiares homines et pauperes_, prob. students or the common
people (see ibid. Pref. xx): the word translated ‘friends’ above is
_amici_. Cf. the frequent charges against the friars that they ‘devour
poore men’s almes in wast, and feasting of Lordes and great men.’ Wiclif,
Two Short Treatises, &c., p. 31; Polit. Poems and Songs, &c., II, p. 28;
Peacock, Repressor, 550 (R.S.).

[599] Bull of Martin IV, Kal. Feb. A{o} 2, recited and confirmed by Martin
V, Kal. Nov. A{o} 10. John XXII by his Bull ‘Ad Conditorem’ forbade the
Franciscans to use the Bull of Martin IV without special license of the
Pope; Martin V allowed them to use it ‘freely and lawfully.’

[600] Wadding, X, 130.

[601] Twyne, MS. XXIII, f. 266 (Oxf. City Archives): printed in Appendix
B.

[602] He is not called ‘_frater_,’ but the omission of this word before
‘_minor_’ is not infrequent.

[603] e.g. Placita de Scaccario, 3 Hen. VII, m. 35; Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~,
fol. 262 b.

[604] Placita de Scacc. 4 Hen. VII, m. 34 d: cf. Acta Cur. Canc. EEE, fol.
124 b; &c.

[605] Chapter House Books, A 3/11, fol. 31 b.

[606] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, ff. 5 b, 158 b, 159 b, 167, 200 b, 258 b; EEE,
72, 107, 183, 202, 238 b, 251 b, 257, 272 b, 273.

[607] ~F~, f. 159 b.

[608] Ibid. 160.

[609] EEE, fol. 107 a-b.

[610] EEE, fol. 257, action to recover debt.

[611] ~F~ fol. 167.

[612] EEE, fol. 183.

[613] On the same page occurs a ‘W. Gos conductor (ut asserit) stabuli
cujusdam juxta collegium animarum.’

[614] EEE, fol. 239.

[615] Ibid. fol. 273.

[616] Ibid. fol. 272 b.

[617] Ibid. fol. 324 b-325.

[618] Denson refused to clear himself by compurgation and was sentenced to
three days imprisonment (commuted to a payment of 10_s._ to the
University) for his fornication, ‘to the terror of others.’

[619] And a more serious one against the Carmelites; EEE, fol. 249 b.

[620] EEE, fol. 230 (A. D. 1530).

[621] Ibid. fol. 238 b; in the margin occurs the entry, ‘ffryer Robert
hora 1{a} xvi{o}’ (sc. die Septembris).

[622] Ibid. fol. 257.

[623] Ibid. fol. 271 b (11th May, 1534).

[624] From this point the entry is crossed out.

[625] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, f. 158 b, ‘Friar Brian and J. Loo, tactis
evangeliis, swore that Brian had lent Garret Matthew 1 mark.’ EEE, f. 95
b.

[626] Cf. ~F~, f. 210, ‘Notandum quod magister Doctor Alyngdon, ord. frm.
minorum promisit se soluturum W. Hows 11{s} 4{d},’ &c. (Cf. ibid. fol. 194
b: ‘gardianus ... obligavit se pro vicecustode domus sue quod dictus
vicecustos restitueret Ric. Wynslo duas duodenas vasium electriorum 5 ly
(?) platers and dyschys and 1 pece more.’)

[627] EEE, f. 161: ‘R. Roberts petiit ... xxv{s} sibi debitos ab eodem
Roberto Puller fratre ex causa emptionis et vendicionis,’ &c.

[628] Ibid. f. 74 b (1528). Prob. the same as Friar Arthur above.

[629] Ibid. fol. 270 b-271 a (1534).

[630] Fleur de Lys, near Carfax: see Wood’s City of Oxford. Part of this
entry is in Latin, part English, as often.

[631] e. g. Friar Nic. de Burgo. See Chap. iii, on the maintenance of the
students. Wadding, IV, 255; VI, 8, on ‘personal annual incomes’ of friars.
Bequests to individual friars sometimes occur.

[632] See Part II, N. de Burgo and J. Kynton.

[633] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, fol. 212 b; 197 b., 210.

[634] See his will in Appx. B. To receive annual rents from lands was
declared illegal in 1302. Wadding, VI, 8. (Cf. Barth. of Pisa, _Liber
Conform._ fol. 98.)

[635] Not Henry III, as often stated. This is conclusively proved by Pat.
1 Hen. VII, pt. 1, m. 4. One entry on this membrane mentions the grant of
25 marcs to the Friars Minors, Cambridge, originally made by Henry III,
then follows an entry of the 27th Nov.: ‘Sciatis quod nos intelligentes
qualiter dominus Edwardus primus post conquestum et alii progenitores
nostri ... concesserint videlicet quilibet eorum tempore suo Gardiano et
Conuentui fratrum minorum Oxonie quinquaginta marcas percipiendas annuatim
ad Scaccarium suum, nos,’ &c. Cf. Pat. 1 Edw. II, pt. 1, m. 17, 1 Edw. IV,
pt. 3, m. 25, &c.

[636] The grant is mentioned in the following records:--Exchequer Q. R.
Wardrobe, 4/7 (17-18 Edward I); Patent Roll, 32 Edw. I, m. 13; Liberate
Roll, 34 Edw. I, m. 1; Pat. 1 Edw. II, part 1, m. 17; Liberate Rolls, 8
Edw. II, m. 3 and 5; 9 Edw. II, m. 2; Treasury of the Receipt, 3/35 (16
Edward II); Liberate Rolls, 10, 11, and 12 Edw. III; Issue Roll of the
Exchequer, 44 Edw. III, p. 78 (printed in 1835); Pat. 1 Ric. II, pt. 6, m.
21 (referring to Pat. 1 Edw. II, and 1 Edw. III); Pat. 1 Hen. IV, pt. 2,
m. 21; Rolls of Parliament, Vol. IV, 195-6 (A. D. 1422, referring to the
grant by Henry V); Pat. 31 Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 32 (referring to Pat. 1 Hen.
VI); Pat. 1 Edw. IV, pt. 3, m. 25; Pat. 17 Edw. IV, pt. 2, m. 28; Rolls of
Parliament, Vol. V, 520, 597; Vol. VI, 90; Harl. MS. 433 (1 Ric. III);
Pat. 1 Hen. VII, pt. 1, m. 4; Pat. 1 Hen. VIII, pt. 1, m. 7; Cromwell
Corresp. 2nd series, Vol. XXIII, fol. 710 b.

[637] Regist. Palat. Dunelm. (ed. Hardy), Vol. II, p. 980 (11th Dec. anno
7).

[638] Ibid. p. 1065, ‘in partem cujusdem annuae eleemosynae, quam de nobis
percipiant annuatim.’

[639] Ibid. pp. 1027-8. Cf. Stubbs, Constit. Hist. II, 130 (3rd edition).

[640] The Durham Register contains six writs on the subject.

[641] Ibid. p. 1085.

[642] Pat. 1 Hen. IV, pt. 2, m. 21.

[643] Pat. 31 Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 32: ‘Que quidem littere nostre (Pat. of
10th Dec. A{o} 1) ... ratione cuiusdam actus in parliamento nostro sexto
die Novembris anno regni nostri vicesimo octavo editi vacue existunt et
adnullate.’ Stubbs, Const. Hist. III, 143, 150 (2nd edition).

[644] Pat. _ut supra_.

[645] Placita de Scaccario, 6 Edw. IV, m. 20.

[646] Ibid. 3 Hen. VII, m. 35.

[647] Ibid. m. 35 _in dorso_.

[648] Ibid. 4 Hen. VII, m. 34 _in dorso_.

[649] In the first three of these pleas, Jacobus Bartelet was attorney for
the friars; in the fourth Ric. Salford appeared all through ‘in propria
persona.’

[650] Twyne, MS. XXI, 812.

[651] Wood, MS. D 2, p. 344.

[652] Valor Ecclesiasticus, Vol. II, p. 191.

[653] Ibid. p. 223.

[654] Oxf. City Rec. Old White Book, fol. 55 b. The Warden of Merton says,
‘He died in 1351, it is said of the plague.’ Memorials of Merton Coll. (O.
H. Soc.), p. 157.

[655] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, fol. 250 a.

[656] Ibid. 254 b.

[657] Some of the wills are not complete, e. g. those of Phil. Kemerdyn
(1446), T. Cartwright (1532), and E. Standish (1533).

[658] As the Hustings Court was only concerned with freehold property in
Oxford, it is rarely that the whole will is found in the Old White Book.
About thirty date from 1348-9, but I do not think that any one of them is
entire. Two Oxford wills of this date are among the ‘Early Lincoln Wills’
(p. 39), those of Ric. Cary and Alice his wife, but contain no bequests to
the friars. This is perhaps the Ric. Cary who granted land to the
Franciscans in 1319; his son, who died 1352, was old enough to make a will
(Old White Book, f. 54).

[659] Cf. Mon. Franc. II, pp. xxvi-xxvii. ‘An analysis of a considerable
number of wills ... from the Registers of the Norwich Consistory Court
..., shows that at a time when the Grey Friars were falling out of favour,
every third will conveyed a gift to them.’ The wills proved in the court
of the Archdeacon of Oxford (now under the care of Mr. Rodman at Somerset
House) begin in 1529. Between 1529 and 1538 I found twenty-nine wills, in
which the town of Oxford, or some person or persons resident in Oxford,
are referred to; of these, thirteen contain bequests to friars, nine of
them containing bequests to the Grey Friars, either alone or (more
usually) in conjunction with other Orders. In the same register, out of
forty-three wills, taken at random from the years 1529-30, 1534-5, five
only contained bequests to friars, three of them mentioning the Minorites.

[660] Twyne, MS. XXIII, 89. His executors according to Twyne were the
Chancellor and Dean (?) of Oxford; ‘sed probatum est illius testamentum
... per A. Archidiaconun Oxon;’ prob. Adam of St. Edmundsbury, who held
the office of Archdeacon in 1223 and 1234.

[661] _Durham Wills_ (Surtees Soc.), Vol. I, p. 9.

[662] Wadding, IV, 240, quotes his will (dated 1264) from ‘Historia
Guicenonii,’ Tom. 2, fol. 59 and 60-7, i.e. Samuel Guichenon.

[663] Twyne, MS. XXIII, 105.

[664] See abstract in Bp. Hobhouse’s Life of W. of Merton, p. 45.

[665] Hist. MSS. Commission, Report V, p. 560. ‘This Thomas Waldere,’ says
Mr. Riley, ‘was probably the wealthiest man of his time in Wycombe.’

[666] Roman Transcripts at the Record Office, ‘Archivio Vaticano Armar. I,
Capsula 9, Num. 9.’ Le Neve, Fasti, III, 159.

[667] Wood, MS. D. 2, p. 61 (Lincoln Coll. Archives).

[668] Sharpe’s Cal. of Wills proved in the Court of Hustings, London, Vol.
I.

[669] Wood, MS. D. 2, p. 59 (Lincoln Coll. Archives).

[670] Wood-Clark, II, 388 note. Wood, MS. D. 2, p. 540.

[671] Lambeth Registers; Islip, fol. 105-106; proved in the court of the
Archbishop in Oct., in that of the Bishop of Lincoln in Nov. 1354.

[672] Twyne, MS. XXIII, 68; he belonged to the parish of St. Mary
Magdalen.

[673] Ibid. 758, ‘ex munimentis Coll. Merton, B 7. 13.’ Twyne says he was
Mayor in 29 Edw. III; but J. de St. Frideswide was then Mayor, and J. de
Bereford a leading burgess. Twyne, MSS. Vol. II, fol. 8.

[674] Nichols, ‘Royal and Noble Wills,’ pp. 46-7.

[675] Balliol Coll. Archives, B 17. 2.

[676] Norfolk Antiq. Miscell. Vol. I, p. 400 (Early Wills from the Norfolk
Registry). Sharpe’s Cal. of Wills, &c., Vol. II, p. 205.

[677] Oxf. City Records, Old White Book, fol. 69 b.

[678] Ibid. fol. 71.

[679] Lambeth Registers; Arundel, Part I, fol. 155, where a memorandum is
added to the effect that he was not buried at Oxford.

[680] Twyne, MSS. Vol. XXIII, 427.

[681] P.C.C. Rous, fol. 32 (at Somerset House).

[682] Register Arundel, Pt. I, fol. 198.

[683] A. Gibbons, ‘Early Lincoln Wills,’ p. 94 (from Burghersh’s
Register).

[684] Ibid. p. 96.

[685] Regist. Arundel, Pt II, fol. 164 b: he was buried in the church of
the Friars Preachers, at Oxford.

[686] Regist. Chichele, Pt. I, fol. 392 b.

[687] Ibid. fol. 425 b.

[688] Old White Book (Oxford), fol. 90.

[689] Mun. Acad. p. 543 (Acta Curiae Cancell.).

[690] Ibid. 557:. ‘pro refectione unius jentaculi sive coenae inter eos
habenda,’ &c.

[691] Lambeth Registers; Stafford, fol. 162.

[692] P.C.C. Rous, fol. 129.

[693] Regist. Kempe, fol. 263 a-265 b; and Mun. Acad. 639-657.

[694] Early Lincoln Wills, p. 186.

[695] Acta Cur. Cancell. A a a, fol. 194 b.

[696] Ibid. fol. 213.

[697] Old White Book, fol. 125 b.

[698] Wood, MS. D. 2, p. 61 (Lincoln Coll. Archives).

[699] P.C.C. Wattys, fol. 174.

[700] _Testamenta Eboracensia_ (Surtees Soc.), Pt. III, p. 284. The will
was proved at Oxford and York.

[701] Old White Book, fol. 135.

[702] Ibid. 136.

[703] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~D~, fol. 48 b. Memorials of Merton Coll., 238.

[704] Ibid. f. 61.

[705] Ibid. f. 209.

[706] Ibid. ~F~ f. 26.

[707] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, f. 28.

[708] Ibid. f. 59.

[709] Ibid. fol. 96.

[710] P.C.C. Fetiplace, quire 1 (Shifford-on-Thames).

[711] Ibid.

[712] Ibid. qu. 2.

[713] Ibid. qu. 1-2: he bequeaths sheep to various parish churches.

[714] Ibid. qu. 7: Lambourn, Berks.

[715] P.C.C. Holder, qu. 2.

[716] Ibid. qu. 6.

[717] P.C.C. Maynwaryng, qu. 2.

[718] Ibid. qu. 24.

[719] Wood, MS. B 13, p. 14.

[720] P.C.C. Porch, qu. 9: see Appendix B.

[721] Ibid. qu. 19.

[722] Acta Cur. Canc. EEE, f. 283 a.

[723] Ibid. fol. 300 b.

[724] Oxf. Wills and Adminis. Series I, Vol. I, f. 2.

[725] Oxford Wills, Series I, Vol. I, fol. 18 b. He had land in Steeple
Aston, Hooknorton, &c.: among his bequests are, ‘Item to our lady of pyte
a shepe. Item to seynt Antony a shepe.’

[726] Ibid. f. 36 b.

[727] Ibid. fol. 58 b.

[728] Ibid. fol. 68 b. One of his sons was a canon of Osney.

[729] Ibid. fol. 103.

[730] P.C.C. Hogen, qu. 26. See notice of him in Part II.

[731] Prob. not ‘religious students.’

[732] Oxford Wills, ut supra, f. 119: no date is given; the will seems to
have been proved in the early part of 1536; Sowche was an owner of pasture
lands.

[733] Ibid. fol. 127.

[734] Wood, MS. D. 2, p. 613.

[735] Ibid. fol. 65. The overseer of the will was Dr. J. London, Warden of
New College; the witnesses Alderman Banister and W. Plummer.

[736] Oxford Wills and Adminis. Series I, Vol. I, fol. 87 b: cf. ibid.
fol. 5, &c.

[737] Wadding, Vol. V, 342-3 (privilege of Boniface VIII, 1295); Mon.
Franc. II, Pref. p. xvii.

[738] Wadding, Vol. XVI, p. 134.

[739] Restricted by Constitutions of 1260; Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. VI,
92. Cf. Wiclif, Two Short Tracts, &c., p. 37: ‘The Friars suffren men to
lie in sinne, fro yere to yere, for an annual rent.’

[740] Cf. Grey Friars at Cambridge, in Willis and Clark, Architect. Hist.
II, 724.

[741] Cf. Chaucer’s Sompnour’s Tale. Forbidden 1260; Archiv f. L. u. K.
Gesch. VI, 92.

[742] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, fol. 135 b: ‘... Confessus est coram nobis
Ric. Barlow quod debet magistris Gilde Sancte Marie in ecclesia fratrum
minorum tresdecim nobilia que mutuo a predictis magistris recepit,’ &c.

[743] Mon. Franc. I. 541.

[744] Lyte 196, and note 1.

[745] Mon. Franc. II, preface.

[746] See their designations or surnames, of London, York, Nottingham,
Hartlepool, &c.

[747] See e.g. John Cardmaker in Part II. The proselytising tendency has
already been referred to. The number of ‘apostate’ friars must have been
very considerable to judge from the frequent edicts against them.

[748] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. V, p. 607. Wadding, V, p. 139,
Pope Martin IV was buried in a Franciscan habit, A. D. 1285. Cf. Ibid.
XIV, p. 58; Polit. Poems and Songs (R.S.), II, 19, 32.

[749] The Franciscans still maintained a certain reputation as
theologians: one of them was appointed each year to preach the University
sermon on Ash-Wednesday; Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, fol. 263 a, 264 a and b;
EEE, fol. 362, 363, 366 b: the custom was probably of ancient origin. Cf.
also the notice of John Kynton.

[750] Lyte, Oxford, p. 435.

[751] Calendar of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. III, Nos. 929, 965. Cf.
Seebohm’s Oxford Reformers, 326-7.

[752] See notices of R. Brynkley and N. de Burgo.

[753] Erasmus, Opera, III, 840: ‘Ego peperi ovum, Lutherus exclusit. Mirum
vero dictum Minoritarum istorum magnaque et bona pulte dignum. Ego posui
ovum gallinaceum, Lutherus exclusit pullum longe dissimillimum’ (quoted by
Mullinger, Cambridge, I, 588, n. 2).

[754] Kynton, e. g., took part in the condemnation of Luther’s doctrines
and books at the conference in London, April 21, 1521.

[755] See notices of John Rycks and Gregory Basset. Foxe (Acts and
Monuments, IV, 642, A{o} 1531) says that Dr. Call, ‘by the word of God,
through the means of Bilney’s doctrine and good life, whereof he had good
experience, was somewhat reclaimed to the gospel’s side.’ William Call,
D.D. of Cambridge, was at this time Provincial Minister of the English
Franciscans. In this connexion attention may be drawn to the lectures on
St. Paul’s epistles delivered by Minorites; see J. Porrett and W. Walker.

[756] See notices of E. Ryley, Gregory Basset.

[757] See Thomas Kirkham (?), R. Beste, John Joseph, Guy Etton, J.
Cardmaker, R. Newman.

[758] One only, J. Cardmaker, appears to have been burnt.

[759] See E. Bricotte, J. Crayford, H. Glaseyere.

[760] Eulog. Hist. III, 337-8. See notice of J. Mardeslay.

[761] Cf. _Munimenta Academica_, p. 208. In this respect the Franciscans
were at one with Marsiglio of Padua and Wiclif.

[762] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. II, Nos. 1313, 1314: Brewer,
Henry VIII, I, 250-3. Cf. R. L. Poole’s Wycliffe, 32-3.

[763] Gasquet, Henry VIII and the English Monasteries, I, 215.

[764] Dixon, Church of England, I, 213; but see Gasquet, I, 248, note.

[765] Dixon, ibid.

[766] Wood, Annals, anno 1530.

[767] Lyte, Oxford, 475.

[768] Wood, Annals, anno 1530.

[769] Boase, Register, 128. Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. IV, Nos.
1334, 6619; Vol. V, 623; cf. V, No. 593.

[770] Wood, Annals, sub anno 1530; Lyte, Oxford, 474.

[771] Wood, ibid.

[772] See notice of N. de Burgo in Part II.

[773] Wright, Suppression, p. 212 (Camden Soc.).

[774] ‘We have sett Dunce in Bocardo,’ &c. Wright, Suppression, p. 71
(quoted by Wood, Dixon, Lyte, Gasquet, &c.).

[775] Wright, ibid.

[776] Gasquet, I, 255. The articles and injunctions are printed in
Wilkins, Concilia, III, 786, _seq._ They were drawn up with reference to
the monks, not friars; but no distinction seems to have been made between
the various classes of religious students at the Universities.

[777] Gasquet, I, 255-7.

[778] Wright, Suppression, 71.

[779] Of the nine Minorites (namely J. Tomsun, T. Tomsun, W. David, R.
David, W. Browne, G. Etton, H. Glaseyere, J. Crayford, and H. Stretsham)
who were admitted to opponency or to B.D. between 1534, when the troubles
began, and July 1538, only one appears in the list of those desiring
‘capacities’ at the dissolution. Many brethren in other convents, and
perhaps in this, fled to the Continent. Gasquet, II, 245-6. Cal. of State
Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. VII, Nos. 939, 1020.

[780] Cromwell Corresp. 2nd Series, Vol. XXIII, f. 711 a (J. London to T.
Cromwell, Aug. 14).

[781] Cromwell Corresp. 2nd Series, Vol. XXIII, f. 709 a (J. London to T.
Cromwell, Aug. 14).

[782] The White Friars had already sold an annuity and divided the
proceeds among themselves. Ibid.

[783] Or ‘vow’?

[784] Ibid. f. 709 b.

[785] Ibid. f. 711 a.

[786] Chapter House Books, A 3/11, f. 29 (Rec. Off.).

[787] Mazer, a large drinking bowl (Skeat); ‘trees’ seems to mean merely
wood.

[788] ‘Knob.’

[789] Cromwell Corresp. _ut supra_, fol. 710 b.

[790] Ibid. fol. 711 a.

[791] Wright, Suppression, p. 217.

[792] Warden of the Grey Friars.

[793] Chapter House Books, A 3/11, fol. 31 b.

[794] The request that he may live in Oxford, &c., is here inserted in
Latin.

[795] Cromwell Corresp. _ut supra_, f. 710 b.

[796] Several words illegible in MS.

[797] W. Vavasour is I think the only Franciscan who studied at Oxford
whose pension is recorded. Cf. Gasquet, II, 453-5.

[798] See Part II.

[799] Boase, Register, p. 222; Munk, Roll of the Royal College of
Physicians, 2nd ed., Vol. I, p. 64. Oxf. Univ. Arch. Reg. I, 8, fol. 138b,
139, 139b, 190, 190b, 192b.

[800] Some dozen instances will be found in Part II; a few are rather
doubtful.

[801] See J. Cardmaker, J. Crayford, Guy Etton.

[802] Private masses though declared to be meet and necessary and
agreeable to God’s law, in the Six Articles, were no doubt falling into
disfavour.

[803] Chapter House Books A 3/11, 9-10.

[804] Cromwell Corresp. 2nd series, Vol. XXIII, f. 710 a-b.

[805] Augmentation Office Miscell. Books, Enrolment of Leases, Vol. CCXII,
fol. 195 (Record Office).

[806] Particulars for Grants, Augm. Office, 35 Hen. VIII, sec. 4 (Record
Office). It is among the deeds relating to Richard Andrews, but there is
nothing to show that he and Howe were at that time in any sense the
‘farmers’ of the property.

[807] Cf. Dixon, Church of England, II, 212.

[808] Pat. Roll, 36 Hen. VIII, Part 3, m. 37; Originalia Rolls, 36 Hen.
VIII, Pt. 4; V, m. 12.

[809] Originalia, 36 Hen. VIII, Pt. 4, m. xl.

[810] Wood-Clark, II, 411.

[811] Ibid. I, 310, note.

[812] Wood-Clark, II, 361, 396, note.

[813] Wood-Peshall, Ancient and Present State, p. 270.

[814] Dugdale, Vol. VI, Part 3, p. 1529: Wood-Clark, II, 389.

[815] Wood-Clark, II, 411.

[816] Hearne’s Pref. to Otterbourne; Parkinson was the author of
_Collectanea Anglo-Minoritica_.

[817] None of the printed books, so far as I know, contain any notice of
the uses to which the materials of the Franciscan convent were put. Among
MS. sources, I have examined the church-wardens’ accounts of Carfax (to
which the Rector kindly gave me the fullest access). Wood MSS. C. 1, ‘ex
archivis S. Petri de Bailly;’ and D. 2 (notes from parish archives). The
early records of St. Ebbe’s and St. Giles’ are no longer to be found.

[818] Jessop, Coming of the Friars, p. 36.

[819] Mon. Franc. I, p. 6.

[820] Ibid. p. 10.

[821] Ibid. p. 21.

[822] Ibid. p. 27.

[823] Mon. Franc. I, p. 18.

[824] Ibid.

[825] Ibid. p. 30.

[826] When Eustace de Merc was warden, and Peter custodian.

[827] Ibid. p. 6. Phillipps, MS. 3119, fol. 71, contains the following
note in an old hand (cf. Bale, Scriptores, II, 41): ‘Hic (W. de Esseby)
aliquando temptatus a carne amputavit sibi genitalia zelo pudicicie; quo
facto papam peciit et ab eo graviter correptus celebrandi divina meruit
dispensacionem. Hic eciam Willelmus post multos annos quievit London.’

[828] Mon. Franc. I, p. 6.

[829] Ibid.

[830] Mon. Franc. I, 31, 43, 58, 61: see Part I, Chapter I.

[831] Mon. Franc. I, 52.

[832] Ibid. 53, 54.

[833] Ibid. 28.

[834] Ibid. 48-9.

[835] Ibid. 378.

[836] Ibid. 377, 56.

[837] Grostete, Epist. 334.

[838] Mon. Franc. 63, 308, 313: Grostete was at the Roman court at this
time. Cologne was constituted a separate province in 1239. Anal. Franc. I,
290.

[839] Ibid. 71. For date, see W. of Nottingham.

[840] Ibid.: letter LXVIII.

[841] Mon. Franc. 64.

[842] Ibid. 63-4.

[843] Ibid. 537, 559.

[844] Ibid. 389.

[845] This is proved by Grostete’s Letters, No. cxiv. From a passage in a
letter of Adam Marsh written at Lyons to the English Provincial, it would
seem that Adam was at first accompanied by another ‘Friar J.’ and
afterwards joined by J. de Stamford: ‘Rogo salutari obsequio meo
carissimos patres, fratres Ric. de Wauz, J. de Stanford, reliquosque
fratres socios sc. et filios vestros; in quorum, si placet, sanctis
recordationibus me et fratrem J. renovare velitis in Domino.’ Mon. Franc.
I, 378.

[846] Mon. Franc. I, 376-378.

[847] Grostete, Epist. p. 334.

[848] Mon. Franc. I, 71.

[849] Ibid. 338, 387.

[850] Ibid. 340.

[851] Ibid. 537, 559, 305.

[852] See Adam’s letters to him in Mon. Franc. I, p. 387, seq.

[853] Ibid. 305, 306.

[854] Ibid. 512.

[855] Dugdale Monast. VI, Pt. 3, p. 1522. Wadding says he became
Archbishop of Dublin in 1284 (V, 134): this was J. of Sanford; Rymer, I,
655.

[856] Mon. Franc. I, 537; 42-43; 305, note.

[857] Letters CLXXVI and CCIII. Letter CLXXV was no doubt written to W. of
Nottingham (P. of Tewkesbury being mentioned in it), but it is unsafe to
ascribe the following letter to the same date. He is probably the warden
referred to in Letter CC.

[858] Mon. Franc. I, 8.

[859] Ibid. 25.

[860] Ibid. 27. In Phillipps MS. fol. 74, is the note, ‘Iste frater
Martinus (de Barton) obiit Northamton.’

[861] Appendix C.

[862] Wood-Clark, II, 387.

[863] Exchequer of Pleas; Plea Roll, 6 Edw. IV, m. 20 (cf. chapter VII);
MS. Cotton Vitell. F xii, f. 289 b.

[864] Exchequer of Pleas, Plea Rolls, 3 Hen. VII, m. 35 (printed in App.
B); 3 Hen. VII, m. 35, dorse; 4 Hen. VII, m. 17, dorse; 4 Hen. VII, m. 34,
dorse.

[865] MS. Corp. Chr. Coll., Oxon, 227, fol. 46, contains _Antonii Andreae
tractatus de tribus principiis naturalibus_: (In calce) scriptus per me
fratrem Wyllelmum studentem Oxonie, a{o} incarnacionis Dom. 1419 [1491?].
Ibid. fol. 118 _Duns Scotus super Metheororum libros ires priores_: (In
calce) ‘Expliciunt questiones ... scripte per manum fratris Wyllelmi
Vavysur eiusdem ordinis, A. D. 1491.’ MS. 228 was also written by him in
1490.

[866] Wood, Fasti, p. 5.

[867] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. V, §§ 6, 18.

[868] Eighth Report of the Dep. Keeper, App. 2, under York.

[869] Misc. Books, Augment. Office, 233 (30-31 Hen. VIII), fol. 154 b.

[870] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, fol. 53 b: in the margin he is called
‘custos fratrum Minorum.’

[871] Reg. G 6, fol. 55. He was still at Oxford in June 1509; Acta Cur.
Cancell. ~F~, f. 92.

[872] MS. Cott. Vitell. F, XII, fol. 277 b. Mr. Brodrick seeks to identify
Robert Burton, Fellow of Merton in 1480, Proctor in 1489, with the
Minorite (Mem. of Merton Coll. 241); this seems to me more than doubtful.

[873] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, fol. 194: see App. B.

[874] The series of graces, &c., relating to W. Goodfield is printed in
App. D.

[875] Boase, Register, p. 298.

[876] MS. Cott. Vitell. F, XII, fol. 277: ‘frater Walterus Goodfield,
S.T.P. et gardianus loci.’

[877] Ibid.

[878] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, f. 212 b.

[879] Ibid. f. 261 b, 262 b.

[880] Ibid. EEE, f. 124 b. See App. B.

[881] Boase, Reg. p. 68. Reg. G 6, f. 220. Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, 124 b.
Reg. H 7, fol. 211 b.

[882] Reg. H. 7, fol. 185.

[883] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, fol. 393 b, 270 b.

[884] Reg. H. 7, f. 152 b, 153; Boase, Reg. 143.

[885] Reg. H. 7, fol. 257, 262 b.

[886] Ibid. fol. 263 b, 271 b; in the latter place he is called ‘pater
edmundus Baskerfell frater ordinis minorum.’

[887] Foxe, V, p. 20: the Martyrologist calls him ‘an unlearned doctor.’

[888] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, fol. 173, 270, 322, 387, &c.

[889] See Part I, Chapter VII: Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, f. 321 a, ‘Datum in
edibus ffranciscanis,’ &c.

[890] Part I, Chapter VII.

[891] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, f. 336.

[892] Wright, Suppression, p. 217.

[893] Reliquary, Vol. XVIII, p. 21.

[894] See Part I, Chapter III. Eccleston begins the list with the words:
‘Ipsi vero inceperunt ut magistri.’

[895] Except perhaps Friar W. Lemster, but it is not certain to which
Order he belonged; see notice of him, A. D. 1290.

[896] Trivet, Annals, p. 243.

[897] Roger Bacon calls Grostete Adam’s ‘master.’ Op. Ined. 187.

[898] Mon. Franc. I, 145, _ab annis juvenilibus_.

[899] Ibid. pref. lxxvii-lxxviii.

[900] Lanercost Chron. p. 58, where Adam after his death is said to have
appeared to a friar and said it was well with him, ‘because I have escaped
the judgment, but that cursed church which I held for three years nearly
gave me over to damnation.’

[901] Close Roll, 10 Henry III, m. 6.

[902] Mon. Franc. I, 15: ‘fuit autem tunc socius Magistri Adae de Marisco
et ad robas suas.’

[903] M. Paris, Chr. Maj. V, 619-20.

[904] Ibid. p. 16. The date of his entry must have been between 1226 (when
he was _Magister_ not _Frater_, Close Roll, _ut supra_), and 1230. See
Grostete’s Letters, pp. 17-21 written before 1231; and Wadding, II, 240.
He probably entered the Order in 1227, or perhaps at the end of 1226. The
entry on the Close Roll about the Bp. of Durham’s library is dated
Worcester, Sept. 3. Canon Creighton puts the date of Adam’s entry into the
Order ten years later. Dict. of Nat. Biogr.

[905] Wadding, II, 48. Evers, Analecta (Hist. of Friar Nic. Glasberger),
p. 33. I have not been able to find any early authority for these
statements. A letter from Adam to the Abbat of St. Andrew’s is extant.
Mon. Franc. I, 206. The University of Vercelli was founded in 1228, and it
is probably in this year, if at all, that Adam went there. Denifle, Die
Universitäten des Mittelalters, I, 290.

[906] Wadding, II, 240-1. St. Anthony died 1231.

[907] The account in Eccleston refers to the deposition of Elias in 1239.
Mon. Franc. I, 45-7.

[908] Cf. Trivet, Annals, p. 306.

[909] Mon. Franc. I, 135. Wood-Clark II, 364: Wood refers to Gascoigne,
Liber Veritatum, I, 663: I have not seen the passage, which does not occur
in the extracts edited by Hearne or Rogers; but Gascoigne cannot be
regarded as an authority in this matter.

[910] Ibid. 232 (prob. Nov. 1252), 281, 335 (Jan. 1253), letter CXC was
however probably written before this time, c. 1250, but I can find no
other reference to either of the lawsuits mentioned there.

[911] Brewer in one place calls him Provincial of the Minorites (p. 613):
this is a slip. Nor was he warden of the London convent; ‘Frater A.
Gardianus Fratrum Minorum Londini’ (Mon. Franc. p. 181) was not A. de
Marisco. See ibid. p. 396.

[912] Ibid. 49.

[913] Ibid. 77. Boniface was elected in 1240.

[914] Ibid. 355.

[915] Ibid. 414, seq.

[916] Ibid. 438-489.

[917] Ibid. 95, 609-612.

[918] Ibid. 342.

[919] Wadding, IV, _anno_ 1256.

[920] Mon. Franc. I, 139.

[921] Ibid. I, 99, 347.

[922] Grostete, Letters, 334.

[923] Cf. ibid. p. 302.

[924] Mon. Franc. I, p. 105.

[925] Ibid. p. 152.

[926] Ibid. p. 275.

[927] Lanercost Chron. p. 24.

[928] Ibid.

[929] Liberate Roll, 31 Hen. III, m. 4 (App. B).

[930] Ibid. 42 Hen. III, m. 3.

[931] Mon. Franc. 294, 295, 298, 299.

[932] Ibid. I, 264.

[933] Mon. Franc. I, 225, 264; and the long account of his trial, p. 122.
Cf. Part I, p. 32.

[934] Ibid. 268, &c.

[935] Ibid. 266-7. A sentence at the end of the letter seems to refer to
the defeat of St. Louis at Mansourah. Cf. pp. 278-9. (The translation is
Brewer’s.)

[936] Ibid. 137, 244, 398. See also Brewer’s preface.

[937] Ibid. 305, 348, 367.

[938] Nic. Trivet, Annals, p. 243; Mon. Franc. I, p. 185.

[939] M. Paris, Chron. Majora, V, 619. Cf. Mon. Franc. I, 412.

[940] Mon. Franc. I, 305.

[941] Liberate Roll, 42 Hen. III, m. 3.

[942] W. of Worcester, _Itin._ p. 81, from Franciscan Martyrology of
Salisbury.

[943] Lanerc. Chron. p. 58.

[944] Bale and Pits give lists of his works, but produce no authority.
Leland states on the evidence of the _Catalogus de eruditis Franciscanis_,
which he had seen in the Minorite convent at Oxford, that Adam wrote ‘a
fair number of commentaries on Holy Scripture.’ One edition of Barth. of
Pisa (Bononiae, 1620) mentions as his works, Elucidarium Scripturae, and
Theological Lectures. This passage is not in the edition of 1510. It is
not probable that the ‘Ordinances for the household of Bishop Grostete,’
or rather Grostete’s Rules for the Countess of Lincoln, are by Adam. Mon.
Franc. I, 582. Royal Hist. Soc., _Walter of Henley_, pp. xlii, 122.

[945] Not his contemporaries, as Brewer states. I do not know when the
title first originated.

[946] Chron. Majora, V, 619.

[947] Epist. Nos. XX and XCIX.

[948] Op. Ined. 70, 74-5, 88, 186, 428.

[949] Mon. Franc. I, 39, and n. 1. Cf. ibid. 542, ‘Rodulphus de Corbrug.’
Cf. Collect. Anglo-Minoritica, 48.

[950] The good effects of Eustace’s conversion were commented on by
‘Peter, minister of England,’ 1251-1256 (Mon. Franc. I, 40). But Eustace
entered the Order during the ministry of W. of Nottingham. Two of the
letters (Nos. 178 and 200) in which Adam Marsh mentions Eustace as a friar
are addressed to ‘Friar W., minister of England,’ but several of these
superscriptions are undoubtedly wrong and the rest consequently of little
value. Letter 179, however, written at the same time as 178 and stating
Eustace’s refusal to lecture at Norwich, is addressed to Robert of
Thornham, who was then evidently custodian of Cambridge (Mon. Franc. I,
62). In a letter to W. of Nottingham (No. 173) Adam states that this
Robert was just starting for the Holy Land, and as he certainly went (Mon.
Franc. I, 62), there is no reason to suppose that he delayed long. What
then is the date of letter 173? That the superscription is correct is
shown by the mention in the letter of Peter, minister of Cologne, i.e. P.
of Tewkesbury, William’s successor in England; Adam also mentions his
regret at being unable to accompany Grostete to the Roman court owing to
his having to assist the Archbishop of Canterbury. These details fix the
date of Robert’s departure (or resolution to depart) to Palestine at 1250:
thus letter 179 cannot have been written later than 1250, and Eustace must
have entered the Order in that year at latest. He witnesses a charter as
friar in 1251; Wood, MS. D 2, p. 537.

[951] Le Neve and others place his chancellorship in 1276; Eccleston
certainly says _fuerat_. Mon. Franc. I, 39, note 2, 41; Phillipps, MS.
fol. 76 a.

[952] Mon. Franc. I, pp. 319, 321.

[953] Ibid. p. 39.

[954] Ibid. p. 555.

[955] Mon. Franc. I, 378. Cf. p. 395 (letter to Th. of York, 1252?),
‘Mittit vobis frater Laurentius (Adam’s secretary) quaternos matris
prophetiae (?) pro quibus misistis,’ &c.

[956] Ibid. p. 90-1. When John Erlandi became Bishop of Roskild, I do not
know: he was translated to the Archbishopric of Lundia in 1254; Langebek,
Script. rer. Dan. Vol. V, p. 583.

[957] Ibid. 114-5.

[958] Ibid. 392. In the same letter is the sentence: ‘Nuper mihi de curia
Romana allatum est Apostolicae Sedis privilegium, pro quo laborare sui
gratia voluit amantissimus frater J., domini papae nuntius.’ Cf. reference
to the same on p. 313 (A. D. 1250).

[959] Mon. Franc. I, 357.

[960] Ibid. 338, 346.

[961] Part I, Chapter III.

[962] Ibid. 39: but see ibid. p. 552, ‘Notandum,’ &c.; the last words
should be ‘et quintus ponitur frater T. de Eboraco.’

[963] Ibid. 555.

[964] Ibid. 357, 392-5.

[965] Ibid. 115. Cf. 393, ‘Bene fecistis ... qui pro patre secundum carnem
dilecti fratris J. de Beverlaco in negotio suae salutis tam consultum
vigilantiae fidelis adjutorium, nec non et in caeteris praesertim ad
salutem animarum pertinentibus, tam exquisita circumspectione exhibere
voluistis.’

[966] Leland, Scriptores, _sub nomine_; cf. Part I, p. 58.

[967] That Ric. Rufus and Ric. of Cornwall were one and the same is proved
by Cotton MS. of Eccleston, f. 77, where ‘rufus’ is added in an old hand
in the margin, and by Phillipps, MS. of Eccleston, fol. 76 a, ‘Ricardus
Rufus Cornubiensis.’ Cf. Mon. Franc. I, 16. He is probably identical with
‘Ricardus le Ruys,’ whose commentary on the sentences Bale saw at Norwich,
‘in claustro monachorum.’ Script. II, 81.

[968] Mon. Franc. I, 16, 39.

[969] Phillipps, MS. 3119, f. 76 a. ‘Iste Ricardus veniens in Angliam
narravit in capitulo Oxon’, quod, cum unus frater Parisius extasi staret,
visum erat ei quod frater Egidius laicus sed contemplativus sedit in
cathedra legens autenticas septem peticiones dominice oracionis cuius
omnes auditores erant tamen fratres in ordine lectores. Intrans autem S.
Franciscus primo siluit et postea sic clamavit, O quam verecundum est
vobis quod talis frater laycus excedit vestra merita sursum in celo (?).
Et quia inquid sciencia inflat, caritas autem edificat, plures sunt
venerati fratres clerici ... in eterno regno dei.’ (MS. imperf.)

[970] Mon. Franc. I, 330, 365, 366.

[971] Ibid. 360, 365. In an agreement drawn up in 1252, after a quarrel
between the Northerners and the Irish in Oxford, and signed by
representatives of the two parties, the name of ‘Ricardus Cornubiensis’
appears among the Irishmen (Wood, Annals, 246). This was no doubt a
namesake of the friar, who is often confused with the friar; he is
mentioned in Grostete’s Epist. p. 138, Mon. Franc. I, 135, Le Neve, Fasti,
II, 184, &c.

[972] Mon. Franc. I, 366.

[973] Ibid. 349.

[974] Ibid. 39. Bacon says, ‘solemniter legebat;’ see below.

[975] It may be considered certain that Thomas of York became lector in
1253 and that Richard succeeded him--whether immediately or not is a
little doubtful; the Cotton MS. of Eccleston calls Richard _sextus_
(_lector_), instead of _quintus_.

[976] Royal MS. (Brit. Mus.) 7 F, VII, fol. 81; cf. Charles, Roger Bacon,
415; the MS. is very inaccurate, Charles still more so.

[977] _Auctorem_, not in MS.

[978] MS. _errorem_.

[979] Charles reads _priusquam_.

[980] MS. _legeret_.

[981] ‘Cui conversationis honestas et claritas scientiae, pietas
affectionis et opinionis integritas, facultas erudiendi et disserendi
subtilitas,’ &c. Mon. Franc. I, 365.

[982] Durham Wills (Surtees Soc.), Vol. I, pp. 10-11.

[983] Mon. Franc. I., 542.

[984] See notice of H. de Brisingham.

[985] Barth. of Pisa, Liber Conform. fol. 81.

[986] Wadding, IV, 325.

[987] Peckham’s Register, II, 421-2.

[988] Hist. Litt. de France, t. xxv, p. 178.

[989] This MS. belonged to the London Franciscans.

[990] Probably the _Summa_ of John Lector of Freiburg; see p. 150.

[991] Ascribed to Thomas Wallensis.

[992] Stated to have been composed at the request of _Episcopus
Maglonensis_, i.e. Magalona, Narbonne.

[993] Mentioned again by Tanner, as a different work under the title, _De
ordinatione universali_.

[994] i.e. _Breviloq. de IV virtutibus_.

[995] The name of the author is given in a hand considerably later than
the MS.

[996] _Mémoires de l’Académie des inscriptions_, t. XXX, pp. 45-55: Peter
was a Benedictine who lived and wrote at Avignon from 1320 to 1340. M.
Hauréau has no doubt made out his case.

[997] Another handbook for confessors is occasionally found bound up with
works of John Wallensis. See MSS. St. Omer 622, § 6, _Tract. de
instructione confessorum_, and Charleville 113, § 2, _Libellus de modo
audiendi confessiones_. Inc.: ‘Simpliciores et minus expertos
confessores.’ It is by John Lector of Freiburg: MS. Mazarine 1322. Hist.
Litt. xxv. 269.

[998] There is an error in Tanner’s extracts from Bury (p. xxxiii):
‘Quoniam misericordia’ given as the _incipit_ of _De disciplina_ belongs
to the preceding work, _Compendiloquium_. Cf. Bale, MS. Seld. supra 64,
fol. 83; Tanner, Bibl. 435.

[999] Royal MS. 3 B. XII (sec. xv): ‘Liber magistri Thome Gude, i.e. Boni,
Doctoris sacre Theologie Oxonie et Ordinis Minorum, vocati Dockyng, eo
quod natus fuit in villa vocata Dockyng.’

[1000] Mon. Franc. I, 359-360: the letter mentions ‘the irrevocable
intention of Friar R. of Cornwall.’

[1001] Or 1265? See notices of H. of Brisingham and W. of Heddele.

[1002] App. C.

[1003] Hist. of Norfolk, IV, 111; no authority is given.

[1004] He is probably the ‘Bokkyng’ quoted by William of Ockham (Goldast,
p. 957); and he is often referred to by Thomas Gascoigne.

[1005] At the end of this commentary: ‘Explicit lectura H. M. et d.
Dockyng super Epistolam ad Ephesios.’

[1006] At the end of this MS. (sec. xv): ‘Explicit expositio ffratris
Thome Dockyng super preceptis decalogi secundum formam textus deutronomii
quinti.’ The same volume contains an anonymous treatise on the creed (‘de
sufficientia articulorum in Simbolo,’ &c.: _Inc._ ‘Est quedam mensura
fidei’), which Bale (MS. Seld. sup. 64, f. 177) carelessly identifies with
Docking’s _Epos. decalogi_; and an anonymous treatise on the decalogue,
which Tanner ascribes to Docking (_Inc._ ‘Si autem vis ad vitam ingredi’):
cf. MS. Laud. Misc. 524, fol. 67 b (olim Laud. F. 12).

[1007] Tanner (Bibl. 230) mentions his _Correctiones in S. Scripturam_,
‘MS. olim in monast. Sion;’ and _Tabulam super Grammaticam Dokking_, MS.
Linc. Cathed. Libr. F. 18.

[1008] Brewer’s reading ‘A. de Brisigham’ is incorrect: MSS. Cott. Nero, A
IX, and Phillipps, 3119, f. 76.

[1009] MS. Laud. Misc. 2, fol. 159 b.

[1010] ‘Frater T. Brisigham, sed incepit Oxoniae, &c.’ Mon. Franc. I, 555.

[1011] Hist. of Norfolk, IV, p. 114. Cf. Bale, _Script._

[1012] Bale, _Script._ II, 93-4; MS. Seld. sup. 64, fol. 65 b; Wadding,
_Script._ 166. This may equally well have been Henry de Apeltre, the
twelfth lector.

[1013] Mon. Franc. I, 360.

[1014] Appendix C.

[1015] Lan. Chron. p. 81.

[1016] Mon. Franc. I, 537, 552, 555, 560. Blomefield, Norfolk, IV, 114.
Charles, Roger Bacon, p. 24.

[1017] Leland, Script. p. 302.

[1018] Peckham, _Registrum_, p. 902: ‘in ipsius vicinia coaluimus a parvo,
et ab ejusdem professoribus solatia recepimus et honores.’

[1019] Mon. Franc. I, 256. The date is uncertain. Adam Marsh describes
him, ‘quem et honestior conversatio et litteratura provectior
commendabiliter illustrant.’ For the spelling of the name, cf. Rymer’s
Foed. I, 800, ‘Peschan.’

[1020] This is merely a deduction from the fact that Adam Marsh wrote
about his entering the Order.

[1021] _Registrum_, p. 977. It is hardly necessary to add that he was not
a student at Merton; as Archbishop, he was patron of the college; ibid.
123.

[1022] Mon. Franc. I, 537, 552. Trivet, Annales, p. 299.

[1023] Regist. p. 315.

[1024] Ibid. 866, 898. Henry of Ghent was also present; see his
_Quodlibeta_, Quodl. II, quaest. ix.

[1025] Regist. III, xcvii, seq. (preface).

[1026] N. Trivet, p. 299.

[1027] Close Roll, 3 Edw. I, m. 18, dorse.

[1028] Mon. Franc. I, 537, 560. Mr. Martin says that Provincial Ministers
were at this time appointed by the General: this was the case at first,
but the custom was departed from as early as the time of William of
Nottingham (1240). Mon. Franc. I, 59.

[1029] Mon. Franc. I, 560. Trivet, 299, Lanerc. Chron. 100; Denifle, I,
301, seq.

[1030] Lanercost Chron. 100, ‘post biennium.’ Nicholas III was elected
Nov. 25, 1277; this leaves little more than a year before Peckham’s
nomination to the Archiepiscopate; but it is not likely that he was made
lector by John XXI. Le Neve, Fasti; Milman, VI, 410.

[1031] _Registrum_, pp. 210, 248.

[1032] Ibid. 715, 68-9, 38-9.

[1033] Lanerc. Chron. 144; Wadding, V, 53, 80: _Registrum_, I, pref. lx,
xcix.

[1034] Mon. Franc. I, 537.

[1035] MS. Cott. Vitell. F, XII, f. 274.

[1036] Rymer, I, 800. An account of his bequests to Christ Church,
Canterbury, will be found in the Public Library at Cambridge, MS. Ee, V,
31, f. 74 b.

[1037] Annales, p. 299.

[1038] Nicholas Glasberger says that he wrote a life of St. Anthony of
Padua, ‘_miro stilo_,’ at the command of the Minister-General, Jerome of
Ascoli. Anal. Franc. II, 91.

[1039] Mon. Franc. I, 552, 555. See H. de Brisingham, note 5. (Appletree
in Derby, or in Northampton, or Appletree-Wick in Yorkshire?)

[1040] He may be the same as Robert de Sancta Cruce who went to the
Minister General with a letter of recommendation from Adam Marsh (c.
1250?). Mon. Franc. I, 333.

[1041] Peckham, Reg. 117-8.

[1042] Mon. Franc. I, 537, 560.

[1043] Pat. 12 Edw. I, m. 9.

[1044] Peckham, Reg. 820.

[1045] Pat. 13 Edw. I, m. 27.

[1046] Peckham, Reg. 909.

[1047] Mon. Franc. I, 537, 560.

[1048] Mon. Franc. I, 552, 555, 560. Other variations are Merston (ibid.
537, and Assisi MS. 158, quest. 6) and Mirstun (Assisi MS. 158, quest.
134).

[1049] Assisi MS. 158, questions 6, 134, 144. Qu. 134 runs thus:
‘Disputacio Rogeri de Mirstun ordinis minorum.’ (Inc.) ‘Circa emanacionem
eternam.’ (At end): ‘Ad (?) hanc questionem respondetur quod essencia est
principium, quo sit omnis productio.’

[1050] Mon. Franc. I, 555: ‘incepit Oxoniae.’

[1051] Archiv f. Litt. u. K. Gesch. d. M. III, 459; cf. 413. Are any of
his writings extant except the questions at Assisi?

[1052] Blomefield’s Norfolk, IV, 112.

[1053] Mon. Franc. I, 537.

[1054] Assisi MS. 158 twice mentions _Waker_, who may be this Wakerfield.
Quest. 76, and at the end of the volume ‘Waker dis(putavit) R(espondit)
Penn(ard).’

[1055] Appendix C.

[1056] In Devon’s Exchequer Issue Rolls, Hen. III-Hen. VI, p. 114, there
is mention of ‘Master Nicholas de Ocham,’ 30 Edw. I.

[1057] Assisi MS. 158, questions 161-3, 165 (of considerable length), 123,
‘questio in vesperiis de Hotham’; and near the end of the volume, ‘questio
Hotham in vesperiis cnol (?) Oxon. Respondit persel.’ The last letter in
the name ‘Cnol’ is uncertain; but it is probably Walter de Knolle, Ocham’s
successor at Oxford. Cf. H. de Hertepol and J. de Persora below.

[1058] Tanner, Bibl. 556.

[1059] Wadding, Sup. ad Script. 563.

[1060] Mon. Franc. I, 552, 556.

[1061] Savage, Balliofergus, p. 15.

[1062] In MS. 158 at Assisi. See Part I, Chapter III.

[1063] Ibid. quest. 185.

[1064] Q. R. Wardr. 8/2 (R.O.), this refutes the statement in Collect.
Angl. Min. that he was unanimously elected in 1300.

[1065] Wood, MS. F, 29 a, fol. 178.

[1066] Q. R. Wardr. 13/35, m. 1. Cf. Rymer’s Foed. I, 936.

[1067] Almain Roll. 30 Edw. I (R.O.). Cf. Mon. Franc. I, 514 (1302).

[1068] Rodulphus, quoted by Wadding, Script. 360.

[1069] Mon. Franc. I, 537. The author of ‘Collis Paradisi’ (?) however
quotes the following epitaph: ‘Hic jacet Fr. Hugo de Hergilpol Anglicus
Mag. in S. T. quondam Minister Angliae, qui obiit III id. Septembris A. D.
MCCC seđo. Orate pro anima ejus.’ Wadding, ibid. The General Chapter met
at Assisi in 1304, Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. VI, 67. Hugh was appointed
ambassador to Rome, Sept. 9, 1302.

[1070] Bale, _Script._, I. 413; Leland, _Script._, 326; J. Picus Mirand.,
_Opera Omnia_ (Basel, 1572), Tom. I. _Contra Astrol._, Book XII.

[1071] Wood-Clark, II, 371. Memorials of Merton Coll. 185, n. 1.

[1072] ‘Fratri Barnabe Magistro fratrum Minorum;’ the rest of the passage
is worn away: Q. R. Wardrobe, 25/1 (R.O.). The note in MS. Merton Coll.
55, f. 261, ‘memoriale fratris Thome de Barneby pro 14 solidis,’ is of the
fifteenth century.

[1073] Mon. Franc. I, 537, 560.

[1074] See notice of Richard Conyngton.

[1075] Wilkins, Concilia, II, 399.

[1076] Mon. Franc. I, 537.

[1077] Geynysborough, Geynisborn, Geinesburgh, &c.

[1078] Mon. Franc. I, 553, ‘qui primus (prius?) fuerat minister.’ This was
by no means unprecedented; Anal. Franc. I, 16: ‘Minister Generalis ...
absolvit fratrem Simonem a ministerio Theutoniae et lectorem instituit.’
Cf. instances among the Dominicans, Martene, Thes. Nov. Anecd. IV, pp.
1791, 1822.

[1079] Peckham, Regist. 909. Mon. Franc. I, 537, 560. Cf. Chapter House
Records (R.O.), A 1/22, p. 61: ‘fratri Willelmo de Geynesburg’ ministro
fratrum minorum in Anglia revertenti in Angliam de Burdeg’ ad expensas
suas ... de dono Regis lxvi{s} viii{d} sterl’;’ May 13 (1287 ?).

[1080] Trivet, Annales, 331.

[1081] Queen’s Remembr. Wardrobe, 8/2, m. 1 (R.O.).

[1082] ‘Wardrobe Account 28 Edw. I,’ ed. Topham, p. 164. Mon. Franc. I,
537, 553, 560, ‘qui in curia Romana legit cursorie et ordinarie.’ Lanerc.
Chron. says he was called to the Curia to read theology ‘coram
cardinalibus,’ p. 194.

[1083] ‘Wardrobe Account,’ _ut supra_ (May, 1300).

[1084] Lanerc. Chron. 194; cf. date of his appointment to Worcester.

[1085] Almain Roll, 28 Edw. I (R.O.).

[1086] Ibid. 30 Edw. I.

[1087] Le Neve, Fasti, III, 53. Annal. Monast. IV, 554, 555. For a full
account of the inthronization, see Thomas, Survey of Worcester, App. No.
76.

[1088] Pat. Roll, in Le Neve, III, 53, n. 96. Cf. Stubbs, Const. Hist.
III, 308-9.

[1089] Thomas, Survey, App. No. 77; cf. Ann. Monast. IV, 556.

[1090] Cf. Rymer’s Foed. I, p. 979.

[1091] Lanerc. Chron. 206.

[1092] Rymer’s Foed. I, 1012; Lanerc. Chron. 210.

[1093] Rot. Rom. I Edw. II, m. 10 (Le Neve); Thomas, Survey, App. No. 78.

[1094] Thomas, ibid.

[1095] Lanerc. Chron. 210.

[1096] Mon. Franc. I, 537, 553.

[1097] Assisi MS. 158, quest. 119: ‘Disputavit Gilbertus (Stratton?);
Respondit Rundel minor.’

[1098] Phillipps MS. 3119, fol. 76, ‘qui legerat sentencias Parisius.’

[1099] Wilkins, Concil. II, 336, 337, &c.; cf. 370, ‘presentibus magistris
minorum et predicatorum, gardiano minorum,’ &c.

[1100] Mon. Franc. I, 553.

[1101] Phillipps MS., _ut supra_.

[1102] Wood MS. F, 29 a, f. 178.

[1103] Mon. Franc. I, 556.

[1104] Pat. 14 Edw. II, m. 9.

[1105] ‘In festo Epiphanie; Minorum; Houdene.’ The MS. dates from the
latter part of the 14th cent., but we may without much hesitation identify
‘Houdene’ with Adam of Hoveden, as the other preachers mentioned belong to
the end of the 13th century, e.g. Henry de Sutton, friar minor, Symon de
Gandavo, Chancellor (Oxford), &c.

[1106] Wood MS. F, 29 a, f. 178.

[1107] Assisi MS. 158, quest. 179. Ric. de Hederington succeeded to the
prebend of Ailesbury in 1290. Le Neve, II, 95.

[1108] Brewer’s reading Haldeswel is wrong. The Phillipps MS. also reads
Baldeswelle.

[1109] Wood MS., _ut supra_.

[1110] Wood MS., _ut supra_.

[1111] Archiv f. Litt. u. Kirch. Gesch. II, 361; III, 39; IV, 28 seq.

[1112] Script. cent. V, 26.

[1113] See above.

[1114] Mon. Franc. I, 556.

[1115] Ibid. 538, 560. Reports of Hist. MSS. Commission, IV, 393 a, letter
of Gonsalvo, Minister General to ‘Friar R. minister of England,’ 1310.

[1116] Archiv f. Litt. u. K. Gesch. II, 356; III, 39; Wadding, VI, 171.

[1117] Mon. Franc. I, 538, 553. Bale gives 1330 as the date of his death.

[1118] Leland, Script. 331; Bale, I, 404.

[1119] Wadding, VII, 168.

[1120] MS. Bodl., Seld. supra 64, fol. 160.

[1121] Wood MS., _ut supra_; Wilkins’ Concilia, II, 399; Lea, Hist. of the
Inquisition, III, 301.

[1122] Mon. Franc. I, 553. Cf. Digby MS. 154, f. 37 (sec. xiii, xiv);
Letters of Friars P. de S. and others, to Roger de Merlawe, c. 1290-1300
(v. ibid. f. 38).

[1123] MS. Cott. Nero, A, IX.

[1124] MS. Phillipps, 3119; Brewer’s ‘Rockysley’ is a mistake.

[1125] Mon. Franc. I, 553.

[1126] Wood MS. F, 29 a, &c.

[1127] Twyne, MS. III, 327 (Acta fratrum Praedicatorum). ‘Item Fratri
Henrico Croy conventus fratrum Praedicatorum antedicti, Baculario Sacrae
Theologiae pro Inceptione in Theologia se disponenti responsiones ad hoc
secundum statuta Universitatis praedictae necessario requisitae per
magistrum Willelmum de Schireburn magistrum Fratrum Minorum et alios etiam
magistros prius concessae, de ordinatione ipsorum Cancellarii et
Procuratorum ac quorundam aliorum magistrorum, sunt penitus denegatae.’
(Oxf. Hist. Soc. Collectanea, II, 241.)

[1128] Tanner, Bibl. 668. Harl. MS. 5398 (§ 3) contains a Sermon
attributed to John Schyrborn.

[1129] Mon. Franc. I, 70, 538.

[1130] Ball. Coll. MS. 33.

[1131] Merton Coll. MSS. 166, 168, 169, 170, 158.

[1132] Mon. Franc. I, 538, 560.

[1133] Wadding, VI, 396-7: he confuses William Provincial of England with
William of Ockham; VII, _sub anno_ 1323.

[1134] MS. Seld. sup. 64, fol. 215.

[1135] Mon. Franc. I, 538.

[1136] Mun. Acad. p. 100.

[1137] Annals, _sub anno_ 1270; elsewhere Wood calls him John Middleton,
Minorite, ibid. p. 386.

[1138] Script. Brit. I, 365.

[1139] Bibl. p. 778.

[1140] I have not found this reference; Baconthorpe’s commentaries on
Sentences I and II fill a folio volume of 378 leaves (Milan, 1510).

[1141] According to the Old Catalogue, MS. Bodl. 783 contains a treatise
by a John Wylton (the monk of Westminster?); the entry is erroneous; the
MS. (now Laud. Misc. 677) contains nothing about John Wylton.

[1142] Mon. Franc. I, 553.

[1143] Wood MS., _ut supra_. Another William of Alnwick was bishop of
Norwich and Lincoln in the fifteenth century.

[1144] Mon. Franc. I, 553: ‘postea apud Montem Bononiae Neapoli legit;
demum Episcopus.’

[1145] Wadding, VI, 396; Anal. Franc. II, 129: ‘Hugo de Novo Castro et
Gulielmus de Almuchia, sacrae theologiae doctores.’

[1146] Wadding, VII, 112, 169, ‘ex Regest. Rob. Regis Siciliae.’

[1147] Bale and Pits.

[1148] Lib. Conform. f. 81 b, ‘Almoith.’

[1149] MS. Harl. 31, f. 96 b.

[1150] Tanner, Bibl. 354, says his commentaries on the Sentences ‘extant
impr.... Lip.’ (?)

[1151] P. 135, a curious story about the Jews at Paris; ‘frater W.
Herbert, qui vidit,’ &c.

[1152] Bernard’s Catalogues, Tom. II, no. 9159: Phillipps Catal. No. 8336;
the same volume contains some works of Friar Nicholas Bozon (‘Boioun’). I
have not had an opportunity of examining these works of Herbert’s, which
are probably of some value.

[1153] Not mentioned in the Phillipps Catalogue.

[1154] _Inc._: ‘Ha troe yat art so vayr y kud;’ Phill. Catal.

[1155] Mon. Franc. I, 553.

[1156] Ibid. 554.

[1157] Ibid.

[1158] MS. Digby, 212, f. 2.

[1159] Hist. MSS. Commission, Report IV, 443 (deed in Ball. Coll.
Archives).

[1160] Hist. MSS. Commission, Report IV, 443 (deed in Ball. Coll.
Archives).

[1161] Leland’s authority was probably the Catalogue of Franciscan writers
in which R. of Leicester was mentioned: ‘colligo hunc (Robertum) fuisse
Guil. Hereberti synchronium, instructus serie Catalogi _De Scriptoribus
Franciscanis_, editi;’ _Scriptores_, p. 304.

[1162] A monk of this name is mentioned in MS. 24 of Corp. Chr. Coll.
Cambridge, A. D. 1348.

[1163] Chtantton (_sic_) in MS. Nero A, IX; omitted in Phillipps MS. The
name is given in a variety of forms: Certhanton or Certanton (Wood),
Southampton (Brewer), Catton, Gathon, Chattodunus (Leland), Ceton, Cepton,
Tepton (Barth. of Pisa, Pits, &c.), Schaton (N. Glasberger, Analecta
Francisc. II, 166), Canton (‘Chronologia historico-legalis seraphici
Ordinis Fratrum Minorum,’ Neapoli, 1650; quoted ibid. note 5), Chvaton
(Baronius-Raynaldus).

[1164] Twyne, MS. XXIII, 488, from the Oxford City Records; cf. Part I,
ch. iv.

[1165] Blomefield, Hist, of Norfolk, IV, p. 112. There is a Catton near
Norwich.

[1166] Baronius-Raynaldus, Ann. Ecclesiast. Vol. XXV, p. 92; Anal. Franc.
II, p. 166.

[1167] Script. Brit. I, 420.

[1168] Liber Conformitatum, f. 81 b; Defensorium, cap. 62 (Twyne, MS.
XXII, 103 c).

[1169] Woodford refers to ‘Chatone’s’ commentaries on the Sentences; MS.
Harl. 31, ff. 61, 96.

[1170] Script. I, p. 409.

[1171] Cf. MS. Seld. sup. 64, f. 75.

[1172] Tanner, Bibl. p. 473: ‘MS. olim in bibl. Sion.’ The work is however
printed and ascribed to Laurence Valla (see Panzer, Ann. Typ.).

[1173] Archiv f. Litt. u. Kirch. Gesch. II, 171.

[1174] Fratini, _Storia ... del Convento di S. Francesco in Assisi_
(Prato, 1882), p. 205.

[1175] Mon. Franc. I, 560; Tanner, Bibl. 638.

[1176] Mon. Franc. I, 554, 560, 538. Cf. John Major, Gesta Scotorum, I,
cap. 5.

[1177] Mon. Franc. I, 538, 554.

[1178] Ibid. 538.

[1179] Ibid.

[1180] Willott, Athenae, pp. 237-8. According to Sbaralea, the _Thesaurus_
was approved in 1503, parts were printed at Milan in 1506, and the entire
work was preserved in the Franciscan Library at Assisi; Wadding, Sup. ad
Script. p. 451.

[1181] The ‘G’ is certainly wrong; the initial ‘T’ is inserted in a later
hand in Cott. MS. The name is doubtful; MS. reads Stanscħ or Stanftħ.

[1182] Tanner, Bibl. 691.

[1183] MS. Seld. supra 64, fol. 175; Script. I, 427-8.

[1184] MS. and Script. _ut supra_.

[1185] Barth. of Pisa, Liber Conformitatum, f. 81 b; Wadding, VI, 344.
John Major, who edited a version of his Sentences in 1512, calls him: ‘Vir
modestus, sed non inferioris doctrinae aut ingenii quam Ockam,’ Gesta
Scot. Lib. IV, cap. 21.

[1186] Tanner, Bibl. 329; Wadding, VIII, 139; J. Major’s preface to
Wodham’s Sentences, ed. 1512.

[1187] Wadding, Sup. ad Script. 327.

[1188] Analecta Franciscana, II, 177.

[1189] Bale, Script. I, 447.

[1190] In the Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, MS. 514 (_olim_ 551) has the
note: ‘Verisimile est authorem hujus libri esse magistrum Adamum de
Rodromo’ (i.e. Wodham). The MS. really contains only Peter Lombard’s
Sentences without any commentary.

[1191] Cf. notice of Walter Chatton.

[1192] Bale adds that he wrote _Sententias et conclusiones_, Lib. I,
‘Absolutio criminis sive peccati’ (on the power of the Mendicants to hear
confessions, especially against Wetheringsete), _ex officina Ricardi
Kele_; _Sententias Oxoniensis consilii_, Lib. I, ‘Sententie septem
ponuntur’ (?). MS. Bodl. Seld. sup. 64, fol. 9. For Wetheringsete or
Wetherset, see Tanner, Bibl. 759.

[1193] Mon. Franc. I, 560.

[1194] Ibid. 538.

[1195] W. of Nottingham, 17th Minister in 1322; Thomas Kingesbury, 26th
Minister in 1380; the dates between these are uncertain.

[1196] Script. Brit. I, 432.

[1197] Mon. Franc. I, 538, 560.

[1198] Unless the conjecture about J. Valeys is correct.

[1199] Digby, MS. 90, f. 6b (14th century), in Bodleian.

[1200] Tanner, Bibl. 567. The chronicle is in Brit. Mus. MS. Cotton,
Vitell. F, IX.

[1201] The name is unfortunately not clearly written in the Cott. MS: it
may be _Vilers_: cf. Memorials of Merton Coll. p. 199.

[1202] Wood, Annals, A. D. 1349.

[1203] Pat. 1 Ric. II, pt. 4, m. 37.

[1204] Mon. Franc. I, p. 5.

[1205] Wadding, I, 303; Anal. Franc. II, pp. 14-15.

[1206] Christ. Davenport, Opera omnia (Duaci 1665), Tom. I, Hist. Minor,
p. 2: he adds, ‘Originale meo adhuc tempore in Episcopio Audomarensi
servabatur.’

[1207] Mon. Franc. I, p. 5. Cf. Lanerc. Chron. p. 30; Annals of Worc. p.
416 (Ann. Monast. IV).

[1208] Mon. Franc., ibid.

[1209] Ibid. 53-4.

[1210] Ibid. 34, 35, 36-7.

[1211] Mon. Franc. I, 37; cf. Barth. of Pisa, fol. 79 b.

[1212] Mon. Franc. ibid.

[1213] Chron. Majora, III, 257: ‘familiaris erat domino regi et
consiliarius ipsius.’

[1214] Ibid. Cf. p. 251; Mon. Franc. I, 52; Ann. Monast. I, 92.

[1215] Mon. Franc. ibid.

[1216] He was present at the translation of the body of St. Francis in
1230; ibid. 5.

[1217] Mon. Franc. I, 52-4, account of his death, &c.

[1218] This is supported by MS. Cott. Nero A. IX, f. 70 b: ‘A{o} domini
MCC 35 frater Agnellus ... obiit,’ and Cott. Cleop. B. XIII, f. 146 b.

[1219] Mon. Franc. I, 52.

[1220] Ibid. 54; Barth. of Pisa, fol. 79, 80; 126, ‘miraculis pluribus
decoratus.’

[1221] Mon. Franc. I, 5-7, 7, 9, 10, 27. I have found no authority for the
form ‘Kingesthorp’ which Leland, and his followers Bale and Pits,
substitute for Ingewrthe, except a late marginal note in Phillipps MS.
3119, f. 71.

[1222] Mon. Franc. I, 6, 7, 9, 10. Bale’s statement that R. of Devon and
W. Eton ‘seipsos castrabant’ is probably without any foundation, so far as
the former is concerned; see William of Esseby.

[1223] Mon. Franc. I, 15. In the Phillipps MS. of Eccleston he is called
‘Ada de Exonia’ (fol. 72 b).

[1224] Ibid. 15-16.

[1225] ‘_Toto famosus orbe_,’ probably when Eccleston wrote, i.e. after
Adam’s death.

[1226] ‘In die conversionis Sancti Pauli;’ Mon. Franc. I, 15.

[1227] ‘Fuit autem tunc socius Magistri Adae de Marisco et ad robas suas;’
ibid.

[1228] Ibid. 16.

[1229] Letter II (pp 17-21): Grostete was then Archdeacon of Leicester, an
office which he resigned in 1231.

[1230] Mon. Franc. I, 16.

[1231] Ibid. 15.

[1232] See Grosseteste, Epistolae, Nos. I, XXXVIII, and p. 449.

[1233] Mon. Franc. I, 45, 47.

[1234] Ib. 25, 32.

[1235] Ibid. 549, cf. p. 32: ‘Fratrem Albertum in loco Leycestriae ...
recepit.’ Leland’s notes are from the Phillipps MS. of Eccleston, which
differs in some respects from the Cotton and York MSS. But Phillipps MS.
fol. 74 adds in a marginal note in an old hand, ‘obiit autem in Acria,
plenus dierum.’

[1236] Ibid. 25.

[1237] Annals of Dunstable, anno 1233 (Ann. Monast. III, 133-4).

[1238] Annals of Osney, p. 70 (Ann. Monast. Vol. IV)

[1239] Ibid. 82; cf. Mon. Franc. I, 16. M. Paris under the year 1241
writes, ‘the Abbat of Osney smitten with pusillanimity of mind, left the
Order of the great doctor Augustine and migrated to the Order of Minors,
wishing to try the novelty;’ IV, 163.

[1240] Liber Conform. fol. 79 b.

[1241] Mon. Franc. I, 320 (letter 178); for the date see p. 139, n. 8.

[1242] _Chronica Fratris Jordani_ in Anal. Franc. I, 17, 18.

[1243] Mon. Franc. I, 54; Wadding, Annales III, 22. The period of his
ministry in Germany is given by Jordan, Anal. Franciscana I, 11, 16; the
authority for his ministry in Spain is Chronica Anonyma, ibid. 284.

[1244] Mon. Franc. I, 53, 54.

[1245] Ibid. 55.

[1246] Ibid. 60.

[1247] Ibid. 38.

[1248] Ibid. 58, 47.

[1249] The list of General Ministers in the Reg. Fratrum Minorum Londoniae
states: ‘Frater Albertus Pisanus fuit iv{us} generalis, et ministravit
tribus annis; qui prius fuit minister in provincia Angliae.’ Mon. Franc.
I, 553. Eccleston mentions no space of time, but states that Haymo was
made Minister of England in the same Chapter in which Albert was elected
General, that he ‘ministered one year in England, and was afterwards
elected General’ (ibid. 57, 59). There is no reason to suppose that Haymo
resigned the Provincialate before he became General. The early dates in
the Registrum are untrustworthy. Further, a note to the Phillipps MS. of
Eccleston (fol. 76, _dorse_) says, in a list of General Ministers:
‘quintus fuit frater Albertus de Pysis bonus et sanctus homo qui non vixit
in ministerio nisi sex mensibus et migravit ad dominum.’ The handwriting
of the note is about contemporary with that of the text.

[1250] Mon. Franc. I, 48, 58.

[1251] Mon. Franc. I, 58. Eccleston gives a somewhat confused account of
the vision relating to the event; the vision seems to have appeared to
Haymo. See Annals of Tewkesbury (R.S.), _sub anno_ 1239; and Mon. Franc.
I, 542 (A. D. 1239).

[1252] M. Paris, Chron. Majora, IV, 163; Hist. Angl. II, 374: ‘Magister
Radulphus de Madenestane, vir quidem moralis et eliganter literatus, sed
ordini Praedicatorum (!) fidei interpositione obligatus.’ Barth. of Pisa,
Lib. Conform. f. 82, 101b; an account of the vision in consequence of
which he became a Minorite.

[1253] Liber Conform. f. 79b.

[1254] M. Paris, Chron. Majora, III, 168; cf. ibid. III, 305. Lyte,
Oxford, p. 31.

[1255] Mon. Franc. I, 59, note 1. This passage does not occur in the
Phillipps MS. of Eccleston.

[1256] Ann. Monast. III, pp. 148, 156.

[1257] Mon. Franc. I, 59, n. 1.

[1258] Mon. Franc. I, 72; Phillipps MS. f. 80 b reads _pueri_ for
_plurimi_ in line 3.

[1259] Mon. Franc. I, 62.

[1260] See Part I, chapter vi.

[1261] ‘Ut plurimum erubesceret,’ Mon. Franc. I, 72.

[1262] Ibid. 59.

[1263] Ibid.

[1264] Ibid. 69.

[1265] Ibid. 38, 69, Part I, chapter v.

[1266] Part I, chapter ii.

[1267] Mon. Franc. I, 68.

[1268] Mon. Franc. I, 70.

[1269] Mon. Franc. I, 32. Eccleston says this took place in the Chapter of
Genoa, i.e. either 1244, or 1254. But the letter of Innocent IV here
referred to was published on Nov. 14, 1245 while W. of Nottingham and
Elias, who was also mentioned (_ibid._), were dead before 1254: see Ehrle,
Archiv für Litt. u. Kirch. Gesch. Vol. VI, p. 31, n. 6. The declaration of
the rule by Gregory IX (_Quo elongati_) is given in Wadding II, 244: that
by Innocent IV, _ibid._ III, 1 29.

[1270] Ibid. 70, 303.

[1271] Ibid. 373.

[1272] Ibid. 70.

[1273] English Historical Review for Oct. 1891.

[1274] Mon. Franc. I, 70.

[1275] Ibid. 71. Cf. declaration of the Rule by Innocent IV, on debts;
Wadding, III, 129-130.

[1276] Mon. Franc. I, 59.

[1277] To whom it is attributed by the Reg. Frat. Minorum Lond. Mon.
Franc. I. 538.

[1278] Tanner, Bibl. 183. MSS. Oxford, St. John’s Coll. 2, prologue; Mag.
Coll. 160 _in calce_ (see Coxe’s Catalogues); and Brit. Mus. Royal MS. 4
E, ii.

[1279] Mon. Franc. I, 314-5.

[1280] Ibid. 315, 374, 395.

[1281] Ibid. 360, 364: ‘Cui me spiritualiter inter mortales teneri
fateor.’

[1282] Ibid. 317, 393.

[1283] Ibid. 38.

[1284] Ibid. 32.

[1285] Ibid. 70.

[1286] Ibid. 307, 368, 380.

[1287] Ibid.

[1288] Ibid. 369. Cf. Bodl. Tanner MS. 223, f. 161, a license from
Innocent IV to the Friars accompanying the Archbishop, ‘equitare et
subtelares et capas portare,’ Aug. 2, 1249.

[1289] Mon. Franc. I, 380.

[1290] Mon. Franc. I, 357-8.

[1291] Ibid. 349.

[1292] Ibid. 137, 320, 333, 388, 405.

[1293] Mon. Franc. I, Letters clxxv, ccxiv, ccxv. He may have been a
Frenchman by birth.

[1294] Ibid. 118.

[1295] Ibid. 229.

[1296] Ibid. 133.

[1297] Ibid. 133, 137.

[1298] Ibid. 103, 118.

[1299] Ibid. I, 28.

[1300] Ibid. 53.

[1301] Ibid. 308.

[1302] Ibid. 353-5.

[1303] Mon. Franc. 28.

[1304] Ibid. 355, ‘in scriptis et eloquiis tam fratribus quam saecularibus
utilis et acceptus.’

[1305] Ibid. 364.

[1306] Lewis, Topog. Dict. Cf. Mon. Franc. I, lxvi. The name Eccleston
occurs in the title of the York MS., Mon. Franc. I, p. 1.

[1307] Mon. Franc. I, p. 9; cf. 17.

[1308] Ibid. 39.

[1309] Ibid. 10, 13, 71, &c.

[1310] Ibid. p. 1, p. lxvi, Jessopp, ‘The Coming of the Friars.’

[1311] Mon. Franc. I, p. 1.

[1312] Ibid. 66, 70.

[1313] Hist. Regum Angl. pp. 29, 82. In John Argentein’s _Loci communes_,
written about 1476 (MS. Ashmole, 1437, p. 155) is the note: ‘Hic Rogerus
fuit filius Fugardi, et creditur quod erat Rogerus Baconus natus apud
Witnam juxta Oxoniam.’

[1314] Ibid. 82, ‘de generosa prosapia.’ Op. Ined. pp. 13, 16: ‘Misi
igitur fratri meo diviti in terra mea, qui ex parte regis consistens, cum
matre mea et fratribus et tota familia exulavit, et pluries hostibus
deprehensus se redemit pecunia; et ideo destructus et depauperatus, non
potuit me juvare, nec etiam usque ad hunc diem habui responsum ab eo.’ Cf.
ibid. p. 10.

[1315] Op. Ined. p. 65.

[1316] The report that he was educated at Brasenose Hall is merely a
tradition founded on a foolish legend. Historical fictions die hard. In
1889, Mr. W. L. Courtney writes in the _Fortnightly Review_, Vol. XLVI, p.
255, R. Bacon ‘seems to have been educated at Brasenose College in Oxford,
although Merton College has also laid claim to the honour of his youthful
learning.’ Merton College was not founded till Roger was advanced in
years; Brasenose College was founded more than two centuries after his
death.

[1317] Chron. Majora, IV, 244-5.

[1318] Comp. Stud. Theol. Royal MS. 7, f. vii, f. 154 (quoted in Charles,
p. 412; Brewer, p. lv). The origin of the tradition that Roger wrote a
life of St. Edmund seems to be a passage in M. Paris, Chron. Maj. V, 369,
where the historian says that he was supplied with details for the life of
St. Edmund by _Robert_ Bacon. The confusion between the two Bacons is
continually recurring. Even in Luard’s edition of Grostete’s Letters there
is an unfortunate misprint; on p. 65 Roger Bacon should be Robert.

[1319] Op. Ined. pp. 70, 75, 82, 88, 91, 186-7, 329, 428, 472, 474.

[1320] Ibid. 327, 425.

[1321] Ibid. 13, 65.

[1322] Ibid. 59; he writes in 1267, ‘Nam per viginti annos quibus
specialiter laboravi in studio sapientiae, neglecto sensu vulgi,’ &c.

[1323] Ibid.: this seems almost incredible; the Parisian _libra_ at this
time appears, from Paucton and Le Blanc, to have been a sum of 20
_solidi_, not (as Plumptre asserts) ‘a silver coin about the size of the
more modern franc.’

[1324] See Part I, chapter vii.

[1325] Op. Ined. 325. A. of Hales died 1245.

[1326] Charles, p. 10; Op. Ined. p. 74.

[1327] Opus Majus, p. 190 (edition of 1750).

[1328] Hist. Reg. Angl. p. 82.

[1329] Op. Ined. p. 7, ‘famam studii quam retroactis temporibus obtinui.’
His name does not occur in the list of masters of the Friars Minors at
Oxford; a note appended to that list says, that ‘according to other
chronicles the fourth master is not mentioned here nor have I elsewhere
found his name.’ Mon. Franc. I, 552; Phillipps MS. 3119, fol. 76. May not
this have been Roger Bacon? That his name should be suppressed is not to
be wondered at. (The Reg. of Friars Minors at London adds after the name
of John of Parma, General Minister, 1247-1256: ‘Hic etiam scripsit fratri
Rogero Bakon tractatum qui incipit, “Innominato magistro.”’ This treatise
usually ascribed to Bonaventura is really addressed to a secular.)

[1330] Op. Ined. p. 7; Charles, 24-25.

[1331] See below.

[1332] Op. Ined. p. xiv, seq.

[1333] Ibid. p. 1.

[1334] Ibid. p. 13.

[1335] This statute was included in the _Constitutiones Generales_, passed
in the General Chapter of Narbonne, 1260; the fast imposed was of three
days’ duration; Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. d. Mittelalters, Vol. VI, p.
110.

[1336] Op. Ined. p. xciv, from Wood’s _Antiquitates_ (said to be taken
from the _Opus Minus_).

[1337] Op. Ined. p. xlvi. Bacon’s difficulties are fully described in
Brewer’s preface.

[1338] Charles, p. 35.

[1339] See below; and Brewer, Op. Ined. xlviii, seq.

[1340] Op. Ined. p. lv.

[1341] Charles, 36-7; Wadding, II, 449. No record or contemporary account
of the trial remains.

[1342] This tradition receives some support from a note appended to the
_Verbum abbreviatum_ of Raymund Gaufredi, Sloane MS. 276 (sec. xiv),
printed in _Sanioris Medicinae ... de arte chymiae_, &c., Frankfurt, 1603,
p. 285: ‘Et ipse Rogerus propter istud opus ex praecepto dicti Reymundi a
fratribus ejusdem ordinis erat captus et imprisonatus. Sed Reymundus
exsolvit Rogerum a carcere quia docuit eum istud opus.’ Cf. ibid. p. 265,
and Sloane MS. 692, f. 46.

[1343] Namely, _Compendium studii thelogiae_.

[1344] In Royal MS. 13 C i, fol. 152, is the following note in a hand of
the 15th or 16th century: ‘Anno Christi 1292 in festo Sancti Barnabe (June
11) obiit Rogerus Bacon professor theologie et quasi eruditus ut magister
in octo scienciis liberalibus ubi alii clerici non posuerunt preter vii
sciencie’ (‘scie’ in MS.).

[1345] Hist. Reg. Angl. p. 29.

[1346] John Twyne says that the friars at Oxford fastened all his works
with long nails to the shelves of their library and let them rot there.
Jebb reasonably calls the accuracy of this statement in question, Op.
Majus, p. xi (ed. 1750). Bacon’s influence however on his age was slight:
‘not a doctor of the 13th or 14th century,’ says Charles, p. 42, ‘quotes
Bacon; not one combats or approves his opinions.’ In an anonymous
treatise, _De recuperatione sanctae Terrae_, addressed to Edward III, c.
1370, the author recommends the study of mathematics, ‘propter plures
earum utilitates, praecipue tactas in libello super utilitatibus hujusmodi
confecto per fratrem Rogerum Bacon de ordine Minorum;’ printed in Bongars,
Orientalis Hist. Tom. Secund. (1611), p. 339. W. Woodford refers to his
‘curious book,’ _De retardatione senectutis_, Brown, Fasc. Rerum, Vol. I,
p. 197. Some of his contemporaries, such as Bungay, Peckham, William de
Mara, seem to have been more generally influenced by him.

[1347] Cf. MS. Sloane 2629, f. 54 b; _inc._ ‘Moralis philosophia est finis
omnium Scientiarum aliarum’; only a few lines.

[1348] Charles, Roger Bacon, p. 62, n. 7: I have not seen this edition and
can get no information about it.

[1349] Op. Ined. 60. ‘Patet igitur quod scriptum principale non potui
mittere.’

[1350] Charles is somewhat inconsistent; in spite of Bacon’s words,
‘tertia parte hujus operis,’ he refers the two treatises to separate
works--the _Communia Naturalium_ to the _Opus Tertium_, the _De
multiplicatione_ (rightly) to the fourth part of the _Compendium
Philosophiae_ (pp. 61, 89).

[1351] _Sanioris medicinae_, p. 7, where a passage on alchemy is quoted.

[1352] Digby MS. 55 contains a treatise on grammar falsely attributed to
Bacon; _inc._ ‘Scientia est ordinatio depicta in anima.’ See Opera Ined.
p. lxv.

[1353] Royal MS. 7 F vii (see above) speaks of eight sciences, i.e.
including what Bacon calls ‘scientia de communibus naturalibus.’

[1354] See the works under the heading, _Alchemy_: cf. ‘Excerpta ex libro
sex scientiarum’ in _Sanioris medicinae_, &c. (Frankfurt, 1603), p. 7:
‘Quarta vero scientia non modicam habet utilitatem ... et est Alchymia
speculativa.’

[1355] The _Breve Breviarium_ includes a treatise _De vegetabilibus et
sensibilibus_, and another _De medicinis et curis corporum_; edition of
1603, pp. 228 and 156; MS. Bodl. E Musaeo 155, pp. 549 and 553.

[1356] Printed in Opera Ined. p. 359 seq.

[1357] The special treatise on alchemy in this work does not seem to be
extant. Cap. vii of the _Communia Naturalium_ begins, ‘_De generacione._
Habito ergo de principiis naturalibus generacionis.’

[1358] Sloane MS. 3744, p. 71 (sec. xv) contains _Errores secundum Bacon_.
_Inc._ ‘Scito enim quod omne corpus aut est elementum aut ex elementis
compositum.’ According to Charles (p. 71) this is the _De Erroribus
medicorum_.

[1359] Charles, R. Bacon, p. 76. It is often, perhaps rightly, attributed
to John de Rupescissa.

[1360] Brewer reads, ‘Explicit liber tertius De Consideratione quartae
Sententiae S. Magistri per Rogerum Bacon,’ &c. His whole account of this
MS. is not very trustworthy; Op. Ined. p. xxxix.

[1361] Cf. MSS. Sloane 284 (sec. xiv), 477 (A. D. 1309), and 2411; Digby
150 (sec. xiii), f. 106, ‘_Extracciones a Thezauro pauperum_, libro scil.
preceptorum medicinalium.’

[1362] John of London was a master, and contemporary of Roger’s; Op. Ined.
p. 34. ‘Juvenis Johannes’ was aged 20 or 21 in 1267, and had no experience
in teaching, ibid. 61.

[1363] The dates are conclusive; Peckham entered the Order as a young man,
not as a boy, in the lifetime of Adam Marsh; Mon. Franc. I, 256. ‘Juvenis
Johannes’ was about 12 years old when Adam died.

[1364] Op. Ined. 63.

[1365] Ibid. 61.

[1366] Ibid.

[1367] Ibid. 62.

[1368] Namely, a treatise on rays, Op. Ined. p. 230, and an elaborate one
on mathematics and judicial astrology, ibid. 270; John took also a concave
lens, ibid. p. 111.

[1369] Ibid. 62.

[1370] MS. Gray’s Inn Libr. 7, f. 62, ‘a quadam villa proxima que dicitur
Herteford.’

[1371] MS. Gray’s Inn Libr. 7, f. 62.

[1372] Ottobon came to England in November, 1265, and left in July, 1268.

[1373] _Miracula Symonis de Montfort_, p. 96 (Camden Soc. 1840).

[1374] Ibid. p. 95.

[1375] Hardy, Descript. Catal. Vol. III, p. 207, No. 352. Wadding, Script.
218, Sup. ad Script. p. 667.

[1376] Twyne, MS. XXII, 103 c. (Defensorium, cap. 62). Perhaps he is the
‘Frater G. de Ver’ who was at the London convent, c. 1250, Mon. Franc. I,
328.

[1377] Bale (I, 323) and Pits.

[1378] Pits calls him S.T.P. of Oxford; his name does not occur in the
list of Franciscan masters. Wadding (VI, 48) says that Duns Scotus was
made S.T.P. at Oxford when Ware was called to Paris. This is incorrect;
Duns was never doctor of Oxford; see notice of him.

[1379] Dugdale, Monast. Vol. VI, Part III, p. 1529 (from Fr. a S. Clara).

[1380] Barth. of Pisa, Liber Conform. f. 81, ‘Johannes Guarro Anglicus
magister Scoti.’ Duns Scotus mentions him twice in his works, Wadding, VI,
45. Cf. Bibl. S. Antonii, at Padua, MS. _in Pluteo_ XXII, _in calce_:
‘Varro professionis Minoritae Doctorum Jubar et praeceptor Divi Scoti
famosus’; quoted by Tomasin, p. 60 b.

[1381] Willot, Athenae, p. 166.

[1382] Collectanea, III, 51.

[1383] A ‘Richard Middleton’ was fellow of Merton _sub_ Edw. III; of
course he is not to be confounded with the Minorite doctor.

[1384] Wadding, IV, 54, 121. Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. III, 417. This date
is sufficient to show that he cannot have finished the _Summa_ of
Alexander of Hales at the command of Pope Alexander IV, as Davenport
(Francis a S. Clara) alleges, Opera, Tom. I, Hist. Minor, p. 12. The
_Summa_ was finished by Friar William of Middleton, D.D. of Paris (and
probably fifth master of the Franciscans at Cambridge), who died 1261,
Wadding, IV, 57; Lanerc. Chron. 70; Mon. Franc. I, 555.

[1385] Archiv, &c., II, 296 (from Angelus de Clarino, Hist. Tribulat.).

[1386] Wadding, VI, 13; and Willot, Athenae.

[1387] Athenae, 314-315; the two last epithets are applied to him in the
edition of his Quodlibets printed at Venice in 1509.

[1388] Wadding, Sup. ad. Script. 633; this is the earliest instance which
I have found of the special application of any such title to Richard
Middleton.

[1389] It is always assumed that he was an Englishman; the available
evidence on the point is slight. MS. Borghes. 322, f. 174 a (sec. xiv) has
the note: ‘Hic loquitur (Petrus J. Olivi) stulte contra fratrem G. de Mara
et communem opinionem.’ MS. Borghes. 358, f. 227 b (sec. xiv): ‘Magister
Guillelmus de Anglia habet duas sententias in instrumentis duobus datas
contra doctrinam P(etri) J(oannis) ...’ &c. The second William here is
probably W. de Mara (Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. III, 472-3). B. of Pisa and
Tritheim say nothing about his nationality. The name was not uncommon in
England; see e.g. Pat. Roll, 10 Edw. I, m. 7 dorse; Le Neve, Fasti, vol.
iii; cf. forest of Mara, or Delamere in Cheshire.

[1390] Charles, Roger Bacon, p. 240. Cf. B. of Pisa, Liber Conform. fol.
81: ‘scripsit ... contra fratrem Thomam de Aquino correctorium
componendo.’

[1391] Wadding, Sup. ad Script. 323.

[1392] This reply was printed at Cologne, 1624 (Charles, ibid.), and at
Cordova in 1701. See Merton Coll. MS. 267; MS. in Bibl. S. Anton. Venet.
in pluteo xviii; Boston of Bury, in Tanner, Bibl. p. xxxviii.

[1393] Charles, Roger Bacon, pp. 240-1.

[1394] Anal. Franc. II, 115.

[1395] ‘Scripsit super sententias ad opus domini fratris Bonaventure multa
superaddendo et multa quodlibeta faciendo.’ B. of Pisa, Liber Conform. f.
81: cf. Tanner, Bibl. 223.

[1396] Other works attributed to him by Sbaralea (Wadding, Sup. ad
Script.), viz. _Paraphrasis Musaei_ and _Sylvarum libri quatuor_, are by
W. de Mara, Bishop of Constance in the fifteenth century.

[1397] Peckham’s Reg. p. 1040.

[1398] Part I, chapter i.

[1399] Report IV, pp. 442-4.

[1400] Oliver, Monasticon Diocesis Exon. p. 331. He is not to be confused
with his namesake, the opponent of Ockham: he may possibly be the author
of the _Tractatus de octo Beatitudinibus_ in MS. Laud. Misc. 368, fol. 106
(sec. xiv).

[1401] Cf. Inquisitio ad quod damnum 20 Edw. I (Nov. 1291), in Mon. Franc.
II, 289.

[1402] His name does not occur in the list of _lectores_, as it probably
would have done had he been a Franciscan; this inference however cannot be
drawn with any certainty.

[1403] Rolls of Parliament, I, 16 a. Lyte, p. 127. The name of ‘Frater
Willelmus de Leominstre’ stands first in the list of the five _magistri_
who represented the University.

[1404] Script. II, 98. Cf. MS. Seld. sup. 64, fol. 48, ‘ex officina
Joannis Cocke.’

[1405] Excheq. Q. R. Wardrobe, 4/7, 17-18 Edw. I (R.O.): ‘per manus
fratrum Johannis de Bekinkham et Johannis de Clara xvi{li}. xiii{s}
iiii{d}.’

[1406] Peckham, Regist. p. 895.

[1407] Excheq. Q. R. Wardrobe, 4/7 (R.O.).

[1408] Excheq. Q. R. Wardrobe, 8/2, m. 1.

[1409] Ibid. 13/35 (m. 1): ‘ffratri Johanni de Clare de ordine Minorum pro
expensis suis et conductione equitature pro se et socio suo eundo cum
magna festinacione ad diversa loca pro fratre Hugone de Hertpoul ministro
ordinis sui querendo ad consensum expedicioni negociorum predictorum
prestandum per manus proprias apud Berkhamstede eodem die (March 29)
xxiiij{s} iij{d}.’ The business mentioned was connected with a bequest to
the Mendicant Orders by Edmund, Earl of Cornwall.

[1410] MS. Digby 154, fol. 38.

[1411] Kennet’s Parochial Antiquities, I, 362.

[1412] MS. Digby 154, fol. 37 b.

[1413] Mon. Franc. I, 556.

[1414] Mon. Franc. I, 514.

[1415] Exchequer, Q. R. Wardrobe, Accts. 16/14, 35 Edw. I. (R.O.)

[1416] Mon. Franc. I, 512-3. See ibid. 518: ‘Octavam fenestram vitrari
fecit frater Henricus de Sutton, gardianus.’

[1417] MS. New Coll., Oxford, 92; among other preachers mentioned is Simon
of Gaunt, Chancellor of the University in 1291.

[1418] Wood MS. F 29 a, f. 178 (i.e. Wood-Clark, II, 386).

[1419] Ibid., and Mon. Franc. I, 552.

[1420] Wood MS. ibid.

[1421] There is no evidence as to the place of his birth (the note which
Leland triumphantly quotes--Merton Coll. MS. 59--was written in 1455, and
contains the baseless statement that he was fellow of Merton College); and
the only evidence of his nationality is the name ‘Scotus,’ and a note in
the catalogue of the library at Assisi, written 1381: ‘Opus super quatuor
libros sententiarum mag. fratris Johannis Scoti de Ordine Minorum qui et
doctor subtilis nuncupatur, de provincia Hiberniae.’

[1422] Wood-Clark, II, 386. He must have attained the age of thirty by
this time; Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. VI, pp. 128-9.

[1423] Wadding (VI, p. 48) cites some passages bearing on the date. Duns’
great work on the _Sentences_ is called _Scriptum Oxoniense_, but I do not
know how far the name can be traced back; Merton Coll. MSS. 60, 61, 62,
date from the middle of the 15th century. Barth. of Pisa however says:
‘Hic primo in Anglia Oxonie Sentencias legit. Deinde in studio
Parisiensi.’

[1424] He says, e. g. on the authority of the letter, that Duns was at
Paris in 1304; the letter implies exactly the opposite; he was in ‘some
province other than the province of France.’

[1425] Wadding, VI, 51, from Petrus Rodulphus, ‘qui eas ex ipso exscripsit
autographo.’

[1426] Wadding, VI, 107.

[1427] Ibid. 51. The passage is usually understood to refer to his regency
at Paris. No record of the Chapter remains.

[1428] Ibid. 116. The statement that he died at the age of 34 or 43 is a
pure guess. The tradition of his having been buried alive when in a trance
is found in St. Bernardin of Siena; Wadding, VI, 114.

[1429] Liber Conform. f. 81.

[1430] Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. I, 368, n. 1. Ehrle adds that the epithet
occurs in some MSS. which he puts in the first half of the fourteenth
century; ibid.

[1431] See the critical notice prefixed to each work in the Lyons edition;
and _Hist. Litt._ Vol. XXV, pp. 426-446.

[1432] Rejected by Wadding without good reason: _Hist. Litt._ xxv, 447.

[1433] Twyne MS. XXII, 103 c.

[1434] Wood MS. F 29 a, 178: ‘Rob. de Couton’ is the eighteenth in the
list of twenty-two names.

[1435] ‘_Doctor amoenus_ vulgo vocatus est.’ Pits, p. 443 (anno 1340).

[1436] I have not found any mention of Robert Cowton in any foreign
library, unless ‘Cathon’ in Bibl. Nat. Paris MSS. 15886-7, be for Cowton.
Valentinelli proposes to identify Cowton with ‘Frater ven. doctor Robertus
Anglicus ordinis Minorum,’ the author of a _Dialogus de formalitatibus
inter Ochanistam et Dumsistam_ (sic): _inc._ ‘quod verbis vituperii satis
abundas’; MS. Venice; St. Mark, Vol. I. Class. V, Cod. 24 (sec. xv). The
author was probably later than Cowton; perhaps Robert Eliphat.

[1437] Ann. Min. VI, 176: Wadding refers vaguely to ‘Irish MSS.’ Cf. Bale,
Script. II, 242-3. Dict. of Nat. Biography.

[1438] Willot, Athenae, 83. Bale, Vol. II, p. 52: ‘Sophisticus doctor et
scriptor antiquus.’ William Woodford refers on several occasions to
‘Doctor antiquus’ on the _Sentences_; Harl. MS. 31, f. 79, &c.

[1439] Bale gives these notes in MS. Seld. sup. 64, fol. 16 b: _Brynkeley
... scripsit distinctiones theologicas_, lib. I; ‘Ad sciendam primam
originem et finalem’; _ex Ramesiensi monasterio. Brenkyll Minorita
scripsit lecturam sententiarum_, lib. IV; ‘Utrum per aliquam disciplinam
vel scientiam’; _ex Coll. Regine Oxon. Brinquilis Minorita anglus scripsit
super sententias_, lib. IV; ‘Sit aliqua conclusio theologica’; _Ex bibl.
Carmel. Parisiensium._

[1440] Mon. Franc. I, 543; Brodrick, Mem. of Merton Coll., 197-8; Bale,
Script. I, 391.

[1441] Tanner, Bibl. 150. All Souls MS. 87 (A. D. 1473), ‘Joannis Scoti
discipulus.’ The note in Peterhouse MS. 2-4-2, ‘studiit Oxon et Paris,’ is
in a late sixteenth-century hand.

[1442] Wood-Clark, II, 402.

[1443] At the end of the work in this edition: ‘Expliciunt questiones
super octo libris phisicorum Aristotilis doctoris profundissimi fratris
Johannis canonici ordinis fratrum minorum Anno 1475 ... Padue impresse.’
At the end of the volume: ‘... compilatum a domino iohanne marbres
magistro in artibus tholose et canonico,’ &c. The _explicit_ of Book I and
Book II attributes these _quaestiones_ to ‘Doctor canonicus magister
Petrus Casuelis ordinis minorum.’

[1444] Record Off. Treasury of Receipt, 2/35.

[1445] Wadding, Ann. Min. VI, 246.

[1446] Wood says that Ockham received the last title from the Pope.
Annals, I, 439.

[1447] Lambeth MS. 221 (sec. xiv), fol. 308 b; among ‘modern Oxonians,’
singled out for special praise, is ‘Occam inceptor in theology.’ Barth. of
Pisa, Liber Conform. f. 81 b, calls him ‘Bacalarius formatus Oxonie.’ Cf.
MS. Bibl. Mazarine, Paris, 894 (sec. xiv), ‘Questiones super primum librum
Sententiarum de ordinacione fratris Guillelmi de Okham de ordine fratrum
Minorum, Oxonie.’

[1448] Riezler, _Die literarischen Widersacher der Päpste_, &c. pp. 35,
241.

[1449] Wadding, VI, 396; Riezler, p. 71, &c. The English Provincial was
William of Nottingham.

[1450] Wadding cites a letter of John XXII dated Kal. Dec. A{o} VIII
(1323), ordering the Bishops of Ferrara and Bologna to inquire into a
report that Ockham had upheld the doctrine of Evangelical Poverty in a
public sermon; if so, he was to be sent to Avignon within a month. Ann.
Min. VII, 7, 23.

[1451] Anal. Franc. II, 142. Among the writings must have been the
treatise _De paupertate Christi_, which Leland and Wadding mention, but
which has not been identified. Cf. also Wadding, VII, 81-2, who states a
work written at Avignon in 1328 was afterwards inserted in the _Dialogus_.

[1452] Riezler, 71.

[1453] Ibid. 68-71; Anal. Franc. II, 143.

[1454] Riezler, 76-7.

[1455] Ibid. 95 seq.

[1456] Ibid. 82.

[1457] In his treatise on the election of Charles, the creature of the
Pope.

[1458] Wadding, VIII, 12-13, where the letter of the Pope to the General
Minister, with the form of absolution, is given.

[1459] Riezler; Wadding, VIII, pp. 10-11.

[1460] On the last fly-leaf is a rude portrait of the author.

[1461] According to Tanner, one of Ockham’s works on the Physics was
printed at Strasburg in 1491.

[1462] Another work on the Physics ascribed to Ockham was preserved at
Assisi, and perhaps is there still: _inc. prol._ ‘Philosophos plurimos’:
_inc. opus._ ‘Iste liber dividitur in duas partes.’ (Wadding, _Sup. ad
Script._ 328.)

[1463] The first, consisting of three _quaestiones_, is called: ‘Tractatus
quam gloriosus de sacramento altaris, et in primis de puncti, linee,
superficiei, corporis, quantitatis, qualitatis et substantie
distinctione,’ &c. The second contains forty-one chapters: ‘Incipit
accessus ad tractatum de corpore Christi.’ _Explicit_: ‘hec tamen
simpliciter falsa est, corpus Christi est quantitas in sacramento
altaris.’

[1464] Ockham did not write the _Disputatio inter militem et clericum_.
See Riezler, 144-8.

[1465] I do not know whether this MS. contains Tractatus i of Part III;
probably, like most of the MSS., it omits it.

[1466] Goldast, Monarchia, II, 771.

[1467] Goldast, Monarchia, II, 957; Riezler, 263. Goldast speaks of six
treatises only as missing, being apparently under the impression that he
has printed three. The subdivisions are very confusing, and lead to many
mistakes.

[1468] He was B.D. of Paris in 1373; D.D. in 1380; Chancellor in 1389;
Bishop of Cambrai in 1396; Cardinal in 1411; he died in 1425. Oudin,
Scriptores, III, p. 2293.

[1469] MS. Paris, Bibl. Nat. 14579, fol. 88--fol. 101b: ‘Explicit
abbreviatio Dyalogi Okan quam fecit magister Petrus de Alliaco Episcopus
Cameracensis et postea cardinalis.’

[1470] Ibid. f. 101 b. His nomenclature differs from that used here and
(generally though not consistently) in the printed editions: thus he calls
‘Pars I’ _Tractatus primus_; ‘Pars II,’ _Tractatus secundus_; ‘Pars III,
Tract ii’ (the only portion of Part III known to him), _Tractatus
tertius_. Thus fol. 98 b: ‘Tractatus tertius est de viribus Romani imperii
et habet 5 libros.’ Books 1, 2, and 3, correspond to those printed in
Goldast (Pars III, Tract. ii, Libri 1, 2, 3): Book 4 discussed whether the
emperor should defend the rights of the Roman Empire by arms ‘etiam contra
papam cardinales et clerum’; Book 5 treated ‘de rebellibus, proditoribus,
... Romani imperii.’ These two books were not known to Peter d’Ailly, and
are not now to be found.

[1471] Analecta Franciscana II, 169 sqq.

[1472] Mon. Franc. I, 556. Tanner (Bibl. 202) confounds him with another
H. de Costesey in the fifteenth century.

[1473] Bale, I, 409.

[1474] Leland, Collect. III, 49.

[1475] Twyne MS. XXIII, 266; cp. Part I, Chapter VII.

[1476] Wood, Hist. et Antiq. II, 398; Le Neve, Fasti III, 465, 170; Mon.
Franc. I, 542.

[1477] Wadding, VII, 291.

[1478] According to Bale he left several of his works to the convent at
Reading; I have not found the authority for this statement. See Tanner,
Bibl. 469. Adam de Lathbury was Abbat of Reading monastery in 1233.
Dugdale, Vol. VI, Part III, p. 1509.

[1479] The assertion that he flourished in 1406 rests on a
misunderstanding of the _explicit_ in MS. Merton Coll. 189: ‘explicit
secundum alphabetum et sic totum opus est completum A. D. 1406.’ This of
course only refers to the writing of the MS.

[1480] _Liber moralium in Threnos_, cap. 106; Merton Coll. MS. 189, fol.
172 dorse.

[1481] MS. Selden, supra 64, fol. 75.

[1482] MS. Selden, supra 64, fol. 89, ‘ex quodam Minoritarum registro.’

[1483] See notice of Lathbury.

[1484] Wadding, Script. 116; Sup. ad Script. 341.

[1485] Mon. Franc. I, 541.

[1486] Record Office, Roman Transcripts, Regesta, Vol. V, f. 80-81, 1
Clement VI; ‘per sexdecim annorum spatium continue institit.’

[1487] Record Office, Roman Transcripts, ibid. He has permission to
continue to reside in the London convent, to have a decent chamber, one
friar as _socius_, one clerk, two servants, and to dispose of his books
and other property.

[1488] Mem. of Merton, p. 208.

[1489] ‘Item versus finem chori ex parte Boriali a stallis sub fune
lampadis jacet sub longo lapide ffrater Johannes Lamborn confessor Regine
Isabelle et filius Baronis et ultimus heres illius baronis.’ MS. Cott.
Vitell. F XII, fol. 276.

[1490] Mon. Franc. I, 543; Mem. of Merton, 208.

[1491] Mon. Franc. ibid.; MS. Digby 176, fol. 50, 40.

[1492] Mon. Franc. ibid. He may be the same as Langberg or Langborow,
fellow of Merton in 1357, and S.T.P., who is said to have become a
Minorite. Simon Lamborn, fellow of Merton in 1347, Proctor in 1361, and
S.T.P., is also said to have entered the Order, but Wood reasonably
supposes this incident to have been borrowed from the life of Reginald
Lambourne. Memorials of Merton, 208-9.

[1493] Liber Conform. f. 81 b.

[1494] Pits, p. 443. Bale is less definite, ‘Anglorum gymnasia ...
petiit.’ I, 416. Cf. Wadding, VII, 170 (A. D. 1334).

[1495] Mon. Franc. I, 557. Tanner mentions him as Robert Eliphat, and
‘Aliphat Anglus, Gregorii Ariminensis auditor’; Bibl. pp. 259, 36.

[1496] Cf. also p. 222, note 5, above.

[1497] Mon. Franc. I, 557; Mem. of Merton Coll., 195, 346.

[1498] Mon. Franc. I, 557, 560, 538.

[1499] Mon. Franc. I, 541.

[1500] Rymer’s Foed. Vol. II, Part. II, pp. 870, 991; Vol. III, Part. I,
p. 230.

[1501] Mun. Acad. pp. 173-180.

[1502] Ibid. 208. See pp. 43-3 above.

[1503] Tanner, Bibl. 509.

[1504] Oxf. City Records, Old White Book, fol. 55 b.

[1505] Wadding, VIII, 106, 457; the papal letter is dated, IV Idus Feb.
A{o} III; Mon. Franc. I, 561.

[1506] Wadding, VIII, 127; Wood, Annals, sub anno 1360.

[1507] Mon. Franc. I, 538.

[1508] Copy in Lambeth MS. 1208, f. 99 b-100: ‘Copia bulle quam frater
Rogerus Coneway optinuit in Romana curia anno Christi 1359; III Non.
April, A{o} VII.’ The date in Todd’s Catalogue is wrong. For the papal
decree referred to, see _Corpus Juris Canon., Extravag. Communium Liber_
V, Tit. III, cap. 2.

[1509] Mon. Franc. I, 538, 561.

[1510] His _Defensio Mendicantium_ was written at the command of some
superior; see cap. III (Goldast, Monarchia, Tom. II): ‘Ad quem
(Armachanum) dignatus est me rogare quidam venerabilis pater ac magister,
qui me potuit obligare mandato, quod eiusdem Domini dictis et calumniis
pro viribus obviarem.’

[1511] MS. Cott. Vitell. F XII, f. 274 b.

[1512] This volume, and MS. 12 in the same library (containing the
‘Moralities’ of Nicholas Bozon), were given by Conway when Minister to the
Franciscans of Chester.

[1513] Hist. of Norf. IV, p. 131.

[1514] Digby MS. 90, _in calce_.

[1515] Ibid.

[1516] Leland, Script.; the work does not appear to be extant. Wadding
suggests that the commentary printed among the works of Duns Scotus (Vol.
II) may be by Tunstede.

[1517] Laud. Misc. MS. 657 (sec. xv); cf. Pub. Libr. Cambr. MS. Mm III,
11. For representations of Wallingford and the clock, see MSS. Cott.
Claud. E IV, f. 201; Nero D VII, &c.

[1518] Mon. Franc. I, 538, 561.

[1519] Ibid.

[1520] See Part I, chapter iv: the treatise is printed under the name of
Simon Tunstede in E. de Coussemaker’s _Auctores de Musica med. Aevi_, Nova
Series, Vol. IV, pp. 220-298. Paris, 1876. The treatise, according to the
editor, is very important, and forms in some sort the transition between
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.

[1521] Mon. Franc. I, 538, 561.

[1522] MS. Cott. Vitell. F XII, f. 274 b.

[1523] The forms Mardiston (Brewer) and Marcheley (Leland, Bale, Pits) are
wrong; they are derived from MS. Cott. Nero A IX, f. 103, where the name,
though indistinct, is certainly Mardisley.

[1524] Tanner, Bibl. 509; Wadding, Script. 146; Bale, Pits.

[1525] Tanner, ibid; _in Registro capituli S. Petri Ebor._

[1526] Eulog. Hist. III, 337-8.

[1527] Mon. Franc. I, 538, 561: cf. notice of Th. Kyngesbury.

[1528] Mon. Franc. ibid.

[1529] Wadding, VIII, pp. 239, 249.

[1530] Wadding, Vol. VIII, p. 178.

[1531] Rymer’s Foed. Vol. III, pt. II, p. 995. In a papal letter of 1376
he is described as ‘conservator privilegiorum Fratribus Ordinis Minorum in
Hibernia a Sede Apostolica concessorum specialiter deputatus,’ Wadding,
VIII, p. 592. Cotton, Fasti Eccles. Hibern. I, 89.

[1532] Wadding, VIII, 298 (see notice of H. of Halvesnahen). Chronicon
Angliae 1328-1388 (R.S.), p. 222.

[1533] Rymer’s Foed. IV, 30.

[1534] B. of Pisa, Liber Conf. fol. 81 b: ‘suis determinationibus Oxonie
factis.’ Wadding, VIII, 333.

[1535] Bale, Pits; Willott, _Athenae_, 229.

[1536] MS. Seld. sup. 64, fol. 80.

[1537] Wadding, Vol. VIII, p. 332. The original document from which these
facts are derived is not given in the _Regestrum_ at the end of the
volume: the date would be, Greg. XI, A{o} 6.

[1538] Wadding, VIII, 166, 500.

[1539] Ibid. 221, seq.

[1540] Dated, VII Kal. April, A{o} VIII (Urban V).

[1541] Quétif and Echard (II, 136 b), mention a Dominican writer, William
Piati or Prati, who flourished 1540, but do not assign this treatise to
him.

[1542] MS. Cott. Domit. A II, f. 1.

[1543] MS. Cott. Faust. A II, f. 1.

[1544] Bale, Script. I, 513; he is said to have written _Calendarii
castigationes_ (_inc._: ‘Corruptio calendarii horribilis est’), which I
have not found. MS. formerly in Caius College (perhaps now No. 141?). Cf.
R. Bacon, Op. Ined. p. 272.

[1545] Edit. Skeat, p. 3.

[1546] E. g. by Chaucer (_ut supra_).

[1547] Mercator’s Atlas, translated by Hexham, Vol. I, p. 44; Hakluyt, I,
134.

[1548] Elsewhere called ‘Jacobus Cnoyen Buscoducensis,’ or ‘of Hartzeuan
Buske’ (i.e. Bois-le-Duc, Mr. R. L. Poole informs me): I can find nothing
about him.

[1549] The Latin edition of Mercator, A. D. 1606, adds ‘(quod tamen ab
alio prius accepit)’.

[1550] Quoted, without a reference, in Hakluyt, I, 135.

[1551] MS. Arundel 207, _ad calcem_: ‘ego frater Nicholaus de Linea, ord.
beate Dei genetricis Marie de Monte Carmeli.’

[1552] Fascic. Zizan. p. 287.

[1553] Ann. Min. IX, 129, &c.

[1554] Waterford wrote a treatise in 1433; Wadding, IX, 129; Woodford
lectured at Oxford before 1381.

[1555] Twyne MS. XXI, 502. See above, p. 81.

[1556] Fascic. Zizan. 517, 523.

[1557] MS. Exeter Coll. 7, f. 4.

[1558] MS. Digby, 170; at the end of the third _determinatio_.

[1559] MS. Digby, fol. 33.

[1560] Fascic. Zizan. 525, n. 2.

[1561] MS. New Coll. 156, fly-leaf; printed in App. B.

[1562] See Tanner. Bibl. 785.

[1563] MS. Cott. Vitell. F, XII, f. 274 b.

[1564] Namely, _De causis condemnationis articulorum_ 18, &c.: see below.

[1565] This MS. (f. 112) contains also _Philosophia naturalis_ (_inc._
‘Queris, venerande dux Normannorum’), erroneously ascribed to Woodford,
really composed by William de Conchis: cf. MS. Bodl. Digby 107; Tanner,
Bibl. p. 194.

[1566] Wood, Hist. et Antiq. Milman, Lat. Christ. VIII, 121.

[1567] Eulog. Hist. III, 415 (R.S.). Gascoigne, _Lib. Veritatum_, 161:
Cotton MS. Cleop. E II, fol. 262 b, a letter of Henry IV to Alexander V:
the king reminds him, ‘qualiter a juventute vestra fuistis in regno
Anglie, ac eciam in preclaro Universitatis Oxonie studio conversatis,
quodque multos honores et bona quamplurima suscepistis ibidem.’

[1568] Bibl. Nationale (Paris), Fonds de Cluni, Cod. 54, fol. 8.

[1569] Gascoigne, ibid.

[1570] Milman, _ut supra_.

[1571] Eulog. Hist. III, 415. Gascoigne, 154.

[1572] Eulog. Hist. III, 414, 415.

[1573] Mon. Franc. I, 538, 561; Cott. MS. Vesp. E VII, f. 7; Digby MS. 90,
f. 6 b; Bodl. MS. 692, f. 33.

[1574] Bodl. MS. _ut supra_.

[1575] Ibid. Cf. notice of John Somer.

[1576] Bodl. MS. _ut supra_. As to the date, see English Hist. Review,
Oct. 1891.

[1577] Mon. Franc. I, 538.

[1578] See notices of John Somer and John Tewkesbury.

[1579] Digby MS. 90, f. 6 b. A writer of the same name is mentioned by
Bale and Pits, _sub anno_ 1350. One was Fellow of Merton, c. 1340: see
Tanner, Bibl. 706.

[1580] Fascic. Zizan. 113 (R.S.).

[1581] Eulog. Hist. Contin. III, 351 (R.S.).

[1582] Fascic. Zizan. 133-180. That the work was originally a lecture is
proved by MS. in Corp. Chr. Coll. Cambr. No. 331, p. 583 (sec. XV),
‘Explicit confessio magistri et fratris Johannis Tassyngton (_sic_) de
ordine Minorum et S.T. doctoris, quam edidit, et in scholis fratrum
minorum Oxoniis determinando promulgavit ... A. D. 1381.’

[1583] Fasc. Zizan. p. 133, note 2, &c., and Eulog. Hist. _ut supra_. Mr.
Shirley says, ‘Tyssyngton has evidently never seen most of the books he
quotes; and the references are often false.’ He attempts to give the
general sense of the passages he refers to, apparently from memory.

[1584] Fascic. Zizan. 357.

[1585] Mon. Franc. I, 538, 561.

[1586] Ibid. 538.

[1587] Oxf. City Rec. Old White Bk. fol. 71 a.

[1588] MS. Digby 170: ‘Explicit 3{a} determinatio sive lectio magistri et
fratris W. Woodford contra Wyclevystas Oxon. A. D. 1389 in scolis Minorum,
et die vesperiarum fratris Johannis Romseye proximi magistri regentis.’
MS. Bodl. 393, fol. 58 b reads, ‘anno domini M{o}CCC{o}LXXXXIX{o}.’

[1589] MS. Cott. Vitell. F XII, f. 277 b.

[1590] MS. Dd. III, 53, p. 101, in the Public Library at Cambridge;
Richard occurs as king in the two succeeding entries and in several on the
preceding page. That this is Richard II is clear, (1) from the writing;
(2) from the mention on p. 97, of the Statute of Labourers.

[1591] Laurentiana, _ex Bibl. S. Crucis_, Plut. XVII, Sin. Cod. X.

[1592] Name erased in MS.

[1593] Bandini’s _Catal. Cod. Lat. Mediceæ Laurentianæ_, tome IV, pref. p.
xlii.

[1594] Harl. MSS. No. 3768, fol. 188. Transcript in Twyne MSS. XXII, 223.

[1595] Wadding, IX, 499; Eulog. Hist. Contin. III, p. 403, seq.

[1596] MS. Seld. sup. 64, fol. 134 b, ‘ex quodam Minoritarum registro.’

[1597] Mon. Franc. I, 538.

[1598] Hearne’s edition of Tryvytlam’s poem in App. Vitae Ric. II (Oxon.
1729), p. 344, note 2.

[1599] Ibid. p. 358 (speaking of ‘Owtrede’ of Durham).

[1600] Script. 401.

[1601] Bale, Script. II, 57. A ‘Hugo Angerius’ flourished in 1338, but he
was probably not a friar nor an Englishman; MS. Bibl. Nat. Paris, No.
5155, § 6.

[1602] ‘Dr. J. Ede Herfordensis Minorita scripsit inter cetera opus
egregium, sc. lecturam in apocalypsim lib. 1. Ex scriptis Th. Gascoigne.’
Bale in MS. Seld. sup. 64, fol. 36 b.

[1603] Leland and Bale, who refer to the _Catalogus eruditorum
Franciscanorum_.

[1604] ‘Opuscula quaedam Theologica,’ in Bernard’s Catalogue.

[1605] In MSS. Paris. Bibl. Mazarine, 287 and 288 (sec. XIV) is a _Tabula
originalium ... compilata a fratre Johanne Lectore Herfordensi ordinis
fratrum Minorum_. This work, though ascribed by Possevin and Tanner to J.
of Hereford, is by John Lector of Erfurt. Wadding, Script. 139, Sup. ad
Script. 415.

[1606] Merton Coll. MSS. No. 67, f. 202 seq.: at the end, ‘Explicit
determinacio fratris et magistri Will. Buttiler ordinis minorum regentis
Oxonie, A. D. 1401.’

[1607] Mon. Franc. I, 538, 561.

[1608] Eulog. Hist. Contin. III, 405. The year is fixed by the words,
‘Nuntius missus inveniens generalem mortuum.’ Henry of Ast died in 1405.
Wadding, IX, 267.

[1609] Le Neve. Wadding, IX, 320, 499.

[1610] Wadding, IX, 493-4. Cf. Eulog. Hist. Cont. III, 409.

[1611] Wadding, IX, 356, 529: the papal letter is dated XVI Kal. Jun. A{o}
IV (May 17, 1414).

[1612] The list of Provincials in the Reg. Fratrum Minorum, London, has
‘Frater Willielmus Butler, doctor Oxoniae, jacet....’

[1613] Bale, in MS. Seld. sup. 64, fol. 215, from MSS. in the Franciscan
Friary at Reading.

[1614] Mon. Franc. I, 539, 561; Wadding, IX, 356, 529; Wadding calls him
‘Bors.’

[1615] Bibl. p. 118.

[1616] Mon. Franc. I, 538.

[1617] Wadding, Sup. ad Script. 608.

[1618] Wadding, X, 53; Mon. Franc. I, 538, 561.

[1619] Mon. Franc. _ut supra_. Wadding, X, 53.

[1620] Mun. Acad. 274-5 (R.S.).

[1621] MS. Cott. Vitell. F XII, fol. 277 ‘... jacet in plano frater Thomas
Cheyny, doctor theologie.’

[1622] MS. Bibl. Nat. Paris, 3221, § 5.

[1623] Wadding, X, 169: perhaps _Thomas_ Wynchelse, who in 1427,
‘famosissimus doctor illius ordinis reputabatur;’ the only John Wynchelse,
Minorite, mentioned elsewhere, died a novice about 1326. See notice of
him.

[1624] Bale, I, 563. Blomfield, Norfolk, IV, 115.

[1625] Le Neve, _Fasti_, Vol. III. Wood, Hist. et Antiq. Oxon, II, 404.

[1626] Fascic. Zizan. p. 417.

[1627] Bale, Pits, &c. Clopton was chief justice under Richard II; see
e.g. Close Roll, 13 Ric. II, part 2, m. 4, _in dorso_.

[1628] Leland, Script. 433.

[1629] His epitaph contains the lines:

  ‘Anglia gaudet eum doctum fecisse magistrum,

      *       *       *       *       *

  Inbibit Oxonie musis nova pocula morum.’

See B. Gebhardt, _Matthias Döring der Minorit_, Sybel’s Hist. Ztschr. for
1888, pp. 251, 293-4. Most of the statements here are derived from
Gebhardt’s article, a general reference to which will suffice. Cf.
Wadding, Annales, XI, 49, 180; XII, 276, &c.

[1630] Ibid. p. 251. Weissenborn, _Acten der Erfurter Univ._ part I, p.
122.

[1631] Anal. Franc. II, 287.

[1632] He brought forward a ‘propositio circa Hussitarum articulum; de
Donatione Constantini, num justo titulo clerici possideant bona
Ecclesiarum temporalia quae Sylvestri a Constantino sint collata, in
concilio Basiliensi 1432 ad disputandum proposita.’ Gebhardt, 257. Several
of his discourses at the Council are preserved in Balliol Coll. MSS. 164,
165.

[1633] Twyne MS. XXIV, p. 129 (from Reg. Chichele, part II, fol. 35).

[1634] ‘Into pitous use of pore men.’ Wilkins, Conc. III, 456. The whole
process against Russell will be found in Wilkins, Conc. III, 438-462.

[1635] Ibid. 434. Cf. Mon. Franc. I, 520: ‘ad has expensas (i.e. for the
tiling of a roof in the London convent) dedit gardianus Russell iii
libras.’

[1636] Given in English, Wilkins, Conc. III, 438.

[1637] Ibid. 456. Russell says himself, ‘Y ... went to the court of Rome
supposyng ther to have be socured.’ Ibid. 457.

[1638] Ibid. 457-8.

[1639] If it be the same, but he is here described as an Austin Friar. See
the receipt for the £10, executed in the names of the proctors, and dated
Feb. 1, 1429/30, in Oxf. Univ. Archives, F 4, f. 15. ‘Noverint universi
per presentes nos ... recepisse ... de Fratre Willelmo Russell ordinis
Augustinencium decem libras sterlingorum virtute cujusdam gracie sibi
concesse de commutacione convivii debiti in die incepcionis sue.’

[1640] Mun. Acad. 376.

[1641] Ibid. 270, note I. Wood, Annals, pp. 569-570.

[1642] Wood, Annals, _sub anno_ 1427. Correspondence of Bekynton (R.S.),
Vol. II, pp. 248-250.

[1643] ‘Sacre pagine professor.’ Drake, _Eboracum_, App. 29, translates
this, ‘professor of holy pageantry.’ This curious mistake is repeated by
the editor of Mon. Franc. Vol. II, preface, p. xxviii.

[1644] York Mystery Plays, by Lucy Toulmin Smith, p. xxxiv (the extract is
from the York City Records, Book A, fol. 269).

[1645] Mon. Franc. I, 539, 561. Wadding, X, 169. ‘Friar Roger Dewe.’
Wilkins (Conc. III, 458) prints a letter from Archbishop Chichele to
‘fratri Johanni David S.T.P. et ordinis fratrum Minorum in Anglia ministro
generali,’ dated March 2, 1425, ‘et nostrae translationis anno XII’--i.e.
1426, new style.

[1646] Mon. Franc. ibid. Wadding, XI, 49.

[1647] Mon. Franc. ibid. Wadding, XI, 49, _in Registro Ordinis_ (says the
latter) is a list of the ‘Rectors of the Provinces,’ A. D. 1438: in
England ‘Magister Thomas Roidnor.’

[1648] Original in Ball. Coll. Archives (described in Hist. MSS. Com.
Report, IV, p. 443).

[1649] Statutes of the Oxford Colleges, Vol. I, Balliol, p. xx.

[1650] Register, A a, fol. 23 b.

[1651] Ibid. f. 7. (Boase, p. 287.)

[1652] Reg. A a, fol. 36.

[1653] MS. Cott. Julius F VII, f. 165: ‘Actus magistri Jo. Argentyn
publice tentus in Univ. Cantebrigie,’ &c. in verse. Above, some notes are
written: ‘natus de Kyrkeby,’ ‘de collegio Regis in (Cantebrigia?).’

[1654] Tanner, Bibl. 48; Le Neve, _Fasti_, I, 597, 587, 620.

[1655] Le Neve, III, 683.

[1656] Reg. A a, fol. 2.

[1657] Ibid. fol. 62 b.

[1658] Reg. A a, fol. 51 b.

[1659] Ibid. fol. 83.

[1660] Harl. MS. 431, fol. 100 b; Mon. Franc. I, 539, 551; Wilkins,
Concil. III, 459.

[1661] Mun. Acad. p. 649. In the will of R. Mertherderwa (A. D. 1447)
mention is made of a friar David Carn Dominican, S.T.P. of Oxford; Ibid.
p. 558.

[1662] Wadding, Ann. Min. XII, 10-11, who adds, ‘I have these from certain
Vatican records.’

[1663] Reg. A a, fol. 53.

[1664] ‘Dum Bononiae legebam,’ quoted by Sbaralea; Wadding, Sup. ad
Script. 420.

[1665] Cotton, Fasti Eccles. Hibern. III, 17.

[1666] Sbaralea has collected from his extant works references to works
not as yet discovered; Wadding, Sup. ad Script. 420.

[1667] Wadding, Script. 20; Sup. ad Script. 68, 420.

[1668] Reg. A a, fol. 74 b.

[1669] Ibid. fol. 75.

[1670] Ibid. fol. 79 b, printed in Appendix.

[1671] Ibid. fol. 86 b.

[1672] Mon. Franc. I, 539. English Hist. Review, Oct. 1891.

[1673] Gascoigne, _Loci e libro veritatum_, p. 100. Tanner (Bibl. p. 584)
gives a reference to this letter: ‘MS. in Bibl. Gualteri Copi.’ It is
probably still among the MSS. at Bramshill House, Hants. The date of the
letter is not given.

[1674] Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London (Camden Soc.), p. 20.

[1675] P.C.C. Wattys, fol. 180 a.

[1676] Francis a S. Clara, Hist. Minor, pp. 37-8.

[1677] MS. Cott. Vitell. F XII, f. 282 b. ‘In capella Apostolorum ... in
medio sub lapide jacet ffrater Willelmus Goodard sacre theologie doctor
gardianus loci et precipuus benefactor ejusdem qui obiit 26{o} die mensis
Septembris, A. D. 1485.’ On fol. 310 he is called ‘frater Willelmus
Goddard junior.’

[1678] MS. Cott. Vitell. F XII, fol. 274 b. The date is obviously wrong.
In the margin 1497 is written in a later hand, but crossed out.

[1679] Reg. A a, fol. 87 b.

[1680] Boase, Reg. p. 24.

[1681] Reg. A a, fol. 122; see App.

[1682] Reg. A a, fol. 128; see App.

[1683] Le Neve, _Fasti_, I, 103.

[1684] ‘XIX Kal. Feb. anno 1466.’ Wadding, Vol. XIII, p. 356.

[1685] Le Neve, _ut supra_.

[1686] Reg. A a, fol. 14 b.

[1687] Ibid. fol. 101 b.

[1688] Reg. A a, fol. 117; printed in Mun. Acad. 755.

[1689] Anal. Franc. II, 536.

[1690] Reg. A a, fol. 119.

[1691] MS. Cott. Vitell. F XII, fol. 277. ‘Sub secunda parte tercie
fenestre jacet Johannes Alen pater Magistri quondam de capella Johannes
(sic) ducis Bedfordie et in eodem loco jacent frater Johannes Alen S.T.P.
quondam gardianus loci filius Johannis Alen,’ &c.

[1692] Mun. Acad. 683.

[1693] Wadding adds ‘de Traversagnis;’ Script. 160; Ann. Vol. XIV, p. 232.

[1694] Wadding, ibid. and Sup. ad Script. 484.

[1695] Ibid. His connexion with Oxford may be inferred from his _Epistola
nuncupatoria_ to Waynflete, in which he speaks of the site, building,
library, &c., of Magdalen College, Lambeth MS. 450; Wharton, _Anglia
Sacra_, I, 326.

[1696] See _explicit_ of his _Rhetorica_ (ed. 1480): ‘compilatum autem
fuit hoc opus in Alma universitate Cantabrigie, A. D. 1478, die et 6
Julii.’

[1697] Lambeth MS. _ut supra_.

[1698] Wadding, Script. 161.

[1699] Macray, Annals of the Bodleian, 2nd edition, p. 376, says 1489.

[1700] See also Wadding, Script. 160, 161. ‘Habentur ejus monumenta
Saonae apud Minores MSS.... Magnam librorum copiam eo in conventu
coacervavit.’

[1701] Wood, Annals, Vol. I. p. 638. Oxf. Univ. Archives, F 4, f. 123 b,
145 a (Letter 313).

[1702] Pat. 17 Edw. IV, Part II, m. 28. His business related to the royal
grant of 50 marks a year. ‘Nos autem, pro eo quod littere predicte
casualiter sunt amisse, sicut ffrater Willelmus Dysse coram nobis in
Cancellaria nostra personaliter constitutus sacramentum prestitit
corporale, et quod idem frater Willelmus litteras illas si eas imposterum
reperiri contigerit nobis in eandem Cancellariam nostram restituet ibidem
cancelland’ tenorem irrotulamenti litterarum predictarum ad requisicionem
prefati Willelmi duximus exemplificand’ per presentes. In cujus, &c. T. R.
apud Westmonasterium XIIIJ die Novembris.’

[1703] Cotton, Fasti Eccles. Hibern. III, 349.

[1704] Wood MS. D 2, p. 340.

[1705] Wood, _Athenae_, I, 16-18; Wadding, Ann. Vol. XV, pp. 312, 422. He
is said also to have superintended for some years the press which
Ottaviano Scotto opened at Venice in 1480; Cotton, Fasti Eccles. Hibern.
IV, p. 11.

[1706] MS. Bibl. Mazarine, 1019; the author is here called ‘Frater
Mauricius Belvacensis ordinis fratrum Minorum.’

[1707] MS. C.C.C. Oxford, 227, f. 1: ‘Expliciunt questiones doctoris
subtilis super secundo et tertio de anima Oxonie scripte per fratrem
Petrum Pauli de Nycopia. Lord Jhesu mercy.’ Cf. notice of William
Vavasour.

[1708] According to Wood he became D.D. about 1500, _Fasti_, 6.

[1709] Wood, _Athenae Oxon._ I, 5-6. Cooper, _Athenae Cantab._ I, pp. 6,
521. MS. Cott. Vitell. F XII, fol. 275. Mon. Franc. I, 539.

[1710] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~D~, f. 30.

[1711] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~D~, f. 28.

[1712] Ibid. f. 27, 49 b, 54, 78: ~F~, f. 106 b; EEE f. 159. Boase,
Register, p. 161; cf. 296.

[1713] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, f. 263.

[1714] Wood, _Athenae_, 94.

[1715] Wood, ibid. Lyte, 456.

[1716] Lyte, 475.

[1717] Wood, ibid. Several other references to him are found in the
records of the Chancellor’s Court: his servant, William Cooper, was
convicted of an assault on a scholar in 1509, Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, f.
94 b; in 1513 he took Richard Leke into his service. See App. B; see also
EEE, fol. 265 a.

[1718] Reg. G 6, fol. 22 b, 27 b, 29 b, 30, 31 b, 43, 58 b.

[1719] Reg. G 6, fol. 18. R. Hadley was one of the Observants _qui fugam
petierunt_ in 1534; Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. VII, No. 1607.

[1720] Reg. G 6, f. 26 b. MS. Cott. Vitell. F, XII, fol. 288.

[1721] Reg. G 6, f. 35 a.

[1722] Ibid. fol. 39.

[1723] Ibid. fol. 51 b.

[1724] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, fol. 264 b; the entry is crossed out.

[1725] See Part I, chapter VII, where references will be found.

[1726] Reg. G 6, fol. 18 b, 39 b, 55. Boase, p. 46.

[1727] Reg. G 6, fol. 61 b.

[1728] Reg. G 6, fol. 72 (two entries about him). Another Thomas Rose,
born c. 1488, is mentioned by Foxe (Acts and Monuments, VIII, 581-590); he
was a priest but not a friar (ibid. 585).

[1729] Reg. G 6, fol. 47 b, 161, 169, 187 b.

[1730] Boase, Reg. p. 66. Tanner, Bibl. 638.

[1731] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, fol. 266 b; perhaps a mistake for Walter
Goodfield?

[1732] Cooper, Athen. Cantab. I, 31. Notes and Queries, 1st Series, Vol.
XII, p. 430. MS. Wood, B. 13, p. 14. Thompson’s Boston (ed. 1856). Stubbs,
Regist. Sacrum Anglic. p. 143. Dugdale, _Monasticon_, Vol. VI, p. 1511.

[1733] Wood, _Athenae_, 205. Dict. of National Biography.

[1734] Wood, _Athen. Oxon._ I, 92-4. Cooper, Athen. Cantab. I, 55.

[1735] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. II, pp. 1450, 1467, 1470,
1474, 1477; Vol. III, p. 1555.

[1736] Ibid. Vol. II, p. 1465.

[1737] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. II, No. 1370.

[1738] He was certainly warden in 1515. Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII,
Vol. II, No. 1313.

[1739] Mon. Franc. I, 539.

[1740] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. II, Nos. 1313, 1314; Brewer,
Hen. VIII, I, 250-253.

[1741] Brewer, I, 245-250.

[1742] Le Neve, _Fasti_, I, 73. Cal. of State Papers, II, Nos. 4074, 4083,
4089.

[1743] Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, I, i. 90. Rymer, XIV, 12.

[1744] Eighth Report of the Deputy Keeper, App. 2, No. 5, p. 167.

[1745] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. VI, Nos. 62, 1379.

[1746] Seebohm, Oxford Reformers, 326-7.

[1747] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. III, 929, 965.

[1748] Brewer, II, 304, 306.

[1749] Ibid. 339, 346.

[1750] Cal. of State Papers, Vol. VI, No. 661.

[1751] See ibid. Vol. V, App. 9.

[1752] Dixon, Church of England, I, 106.

[1753] Le Neve, _Fasti_, I, 73.

[1754] P.C.C. Hogen, qu. 26.

[1755] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. III, No. 929. Cf. Seebohm,
Oxford Reformers, 383-4.

[1756] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. IX, 34.

[1757] Ibid. 34, 35, 607, 771; X, 522.

[1758] Reg. G 6, fol. 107, 122 b, 171, 182 b, 168 b, 187 b (and 213 b).

[1759] Eighth Report of the Deputy Keeper, App. II.

[1760] Reg. G 6, fol. 107 b.

[1761] Reg. G 6, fol. 107, 168 b, 185, 200, 205 b, 206, 207, 215.

[1762] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, fol. 194. See Part I, chapter VII.

[1763] Reg. G 6, fol. 127 a, b, 160, 168 b, 185 a-b, 187 b, 194 b.

[1764] Boase, Reg. p. 79; 8th Report of the Deputy Keeper, App. 2, p. 27.

[1765] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, fol. 264.

[1766] Reg. G 6, fol. 133 b, 171 b, 177, 168 b, 187 b, 199 b, 214.

[1767] MS. Cott. Vitell. F. XII, fol. 277.

[1768] Reg. G 6, fol. 160.

[1769] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, fol. 156 b.

[1770] Reg. G. 6, fol. 187.

[1771] Ibid. fol. 254 b.

[1772] Ibid. fol. 301.

[1773] Reg. H. 7, f. 1. See also ibid. f. 22.

[1774] P.C.C. Hogen, qu. 26.

[1775] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, f. 210; another Alyngton is mentioned in
Boase’s Register, p. 99; for W. Hows, see Boase, Reg. p. 80.

[1776] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, f. 250, 254 b. See Part I, chapter vii. A
secular named Richard Lorgan is mentioned in Boase’s Register, p. 128.

[1777] Reg. G. 6, fol. 220.

[1778] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, fol. 263. Wadding (_Script._ 148) mentions
another Minorite of the same name.

[1779] Reg. G. 6, fol. 253 b.

[1780] Reg. G. 6, fol. 187, 301; H. 7, fol. 1, 6 b.

[1781] Reg. G. 6, fol. 257 b.

[1782] Lyte, p. 222.

[1783] Brodrick, Memorials of Merton College, p. 251.

[1784] MS. Cott. Vitell. F XII, fol. 288 b, 313.

[1785] Cal. of State Papers, Vol. VII, No. 1607. Eighth Report of the
Deputy Keeper, App. II, p. 30. One of this name was Rector of Gedleston,
Herts., from 1551-1558; Newcourt, Repert. I, 827. Another was vicar of
Clacton-parva and died before Jan. 1523 (ibid. II, 155).

[1786] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, fol. 156 b.

[1787] Reg. H. 7, fol. 156 b.

[1788] To ensure publicity.

[1789] Reg. H. 7, fol. 40, 153, 161 b, 171 b, 177 b, 178 b.

[1790] Ibid. fol. 51 b. David Williams B. Can. L. must be a different
person, Boase, p. 104.

[1791] Ibid. fol. 61. For similar dispensation to him, see ibid. fol. 64
(May 5).

[1792] Ibid. fol. 63; on _circuitus_, see Clark, Reg. of the Univ. Vol.
II, Part I, p. 42.

[1793] He was, however, not licensed till June 3, 1521; Reg. H. 7, fol. 58
b.

[1794] Ibid. fol. 64, 69.

[1795] Ibid. 72.

[1796] Ibid. fol. 78; cf. 75, 70 b.

[1797] Reg. H. 7, fol. 38, 40 b, 78.

[1798] Ibid. fol. 61.

[1799] Ibid. fol. 38, 51 b, 68, 69.

[1800] Ibid. fol. 73, 104 b, 124, 127, 130.

[1801] Reg. H. 7, fol. 140; App. D.

[1802] Ibid. 142 b. 143.

[1803] Eighth Report of Deputy Keeper, App. II. p. 28.

[1804] Reg. H. 7, fol. 82 b, 98 b.

[1805] Ibid. fol. 116 b.

[1806] Ibid. fol. 117.

[1807] Ibid. fol. 117 b.

[1808] Ibid. fol. 119, 125 b.

[1809] Ibid. fol. 129 b; in this entry he is described as Doctor.

[1810] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, fol. 362.

[1811] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. V, p. 304.

[1812] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. IV, No. 5875.

[1813] In a list of monthly wages for July, 1529, there is a payment of £6
13_s._ 4_d._ to ‘Friar Nicholas, one of the King’s spiritual learned
counsel;’ in Feb., 1530, he received £3 15_s._ by the King’s command:
ibid. Vol. V, p. 304. See ibid. Vol. IV, No. 6187 (25), a grant of
denization to ‘Nicholas Delborgo, Minorite, S.T.P.,’ Jan. 21, 1530.

[1814] In conjunction with Stokesley and Edw. Fox he wrote (A. D. 1530) a
book on the King’s marriage, which Cranmer translated into English with
alterations and additions: Cal. of State Papers, VIII, 1054; cf. Vol. VII,
289. He is probably the ‘Friar Nicolas, a learned man and the King’s
faithful favorer,’ who was employed in negotiating with the University of
Bologna for a decision favourable to the divorce (1530): Cal. of State
Papers, Vol. IV, No. 6619. But there was another Friar Nicholas at this
time who was employed by the Pope, Wolsey, Henry VIII, and other princes.
This was a German Dominican, Nicholas de Scombergt or Schomberg, usually
called Friar Nicholas or Fra Niccolo. He came to England in 1517, the same
year that N. de Burgo began to teach in Oxford. He was in England in 1526,
and hoped to be made cardinal. In Oct. 1532 he was on his way to Capua
(from England?): a few months previously, Dr. Nicholas of Oxford (i.e.
probably N. de Burgo) was trying to leave England. These facts are taken
from the Calendars of State Papers, Hen. VIII. Vols. II-V.

[1815] Cal. of State Papers, V, 593 (Dec. 21, 1531).

[1816] See Part I, chapter viii.

[1817] Cal. of State Papers, V, 623.

[1818] Ibid. Vol. IV, 6788, ii, iv, vii.

[1819] Ibid. V, 1181. When, after Wolsey’s fall, Cardinal College was in
danger of suppression, Dr. Nicholas extracted an admission from the King
as to the fate of the rich vestments and ornaments which had been sent to
London to have the Cardinal’s arms removed; ‘he had begged of the King
“whitze copies for the high days of Our Lady.” The King said, “Alack! they
are all disposed, and not one of them is left.”’ Tresham to Wolsey, May
12, 1530; Cal. of State Papers, Vol. IV, No. 6377.

[1820] Cal. of State Papers, Vol. VI, No. 75. The benefice was worth
25_l._ a year; ibid. IX, 645.

[1821] Ibid. Vol. VI, No. 717.

[1822] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, f. 274.

[1823] Cal. of State Papers, IX, 645.

[1824] Ibid. 1120.

[1825] Ibid. XII, ii, 282.

[1826] Reg. H. 7, f. 110, June 8; Boase calls him Robert Kyrkeham in this
place (pp. 131, and 118).

[1827] Reg. H. 7, f. 104 b, 156 b, 160 b, 180 b; App. D.

[1828] Eighth Report of the Deputy Keeper, App. II, p. 19. See will of
Thomas Strey, lawyer of Doncaster (Nov. 14, 1530), in _Testamenta
Eboracensia_ (Surtees Society), Vol. V, pp. 294-7: ‘Item I bequeth to
Master Doctor of Grey Freres xxvj{s} viij{d} to bie hym a cotte.... Theis
beyng witnes of this my said will, Sir Thomas Kirkham, doctor of dyvinyte
and warden of the Freres Minours in Doncaster’ (and three others).

[1829] Wood, _Fasti_, 75.

[1830] According to Newcourt (Repert. II, 174) this living was vacant by
his death before Jan. 22, 1551. There may have been two of the same name.
Sir Thomas Kyrkeham, priest, was among those arrested for conspiring at
the Grey Friars London to refuse a subsidy to the King in 1531. Foxe, V,
57.

[1831] Newcourt, I, 419.

[1832] Reg. H. 7, f. 126.

[1833] Wood, _Fasti_, 68: he refers to Cambridge tables at the end of Mat.
Parker’s Antiq. Brit. Eccles. first edition; these are not in the edition
of 1572. Cooper, _Athen. Cantab._ I, 34, 527.

[1834] Mon. Franc. I 539.

[1835] Smith, Catalogue of Caius Coll. MSS. p. 197, 166.

[1836] Foxe, VI, 215.

[1837] Reg. H. 7, fol. 150, 153, 184 b, 210 b, 234, 235, 237.

[1838] Eighth Report of the Deputy Keeper, App. II.

[1839] Wood, _Fasti_, 83; Newcourt, _Repertorium_; Foxe, VI, 215 (his
evidence at the trial of Gardiner). Burnet, Reformation, II, i. 582, a
curious account of Bonner’s visitation of Hadham in 1554. Strype, Life of
Grindal, p. 88.

[1840] Reg. H. 7, fol. 169 b; Boase, 124.

[1841] Ibid. fol. 153, 169 b.

[1842] Ibid. fol. 174. Cf. Newcourt, Repert. II, 114; Will. Walker, Vicar
of Burnham, Essex, 1557-1582.

[1843] Boase, p. 145.

[1844] Reg. H. 7, fol. 218 b; adm. to incept Feb. 1, 1529/30, ibid. 210 b.

[1845] Ibid. fol. 234, 235 b, 237.

[1846] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, fol. 74 b, Part I, chapter vii.

[1847] Reg. H. 7, fol. 288.

[1848] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, fol. 257, 271 b, 380 b, Part I, chapter
vii.

[1849] Cal. of State Papers, VIII, 789.

[1850] Ibid.

[1851] Ibid. 480.

[1852] Ibid. 789.

[1853] Ibid. XII, ii, 557.

[1854] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, fol. 124 b, 161: the date 1534 is
uncertain, Reg. H. 7, fol. 290.

[1855] Foxe, Acts and Monuments, V, 20.

[1856] Ibid. p. 20 seq.

[1857] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, f. 161 a. There is no year marked on this
leaf; on fol. 159, the years are 1534, 1536; on fol. 164, 1528; on fol.
170, 1533.

[1858] Acts and Monuments, VIII, 501; he is probably the ‘old friar’
mentioned ibid. p. 500.

[1859] Strype, Annals, I, i. 415.

[1860] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, f. 230, 257, 270 b, 380 b. Newcourt,
_Repertorium_, I, 692.

[1861] Boase, Reg. 168.

[1862] _Athenae Oxon._ I, 101.

[1863] _Athen. Cantab._ I, 61. It seems very doubtful whether these
notices refer to the same person.

[1864] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. V, No. 1312.

[1865] Wood, _Athenae Oxon._ 101.

[1866] Ibid.

[1867] Tanner, Bibl. p. 648; Bale (MS. Seld. sup. 64, f. 76 b) gives the
Latin _incipit_ for this work, ‘ex museo Nicolai Grimoaldi.’

[1868] Wood, and Tanner, _ut supra_.

[1869] Ames, Typographical Antiquities, pp. 486-7.

[1870] Reg. H. 7, f. 273 b, 264 b, 310 b.

[1871] Ibid. f. 289 b.

[1872] Cal. of State Papers, Vol. VII, 665, ‘Edward Tyley, S.T.B.’ Burnet,
Reform. I, ii. 205, ‘Edward Tryley, S.T.B.’

[1873] Newcourt, _Repertorium_. Strype, Life of Grindal, p. 79.

[1874] Reg. H. 7, fol. 287, 284 b. Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, fol. 271, 380
b. Part I, chapter viii.

[1875] Ibid. 303 b. Part I, chapter viii.

[1876] Ibid. f. 303 b.

[1877] Reports of the Deputy Keeper, Rep. 8, App. II, p. 28.

[1878] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, fol. 161, 230.

[1879] Ibid. fol. 366 b.

[1880] Ibid. fol. 380 b. The year is not certain. I have found no evidence
to connect him with David Whitehead, protestant preacher, who was
recommended by Cranmer for the Archbishopric of Armagh, fled on Mary’s
accession, and became English pastor at Frankfurt; Strype, Life of
Cranmer, 393, 399, 450.

[1881] Reg. H. 7, f. 290; I. 8, f. 84 b, 85, 88: Boase, p. 175.

[1882] Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London (Camden Soc.), p. 62;
Strype, Cranmer, 229; Wood, _Fasti_, 114.

[1883] Newcourt, Repert. I, 439.

[1884] Strype, Cranmer, 209.

[1885] Ibid. 295.

[1886] Chron. of the Grey Friars, p. 62.

[1887] Wood, _Fasti_, 114; Rymer, _Foedera_, XV, 237.

[1888] Wood, ibid.; Strype, Cranmer, 450, 468-9.

[1889] Boase, Register, p. 131; Cal. of State Papers, Vol. VI, Nos. 836,
887, 1370; VII, 923, 939, 1020, 1607, 1652; Gasquet, I, 166, 181-2. Cf.
ibid. II, 420?.

[1890] Boase, Register, p. 71; Gasquet, I, chapter iv; Froude, II, 178.

[1891] Reg. H. 7, f. 310 b.

[1892] Ibid. f. 315.

[1893] Foxe, Acts and Mon. V, 20.

[1894] Reg. H. 7, f. 303 b.

[1895] Reg. H. 7, 308 b, 303 b.

[1896] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, f. 161.

[1897] Newcourt, Repert. II.

[1898] Reg. I. 8, fol. 21 b, 23.

[1899] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. VII, No. 1607; perhaps in
connexion with the conspiracy of the Nun of Kent, or with the refusal of
the Observants to take the Oath of Succession.

[1900] Reg. H. 7, f. 303 b; I. 8, f. 9.

[1901] Strype, Memorials, II, ii. 277; Life of Parker, II, 52; Wood,
_Fasti_, 98-9; Le Neve, _Fasti_, I, 446, 447; Newcourt, Repert., I, 687.
Wood says he was Archdeacon of Gloucester in Edward’s reign.

[1902] Wood, _Fasti_, 106-7. Gillow, Bibliograph. Dict. of the Engl.
Catholics I, 313; Bourchier (ed. Paris, 1586), p. 11.

[1903] Wood, _Athenae_, I, 107; Gasquet, I, 192-201.

[1904] Foxe, Acts and Monuments, VII, p. 79.

[1905] Reg. H. 7, f. 276 b.

[1906] Oliver, Monast. Exon. 331.

[1907] Wood, _Fasti_, 92.

[1908] He resigned the living in 1551; Newcourt, Repert. I.

[1909] Le Neve, _Fasti_, I, 177.

[1910] Cooper, Athen. Cantab. I, 126-7.

[1911] Ibid., and Wood, _Fasti_.

[1912] Wood, _Fasti_: his manner was not conciliatory: ‘he sayd opynly in
his lector in Powlles that if God ware a man he was a vj or vij foote of
lengthe with the bredth, and if it be soo, how canne it be that he shuld
be in a pesse of brede in a rownde cake on the awter: what an ironyos
oppynyone is this unto the leye pepulle.’ Grey Friars Chron. p. 63.

[1913] Strype, Eccl. Mem. III, i. p. 322; Foxe, VI, 627.

[1914] Foxe, VII, 84.

[1915] Strype, Eccles. Mem. III, i. 166, 347.

[1916] Reg. I. 8, fol. 22. Another of the same name was D.D. of Cambridge
(1536), and Master of University College, Oxford (1546). Boase, p. 120;
Wood, _Fasti_, 123; Cooper, Athen. Cantab. Reg. H. 7, fol. 227 b, I. 8, f.
16 b, 112.

[1917] Eighth Report of the Deputy Keeper, App. II.

[1918] Cooper, Athen. Cantab. 70, 532; Le Neve, _Fasti_, III, 308;
Hutchinson’s Durham, II, 170; Durham Wills, Vol. I, 194 (Surtees Soc.
1835), ‘Crawfurthe.’ The ten vols. of St. Augustine (ed. 1529) given by
him are still in the library of the Dean and Chapter.

[1919] Reg. I. 8, fol. 6 b, 35 b.

[1920] Newcourt, _Repertorium_, I, 629, 632.

[1921] Strype, Memorials, II, i. 40; _Life of Cranmer_, 126, 133.

[1922] Le Neve, _Fasti_, I, 54.

[1923] Wood, _Fasti_, 108; Strype, Mem. II, i. 40; Tanner, Bibl. 327.

[1924] Rymer, Foed. XV, 350.

[1925] Strype, Mem. III, ii. 120, who gives 1558 as the date. Burnet puts
this commission in 1557; Reformation, Vol. III, Part i, p. 502.

[1926] Tanner, Bibl. 327: Hugh’s successor at Harlington was instituted on
Jan. 17, 1558/9; Newcourt, _ut supra_.

[1927] Reg. I. 8, fol. 37. Henry Strensham was rector of St. George’s,
Botolph Lane, London, from 1541-4; Newcourt, _Repertorium_.

[1928] Chapter House Books, A 3/11, p. 62.

[1929] Chapter House Books, A 3/11, pp. 2, 62; Cal. of State Papers, Vol.
VII, No. 1607. Cf. Gasquet, I, 191-2.

[1930] Chapter House Books, A 3/11, p. 62; Newcourt, Repert. I, 624.

[1931] Chapter House Books, A 3/11. One Thomas Cappes was priest of St.
Mary Magdalen, Old Fish Street, London, in 1540, and got into trouble for
his Protestant tendencies; Strype, Eccles. Memorials, I, p. 566; he is not
mentioned in Newcourt’s Repert. I, 453.

[1932] Ibid.

[1933] Foxe, Acts and Monuments, IV. 557; 8th Report of the Deputy Keeper,
App. II, p. 17.

[1934] Chapter House Books, A 3/11, p. 62; 8th Report of the Deputy
Keeper, App. II, p. 17.

[1935] Ibid. _ut supra_.

[1936] Eighth Report of the Deputy Keeper, App. II, p. 14; the deed is not
dated.

[1937] Boase, p. xi, 222; Reg. I. 8. fol. 138 b, 139, 139 b, 190, 190 b,
192 b.

[1938] Except, I think, one mentioned in the Reports of the Historical
Manuscripts Commission, but I have mislaid my reference to this.

[1939] Wood-Peshall, City of Oxford, p. 355.

[1940] MS. Sum̄.

[1941] For the grant of this area by the Abbat and Convent of Osney, at
the instance of Ela Longespee, Countess of Warwick, see Wood-Clark II, p.
474.

[1942] This is a reference to the letter dated May 7, 1262, already
mentioned; Pat. 46 Hen. III, m. 11. The word ‘_aliam_’ is not quite clear;
it may be _alteram_.

[1943] The following petition to the King (Parliamentary Petitions, 4299,
in the Record Office), probably refers to this grant, or possibly to the
grant of Richard Cary (p. 20); the petition is undated. ‘A notre seigneur
le Roi si luy plest prient les poures freres Menours de Oxenford qil lour
voille graunter la mortificacioun de vne place en Oxenford qe ne vaut qe
deux souz per an auxicome retourne est en la chauncellrie et qe est a nuly
preiudice.’ _Endorsed_; ‘Soit veu(?) lenqueste et le Roi en dirra sa
volonte.’

[1944] The edge of the parchment is worn away here.

[1945] Comp{r}.

[1946] This entry occurs a few lines before the foregoing on the same
membrane; it probably refers to the same embassy.

[1947] Formerly ‘Placita de juratis et assisis et corone 13 Edw. I, Oxon,
M. 5/2} 3, m. 55.’

[1948] pc̄.

[1949] _Sic._

[1950] Cf. Twyne MS. xxiii, 252, for an appearance of the Warden before
the Mayor’s Court in 1287. ‘Rot. Cur. die Lunae Oxon. proxim. post festum
assumptionis B. Mariae a{o} regni R. Edw. I. 15{o}. Memorandum quod
Johannes de Westover et Isolda uxor ejus venerunt ad curiam istam et
obtulerunt se clam(antes) versus Gardianum fratrum minorum Oxon. qui
venit, et petunt partes licentiam concordandi, et habent.’

[1951] He is probably to be identified with ‘Johannes Vallensis Anglus,
qui diu Londinii Theologiam docuit,’ who was promoted to the _Magisterium_
in 1368 by order of Pope Urban V, ‘laureante fratre Bernardo de
Guasconibus, ministro Tusciae, et Fratre Simone Bruni in Universitate
Tolosana;’ Wadding, vol. viii. p. 209. Wadding (viii. p. 533) gives a
letter addressed to John Welle, Minorite, S.T.P. and papal chaplain, A. D.
1372.

[1952] Mon. Franc. I, 539.

[1953] It is clear that J. Prophet was Dean of Hereford when this letter
was written; in another letter, referring to the same appointment, he
writes: ‘Cum predecessores mei decani et Capitulum herefordenses
fundatores in parte domus confratrum vestrorum hereford’ dinoscantur
existere.’ Harl. MS. 431, f. 100 b.

[1954] Wilkins, Concilia III, 459.

[1955] Afterwards Prior of Friars Preachers. London, Q. R. Wardrobe 6/4
(21 Edw. I).

[1956] sp̄c̄. some word like ‘elevans’ or ‘erigens’ is wanted to complete
the sense.

[1957] Qūō.

[1958] (or _nec_?)

[1959] t{n}tínat.’

[1960] MS. tenā.

[1961] sp̄t̄.

[1962] (tamen?)

[1963] Robert Kilwardby.

[1964] _Sic._

[1965] This word is added in the margin in a later hand.

[1966] p’toris.

[1967] MS. ad.

[1968] _Dicit_ inserted in a later hand.

[1969] MS. oc̄c̄osionē.

[1970] or _monere_.

[1971] _Vestri_ inserted in a later hand.

[1972] _Suum_ inserted in another hand.

[1973] The whole sentence is utterly ungrammatical, but quite
intelligible.

[1974] _Satisfacere_ inserted in another hand.

[1975] _de la_ inserted in another hand.

[1976] One letter, prob. c̄ (= cum) is illegible here, owing either to
intentional erasure or a flaw in the parchment.

[1977] MS. a{a} (alia?).

[1978] _detur_ inserted in another hand.

[1979] n{o} (nullo) or u{o} (vero) in MS.: or n{c} (nec)?

[1980] vr{m}.

[1981] _non deberent_ inserted in another hand.

[1982] MS. _cum_?

[1983] _transeat_ inserted in another hand.

[1984] Only four mentioned.

[1985] Afterwards lector at Paris, and Provincial Prior of England.

[1986] _se_ added in margin.




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Transcriber’s Notes:

Passages in italics are indicated by _italics_.

Passages in bold are indicated by =bold=.

Superscripted characters are indicated by {superscript}.

Letters printed in reverse are indicated by ~reverse~.

In several instances, the letters “NE” are printed as a ligature. These
are indicated by *NE*.






End of Project Gutenberg's The Grey Friars in Oxford, by Andrew G. Little