6)***


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This edition, published by arrangement with Messrs. ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE
AND COMPANY, LIMITED, is strictly limited to 650 copies for Great
Britain and America, of which only 600 sets are for sale, and are
numbered 1 to 600.

  No. 44.

  [[The number 44 is handwritten.]]


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *


              THE PASTON LETTERS

                A.D. 1422-1509


           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *

THE PASTON LETTERS
A.D. 1422-1509

New Complete Library Edition

Edited with Notes and an Introduction

by

JAMES GAIRDNER
of the Public Record Office

_VOLUME IV_







London
Chatto & Windus

[Decoration]

Exeter
James G. Commin
1904

Edinburgh: T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty




THE PASTON LETTERS

_Edward IV_




488

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[1.1]

_A Lettre to J. Paston, Armig., from his wife, shewing his imprisonment
in the Fleete._[1.2]

[Sidenote: 1461 / NOV. 2]

Ryth worchepfull husbond, I recomand me to yow. Plesyt yow to wet that I
receyvyd yowyr lettyr that ye sent me by John Holme on Wednysday last
past, and also I receyvvd a nothyr lettyr on Fryday at nyt, that ye sent
me by Nycolas Newmanys man, of the whyche lettyrs I thanc yow; for I
schold ellys a’ thowt that it had be wers with yow than it hathe be, or
schal be, by the grace of Almyty God. And yet I kowd not be mery, sethyn
I had the last lettyr tyll thys day that the Meyir sent to me, and sent
me werd that he had knowlege for very trowthe that ye wer delyveryd owt
of the Flet, and that Howard was comytyd to ward for dyvers gret
compleynts that wer mad to the Kyng of hym. It was talkyd in Norwyche
and in dyvers othyr plasys in the contre on Saterday last past, that ye
wer comytyd to Flet, and in good feyth, as I herd sey, the pepyle was
ryth sory ther of, bothe of Norwyche and in the contre. Ye ar ryth myche
bownde to thank God, and all tho that love yow, that ye have so gret
love of the pepyll as ye have. Ye ar myche behold to the Meyir[2.1] and
to Gylberd,[2.2] and to dyvers othyr of the aldyrmen, for feythfully
they owe yow good wyll to ther porys.

I have spoke with Syr Thomas Howys for swyche thyngys as ye wrot to me
for, and he promysyd me that he schold labour it aftyr yowyr intent as
fast as he kowd; and in good feyth, as my brodyr and Playter kan tell
yow, as be hys seying to us, he is and wole be feythfull to yow. And as
for Wylliam Wyrcestyr, he hathe be set so up on the hone, what by the
parson and by othyr, as my brodyr and Playter schall telle yow, that
they hope he wole do well i now. The parson seyd ryth well and pleynly
to hym. The parson tolde me that he had spook with Syr Wylliam
Chambyrleyn,[2.3] and with hys wyfe, and he thynkyth that they wole do
well i now aftyr yowyr intent, so that they be plesantly intretyd. The
parson tolde me that he wyst well that Syr Wylliam Chambyrleyn cowd do
more ese in swyche matyers as ye wrot of, towchyng my Lord of
Bedford,[2.4] than ony man kowd do that leveyth at thys day. Also he
tolde me that he felt by hem that they wold owe yow ryth good wyll, so
that ye wold owe hem good wyll. The parson hopyth verily to make yow
acordyd when he comyth to London.

Item, my brodyr and Playter wer with Calthorp[3.1] to inquer of the
mater that ye wrot to me of. What answer he gave hem, they schall tell
yow. I sent the Parson of Heylysdon[3.2] to Gurnay[3.3] to spek to hym
of the same mater, and he seyth feythefully ther was no swyche thyng
desyiryd of hym, and thow it had be desyiryd, he wold nowthyr a’ seyd
nor done a yens yow. He seyd he had ever fownde you lovyng and feythfull
to hym, and so he seyd he wold be to yow to hys power, and desyiryng me
that I wold not thynk hym the contrary. As for John Gros, he is at
Slole; ther for he myth not be spok with.

I pray yow that ye wole send me word whedyr ye wole that I schall remeve
frome hens, for it begynyth to wax a cold abydyng her. Syr Thomas Howys
and John Rus schall make an end of all thyngys aftyr yowyr intent, as
myche as they can do ther in this wek, and he purposyth to come forward
to yow on the Monday next aftyr Seynt Leonardys Day.

My brodyr and Playter schold a be with yow er thys tym, but that they
wold a byd tyl thys day wer past, be cause of the schyer. I spok to my
brodyr Wylliam as ye bad me, and he told me, so God hym help, that he
hyryd ij. horse ij. dayis be for that ye redyn, that he myth a’ ryde
forthe with yow; and be cause that ye spak not to hym to ryde with yow,
he seyd that he wend[3.4] ye wold[3.5] have had hym with yow.

Thomas Fastolfys modyr was her on the next day aftyr ye wer redyn, to
have spoke with yow for hyr sone. Sche[3.6] prayith yow, at the reverens
of God, that ye wole be hys good mastyr, and to help hym in hys ryth,
that he may have hom hys lyvelod owt of ther handys that have had it in
hys nownage. Sche seyth that they wold mak hym a yer yonger than he is,
but sche seyth that he is more thane xxj., and upon that sche dare take
an othe.

And the Blyssyd Trynyte have yow in Hys kepyng, and send yow good sped
in all yowyr matyrs, and send the vyctary of all yowyr enmyis.

Wretyn in hast, on Sowlemas Daye.[4.1]

  By yowyrs,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 1.1: [From Fenn, iv. 232.] This letter is ascribed by
    Fenn to the year 1465, in consequence of the allusion to John
    Paston’s imprisonment in the Fleet. But there were more occasions
    than one on which he was confined there. Fenn himself knew of two.
    Paston was committed to the Fleet, as we know from William
    Worcester, on Saturday, the 3rd November 1464. He was also
    confined there in August and September 1465, and may very possibly
    have been released by the beginning of November. But I am inclined
    to think this letter refers to an imprisonment prior to either of
    these. For, in the first place, the news of it seems only to have
    been recent. It had become general subject of conversation at
    Norwich, ‘on Saturday last,’ whereas in 1465 it must have been
    known two months earlier. Secondly, Sir William Chamberlain, whose
    influence Sir Thomas Howes hopes will be of service, must have
    died in the spring of 1462. According to Blomefield (_Hist. of
    Norfolk_, i. 321), his will was dated the 3rd March 1461 (which
    would be in the modern computation 1462), and was proved on the
    21st April 1462. It may be presumed, therefore, that on receiving
    the letter from his brother Clement (No. 484), written on the 11th
    October 1461, John Paston hastened up to London and was
    immediately thrown into prison. By this letter, however, we find
    that he was soon afterwards released, and his great enemy Howard
    sent to prison in his stead.]

    [Footnote 1.2: There is no direction to the letter, but the words
    above inserted are written in an ancient hand upon the back of
    it.--F.]

    [Footnote 2.1: William Norwich was Mayor of Norwich in 1461.]

    [Footnote 2.2: John Gilbert was Mayor in 1459 and in 1464. He died
    in 1472.]

    [Footnote 2.3: Sir William Chamberlain of Gedding, Suffolk,
    a Knight of the Garter, who had served under the Regent Bedford in
    the French wars. He married Anne, daughter and heir of Sir Robert
    de Herling, who, though she long survived him, and had two
    husbands after him, the second of whom was John, Lord Scrope of
    Bolton, was buried by her own desire beside her first husband, in
    the chancel of Herling Church.]

    [Footnote 2.4: John, Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, died at
    Paris in 1435.--F.]

    [Footnote 3.1: _Query_, if Sir William Calthorpe, Knight, High
    Sheriff of Norfolk, etc., in 1464, and died very old in 1494.--F.]

    [Footnote 3.2: Thomas Hert was instituted to the Rectory of
    Hellesdon in 1448.--F.]

    [Footnote 3.3: Thomas Gurney of Norwich, Esq., died in 1471.--F.]

    [Footnote 3.4: ‘Woud’ in Fenn in the original text, but this is
    evidently a misprint. The right-hand copy reads ‘wend,’ _i.e._
    weened or thought, and the note immediately following shows that
    this was the reading intended.]

    [Footnote 3.5: The word ‘not’ seems here to have been omitted in
    the original letter.--F.]

    [Footnote 3.6: The word ‘He’ occurs in the text before ‘Sche,’ but
    is evidently a mistake.]

    [Footnote 4.1: All Souls’, otherwise Soulmas Day, 2nd of
    November.--F.]

  [[Footnote 2.3: ... Herling Church _final . missing or invisible_]]


489

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[4.2]

_To my ryth worchepfull [hus]bond, John Paston, be thys delyveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1461 / NOV. 20]

Ryth worchepfull husbond, I recomand me to yow. Plesyt yow to wet that I
receyvyd yowyr lettyr that ye sent by the gold smyth, as thys day in the
mornyng. As for Syr Thomas, he sent me word he schold to yow ward as on
Twysday last past; if he fayle ony thyng that ye sent word he schold
bryng with hym, it is not for no lak of remembrans, for I sent to hym
thryis or fowyr tymys ther for, and that he schold hast hym ther in. As
for Rychard Call, he was not at home thys fortnyth. When he comyth I
schall do yowir erendys to hym; and as for all yowyr odyr erendys I
schall do hem as well as I can. I sent yow a byll yestyrday by old
Taverham, and a byll of Jone Gaynys mater, the whyche bylle I pray yow
may be delyveryd to Thomas Playter. I spak to hym of the same mater or
he yed hens, and I pray yow, if it plese yow, to geve hym yowyr avyse
what ye thynk is best to do ther in. Sche seyth sche is ryth sory, and
if hyr old mastyr demene hym not well to yow sche prayith yow that ye
wole be hyr good mastyr, and I that sche fare never the werse for hys
defawtys. And also I pray yow that ye wele be John Lysterys good mastyr
in hys mater. He spak to Playter ther of, and Playter seyd he hopyd to
fynd a mene aftyr that he had spook with yow, that schold ese hym ther
in. I thank yow hertly for yowyr lettyr, for it was to me gret comfort
to her fro yow. God knowyth my modyr and I thowt ryth longe tyll we herd
tydyngys fro yow. And the blyssyd Trinite have yow in Hys kepyng. Wretyn
in hast on Seynt Edmundys Day the Kyng.

  By yowyr M. P.

The pepyll was nevyr bettyr dysposyd to yow than they be at this owyr.
The byll that Howard hathe mad a yens yow and odyr hathe set the pepyll
in thys contre a rore. God yeve grace it be no werse than it is yet.

    [Footnote 4.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter seems to have
    been written in 1461, the year of John Paston’s great dispute with
    Howard.]


490

ROGER TAVERHAM TO JOHN PASTON[5.1]

_To my reverent and most be trusted maister, John Paston, Esquyer,
duelling in the Inner Temple, be this delyvered._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Ryght reverent and most be trusted maister, I recommaunde me in the most
lowly wise un to your good and prevyd maysterchep, and desiring many
days to here of your welfare, whiche I be seche God encrese un to his
plesauns and un to the prosperite and welfare of your person, and of all
youres. And I be seche you of the good contynuaunce of your maysterchep
at diverses tymes befor this writing shewed un to me; and, sir, ther is
non man a lvye that I trust more to than I doo un to you, and I am your
bedman, and so shall remayn be the grace of God all the days of myn
liff. And, sir, I suppose I shall never see you no more, nor non of myn
frendes, whiche is to me the grettest lamentacion that myght come un to
myn herte; for, sir, by the grace of God, I shall go to Rome and in to
oder holy places, to spende myn dayes of this present liff in the
servise of God. For I hadde lever liffe in gret tribulacion in the
service of God in this present liff, than for to folowe the
wretchednesse of this worlde.

And, syr, of on thing I be seche specially your good maysterchep that ye
wolle shew your good maistershep un to my fader in tyme of his nede, and
that ye wolle recomaunde me in the most lowly wise with all reverence un
to his good faderhode, be sechyng hym that he wole yeff me every day,
during the dayes of his liff, his paternall blissing. And I have
marvayle san that I have writen so many letters un to hym be for this
tyme, that I hadde never non letter ageyn, whiche is to me the grettest
lamentacion that ever come to my hert; and nowe knowing that I shall
never see hym more, nor you, nor non other of my frendes, marvayle ye
not thow sorowe is imprended in myn hert.

But, reverent maister, myn singuler trust remayneth nowe in your person,
for, sir, and it please you, I most nedes write un to your good
maisterchep, in the whiche my most trust remayneth. For, syr, and it
please you, as for myn inheritaunce and other things whiche shulde come
to me after the deth of my fader, whoes liff God preserve to his long
plesauns, knowing that I shall never com ther, I hadde lever that by
your good a vise that ye wolde take it unto you, for I hadde lever that
ye hadde it rather than any person in the worlde during my liff, with
all the profites ther of; and if that ye wole make as good evidences for
you in that partye as ye can, and I shall a seale hem. And as you semeth
best, and in the most secret wise, rewle you in this mater.

And, sir, I be seche you to recomaunde me in the most lowly wise to myn
reverent Maister William Lumnour, seyeng hym that I am and shall be his
perpetuall bedman, and as ye thenk best, ye may telle hym of all these
maters. And, syr, I be seche you to recomaunde me with all reverence un
to my masteras your wiff, and to all other maysters and frendes ther.
And, sir, that ye wolle thank the bringer of this letter, whiche hathe
ben in my gret tribulacion my good frende; and, sir, whan ye speke with
my fader, recomaunde me un to hym with all reverence, and sey un to hym
I shall send hym a letter in all hast possible.

And, syr, as for this mater, demene you as ye wolle, and I shall doo
your plesauns as moche as in me is. And, reverent maister, remitte me
summe letter by the bringer her of of all thes maters, for he duellith
with my Lorde, and he is ryght moche be trusted, for I knowe wele he
wole yef a tendaunce un to you for to have summe letter from you; for,
syr, it shall not be longe or that I go to Rome, by the grace of God.
And as sone as I have a letter from you at this tyme, I shall send you a
noder ageyn.

No more at this tyme, but the Holy Trinite have you in His blissed
keping. Wreten at Sarum, the Monday aftyr Mydsomer Day. And lete these
maters be kept secrete by your best a vise.

  Be youre poure servaunt,

  ROGER TAVERHAM.

    [Footnote 5.1: [From Fenn, iv. 252.] This letter and the next are
    placed here merely for convenience. The two are evidently some
    years apart in point of date, and nothing is quite clear about the
    date of either, except that the latter must have been written in
    the reign of Edward IV., and of course before the death of John
    Paston in 1466. This, which is several years earlier than the
    other, was almost certainly written in the reign of Henry VI. The
    writer was probably the ‘old Taverham’ mentioned by Margaret
    Paston in the last letter.]


491

ROGER TAVERHAM TO JOHN PASTON[7.1]

_To my right wourshipful maister, John Paston, Esquyer, be this letter
delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1461(?)]

Right wourshipful maister, I recommaunde me un to your maistership, and
I thank your maistership that hit pleased your maistership to sende me
wourde a yen of my letter that I sende you by the brynger herof. Sir, as
I am enfourmed, ye sent me wourde how that my fader was dede long tyme
passed, and also ye desired to knowe my titylle of ryght. Sir, I am very
heyre, by the disceas of my fader, to a place called Keswyk, in
Taverham, with all the apportenauncez, and that comyth by enherytaunce
and discente to me, for I am the helder and heyre; and though my Lorde
Cromwell[8.1] hath taken Thomas Taverham, my yonger brother, as warde
for the same enheritaunce, that maketh no mater to me, in so moche I am
helder brother. Wher for I beseche you to sende me a letter of attournay
made to you in my name in the strengest wise that ye can, for to entre
in to the same lyvelode, and I shall asseal that, and than I shall do my
service and feaute to the seid Lorde Cromwell in all thing as by the
tenure of the same lyvelode of olde tyme aught to be done. And herin I
kno well the King shal cause my Lorde Cromwel to do me bothe lawe and
right; and also my Lorde Chaunceler, with oder Lordes diverse, shall do
the same. And, sir, I beseche your maistership to do and to take
possession in the saide place with the apportenaunce in short tyme, for
losyng of the rent this yer passed.

And, sir, as for the place of Attylbrigge that my moder in lawe now
duellith in, sir, your maistershep shal right not [_naught_] attempte
ther now in; for my Lorde of Warwik[8.2] hath seen how the same place
was yeven me by testament by Sir Roger Dallyng after the disease of my
fader, whiche is redy to be shewed. And therupon my Lorde of Warwik hath
comaunded certeyn gentilmen to entre in the same place, and your
maistership hadde be moved ther in or this, but for cause that ye love
wel Lumpnour,[8.3] and that my moder in lawe is his sister; but I knowe
wel hit woul cost CCC_li._, but that she shal be dispossedded of that
place in short tyme. And, maister, how ye woul be rewled in the seid
place of Keswyk, I be seche you to sende me wourde, as my sengler trust
is in you; for and ye woulde not take possession in the saide place, my
Lorde Wenlok[8.4] woulde have that ful fayne, for all the contray
knowith while that while I leve, I am heyr and non other. And therfor I
beseche you in all hast sende me wourde by the bryngger herof in hast,
quia mora trahit periculum. And, sir, I would come speke with you. I am
seke, and may not goo; but telle the bryngger heroff all your entent.
For my liff duryng I hadde lever that ye hadde that place for j_d._ than
a nother man, thow he woulde yeff me meche mony, for your maistership
ther shewed to me in my yong age. And God kepe you, &c.

  Your chapeleyn,

  ROGER TAVERHAM.

    [Footnote 7.1: [From Fenn, iv. 258.] The mention of Lord Wenlock
    in this letter proves that it cannot be earlier than 1461; but if
    the writer be, as we have surmised, the ‘old Taverham’ mentioned
    by Margaret Paston in No. 489, it is most probably of that year.]

    [Footnote 8.1: Humphrey Bourchier, Lord Cromwell, so created in
    1461.]

    [Footnote 8.2: Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick.]

    [Footnote 8.3: William Lumner, of Mannington, in Norfolk.--F.]

    [Footnote 8.4: John Wenlock was created Baron Wenlock in 1461 by
    Edward IV.; but he afterwards left the York party, and joined that
    of Lancaster. He was cleft down with a battle-axe by the Duke of
    Somerset for not coming up in time at the battle of Tewkesbury in
    1471, whereby that battle was lost.--F.]


492

ABSTRACT[9.1]

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1461 / NOV. 20]

Since I left you I have received at Cotton £4 : 2s., with which I have
made purchases of linen shirts, &c. for you. Shall have more money
before Christmas. Debenham, Jenney, nor none of his men ‘come not there
sen’ that I was there.’ A letter of attorney is made for Nakton in your
name to Sir John Heveningham, and a rental and fermal sent him. We kept
a court this week at Calcotte but could get little money, not so much as
I paid my Lady of Suffolk’s officers. Farmers will not occupy there till
appointment be made between Paston and Debenham; nor Risynge till he
hear from Paston. Can get no day for Mautby. They will not give a noble,
nor even 6 shillings, for a cow. Dey occupies your lands there till you
come home. Risynge would take them and the closes at Castre if he is not
to have Calcotte. The prests shall be paid as soon as we get money,
I hope this week. Wheat 12_d._ a comb, barley 8_d._, malt 9_d._ and
10_d._ No good price for malt, ‘saving, as we understand, it is good
Flanders.’ John Russe and Robert Glover are sending a ship with corn
over, and we have ventured with them 100 comb malt. You should make some
bargain with your beer brewers. Can get no money from Aleynes, farmer of
Gresham, since ye rode, but 40_s._ Has laid in sufficient beef for
Paston’s household till ‘Fastegang’ (Lent). Sir Thomas Howys advises my
mistress not to send Edmund Paston to Cambridge or elsewhere till after
Christmas. Please ask Clement, your brother, to get a writ against
Geoffrey Clerk of West Somerton for the 20_s._ that Belys gave him to
pay Clement. Remember the letter I sent you last week.

Caister, St. Edmund’s Day.

  [From what is here said of the levying of rents at Cotton, and from
  the mention of Debenham and Jenney in connection with it, we may
  presume this letter was written in 1461. With this supposition
  agrees the reference to John Paston’s brother, Clement, who, as we
  see by No. 484, was in London in October.]

    [Footnote 9.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


493

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[10.1]

_To John Paston, at London, be this delyverd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1461 / DEC. 1]

I grete you welle, and lete you wete that this day Berth’ Elys of Paston
come to Norwych to me, and shewet me a rentall for the terme of Seynt
Mich., the yer of Kyng H. vj. xxxixº; and in the ende of the seyd
rentall, of Waryn Kynges hand is wretyn ‘Agnes Paston vij_d._ _ob._
[7½_d._]. Item, the same Agnes for v. acre lond xx_d._’ Item, Aleyn
Bayfeld askyth the same rent for the yer last past at Mich. Item, I have
knowlech be a trew man that whan Sharpe the reseyvor was at Gemyngham
last, Waryn Herman was dyvers dayes with hym, and put hym in mynde that
the mercyment for makynge of the walle chuld be askyd ageyn and be
distreynyd ther for. Item, I sent you be Doctor Aleyns man the restew
[_residue_] of Waryn Herman, and seche names as Cullynge and Sammys putt
in of her owyn fre wylle befor John Northales, shereve of
Norwyche,[10.2] under her selis. God be with you and send you His
blyssyng and myn. Wretyn at Norwych the Tuisday next after Seynt Andrew.

Item, the seyd Berth’ Elis seyth that the seyd reseyver wold not alowe
the rent in Trunche nor the mercyments for my sute to the curt. Gonnor
wold suffyr no man to answer for me.

  Be your moder,

  AGNES PASTON.

    [Footnote 10.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The year in which this
    letter was written is determined by the mention of John Northale
    as Sheriff of Norwich.]

    [Footnote 10.2: He was Sheriff of Norwich in the first year of
    Edward IV.]


494

SIR JOHN HEVENYNGHAM TO JOHN PASTON, SENIOR[10.3]

_To myn ryght worchipffull cosyn, John Paston the elder, Esquyer, be
this letter delivered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1461 / DEC. 12]

Ryght worchipffull cosyn, I recomaunde me to you in as hertely wyse I
can, desyryng ever to here off your welffare, whiche I beseche our Lord
Jesu to preserve to your hertes pleaser, &c. Sir, ye sent me a letter of
atorney to reseyve and to ocupye in your name the maner called
Burnevyles in Nakton. Sir, as for that ocupacion, I can litil skylle en,
ne I wel not take up on me non suche ocupacionis; wherffor I beseche you
holde me excused, for it is no werd [_world_] for me to take suche
ocupacionis. I have as moche as I may to gader myn ownne lyfflode, and
truli, cosyn, I can not gader that well. And therffor, cosyn, I pray you
take it to non displeaser. Sir, that I may worchepfulli doo for you, ye
shal fynde me redy be the grace of Jesu, whom I hertely beseche to have
you in Hise mersyfull kepyng. Wretyn at Hevenyngham on Seynt Lucye Even.

  Be your cosyn,

  JOHN HEVENYNGHAM, knyght.

    [Footnote 10.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is evidently
    of the same year as No. 492. The contents, moreover, seem to show
    that the date cannot be far distant from that of Richard Calle’s
    letter of the 1st of February following.]


495

ANONYMOUS TO JOHN PASTON[11.1]

[Sidenote: 1461(?) / DEC.]

Ryght worchefull master, I recommend me on to yow, &c. The cause of my
wrytyng is this; I was at Blofeld on Sent Andruys Day[11.2] wyt the
person,[11.3] and he understode non noder but that I cam to se is master
chepe, for it was hese cheve day,[11.4] and that I mevyd in to hym of
the lond in Sochewerk, how I hard sey qwan I was in Sochefolk that Geney
mad hys avaunt that he had zon [_given_] zow and hym a choppe of xx.
pownd of lond. And in contynent he telde me al the mater beter than I
cowde telle hym, and as I cowde understond in hym be my sympyl wyt, that
he was of knoleche of alle the mater; for he seyd that Yelverton cam don
fro the benche, and plete the mater, and for cause ye wer to laches, and
cam not in tyme, the mater yede a mys. And so I understode be hym that
he is dysposyd to excuse Yelverton in al materys rather than yow; but
never de les make good cher to the person, as thow ye understode that he
wer your frend, tyl tyme ye have your in tente. But be warr and trost
hym not, but make yow so strong in lorchepe and in the lawe, that ye
reeke not meche qwder he be good or bad, &c.

Item, ye be meche be held on to Tomas Grene and Edmund Wydewel, broder
to Heu à Fen, for thei reporte meche worchepe of your master chepe in al
maters, and that cause the substans of the towne to howe yow servese,
and be wel dysposyd on to yow masterchepe, and that understonde I hevery
day. And yf that plese yow, qwan we partyt at Norwyche in yowr plase, ye
seyd on to me ye wold som qat do be my sympyl a wyse; and this is myn a
wyse that in ony wyse ye make Heu à Fen and Tomas Grene on your consel,
yf ye can fyne in yow herte. For I dare sey, as I her and understonde,
that thei how yow ryth good well and servyse, for a man may her be the
halfe qwat the hole menyth, and therfor for Godds lowe remember yow wel
in this mater; for and it stode on myn lyfe, I wold do as I awyse yow,
&c.

Item, for howr Lords love, goo tharow with Wyll Weseter, and also plese
Chrewys as ye thynke in yow hert best for to do; for it is a comon
proverbe, ‘A man must sumtyme set a candel befor the Devyle’; and
therfor thow it be not alder most mede and profytabyl, yet of ij. harmys
the leste is to be take.

Item, ye xul oonderstonde that the parson telde me that dey wer somuned
to cum for the probat of the testement at Convercyon of Sent
Powle;[12.1] and therfor I wolde avyse yow in ony wyse that ye xuld
understond the mater wysely her ye com hom, for I sopose that Yelverton
and he is confydett and acorde to geder.

Item, qwan I was at Blofeld with the parson, ther cam Robert Fyrass to
hym, seyyng that he is compeld be the Kyngs Commycyoners to have harnes
after is degre, and that the parson sent hym to my mastras that che xuld
delyver hym harnes, and I understond che wylle not tylle ye com hom. But
ye xul understond it is an halmes dede to do hym good, understondyng is
nesessyte and nede that he stond in, and also understondyng that he was
kynnyes man to my master, and it is a comon proverbe, ‘A man xuld kepe
fro the blynde and gevyt to is kyn’; and hevery man wyl sey wel ther of,
the mor cause he is a gentylman, and of is kyne, and in gret penur. And
therfor, for the love of God, remembyr seche maters.

No mor at this tyme, but God have yow in Hys kepyng, bothe body and
sowle, and spede yow in yowr maters as wel as wel as I wolde ye
xulde do.

    [Footnote 11.1: [From Fenn, iv. 64.] The date of this letter is a
    little uncertain, but it seems to have been written at the
    beginning of the dispute between Paston and Yelverton, about
    Fastolf’s will, and the year 1461 appears to me on the whole most
    probable.]

    [Footnote 11.2: 30th November.]

    [Footnote 11.3: Thomas Howes.]

    [Footnote 11.4: The day of his _chief_ or patron saint. Blofield
    Church is dedicated to St. Andrew.]

    [Footnote 12.1: Jan. 25.]

  [[and spede yow in yowr maters as wel as wel as I wolde ye xulde do.
    _text has “sqede yow”; “as wel / as wel as” is printed across
    a line break and looks like an error, but Fenn has the same text
    at mid-line_]]


496

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[13.1]

_To my right wurchepfull husband, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1461 / DEC. [3]]

Right wurchepfull husbond, I recomaund me to you. Please it you to wete
that myn awnte is dissesid, whos sowle God assoyll. And if it please you
to send word how ye wull that we do for the lifflode that she had at
Walcote, wheder ye wull that any body take possession thir in your name
or not. And if it like you to have with you my cosyn William her sone,
I trow ye shuld fynde hym a necessary man to take hede to yowr howshold,
and to bye all maner of stuffe nedefull therto, and to se to the rewle
and gode gidyn therof. It hath be told me be for that he can gode skill
of such thyngs; and if ye wull that I send for hym and speke with hym
ther of, I shall do as ye send me word, for in feyth it is tyme to crone
your old officers for diverse thyngs wher of I have know parte be
Dawbeney, and more I shall telle you whan ye come hame.

Also it is thought be my cosyn Elizabeth Clere, and the viker[13.2] and
other that be your frends, that it is right necessary for you to have
Hew of Fen to be your frende in your maters; for he is callid right
feythfull and trosty to his frends that trost hym, and it is reported
her he may do myche with the Kyng and the Lords, and it is seid that he
may do myche with hem that be your adversaryes: and therfor, Godds sake,
if ye may have his gode wille, forsake it not. Also it is thought the
more lerned men that ye have of your owyn contre of your councell, the
more wurchepful it is to you.

Also if ye be at home this Cristmes, it wer wele do ye shuld do purvey a
garnyssh or tweyn of powter vesshell, ij. basanes, and ij. hewers, and
xij. candlestikes, for ye have to few of any of thes to serve this
place. I am a ferd to purvey mych stuffe in this place till we be
suerrer therof. The Blissid Trinyte have you in His blissid kepyng.

Wretyn the Thursday next after Sent Andrew.

  Be yowr

  M. P.

    [Footnote 13.1: [From Fenn, iv. 106.] Except that it seems to be
    of the reign of Edward IV., the date of this letter is about as
    uncertain as that of the last; but as they are both written about
    the same time of year, and both recommend John Paston to use the
    counsel of Hugh Fenn, it is highly probable that they are of the
    same year. Perhaps the last letter may have been written by the
    vicar mentioned in this.]

    [Footnote 13.2: The vicar of Paston? Robert Williamson was vicar
    of Paston at this time.]


497

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[14.1]

_To my ryth worchepful husbond, Jonhn Paston, be thys delyveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1461 / DEC. 29]

Ryth worchepfull husbond, I recomande me to yow. Plesyt yow to wete that
I receyvyd the lettyr that ye sent me by a man of Seynt Mychell parysche
on Fryday next aftyr the Consepcion of owyr Ladi;[14.2] and anon as I
had it, I sent my modyr[14.3] the lettyr because of swyche materys as
longyd to hyr in that same lettyr. And sythyn that tyme I kowd gete no
massanger to London but if I wold have sent by the Scheryfys men; and I
knew nowthyr her mastyr nor them, not whedyr they wer well wyllyng to
yow or not; and therfor methowt it had be no sendyng of no lettyr by
hem.

And as for swyche materys as John Geney and Jamys Gresham spak to me,
I sped hem as well as I kowd; and they bothe told me that ye schold
veryly a ben at home before Crystmas, and that causyd me that I wrot not
to yow now non answer. For if I had know that ye schold not have ben at
home er thys tyme, I schold a sent some man to yow; for I thynk ryth
longe tyll I have some god tydyngys fro yow. I fer me that it is not
well with yow that ye be fro home at thys good tyme. And many of yowyr
contre men thynk the same; but they be hertty inow to yow-ward, and full
fayn wold her god tydyngys fro yow. The wer no byllys put to the
Scherryf[15.1] at hys beyng her, ner non opyn playnt mad that I
. . . . . of no persone, be cawse they had so lyttyll knowlage of hys
comeyng in to thys contre. He demenyd hym full . . . . . and
indeferently, as it was told me, and Yelverton mad a fayir sermone at
the Sesschyonys, and seyd . . . . . so that the Kyng was informyd that
ther was a ryotows felawschep in thys contre, wer for the Kyng was
gretly dysplesyd, and that the Kyng undyrstood well that it was not of
ther owne mosyon, boot of cownselyng of one or ij. that ben evyll
dysposyd folk. And also he seyd if ony man wold put up ony byllys of
compleynts of ony extorcion or brybery don be ony men of thys contre to
them, they wer redy to receyve them, and to make a-kord be twyx hem; and
if they cowd not mak the acord, that than the schold tak the byllys to
the Kyng, and he schold set hem thorow. And the Scheryfe seyd that he
wold he . . . . . . them that wold compleyne and dorste not for fer put
up ther byllys.

And Yelverton preyid the Scheryfe that if he had for get onythyng that
the Kyng seyd to hem at ther departtyng, that he wolde rehersyt
[_rehearse it_] ther. And than the Scheryf seyd that he had seyd all
that he remembryd, save only [that] the Kyng . . . . to hem ij.
personys, Syr Thomas Todenham and Heydon. And than Yelverton seyd, ‘A,
that is trowthe, as th . . . . . . . that J[ohn of] Dame told me that he
spak with the Scheryf aftyrward, and let hym h . . . . . . . the rewylle
[and] demenyng of thys contre, and what cawsyd the pepyll for to grwge
ayens swyche folkys as had the reuyll be fortyme; and he was pleyne to
hym in many thyngys, as he told me; and he fond the Scheryfe ryth pleyne
ayen to hym, and well dysposyd in that that myth growe to the welfar of
the schere. The Scheryfe seid he undyrstood by swyche informacion as he
had, syns he came into thys contre, that they had not all gydyd hem well
that had the rewyill of thys contre be for; and therfore he seyd
feythfully, and swore by gret othys that he wold nowthyr spar for good,
nor love, nor fer, but that he wold let the Kynge have knowlage of the
trowthe, and that he wold do asmyche for thys contre as he cowd or myth
do to the welfare therof, and seyd that he lekyd the contre ryth well.
And John of Dame seyd if the contre had had knowlage of hys comyng, he
schold have had byllys of compleyntes and knowlage of myche more thyng
than he myth have knowlage of that tyme, or myth have because of schort
abyng; and he seyd he wold not be longe owt of thys contre.

And also Yelverton seyd opynly in the Seschyons they to come downe for
the same cause to set a rewyll in the contre. And yet he seyd he woste
well that the Kynge myth full evyll have for bor ony of hem bothe; for
as for a knyth ther was none in the Kyngys howse that myth werse a be
for bore than the Scheryfe myth at that tyme. I have myche mor to wryt
to yow of than I may have leyser at thys tyme; but I troste to God that
ye schall be at home yowyr selfe in hast, and than ye schall knowe all.
And but if ye come home in haste, I schall send to yow; and I pray yow
hertly, but if ye come home, send me word in hast how ye do. And the
blyssyd Trinyte have yow in hys kepyng. Wretyn in hast on Seynt Thomas
day in Crystmas.[16.1]

  By yowyr,

  MARGARET PASTON.

Here was an evyll rewlyd felawschep yestyrday at the schere, and ferd
ryth fowle with the Undyr Scheryfe, and onresnably as I herd sey.

    [Footnote 14.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The date of this letter
    will appear by comparison with No. 500. A few words in the margin
    of the original letter are illegible, the writing having been
    injured by damp.]

    [Footnote 14.2: The Conception of Our Lady was on the 8th
    December.]

    [Footnote 14.3: Margaret always speaks of Agnes Paston as her
    mother.]

    [Footnote 15.1: The Sheriff was Sir Thomas Montgomery.]

    [Footnote 16.1: The day of St. Thomas of Canterbury (Becket), 29th
    December.]


498

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON[17.1]

_To my right reverent and my moost wurschipful maystre, my Maystre John
Paston._

[Sidenote: 1461 / DEC. 29]

Right wurshipfull and my mooste reverent mastre, I recomaunde me unto
your goode maystreship. Like you to witte that on Childremasse
daye[17.2] there were moche people at Norwich at the shire, be cauce it
was noyced in the shire that the Undresheriff had a writte to make a
newe aleccion; wherfore the people was greved be cauce they had labored
so often, seying to the Sheriff that he had the writte, and pleynly he
shulde not a wey unto the tyme the writte were redd. The Sheriff[17.3]
answerd, and seyd that he had no writte, nor west who had it. Heruppon
the people peacyd, and stilled unto the tyme the shire was doone, and
after that doone, the people called uppon hym, ‘Kylle hym! Heede
[_behead_] hym!’ And so John Dam, with helpe of other, gate hym out of
the schire-hows, and with moche labour brought hym unto Sporyer
Rowe;[17.4] and ther the people mett a yenst hym, and so they a voided
hym unto an hows, and kept fast the dore unto the tyme the meyer was
sent fore, and the Sherif, to strenght hym, and to convey hem a wey, or
ell he had be slayne. Wherfor divers of the thrifty men came to me,
desiryng that I shulde writte unto your maistreship to lete you have
undrestandyng of the gidyng of the people, for they be full sory of this
trowble; and that it plese you to sende hem your advice how they shal be
gided and rwled, for they were purposed to a gathered an c. or cc. of
the thriftyest men, and to have come up to the Kyng to lete the Kyng
have undrestandyng of ther mokkyng. And also the people fere hem sore of
you and Mastre Berney,[17.5] be cauce ye come not home.

Plese you that ye remembr the bill I sent you at Hallowmesse for the
place and londs at Boyton weche Cheseman had in his ferme for v. mark.
Ther wol no man have it above xlvj^s. viij^d., for Alblastre and I have
do as moche therto as we can, but we can not go a bove that. And yet we
can not lete it so for this yere, with owte they have it for v. or vj.
yere. I wrote to your mastreship herof, but I had non answre; wherfor I
beseche you that I may have an answere of this be Tlwelthe, for and we
have an answre of this be that tyme, we shall enfeffe hem with all, &c.

My right wurshipfull and my moost reverent maistre, Almyghty Jesu
preserve you, and send you the victorye of your elmyes, as I truste to
Almyghty Jesu ye shall. Wreten at Norwich on Seyn Thomas daye after
Cristemasse daye.

  Your pore servant and bedman,

  R. CALL.

    [Footnote 17.1: [From Fenn, iii. 150.] The contents of this letter
    clearly refer to the matter alluded to in the postscript of the
    preceding letter of Margaret Paston, so that the date must be the
    same.]

    [Footnote 17.2: 28th December.]

    [Footnote 17.3: Sir Thomas Montgomery.]

    [Footnote 17.4: Spurrier Row, as I am informed by Mr. L’Estrange,
    was what is now called London Street.]

    [Footnote 17.5: John Berney of Witchingham.]


499

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON[18.1]

_To my moost reverent and wurshipfful mastre, my Master John Paston of
the Enner Temple, this be delyvered._

Plesith your maystership to undrestande that as for the ferme that
Cheseman had in Boyton, that is to sey, xl. acre lond erable, j. medwe,
and other smale parcell, payng yerly for it iiij_li._, weche I can not
lete the xl. acre lond abowe xl. comb barly or xl_s._, and ye to bere al
charges of the reparaucion and fense aboute the place, weche shulde be
gret cost. The lond is so out of tylthe that a nedes [_uneath_, _i.e._
scarcely] any man wol geve any thyng for it. Ther can no man lete it to
the walwe that it was lete before, and that I reporte me to my master,
Sir Thomas Howys, not be gret gold. Wherfore I wol not do therin unto
the tyme that I have answere from your mastership, weche I beseche you
it may be hast. And as for Spitlynges, I have lete som of the lond in
smale parcell, because I cowde gete no fermor for it. And as for Sir
T. H., in good feythe I fynde [him] weele disposed in all thynges,
excepte for Sir W. Chamberleyn for Rees in Stratton. And so the blissid
Trinite preserve and kepe you from all adversite. Wrete at Blofeld, the
Thorsday next after Hallowmesday.

  Your pore servaunt and bedman,

  R. CALLE.

    [Footnote 18.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The date of this letter
    is uncertain. Its contents are mere matter of business, and as
    relating to the same farm mentioned in the last may be supposed to
    belong to the same year, especially as in the last Calle mentions
    having written to Paston on the subject ‘at Hallowmass.’ There is,
    however, a discrepancy in the value assigned for the farm.]


500

THOMAS PLAYTER TO JOHN PASTON[19.1]

_To John Paston, the older, in hast, and if he be not at London, than to
be delyvered to Clement Paston in hast._

[Sidenote: 1461 / DEC.]

Lyke your maisterchip wete that at the last cessyons Erpyngham hundred
and other hundredys ther aboute were not warned, and the schreff excused
hym be cause he cowde not knowe who was officer there. Item, Yelverton
lete the pepoll understand that the Kyng wold have his lawes kept, and
that he was dysplesed with the maner of ther gaderyng, and that he wold
have it amendyd; for he conceyveth that the hole body of the shire is
well dysposed and that the ille dysposed pepoll is but of a corner of
the hole shire; and yet that ther mysdoyng growyth not of ther owyn
dysposysyon but of the abbettement and steryng of sum ille dysposed
persones whiche is understand and knowe to the Kynges hygthnesse. Item,
he lete hem wete that the Kyng had commandyd hym to sey if ther were any
man, pore or ryche, that had cause to complayne of any person that he
schuld put up his bylle to the shref and hym, and they schuld set a
reule be twyx hem; and if he wold not abyde ther reule they schuld
delyver the sayd bylle of compleynt to the Kynges hignesse, and he
schuld set the rewle and suche dyreccion that the party compleynaunt or
defendaunt schuld be punysshed for his dysobeysauns of the said rewle if
the case requyred; and also more over, if ther were ony person that put
up ony suche bylle, and it mygth apere to them by ther examinacion or
other wyse fals or untrewe, or elles be cause of malyce, that than suche
compleynaunts schuld sharpely be punysshed. And than whan he had sayd
this and moche more, in dyscoragyng to the pepoll to put bylles, as
after my conseyt, he reported hym to the schref ther present, that the
Kyng thus comanded hem thus to sey, desyreng the said schref if ony
thyng of the Kyngs comaunded were be hynd unspoken by hym self that he
wold remembre and helpe forthe to telle it. And than the schref said,
lyke as he rehersed the Kyng comanded, and more over that the Kyng named
ij. men, by name Tudenham and Haydon, and if ony man wold put bylles a
yens them, he said in feythfull wyse he wold help hem, and ferther the
mater to the Kyng higthnesse. And for his demenyng ther every man
thougth hym rigth wel dysposed; but Yelverton had for yeten to expresse
the names of Tudham and Haydon.

Item, the schref desyred the jentylmen to go with [him] to Felbryg
Halle, and specially he requyred Mr. John P., the younger; but he cowde
no pepoll gete, and so he cam not there. Item, there was a bylle set up
on the shirehous dore, and the content ther of was but of the favour to
you ward, Barney, Knyvet and Felbrygge, and of the hatered of other; it
was but of sum lewde dysposed person it semeth. Item, sir, at the last
shire was moche pepoll and ille governed for they wold not be rewled be
no body, they had almost a slayne the underschref, for they told hym
wryttes of eleccion was sent doun and he kept it on syde to be gyle hem,
and to make hem labour ayen, and ther for he that kepyth it is to blame,
me thynketh. Item, sir, please you to telle Mr. Clement, we have goten a
reles of al maner accions and appelles of Margret Clerk, made to
Gymmyngham, on of the pryncypalles, and that he woll inquyre wheder it
be suffycyant for alle, and send me word, and weder it dyvers fro
trespas and dette, wher damages is to be recovered, for in this appell
is no damages to be recovered, but only an execucion, whiche non of them
may be contributory to other execucion as is in other cases.
Nevertheles, I hope it be sufficiant for all, for sche is in the cas to
have the lyf in stede of damages.

  Your THOMAS PL.

    [Footnote 19.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The mention of Tuddenham
    and Heyden in this letter proves that it cannot be of later date
    than the year 1461, as the former was executed in February 1462.
    At the same time the reference to John Paston, Junior, could not
    be much earlier, and the message from the King to the people of
    Norfolk certainly could not have come from Henry VI. only a year
    or two before. The date must therefore be 1461 precisely.]


501

ANONYMOUS TO MARGARET PASTON[21.1]

_To my right worchepfull Mastres Paston._

[Sidenote: 1461(?)]

I recomawnde me to your good mastreschep, besechyng yow in the weye of
charyte, and as I maye be your bedeman and servaunt, that ye wyll lete
me have wetyng hoghe I maye be rewelyd ageyns the next schyer. It is
seyd that ther xal be mych more pepyll than was the last; and also if I
be in my Ladys place, or in ony other in the town, I xall be takyn owte.
Also, mastres, that my Maystyr Radclyffs xal take all my catell and all
other pore good that I have, and so but I maye have helpe of my mayster
and of yow, I am but lost. Also my servaunt Maryot wyll go fro my wyfe
to my ryght gret hurte. Wherfore, mastres, I besech your help in all
thes, and I xal content the costs as ye xall be plesyd, be the grace of
God, hoo ever preserve yow, &c.

Also, mastres, I can not be with owte your contynuall help, but I must
selle or lete to ferme all that I have.

Mastres, my Lady sent to Cawnbrygg for a doctour of fesyk. If ye wyll
ony thyng with hym, he xal abyde this daye and to morwe. He is ryght a
konnyng man and gentyll.

    [Footnote 21.1: [From Fenn, iv. 104.] This letter appears to have
    been addressed to Margaret Paston at a period when her husband was
    a man of some influence, and perhaps the year 1461 is not far from
    the true date. It is not unlikely to have been written about the
    same time as No. 500, which also refers to a meeting at the shire
    or county court.]


502

ELIZABETH MUNDEFORD TO JOHN PASTON[22.1]

_To my right worchipfull sir, and my right good neveu, John Paston,
Squyer, be this lettre delyvered, &c._

[Sidenote: 1461-6]

Right worchipfull sir, and my right good neveu, I recomand me un to you
with all myn herte. Plece it you to undyrstande the grete nessessyte of
my wrytyng to you is this, that ther was made an exchaunge be the
graunsyre of my hosbonds Mundeford, un hose sowle God have mercy, of the
maner of Gressenale with the aunsetrys of Rows for the maner of
Estlexham, the qwych is parte of my juntor, and my grauntfadyr Mundeford
recoweryd the said maner of Estlexham be assyze[22.2] a geyne the
aunsetrys of Rows, and so madyt clere; and nowe have Edmund Rows[22.3]
claymyt the seyd maner of Estlexham be the verteu of a tayle [_an
entail_], and hathe takyn possesseon, and made a feffement to my Lord of
Warewyke,[22.4] and Water Gorge,[22.5] and to Curde.[22.6] And un Fryday
be for Seynt Walentyne is Day Water Gorge and Curde enteryd and toke
possessyon for my seyd Lord of Warewyke, and so bothe the forseyd
manerys were ontayled, and at the tyme of the exchaunge made, the tayles
and evydens of bothe for seyd manerys were delyvered un to the partyes
indeferently be the avyse of men lernyd. Qwerfor I beshech you that it
plese you to take the grete labor upon you to informe my Lordys good
Lordchep of the trowthe in the forme a bowyn wreten, and that it plese
you to undyrstand qwedyr that my Lord wyll a byde be the feffment made
to hym or not; and that it shall plese my Lord that I may have right as
lawe requeryt, for I trust to God be soche tyme as my Lord shall be
informyd of the trowthe be you, that hese Lordchip wyll not supportt the
forseyd Rows a geyne my right. And if I hadde very undyrstandyng that my
Lord would take no parte in the mater a bowe seyd, I would trust to
Godds mersy, and to you, and other of my good fryndes, to have
possession a geyne in right hasty tyme, beshechyng you to pardon me of
my symple wrytyng, for hadde no leyser. Right worchipfull and my right
good neveu, I beshech the Blyssed Trenyte have you in Hese gracyous
kepyng.

Wreten at Norwych in gret hast, the Tewysday aftyr Seynt Walentyne is
Day.

  Youre ouyn,

  ELIZABETH MUNDEFORD.[23.1]

    [Footnote 22.1: [From Fenn, iv. 108.] The date of this letter must
    lie between the years 1461 and 1466. The writer’s husband, who is
    spoken of as dead, was put to death in June 1460, and John Paston,
    the person addressed, died in May 1466.]

    [Footnote 22.2: Assize is a writ directed to the sheriff of the
    county for recovery of the possession of things immovable, whereof
    yourself or ancestors have been dispossessed.--F.]

    [Footnote 22.3: Edmund Rous was second son of Henry Rous, Esq. of
    Dennington, in Suffolk, the ancestor of the present Earl of
    Stradbroke.]

    [Footnote 22.4: Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick.]

    [Footnote 22.5: Walter Gorges, Esq., married Mary, the daughter
    and heir of Sir William Oldhall, and was at this time Lord of the
    Manor of Oldhall, in Great Fransham. He died in 1466. His son and
    heir, Sir Edmund Gorges, afterwards married a daughter of Sir John
    Howard, Knight, the first Duke of Norfolk of that family.--F.]

    [Footnote 22.6: John Curde was Lord of the Manor of Curde’s Hall,
    in Fransham.--F.]

    [Footnote 23.1: Elizabeth Mundeford was the widow of Osbert
    Mundeford, Esq. of Hockwold, in Norfolk, and was daughter of John
    Berney, Esq., by which means she was aunt to J. Paston.--F.]


503

SIR ROBERT WILLIAMSON TO AGNES PASTON[23.2]

_To my right reverent mastras, Agnes Paston, be this lettre delyveryd in
haste._

[Sidenote: 1460-4]

Rygh wurchepful mastres, I recomaund me un to yow, thankyng yow of the
gret chere that ze made me the last tyme that I was with zow. Mastres,
in alle zour godys and ocupacyons that lyth in my simpil power to do in
wurd, wil and dede, I have do my dylygens and my power therto, so I be
savyd be fore God, and have owyn to your person ryght herty love; for
the qwych I am ryght ille aqwyt, and it be as I understande yt; for it
is do me to wete that I am swid with mor of my paryshchons for a reskuse
makyng up on the offycers of the shrewys [_sheriff_], and I take God to
record that it is wrongfully do on to us. And the gret fray that the
[_they_] mad in the tyme of masse it ravyched my witts and mad me ful
hevyly dysposyd. I pray Jesu gef hem grace to repent hem therof that the
[_they_] that caused it may stand out of perel of soule.

Maystras, at the reverens of God, and as evyr I may do servyce that may
be plesyng on to yow, send me justyly wurd be the brynger of this bylle
ho ze wil that I be gydyd; for it is told me that if I be take I may no
other remedy havyn but streyth to prison. For the whiche I have sold
away xx_s._ wurth of stuffe; and the reswd [_residue_] of my stuff,
I have put it in swier hande, for trwly I wil not abyde the joparte of
the swth,--I have levir to go as far as my fet may ber me. Nevir the
less as ze komand me to do, so it be not to my gret hurt, I wil fulfille
it. Nomor to zow at this tyme, but God send yow that grace that ze may
kome to His blyss.

Wreten at Bromholm in gret haste,

  Be your

  Sir ROBERT WILLYAMSON.

    [Footnote 23.2: [From Fenn, iii. 48.] The writer of this letter
    was Vicar of Paston from 1460 to 1464, and as he dates from
    Bromholm, which is in the immediate neighbourhood of Paston, we
    may presume that it was written during the time he held that
    benefice.]


504

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[24.1]

_To my ryth worchepfull husbond, John Paston, be thys delyveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1462 / JAN. 7]

Ryth worchepfull husbond, I recomand me to yow. Plesyt yow to wet that I
sent yow a lettyr by my cosyn Barneys man of Wychyngham wyche was wretyn
on Seynt Thomas Day in Crystmas,[24.2] and I had no tydyngys nor lettyr
of yow sene the wek before Crystmas; wher of I mervayle sore. I fere me
it is not well with yow be cawse ye came not home or sent er thys tyme.
I hopyd verily ye schold have ben at home by Twelthe at the ferthest.
I pray yow hertly that ye wole wychesave to send me word how ye do as
hastly as ye may, for my hert schall nevyr be in ese tyll I have
tydyngys fro yow. Pepyll of this contre begynyth to wax wyld, and it is
seyd her that my Lord of Clarans and the Dwek of Suthfolk and serteyn
jwgys with hem schold come downe and syt on syche pepyll as be noysyd
ryotous in thys contre. And also it is seyd here, that there is retornyd
a newe rescwe up on that that was do at the scher. I suppose swyche
talkynge comyth of false schrewys that wold mak a rwmor in this contre.
The pepyll seyth here that they had levyr go up hole to the Kynge and
compleyne of siche false screwys as they have be wrongyd by a fore, than
they schold be compleynyd of with owt cause and be hangyd at ther owne
dorys. In good feyth men fere sore here of a comone rysyng but if
[_i.e._ unless] a bettyr remedy may be had to a pese the pepyll in hast,
and that ther be sent swyche downe to tak a rewyll as the pepyll hathe a
fantsy in, that wole be indeferent. They love not in no wyse the Dwke of
Sowthfolk nor hys modyr. They sey that all the tretourys and
extorsyonerys of thys contre be meynteynyd by them and by syche as they
get to them with her goodys, to that intent to meynten suche extorsyon
style as hathe be do by suche as hathe had the rewyll undyr them be fore
tyme. Men wene, and the Dwke of Sowthfolk come ther scholl be a schrewd
reuell but if [_unless_] ther come odyr that be bettyr belovyd than he
is here. The pepyll feryth hem myche the more to be hurt, because that
ye and my cosyn Barney come not home; they sey they wot welle it is not
well with yow and if it be not well with yow, they sey they wot well,
they that wole do yow wronge wole sone do them wronge, and that makyth
them all most mad. God for Hys holy mersy geve grace that ther may be
set a good rewyll and a sad in this contre in hast, for I herd nevyr sey
of so myche robry and manslawter in thys contre as is now within a
lytyll tyme. And as for gadyryng of mony, I sey nevyr a werse seson, for
Rychard Calle seyth he can get but lytyll in substans of that is owyng,
nowthyr of yowyr lyvelod nor of Fastolfys th’eyr. And John Paston seyth,
they that may pay best they pay werst; they fare as thow they hopyd to
have a newe werd [_world_]. And the blyssyd Trinite have yow in Hys
kepyng and send us good tydyngys of yow.

Yelverton is a good thredbare frend for yow and for odyr in thys contre,
as it is told me.

Wretyn in hast on the Thorsday nex aftyr Twelthe.

  By yowyr

  MARGARET PASTON.

    [Footnote 24.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The contents of this
    letter clearly show that it was written in January 1462, nine days
    after No. 497.]

    [Footnote 24.2: _See_ No. 497.]


505

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[26.1]

[Sidenote: 1462 / JAN. 27]

Ryth worchepfull husbond, I recomand me to yow. Plesyt yow to wet that
Perse was delyveryd owt [of] preson by the generall pardon that the
Kynge hathe grantyd, whyche was opynly proclamyd in the Gyld Hall.
A none as he was delyveryd he cam hedyr to me, God wote in an evyll
plyte, and he desyiryd me wepyng that I wold be hys good mastres and to
be mene to yow to be hys good mastyr, and swore sore that he was nevyr
defawty in that ye have thowte hym defawty in. He seyd that if ther wer
ony coyne in the cofyr that was at Wylliam Tavernerys it was ther
withowt hys knowlage, for hys mastyr wold nevyr lat hym se what was in
that cofyr, and he told me that the keyis wer sent to Thomas
Holler[26.2] by mastyr John Smyth. What Holler leyd in or took owte he
wot not as he sweryth. He offyrd me to be rewlyd as ye and I wold have
hym, and if I wold comand hym, to go ageyn to preson, whedyr I wold to
the Castyll or to the Gyld Hall, he wold obey my comandment. And seth
that he came of hys owne fre wyll withowt ony comandment of ony man or
desyir, I seyd I wold not send hym ageyn to preson, so that he wold
abyde yowyr rewyll when ye came home. And so he is here with me and
schall be tyll ye send me word how ye wole that I do with hym. Where
fore, I pray yow that ye wole lete me have knowlage in hast how ye wole
that I do with hym.

Item, I have spok with John Dame and Playter for the lettyr
testymonyall, and John Dame hathe promysyd to get it, and Playter schall
bryng it to yow to London. Item, I have purveyd yow of a man that schall
be here in Barsamys sted and ye wole, the wyche can bettyr cherysch
yowyr wood, bothe in fellyng and fensyng there of than Barsam can; and
he schall mak yow as many hyrdyllys as ye nede for yowyr fold, of yowyr
owne wood at Drayton, and schall tak as lytyll to hys wagys as Barsam
dothe; and he is holdyn a trew man. Item, Playter schall tell yow of a
woman that compleynyd to the Dwk of Sowthefolk of yow, and the sey[d]
Playter schall tell yow of the demenyng and answeryng of the scheryfe
for yow, and also of the demenyng of the seyd Dwke, and of othir materys
the wyche wer to longe mater to put in wryttyn. The pepyll of that
kontre be ryth glad that the day yed [_went_] with yow on Monday as it
ded. Ye wer nevyr so welcome in to Norfolk as ye schall be when ye come
home, I trowe. And the blyssyd Trynyte have yow in Hys kepyng. Wretyn in
hast on Wednysday next aftyr Seynt Augnet the Fyrst.

  By yowyr M. P.

Item, Ric. Calle told me that he hathe sent you a answer of all erands
that ye wold shuld be do to Sir Thomas Howes. Sir Thomas Howes cam
nowther to me nor sent syn that he cam home from London.

Will Worceter was at me in Cristemes at Heylysdon, and he told [me] that
he spake with you dyvers tymys at London the last terme; and he told me
that he hopyd that ye wolle be hys good master, and seyd he hopyd ye
shuld have non other cause but for to be hys god maister. I hope and so
do my moder and my cosyn Clere, that he wolle do well inowe, so that he
be fayre fare with Dawbeney and Playter. Avise me to lete Peers go at
large and to take a promys of hym to com to me a mong unto your comyng
hom, and in the mene while his demenyng may be knowyn and espyed in mo
thyngs.

    [Footnote 26.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter relates to
    the prisoner Piers mentioned in Nos. 423, 424, and 426. He seems
    to have been delivered by a general pardon issued at the
    commencement of the reign of Edward IV. The letter bears no
    address. It is endorsed, but in a much later hand:-- ‘A lettre
    to J. Paston, Ar., from his wife.’]

    [Footnote 26.2: He was John Berney’s executor.]


506

JOHN DOWBIGGING TO JOHN PASTON[28.1]

_To the ryght reverent and worship sir, John Paston, sum tyme Lord of
Gresham, and now fermour therof, as hit is seide._

Perys of Legh come to Lynne opon Cristynmesse Even in the fresshest
wise, and there he dyned so as was; bot when my Lorde of Oxenforde herde
hereof he with his feliship and suche as I and other your presoneres
come rydyng unto Lynne, and even unto the Bysshop gaole where the seid
Perys dyned with other of his feliship. My Lorde pulled hym oute of the
seid gaole and made to kest hym opon an horse, and tyed an halter by his
arme, and so ledde hym furth like hym selff. And even furthwith the seid
Bysshop, the Mair, and other their feliship mette with my seide Lorde
and your presoneres, and also the seide Perys tyed by an halter, the
Bysshop havyng thies wordes unto my Lorde with his pillion[28.2] in his
handes, ‘My Lordes, this is a presoner, ye may knowe by his tepet and
staff. What will ye do with hym?’ Therto my Lorde seide, ‘He is my
presoner nowe.’ Wherto the Bysshop seid, ‘Where is youre warraunt or
commission therto?’ My Lorde seide, ‘I have warraunt sufficiaunt to me.’
And thus they departed, the Mair and all the cominaltie of Lynne kepyng
theire silence. Bot when we weren goon, and Perys of Legh fast in Rysyng
Castell, then the yates of Lynne, by the Bysshop comaundement weren fast
sperred [_shut_] and keped with men of armes. And then the Bysshop and
his squyers rebuked the Mair of Lynne and seid that he hade shamed both
hym and his toun for ever, with muche other langage, &c.

The Bysshop shulde have keped his Cristenmesse at Gaywode, bot yet he
come not oute of Lynne. In faith, my Lorde dyd quyte hym als
curageousely as ever I wist man do. The Bysshop come to the toun with
lx. persones the same tyme, and made to sper the yates after hym, bot
when we mette, ther bode not with hym over xij. persones atte the most,
with his serjaunt of armes; whiche serjaunt was fayn to lay doun his
mase; and so atte the same yates we come in we went oute, and no blode
drawen, God be thanked.

Yf ye will any thyng atte I may do, send me worde; hit shall be doon to
my power, &c. Comaunde me to my maistresse your wyff, &c. And yf ye dar
joperdie your suyrtie of C. marc I shall come and se you. And elles have
me excused, for, &c.

  From your oune,

  JOHN DOUEBIGGYNG.

    [Footnote 28.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is evidently
    earlier in date than the last, and may perhaps have been written
    at the close of the year 1460, but as it refers to the same
    prisoner as the preceding No. we place it here for convenience. It
    is printed in the fifth volume of Fenn’s edition as a letter of
    Henry VII.’s time owing to a misreading of the address, which
    might easily convey the impression that it was directed to ‘Sir
    John Paston.’]

    [Footnote 28.2: The hat worn by a Doctor of Divinity.]

  [[ye may knowe by his tepet and staff
    _text has “bv” (misprint or damaged type)_]]


507

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON[29.1]

_To the ryght reverent and my mooste worschipful master, my Master John
Paston, in the Inneer Tempyll._

[Sidenote: 1462 / FEB. 1]

Plesith it your maisterschip to witte that I have been at Burnewyll in
Nacton to receyve the rentes and fermys of the tenauntes. And I
undrestande be them, and be Robert Goordon that Mastre Jenney whas there
and helde a coorte on the Mondaye next aftre Tlwelthe, and warned the
tenauntes that they schulde pay no money to no man onto the tyme they
had worde from hym, seyng that he whas on of the feffeys of the same
maner, and that he whas feed with Sir John Fastolff, of weche fee he was
be hynde for ij. yere; wherfore he desired the tenauntes that they
schulde not be redy in payement onto the tyme they had word from hym,
but that he myght be payed of his seide fee, lyke as the wylle of the
deede was. Wherfore I can gete no money of them unto the tyme they have
knowleche how it stond be twyx your maistership and Mr. Jenney; for
withoute Jenney write to hem or come hom ward that wey, and have the
tenauntes together and lete hem witte that ye ought to have the rentes
and fermes of the seid maner, I can not see that ye be like to have but
litell money there, withoute ye woll do distreyne throuout all the
lordeschip. I have sette dayes to purvey but [_their_] money ayenst the
first weke of cleene Lenton, and than they schul have an answere who
shal receyve it. Wherfore that it please your maistership to remembre to
speke to Mastre Jenney. The blissed Trinite preserve you and kepe you
from all advercyte. Wreten at Yebbyshep[30.1] the furst daye of
Februare.

  Your pore servaunt and bedman,

  R. CALLE.

Item, the maner of Stratton shuld paye of rente xxvj_s._ viij_d._, weche
the fermour seythe my mastresse Brandon is acorded with you. He is be
hynde for certeine yeres, &c.

    [Footnote 29.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The manor of Burneviles
    in Nacton, near Ipswich, was part of the lands of Sir John Fastolf
    which Paston inherited by his will; but his claim was disputed by
    Jenney, one of the executors. As Jenney is here said to have
    complained that his fee was two years in arrear, we may presume
    that it was little over two years since Fastolf’s death when this
    letter was written. For further evidences of date compare No.
    494. It may also be observed that we find undoubted evidence that
    John Paston was residing in the Inner Temple six weeks later
    (_see_ No. 511), whereas in the preceding year he was in Norfolk,
    where his brother Clement wrote to him news from London
    (No. 430).]

    [Footnote 30.1: Ipswich?]


508

JOHN PASTON TO ----[30.2]

[Sidenote: 1462 / FEB. 9]

Right trusty and welbeloved, I grete yow hartily well, and will ye wite
that where hit is so, that Sir John Fastolf, whom God assoyle, with
other, was sum tyme by Sir Herry Inglose enfeffed of trust of his maner
offe Pykewurthe in Rutlande, the which made his wille, proved, that the
seid maner sholde by solde by Robert Inglose and Edmunde Wychingham his
executours, to whom the seid Sir John hath relesed, as his dute was to
do; now it is so that for John Browne[31.1] ther is shewed a dede under
seall of armes berynge date byfore his reles made to the Duke of
Norffoke, Henry Inglose and other, contrarie to the wille of the seid
Sir Herry and the trust of the feoffement that the seid Sir John
Fastolff was infeffed inne. And a letter of Attorney under the same
seale of armes to yow, to deliver seison acordynge to the same
feffement, to the gret disclaundre of the seid Sir John and all his, yef
this be true. Wherfore I preie yow hertili that ye feithfully and truly
rescribe to me in all the hast ye may what ye knowe in this mater such
as ye wull stonde by with outen glose, and how ye can imagine that this
crafte shulde be practised, and specially whether ye yourself delivered
seison in Rutlond or noo. And this and what incedentes ye knowe, I preie
yow by wrytinge certefie me in all hast, that I may be the more ripe to
answer to this, to the wurship of the seid Sir John, that was your
maister, so that thorowh your defaute your seid maisters soule ther for
lie not in perell, but this disclaundre may be eesed and cesed as reson
requireth, to the wurship of hym and all that longe to hym. And this I
pray yow faile not offe as I truste yow. Wret at Londo[n] the ix. day of
Februar.

  Yowr frend,

  JON PASTON.

    [Footnote 30.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The MS. is a rough draft
    signed by John Paston the eldest, and corrected in his hand. It
    seems to have been written on the cover of a letter addressed to
    himself; for on the back is this direction in another hand:-- ‘To
    my most reverent and worchepfull maister, John Paston the eldest,
    Esquier, be this deliveryd in hast.’

    We have inserted this letter in the year 1462 as this was the
    first year after Fastolf’s death, when John Paston appears to
    have been residing in London in the beginning of February. The
    only other possible years are 1463, 1465, and 1466.]

    [Footnote 31.1: This name is substituted for ‘Herry Inglose,’
    struck out.]


509

SIR THOMAS HOWES TO JOHN PASTON[31.2]

_To the ryght wurshipfull sir and meyster, myn Mayster John Paston,
Squier._

[Sidenote: 1462 / [FEB.]]

Ryght worshipfull sire and mayster, I recomaunde me to yow. And please
yow that the chirche of Drayton is or shal be resyngned in hast in to
the Bysshopys hands by Sir John Bullok, desyryng yow hertly that ye lyke
I may have the presentacion of the next avoydaunce for a newew of myn,
callyd Sir Reynold Spendlove, whiche I truste youre maystership wold
agree to make in youre name and myn as was last, &c. And, sir, please
yow also that I have hadde diverse communicacions with Worcestr sethe
Crystmesse,[32.1] and I fele by hym otterly that he wole not appoynt in
other fourme than to have the londs of Feyrechildes and other londes in
Drayton to the sume of x. marc of yow proprely, by syde that that he
desyreth of myn mayster, whom God assoyle, whiche mater I remytte to
your noble discrecion.

And as for answere of the bylles that I have, I have ben so sekelew
seythe Crystmasse that I myght not yette don hem, but I shal in alle
hast, wher inne ye may excuse yow by me if ye please tyl the next terme,
at whiche tyme alle shal be aunswered, be Godds grace, who preserve yow
and send yow th’ accomplyshement of youre desyres, &c.

Item, sere, please youre maystership hit was leten me wete in ryght
secrete wyse that a pyssaunce is redy to aryve in thre parties of this
londe, by the meane of Kyng Herry and the Quene that wes, and by the
Dewk Somercete and others, of vi.^xx. m.^l. [120,000] men; and here day,
if wynde and weder hadde servyd theym, shuld a’ ben here sone upon
Candelmasse; at Trente to London werdes thei shuld a’ ben by Candelmasse
or sone after, one parte of theym, and another parte comyng from Walys,
and the thredde fro Yernessey and Garnesseye. Wher fore it is weel don
ye enforme myn Lord Warwyk, that he may speke to the Kyng that good
provy[s]ion be hadde for withstandyng there malicyous purpose and evyl
wylle, whiche God graunt we may our come theym; and so we shuld,
I dought not, if we were alle on [_one_]. There ben many medelers, and
they ben best cheryshed, whyche wold hurt moche if these come to, as God
diffende, &c.

  T. HOWYS.

    [Footnote 31.2: [From Fenn, iv. 68.] For evidence of the date of
    this letter, Fenn quotes the following extracts from the
    Institution Books in the Registry of the Bishop of Norwich:--

      ‘Draiton

    ‘Reg. xi. 124. 29 January 1460-1. Johannes Bullock ad
    præsentationem Joh’is Paston arm. et Tho. Howys capellani.

    ‘Reg. xi. 131. 15 March 1461-2. Joh’es Flourdew ad præsentationem
    eorundem.’

    It thus appears that the living was resigned by John Bullock in
    1461-2, and on the 15th March John Flourdew was presented to it,
    not the person here recommended by Howes.]

    [Footnote 32.1: This word is indicated by Fenn as indistinct in
    the MS.]


510

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[33.1]

_To my ryth worchepfull husbond, John Paston, be this delyveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1462 / MARCH]

Plesyth yow to wete that John Wellys and his brodyr told me thys nyth
that the Kyng lay at Cambryge as yestyrsnyth to Sandwyche ward, for ther
is gret dyvysyen be twyx the Lordys and the schypmen ther, that causyth
hym to goo thedyr to se a remedye therfor.

I thank God that John Paston yed non erst [_went no earlier_] forthe,
for I trust to God all schall be do er he comyth. And it is told me that
Syr John Howard is lek to lese hys hed.

If it plese yow to send to the seyd Wellys, he schall send yow mor
tydyngys than I may wryt at thys tyme. God have yow in Hys kepyng.

Wretyn in hast at Thetford, at xj. of the clok in the nyth, the same day
I departyd fro yow.

I thank Pampyng of hys good wyll, and them that wer cause of changyng of
my hors, for they ded me a bettyr torne than I wend they had do, and I
schall aquyt them anothyr day, and I maye.

  By yor

  M. P.

    [Footnote 33.1: [From Fenn, ii. 288.] It appears by the dates of
    the Privy Seal writs that Edward IV. was at Cambridge on the 2nd
    and 3rd March 1462, and this is probably the visit alluded to,
    although we do not find that the King went on to Sandwich
    afterwards.]

  [[To my ryth worchepfull husbond,
    _text has “husbona” (italic a for d)_]]


511

JOHN PASTON, THE ELDER, TO HIS FATHER[34.1]

_To myn ryth reverent and worschypfull fader, John Paston, beyng in the
Inder Temple._

[Sidenote: 1462 / MARCH 13]

Ryght reverent and wyrshypfull fader, I recomand me un to you, be
sychyng you of your blessyng and gode faderhode. Pleasyt it you to
understond the grete expens that I have dayly travelyng with the Kyng,
as the berour here of can enfourme you; and howe long that I am lyke to
tary here in thys country or I may speke with you a gayn, and howe I am
chargyd to have myn hors and harnys redy, and in hasty wyse, besykyng
you to consyder theys causes, and so to remembr me that I may have suche
thynges as I may do my mayster servys with and pleasur, trusting in God
it schall be to your wyrshyp and to myn and vayll [_avail_]. In
especiall I besyche you, that I may be sur where to have mony somwhat be
fore Estern, other of you, or by myn uncle Clement, when nede ys. Of
othir causes the berour hereof can enfourme you. No more to you at thys
tyme, but God have you in Hys kepyng.

Wryten at Stamford, the xiij. day of March.

  Be yowr sone and servant,

  JOHN PASTON, THE OLDER.

    [Footnote 34.1: [From Fenn, iv. 126.] It appears by the dates of
    the Privy Seal writs that Edward IV. was at Stamford, from the 9th
    to the 17th March, in the second year of his reign, _i.e._ in
    1462. This letter belongs therefore to that year.]


512

REPORT OF FRENCH PRISONERS[35.1]

_Memorandum. This is the confessyon of xvj. Frenshemen with the Mastyr,
takyn at Sheryngam, the iij. wek of Lent._

[Sidenote: 1462 / MARCH]

Right worshipfull sir, I recomaund me to you, and lete you wytte, that I
have be at Shiryngham, and examyned the Frenshmen to the nombre of xvj.
with the maister. And thei telle that the Duke of Somerset is in to
Scotland; and thei sey the Lord Hungyrforthe was on Monday last passed
afore Sheryngham in to Scotland ward, in a kervyle [_carvel_] of Depe,
no gret power with hym, ne with the seid Duk neyther. And thei sey that
the Duk of Burgoyn[35.2] is poysened, and not like to recovere. And as
for powers to be gadered ayenst our weelfare; thei sey, there shulde
come in to Seyne CC. gret forstages[35.3] owt of Spayne, from the Kyng
there;[35.4] and CCC. shippes from the Duk of Bretayne[35.5] with the
navy of Fraunce, but thei be not yet assembled, ne vitayll there
purveyd, as thei sey, ne men. And the Kyng of Fraunce[35.6] is in to
Spayne on pilgrymage with fewe hors as thei sey; what the purpose is
thei can not telle certeyn, &c. In hast at Norwich.

The Kyng of Frauns hath comitted the rewle of Bordews on to the
marchaunds of the toun, and the browd[35.7] tha[t] be therin to be at
ther wages; and like as Caleys is a Stapole of wolle here in England, so
is that made staple of wyne.

John Fermer, presoner, seyth, on [_one_] John Gylys, a clerk that was
with the Erle of Oxforthe, wych was some tym in Kyng Herrys hows, was a
prevy secretary with the Erle of Oxforthe; and if any wrytyng wer made
by the seyd Erle, the seyd Gylys knew ther of in this gret matyeres.

    [Footnote 35.1: [From Fenn, i. 250.] This letter evidently refers
    to the state of matters in the beginning of the year 1462, when
    Henry VI. and Margaret of Anjou were in Scotland, and when the
    Earl of Oxford had just been beheaded for conspiring against
    Edward IV. The date of Oxford’s execution was the 20th of
    February. This confession of the Frenchmen is dated in the third
    week of Lent, that is to say, between the 14th and the 20th of
    March.]

    [Footnote 35.2: Philip the Good.]

    [Footnote 35.3: Large ships with forestages or forecastles.]

    [Footnote 35.4: Henry IV., King of Castile.]

    [Footnote 35.5: Francis II., the last Duke.]

    [Footnote 35.6: Lewis XI.]

    [Footnote 35.7: This word, says Fenn, is imperfect in the
    original.]


513

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[36.1]

_To my right singler maister, J. Paston, Squyer, in hast, &c._

[Sidenote: 1462 / MARCH 24]

After due recomendacion, please it your maistership to wyte Maister
Yelverton, justice, seid in the Sessions that the Kyng shulde kepe his
Estern at Bury, and from thens come unto this cuntre and se suyche
riottes as have be in this cuntre punyshed in suche fourme as happely
summe shulde hange by the nekke. And he tolde what thank he had of the
Kyng at Cambrigg for cause he declarid so well the charge of extorcions
doon by Shirefs and other officers, &c., for the whiche declaracion the
Kyng tooke hym by the hand, and seid he cowde hym grett thanke, and
prayed hym so to do in this cuntre, &c.

In hast, at Norwich, the Wednesseday next tofore th’Annunciacion, &c.

  Your povere,

  J. GRESHAM.

    [Footnote 36.1: [From Fenn, iv. 76.] It does not appear that
    Edward IV. ever did spend an Easter at Bury, as here projected. He
    was, however, at Cambridge in the beginning of March 1462; from
    which he proceeded to Peterborough, Stamford, Newark, and Lincoln,
    and at Easter (18th April) he seems to have been at Leicester.]


514

JOHN WYKES TO JOHN PASTON[36.2]

_To my right trusti and welbelovid frend, John Paston, Esquier._

[Sidenote: 1462 / MARCH 25]

Right worshipfull, and myn enterly welbelovyd frend, I recomaund me un
to you, hertely thankyng you of your gret present of fisch, and of the
felyshipp that my cosyn your sonne shewid unto me att Norwiche,
purposyng be the grace of God to deserve it un to you in tyme to come,
in such place as I may do for you.

Desiryng you specyally, wher as a tenaunt of myne of Lavenham, called
John Fermour, is sesid and arestid with in the towne of Yermowth, be
cause he dwellid with the Erle of Oxonfords son, and purposid to have
passid the see withou[t] lycence, and stondyth out of the conceyte of
much peple, I wold desyre you, that ye wold wryte to the Baylyffs of
Yermouth to delyver the seid John Fermor to my servaunt John Brenerigg,
brynger of this, with an officer of the seid Towne, to be caried unto
the Kyngs Castell of Rysing at my cost; ther to be examynid of certeyne
Artycules, which I may not disclose, til I have spoke with the Kyngs
Highnes: praying you to wryte to the seid Bayliffs, that I shall be her
suffisant discharge ayenst the Kynge. Desyryng yow to geve credence to
the brynger herof, as my verray trust is in yow.

Wretyn at Lavenham, the xxv^th. day of Marche.

  Your trew and feithfull frend,
  havyng no blame for my gode
  wylle.

  JOHN WYKES,

  Ussher of the Kyngs Chambre.

    [Footnote 36.2: [From Fenn, i. 252.] As this letter relates to the
    arrest of a confederate of the Earl of Oxford and his son, who
    were executed in February 1462, for conspiring against Edward IV.,
    the date must be referred to that year.]


515

JOHN RUSSE TO JOHN PASTON[37.1]

_To the rigth reverent and worshipfull sir, and my right honourable
maystyr, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1462 / APRIL (?)]

Right worshipfull sir, and my right honourable maistir, I recomaunde me
to you in my most humble wise. And plese it youre good maistirshyp to
wete that it is seyd here that my Lord Worcestre is lyk to be Tresorer,
with whom I truste ye stonde right wel in conseit, with whiche God
contynwe. Wherfor I beseke youre maistirshipp that if my seid Lord have
the seid office, that it lyke you to desyre the nomynacion of on of the
officez, eythyr of the countroller or serchorship of Jernemuth, for a
servaunt of yowrez, and I shuld so gyde me in the office as I truste
shuld be most profit to my seyd Lord. And if youre maistirshyp lyked to
gete graunt thereof, that than it plesyd you to lycense on of youre
servaunts to take out the patent of the seyd office; and if it cost v.
or vj. or viij. marke, I shal trewly contente it ageyn; and yeerly as
longe as I myght have the officez, or any of hem, I shal geve my maister
youre sone v. marke toward an haukeney.

It shuld be to me right a good mean to stondyn as well in the trust as
in the conseyt amongs marchaunts, with whom and with alle men I calle
myself a servaunt of yourez, and soo wil do, if it plese you, which
boldyth me the more to calle upon youre right wurshipful maistyrshyp in
this mater, where in I beseke you to forgeve me my boldneyse in thys
behalve. And if I knew that my Lord shuld have the office in sertayn,
than I wold wayte upon youre good maystyrshyp there to opteyne the
patent, if it plesyd youre good maystirship to gete me the graunt, &c.

No more on to you, my right honourable maister, at thys tyme, but Jesu I
beseke sende you a good conclucyon in all yore maters, and graunt you
ever youre herts desyre.

  Yore contynwal servaunt and bedeman,

  JOHN RUSSE.

    [Footnote 37.1: [From Fenn, iv. 112.] This letter must have been
    written before the 14th of April 1462, on which day the Earl of
    Worcester was appointed Treasurer of the Exchequer (_Patent Roll_,
    2 Edw. IV., p. 1, m. 19).]


516

W. C. TO JOHN PASTON[39.1]

_To myn ryght worshipfull and ryght singler good mayster, myn Mayster
John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1462 / MAY 4]

Myn ryght worshipfull mayster, I recomaunde me to yow in myn ryght
homble wyse. And please your maystership that I have ben at Wetyng and
there hald the court and lete on Hokmonday[39.2] as hit hath bene of
olde tyme accostomed; and the tenauntes have attorned and bene full
gladde that myn lady shuld rejoyse hit and kepe here possession. The
priour of Bromhill that was fermoure his terme is expired, and wole sewe
to myn lady and hir councell to have a newe terme; but lete myn lady be
ware, for, as I here seyn, he bydeth but a tyme that he myght gete a
summe of money to geders of myn ladyes lyflode, and to gone ther
with[39.3] a love of his sojornyng as yette in Hokehold. She hath bene
dreven fro town to town for his sake. Hit is wele done ye advertyse myn
lady, if she be in that cas that she hath governaunce of hir owen
londes, that she do no thyng to that lyflode ner non other in Norffolk,
with ought advyse of theym that have vysyted and overseen theym; for
there hath bene straunge rewle, bothe in woodsales and sale of londes
helde at wylle for fre rent, as ye shal knowe here after. Thoresby,
a man that was generall attorney for myn Lord Oxenford that was, told me
that the Kynge hadde made Keche generall receyvoure by priveseale of
alle londes that were the Erle of Oxenford and Dame Elyzabet, ecept tho
that Howard hadde entered and Lanham and an other graunted to Wykes, and
certeyn lyflode in Kent that was assigned to the tresorer of howshold of
the Kynges hows; and she shuld have be Keches hande v.^c. [500] mark,
ij.^c. and l. [250] mark to bene payed at this Estern and the remulant
at Mihelmasse. And of the remulant the Kyng shuld be answered. Ye shal
sone understande how it is; and if hit be so, hit [is][39.4] but foly to
laboure any ferther. I wold fayn knowe, for the courtes for the half
yere wold bene holde for nede. And our Lord be with youre maystership
and sende yow th’accomplyshement of youre noble desyres. Wreten hastely
at Norwyche, the iiij^te day of May.

  Youre servaunt to his power,

  W. C.

And whan ye comon with myn ryght worshipfull lady I beseche yow remembre
myn pore maters in whiche is greet concyens, &c.

    [Footnote 39.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The manor of Weeting, in
    Norfolk, came to John Vere, twelfth Earl of Oxford, by his
    marriage with Elizabeth, daughter and heir of John Howard,
    Esquire, son and heir of Sir John Howard, Knight. This Earl was
    beheaded in February 1462, for treason against Edward IV., and the
    present letter seems to have been written in May following.]

    [Footnote 39.2: Hock Monday was a fortnight after Easter Monday.
    In 1462 it fell on the 3rd May, the day before this letter was
    written.]

    [Footnote 39.3: _With_ repeated in MS.]

    [Footnote 39.4: Omitted in MS.]


517

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[40.1]

_To my ryght wurschipful maister, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1462 / MAY 18]

I recomaunde me unto you. Plesith it you to witte that I have spoken
with Furbuschour and other of the matre that ye spake to me off, and
they have promysed me to be as feythefull in it as it where for hem
selfe. Also I have spoken with my modre and seide to here as ye desired
me to doo, and sche seide sche knewe the massache weele inowe before be
other persones in like wice as ye comaunded hem to sey to her; and sche
seide she wode fayne that ye dede weele what so ever ye sey and fille
forthe in other talkyng. Me semethe che is displesed that ye came not to
her or than ye roode foorthe. I schall telle you more whan that ye come
home. Thomas Denys wyff whas at me, and desired me that I schulde sende
to you and desire you that che myght have knowleche from you how ye woll
that sche schall doo with her matre; sche seithe her brother and other
of her frendes thynke that she schulde up to London and calle uppon her
matre there, but she seithe pleynly sche woll nought doo therin withoute
your advice. It whas toolde me that Bacon and Gonnor whas here to speke
with me for the matre that Bacon spake to you of, and at that tyme I
whas at Norweche and I herde no more of hem sethen. And as for my
brother William, he is not purposed to come to London tyll aftre
Pentecost; but my brother Clement is purposed to come forward on Monday
or on Twesday next comyng at the ferthest. No more at this tyme but the
blissed Trinite preserve you. Wreten the xviij. day of May.

  Your MARGARET PASTON.

I prey yow that ye woll wete safe to remembre Johane Gayne matre, and
that ye woll take John Paston that he remembre you of it, for Dawbeney
and Pampyng woll sone for gete it.

    [Footnote 40.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is evidently
    not far removed in date from No. 489, in which ‘Joan Gayne’s
    matter’ is also mentioned. The year, however, cannot be 1461, as
    William Paston was in London that year as early as the 4th April.
    It seems also from this letter that John Paston had recently left
    home, which could not have been the case in 1461 if No. 453 be of
    that year. We have therefore little doubt that the true date is
    1462, and that the substance of the letter relates to proceedings
    taken by the widow of Thomas Denys against her husband’s
    murderers.]


518

JOHN PASTON, JUNIOR, TO HIS FATHER[41.1]

_To my ryght wurschipfull fadre, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1462 / MAY]

Plesit you to wete that I am at Leyn, and under stande be dyvers
personys, as I am in formed, that the Mayster of Carbroke[41.2] wold
take a rewle in the _Marè Talbot_ as for capteyn, and to yeve jaketes of
his levery to dyvers personis qwych be waged be oder men, and nouth be
hym, beyng in the said shep. Qwerfor in as moch as I have but few
sowdeors in myn levery her, to strenketh me in that qwych is the Kynges
commandement, I kepe with me yowr too men, Dawbenney and Calle, qwich I
purpose shall seyle with me to Yermeth; for I have purveyed harneyse for
hem. And ye shall well understande, be the grace of God, that the said
Mayster of Carbroke shall have non rewle in the sheppes, as I had
purposid he shuld have had, because of his besynesse, and for this is on
of the specyall causes I kepe yowr said men with me, besechyng you ye
takyt to non dysplesur of ther taryng with me. Nat withstanding, ther
herden[42.1] at Wyggenalle shall be don this day be the grace of God,
Whoo have you in kepyng.

Wreten at Leynn, the morow after my departyng from you.

Item, as far such tydynges as be here, Th. shall in forme you.

  JOHN PASTON.

    [Footnote 41.1: [From Fenn, iv. 100.] On the 29th May 1462 a
    commission was granted to Sir John Howard and Sir Thomas Walgrave
    to arrest the ships, the _Mary Talbot_ and the _Mary Thomson_,
    both of Lynn, and other vessels in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex,
    for a fleet which the King was fitting out (see _Patent Roll_,
    2 Edw. IV., p. 1, m. 14, _in dorso_). Sir Thomas Walgrave may
    perhaps have been the person designated in this letter as the
    Master of Carbrooke. At all events, the date is clearly about this
    time.]

    [Footnote 41.2: At Carbrooke, in Norfolk, was a commandry formerly
    belonging to the Knights Templars, which, like most of the
    possessions of the order, when it was suppressed in Edward II.’s
    time, was given to the Knights of St. John.]

    [Footnote 42.1: I do not understand the meaning of the word
    ‘herden.’ --F.]


519

ABSTRACT[42.2]

[Sidenote: 1462 / JUNE 6]

Inventory of household stuff remaining at Castre, 6 June 2 Edward IV.,
viz. of robes, jewels, arras, etc.

    [Footnote 42.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 354.]]


520

NOTE

[Sidenote: 1462]

Among some MSS., which seem formerly to have belonged to the Paston
Collection in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, is one endorsed--
‘A Pedigree showing how the manor of Caister was divided,’ tracing its
descent from earlier owners to Sir John Fastolf.


521

J. DAUBENEY TO JOHN PASTON[42.3]

_To my most reverent and worchepfull maister, John Paston, dwellyng at
Heylysdon, be this delyveryd._

Ih’s.

[Sidenote: 1462 / JULY 3]

Most reverent and worchepfull master, I recommaund me onto your god
masterchep. Please you to have knowlage, on the Fryday at afternoon next
after Seynt Peter, there was at the taveran in London old Debnam and
young Debnam, Thomas Edmonds, and I; and ther the seyd Thomas Edmonds
fell in communicacion with old Debnam, and seyd that my Lord
Tresorer[43.1] had put hym to a gret charge for the vetelyng of _Mary
Talbot_,[43.2] seyyng to old Debnam that he hard sey that he had a C.
bulloks to selle, the wyche the seyd Edmonds wolle bey so that they may
a cord of the price. Than the seyd old Debnam answerd ageyn, and seyd he
wold, so that he myght have good payment, or elles the seyd Edmonds to
be bound in abligacion to pay hym at suche dayys as they myght a cord.
And noon upon thys same langwage, yong Debnam spake to hys fader, ‘Sir,
I pray you that ye wolle take avisment of this mater tille to morowe,
for I trost to your good faderhod that ye wolle late me have a serteyn
of your bulloks for the vetelyng of the _Barge of Yermothe_, and I shall
fynd you sufficiant suerte for the payment therof for Edmonds. I wolle
that ye knowe I have be ther, and spoke with the owner and with the
maister of the seyd barge, and they knowyn myn oppoyntment.’

Than the seyd Edmonds answered to yong Debnam, and told hym that the
sety of Norwic and Yermothe hathe grauntyd, and send wrytyng to the
Kynge and to the Lords that they wolle manne and veteylle the seyd barge
of her owne cost fro the tym of hyr goyng owt tylle hyr comyng home; and
thus the seyd Edmonds told hym that my Lord Tresorer and all the Lords
that be at London thynk they do ryght well her devyer, and be worthey
moche thanke of the Kyng. ‘Well,’ quod yong Debnam, ‘I had in
commaundment for to have the rewle of the seyd barge, and I wolle be at
Yermothe as thys day iiij. dayys, and man hyr and bryng hyr downne to
the Gylys of Hulle, for that ys my chype.’

Also he seyd mor, with out that he myght have the seyd barge, he wolle
note goo to see but hym self and hys xxiiij. men. And thus, yf please
your maisterchep, he departyd from the taveran; and at hys departyng, he
told the seyd Thomas Edmonds, ‘Thys ys Paston labor.’ Than the seyd
Edmonds answerd hym ageyn, and seyd playnly he was to blame for to
reporte so of your masterchep, for he knoythe veryly he seyd on trewly
of you and of my master your son bothe, and ther on he wold take a
hothe. And so, yf it please your good masterchep, late the cety of
Norwic and Yermothe have knowlage of hys gret crakyng and bost, and let
hym of hys purpose by the autorite that they have.

Item, my master your son wolle have to hys jakets murry[44.1] and tany
[_tawny_], and that it please yow sum of my felachep may spek to on of
the drapers for to ordeyn yt ageyns hys comyng hom, for I trowe it shall
be thys day sevenyght ar he comithe home.

Item, sir, if please you, Skrowpe hathe sent to you to London be Byngham
for the mony that ye knowe of, zit I spake not with hym; but I shall
telle hym that I suppose ye shall be here in the last end of the terme,
and I shall send your masterchep word what answer I have of hym.

Item, sir, if pleese suche tydyngs as I her of, I send you word. My Lord
of Warwek hathe be in Skotlond, an take a castell of the Skoots; and
upon thys ther came the Quene of Skoots[44.2] with other Lords of her
contre, as ye shall her the namys, in basetry [_embassy_] to my seyd
Lord of Werwek, and a trews is take betwyx thys and Seynt Bertylmew Day
in Auguste. Thes is the last tydyngs that I knowe. No mor to your god
masterchep at this tyme, but Jesu have [you] in kepyng.

  Wretyn on the Saturday next after Seynt Peter.

  By your por servaunt,

  J. DAUBENEY.

    [Footnote 42.3: [From Fenn, iv. 138.] The date of this letter is
    shown by an entry on the _Patent Roll_, 2 Edw. IV., p. 1, m. 7,
    _in dorso_. On the 27th June 1462 a commission was given to
    Gilbert Debenham, Jun., Esquire, Walter Alderiche, master of the
    _George_ of Yarmouth, and John Childe, to arrest for the King’s
    service a ship called _The Barge of Yarmouth, alias The George_,
    with victuals, masters, and mariners for the same.]

    [Footnote 43.1: John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester. He was beheaded
    in October 1470.--F.]

    [Footnote 43.2: _See_ Preliminary Note to No. 518, p. 41, Note 1.]

    [Footnote 44.1: Dark red or purple and yellowish colour.--F.]

    [Footnote 44.2: Mary, daughter of Arnold, Duke of Gelders, and
    mother to James III., King of Scotland.]


522

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON, JUNIOR[45.1]

_To my maistre, John Paston the yonger, be this delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1462]

Sere, I have receyved your lettre, wherin I undrestand that my maistre
desired that my maistre your brother myght have the gidyng and
governaunce of the _Barge of Yermouthe_. As to that, and men of
Yermouthe had knowen my maistre entend a fornyght a goo, he had ben swer
of it, but nough it is so that Debenham hathe a comyscion of the Kyng
expressed oonly for that schip named in hes comyscion; and he hathe ben
here at Yermouthe, and spoken with the balyffs and with the owners of
the seide schip, and takyn suche a direccion that they may graunted it
ne man but hym. And moreover he hathe endented with the owners of the
schip what daye it schulbe redy as well vetaylled as manned; and also he
hathe brought downe letters from my Lord Tresorer to all priours and
gentlemen in this contre to helpe hym and assiste hym to vetayle and
manne the seide schip, and hes men is here dayle, and gothe abought and
gathereth whete, malt, money, and what so ever any man woll geve, &c.

The blissed Trinyte preserve you. Wreten at Castre, the Friday next
aftre I receyved your lettre.

Item, is talked here that my maistre your brother and Debenham were at
words at London, and that Debenham shuld have streken hym, had nought
Howard a’ beene, &c., wherof I am ryght sory, &c. Neverthelesse I trust
to God all schul be weell.

  Your servaunt,

  RIC. CALLE.

    [Footnote 45.1: [From Fenn, iv. 144.] This and the next letter
    were evidently written not very long after the last.]


523

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON[46.1]

_To my maistre, John Paston._

Plesith your maisterschip to wit that I whas at Scole, and spake with
Alblastre, John Sadeler, and with other good yomen of the contre to
undrestonde how they were gided for the vetelyng of the _Barge of
Yermouth_. And I undrestonde be them that there [_their_] hundred have
payed; nevertheles it is but litell. Ther was gatherd in that hundred
xviij_s._ and certein corn, and some other hundred vj. marc and corne,
and so they have payed in all the hundreds and townys here a boute, that
is to sey, Est Flegge and West Flegge and up to Blofeld, Tunsted and up
to Stalom, I undrestand, be the comiscion that Debenham hath. It is more
large thanne master John is, as ye schal undrestand, wherof I send you a
copy, weche causeth me that I labour no ferther therin. Notwithstandyng
your maisterschip schal have knowleche what every hundred geve, and
Yermeth bothe.

Wreten at Wynterton, the morwe aftre I departed from your maisterschip.

  Youre poore bedman,

  RIC. CALLE.

    [Footnote 46.1: [From Fenn, iii. 430.]]


524

ABSTRACT[46.2]

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON

[Sidenote: 1462(?) / [JULY 5]]

Cannot inform him how much malt he has at Castre, ‘for the malters have
not moten all up yet,’ --probably 400 quarters new and 160 comb old malt
of Castre and Mauteby, of which 40 quarters will be spent in the
household by Hallowmas. At Yarmouth it is now 2_s._ 2_d._ a bushel--it
was 2_s._ 6_d._ But London is a better market. Thinks the price will
fall here, as the fields are reasonably fair in Flegge, and so up to
Norwich. The carriage from Yarmouth to London will be 6_d._ per quarter,
‘and I understand j. quartre of Yermothe mette makethe at London but
vij. busschell.’

Norwich, Monday after St. Peter’s Day.

  [As John Paston does not seem to have been in undisturbed possession
  of Caister before 1462, and we have evidence of Richard Calle having
  been there in that year about the time of year when this letter was
  written, we may with great probability refer it to that year.]

    [Footnote 46.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


525

JOHN RUSSE TO JOHN PASTON[47.1]

_To the right worshypful my right honourabyl mayster, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1462 / JULY 15]

Right worshipfull sir, and my right honourabill maister, I recomaund me
to you in my most humble wyse, and please your maistirship to wete that
her is on Thomas Chapman, an evyl disposyd man al wey ayens you, as I
have informyd youre maistirship many tymes, and now he hathe labouryd to
my Lord Tresorer to subplante me, and brought down wryghting from the
Kyng and my Lord Tresorer; but or hise wryting cam, Wydwell fond the
meanys, be the supportacion of Maistir Feen, that we had a discharge for
hym out of the Chauncery; wherfor the seyd Chapman proposyth to be at
London in all haste, and to avertise the Kyng and my Lord Tresorer ageyn
me to the grettest hurt he can imagyne. Wherfor I beseke youre
maystirship, consedryng is evyl disposecion to yow, and also the rather
at my pore instaunce, that ye lyke that my Lord Tresorer myght
undyrstonde that the seyd Chapman is of no reputacion, but evyl disposyd
to brybory of straungers, and be colour of hise office of supervisor of
the searche shal gretly hurte the port. The seyd Chapman supportors is
Blakeney, clerk of the sygnet, and Avery Cornburght, yoman of the Kynges
chaumbre. He hathe here of Avereyes xxiiij. tune wyn, whereof at the
long wey he shal make the seyd Averey a lewd rekenyng. The seyd Chapman
lovyth not you, nor no man to yow wards, &c.

Sir, I prey God brynge you onys to regne amongs youre cuntre men in
love, and to be dred. The lenger ye contynwe there the more hurt growyth
to you. Men sey ye will neyther folwe the avyse of youre owyn kynred,
nor of youre counsell, but contynwe your owyn wylfullnesse, whiche, but
grace be, shal be youre distrucion. It is my part to enfourme youre
maistirshyp as the comown voyse is, God betir it, and graunt yow onys
herts ease; for it is half a deth to me to here the generall voyse of
the pepyll, whiche dayli encreassyth, &c.

Sir, I beseke youre maistirshyp to remembre my maystresse for the lytil
sylvir, whiche for serteyn thyngs delyverid to youre use is dewe to me.
I have nede of it now. I have bought salt and other thyngs, whiche hathe
brought me out of myche sylvir. I wold trust, and I nedyd to borwe
xx_li._, your maistirshyp wold ease me for a tyme, but thys that I
desyre is myn owyn dute. And Jesu graunt yow ever yowr herts desyre to
youre worshyp and profyt, and preserve yow my right honourabyll maister
from all adversyte.

Wretyn at Jernemuthe, the xv. day of July. Here is a kervyl [_carvel_]
of Cane in Normandy, and he takyth Duchemen, and raunsumyth hem
grevously.

  Yore servaunt and bedman,

  JOHN RUSSE.

    [Footnote 47.1: [From Fenn, iv. 120.] The precise year in which
    this letter was written is a little uncertain, but from the date
    and contents it would appear that Russe was now in possession of
    the office which in No. 515 he had asked Paston to procure for
    him; so that it cannot be earlier than 1462.]


526

WILLIAM PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[48.1]

_To myn wurchipfull broder, Jon Paston._

[Sidenote: 1462 / JULY]

Ryththe wurchipfull broder, I recomand [me] to zow. Lekit it zow to
wethe [_wit_], Jon of Dam is come to towne, and purposit hym to tary
here a day ar ij. ar longar, I can thynk, and he be desyryd. Were fore I
pray zow, and as I have afore this tyme desiryd zow the same, that suche
materis as hathe be comunyd now lathe be twyx myn moder, zow and hym,
may take some good conclucyon be twyx owre selff here at hom. And in myn
consayt, savyng zow better avyse, it were so most convenyent and
wurchipfull for us all, and comforthe to all owre fryndis. And for this
ententhe I wold tary here the lengar; for I wold be as glad as any man a
lyve that suche an ende mythe be take be twix us that iche off us all
schuld inyoy the wylleffar off odyr, qweche I trust with zowr good help
schall be rythe wyll, and I dowthe nat myn mastyr Markam wyll be will
plesyd thus.

I have tydynges from London, and a monge odyr tydynges I have knowlage
that Cirstofre Hanson is passid to God on Saterday last past, at ij. of
clok after mydnythe. It is good to take hede there to, &c.

Item, I sent to zow to have had zowre avyse qwat menys were best to make
for the mater towchyng the Lord Scrop, qwere in I had an answer, but me
thowthe it was not to the poynthe. I sopose, and I purposyd to make the
labore that ze sent me word I schuld do towchyng me, I can thynk I
schuld sone be answerid, meche sonar than he. I must send some answer to
hym, were in I wold have zowr consayll; for he desirid the same, and I
wold not he schold thynk that he were forgotyn be us.

  Be zowr pore broder,

  WILLIAM PASTON.

I can thynk and he were here he wold be a feythfull frynd to zow; but
and so were that ze thowthe that it were for to labore for any oder man,
me thynkit it were for zow to remembre myn nevew. That were somewat
lykly, and there to wold I be glad to help and lene to the toder. For as
for me, I know so moche that sche will none have but iff he have, ar be
leke to have, meche more lond than I have; and iff I knewe the contrary,
it schuld nat be left for the labore, but I wold not be in a folis
paradyce, and ze be myn good brodir. I trust thow to do rythe will, &c.

    [Footnote 48.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The reference to the
    death of Christopher Hanson proves this letter to have been
    written in July 1462, as the precise date of his death is given in
    Letter 528.]

  [[Cirstofre Hanson _text unchanged: error for “Cristofre”?_]]


527

THOMAS PLAYTER TO JOHN PASTON[50.1]

_To my rigth good maister, John Paston the oldest, beyng at Heylesdon,
besyde Norwiche, in hast._

[Sidenote: 1462 / JULY]

Please your maistership wete that Christofer Hanson is ded and beryed;
and as for executor or testament, he mad non.

As for tydyngs, the Erles of Warrewyk, of Essex, Lord Wenlok, Bysshop of
Dereham, and other go in to Scotland of inbassat. And as for the sege of
Kaleys, we here no mor ther of, blyssed be God, ho have you in His
kepying.

Item, as for Christofers papers that longeth to your tenants, I have
goten of William Worcester; and as for all the remnaunt of Christofer
good, William Worcester hath the reule as hym semeth most convenient.

  Your,

  THOMS PLAYTER.

    [Footnote 50.1: [From Fenn, iv. 124.] This letter, like the last,
    is dated by the letter following.]


528

PLAYTER TO JOHN PASTON[50.2]

_To my maister, John Paston, at Heylesdon._

[Sidenote: 1462 / JULY]

Item, plese you wete of other tytyngs. These Lords in your other
letter,[50.3] with Lord Hastyngs and other, ben to Karlyle to resseve in
the Qwen of Scotts;[50.4] and uppon this appoyntement, Erle Duglas[50.5]
is comaunded to come thens, and as a sorwefull and a sore rebuked man
lyth in the Abbey of Seynt Albons; and by the said appoyntement schall
not be reputed, nor taken, but as an Englyssheman, and if he come in the
daunger of Scotts, they to sle hym.

Item, Kyng Harry and his Aderents in Scotland schall be delyvered; and
Lord Dakres of the Northe is wonne and yelden, and the seid Lord, Sir
Richard Tunstall, and on Byllyngham in the said Castell ben taken and
heded.

Item, the Qwen and Prince ben in Fraunce and ha mad moche weyes and gret
peple to com to Scotland and ther trust to have socour, and thens to com
in to Inglond: what schall falle I can not sey, but I herd that these
appoyntements were take by the yong Lords of Scotland, but not by the
old.

  Your,

  PLAITER.

Christofer dyed on the Satarday next be for Seynt Margret,[51.1] Anno.
E. ij^do.

    [Footnote 50.2: [From Fenn, i. 270.] This letter seems to have
    been penned immediately after the last was sent off.]

    [Footnote 50.3: _i.e._ the other letter to you--meaning No. 527.]

    [Footnote 50.4: Mary of Gueldres, widow of James II.]

    [Footnote 50.5: James, Earl of Douglas, who had been banished from
    Scotland, but was made by Edward IV. a Knight of the Garter.]

    [Footnote 51.1: St. Margaret’s Day was the 20th July. The Saturday
    before it in 1462 was the 17th.]

  [[1462 / JULY  _sidenote missing, but see first footnote_]]


529

JOHN RUSSE TO JOHN PASTON[51.2]

_To my right honorabil and worshypfull maister, my Maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1462 / SEPT.]

Please it youre worshipfull maistyrshyp to wete, that it is informyd me
thys day scretly, that there is dyrected out a commyssion to mayster
Yelwyrton and maister Jenney, which shall tomorwyr syttyn be vertu of
the same at Seynt Oleffes;[51.3] and the substaunce of jentilmen and
yemen of Lodyngland be assygned to be afore the seyd commesyoners; and
it is supposed it is for my maisters londs, for as the seyd persone
informyd me, the seyd comesyoners have been at Cotton, and there entred,
and holdyn a court. I can not informe youre maystyrship that it is thus
in serteyn, but thus it was told me, and desyryd me to kepe it secret;
but be cause I conseyve it is ageyn your maistyrship, it is my part to
geve you relacion thereof.

I sende you a letter which cometh from Worcestyr[52.1] to my maister
youre brothyr. I wold ye undyrstod the intente of it, for as for
Worcester, I knowe well he is not good. Sum men ar besy to make werre,
for p’[52.2] the absentyng of my maister, the parson comyth not of hyse
owyn mocyon, but I wold youre maistyrship knewe be whom it is mevyd.
I herd you never calle hym false pryst, be my trouth, nor other language
that is rehersyd hym, but Gode sende a good accord, for of varyaunce
comyth gret hurt of tyn tyme, and I beseche Jesu sende youre maistyrship
youre herts desyre, and amende hem that wold the contrary.

Sir, yesterevyn a man came from London, and he seyth, the Kyng cam to
London on Satyrday, and there dede make a proclamacion that all men that
were be twyx lx. and xvj. shuld be redy to wayte upon hym whan so ever
they were callyd; and it is seyd, that my Lord Warwyk had sent to the
Kyng, and informyd hyse Hyghnesse that the Lord Summyrset had wretyn to
hym to come to grace; but of the fleet of shyppis there is no tydings in
serteyn at London on Monday last past.

  Youre bedman and servaunt,

  JOHN RUSSE.

    [Footnote 51.2: [From Fenn, i. 260.] This letter must have been
    written in the year 1462 before the Duke of Somerset was received
    into favour. Proclamations similar to those mentioned in this
    letter were issued on the 6th March 1461 and the 11th May 1464;
    but neither of these can be the case referred to. The coming of
    the King to London must have been in the beginning of September
    1462. He was in London on the 14th of that month, and had been at
    Fotheringay on the 1st, as the dates of Privy Seals inform us.]

    [Footnote 51.3: St. Olave’s, in Suffolk.]

    [Footnote 52.1: William Worcester.]

    [Footnote 52.2: p’.--So in Fenn’s left-hand copy. The word seems
    to have been ambiguous in the original MS., and is rendered ‘_by_’
    (in italics) in the modern version.]


530

JOHN PASTON TO THE LORD CHANCELLOR[53.1]

[Sidenote: 1462(?)]

Shewyth and lowly compleynith on to your good Lordship John Paston, the
older, Squier, that where Sir John Fastolf, Knyght, cosyn to your seid
besecher, was seasid of diveris maners, londs, and tenements in Norfolk,
Suffolk, and Norwich, the xxvij. yere of Kyng Herre that was, and therof
infeffid diveris persones to execute and performe his will, and mad his
will in especiall that a college of vij. monks shuld be stabilisshed,
founded, and indewed withinne a plase late be the seid Sir John edified
at Caster be the see in Norfolk, and certeyn livelode to be
immortesid[53.2] therto, to prey for his sowle, his faders and moders,
in forme and maner as in his will mad at that tyme more pleynly
specifyth; whech will and feffment continued till the xxxv. yere of the
seid late Kyng. And aftir, upon divers communicacions had be divers
personis with the seid Sir John Fastolff, and upon divers consideracions
mevid to hym, the seid Sir John Fastolff conceyvid that such be monkys
hym there to be indewed shuld not be of power to susteyne and kepe the
seid plase edified, or the lond that shuld be immortesid ther to,
acordyng to his seid entent and will; wherfore, and for good will that
the seid Sir John Fastolff had to the proferryng of your seid besecher
mevyd hym to have the seid plase and certeyn of his livelode of gretter
valew than the charge of the seid college schuld drawe, and to found the
seid college and to bere the reparacion and defens therof. Upon whech
mocion the seid Sir John Fastolff and your seid besecher apoynted be
word withowt writyng at that tyme mad that your seid besecher shuld,
aftir the decese of the seid Sir John Fastolff, have the seid plase in
Caster, and all the maners that were the seid Sir John Fastolffs or any
other to his use in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Norwich, up trust that the
same John Paston shuld founde there a college of vij. monkes or prestes
havyng a certeyn pension for her sustentacion payid clerly in mony
withowt any charge, cost, reparacion, or joperde of defens of the seid
plase or of any other livelode to be bore be the seyd collegians, and
more over to paye a certeyn somme of mony of the revenews of the seid
maners, londes and tenementes to be disposid yerly be certeyn yeres for
the sowle of the seid Sir John Fastolff till the summe of v.^ml. [5000]
mark were so disposed. Upon wech apoyntement it was acordyd be thwyx the
seid Sir John and your seid besecher, for as moch as your seid besecher
had non astate in the seid maners and londes and tenementes, that for
his more suerte, and upon trust that the seid Sir John had to your seid
besecher in this behalfe that a newe feffement shuld be mad of the seid
plase and of the maner of Caster, and all the seid maners, londs and
tenements to your seid besecher, and divers other personys to the use of
the seid Sir[54.1] John, terme of his lif, and aftir his decese to the
use of your seid besecher. And moreover, for as moch as your seid
besecher was in dowte whedir God wold send hym tyme of life to execute
the seid apoyntement, intendyng that th’effect of the old purpose of the
seid Sir John Fastolff schuld not be all voyded, thow it so fortuned
your seid besecher cowd not performe the seid apoyntement, mevid the
seid Sir John Fastolff that, not withstandyng the seid apoyntement, that
he aftir the seid feffement mad shuld make his will for the seid
college, to be mad in all maner wise as thow the seid Sir John Fastolff
and your seid besecher shuld not make[54.2] the seid apoyntement; and
that aftir that, the seid apoyntement to be ingrosid and made so that
the seid college shuld hold be the same apoyntement of your seid
besecher, and ellis this seid will of the seid Sir John Fastolff to
stand in effect for executyng of his seid purpose. And sone aftir this
comunicacion and apoyntement the seid feffement was mad acordynge, and
season deliverid to your seid besecher at the seid plase edified in
Caster, as well as at the seid maners, londs, and tenements, the seid
Sir John Fastolff beyng present at delivery of season mad to your seid
besecher of the seid plase and maner of Caster, where the seid Sir John,
more largely expressyng the seid will and entent, deliverid your seid
besecher possession with his owne hands, declaryng to notabill personys
there the same feffement to be made to the use of the seid Sir John as
for terme of his lif only, and aftir his decese to the use of your seid
besecher and his heyrs; and divers tymes in divers yeres aftir declared
his entent in like wise to divers personys. And aftir, be gret
deliberacion and oft communicacion of the seid mater, the seid Sir John
Fastolff and your seid besecher comenauntyd[55.1] and apoynted be
writyng thoroughly for the seid mater so that your seid besecher shuld
have the seid plase and all the seid maners, londs, and tenements in
Norfolk, Suffolk, and Norwich, to hym and to his heyrs; and that he
shuld found a college of vij. monkes or prestes withinne the seid plase
perpetually as is before seid, and to pay iiij.^ml. [4000] mark to be
disposed in certeyn yers for the sowle of the seid Sir John Fastolff;
the whech apoyntement declarid and red before the seid Sir John
Fastolff, be good deliberacion was be the seid Sir John fully concludid,
agreyd and stabilisshid for his last will in that behalve.

And also the seid comenauntes and apoyntementes eftsonis callid to
remembraunce be the seid Sir John Fastolff, the same Sir John, for
certeyn consideracions movyng hym, be his word, withowt writyng,
dischargid your seid besecher of the seid somme of iiij.^ml. mark,
desiryng hym so to ordeyne that ich of the seid monkes or prestes shull
yerly have as the prestes of the chauntry of Heylesdon had, and that
vij. pore men shull also be founde yerly in the seid plase inperpetuite
to pray for the sowles above sayd.

[And aftir, that is to sey the Satirday, Sonday, and Monday next before
the decese of the seid Sir John, the same Sir John, remembryng divers
maters and intents in his mynd necessary for the wele of his sowle,
wheche were not expressid in the seid will and apoyntement, nowther in
his testament, and that he wold have one will mad and wrete conteynyng
the seid apoyntements, as well as the seid other maters not declarid in
his intent and will acordyng, comaundid to have it so ingrosid and
wrete.][56.1] And where your seid besecher hath don his part acordyng to
the will and apoyntements of the seid Sir John, as well in fyndyng of
the seid prestes and pore men as in all other thyngs that to hym
belongyth to do in that behalfe; and, this not with standyng, William
Yelverton, Knyght, and William Jenney, whech be infeffid joyntly with
your seid besecher in divers of the seid maners, londs and tenements,
have[56.2] mad a sympill entre in all the seid maners in Suffolk, and
chargid the baylifs, fermors, and tenaunts of all the seid maners to pay
hem the profitez and revenews of the same maners, londs, and tenements;
and thus, contrary to th’entent of the seid feffement, and contrary to
the will of the seid Sir John Fastolff, thei trobill and lette your seid
besecher to take the profitez of the seid maners, londs, and tenements;
of whech your seid besecher hath no remedy at the comen lawe. Wherfore
please your good and gracious Lordship to direct severall writts of
subpena to the seid William and William, chargyng hem severally upon a
peyne convenient to appere before your Lordship in the Chauncery at a
certeyn day be your Lordship to be limityd, to answer to these
premisses, and to do as right and consiens requirith. And your seid
besecher shall pray God for yow.

  _The following article is added in the first copy with many
  corrections:_--

  And aftir, late before the discese of the seid Sir John Fastolff, he
  wold and ordeynid that on wryting shuld be mad of the fundacion of
  the seid college aftir the forme of the seid apoyntement mad with
  your seid besecher, and of diverses othir articles conteynid in his
  seid former willes, not conserning the seyd colegge and also of
  divers maters wheche he remembrid necessary for the wele of his
  sowle, that were nevir expressid in writyng before, joyntly to geder
  expressyng his hole and inter and last will and intent in all.

    [Footnote 53.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is a draft bill in
    Chancery prepared by John Paston with a view to the commencement
    of a suit against Yelverton and Jenney for their entry into the
    manor of Cotton and other lands of Sir John Fastolf in Suffolk.
    The document may have been drawn up in the latter part of the year
    1461; but from the contents of the preceding letter it is not
    unlikely to have been a year later. Two copies of this document
    exist, with the very same corrections and interlineations in
    both.]

    [Footnote 53.2: Amortized, or granted in mortmain.]

    [Footnote 54.1: ‘Sir.’ --This word is omitted in the first copy.]

    [Footnote 54.2: ‘Shuld not make.’ --These words are interlined in
    place of the word ‘left,’ which is erased.]

    [Footnote 55.1: So spelt in both copies.]

    [Footnote 56.1: The clause between brackets is cancelled in the
    first copy.]

    [Footnote 56.2: This word is interlined in the second copy only.]


531

JOHN RUSSE TO JOHN PASTON[57.1]

_To my right honourabyl and worshypfull maister, my Maister John
Paston._

[Sidenote: 1462]

Plese your worshypfull maistership to wette, here is a ship of Hith,
wyche seith that John Cole cam from the west cost on Wednysday last
past; and he seyth that the fleet of shippis of this londe met with lx.
seile of Spanyards, Brettenys, and Frenshemen, and there tok of hem l.
[50], wherof xij. shyppys were as gret as the _Grace de Dewe_; and there
is slayn on thys partyes the Lords Clynton[57.2] and Dakyr,[57.3] and
many jentilmen juve (?)[57.4] and othyr, the nombre of iiij.^ml. [4000];
and the seid Spanyards were purposyd with marchaundise in to Flaundres.
My Lord of Warwyks shyp, the _Mary Grace_ and the _Trenyte_, hadde the
grettest hurt, for they wer formost. God send grace, thys be trew. On
Thursday last past at London was no tydings in serteyn where the flet
was, nor what they had doon, and therfore I fere the tydings the more.

Item, sir, as for tydings at London, ther were arystyd be the tresorer
xl. seyles lyeng in Temse, wherof many smale shyppis; and it is seyd it
is to carye men to Caleyse in all haste, for feer of the Kyng of Fraunce
for a sege. And it was told me secretly there were CC. in Caleyse sworn
contrary to the Kyngs well, and for defaute of there wages; and that
Qwen Marget was redy at Boleyn with myche sylver to paye the soudyers,
in cas they wold geve here entresse. Many men be gretly aferd of thys
mater, and so the tresorer hath mych to do for thys cause.

Item, sir, as for tydings out of Ireland, ther wer many men at London at
the feyre of the contres next them of Ireland, and they sey thys iij.
wyks came there neythyr shyp nor boot out of Irelond to bryng no
tydings; and so it semyth there is myche to doo there be the Erle of
Pembrook.[58.1] And it is seyd that the Kyng shuld be at London as on
Satyrday or Sonday last past, and men deme that he wold to Caleyse hym
selfe; for the soudyors are so wyld there, that they wyll not lette in
ony man but the Kynge or my Lord Warwyk.

Othyr tydings the were come to London, but they were not publyshyd; but
John Wellys shal abyde a day the lenger to know what they are.

No mere un to you, my right honourable maister, at thys tyme, but Jesu
send yow youre herts desyre, and amende hem that wold the contrary.

  Your bedman and conty[n]wal servaunt,

  JOHN RUSSE.

    [Footnote 57.1: [From Fenn, i. 262.] This letter was evidently
    written not very long after No. 529. The fleet mentioned here and
    in that letter is that referred to in the preliminary note to No.
    518, p. 41, Note 1.]

    [Footnote 57.2: John, Lord Clinton. The rumour was false, as he
    was summoned to Parliament in 1463. Nicolas supposes he died about
    1465.]

    [Footnote 57.3: Richard Fynes, Lord Dacre of the South, who was
    Lord Clinton’s father-in-law. He did not really die till 1484.]

    [Footnote 57.4: This word, Fenn says, is doubtful in the original
    MS.]

    [Footnote 58.1: Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, half-brother to
    Henry VI.]


532

JOHN PASTON, JUNIOR, TO HIS FATHER[58.2]

_To my ryth reverent and worchepfull fadyr, John Paston, be thys
delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1462 / NOV. 1]

Ryth reverent and worchepfull fadyr, I recomand me on to yow, beseechyng
yow lowly of your blyssyng. Plesyt you to have knowlage that my
Lord[58.3] is purposyd to send for my Lady, and is lyke to kepe his
Crystmas here in Walys, for the Kyng hathe desyered hym to do the same.
Wherfor I beseche yow that [ye][58.4] wole wychesave to send me sume
mony by the berer herof; for, in good feythe, as it is not on knowyng to
yow that I had but ij. noblys in my purse, whyche that Rychard Call took
me by your comandement, when I departyd from yow owt of Norwyche. The
berer herof schuld bye me a gowne with pert of the mony, if it plese yow
to delyver hym as myche mony as he may bye it with; for I have but on
gowne at Framyngham and an other here, and that is my levere gowne, and
we must were hem every day for the mor part, and one gowne withowt
change wyll sone be done.

As for tydyngs, my Lord of Warwyk yed forward in to Scotland as on
Saterday[59.1] last past with xx.^ml. [20,000] men; and Syr Wylliam
Tunstale is tak with the garyson of Bamborowth, and is lyke to be hedyd,
and by the menys of Sir Rychard Tunstale[59.2] is owne brodyr.

As sone as I here any more tydyngys, I schall send hem yow by the grace
of God, who have yow in Hys kepyng. Wretyn in hast, at the Castle of the
Holte,[59.3] upon Halowmas Daye.

  Your sone and lowly servaunt,

  J. PASTON, Junior.

    [Footnote 58.2: [From Fenn, i. 266.] In the month of October 1462,
    as we learn from William Worcester, Margaret of Anjou came out of
    France, whither she had fled in spring, with a force of 2000 men,
    landed on the coast of Northumberland, and laid siege to
    Bamborough, which she took and placed in the keeping of the Duke
    of Somerset.]

    [Footnote 58.3: The Duke of Norfolk.]

    [Footnote 58.4: Omitted in original.]

    [Footnote 59.1: 30th October.]

    [Footnote 59.2: Sir Richard Tunstal was on Queen Margaret’s side,
    while his brother William, it seems, was on that of King Edward.]

    [Footnote 59.3: In Denbighshire.]


533

JOHN PASTON THE YOUNGEST TO JOHN PASTON THE ELDER[59.4]

_To my ryth worchepful brodyr John Paston, the elder, sone of John
Paston, Esquyer, be thys delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1462 / DEC. 11]

Ryth worchepfull brodedyr, I recomaunde me to yow. Plesyt yow to wet,
that as thys day we had tydyngs here, that the Scottys wyll come in to
Inglend with in vij. days aftyr the wrytyng of thys lettyr, for to
rescue these iij. castellys, Alnewyk, Donsamborowe[59.5] and Bameborowe,
whyche castellys wer besegyd, as on yesterdaye. And at the sege of
Allnewyk lythe my Lord of Kent and the Lord Scalys; and at Donsameborow
castyll lythe the Erle of Wyrcetyr [and] Syr Rafe Grey; and at the
castyll of Bameborow lythe the Lord Montagwe and Lord Ogyll, and othyr
dyvers Lordys and gentylmen that I knowe not; and ther is to hem owt of
Newe Castyll ordynans inowe, bothe for the segys and for the feld, in
cas that ther be ony feld takyn, as I trow there shall none be not yet,
for the Scottys kepe no promes. My Lord of Warwyk lythe at the castyll
of Warcorthe, but iij. myle owt of Alnewyk, and he rydyth dayly to all
thes castelys for to overse the segys; and if they want vataylys, or any
othyr thyng, he is redy to pervey it for them to hys power. The Kyng
comandyd my Lord of Norfolk[60.1] for to condyth vetaylys and the
ordynans owt of New Castyll on to Warcorthe Castyll, to my Lord of
Warwyk; and so my Lord of Norfolk comandyd Syr John Howard, Syr William
Peche, Syr Robert Chamberlyen, Rafe Ascheton and me, Calthorp and Gorge,
and othyr, for to go forthe with the vytalys and ordynans on to my Lord
of Warwyk; and so we wer with my Lord of Warwyk with the ordynans and
vytalys yesterdaye. The Kyng lythe at Durham, and my Lord of Norfolk at
New Castyll. We have pepyll inow here. In cas we abyd here, I pray you
purvey that I may have here more mony by Crystmas Evyn at the ferthest,
for I may get leve for to send non of my wagyd men home ageyn; ne man
can get no leve for to go home but if they stell a wey, and if they myth
be knowe, they schuld be scharply ponyschyd. Mak as merry as ye can, for
ther is no joperte toward not yet. And ther be any joperte, I schall
sone send yow word, by the grase of God. I wot well ye have more
tydyngys then we have here, but thes be true tydyngs.

Yelverton and Jeney ar lek for to be gretly ponyschyd, for because they
came not hedyr to the Kyng. They ar morkyn [_marked_] well inowe, and so
is John Bylyngforthe and Thomas Playter; wherefor I am ryth sory. I pray
yow let them have wetyng therof, that they may purvey their excuse in
hast, so that the Kyng may have knowlage why that they come not to hym
in ther one personys; let them come or send ther excuse to me in
wrytyng, and I schall purvey that the Kyng schall have knowlage of ther
excuse; for I am well aqueyntyd with my Lord Hastyngys, and my Lord
Dakarys,[61.1] whyche be now gretest abowt the Kyngys person; and also I
am well aqueyntyd with the yonger Mortymere, Fererys, Hawte, Harpor,
Crowmer, and Bosewell, of the Kyngys howse.

I pray yow let my grandam[61.2] and my cosyn Clere[61.3] have knowlage
how that I desyryd you to let hem have knowlage of the tydyngys in thys
letyr, for I promysyd for to send them tydyngs.

I pray yow let my modyr[61.4] have cnowelage how that I, and my
felawscep, and your servauntys ar, at the wrytyng of this lettyr, in
good hell, blesyd be God.

I pray yow let my fadyr have knowlage of thys lettyr, and of the todyr
lettyr that I sent to my modyr by Felbryggys man; and how that I pray
bothe hym and my modyr lowly of her blyssyngys.

I pray yow that ye wole send me some lettyr how ye do, and of your
tydyngys with yow, for I thynk longe that I here no word fro my modyr
and yow.

I pray yow that thys bill may recomand me to my systyr Margery, and to
my mastres Jone Gayne, and to all gode mastyrys and felawys within
Castyr. I sent no lettyr to my fadyr, never syn I departyd fro yow, for
I kowd get no man to London, and never sythe.

I pray yow in cas ye spake with my cosyn Margaret Clere, recomande me to
hyr; and Almythy God have yow in Hys kepyng.

Wretyn at Newcastyll on Saterday next aftyr the Consepsion of owyr Lady.

  Your,

  JOHN PASTON, the Yongest.

I pray yow let Rychard Call se thys lettyr.

    [Footnote 59.4: [From Fenn, i. 272.] The sieges mentioned in this
    letter took place, according to Warkworth, in December of the
    _first_ year of Edward IV., _i.e._ 1461; but according to William
    Worcester in 1462. The dates of the Privy Seal writs prove that
    the latter is right, and that Edward IV. was at Durham in December
    1462.]

    [Footnote 59.5: Dunstanborough.]

    [Footnote 60.1: John Mowbray, who succeeded his father in the
    dukedom of Norfolk in 1461. He was at this time only eighteen
    years of age.]

    [Footnote 61.1: _See_ p. 57, Note 3.]

    [Footnote 61.2: Agnes Paston.]

    [Footnote 61.3: Elizabeth, widow of Robert Clere of Ormesby.]

    [Footnote 61.4: Margaret Paston.]


534

[JOHN] PASTON TO [THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK][62.1]

[Sidenote: 1462-3]

That it please my lordis good grase to be good lord and supporter of
Paston in his right and possession of the maner till his right can be
lawfully or be trete dispreved by his adversaries, consideryng that the
said Paston is my lordis homager and was nevir ayens his lordship and
that my lord is not gretly behold to do for the seid Pastons adversaries
as he understandith.

And in case my lord woll not supporte the seid Paston in his right but
be indifferent athwyx bothe parties, that thanne it please my lorde to
have consideracion to the right of the mater as folowyth in articles and
ther upon to be remembird whedir it be resonably desired by William
Jenney or by Debenham as his waged man or for his sake that Paston shuld
leve the possession or the takyng of the profitez of the seid maner.

First to be remembird that the seid maner aswell as the maner of Nakton
were Sir John Fastolffis, and that the seid Paston of the seid maners
toke estatis at Cotton and attornement of the tenauntis viij. or ix.
yere goo, in such wise as the tenauntes can reporte, and continued there
in possession aswell in the live of the seid Sir John as sithen, and
hath take the profitez therof sith the discese of the said Fastolff,
except for the terme of Mighelmes a yere passed, whech tyme the
tenauntes were compellid by fors of distresses to pay ayens ther willes
part of the seid profitez.

And that also the title of the seid Paston to the seid maner is not all
only by the seid feffement but aswell by a graunt and bargeyn made a
thwyx the seid Fastolff and the seid Paston as by the last will of the
seid Fastolff, where by the seid Paston ought to take the hole profitez
of the seid maner, and also it is lefull to the seid Paston to kepe the
seid maner with fors, consideryng he hath be in possession iij. yere and
more; hough be it, the seid Paston intendyth to kepe the seid maner
pesibly and non otherwise. And that the pretense and cleyme of the seid
Jenney is that he schuld be infeffed with the seid Paston in the seid
maner; by whech pretense, if it were trewe, yet the seid Paston by
reason shuld not be put out of the seid maner, for who som evir had
titell therto by feffement or by executrie, Paston shuld be on that had
title; hough be it, the seid Paston cleymyth not in that forme, but by
the titell of his bargeyne and by the seid Fastolffis will.

Item, to be remembird, whech tyme as my lord had wretyn his lettirs and
sent his servauntes for the eyde and supporte of the seid Paston to take
the profitez of the seid maner of Nakton as of the maner of Cotton,
desyryng the tenauntes to the seid Paston, the seid Jenney wold have no
consideracion therto; hough be it, though he were a feffe he had no
titell to take the seid profitez, consideryng he is non executor, but
presumptuously, havyng no consideracion to my lordis lettir ner sendyng,
compellid the tenauntis by distresses to pay hym more besely thanne any
feffe or executor, and now at this same tyme hath be at Nakton and
reseyvid as moch mony as he coud gader there.

Item, where at Mighelmesse the yere passed the seid Paston sent his
sone, a servaunt of my Lordis, and also Richard Calle, servaunt to the
seid Paston put to hym by my Lordis fader,[63.1] to reseyve the profitez
of the seid maner as thei had do many yeres before, the seid Jenney ded
arest the seid Calle for a thef and as a thef caried hym to th’entent
that the tenauntes shuld be discoraged to pay the seid Paston. Whech
tyme, at the request of the said Calles kynred, it pleased my lord to
write to the seid Jenney and Debenham for the deliverauns of the seid
Calle; to which letteris they nouther toke hede nor reputation, but by
that sotilte reseyved the profitez of the seid maner, the seid Paston
havyng non help by my seid Lordis writyng nor sendyng.

Wherfore please my Lordis good lordship to supporte the seid Paston in
kepyng of his right and possession till it be dispreved or knowe
onlawfull, and the seid Paston will applye to such meanes as it pleasith
my Lord to take wherby the right of the mater may be undirstond and
determined.

And also that it like my lord to remembir that it is not behofefull for
any prinse lightly to geve trust or to applye to the desires of any
persones that have geve hym cause of mistrust.

    [Footnote 62.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 182.] This petition must have
    been drawn up at the end of 1462 or in the beginning of 1463,
    which would be considered still 1462 in the old computation. It
    must have been fully three years after Fastolf’s death, which took
    place on the 5th November 1459, and the imprisonment of Richard
    Calle in 1461 (_see_ No. 487) is referred to as having taken place
    ‘at Michaelmas the year past.’ The nobleman to whom the petition
    is addressed seems to be the Duke of Suffolk.]

    [Footnote 63.1: William de la Pole, the unfortunate Duke of
    Suffolk, murdered in 1450. It is a piece of information which we
    do not meet with elsewhere, that Richard Calle entered the service
    of the Pastons by this duke’s recommendation.]


535

[JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON][64.1]

[Sidenote: 1463(?) / JAN. 14]

I recomand me to yow and have reseyvid your lettir, which causith me to
write in the lettir that I send to yow, Daubeney and Richard Calle,
certeyn articles touchyng the rewle of myn hows and myn livelode, as ye
shall undirstand whanne ye see hem. Also, I send yow in the same lettir
a bille of all the malt that remaynd at Mighelmes. I suppose ye have non
such of it. Nevirthelesse it had be convenient it had be had amongis
your servauntis and yow. Also I woll that ze warne both Daubeney and
Richard Calle that thei disclose nat what malt I have, ne what I shall
selle, ne that on marchant knowe nat what an other hath, for ther is
gret spies leid her at London for ingrosers of malt to heyghne the
prise; hough be it myne is not but of myn owne growyng and my tenauntis.

Also I lete zow wete, I faile mony here and must nedys have up mony at
this tyme for sped of my maters, so that it may come up savely whanne
James Gresham and other attornes come up at the begynnyng of this terme,
with whom Richard Calle may come the same tyme. And peraventure some
trusty carier . . . at this tyme; and with hym myght some mony come
trussid in some fardell, not knowynge to the carier that it is no mony
but some other clothe or vestement of silk or thyng of charge. Wherfore
take avise of such as ye trust, and purvey that I may have up at this
tyme j. c. _li._ of gold after the old coynage and xx_li._ in grotes.

Item, if I[65.1] myght have sur cariage, I wold have heder all the gylt
plate that Richard Calle leyd up, he can tell wer and I trowe ye know
also; and ij. potell pottis and a resting iron of silver (?) lyth at the
same place, for it shuld[65.2] stand me in gret stoher if it mygth be do
closly and suerly. Item, take trew men of yowr counsel.

Wret the morwe next after Sent Hillary.

Item leve a bill indorcid what ye take awey if ye take any.

  Your own, &c.

    [Footnote 64.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 183.] The MS. of this letter
    is a rough draft in John Paston’s hand, and there can be no doubt
    to whom it was addressed. As to the year in which it was written
    there is no positive evidence; but Daubeney and Calle were both
    with Margaret Paston in the beginning of 1463 (_see_ No. 536), and
    the only thing against that date is that Margaret, writing to her
    husband (then in London) on the 19th, acknowledges only a letter
    of the 9th. This, however, might well be owing to the disturbed
    state of the country, or it may be that the present letter, which
    is only a draft, was not really despatched.]

    [Footnote 65.1: ‘Item, I I,’ MS.]

    [Footnote 65.2: ‘Shuld shul,’ MS.]


536

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[65.3]

_To my right worchepful hosbond, John Paston, be this letter deliveryd
in hast._

[Sidenote: 1463 / JAN. 19]

Right worchepfull hosbond, I recommand me to you. Please you to wete
that I received a letter frome you on the Sonday[65.4] next after
Twelfthe day, weche was sent be a prest of Seynt Gregorys paryche of
Norwic; and wher as ye mervaylyd I sent you no wrytynggs of suche
letters as ye sent me be for, I sent you a answer of the substauns of
suche maters as ye have wretyn of me be for (be Playter), the weche he
told me a sent hem to you to London. And as towchyng the erands that ye
sent to me for to do to Richard Calle, I have do as ye command me to do,
and callyd upon hym therfor, bothe be for your writyng and sithyn; he
thar have non excuse for defaute of leyser, for he hathe be but ryght
litill her syn ye departyd hens. He is owght at this tyme, and whan that
he comythe home I shall make hym make yow a cler bylle of the receyt of
your lyvelod, and Fastolf bothe; and I shale send yow a cler bylle of my
receyts, and also of my payments owght thereof ageyn; and as for suche
erands that shuld be do to Sir Thomas Howys, I have shewyd Richard Calle
your writyng, and told hym your entent, as for suche thyngs as ye wold
he shuld sey to hym on hys none heed. Also I have do your erands to my
moder and to my cosyn Cler[66.1] after your writyng. Item, I have spoke
to John Adam and to Playter of your entent of the last bylle that ye
sent me, and they sey they wolle do after your entent as moche as they
may, and ye shall have a answer therof in hast.

Item, Sir Robert Coniors dinid with me this day, and shuyd me a letter
that came frome the Kyng to hym, desyryng hym that he shuld a wayt upon
hys welle be lovyd broder the Duke of Suffolk, at Norwiche, on Monday
next comyng, for to be at the alection of knyghts of the chyer
[_shire_]; and he told me that every jentylman of Norffolk and Suffolk
that arne of any repetacion hathe writyng from the Kyng in lyke wyse as
he had. I felle hym be his seyyng that he ys right welle disposyd to you
ward; he seythe ther shall no man make hym to be a geyns you in no
mater. Skypwith shall telle you suche tydyngs as bethe in this contre,
and of Thomas Gornay and of his man; hym self is clerk convicte, and hys
man is hangyn; ye shall here her after what they and oder wer purposyd
to a do to her master.

I thank you hertely of your writyng to me be for that John Paston came
home, for God knowith I thowght right longe tyle I hard frome you;
I shalle send word in writyng of suche tydings as we have her on Monday
in hast. Daubeney deseyryht to wet what tyme that it please you that he
shuld come ageyn to you.

My moder and many other folkys makyth moche of your son John, the elder,
and right glad of hys comyng hom, and lekyth reght welle hys demenyng.
Heydon[67.1] son hathe bor owght the syyd stowtly her this Critstemes,
and whan that he rydyth, he hathe iiij. or v. men with hym in a
clothyng; but he hathe but lytyl fafor in this contre but yf [_unless_]
it be of the Bischop[67.2] and of the Prior of Norwic.[67.3] The seyd
prior hathe grauntyd hym the stewerdchep that hys feder had . . . .
. . . he hathe it under the Covent Seals, and Spylman,[67.4] his tutor,
to lerne hym howe he shuld be demenyd . . . . . . . it is seyd abowght
Bakynstorp that Herry Heydon shuld a seyd that it wer welle do that men
of the . . . . . . shuld make redy her [_their_] bald batts[67.5] and
her clot shon[67.6] and go feche hom her knygts of chyer [_shire_] . . .
. . . . . Barney; and it is promysyd hym that he shall be met with be
cause of hys langage . . . . . . . . . us a good world and a pesybyll.
I shall purvey for all thyngs that ye have sent to me for, so that I
ween ye shal be pleasyd. The blyssyd Trinite have you in Hys kepyng.
Wretyn in hast, the Wednysday next . . . . Seynt Agnet.

  Your,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 65.3: [From Fenn, iv. 150.] This letter refers to a
    coming election of knights of the shire, which seems to be for the
    Parliament which met on the 29th April 1463. No other general
    election of Edward IV.’s time will suit the date, and it is quite
    certain that it was written during Edward’s reign.]

    [Footnote 65.4: 9th January.]

    [Footnote 66.1: Elizabeth, widow of Robert Clere of Ormesby.]

    [Footnote 67.1: This must be Henry, son of John Heydon, Esq.,
    Recorder of Norwich.--F.]

    [Footnote 67.2: Walter Lyhert, Bishop from 1445 to 1472.--F.]

    [Footnote 67.3: John Molet or Mowth, Prior from 1453 to 1471.--F.]

    [Footnote 67.4: Henry Spilman, afterwards Recorder of Norwich; he
    was the founder of the Spilmans of Narborough, by marrying Ela,
    daughter and heir of William de Narborough.--F.]

    [Footnote 67.5: _Bald batts_ seem to mean here ball bats, or bats
    to play at ball with.--F.]

    [Footnote 67.6: _Clot shon_, clouted shoes--shoes shod with thin
    plates of iron.--F.]


537

ABSTRACT[67.7]

THOMAS PLAYTER TO JOHN PASTON

[Sidenote: 1463 / JAN.]

Please your maistership wete, that as for my Lord of Norwich cosyns
deth, Thomas Gurneys man hath confessed that he slewe hym by
commaundment of his maister, and confessed over that the same dager he
slewe hym with, he kest it in a sege [_a jakes_] whiche is founden and
taken up al to-bowyd [_bent together_], for he cowde not breke it, and
in prison is bothe he and his maister.

   .       .       .       .       .       .       .       .

Also on Thursday next after Cristemasse was a man slayn, by whom no man
woot, nor what he is that was slayn no man knowe, his face is so
mangled.

    [Footnote 67.7: These extracts are quoted by Fenn from a letter
    now lost, in reference to what is said in the last letter about
    Thomas Gurney and his man.]


538

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON[68.1]

_To my ryght reverent and wurschip[full] mayster, my Mayster John Paston
in the Ynner Temple at London._

[Sidenote: 1463 / [FEB.]]

Plesith your goode maystrechip to witte that ther comen doune to the
undrescheryff of Norwiche, a writte to a tache Mr. John P. the yongere,
wherof I sende you a copy closed herin, but they woll not a reeste hym
within Norwich; but I undrestande ther is comen an other writte to the
undrescheryff of Norfolk bothe for hym and me, and for all thoo that ben
indyghted. Wherfore I purpose me to ride to Hoonyng to the scheryff thys
day, to undrestande how he is disposed, and to desire hym to shewe
favour to your pore tenaunts; and as I feele hym disposed I schall send
your maystreship answer.

And as for tidyngs here in this contre, we have noon but that ther be
many Frenchemen upon the see and do moche answer upon the coosts. Mr.
Yelver[ton] knew of the comyng up of the _teste_ within ij. dayes after
they were goon, &c. My ryght reverent and wurschipful maystre, the
blissed Trinite preserve and kepe and ferther you in all your maters.

Sir William Wyllugby whas at Risynge Castell, and yesterday he come home
a yenne. On Tentale hathe entred in to a parte of Felbregge lyvelod, and
a corte holden, and the tenaunts retorned. Item, as for the cort that
Deben[ham] schuld holde at Calcot we here not of it.

  Your pore servaunt and bedman, R. C.

Rex vi[ce]comitibus Norwici, salutem. Præcepimus vobis quod capiatis
Johannem Paston juniorem, nuper de Norwico, armigerum, si inventus
fuerit in balliva vestra, et eum salvo custodiatis, ita quod habeatis
corpus ejus coram nobis a die Paschæ in unum mensem ubicunque tunc
fuerimus in Anglia, ad respondendum nobis de quibusdam feloniis et
transgressionibus unde in comitatu nostro Suffolchiæ indictatus est. Et
si prædictus Johannes in balliva vestra inveniri non poterit, tunc ad
duos comitatus in balliva vestra citra terminum prædictum proximo
tenendos juxta formam statuti in hujusmodi casu provisi proclamari
faciatis quod idem Johannes sit coram nobis ad præfatum terminum ad
respondendum nobis de præmissis. Et habeatis ibi hoc breve. Teste
Johanne Markham apud Westmonasterium, xxxjº die Januarii, anno regni
nostri secundo.

  CROXTON.

Rotulo xxvjº R. Per contr’ Anno secundo Regis Ed. iiij^ti r. xiij.
Irrotulatur coram Rege de recordo, termino Hillarii anno secundo Regis
Ed. iiij^ti, prout patet in rotulo infrascripto.[69.1]

    [Footnote 68.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As the writ, of which a
    copy is subjoined to this letter, is dated on the 31st January in
    the second year of Edward IV. (1463), the letter itself must have
    been written in February.]

    [Footnote 69.1: This note is to imply that the writ is enrolled
    among what are called the Records on the Coram Rege Roll of Hilary
    term, 2 Edw. IV., rot. 26, a former writ against John Paston,
    junior, being enrolled in the Controlment Roll, 2 Edw. IV., rot.
    13.]


539

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[69.2]

[Sidenote: 1463 / FEB. or MARCH]

Please you to wet that Will. Jeney and Debham cam to Calcote on
Wednysday before none, and ther they spake with Rysyng and John Smythe,
and haskyd hem rent and ferme, and they seydyn they had payed you, and
so they myght not paye hem. Also, ferthermore, they told hem that ye had
hold a corte ther syn that they enteryd there. Than Jenney answerd ageyn
‘Be cause he held a corte here we mad hym hold corte at London, and so
shall we make the to hold a corte at Ipysweche withowt thow wolt pay us
the rent and ferme.’ ‘Sir,’ quod Rysyng, ‘I toke the ferme of my master
and of Sir Thomas Howys.’ Jenney seyd, ‘And as for Sir Thomas, he and we
schall acord well i nowe.’ And so they hahte seled up the berne dore and
woll dryve a wey the catell bothe of the fermores and of the tenauntes,
withowt the fermor and John Smythe woll fynd hem suerte to pay hem at
Esterne, and Jenney and Debham woll [be] bownd ageyn to hem in a
obligacion of xl_li._ to save hem harmelese ageyns you. And so as yet
Rysyng standythe under award at Leystofte. So Rysyng hathe sent word to
me that I shall knowe thys nyght or ellis to morowe what end they hathe
mad.

Item, as towchyng the burges of Yermothe they wer chosyn on Wednysday.
The Baly Wydwell ys on; and as for the todyr the Bischoppe sent to the
towne for to have a man of hys owne, and so they be not acordyd yit of
hym; en cas they may not acord, John Rus shall be the todyr.

Item, as towchyng Grene, a came not to Caster on Thursday, for he went
to Norwich the same day, and so he is yet ther. Daubeney hathe spokyn
with Watkyn Shypdam for to be at Beyton on Monday to kepe a corte ther;
and so he woll be at Caster on Sonday and spek with you, for he seythe
that Fastolfe[70.1] hathe mad a cleyme ther to; that is the cause he
wolle comon and speke with you ther of hym selff.

Item, I can not, ner Daubeney nowther, fynd your wyght boke; it is not
in the trussyng cofyr, ner in the sprucheste nothyr. Jon Walsham toke me
a quayer, I suppose it lo[n]gythe to the same boke, that same I send
you, and the byllis of Walcote with ale sealyd. Wretyn this day.

  By your,

  M. P.

  _On the back are the following accounts, written, in a very careless
  hand, by Richard Calle:_--

  _Forene’ Recept’._

  De Johanne Prentice de Castelaere ad festum Sanctæ Fidis per
    manus vicarii de Sporle,                                   lx_s._

  De Roberto Wylley clerico post Nativitatem Domini,            c_s._

  De Willelmo Whyte, vigil’ Conversionis Sancti Pauli,
                                            vj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._

  De Edmundo Wynter, mason, de Bermynghem circa Conversionem
    Sancti Pauli,                                     vj_s._ viij_d._

  De Willelmo Elys de Wynterton ad Pascha,            vj_s._ viij_d._

  De Warino Herman ad Pascha,                       xiij_s._ iiij_d._

  De Johanna Bakeney uxore Gerard,                  xiij_s._ iiij_d._

  Item, de Johanne Russe.

  Rec. de Willelmo Norwich et M. Johanne Smythe venditio jocalium
    Johannis Berney de Redham pro tant’ denar’ pro me pro debito
    ipsius Berney apud Redham solut’,                 xx_li._ xvj_s._

  _Recept’ de Tesauro._

  Inprimis, pro viagio Johannis Paston, Jun. cum Rege et aliis
    causis (?) versus Annewyke de denariis receptis de debito
    prioris Norwicensis,                                       l_li._

  Item, de auro remanente de Coppes in eadem baga,             lx_s._

  Item, de baga pecuniæ prestandæ eodem tempore,         viij. marc’.

  Item, de remanent’ in forcerio tesaur’ li’berat’[71.1] frater
    meus Will’ Yelv’n,                                 x_s._ iiij_d._

  _Termino Michaelis._[71.2]

  Item, de pecunia remanente cum Thoma Gresham apud London; termino
    Michaelis xx_li._, termino Hillarij, xxxiij_s._ iiij_d._,
                                           xxj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._

  Item, de tesauro London termino Michaelis, l. marc’,
      termino Hillarij l. marc’, termino Paschæ l. marc’,      c_li._

  Item, de tesauro Norffolk cariat’ versus London termino Paschæ,
      ultra xl_li._ remanens (_sic_) apud terminum Trinitatis,
                                                           xl. marc’.

    [Footnote 69.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter, though not
    addressed, seems to have been written by Margaret Paston to her
    husband. The election referred to must have been that for the
    Parliament of 1463. From one expression used it is clear that it
    was written some time before Easter, and the dispute with Jenney
    and Debenham about Calcote proves the date to a certainty. Compare
    Nos. 538 and 540.]

    [Footnote 70.1: Thomas Fastolf of Cowhawe.]

    [Footnote 71.1: The words ‘tesaur’ liberat’’ are interlined and
    apparently intended to be inserted here. I must leave the grammar
    of the sentence as it stands in the original. The word at the end,
    which I believe stands for ‘Yelverton,’ is very ambiguous from the
    careless writing.]

    [Footnote 71.2: These words are inserted between the lines, but
    whether they were intended for a heading is a little uncertain.]


540

ABSTRACT[71.3]

[JOHN PASTON] TO JOHN PAMPYNG, RICHARD CALLE, AND WILLIAM WYKES.

[Sidenote: 1463]

Remember my instructions about bills and actions against Debenham by my
tenants at Calcote. Make a ‘remembrance apart’ of the ground on which
every trespass has been committed, whether it be in my lands or in those
of my tenants, and whether the land was holden of me by Calcote Hall
fee, or Freton Hall fee, lest Debenham justify [on the plea that] he
took them elsewhere. As my tenants at Cotton have been compelled to pay
much money to Jenney and Debenham against their wills, I would, as I
have told John Paston the younger, that he should ride to Cotton with
Richard Calle and such friendship as he can get, and demand my duties,
except from those who had been compelled to pay the others. The latter
to take actions next term against Debenham. Will respite them for this
once all they have paid, till it may be recovered by law; that is,
provided they ask it: otherwise, will politicly put them in jeopardy of
losing their farms. Desires Calle to make a roll of the tenants and when
he comes to Cotton enter therein how much cattle has been distrained
from each.

  It appears by the last letter that a writ was issued, evidently at
  the suit of Debenham, against John Paston, junior, and the other
  agents of his father in Suffolk. From the present paper it would
  seem that John Paston also instituted a prosecution on behalf of his
  tenants against Debenham. We shall find by later letters that these
  suits were going on in 1463, and were not terminated in the
  beginning of the following year. The MS. from which the above
  abstract has been made is a draft with a heading in John Paston’s
  hand. On the back are notes of the Statutes of Westminster and of
  Richard II. touching _scandalum magnatum_, etc.

    [Footnote 71.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


541

RALPH LAMPET’S TESTIMONY[72.1]

[Sidenote: 1463 / MARCH 19]

To all tho to whom this present wrytyng shall come, Rauff Lampet,
Squier, sendyth gretyng in our Lord. And forasmoch as it is meritory to
bere witnesse of trought, and that I knowe and herd the disposicion and
will of Ser John Fastolff, knyght, aftir the forme folowyng, and am
requered to sey the trought, I record and testifie, and bere witnesse
that Ser John Fastolff, knyght, abought the tyme of hervest was v. yere,
that was the yere of our Lord M^{l}cccclvij. at Caster, fast by Mekyll
Yarmouth, in the Shire of Norffolk, in presens of divers persones that
tyme callid to by the seid Ser John, ded make estat and feffement and
livery of seison of the maner of Caster aforeseid, and other maners,
londs, and tenements in Norffolk to John Paston, Squier, and other. And
at that livery of season thereof delivered, as well by the hands of the
seid Ser John as be other, the seid Ser John Fastolff by his owne mouth
declared his will and entent of that feffement and livery of season, mad
to the use of the seid Ser John as for duryng his life only, and aftir
his decese to the use of the seid John Paston and his heyrs. And also
the seid Ser John seid and declared, that the seid John Paston was best
frend, and helper, and supporter to the seid Ser John, and that it was
his will that the seid John Paston shuld have and inherite the same
maners, londs, and tenements, and other, aftir his decese, and ther to
dwelle and abide, and kepe howsold, seying that he knew well that the
disposicion of the seid Paston was to do good in the contry, and be non
oppressor of the pore pepill. And the seid Ser John desired me, and
Daune William Bokenham, that tyme Prior of Yarmouth, beynge presente, to
record as he had seid to us. And this I record and witnesse for trought
be the feyght that I owe to God and all Seynts. In witnesse wherof to
this my writyng I have set to my seall and signe manuell the xix. day of
March, the third yer of the reigne of Kyng Edward the Fourth.

  R. LAMPET.

    [Footnote 72.1: [Tanner MS., 106, f. 35 b.]]


542

ABSTRACT[73.1]

RAFF LAMPET TO HIS COUSIN DAUBENEY

[Sidenote: Date uncertain]

Reminds him that he spoke to him at Redham, in the church, about certain
lands ‘which John of Berney bought of me,’ and for which there is still
owing him 13s. 4d., and a rent of 6d. four years in arrear. Begs him to
speak to Master Paston to get him the money.

  We place this letter immediately after another document signed by
  Ralph Lampet, the exact date being uncertain and immaterial. It is
  probably, however, about this period, as it may be surmised to be
  after the death of John Berney.

    [Footnote 73.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


543

ABSTRACT[73.2]

[Sidenote: 1463 / APRIL 6]

Testimony of Sir Roger Chamberlain, witnessed by Reginald Tylneye, prior
of Ixworth, and Sir John Rose [a brother of the house], that he was with
the Duke of Norfolk in September before Sir John Fastolf died, when my
Lord urged Fastolf to sell him the reversion of Caister, or (as he
wished to give it to the Abbey of St. Benet’s) to exchange it for a
manor of my Lord’s in South Walsham, which lay more convenient for the
Abbey. Sir John, however, begged him not to press it, as he had
appointed with his cousin, John Paston, to have Caister and all his
other livelode in Norfolk and Suffolk in order to endow a college of
seven priests and seven poor men. My Lord said, many thought Sir John
would make Paston his heir; to which he replied that there was no man
living that he would like better to be his heir, and begged my Lord to
be his good lord if it so fortuned, which the Duke promised to do. Has
heard the Duke since often acknowledge that Sir John had declared
plainly he would make Paston his heir. Not having his own seal present,
has sealed this with that of the prior of Ixworth, and requested him to
put his seal to it besides. Ixworth, 6 April 1463.

    [Footnote 73.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 280.]]


544

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[74.1]

_To my rytz wurchepfull mayster, Jon Paston, in hast._

[Sidenote: 1463 / MAY 6]

Ryt wurschipfull hosbond, I recommand me to zou, desyring hertyly to her
of zour wellfar, praying zou to wete, that I [have] spoken with Strawngs
wyf of the matter that ze spoken to me of; and sche seyth pleynly to me,
be her feyth, that sche knew never non seche ne never herd of non
scheche, and told to me in lyk wyse as sche had seyd to Jamys Gloys. And
sche seyd to me if sche kowd inquier of any other that sche thinght xuld
have knowleche of any seche, sche xuld wetyn of hem, and letyn me have
knowleche therof; and if ze soppose that any other be in this contre
that ye thync xuld have knowleche of this forseyd mater, yf ye wyll send
me word ther of, I xall do my part ther in.

Also I have ben att Sweyngsthorp and spoken with Kokett, and he seyth
that he woll don lyche as ye bad me that I xuld sey to hym for to don.
And I have spokyn with the sexteyn, and seyd to hym as ye bad me that I
xuld don, and he axid me ryt feythfully hw ye sped in zour materys.

I teld hym that ze haddyn fayr be hests, and I seyd I hopyd that ze xuld
don rytz well therin; and he seyd that he supposyd that D.[75.1] wold
don for zou; but he seyd he was no hasty laborer in non mater. He seyd
be hys feyth he wost qher a man was that laboryd to hym for amater ryth
along tym, and alwey he be hestyd that he wold labor itt effectualy, but
qhyll he sewyd to hym that he kowd never have remedy of his mater; and
than qhan he thowth that he xuld no remedy have to sew to hym, he spak
with Fynys,[75.2] that is now Speker of the Parlment, and prayid hym
that he wold don for hym in hys mater, and zaf hym areward; and withinne
ryth short tym after his mater was sped. And the seyd sexteyn[75.3] and
other folkys that ben yowr ryth wele willers have kownselyd me that I
xuld kownsell zou to maken other menys than ye have made to other folks,
that wold spede your materys better than they have don thatt ye have
spoken to therof be for this tym. Sondery folks have seyd to me that
they thynk veryly, but if [_unless_] ye have my Lord of Suffolks[75.4]
godelorchyp, qhyll the werd [_world_] is as itt is, ye kan never leven
in pese with owth ye have his godelordschep; therfor I pray that with
all myn herth, that ye wyll don yowr part to have his godelordschep and
his love in ese of all the materis that ye have to don, and in esyng of
myn hert also; for be my trowth I am afferd ellys bothen of these
materys the qhyche ye have in hand now, and of other that ben not don to
yett, but if he wyl don for zou and be your godelord. I pray yow
hertylye send me werd how ze don, and how ye speden in zour materys; and
I pray you as for seche thyngs as Jamys hath a byll of, that I may have
hem as hastyly as ze may; and that ze wyll vowchesave to bey apese of
blak bukram for to lyn with a gown for me, I xuld bey me amurrey gown to
gon in this somer, and leyn in the koler the satyn that ze zeve me for
an hodde; and I kan gettyn non gode bokeram in this town to lyn it with.
The Holy Trinyte have yow in His kepyng, and send zou helth and good
spede in all yowr maters.

Wretyn att Norwyche, on ye Fryday nexst after Crowchemesse Day.[76.1]

  Yours,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 74.1: [From Fenn, iv. 188.] Our reason for believing
    this letter to have been written in the year 1463 will be seen in
    a footnote.]

    [Footnote 75.1: Possibly John Damme.]

    [Footnote 75.2: This looks like a mistake, for no Speaker of the
    name of Fynes is met with during this period. The expression,
    however, suggests that the letter was written about the beginning
    of a new Parliament, which could only have been that which met on
    the 29th April 1463. On the following day the Commons elected John
    Say as their Speaker, whose name Margaret Paston seems to have
    confounded with the family name of William Fenys, Lord Say, the
    trusty friend of Edward IV. who accompanied him into exile when he
    fled from his kingdom in 1470. It does not appear, however, that
    John Say, the Speaker, was related to that family.]

    [Footnote 75.3: The Sacrist or Sexton of the Priory of Norwich was
    the officer who had the care of Sacra, or Holy Things, as the
    Church Plate, Copes, etc.; he was likewise Secretary, Auditor, and
    Chancellor of the Convent, and had a Sub-sacrist or Deputy to
    perform the servile parts of his office. In 1444 Brother Richard
    de Walsham was appointed Sacrist.--F.]

    [Footnote 75.4: John de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk.--F.]

    [Footnote 76.1: Crouchmas Day, or the Invention of the Cross, was
    on the 3rd of May.--F.]


545

[JAMES GRESHAM] TO JOHN PASTON[76.2]

_To mygth rigth good and speciall maister, John Paston, dwellyng at
Heylesdon be syde Norwich._

[Sidenote: 1463 / JULY]

Rigth reverent, &c. Please your maisterchip wete that I resseived your
letter whiche ye sent by Crome, and as for the examinacion of, &c. that
I wrot to you of in my former letter to be taken on the Munday or on
Tewysday, &c. this was the cause. Ye yaff me informacion at my last
departyng fro you that the murdre was don uppon the day nexst after
Seynt Petre. And for doute lesse ye had be ougth at the comyng of my
seid letter, and for dowte that I supposed that my maistres, your wyf,
had not be remembred of the day, it caused me, accordyng to your
informacion, to wryte the uttermost day for her remembrans.
Neverthelesse, if ye certifie that ye toke the examinacion with in the
yere and day, and sette the day in certayn, your certificat is
sufficiant in lawe and shall bynd any of the parties to sey the
contrary. And also the writte is that ye schuld certefie _sine
dilatione_, and no day expresly yoven you whan to certifie it; wherfor
ye may kepe uncertefiet tyl the nexst terme. And so do sir, for it schal
do no hurt; but if ony questions or jangelyng schuld be mad when the
examinacion was, let a sufficiant day with inne the yere be noysed, and
if the _teste_ be to schort we schal fynd the mene it schal be amendyd
by hym that wrot it. For after the informacion that I had of Crome the
Sunday was the uttermest day, and therefor it was happy that sche was
examined thenne. And where that ye wold I schuld tak the advice of
Maister Markham, &c., if all thyng were laufull, and elles not, it is
full hard to my self to determine the certaynte of every circumstans of
the mater, and it is not gretely to be comuned of with other, nor to
comune of casez lyke; for whan the mater schuld come in revelysshon it
wold cause prevy titlers and flaterers ougth of suche questions to
ymagyn, and contryve mater of distourbans. Wherfor uppon the certeynte
of myn determinacion I brak the mater to Master Markham, which called to
hym Master Byngham, and so thei ij. meved Y.[77.1]; and after that
mocion he kept not his owyn councell but brak to every man of it. Hou be
it he was sore mevyd with it, I wote it well, and glad to take avyse and
comfort of other personez than of Masters Markham and Byngham. Al
circumstans were to long to wryte, but I hope to speke with you be tymes
i nougth or ye schall nede to certefye, &c. And, sir, in conclucion,
Masters Markham and Byngham thynk it sufficiant i nougth to take his
promys and his othe with ougth obligacion that he schal mak amends if
profe here after can be mad uppon hym. And to this Maister Markham
prayed you to agre by the same token ye mevyd hym to sette an ende be
twyx you and my masters your brethern. Neverthelesse if ye thynk this
wey not sufficiant, ye may lete sum other handele the mater at hom to
hym if that ye hope to gete good pref in the mater, for with ougth
evydent proffe the mater schall be but noysefull to you, and cause men
to thynk that it growyth of your ille wyll to hym ward, &c.; for he
noyseth and seyth, because of ille wyll ye have caused a mad woman to
take apell a yens hym.

Item, sir, as for Leukenore he is not at London, but peraventure I schal
make hym to be meved in the mater here after.

Item, I dede your erand to my maister your son.

Item, as for John Say,[78.1] he recomendyth hym to you, bothe for your
billes and for your labour, and prayeth you if ony land that lyth for
the priour ease mygth be aspyed, that ye wold help to gete it hym and
send hym word; and as for the morteysyng . . . . . . and at his cost and
labour.

Item, as for tydyngs, the Kyng and the counsell is at Northampton,[78.2]
and the Convocacion schall be . . . . . . . . . after Relyk Sunday. And
ther be ij. marchaunts come fro Caleys, and they mygth no leve have to
com[e] . . . . . . . . . schuld bere the Kyng certeyn lettres and juste
tytyngs that sege is comyng to Caleys. And trew[s] . . . . . . . .
[ou]re Lady Day, as I herd sey.

Item, it is talked that Duchemen and Englysshemen ben at contraversie
with in . . . . . . .

    [Footnote 76.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter seems to be
    in James Gresham’s handwriting. It is evident that it was written
    shortly after Midsummer. Rather more than a year and a day had
    elapsed since a murder committed on the morrow of St. Peter’s Day
    (_i.e._ on the 30th June), and it is mentioned that Convocation
    was to sit some little time after Relic Sunday, which always falls
    in the middle of July. Further, the King is said to be at
    Northampton, which he was in July 1463, and no other year appears
    to suit.]

    [Footnote 77.1: Yelverton.]

    [Footnote 78.1: Probably the Speaker of the Parliament of 1463,
    whom Margaret Paston named Fynes in Letter 544. _See_ p. 75,
    Note 2.]

    [Footnote 78.2: According to the dates of the Privy Seals the King
    was at Northampton from the 8th to the 28th July 1463; also on the
    2nd May 1464.]

  [[To mygth rigth good and speciall maister
    _text has “gooa” (italic a for d)_]]


546

JAMES GRESHAM TO MARGARET PASTON[78.3]

_To my right wurshepfull mastres, my Mastres Margret Paston, at Caster._

[Sidenote: 1463]

Please it your good mastresship to wete that a _fieri facias_ is come
out of the Exchequir for Hue Fen to the Shireff of Norffolk to make levy
of CC. mark of the propir goods and catels of my masters, as executor of
Sir John Fastolf; of whech _fieri facias_ we sent my master word, whech
sent us word ayen by Berney that we shuld lete the Shiref undirstand
that my master nevir toke upon hym as executor, and so for that cause
that writte was no warant to take my masters goods; and also that my
master mad a dede of gift of all his goods and catels to Master Prewet
and Clement Paston and other, so that my master hath no goods whereof he
shuld make levy of the forseid summe; and if the Shireff wold not take
this for non answere, that thanne my master wold he shuld be lettid in
Master Prowetts and Clement Pastons name. Nevirthelesse we spak with the
Shireff this day, and lete hym undirstand the causes aforeseid, and he
agreid, so that he myght have suerte to safe hym harmeles, to mak such
retorne as my master or his counsell coud devise. And because my master
wrote by Berney that he wold not fynd the Shireff no suerte, we wold not
apoynt with hym in that wyse; and so we toke avyse of Thomas Grene, and
by cause the Undir-Shireff shall be on Monday at Hygham, by Bastewyk
brygg, and he and we thought that it was best that Master Prowet shuld
mete with the Shireff there, and require and charge hym that by colour
of the foreseid _fieri facias_ that he make no levy of any goods and
catels of the seid Prowetts and Clement Pastons ayens the seid John
Pastons, letyng hym vete that such goods as the seid Paston had, be now
the seid Prowetts and Clement Pastons by vertu of a dede of gift mad to
hem almost ij. yere agoo; and if the Shireff woll be besy aftir that to
take any catell, that he be lettid in Master Prowetts name and Clement
Pastons by Daubeney and other; whech besines of the Shireff shall be on
Tuisday or Wednesday, and as we understand at Heylesdon. Wherfor ye must
send thedir Daubeney with Pecok, and the may gete hym here more felasep
by the avise of Master Sir John Paston.

  JAMES GRESHAM.

    [Footnote 78.3: [From Fenn, iv. 130.] John Paston’s eldest son
    appears to have been knighted in the course of the year 1463. The
    earliest notice which I find of him as knight is in a writ dated
    11th July, 3 Edward IV., entered on the Coram Rege Roll of Trinity
    term, 3 Edward IV. This letter is not unlikely to have been
    written about that time, as it appears by a subsequent letter
    (No. 550) that Sir John Paston remained for some time at home in
    Norfolk, when the friends of the family thought he ought to be
    abroad in the world.]


547

ABSTRACT[80.1]

[Sidenote: 1463 / AUG. 15]

Deed poll whereby Elizabeth, widow of John Vere, Earl of Oxford, Lady of
the manor of Knapton, Norfolk, grants to Agnes, widow of William Paston,
the right of removing obstructions in two watercourses belonging to the
mill called Wodmyll in Bacton; the first of which watercourses flows out
of Knapton Fen, and the second from the mill of the Abbot of St. Benet’s
of Holme.

Stratford of the Bowe, 15th Aug. 1463, 3 Edward IV.

_Fine Seal._

    [Footnote 80.1: [From Add. Charter 14,514, B.M., D. Turner’s
    Coll.]]


548

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK TO JOHN PASTON, SENIOR[80.2]

_To oure right trusty and entierly welbelovid servaunt, John Paston,
th’elder._

THE DUC OF NORFF.

[Sidenote: 1463 / AUG. 31]

Right trusty and entierly welbelovid servaunt, we grete you hertily
well, and specially praying you that ye will be with us at Framlyngham
on Sonday next comyng, that we may comon with you there, and have youre
sadde advise in suche matiers as concernyth gretly to oure weel, whiche
shall be mynestred unto you at youre comyng. Prayng you that ye fayle
not herof, as our speciall trust is in you. And our Lord preserve you in
His keping.

Written at Framlyngham the xxxj. day of August.

  NORFF.

    [Footnote 80.2: [From Fenn, iv. 250.] John Mowbray, Duke of
    Norfolk, the writer of this letter, succeeded his father in the
    dukedom in November 1461, being at the time only seventeen years
    of age. A year afterwards, in November 1462, we find him living at
    his castle of Holt in Denbighshire, where he proposed to spend
    Christmas (_see_ No. 532), but before that season came he was sent
    for by the King to serve against the Scots (No. 533). I am
    inclined to think this letter was written in the August of 1463;
    for although the Duke was again living at Holt in March following,
    it seems probable that he would have visited his chief family seat
    at Framlingham in the meanwhile. John Paston, the youngest, who
    was attached to his household, was certainly at home with his
    family in the latter part of this year (_see_ No. 560).]


549

THE ABBOT OF LANGLEY TO SIR JOHN PASTON[81.1]

_To the ryght worcheppful Sere John Paston, Knyght, be this delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1463 / SEPT. 4]

Ryght worchepful ser, and tendyrly belovyd in our Lord God, I comend me
to you, sendyng you knowyng that I dede your erand to my brother, the
persoon of Blofeeld, on Wednysdaye was sevenyght, after the
undyrstandyng that I had of you and from you be this brynger; whech man
I felte ryght wele and favorabelye dysposyd to you ward, and more
favorable wole be than to ony other jentylman levand, the wylle of the
dede performyd, and his conscyens savyd; and more thinges seyd
favorabely for yow which I entytelyd in a scrowe to a’ certyfyed to your
servaunt Calle, yf he had come, as ye sent me woord he sculd ado, and
xuld, as ye behestyd me, abrowte me our ferme for Heylesdon, which not
don, causeth me to wryte, prayng your jantylnesse that I send no more
therfore, for it is unpayed for the zeer afore the Halwemesse that my
Mayster Fastolf deyed, and for the same zer that he deyed in, and sythen
for ij. zer, and v_s._ unpayed of a zer, and come Myhelmesse nexte xal
be another zer unpayed. Thus is iiij. zer unpayed and v_s._, and at
Myhelmesse next xal be v. zer and v_s._

This thus kepte from Holy Chirche that is Holy Chirchez good, may not be
withoute grete parelle of soule; wher the parelle is God knoweth, I pray
God amend it, and geve hem grace that have his goods so to dyspose them,
that thei and the dede both may be oute of parelle. And the Trynyte have
you in His mercyful kepyng. Wretyn at Langle, on Soneday, at evyn late,
next after Seynt Johne Daye Decollacion.[81.2]

  Be your welewylland,

  ABBOT OF LANGELEYE.

    [Footnote 81.1: [From Fenn, iv. 146.] The date of this letter is
    clear, from the statement it contains as to the length of time
    which has elapsed since the decease of Sir John Fastolf.]

    [Footnote 81.2: The Decollation of St. John the Baptist was
    observed on the 29th August.]


550

R. C. V. C. TO JOHN PASTON THE ELDEST[82.1]

_To my worcheppefull master, Master Paston the heldest._

[Sidenote: 1463(?)]

Ryth worchepfull master, I recommend me on to zowr masterchepe. And of
on mater at reverens of God take hede, for in trowth I her meche talkyng
therof, and that is both in Norffolk, Suffolk, and Norwyche, among halle
men of worchepe, as welle that love zow as oder, and that is of my
master, your son, Syr Jon, causse he is so at home, and no noderwyse set
for. Summe sey that ze and he both stond howth of the Kyngs good gras,
and summe sey that ze kepe hym at home for negard chepe, and wyll no
thyng ware [_spend_] up on hym; and so heche man sey is avyse as it
plese hem to talke. And I have hanqwerryd [_inquired_], and seyd the
most cause is inparty for cause ze har so meche howte, that he is the
rather at home for the save gard of the costs. But at the referens of
God, excheuyng of common langage, se that he may worchepfull be set for,
heyder in the Kyngs servyse, or in maryache; for as towchyng the Lady
Chaberlen[82.2] that mater is don, for I spake with the parson therof,
and I hard be hym that that mater wyll not pre [_proceed ?_].

No more, but God spede zow as well in all maters, as I wold ze xuld do,
I be seche zow that this leter be kept secrete.

  Be zow[r] bede man,

  R. C. V. C.

    [Footnote 82.1: [From Fenn, iv. 128.] In the preceding letter Sir
    John Paston seems to have been at home; in Letter 552, we find
    that he had left home without leave. It is very probable,
    therefore, that the present letter was written in the interval
    between them, seeing that the writer complains of Sir John being
    kept at home.]

    [Footnote 82.2: This Lady Chamberlayne was Anne, daughter and sole
    heir of Sir Robert Herling, Knight, by Jane, daughter and heir of
    John Gonvile, Esq. Her first husband was Sir William Chamberlayne,
    Knight of the Garter, a renowned and valiant soldier, who died in
    1462. She was at this time his widow, and inherited from her
    father a very considerable fortune.

    She afterwards married Sir Robert Wingfield, and after his decease
    she became the wife of John, Lord Scroop of Bolton.

    By the name of Lady Scroop she founded and endowed a Fellowship in
    the College of Gonville and Caius at Cambridge, originally founded
    by an ancestor of her Ladyship’s.

    She was born in 1426, and was alive in 1502.

    At the time this letter was written she must have been nearly
    forty years old, when Sir John Paston could not have been much
    above twenty.--F.]

  [[College of Gonville and Caius
    _editor’s error for “Gonville” alone (John Caius was born
    in 1510)_]]


551

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[83.1]

_To my ryght worchipfull hosbond, John Paston, be thys letter delyveryd
in hast._

[Sidenote: 1463 / NOV. 13]

Riht worchepfull husbond, I recommand me to you. Please you to wete that
I was at Norwic this wek to purvey suche thyngs as nedythe me ageyns
thys wynter; and I was at my modder, and wille I was ther, ther cam in
on Wrothe, a kynnysman of Elysabet Clers, and he sey your dowter, and
preysyd hyr to my moder, and seyd that she was a goodly yong woman; and
my moder prayd hym for to gett for hyr on good mariage yf he knewe any;
and he seyd he knewe on shuld be of a CCC. mark be yer, the wyche is Sir
John Cley son, that is Chamberleyn with my Lady of York,[83.2] and he ys
of age of xviij. yer old. Zyf ye thynk it be for to be spok of, my moder
thynkyth that it shuld be get for lesse mony nowe in thys world than it
shuld be her after, owthyr that j. [_one_], or sum other good mariage.

Item, I spake with Master John Estgate for Pekerynes mater after your
entent of the mater of the letter that ye sent home, and he seyd to me
he shuld write to yow howe he had don ther in; and so he sent you a
letter, the wyche was sent you be John Wodows[84.1] man with other
letters.

As for answer [of] other mater, Daubeney tellythe me he wret to you.
I be seche Alle myghty God have you in Hys kepyng. Wretyn at Caster, the
Sonday next after Seynt Marteyne.

  Be your

  M. PASTON.

    [Footnote 83.1: [From Fenn, iv. 88.] I have found no letters of
    Margaret Paston dated from Caister before the year 1463; but I am
    inclined to think that this and the letter following both belong
    to that year. The latter, being addressed to Sir John Paston, at
    least cannot be earlier, and my reasons for believing it to be of
    that very year will be seen in the note to it (p. 84, Note 2). It
    is just possible that this letter may be of a different date, but
    considering that both were written in November, and both of them
    certainly between the 12th and the 19th, and that in both Margaret
    Paston not only dates from Caister, but speaks of Daubeney as
    being with her, the presumption, I think, is pretty strong that
    they are of the same year.]

    [Footnote 83.2: Cecily, Duchess of York, widow of Richard
    Plantagenet, Duke of York, and mother of Edward IV. She died in an
    advanced age, at her castle of Berkhamstead, in May 1495, and was
    buried near her husband, in the Choir of the Collegiate Church of
    Fotheringhay, in Northamptonshire.--F.]

    [Footnote 84.1: John Wodehouse, Esq. of Kimberley, son of the
    renowned John Wodehouse, Esq., who gained so much honour at the
    battle of Agincourt; he died in 1465, and lies buried in Kimberley
    Chancel.--F.]


552

MARGARET PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[84.2]

_To my welbelovyd son, Sir John Paston, be this deliveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1463 / NOV. 15]

I gret yow welle, and send yow Godds blissyng and myn, latyng yow wet
that I have receyved a letter from you, the wyche ye deliveryd to Master
Roger at Lynne, wherby I conseyve that ye thynke ye ded not well that ye
departyd hens withowt my knowlage. Wherfor I late yow wett I was ryght
evyll payed with yow. Your fader thowght, and thynkyth yet, that I was
asentyd to your departyng, and that hathe causyd me to have gret
hevinesse. I hope he wolle be your good fader hereafter, yf ye demene
you welle, and do as ye owe to do to hym; and I charge you upon my
blyssyng that in any thyng towchyng your fader that shuld be hys
worchep, profyte, or avayle, that ye do your devoyr and dylygent labor
to the fortherans therin, as ye wulle have my good wille, and that shall
cause your fader to be better fader to you.

It was told me ye sent hym a letter to London. What the entent therof
was I wot not, but thowge he take it but lyghtly, I wold ye shuld not
spar to write to hym ageyn as lowly as ye cane, besechyng hym to be your
good fader; and send hym suche tydyngs as be in the contre thir ye bethe
in, and that ye war [_beware_] of your expence bettyr and ye have be
befor thys tyme, and be your owne purse berer, I trowe ye shall fyndyt
most profytable to you.

I wold ye shuld send me word howghe ye doo, and howghe ye have schevyfte
for yourself syn ye departyd hens, be som trosty man, and that your
fader have no knowlage therof. I durste not late hym knowe of the laste
letter that ye wrot to me, be cause he was so sor dyspleasyd with me at
that tyme.

Item, I wold ye shuld speke with Wekis, and knowe hys dysposysion to
Jane Walsham. She hathe seyd, syn he departyd hens, but [_unless_] she
myght have hym, she wold never maryd, hyr hert ys sor set on hym; she
told me that he seyd to hyr that ther was no woman in the world he lovyd
so welle. I wold not he shuld jape hyr, for she menythe good feythe; and
yf he wolle not have hyr, late me wete in hast, and I shall purvey for
hyr in othyr wysse.

As for your harneys and ger that ye left here, it ys in Daubeneys
kepyng; it was never remevyd syn your departyng, be cause that he had
not the keyes. I trowe it shall apeyer [_get injured_], but if it be
take hed hate [_unless it be taken heed at_, or _to_] be tymys. Your
fader knowythe not wher it is.

I sent your grey hors to Ruston to the ferror, and he seythe he shull
never be nowght to rood, nowthyr ryght good to plowe nor to carte; he
seyth he was splayyd, and hys shulder rent from the body. I wot not what
to do with hym.

Your grandam wold fayne here sum tydyngs from yow. It wer welle do that
ye sent a letter to hyr howe ye do, as astely as ye may. And God have
you in Hys kepyng, and make yow a good man, and zyf yow grace to do as
well as I wold ye shuld do.

Wretyn at Caster, ye Tewisday next befor Seynt Edmund the Kynge.

  Your moder,

  M. PASTON.

I wold ye shuld make mech of the parson [of] Fylby, the berer herof, and
make hym good cher yf ye may.

    [Footnote 84.2: [From Fenn, iv. 168.] As Sir John Paston was
    knighted in the year 1463, and his father died in May 1466, the
    date of this letter must lie between the years 1463 and 1465.
    I think the first of these years is probably the true date. Sir
    John Paston, it seems, had left home without letting his mother
    know of his intention. Whither had he gone? Not to London, because
    he addressed a letter to his father there; besides he had passed
    by Lynn. One would naturally suppose, therefore, that he had gone
    to wait upon the King, at a time when Edward was at a distance
    from the capital. And in this view we are confirmed by the passage
    in which Margaret desires her son to speak with Wykes, who, as we
    know by Letter 514, was an usher of the King’s Chamber. Now Edward
    IV. was in Yorkshire, staying, for the most part, at Pomfret,
    during October and November 1463, while about the same time of
    year in 1464 he was at Reading, and in 1465 at Greenwich. Sir John
    would naturally have passed through Lynn on his road to the
    North.]

  [[I conseyve that ye thynke
    _text has “thar”: corrected from Fenn_]]


553

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[86.1]

_To my ryth worchepfull husbond, Jon Paston, be thys lettyr delyveryd in
haste._

[Sidenote: 1462-3 / DEC.]

Ryth worchepfull husbond, I recomand me to yow. Plesyth it yow to wet
that Jon Jeney was here with me thys daye and told me that ye desyiryd
that I shold do make a dyche at Heylysdon, and the seson is not for to
do make no new dechys, nor to repare non old tyll it be aftyr Crystmas,
as it is told me, and so I sent yow word in a lettyr more thane a
monythe goo; I wot not whedyr ye had the lettyr or not, for I had non
answer ther of fro yow. Jone Dyngayne recomandyth hyr to yow, and
prayith yow for Goddys sake that ye wole be hyr good mastyr, and that ye
wole wychesave to spek to Hwe of Fen for hyr, for it is so that serteyn
lyvelod whyche hyr husbond had in Engham was cast in the kyngys hand in
hyr husbandys lyve, and, as she undyrstandyth, it was do in hys fadyrys
lyve; of the whyche hyr husband spok to Hwe of Fen ther of in hys lyve
to helpe that he myth be dyschargyd ther of, and Hwe of Fen promysyd hym
verily that he had mad an ende ther in and dyschargyd hym, and that he
shold never be hurt nor trublyd ther for; and now the laste wek Barnard
the undyr scheryfe sent downe a warant to sese the lond for the Kynge,
and so, but [_unless_] he have xx_s._ for a fyne within shorte tyme he
wol not suffyr her to have the avayle of the londys. Wher fore she
prayith yow, for Goddys sak, that ye wole purvey a mene that Hwe of Fen
may save hyr harmles, in as myche as he promysyd hyr husbond to purvey
ther fore in hys lyve; and if it plese not yow to spek to hym ther of,
that it plese yow to do John Paston or Thomas Playter or sume othyr,
that ye thynk that cane undyrstande the mater, for to spek to the seyd
Hwe of Fen ther of in hyr name, and to serge the kyngys bokys ther fore,
if ye thynk that it be for to do, and sche woll ber the cost ther of. As
for the mater that ze wold I schold spek to Wylliam Worcester of
towchyng the false forgyd evydens, I can not spek with hym yet; hys wyfe
seyth allwe that he is oute when that I send for hym. Yowyr fermore of
Sweynysthorpe hathe fownde suerte for yowyr dute, as Rychard Calle
tellyth me, so that ye scholl be plesyd when ye come home. And the
blyssyd Trinite have yow in Hys kepyng. Wretyn in hast on the Monday
next aftyr Seynt Andrew.

  By yowyr,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 86.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 198.] This letter must lie
    between the years 1459, when Sir John Fastolf died (as Hellesden
    belonged to him), and 1465, as John Paston died in May 1466. The
    most probable year is either 1462 or 1463, for it is mentioned
    here that Paston’s farmer at Swainsthorpe had found security for
    the payment of his rent, and Richard Calle had levied four marks
    rent of him in February 1464. _See_ No. 558.]


554

ABSTRACT[87.1]

[Sidenote: 1463 / DEC. 10]

Indenture, 10th Dec. 3 Edward IV., between Robert Wodlark, Provost of
the College of St. Mary and St. Nicholas, Cambridge, and John Paston,
Esq., witnessing a loan by Paston to the college of 100 marks till the
octaves of St. Hilary, 1464 [_i.e._ 1464-5], upon certain plate.[87.2]

_Note below in a different hand:_-- ‘Memorandum quod Mr. Alexander Lye
erit apud Norwicum in die Martis pro[ximo] post diem Carniprivii.’

    [Footnote 87.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 87.2: The plate specified in this document is the same
    as that contained in the _second_ list in No. 561, at p. 98.]


555

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[88.1]

_To my right worshipfull mayster, John Paston, at Castre, in Norfolk._

[Sidenote: 1464 / JAN. 26]

After due recomendacion hadde, please it your maistership to wytte that
this day the plee by twene Ogan and yow was sore argued in the Kynggs
Bench by your counsell, in lettyng of the jugement, and to morwe have
they day to argue ageyn. And for lak of copies of the plee, I am fayn to
sewe for newe copies therof for your counsell. Your counsell hopeth to
do weel therin. These argued for yow, Maisters Grenefeld,[88.2]
Catesby,[88.3] Pygot,[88.4] Notyngham,[88.5] and Starky,[88.6] &c. And
yesterday was the matier by twene Debenham and yow called by Geney[88.7]
for an answer. I have spoken onto Catesby, and delyvered hym your
enfromacion, and to be advysed, and to commune with Maister Grenefeld,
&c.

The two Chefe Juges[88.8] and Maister Lyttleton[88.9] arn awaytyng up on
the Kyng, for the Kyng is purposed in to Gloucestreshire, &c.

It is seid that my Lord Chaunceller[89.1] shull be here on Saterday or
on Moneday next comyng, as the maisteres of the Chauncerye sayn. I write
to yow this by cause ye seid to me if ye wyst that my Lord Chaunceller
shuld be here, thanne wolde ye come hidder, and ell[es] wolde ye not
come here this terme.

As touchyng Rysyng, he hath his day, Utas[89.2] Purificationis, but I
have that weye that his presence is recondet for al this terme.

Maister Clement[89.3] tellyth me that Wysseter hath put excepcion on to
your wyttenesseres,[89.4] &c.

It is seid that the Kyng wold ride Sussex, Kent, Essex, Suffolk, and
Norffolk, and so to the Parlement, for he hath sent for alle his feed
men to awayte up on hym in their best aray in al hast.

Wretyn at London, the Thursday in the morwe after Seynt Poule.

  Your owen poure man,

  JAMS GRESHAM.

    [Footnote 88.1: [From Fenn, iv. 156.] The date of this letter is
    abundantly evident, first from the circumstance that the 26th of
    January (the morrow of St. Paul) was a Thursday, and secondly,
    from the mention of the King’s going into Gloucestershire. In
    January 1464 Edward IV. was at Northampton, and on the 9th of
    February he was at Gloucester.]

    [Footnote 88.2: John Greenfield. He and the two next named were
    made serjeants-at-law in November 1463.]

    [Footnote 88.3: John Catesby. He was appointed Judge of the Common
    Pleas in 1481.]

    [Footnote 88.4: Richard Pygot.]

    [Footnote 88.5: William Nottingham. He was appointed Chief Baron
    of the Exchequer in 1479.]

    [Footnote 88.6: Humphrey Starkey. He was made a serjeant in 1478.]

    [Footnote 88.7: William Jenney was made a serjeant in 1463, and a
    Justice of the King’s Bench in 1481.]

    [Footnote 88.8: John Markham, Chief Justice of the King’s Bench,
    and Robert Danby, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, both
    appointed in 1461.]

    [Footnote 88.9: Thomas Lyttelton, the famous lawyer, was created a
    serjeant in 1453, and appointed a Judge of the Common Pleas in
    1466. He died in 1481, aged seventy-nine, as Fenn here tells us in
    a footnote; but Foss, in his _Judges of England_, says nothing of
    his age.]

    [Footnote 89.1: George Neville, now Bishop of Exeter, but soon
    after the writing of this letter translated to York.]

    [Footnote 89.2: The Utas or Octave of a feast is the seventh day
    after it.]

    [Footnote 89.3: Clement Paston, brother to John Paston.]

    [Footnote 89.4: This relates to the disputes concerning Sir John
    Fastolf’s will.]

  [[on Saterday or on Moneday next
    _text has “Saterday on on Moneday”: corrected from Fenn_]]


556

HENRY BERRY TO JOHN PASTON[89.5]

_To my Rygth worsschipful cosyn, John Paston, Squyer, be this Letter
delyveryd, &c._

[Sidenote: 1464 / JAN. 28]

Ryght worsschypfull and reverent cosyn, I recomaunde me on to you wyth
al myn hert, as your feythful kynnesman and oratour, desyrynge to here
of the goode prosperite and welfare of your worsschipfull modyr my Lady
and cosyn, wyth your wyff, Sir John Paston, your brethern Wylliam and
Clement, with all your sonys and doughters, to whom I beseche you
hertely that I may be recomaundyd. God of His hyghe mercy preserve you
all un to Hys mercy and grace, and save you from all adversite.

Worsschipfull cosyn, my speciall writynge and hertys desire afore
rehersyd, nature naturaly so me compellyth,

  Watt thou I be putt fer ought of conceyte and syght,
  I have you all in remembrance both day and nyght;

besechynge you, gentyll cosyn, to tender my writynge. I take God to my
wyttnesse, I wold as fayn do that myght be un to your honor,
worsschippe, and profit as any herthly man can thynke.

Worfor now late deyde the Abbot of our Monastery, and lefte us in grete
ded [_debt_]; the brynger heroff is my speciall frende: the holdyst
brother in our place never hard nor saw our chirche in that mysere that
is now; we have cast the perellys amongys us, and there is nowne other
helpe, butt every brother that hath any worsschipfull kynne or frendys,
every man to do his part to the well fare, socour, and releve of our
monasteri; therfor, worsschipfull cosyn, I, a brother of that
worsschipfull monastery, wer inne begoon the feyth of all thys lond,
mekely besechyth you in the reverence of Allmygty God to render help,
and socour us in our grete necessite; for in London lyth to wedde many
ryche jowells of ouris, with other grete detts, wych my brother wyll
enforme you of.

Plesyth your goodnesse, for Godys sake, and all the Seyntts of evyn, and
att my sympyll request, to have compassion upon us, ye havynge dooe
swerte [_due surety_] both in obligacions and pleggs; in the reverens of
All myghti God, do your allmesse and charite; hitt schall cause you to
be prayed for, and all your kynne as long as the chirche stantt; and be
this menys, I trust to All myghty God, to se my cosyn William, or
Clement, to be stward of our londys, and so to have an intresse in
Kentt, to the worsschippe of God and you all, wych ever have you in His
kepynge. Amen.

Writyn at Caunterbiry in hast the xxviij^ti day of Januare.

Also I beseche you, schew the brynger of this letter sum humanite and
worsschipe, that when he comyth home, he may reporte as he fyndeth.

[91.1][This is the cause every wele thi putt my kynne in my berd,
seyinge, I am come of lordys, knygtes, and ladys. I wold they wer in
your daunger a m^l. merke, that they mygte know you, &c.]

  Be your cosyn and bedman,

  HENRY BERRY.

    [Footnote 89.5: [From Fenn, i. 278.] By the mention of Sir John
    Paston it is evident that this letter was written after 1463, but
    of course the date cannot be later than 1466, in which year John
    Paston the father died, to whom the letter is addressed. It
    appears also to have been written shortly after the death of James
    Sevenoke, Abbot of St. Augustine’s, Canterbury, which Fenn, I know
    not on what authority, says occurred in 1463. Even the new edition
    of Dugdale does not give the date; but Fenn’s date is in all
    probability right.]

    [Footnote 91.1: This last paragraph is crossed out in the original
    MS.]


557

CLEMENT PASTON TO JOHN PASTON SENIOR[91.2]

_To hys rythe worchyfull broder, John Paston thelder, Sqwyer be this
delyveryd._

[Sidenote: 1464 / FEB. 15]

Broder, I recomawnde me to zowe. After all dew recommendacions, &c. Az
for Hew Fennys obligacion, Zelverton knowlacheyd it to be Sir John
Fastolfe is dede opynly in the Escheker, and ther he hadde is jugement
to receive the mony and x_li._ for domages. And they report here that
they have a schreve after her entent that wyll mak hem execucion, or
ellis return that ye have wastyd the godis of the dede; so that they
wyll have execucion of zowr own goodis, or ellys a wryt to tak zowr
body. Thus ze may se they zeve no fors wat they doo, thow they xwld
lesse and stroy all the goodis of the dede; And ther for, for savacion
of goodis of the dede, better it wer to suffer tak sum trete than to
suffer the goodis thus to be lost. Also Zelverton hathe ben at all the
tenauntis of Sowthewerk and chargid hem to pay no mony but to hym. Also
the kyng hathe ben in Glowcetescher and pwnyssede hys rebellious a zens
the lawe, and so he entendithe to doo in Norfolk, and after that in oder
contreez. God zeve grasse and good spede in hys jornay. No more but I
pray Gode have zow in hys kepyng. Wretyn on Hasse Wednysday in haste.

Also I pray zou, send me xl_s._ that I tok James Gressam and John
Pampyng for zowr materis. Also ther is no man that hathe contentyd ony
thyng in the Kyngis Benche of all thys term for zour materis, and that
makythe the clerkis and zowr Aturnay wery. I trow I xall be fayn to
contente hem or ellys they xall be unpayyd.

  Zowr broder,

  CLEMENT PASTON.

    [Footnote 91.2: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 2.] For the date of this
    letter and the King’s going to Gloucestershire, see preliminary
    note to No. 555, p. 88, Note 1.]


558

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON[92.1]

_To my mooste reverent and wurchipfull mastre, my Mastre John Paston, be
this delyverd._

[Sidenote: 1464 / FEB. 27]

Plesith it your goode mastreschip to undrestande that I have receyved a
byll of John Boteler, weche speketh of your heygh at Heylesdn, and of
your barly in other places, but I undrestand not what ye wold I schulde
do therin; nevertheles I schal do make it redy. And as for your heygh I
schull tell you whan I come hume; and as for money at Heylesdon I can
non gete, and at Sueynesthorp I have take iiij. marc.

Item, as for tidyngs the Sescions schal be at Thetford on Wednesday next
comyng, where I undrestande Mr. Berney wol be with moche people, be
cauce ther is come to hym a Prevy Seale that he schuld be with the Kyng
within vj. dayes that the Prevy Seale whas delyverd hym, weche he can
not doo, for the vj. day is to morwe. Ther is on comen to Felbrigge, to
William Yelverton on other, and to Robert Rough an other, and non of
them wol goo to the Kyng; and the Undrescherif tolde me that ther is
comen a comyscion doun to hes maistre, that in cas they come not up to
the Kyng be ther Prevy Seales, that than he rere the contre and take hem
and bryng hem to the Kyng wher so ever he be.

Item, Jamys Gresham tellethe me the same, and as for tidyngs fro London
we here non, but that John Colman telleth me that if Berney or Robert
Rough come up they are like to die.

Ther be come to London Embasetors from the Duke of Burgundy, weche
cauced the Kyng to spede hym the rather to London.

Item, as for any newe assises at Thetford ther is non but that hathe
hanged this v. yere, as the Scherif tellethe me.

I whas purposed to be at home this nyght tell I had your bille, weche
cauceth me to ride on to Drayton for divers thyngs, &c. Almyghty Jesu
preserve you.

Wreten at Norwiche, the ij. Munday of clene Lente.

  Your pore beedeman and servaunt,

  RIC. CALLE.

    [Footnote 92.1: [From Fenn, iv. 72.] This letter and the next both
    mention assizes at Thetford. The latter, which is dated on
    Wednesday, the last (29th) day of February, and which was
    certainly written in the year 1464, mention them as being held on
    that very day. The present letter, dated on the second Monday in
    Lent, says they are _to be_ held on Wednesday following. Now the
    second Monday in Lent 1464 fell on the 27th of February, that is
    to say just two days before that particular Wednesday on which we
    know that the assizes really were held. This alone seems almost
    sufficient evidence of the date of the letter. As for the King’s
    going up to London, it appears by the dates of the Privy Seals
    that on the 9th February he was at Gloucester, on the 16th and
    17th at Kimbolton; and it is stated in the next letter that he was
    at Waltham on the 27th, which shows that he really was moving
    towards the capital. This was not the case in 1462, the year to
    which Fenn assigns the letter; nor do I know his authority for
    stating that there was a Burgundian Embassy in the beginning of
    that year.]


559

JOHN PAMPYNGE TO JOHN PASTON, SENIOR[93.1]

_To my right worshipfull master, John Paston, the elder, Squier._

[Sidenote: 1464 / FEB. 29]

Please your mastership to wete that the Assise holde this day at
Thetford; and as for any newe Assise, that ye spak of, ther is non, ner
non other savyng on for a man a bought Brunham.

I spak with Herward, and I askyd hym if ther was any gret day at Bury,
and he seid ther was but a small day, and as for any assises ther wer
non but old; and he told me that Debenham and the Undershireff were
falle ought. Debenham bare the Shireff on hand[94.1] that he had do
indited an hundred men son he cam in to his office, and the Shireff told
hym that the Kyngs bokkes apperid whedir it was so or nought; and he
told Debenham that he coud indite an hundred at on tyme whan ye wer
indited, and named yow the cause of ther brekyng.

Ther was a man kyllid now late in Suffolk, and he that ded it was on of
Debenhams men; and Herward told me that the Shireff seid to hym he wold
do Debenham a shrewd turne and he coud.

Item, it was told me at Norwich that Master Berney shuld have be here
with a gret felaship, and it is not so, ner no man heryth of hys comyng,
ner her is but litell pepill nowther, ther wer not so few this iij. yer,
as men say.

Item, Herward askyd me where John Gayn was, and I askyd why, and he seid
ther is a _capias_ ought ayens hym upon the condempnaceon,[94.2] and the
Shireff hath it, he bad me geve hym warnyng; it is retarnabill xv.
Pasch.[94.3]

Item, thei sey here that the Kyng was on Monday at Waltham.

Item, Nicholas Colman hath brought home your fardell; it is at Norwich.

Item, ther be no more Juges here but Sir Pers Ardeyn.[94.4]

Wretyn at Thetford, the Wednesday the last day of Februar.

Item, Wymondham[95.1] is here, and was at the shirehows this day, and
the Kyngs livery abaught his nekke, and ther stood be the Juge, whill a
lettir of the Kyngs was red. The effect was, as it was told me, that the
Kyng will that justice be had, and that all risers ayens the pees, and
oppressers of the pepill, be chasteised, letyng hem weet[95.2] that he
was late in Cambrigge Shire, and there such as had offendid askyd grace,
whech thei had, savyng such as wer rewlers, whom he woll somwhat bee
punyshid, purposyng to be in this contry abought Estern, &c.

  Your servaunt, &c.,

  JOHN PAMPYNGE.

    [Footnote 93.1: [From Fenn, iv. 158.] The circumstance of the last
    day of February falling on a Wednesday fixes the date of this
    letter to the year 1464. There is no evidence in the dates of
    Privy Seals that the King was at Waltham in the end of February,
    or that he had previously visited Cambridgeshire, in any year
    during the period when this letter must have been written; but it
    is quite possible that he was at Waltham on the 27th February
    1464, and if so, that he had passed through Cambridgeshire on his
    way from Kimbolton, where he had been on the 17th.]

    [Footnote 94.1: _i.e._ accused him. _See_ vol. ii. p. 110, Note
    1.]

    [Footnote 94.2: Query, as to this word, it being not perfect in
    the original.--F.]

    [Footnote 94.3: Quindena Paschæ, the fifteenth day after Easter.]

    [Footnote 94.4: Sir Peter Ardern, Knight, was appointed Chief
    Baron of the Exchequer, and also a Justice of the Common Pleas, in
    1448; but in 1462 a new Chief Baron was appointed, and Ardern
    retained only the judgeship in the Common Pleas. He died in 1467.]

    [Footnote 95.1: John Wymondham, Esq., the purchaser of Felbrigg;
    he died there in 1475, and was buried in the Augustine Friars at
    Norwich.--F.]

    [Footnote 95.2: The word ‘weet’ is omitted in Fenn’s original
    text, but occurs in the modern copy.]


560

JOHN PASTON THE YOUNGEST TO JOHN PASTON, HIS FATHER[95.3]

_To my rygte reverent and worchepfull fadyr, John Paston, dwellyng in
Castyr, be thys delyveryd._

[Sidenote: 1464 / MARCH 1]

Ryth reverent and worchepfull fadyr, I recomand me on to yow, besechyng
yow lowly of your blyssyng, desyryng to here of yowyr wellfar and
prosperyte, the whyche I pray God preserve on to Hys plesans, and to
yowyr hertys desyir; besechyng yow to have me excusyd that ye had no
wrytyng fro me syth that I departyd frome yow; for so God me helpe,
I send yow a lettyr to London anon aftyr Kandylmas, by a man of my
Lordys; and he forgat to delyver yt to yow, and so he browt to me the
lettyr ayen; and sythe that tyme I kowd get no messenger tyll now.

As for tydyngs, syche as we have here I send yow. My Lord and my
Lady[96.1] ar in good hele, blyssyd be God, and my Lord hathe gret
labore and cost here in Walys for to take dyvers gentyllmen here whyche
wer consentyng and helpyng on to the Duke of Somersettys goyng; and they
were apelyd of othyr se[r]teyn poyntys of treson, and thys mater. And
bycause the Kyng sent my Lord woord to keep thys contre, is cause that
my Lord terythe here thus longe. And now the Kyng hathe geve my Lord
power, whedyr he wole do execusyon upon thes gentyllmen, or pardon hem,
whedyr that hym lyst; and as fertheforthe as I kan undyrstand yet, they
shall have grase. And as sone as thes men be come in, my Lord is
perposyd to come to London, whyche I supose schall be within thys
fortnyght. The menys namys that be apechyd ar thes, John Hanmer, and
Wylliam hys sone, Roger Pulyston, and Edward of Madok; these be men of
worchepe that schall come in.

The Comenys in Lancasher and Chescher wer up to the nombyr of a x. m^l.
[10,000] or more, but now they be downe ayen; and one or ij. of hem was
hedyd in Chestyr as on Saterday last past.

Thomas Danyell[96.2] is here in Chesscher, but I wot not in what plase,
he hathe sent iij. or iiij. letyrys to Syr John Howard, syne my Lord
come hedyr.

And othyr tydynggs her we none here, but that I supose ye have herd
before; I supose veryly that it schall be so nye Esterne[96.3] er ever
my Lord come to London, that I schal not move [q. _mowe_? _i.e._ be
able] come home to yow before Estern; wherfor I besech yow, that ye wole
wyche save [_vouchsafe_] that one of your men may send a byll to myne
oncyll Clement, or to som othyr man, who that ye wole, in youyr name,
that they may delyver me the mony that I am behynd of this quarter syn
Crystmas, and for the next quarter, in parte of that some that it plesid
yow to grant me by yer; for by my trowthe, the felawchep have not so
myche mony as we wend to have had be ryth myche; for my Lord hath had
gret costs syn he came hedyr. Wherfore I besech yow, that I may have
this mony at Estern, for I have borowyd mony that I must paye ayen after
Estern: and I pray to Allmyty God have yow in kepyng.

Wretyn in the Castyll of the Holte, in Walys, the fyrst day of Marche.

  Your sone and lowly servant,

  JOHN PASTON, the yongest.

    [Footnote 95.3: [From Fenn, i. 284.] ‘The Duke of Somerset’s
    going’ here referred to cannot well be his flight to Scotland in
    1462 (_see_ No. 512), though the time of year at which this letter
    is dated would agree very well with that supposition; for it
    appears by Letter 511 that John Paston, the father, was at that
    time residing in the Temple and not at Caister; nor indeed have we
    distinct evidence of his being at the latter place before 1464.
    Moreover, in the beginning of 1463, Somerset had just made his
    peace with King Edward and been received into favour, but early in
    1464 he rebelled again. There can be little doubt, therefore, that
    this year is the true date.]

    [Footnote 96.1: John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, and Elizabeth, his
    wife.]

    [Footnote 96.2: This gentleman had a reversionary grant of the
    constableship of Rising Castle in 1448, 27 Hen. VI. He married
    Margaret, daughter of Sir Robert Howard, and sister of Sir John,
    afterwards Duke of Norfolk. He is said to have been attainted in
    the 1 Edw. IV., but fully restored both in blood and possessions
    in the 14th of the same King. He was esquire of the body to Henry
    VI.--F.]

    [Footnote 96.3: In 1464 Easter Day fell on the 1st of April.]


561

ABSTRACT[97.1]

[Sidenote: 1464 / APRIL 11]

Copy of an indenture bearing date 11th April, 4 Edward IV., witnessing
the delivery to Richard Calle, servant of John Paston, Esquire, by John,
prior of the monastery of Holy Trinity, Norwich, by virtue of the King’s
writ, of a red box containing seventeen bundles of evidences, with £40
of silver in groats, and 80 nobles of gold, in a bag, and other
valuables.

  An inventory of the articles referred to in the foregoing indenture
  is contained in a separate paper mutilated in the right-hand margin,
  which we give verbatim as follows:--

This is the parcell be endenture received by Richard Calle of . . . . .
. . . . . . day of Aprile the forthe yere . . . . . . as it apperit by
the copye that the seyde Richard sendeth me by John Threcher.

  Unam cistam rubeam cum xvij. bundellis evidenciarum in eadem cista
    contentis.
  Quadraginta libras argenti in grossis et iiij^xx. nobil.
  Duo turribula[97.2] argenti et deaurata.
  Unam pixidem argenti et deauratam.
  Unum osculatorium cum imagine Sancti Jacobi et . . . .

[Sidenote: I left no cruet in the cofer.[97.3]]

  Unum cruett argenti et deauratum.
  Unum crismatorium rotundum.      Md.[97.3]

[Sidenote: I left non soch in the cofer but chalis of gold.[97.3]]

  Unum calicem argenti et deauratum.               }
  Unum alium calicem cum imagine Sanctæ Trinitatis.}

This is the copy of a bille drawin in Englyche that I sent home [of all]
manner of suche stuff as was in myne coffre in the abb[ey] . . . . . .
by a letter sent with the same bylle that he chowlde take hede that
. . . yf he fonde aney more, well be it, as it aperit in the seyd
lett[er] . . . woulle be lokyd [_locked_] uppe.

[Sidenote: Thes to chalis after the unc’ xx. _s._ ar worth xliij.
_li._[98.2]]

  Unum calicem de auro playne ponderis duas li[bras].
  Unum alium calicem de auro cum scriptura ‘Cal[icem salutaris
    accipiam,’[98.1] ponderis xix. unc’].

[Sidenote: This is worth xiij. _li._ xv. _s._[98.2]]

  Unam tabulam de auro cum imagine Sancti J[acobi positam cum lapidis
    pretiosis,] ponderis xiij. unc’ et iij. quarteria.

[Sidenote: Thes be worth, after xxx. _d._ the unch xxviij. _li._ xiij
_s._ ix. _d._[98.2]

  Unum par turribulorum argenti et deaurat’ cum scriptura, viz., in
    prima parte ‘Dat’ est eis,’ &c.; et in secunda parte ‘Ascendit
    fumus,’ pond’ xiij. lb. et [x. unc’].
  Unam pixidem argenti pro sacramento deaurat’ cum cruce [in summitate
    ac chased cum] liliis, pond’ v. lb. et iij. unc’ di’.
  Unam ampullam argenti deaurat’ pond’ i. lb.[98.3]

  [98.4]All this was put in a paner togyddre and . . . . for to berit
    in to the coffre.
  Item, xl. mark in noblis and xl. li. in gro[tis].
  Item, evydens.

    [Footnote 97.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 97.2: Thuribula, censers, from _thus_.]

    [Footnote 97.3: These marginal notes are in John Paston’s hand.]

    [Footnote 98.1: Psalm cxv. [cxvi.] 13.]

    [Footnote 98.2: _See_ Note 3 on last page.]

    [Footnote 98.3: The plate in this list is the same as that
    described in No. 554, by which the words lost in this MS. have
    been supplied.]

    [Footnote 98.4: Added in John Paston’s hand.]

  [[Sidenote: This is worth ...
  Sidenote: Thes be worth ...
    _all values (li. s. d.) printed in roman (non-Italic) type_]]


562

SACRED VESSELS[98.5]

_This is the plate that was in my cofir at Norwich._

[Sidenote: 1464]

A chaleys of goold playne, weyng ij. pound.

Item, a nother chaleys of goold, with this writynge ‘Calicem
salutaris[98.6] accipiam,’ weyng xix. unces.

Item, one table of gold, with an image of Sen James set with precious
stonys, weyng xiij. unce iij. quarter.

Item, one peyre of sensers of silver and gilt, with scripture, viz., in
the first part, ‘Dat’ est eis,’ &c., and in the second parte, ‘Ascendit
fumus,’ &c., weyng xiij_li._ et x. unc’.

Item, one box of silver and gilt for the sacrement, with a crosse in the
heyght, and chased with liliis, weying v_li._ iij. unc’ di.

Item, one potte callid a crismatorie to put in holy creme and oyle, of
silver and gilt, weying j_li._

    [Footnote 98.5: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This list of articles is
    in the handwriting of Richard Calle, writing, I presume, as John
    Paston’s secretary, and in his name. It will be seen that it
    corresponds with a Latin list contained in No. 561, and must
    therefore be the ‘bill drawn in English’ there referred to.]

    [Footnote 98.6: Salutularis, MS.]


563

A LIST OF GILT IMAGES[99.1]

An image off Owr Lady with ij. awngellis sensyng, gilthe, viij^xx. unc’,
viz., xiii_li._ et. iiij. unc’.

Item, a crosse with a fott, lx. unc’, gilthe in to cassys and gilt,
viij^xx. & xvij. unc’, viz., xiiij_li._ & ix. unc’.

Item, an image of Sent Jon Vangelist, gilthe, weyng vij^{xx.}x. unc’,
viz., xij_li._ vj. unc’.

Item, an image of Sent Jon Baptist, gilthe, with the Lamb, lviij. unc’,
viz., iiij_li._ x. unnc’.

Item, an image off Sent Jamis with his staff, gilthe, weyng xxxvj. unc’,
viz., iij_li._

Item, an image off Our Lady, gilthe, with a crowne and a lely, weyng
iij^{xx.}vj. unnc’, viz., v_li._ vj. unc’.

Item, an image of Sent Denys, gilthe, weyng l. unc’, viz., iiij_li._ ij.
unc’.

Item, an image off owr Savyowr, gilt, with His crosse, His diademe, and
His fane, v^{xx.}xj. unc’, viz., ix_li._ iij. unc’.

  Summa unciarum xl^{xx.}viij. unc’.
  Summa lxvij. lib. iiij. unc’.
  Sum in markis Cj. mark ij. unc’, di.

Memorandum, j. lib. continet xij. unc’; j. marc continet viij. unc’.

  _Endorsed_--Episcopus Cantuariensis.

    [Footnote 99.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This list is likewise in
    the handwriting of Richard Calle, and was perhaps drawn up about
    the same time as the preceding one.]


564

CLEMENT PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[100.1]

_To my rygth worchepful broder John Paston Sqwyer._

[Sidenote: 1464 / APRIL 18]

Ryght worshypfull brothyr, I recomawnde me to zow. After all dew
recomendacions, &c., plesse it zow to wett that after that I had harde
say that the person of Blowfelde[100.2] wasse com to town I went to hym
to his in, and he bade the mesenger say that he wasse not within, and I
bad hym say a gayn that I come thyder to hym for hys own worchep and
avayle and that I wasse sory that I com so fer for hym; and after that
he sent for me and he cowde not fynde me, and I harde say ther of. And
than I wrott a letter, resytyng how that he wasse sworn yesterday for to
say the trowthe of al maner of materis consernyng Sir John Fastolfe,
avysyd hym to remember qwat hys wytnesse hadde sayd for hys sake, and
wat schame it xwlde be to hym to say the contrary; And also, if he sayde
the contrary, ze wold herafter prove the trowthe and contrary to hys
sayyng, and prove hym in a perjuri. And also I badde hym remember with
wat maner of men he delt wythe; and I rehersyd how untrwly they hadde
don. And not with standyng thys, after I met with hym in the strett and
spak with hym, and I fownde hym passyng strawngely disposyd and sor
mevyd with consiens that ze xwld have the lond and fownd the colage but
with an C. marcs, not with stondyng he myth fynde in hys consiens by the
well that the colage xwld be fowndyd in a noder plasse but with an C.
marcs, and the reminaunt of the lylode sold so that he myth pwroe the
mony; so I felt by hym that all hys strawngenes from zow is for he
demythe that ze wold parte from no thyng; and I told hym the contrary
ther of to be trwe, az this day he is exaymined up on a bok to sey the
trowthe of all thynges as the juge will[101.1] aske hym, for the jugeis
informacion; wych I trowe wyll not be good. Also they have pwt in
_testes_ azens zow iij^xx or iiij^xx men. Mayster Robard Kent wold sayn
that ze xwle gett zow ij. lycens of the prioris of zowre wytnes, Mayster
Clement and the monke, with an A[101.2] datt beryng before the comyng
up; for that must ye nedis have. Also he wold sayn that ze xwld com to
thys towne. Me thowte by Sir Thomas that they have aswerte in maner that
ze xall have no lycens for zour fundacion. And [_i.e._ if] they be
abowte to gett a lycens to fownde the colage in a noder place, me
thynkythe that wold hurte; her colour is for cause ze can gett no lycens
to fownde it at Caster; werfor thow zour wyll wer trwe, they myth
lawfully fownde it in a noder place. My Lord Chawnceler[101.3] is gone
to Zork and wyll not be her of all thys term. Wrytyn on Wednisday nexst
be for Saynt George.

The Kyng hathe ben in Kent and ther ben endityd many for Isleis dethe;
and he wyll com to town this day azen and he wyl not tary her but forthe
to Zork straytt.

  By CLEMENT PASTON.

    [Footnote 100.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 7.] This letter was written
    in April 1464, when witnesses began to be examined about Fastolf’s
    will. _See_ No. 565. The Privy Seals of Edward IV. show that he
    was in Kent (at Dartford) on the 15th and 18th of that month, and
    he immediately after started for York.]

    [Footnote 100.2: Thomas Howes.]

    [Footnote 101.1: ‘will.’ In MS. ‘w^t,’ which ought to read ‘with’;
    evidently a slip of the pen.]

    [Footnote 101.2: Apparently meaning an _ante_ date.]

    [Footnote 101.3: George Nevill, Bishop of Exeter, afterwards
    Archbishop of York.]


565

ABSTRACT[101.4]

DEPOSITIONS TOUCHING SIR J. FASTOLF’S WILL

[Sidenote: 1464 / APRIL-NOV.]

‘Primum testes reprobatorii producti per Yelverton, contra testes Paston
principaliter productos &c.

‘Facta fuit sequens examinatio testium subscriptorum secrete et
singillatim, videlicet, Domini Johannis Davy capellani vicesimo octavo
die mensis Aprilis, Thomæ Upton quinto, Johannis Bockyng duodecimo,
Nicholai Newman xvj^to diebus mensis Maii; Johannis Loer, Willelmi Eton
quarto, Roberti Lynne quinto, diebus mensis Junii; Bartholomei Elys
tercio, magistri Roberti Wylly sexto, Johannis Marshall, Johannis Davy
terciodecimo et Willelmi Lyne ultimo, diebus mensis Julii; Anno Domini
millesimo quadringentesimo sexagesimo quarto, Indictione duodecima,
pontificatus Sanctissimi in Christo patris et domini nostri, domini Pii
Divina prudencia Papæ Secundi anno sexto, In Domo Thesaurarii ecclesiæ
Cathedralis Sancti Pauli, London, infra parochiam Sancti Gregorii
civitatis London situat’, per venerabilem virum magistrum Johannem
Druell, utriusque juris doctorem, examinatorem et commissarium ad infra
scripta specialiter deputatum. In præsentia mei Nicholai Parker notarii
auctoritate Apostolica, publici scribæ in hac parte de et super
exceptionibus infra scriptis, par partem domini Willelmi Yelverton et
Willelmi Worceter productorum.’

1. John Davy chaplain, staying at the University of Cambridge, _liberæ
conditionis_, 30 years old and more, examined _super exceptionibus
infrascriptis_ of which the tenors are quoted, viz., on the part of
Yelverton and Worceter against John Russe, Robert Cutteler clk., Master
Clement Felmyngham, Rob. Boteler, Ralph Lampet, Brother Will. Bokyngham,
and Master Robert Popy, witnesses on the opposite side, whose testimony
is discredited ‘eo quod parte sua non præsenti juraverunt et super non
juratis deposuerunt, ac in depositionibus suis fuerint et sint varii,
contrarii, singulares negativam asserentes, causas dictorum suorum
minime reddentes, unumque et eundem præmeditatum sermonem proferentes,
a testatore non vocati aut rogati perhibere testimonium, nec
sufficienter probantes in hac parte, prout ex inspectione depositionum
suarum liquere poterit intuenti.’ Further, John Russe was illiterate,
and did not understand Latin when he made his deposition, and he
contradicted the other witnesses on his own side: viz., to the 9th
interrogatory he said, Sir J. Fastolf’s will was not written before his
death, which Clement Felmyngham and Robt. Cutteler in their reply to the
3d said it was. Moreover he expected advantage to himself from his
testimony, and was discharged by Howys of £300 that he owed Fastolf. He
had also secretly abstracted certain muniments and charters of the
testator, which were in the custody of Will. Worceter, in the house of
John Tovy, at Castir, Norwich dioc., in Nov. 1459. Moreover he was
_supravisor et locator_ of the testator’s lands called Akethorpe, yearly
value 9 marks, appointed by Paston or Howys, who promised to sell them
to him much under value for his testimony. Further, his statement that
he was present _in quadam bassa camera_ at Caister between 8 and 9 A.M.
on the Saturday before Sir J. Fastolf’s death, was a perjury, for he was
really all that time in other places a long way off. His declaration
that he was no servant or tenant of those who brought him forward was
untrue: he had hired a house of Howys in the town of Yarmouth, value
40s. a year. He was inconsistent in his testimony about the hour Sir J.
declared his will. He also pretended never to have seen Fastolf’s will
before his death, although he wrote the said pretended will with his own
hand with the date at the head, which at the beginning of this suit he
caused to be cut off from the writing and hidden.

Also the said Rob. Cutteler chaplain, when he made his deposition, was
‘levis opinionis, malæ conscientiæ et de mensa Joh’is Paston ac tenens
ipsius, prout ad primum interrogatorium examinationis suæ primæ et
secundæ respondebat.’ Also he was perjured; because in April 1457 in
par. of Holy Trin., Castir, he beat and maimed one Jo. Flemyng, and
boasted of it (_ac sic factum nomine suo ratum habuit_), but being taken
before Sir J. Fastolf, justice of the peace, he swore he had not done
so.--Proofs that he was not disinterested.

Exceptions to Rob. Popy: He was a tenant of Paston’s, &c. &c.

_Davy_ says John Rus was at Yarmouth on the Saturday in question, as he
usually was on Saturdays, to buy victuals for Fastolf’s house, &c.
(Proof declared insufficient in the margin). Sir J. Fastolf was so ill,
that, as Davy had heard he was unable to speak from 22d Oct. ‘Quæ quidem
infirmitas vocabatur judicio medicorum, _sincope_, quæ ipsum vexabat
singulis horis et ipsum deduxit ad extasim de scientia istius jurati,
qui continue conversabatur cum eo usque ad ipsius mortem.’

2. Thos. Upton, one of the clerks of the King’s kitchen, _literatus_,
‘liberæ conditionis,’ forty years old and over; 2d. witness.

Mentions that W. Worceter gave Jo. Rus a casket to keep containing
certain documents, which Rus delivered to Howys after Fastolf’s death.
Was clerk of the kitchen to Fastolf when Rus used to go on Saturday to
Yarmouth, &c.

9 May. Jo. Bokkyng produced by Jo. Naseby, proctor of Yelverton and
Worceter, before Master Tho. Wynterton, LL.D., auditor of Thomas
Archbishop of Canterbury, at his house in the parish of St. Martin, in
presence of Robert Kent, proctor of John Paston.--Examination committed
to John Druell, LL.D. who on the 12th May examines him secretly in the
house of the treasurer of St. Paul’s.

‘Dicit quod Johannes Tovy quædam munimenta et evidencias[103.1] in
certis bagis et pixidibus contenta quæ Willelmus Worceter eidem Johanni
Tovy liberavit custodienda.’ Rus was and is Howys’ tenant for the house
he lives in. After Fastolf’s death Upton delivered to Clement Felmyngham
a signet or gold ring, ‘ad signandum sigilla dicti domini Johannis
Fastolf,’ in a little bag, which was to be returned ‘post signacionem
hujusmodi,’ but afterwards he said he had lost it. Touchyng brother
W. Bukyngham, it was publicly noised at Yarmouth that Robert Brown,
a chaplain of that town, had killed one Seman Burton, that Bukyngham
knowingly received him, and that by his advice he fled. To the last
exception he says he believes Fastolf did not release Paston from the
payment of the said 4000 marks, ‘quia iste juratus non intellixit in
tota vita sua tantam liberalitatem in dicto domino Johanne Fastolf.’
Fastolf had such difficulty in breathing for five or six days before his
death that he could hardly speak.

   *   *   *

Interrogatories proposed on the part of Paston and Howys, and
administered to witnesses.

‘In primis, interrogetur quilibet testis hujusmodi cujus sit conditionis
et an sit famulus, [104.1]serviens aut tenens partis eum producentis, et
cui parti magis favet partium prædictarum.’ Secondly, whether he be in
the pay of any one. There are six interrogatories in all, and they are
numbered.

Then follow answers of some one, whose name does not appear, to each of
these six interrogatories; and other answers by--

1. Nich. Newman, Usher of the Chamber to Lady Catherine, Duchess of
Norfolk.

2. John Loer, servant of the Abbot of Langley.

3. Will. Eton.

4. Rob. Lynne of Bucklande.

5. Barth. Elys of Yarmouth, ‘literatus liberæ conditionis,’ fifty years
old and more (proves Rus’s absence, but his testimony is declared in the
margin to be improbable, and not to agree with Davy’s).

_6 July._ Naseby produces Rob. Wylly on the part of Yelverton and
Worcester. Examined on the 9th.--Says he was required by Paston and
Howys to see Fastolf’s will, and ‘ad impediendum [_impendendum_]
consilium suum:’ --that on a Sunday in the summer after Fastolf’s death,
John Paston showed him, at Fastolf’s house in Southwark, Sir John’s will
written on paper, in presence of Clement Felmyngham and John Bracley,
and asked his opinion if it was valid. Thought it insufficient to
overthrow any previous will. A clause mentioning Tudenham and Heydon as
executors was cancelled by this deponent’s advice, ‘eo quod erat contra
caritatem.’

_13 July at Bow Church._ Naseby produces John Marshall and John Davy,
whose examinations follow.

_19 Oct. 1464._ Druell examines Hen. Wenstall at the treasurer’s house
of St. Paul’s.

_15 Nov. 1464._ Druell examines Rob. Hert.

_1 Dec._ Naseby produces Rob. Fyztrauf, whose production Kent opposes;
who tries to prove Rus’s absence (insufficiently, as remarked in the
margin), because he was constantly with Fastolf, except half an hour
that morning, and held the basin while Henry Barbour lathered the beard
(_lavit barbam_) of the said Sir John Fastolf.

‘Responsiones personaliter factæ per dominum Thomam Howys unum
executorum domini Joh’is Fastolf, ultimo die mensis Aprilis Aº D^ni
1464,’ &c., ‘coram Ven. viro Mag’ro Thoma Wynterbourne, LL.D.,’ &c., ‘in
camera ejusdem infra manerium Rev^mi patris apud Lamehith, Winton dioc’
situat’, in præsenncia mei Nicholai Parker,’ &c.

Howys says he did not see Coteler or Rus in Fastolf’s chamber that
Saturday before he went to dinner. On Saturday and Sunday before his
death Fastolf spoke so low he could hardly be heard by any one, and
Howys heard him only by putting his ear close to his mouth. Fastolf’s
mind was clear.

    [Footnote 101.4: [From MS. Phillipps, 9309.] These depositions, of
    which we shall only attempt to give some of the principal points,
    were produced in the Spiritual Court by Sir William Yelverton and
    William Worcester in opposition to the claim of John Paston and
    Thomas Howes to be Sir John Fastolf’s executors. The examinations
    were taken at intervals during the years 1464, 1465, and 1466, and
    the suit was not terminated when John Paston died. The MS. volume
    here referred to contains three distinct bundles of these
    depositions bound up in a wrong order. A volume containing similar
    matter among the Paston MSS. in the British Museum will be found
    entered in the year 1465.]

    [Footnote 103.1: There is no verb in the MS. to govern _munimenta
    et evidencias_.]

    [Footnote 104.1: The text is continued here at another part of the
    volume, the leaves being misplaced.]


566

ABSTRACT[105.1]

[Sidenote: 1464 / MAY 12]

Power of attorney by Roger Fidyon, clerk, and William Bondys to Richard
Lynstede, John Holme, and John Brikkes, to enter and take possession of
the manor of Hornynghall, in Castre, by Yarmouth, with appurtenances in
Castre, Maudeby, Ormesby, Filby, and Scroudeby, or elsewhere in the
hundred of East Flegge, Norfolk, which the said Roger and William have
of the gift of Edmund Clere; and thereafter to deliver seisin therein to
Agnes Paston, William Paston, Elizabeth, Countess of Oxford, John Veer,
Earl of Oxford, John Scroop, Knight, Lord Scroop, Sir William Yelverton,
Elizabeth Cleere; William Jennay, John Grenefeld, John Catesby,
Serjeants-at-Law; John Hastynges, John Clopton, John Calthorp, Hugh Fen,
Thomas Cornewaleys, Thomas Howes, clerk, Roger Marchall of London, Henry
Spilman, William Lomnour, Bartholomew Whyte, William Whyte, John
Applyerd, James Arblaster, William Wurcetyr, and Richard Maryot,
according to a charter granted to them by the said Roger and William.

Castre, 12th May, 4 Edward IV.

    [Footnote 105.1: [From MS. in the Bodleian Library.]]


567

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[105.2]

_To myn ryght worshypful hosbond, John Paston, be thys delyveryd in
haste._

[Sidenote: 1464 / JUNE 8]

Ryght worshypful hosbond, rekomaund me on to you. Pleasyth you to wete
that I sent yisterday Loveday to Norwyche to speke wyth the Vykyr of
Derham[105.3] for the mater betwen Master Constantyn and hym; and he
seyth that as for that mater, Master Constantyn sewyd hym for feyth and
trowth brekyng, and he sewed Master Constantyn in the Temporall Curte
uppon an obligacion of x_li._; and ther was made appoyntment be twen hem
by the advyce of bothe ther Conceylis, be for Master Robert Popy, that
eche of hem shuld relece othyr, and so they dede, and the sewtys wer
wythdrawyn on bothe partyes, and iche of hem aquytauncyd othyr; and as
for any copy of the plee, he had never non, ner he ner Master John
Estegate, that was hys atornay, remembryth nat that it was regestryd;
and Master John Estegate seythe, if it schuld be scergyd in the regester
it wold take a fortenyght werk, and yit peraventur never be the nerer.

Syr Thomas Howes hathe ben ryght besy thys weke at Blofeld, in wrytyng
and lokyng uppe of ger, and John Russe hathe ben with hym ther the moste
parte of alle thys weke, and thys day was Robert Lynne ther with hym;
what they have do I wote nat, but I schal wete if I may.

It was told me that Syr Thomas desyryd of John Russe to make hym a new
inventory of Syr John Fastolffs goods. John Russe myght not be spoke
with yit, for the letter that he shuld a wretyn, whych ye sente me word
of.

Item, it is tolde that the Dwke of Suffolk[106.1] is kome home, and
owthyr he is ded, or ellys ryght seke, and not lyke to eskape; and Syr
John Howard is kome hom; and it is seyd that the Lord Skalys[106.2] and
he have a comyssyon to enquer whye they of this contre that were sent
for kame not hastylar uppe afftyr they wer sent for. It is reportyd that
the Kyng is gretly dyspleasyd ther with. At the reverence of God, arme
yowr selve as myghtyly as ye kan ageyn yowr enmyes, for I know verrayly
that they wyl do ageyn yow as myghtyly as they kan with all ther power.

It is told me that Syr Thomas shal kom uppe in haste, and othyr, suche
as he kan make for hys partye.

Also for Goddys sake be war what medesyns ye take of any fysissyans of
London; I schal never trust to hem be cause of your fadr and myn onkyl,
whoys sowlys God assoyle.

The blissyd Trynyte have yow in Hys kepyng, and sende yow helthe and
good spede in all yowr materis. Wretyn in haste, on the Fryday next
befor Sceynt Bernabye.

  By yowrs,

  M. P.

Alle the jentylmen of thys contre that went uppe to the Kyng ar
contrmaundyd, and ar com hom ageyn. It is told me that Rowse of
Suffolk[107.1] is ded. If John Gayn myght have any releese of his sone,
if it myght do hym ese, it wer a good torne for hym.

    [Footnote 105.2: [From Fenn, iv. 176.] The commission to Lord
    Scales and Sir John Howard mentioned in this letter seems to have
    reference to a proclamation dated the 11th May 1464, by which all
    men between the ages of sixty and sixteen were ordered to attend
    the King. The date is confirmed by the reference in the postscript
    to the death of ‘Rous of Suffolk,’ for Reginald Rous of Denington
    died in 1464. (_See_ Weever’s _Funeral Monuments_, p. 782.)]

    [Footnote 105.3: Constantine Dalby was instituted to the Vicarage
    of East Dereham in 1451, and was succeeded in 1458 by Robert
    Sheringham.]

    [Footnote 106.1: John de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk.]

    [Footnote 106.2: Anthony Widville was created Lord Scales in
    1461.--F.]

    [Footnote 107.1: Reginald Rous, Esq. of Denington, in Suffolk,
    died in 1464. He was the ancestor of the present Earl of
    Stradbroke.]


568

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON[107.2]

_To my ryght wurschipfull my mastre, John Paston, be this delyverd in
haste._

[Sidenote: 1464 / JUNE 28]

Plesith it youre goode maisterchippe to witte that I have be with my
Mastre Calthorppe for the matre ye wrote to hym fore, wherin I have
founde hym ryght weele disposed and favorabley; nevertheles he tolde me
that William Jenney hath bene hes goode frende and have ben of hes
councell this ij. yere in all hes matres towchyng the lawe, but he seide
lever he hadde lose the lesser frende than the greete frende, and so he
hathe graunted favour accordyng to youre desire, and wrote a lettre to
the undrescheryff of Norfolk that he schuld take suerte sufficient to
save hym harmeles, and that done to write a letter to the undrescheryff
of Suffolk and lete hym witte that he hath taken suerte that ye schall
appere in the _crastino Animarum_ upon the exigents returnable, or elles
to bryng a _super sedias_[108.1] lauful before that daye, chargyng hym
that he do sece [_cause to cease_] the callyng of the writts, and to
retorne that ye appered the furst day. Weche suerte is taken, and a
letter wreten to the undrescheryff of Suffolk acordynge herto.

Item, as for Sir Thomas Howes, he lythe most at Norwiche. I can thynke
he come not up to London tyll Michelmes.

Item, I rode over to Techewelle whan that I whas at Mastre Calthorppes
for to have money of the fermours, and Yelverton and Sir Thomas hathe
sent to hem that they schol pay to you no more money, for that they had
payed to you they schulde payed [_pay it_] ayene to them; and so I gane
[_can_] gete no money of hem. Wherfore I went for to distreyne hem; and
so they seide that I myght not distreyne hem, for I come before the
daye, for her [_their_] day is at Midsomer. Nevertheles I wold not
lette, for that Simond Miller and other promysed to Mr. William Cotyng
and to me that I schuld have the money aftre Midsomer, so that I brought
with me a quetaunce of suche money as ye have receyved of hem, or elles
a generall quetaunce; and the tone I purposed to do in haste be the
advice of the seide Mastre W. Cotynge. For, and I torned, I can thynke
it schuld hurte. I am purposed to lete it in youre name to other folks
or to them ayen, and suerte founde to you, &c. And Almyghty God preserve
and kepe you. Wreten at Norwiche on Sen Petres Even.

  Your pore servaunt and bedman,

  RIC. CALLE.

    [Footnote 107.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter refers to
    the suit brought by Jenney against Paston in 1464, in which, as
    will be seen hereafter, Paston failed to appear at four successive
    county courts held at Ipswich, and was at last outlawed in
    Michaelmas term. _See_ No. 572.]

    [Footnote 108.1: _Super sedias._ So spelt in MS.]


569

JOHN PASTON TO EDWARD IV.[109.1]

_To the Kyng, our Liege Lord._

[Sidenote: 1464]

Besechyth lowly your humble servaunt, John Paston the older, squier,
that it please youre good grace, for such a fyne as your highnes hath
apoynted your seid besecher to content yow, wherof ye be put in suerte,
to graunt on to your seid besecher your gratious lettirs patentes of
licence to found, stabilissh, and endewe in the gret mancion of Caster
in Flegge in Norffolk, that late was John Fastolffs, knyght, cosyn to
your seid besecher, a college of vij. prestes, wherof one to be master,
and of vij. porefolk, to pray for your noble astate and for the soule of
the seid John Fastolff and such other as he was behold to inperpetuite,
aftir ordinauns by your seid besecher in that behalff to be made; and to
inmortese, geve and graunt to the seid prestes and to ther successours,
for the sustentacion of hem and of the seid porefolk CXX. mark of
annuite and rent charge, or annuites and rentes charge, yerly goyng out
of the maners callid Redhams, Vaux, and Bosomes, in Caster forseid,
Begviles in Wynterton, Reppis in Bastewyk, Spencers in Heryngby,
Loundhall in Saxthorp, Heylesdon, Drayton, Heynesford, Guton in
Brandeston, Beyton, Techewell, and of the thrid part of the maner of
Runham with th’apportenauns in the shire of Norffolk, and of the maners
of Hemnales in Cotton, Burneviles in Nakton, Akthorp in Leystoft,
Calcotes, Havelound, Spitlyngges, with th’apportenauns in the shire of
Suffolk, and out of any part of the seid maners, with a clause of
distresse for defaut of payment of the seid rente, and vj. acres of lond
in the seid towne of Caster, and the avowsons of the chirches of the
same town, and the fourth part of the seid mancion, or any part therof
for the habitacion of the seid prestes and porefolk, to be reparid at
the costs of your seid besecher, and his heires or assignes for evir.
And also by your seid lettirs patentes to graunt the same prestes to be
one body incorperate and to have succession perpetuall, and a comon
seall, and to be persones abill to plede and to be impletid, and to
purchase and alienyn all maner londes, goodes and catell, by the name of
the master and his brethyrn of the college of Sen John Baptist of Castre
aforeseid. And also by your seid lettirs patentes to licence the seid
prestes to take and reseyve, and to hold to them and to ther successours
the seid annuite, rent charge, vj. acres of lond, avousons, and the seid
------[110.1] part of the seid mancion, for evir. And to geve your
Chaunceler of Inglond for the tyme beyng, comaundement, power, and
auctorite that where as in this petision is not comprehendid the
certeynte of termes, maters, clauses, and other circumstaunces
convenient and requisite after forme of lawe for licens of the seid
fundacion, that your seid Chaunceler, that notwithstandyng, do make your
seid lettirs patentes in forme of lawe effectuall and sufficient in that
behalf after the very entent aforeseid, not excedyng the valew and somme
before specifyd, without any fyne or fee other thanne is afore specifyd
to be payd for the seid lettirs patentes, licens, or grauntes, by your
seid besecher or by the seid prestes; and thei shall pray hertly to God
for yow.

  _Endorsed in a later hand:_--Supplicatio Jo. Paston [pro] fundacione
  Collegii apud Caistor [secundum] formam testamenti Jo. Fastolf, mil.

    [Footnote 109.1: [From MSS. in the Bodleian Library.] This, and
    the alternative petition which follows, seem to have been drawn up
    in the year 1464, as one or other of them must have been the
    subject of the agreement of the 10th September in that year
    (No. 571). The two are printed from two parchment MSS. in the
    Bodleian Library. There is also, among the Paston MSS. in the
    British Museum, a third copy, fair written on parchment like the
    other two, of which the text corresponds in the beginning to the
    second petition, and in the latter part to the first.]

    [Footnote 110.1: A blank on an erasure.]


II.

_To the Kyng, our Sovereyn Lord._

[Sidenote: 1464]

Please it yowr highnes to graunte unto yowr humble servant John Paston
the older, Squier, yowr gracious lettres patents of licence to fownde,
stabelysh, and endewe in the gret mancion of Castre be Mekyll Yermowth
in Norffolk, that late was John Fastolffs, knyght, cosyn to yowr seyd
besecher, a colage of vij. prystes wheroff on to be master, and vij.
pourmen, to praye for your noble astate, and for the sowle of the said
Fastolff and suche othir as he was be holde to inperpetuite, and to
inmortese and gyve to the seyd prystes, and to ther successours for the
sustentacion of hem, and of the seyd pourmen C. marke of annunite and
rent charge, yerly goyng owt of all maneres, londes, and tenementz that
were the seyd Fastolffs within the Shyres of Norffolk and Suffolk, and
vj. acres of londe in the sayd town of Castre, and the iiij. parte of
the sayd mancion for the habitacion of the sayd prystes and pourmen, to
be repared at the costes of your seyd besecher and hys heyres and
assignes for ever, as suerly and lawfully as your seyd besecher can
devise. And also be your letters patentz to graunt the same prystes to
be one bodie incorperate, and to have succession perpetuall, and a comon
seall, and to be persones abyll to plede and be impletid, and to
purchase and alienyn all maner londs, tenements, godes, and catell, be
the name of the master and hys brethyrn of the collage of Saynt John
Baptiste of Castre aforsayd. And also be your letters patentz to licence
the sayd prystes to take and receyve, and to holde to theym and to ther
successours the sayd annaunite, rente charge, vj. acres of lond,
avowsons, and the seyd iiij. parte of the said mancion for ever, with
owte eny ffyne or fe to be payde for the sayd lettres patentz, licens or
grauntes be your sayd besecher, or be the said pristes. And thei shall
pray hertly to God for you.

  _Endorsed in a later hand:_--Peticio Joh’is Paston Arm’ ad Regem pro
  collegio in Caister.


570

ANONYMOUS TO MASTER ROTHEWELL[111.1]

[Sidenote: 1464(?)]

Maister Rothewell, please you to remembre, as for the mater that John
Paston and Sir Thomas Howys comownyd with you of, in whiche they desyred
specialy the good lordship, support and helpe of my Lordis of Wynchestre
and Beauchamp for acomplishement of the will of here testatour[112.1]
and in esshewynge of costis. And where as ye meovyd to knowe the materys
that were contraryed be otherys, we undirstonde and have knowlege of
late tyme it[112.2] stondeth in these materys folwyng.

Fyrst, the seyd Testatour be hise testament namyd the seyd Lordys and
the seyd John Paston and Thomas Howys and othyr executorys, and wolde as
for the admynistracion, kepyng and execucion of his goodis shuld be
takyn and doo be the seyd Paston and Howys duryng here lyves, if they
will take admynistracion; and if ony of hem too desese or refuce the
admynistracion, the tothyr to chese to hym on of the remnaunt of the
executorys to execute, &c. And if bothe deye, noon chosyn, thanne tweyne
to be chosyn be the executorys levyng, or the more part of hem, to
admynistre in lyk wise. And they too that do occupye to have recourse to
my seyd lordis and the othyr executorys in takyng here good avyse
chargeable and requysit materys. And this is oon matere that othyr namyd
in the Testament gruche with. Notwithstandyng, as for ony avauntage that
we cleyme to have by it, we wyll be agreable to ony mean resonable that
oure seyd lordis wyll ordeyne to the good disposecion of the goodys
accordyng to oure testatorys intent, or to ony meane that may concyensly
or lawefully be meovyd.

Item, as for hise wyll touchyng hese goodis on mevable, as hese londis
and tenamentis, the seyd testatour hathe at all tymes this xx. yeer, in
all wyllis that he hathe made, ordeynid that a gret part of hyse seyd
londis shuld goo to the fundacion of a collage at Castre of vij. monkys
or pristis and vij. pore folke; and he by hyse last wyll ordeynid that
the seyd John Paston shuld have all the londis and tenementis in
Norffolke, Suffolke and Norwyche; and that the seyd Paston shuld at hese
cost inmorteyse and indewe the seyd Collage and paye iiij^ml mark to be
dysposed for the testatouris soule, as is declaryd in the seyd wyll more
pleynerly. And as for the remnaunt of the lyflode to be sold, and the
mony thereof comynge to be disposed be thoo personys that he hathe
ordeynid to have the execucion of hise wyll and testament.

And as for thys matere of the Collage, there shall, be the mene hereof,
more mony growe to the handis of the mynistrorys, what soo ever they
bee, and also lesse labour thanne shuld have doo and thys hadde not bee,
in cas the seyd mynistroris wolde intende to parforme ony will that the
seyd Testatour made thys xx. yeer. And also it shalbe well provyd that
the seyd Testatour was dysposed to have doo more largely to the seyd
Paston thanne is conteynid in the seyd wyll if he hadde levyd the tyme
to have expressyd and parformyd hise wyll and entent.

Wherfor, plese my seyd lordis to take suche a direccion that the may
undirstonde the trouthe of these materys, and to shewe here good
lordshepys and favour accordyng to the trouthe in parformyng of the
Testatourys wyll, and in sesynge of voyd costis of hese goodis. And that
they will geve noo credence to suche as wyll upon here owyn
imagynacionys for maleyse or invye intendyng to contrarye the dedys wyll
or mys spende hese goodis . . .

  _Endorsed by another hand:_--

  A letter to Rothwell or Worcester or of Watkyn Schyddam.

    [Footnote 111.1: [Add. MS. 33,597, f. 6.] This letter would seem
    to be of about the same date as No. 569.]

    [Footnote 112.1: Sir John Fastolf.]

    [Footnote 112.2: _it._ MS. reads ‘in.’]


571

FOUNDATION OF CAISTER COLLEGE[113.1]

_Apunctuament’ Regis pro fundacione Collegij apud Caistre, &c._

[Sidenote: 1464 / SEPT. 10]

The Kyng, for the soume of CCC. mark of lawfull mony of Inglond, or of
silver plate to the valew therof, grauntith to John Paston the older,
Squier, to have licens, lawfully mad, to make and found a College of
vij. prests and vij. pore folk at Caster, in Flegge in Norffolk, for the
soule of Sir John Falstolf, Knyght; thei to be indued with certeyn rent,
and otherwise aftir the intent and effect as is specifijd in a bille
therof, signed by the Kyng; and that he shall showe his good grase,
favour, and assistance to have the said fundacon inacted and auctorised
in the parlement next holden, and discharge the seid John Paston and the
seid prests of any other fyne or fee to be mad in the Chauncerie for the
seid fundacion; and that the Kyng shall signe and graunt warants for
seid licens, and shewe his good grace and favour in the expedision
therof, what tyme he be sued to therfore by the seid John Paston.

Also, the Kyng grauntith to be good and favorabill Lord to the seid John
Paston, and inespeciall in all thyngs touchyng the execucion of the will
of the seid Sir John Fastolf, and also to be good and favorabill Lord to
the seid John Paston, in supportyng and helpyng hym, in that the Kyngs
Highnesse may lawfulle do, in such maters as are in debate athwyx the
seid John Paston and William Yelverton, or William Jenney, or any other,
concernyng the londs and tenements, goods or cattell, that were the seid
Sir John Fastolfs. Also the Kyng grauntith to help and support the seid
John Paston to opteyne and have to the use of the seid Sir John Fastolf
such goods as were the seid Fastolfs deseitfully aloyned out of the
possession and knowlech of the seid John Paston; and that the Kyng shall
graunt the seid John Paston such lawfull writynggs and lettirs from the
Kyng, directed to such persones as shall be behovefull for the same,
what tyme the seid John Paston suyth to the Kyngs Highnesse therfore.

Also where Yelverton, or Jenney, or any Justise of the Peas of the Shire
of Suffolk hath recorded any riot, trespas, or offenses to be do ayens
the Kyngs peas, by the seid John Paston, his servaunts, or tenaunts, or
frends; or where any inditement or presentment is found ayens them, or
any of them, before any of the seid Justises, for any such riot,
offenses, trespas, or for any other mater remaynyng of record in the
Kyngs Benche, or in any other plase, the Kyng grauntith to the seid John
Paston, and all other persones named in the seid records or inditements,
or in any of hem, and to alle her boroughs [_sureties_] and plegges, and
to ich of hem that woll sue it, a pardon of all riotes, trespas,
offenses, felonys, forfetures doon ayens the Kyngs peas, and of fynes
therefore dempt [_adjudged_], or to be dempt, and of all other thyngs
generally, treason except, and that the Kyng shall signe warants lawfull
of the seid pardons, what tyme his Highnesse be requerid by the seid
John Paston or his attornys.

And also that his Highnesse shall do inquere and examinacion be mad
whedir the seid record of the seid Justises and presentments, and other
informacions or compleynts mad ayens the seid John Paston, were do
trewly and lawfully or nought; and if it be found that thei were do
otherwise thanne trought, lawe, or consiens woll, thanne the Kyng
grauntyth to cause the doers therof to recompense the seid John Paston
and the seid other persones, as far as lawe and good consiens woll in
that behalf.

And that if it fortune any compleynt to be mad ayens the seid John
Paston, by any persone in tyme comyng, to the Kyng, that he shall take
no displeasir to the seid John Paston till the tyme he come to his
answer, and be found in defaut.

And that the Kyng shall receyve an C_li._ of the seid CCC. mark, what
tyme he send for it, and the remnaunt as sone as the seid fundacion take
effect; and also that his Highnesse shall gete the assent of the
reverent fader in God, the Archebisshop of Caunterbury, in such
apoyntments as is mad athwyx the Kyng and the seid John Paston, of such
goods as were the seid Sir John Fastolfs, for the delivere therof; and
that if the seid John Paston refuse the administracion of the goods and
catell that were the seid Sir John Fastolfs, sufferyng other to take it
opon hem, the Kyng, at the instauns of the seid John Paston, grauntith
to be good and favorabill Lord to such other as the coors of the lawe,
and assent of the seid John Paston, shall take the seid administracion
in execucion of the seid Fastolfs will, touchyng the administracion of
the goods and catell forseid, acordyng to the same wyll; and that the
Kyng shall not cleyme nor desire any of the londs or tenements, goods or
catell, that were the seid Sir John Fastolf, ayens the seid John Paston,
or any other executor, administror, or feffe of the seid Sir John
Fastolf, nor support or favour any other persone in cleymyng any of the
seid londs or tenements, goods or catell, ayens any the seid
administers, executores, or feffes.

And the Kyng grauntith that where as this bille is not sufficiently mad
in clauses and termes according to th’entent therof, that his Highnesse
woll take and execute the very entent therof, notwithstandyng the
insufficiens of any such termes and clauses in thes bille. Wretyn at
Marleburgh, the Monday next after the Nativite of oure Lady, the fourthe
yere of the reigne of the Kyng.

    [Footnote 113.1: [From Fenn, iv. 182.]]


572

ABSTRACTS[116.1]

OUTLAWRY OF JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1464 / NOV. 20]

  The following writs and copies of writs stood originally on a file
  in the order in which they are here noticed.

I. Edward IV. to the Prior of Norwich.--Orders him to deliver to the
bearer all goods in his hands belonging to John Paston, Esq., who is
outlawed. Reading, 20 Nov.

II. Writ to Edmund Clyre, Escheator of Norfolk, touching the above
outlawry.--John Paston is here called ‘the elder.’ Dated 20 Nov.

III. _Supersedeas_ addressed to the Escheator of Cos. Cambridge and
Hunts to stay confiscation of the goods of John Paston, who has been
outlawed, first for trespass against William Jenney, and secondly for
trespass against William Hogan; of which he was convicted in Suffolk on
Monday, 10 Sept., 4 Edw. IV. Both cases are removed by writs of error
into the King’s Bench.--Teste J. Markham apud Westin., 28 Nov., 4 Edw.
IV.

IV. Copy of _supersedeas_ on the exigent issued at Jenney’s suit
to the Sheriff of Suffolk.--Teste J. Markham apud Sekbrok, 24 Aug.,
4 Edw. IV. With the return on the writ of exigent, notifying Paston’s
non-appearance when proclaimed at the county courts held at Ipswich on
Monday 21 May, Monday 18 June, Monday 16 July, and Monday 13 Aug.,
4 Edw. IV. The _supersedeas_ was delivered to the sheriff by Richard
Calle in Paston’s name on the 29 Aug.

V. Edward IV. to Sir John Markham, Chief Justice of the King’s
Bench.--Commands him to make _supersedeas_ upon the exigents. For, as
the King understands, Jenney obtained judgment against Paston for £23 :
10s., and William Hogan by the support of Jenney took another action,
and obtained a judgment of £16 : 13 : 4 ‘against conscience and law, as
we be informed.’ If Paston has delivered to the sheriff any writs of
error to send the actions to our court of parliament, he is to comply,
according to the usual course in such cases.--Fotheringay, 3 Aug.

VI. Edward IV. to Thomas Croxton, Clerk of the Crown.--Commanding him to
search the records and see that the processes of outlawry against John
Paston have been well and sufficiently made out.--Reading, 3 Oct.

Memorandum subjoined, ‘that William Jenney’s counsel hath openly vaunted
in Westminster Hall that the King hath sent another letter to the
sheriff, commanding him to certify John Paston outlawed.’

⁂ V. and VI. are copies on the same paper.

    [Footnote 116.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


573

SIR WALTER BLOUNT TO THE PRIOR OF NORWICH[117.1]

_To the Prior of Norwich._

[Sidenote: 1464 / NOV. 27]

Reverend fader in God, I recomaunde me to you. And for so muche the
Kyngs hyghnesse is advertysed ye shuld have in . . . .[117.2] certayn
goodes of John Pastons to the value of vij. or viij. m^l mark wherin the
Kyng is entytilled by such processe of owtlawry as is awarded ayenst the
said Paston; Wherefor in the Kynges name I charge you that if any such
good be in your governance[117.3] or within your monastery, ye suffer
noon of thayme to passe oute of your garde, but suerle to kepe thaym
unto the Kynges behouffe, unto ye tyme ye have otherwise in comaundment,
as ye will answer at your perille and in eschewing his gret displeasur
and such jeopardies as by the lawe myght ensue to youre over gret
damage, which I ne wold. And of your disposicion herin it like you I may
be certified in writing by the berour herof. And Oure Lord have you in
his keping. Wryten at London the xxvij. day of Novembre anno
lxiiij^{to}.

  By the Tresorer of Ingland,

  SYR WATER BLOUNT.

    [Footnote 117.1: [MS. in Pembroke College, Cambridge.]]

    [Footnote 117.2: A word or two illegible.]

    [Footnote 117.3: So the word seems to have been originally, but
    the writing is faded, and a modern hand has attempted to restore
    the beginning as ‘no . . .’]


574

ANONYMOUS TO JOHN PASTON[118.1]

_To my ryght worshipfull maister and brother, John Paston, this letter
be taken._

[Sidenote: 1464(?) / DEC. 3]

Ryght worshipfull and reverend mayster and brother, with alle my service
I recommaunde me on to yow. Please hit onto your grete wysedom to have
yn your descrete remembrauns the streite Ordre on which we ben
professid, and on which ze er bownden to kepe your residens, and
specially on this tyme of Crystmas amonggis your confrerys of this holy
Ordre, the Temple of Syon; for ynlesse than ze kepe dewly the poynts of
your holy Religion, owr Maister Thomas Babyngton, maister and soverayn
of owr Order of th’assent of his brythryn ben avysed to awarde azenste
yow ryght sharp and hasty proces to do calle yow to do your obcervauns,
and to obeye the poynts of your Religion, which wer on to me grete
hevynesse. Wherfore I, as he that hath most grettest cause, and ys most
bownden on to your grete gentylnesse, and also whom nature and kynde
most specially byfore every of alle owr breth[r]yn bynden me to owe and
wilne yow goode wylle and trewe hert, consyderyng the grete tyme of
penawns that ze havyn ben yn fro sone upon Mighelmas hederto, that ys to
say, yn relevyng and sustenawns of your evyn Crysten,[119.1] and also yn
the charytable and meritory dede of almyssdoyng, that ys to say yn
plenteous and liberall zeftis, which ys more precyusseur than goolde er
sylver, which hath nat be at alle tymys to your grete ease, neyther
hertis plesauns, but rather to your grete desese and yntollerable peyne.
And wher Godds lawe and manys lawe acorden that hit shall nat be lawful
to non erthely man to be so lyberall and plenteous of that that God
sendith hym, that he sholde so despose hit so that he sholde nowgch have
to lyve by; and forasmych as I have perfite knowlich of your
freel[119.2] [_frail_] and naturall disposiseon so set on to theym that
ben nedy and hunggery that of your selfe ze have no myght, neyther power
to absteyne and rewle yourself, but also long as God sendith and zevyth
yow whereof to dispose and help your evyn Crysten ze most nedis despose
hit forth a monggus your evyn Cristen, I conseile yow that yn also hasty
and goodely tyme as ze kan to come on to your holy brytheryn that ben of
that devowt and clos conversacion, to th’entent that ze myght ben
advertysid and lernyd by theym the goode rewle and messur that ze owght
and sholde have yn the despociscion and delyng of your almys.

And also, sethnys ze haven chosen zow a place yn this seson of Avent, yn
which ze have had a resonable leysour and space to do your penauns yn,
which drawith fast to a ende; which hath been a convenyent place as for
the ceson of the yer; and now hit drawith fast on to Cristmas, on which
tyme every trewe Crysten man sholde be mery, jocunde, and glad. And
sethnys ther is no place which by lyklyhod of reason ze shulde fynde yn
your hert to be so gladde and yocunde yn as ze sholde be yn the place of
your profession a mounggis your holy brytheryn; yn which place yn this
ceson of the yer hit ys a custumyd to be alle maner of desport, lyke as
hit is nat unknowe to your wisse descrescion; wherfore, as my symple
reason ledith me your grete descrescion sholde rewle you that ze sholde
approche nygh the plase of your holy relegion yn also hasty tyme as ze
code er myght, of whos comyng alle your saide bretheryn wolde be glade
and fayn, and yn especiall I, your servaunt and brother, lyke as I am
most syngguler bownden to th’encresse of your prosperite and welfar,
which I shall ever desir with Godds mersy, which have yow undir His
blessid and favorable proteccion. Wrytten yn the Temple of Syon, iij^d.
day of December, yn grete hast.

  By your Servaunt and brother,

  [Illustration {signature: T and symbol}]

    [Footnote 118.1: [From Fenn, iii. 418.] It is difficult to assign
    with confidence either a date or a meaning to this strangely
    worded epistle. The signature itself is a mystery. The order of
    the Temple of Sion is unknown to archæologists, and the place from
    which the letter is dated cannot be identified. From the peculiar
    device used as a signature, resembling what in heraldry represents
    a fountain, Fenn threw out a suggestion that Fountaine was the
    writer’s name, remarking that a family of that name resided at
    Salle, in Norfolk, and might have been related to Paston as the
    writer claimed to be. But there seems to be an air of irony about
    the whole communication which forbids us to construe any of its
    statements seriously; nor do we find the slightest allusion to
    this letter or its contents in all the rest of the correspondence.
    For my part, I am inclined to think it was a mocking letter
    addressed to John Paston by one of the prisoners in the Fleet,
    where Paston had himself been confined in 1464. His imprisonment
    on that occasion was probably of short duration, but I cannot tell
    the precise date of his release. He was committed to the Fleet, as
    we are informed by William Worcester (_Itinerary_, p. 366), on
    Saturday the 3d November. If I am right in my conjecture about
    this letter, he had, perhaps, been already liberated; but some of
    his late fellow-prisoners, probably members of the Inner or Middle
    Temple like himself, who had formed themselves into a fancy ‘Order
    of the Temple of Sion,’ amused themselves by speculating on the
    probability that he was not yet quite clear of the toils of the
    law, and that he would be obliged to come back and spend Christmas
    in gaol, among the jolly companions whom he had recently deserted.
    I may remark that the name of Thomas Babington occurs in Dugdale’s
    _Origines Juridiciales_, p. 163, as having been elected a reader
    in the Inner Temple in 22 Hen. VII., when he seems to have been an
    old man; for, owing to his sight failing, he was excused from
    reading, and John Port, who was afterwards Attorney General, and,
    later still, Justice of the King’s Bench, read in his place.]

    [Footnote 119.1: _i.e._ your fellow-Christians.]

    [Footnote 119.2: Fenn interprets this word _free will_, which I
    cannot think to be the meaning intended.]


575

[JOHN PASTON] TO MARGARET PASTON AND OTHERS[121.1]

_To my mastres Margrete Paston, and to my welbelovid Frendis, John
Daubeney and Richard Calle._

[Sidenote: 1465 / JAN. 15]

I pray yow, see to the god governaunce of my housold and guydynge of
other thynges touchyng my profite, and that ye, with Daubeney and
Richard Calle, and with other such of my frendis and servauntis as can
avise yow aftir the mater requireth, wekely take a sad comunecacion of
such thynges as be for to do, or oftenner and nede be, takyng avise of
the master, and of the viker[121.2] and Sir Jamis,[121.3] that is for to
say, as well for provision of stuffe for myn howsold as for the gaderyng
of the revenew of my livelode or greynes, or for setting awerk of my
servauntis, and for the more poletik meane of sellyng and carryng of my
malt, and for all other thynges necessari for to be do; and that whanne
I come home I have not an excuse, seying that ye spoke to my servauntis
and that Daubeney and Calle exkuse them that thei wer so besy thei myght
not attende; for I woll have my mater so guided that if on man may not
attende a nother shall be comaunded to do it; and if my servauntis faile
I had lever wage some other man, for a jorny or a season, thanne my
mater should be on sped.

As for my livelode, I left with Daubeney a bille of many of my dettis,
wherby ye alle myght have be indused whedir ye shulde have sent for
silver.

It liketh me evill to here that my prestis and pore men be onpaiid, and
that no mony sent to me more thanne x. markis be Berney of alle this
season, and yet therof telle Richard Calle he sent me viii. nobils in
goold for v. markis, and that as longe as gold was better payment thanne
silver I had nevir so moche gold of hym at onys; and telle hym that I
wolle nat that he shall kepe that use, for I trowe my tenauntis have but
litell gold to pay.

Also remembir yow in any housold, felaship or cumpany that will be of
good rewle, purvyauns must be had that every persone of it be helpyng
and furtheryng aftir his discrecion and powyr, and he that woll not do
so without he be kept of almes shuld be put out of the houshold or
felachep.

Item, where ye desire me that I shuld take your sone[122.1] to grase,
I woll for your sake do the better, and will ye knowe he shall not be so
oute of my favour that I will suffir hym to mischefe without be eftsones
his owne defaut. And hough be it that in his presumptuouse and
ondiscrete demenyng he gaf bothe me and yow cause of displeasir, and to
other of my servauntis ille exaumple, and that also guided hym to alle
mennes undirstandyng that he was wery of bidyng in myn hows, and he not
insurid of help in any other place; yet that greveth nat me so evill as
doth that I nevir coud fele nor undirstand hym poletyk ne diligent in
helpyng hym self, but as a drane amongis bees which labour for gaderyng
hony in the feldis and the drane doth nought but takyth his part of it.
And if this myght make hym to knowe the better hym self and put hym in
remembrauns what tyme he hath lost, and hough he hath leved in idelnes,
and that he coud for this eschewe to do so heraftir, it myght fortune
for his best. But I here yet nevir from no plase that he hath be in of
any poletyk demenyng or occupacion of hym. And in the kynges hows he
coud put hym self foorth to be in favour or trust with any men of
substauns that myght forther hym; neverthelesse as for your house and
myne I purpose not he shall come there, ner be my will non othir but if
[_i.e._ unless] he can do more thanne loke foorth and make a fase and
countenauns.

Item, send me word whedir my glasier hath do at Bromholm and at the
friers of the South Towne,[123.1] and whedir he be paiid such mony as I
sent home word he shuld be paiid, and if he have do all he must have
more mony, but I remembir not certeynly what, till I come home, for I
remember nat what his bargeyn was for the work at the Southtowne.
I trowe Mr. Clement can telle, and also fele hym self and send me word.
Also that ye and Richard Calle and Daubeney see that Mr. Clement and Mr.
Braklee[123.2] which hath grete nede I wote well, and my prestis and
pore men be paiid and also all othir men. And that ye see that I be not
callid on for that is my dewte. Also that ye see amongis yow that that
is owynge me be not lost ne forborn for lewdnes, for that shall bothe
hurt me and do my tenauntis harme. Lete Richard Calle remembir that my
fermour of Sweynesthorp is falle in gret dette for defaut of callyng
upon but be on [_one_] yere; And I deme that bothe John Willeys and my
new fermour of Snaylewell arn like to be in the same case, and
peraventure Aleyn of Gresham and other.

Item, remembir yow or evir I had a doo with Fastolffis livelode, whill I
toke hede to my livelode my self, it both served myn expenses at home
and at London and all other charges, and ye leid up mony in my cofirs
every yere, as ye knowe. And I wote well that the payment of my prestis
and other charges that I have for Fastolffis livelode is not so gret as
the livelode is, thow part therof be in trobill. And thanne consider
that I had nought of my livelode for myn expenses at London this twol
monyth day; ye may verely undirstand that it is not guided wittely nor
discretly; and therfore I pray yow hertly put alle your wittes to gedir
and see for the reformation of it. And ye may remembre be this how ye
shuld do if this wer yowris alone, and so do now.

And that ye woll remembir I have sent yow all many lettirs touchyng many
maters, and also a bille now last by Pecok of erandis, desiryng yow to
see hem alle to gedir and send me an answere articlerly; and such as ye
can not spede at this tyme, lete hem be sped as sone as ye may, that ye
se over my seyd lettirs oft tymes til they be sped.

Item, I remembir that myn heygh at Heylisdon the last yere was spent and
wasted fwll recklesly and colored under my shep.[124.1] I pray yow see
that I be not servid soo this yere.

Item, Pecok told me of a fermour that wold have had Mautby Mersh, paying
xij. markis as it went afore; and Richard Calle told me of on [_one_]
that wold pay more. Burgeys paiid me first xij. markis vj_s._ viij_d._,
and I had the reed and the rushis, and he found the shepherdis hyre in
shakke tyme for my fold; and sithen he brigged awey the shepherdis hyre
and thanne the nobill, and I trowe he occupyth ne lenger hym self. And I
remembir he told me vij. yere goo that my merssh shuld alwey apeyr
[_impair_] till the prime were past the nombre of xix., and thanne it
shuld amend a ix. or x. yers, promittyng me he wold thanne amend my
ferme. I praye yowe help to lete it aswell as ye can, rather to hym
thanne a nother man if he woll do aswell, and that ye comon with Pecok.

Item, as for the mater that I wrote of to the viker and other goode
felaws, desire hem that thei be not to excessive hasty in the mater for
non nede, but to do that the may do therin [goodly][124.2] and wittely
as sone as thei may; And as for the respite of the mater here, lete hem
not care therfore. I shall do well ineugh, telle hem; for certeyn, the
mater is in as good case as any such mater was this xx. wynter, as my
counsell tellyth me; but I will be sure of all weyes that I may have,
and specially of the declaracion of the trought of my mater and of my
frendis.

Item, as for the mater athwyx the parson of Mautby, Constantine[124.3]
and the viker of Derham,[124.4] whedir it were smalle mater or gret I
care not, but I am sure that too witnesse which I knowe were apposed
therin before a juge spirituall, whech as I suppose was Master Robert
Popy or some other; the viker of Derham can telle, and as I trowe can
John Wynter of Mautby, or othir parysshons telle, where the sute was
athwyx hem, and I can think it was in the chapitell; if ye can easely
gette me what the witnesse seid, I wold nomore; but do no gret cost over
it.

Item, recomaund me to Master Robert Popy, and telle hym, as for any
thyng seid ayens hym in my mater then myn adversaris ment ontrewly, they
proved nought but that he is a good man and a worshipfull and a trewe.

Item, if I have any otis beside my stuffe, or may any bye aftir
xiiij_d._, spare not, and take good mesure of bartirre for some other
chafers, and send me word hough moch ye may bye.

Item, it is told me ye make no wood, nowther at Caster nor Mautby,
wherof I merveyle; remembir yow we must brenne wood a nodir yere.

Item, I send yow a titelyng that I mad whill I was at home, what malt I
had by estimacion set at the lest; wherfore see that Brigge make a
reknyng of his malt, and cast ye my book and loke what ye can amend it;
and apeyre [_impair_] it shall not if alle folkis have do trewly; but I
suppose fewe of you have take any heed at it as moch as I ded.

Item, I may selle here for vj_s._ viij_d._ a quarter clene fyed after
Royston mesure, whech is lesse thanne the water mesure of London.
Cambrigge shire malt is here at x_s._ Cast ye what I may selle of new
and old, savyng stuffe for myn hows. Item, to remember that Guton malt
must be shipped at Blakeney. Item, Lynstedis malt at Wolcote may be
shipped there; therfore cast amongis yow what malt may best be sold.

Item, if on [_one_] man may not attende to gader silver, sende a nother,
and send me word what hath be reseyved and spent.

Item, that I have an answer of alle my lettirs and of every article in
hem.

Item, but if ye make such purvyauns that my prestis be paiid and pore
men, beside other charges, and purvey mony for me beside; owther ye
gadir shrewdly or ellis ye spend lewdly.

Item, I sent a lettir by Rauff Greneakyr to James Gresham and to yow,
which he promised me shuld be at Norwich on Wednesday aftir Thwelth day,
and therin wer divers maters; and in especiall of a mater that shuld be
in communication on Teusday last past bethwyx Yelverton and Robert
Wyngfeld, as in the seid lettir is specifiid. It is so that the seid
Robard shall be here within this ij. dayes; if any thyng ye have aspied
of it send me word. Item, yonge Knevet tellith me that he is my good
frend, and he is come ridyng homeward on Friday last was. I pray yow,
ley wetche whedir ye here any thyng that he medillyth hym at that mater,
and send me word; for I wold understand whedir he wer just and trew or
nought, and that do [_done_] it shall not ligh in his power to hurt me.
But take ye hed and inquere and knowe other mennes purpos, and kepe your
intent as close as ye can; and what some evir boost be mad, werk ye
wisely and set not by it but send me word what ye here.

Item, Calle sendyth me word that Sir Thomas Howes is seke and not like
to askape it, and Berney tellyth me the contrary; wherfore I pray yow
take hed therat, and lete me have knowleche, for though I be not behold
to hym I wold not he were ded for more thanne he is worth.

Item, take the viker the bille that I send yow herwyth.

Item, that ye, if ye can fynd the meane, to aspie what goodis Edmond
Clere eschetith of any mannes.[126.1]

Item, remember well to tak heed at your gatis on nyghtis and dayes, for
theves, for thei ride in divers contres with gret felaship like lordis,
and ride out of on [_one_] shire in to a nother. Wretyn at London, the
Tuisday next aftir Sent Hillary.

Item, that Richard Calle bryng me up mony, so that my prestis [_i.e._
borrowings] be paiid, and that he come up suerly with other men and
attornis.

  _Endorsed in a later hand:_-- ‘Some speciall lettres towching John
  Paston’s trowbells and sute for Fastolfs landis by the Duke of
  Suffolk.’

    [Footnote 121.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 15.] The contents of this
    letter show it to be of the year 1465, when Daubeney and Calle, as
    we know, were with Margaret Paston (_see_ No. 576). Reference is
    made to the displeasure Sir John Paston had given to both his
    parents in 1463 (_see_ No. 552), and what his mother writes about
    his return home in May of this year (No. 579) goes to confirm the
    date. Further proof will be found in the footnote at p. 126.]

    [Footnote 121.2: If this be the vicar of Paston, it was William
    Warner, who succeeded Robert Williamson in 1464.]

    [Footnote 121.3: James Gloys, the priest.]

    [Footnote 122.1: Sir John Paston.]

    [Footnote 123.1: South Town, Yarmouth, where there was a house of
    Austin Friars.]

    [Footnote 123.2: Dr. John Brackley, the Grey Friar.]

    [Footnote 124.1: Meaning, that the waste was attributed to his
    sheep.]

    [Footnote 124.2: This word ‘goodly’ has been lined out, and a very
    illegible word inserted above it.]

    [Footnote 124.3: Constantine Dalby had been rector of Mautby from
    1453 to 1460, and appears also to have held the vicarage of East
    Dereham from 1451 to 1458. He was succeeded at Mautby by Thomas
    Howes from 1460 to 1465, and then by Robert Cutler or Cotteler,
    who must be the ‘parson of Mautby’ spoken of just before.]

    [Footnote 124.4: Robert Sheringham was vicar of East Dereham from
    1458 to 1467.]

    [Footnote 126.1: Edmund Clere, as appears by evidences in the
    Record Office, was escheator of Norfolk and Suffolk from November
    1464 to November 1465.]

  [[I may selle here for vj_s._ viij_d._ a quarter
    _text has “viij_a._” (italic a for d)_]]


576

JOHN WYKES TO MARGARET PASTON[127.1]

_Unto my maystres, Margageret Paston, be thys letter delyveryd in
hast, &c._

[Sidenote: 1465 / FEB. 7]

Ryght wyrshypfull maystres, I recomaund me un to your gode maystresshyp.
Please it you to wyte that my mayster your hosbond, my maystres youre
moder, my mayster Sir John, Mr. Wyllyam, Mr. Clement, and all ther men,
wer in gode helth, whon thys letter was wryten, thankyd be Jesu, and
also ther maters be in a gode wey, for my Lord Chaunseler ys ther
syngeler gode Lord in thys mater at thys tyme; and that it provyth, for
he was yesterday in the Escheker, and ther he had a foren hym alle the
Juges, all the Barons of the Escheker, and all the Shurgents, and ther
argued wher that the Barons of the Escheker shold award any such
Comyssyon or not, and uppon that the seyd Comyssyon shull be broght
uppon Fryday unto the Chaunsery, and ther to be provyd, wher it be
lafull or not, &c.

Item, and yf it please it you to gyve Daveney[127.2] knowlych that ther
ys jugement gyven uppon the condempnacion a yenst Hall,[127.3] that he
claymed for hys bond man, and the jugement ys gyven a yenst Daveney,
Ric. Call, and Thomas Bon, and ther ys comen owte proces for to take
ther bodys thys same day, and if thay or any of them be taken thay shull
never gon oute of prison on to the tyme that they have satesfyed the
party of viij^xx marc, and ther for lete them be ware. And the Holy
Trinyte have you in Hys kypyng. Wryten at London, uppon Thursday next
after the Purificacion of our Lady, &c.

  By your Servaunt,

  JOHN WYKS.

    [Footnote 127.1: [From Fenn, iv. 134.] This letter must be later
    than the year 1463, as Sir John Paston does not appear to have
    been knighted so early as February in that year. But as John
    Paston, the father, was at Caister and not at London in the early
    part of the year 1464, it cannot be that year. Neither can we
    assign it to 1466, the last year of John Paston’s life, as it
    appears by a letter written on the 17th February in that year that
    although John Paston was in London, his son Sir John could not
    have been there for some time before. We are therefore shut up to
    the year 1465 as the only possible date for this letter.]

    [Footnote 127.2: So in Fenn, but the name ought certainly to be
    Daubeney, perhaps spelt Dabeney.]

    [Footnote 127.3: Robert Hall. I find that he brought an action in
    Trinity term, 3 Edward IV., against John Daubeney of Norwich,
    gentleman, and Thomas Boon and Richard Call of Norwich, yeomen,
    for having, in conjunction with William Daubeney of Sharyngton,
    Norfolk, Esq., unlawfully imprisoned him at Norwich for three
    hours on the 20th February, 39 Hen. VI. (1461), until he gave them
    a bond of £100 for his ransom.]

  [[Unto my maystres, Margageret Paston  _text unchanged_]]


577

WILLIAM WORCESTER TO ----[128.1]

[Sidenote: 1465 / MARCH 31]

Please your maistershyp to wete that aftyr recomendacion that I sende
Thomas More to myne oncle the parson[128.2] wyth certeyn credence to
hafe aunsuer uppon by hym for myn acquytaille another day, yff onye
thyng falle sinistrely only yn theyr deffaut, as God defend, not be my
wille, for I hafe as feythfulle demesned me seth I rode to London thys
terme, and hedertoo as anye maner creatur yn reson coude desyre me; and
hafe demened me at London accordyng to the message sent me by the baylly
of Drayton, and I vele but littille that my gode wille ys
allowed.[128.3] I hafe also, seth I came to Norwiche, enformed hym whate
proffyt ease and avaylle I may help stand hem both yn my maister godes
and yn hys lyvelode; yff he or hys frendys set littlle by it, I may nat
do wyth all. And the blessed Trinite be with yow, because ye wolle the
wellfare off my maister, whoos soule God hafe pytie on and bryng hym
owte of peyn, as the wellfare of the parties it meovyth me wryte to yow
the rathyr. I enformyd yow for trouth, and as I wille prefe, that I was
the principall doer and cause that both Maister Paston and myne oncle
came fyrst yn the testament viij. yeer goon, to a gode entent; and yff
they wold wyrke ayenst me to minussh my power, theyr disposicion woll be
construed ferther than they wille it were, and they not so avaylled as
they weene yn all thynges. The blessed Trinete be wyth yow. Wryt on
Passyon Sonday.

  Your W. WYRCESTRE.

Memorandum to Thomas More that because ye myzt foryete myne erand to
Maister Bernay, I pray you rede hym my bille, and that he wille take it
to a gode entent; for how so evyr I wryte I meene well, and so shall.

    [Footnote 128.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] In this letter reference
    is made to a ‘testament’ drawn up by Sir John Fastolf eight years
    previously. This, however, cannot be his last will, as that would
    carry the date to a year after John Paston’s death, who seems to
    be here spoken of as living. The settlement referred to is
    doubtless the testamentary declaration of 1457 mentioned in No.
    541.]

    [Footnote 128.2: Sir Thomas Howes.]

    [Footnote 128.3: _i.e._ Little credit is given me for my good
    will.]


578

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[129.1]

_To my ryght worchepfull hosbond, Jon Paston, be this deliveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1465 / APRIL 8]

Right worchepfull hosbond, I recomand me to you. Please you to wet that
I send you a copy of the deed that Jon Edmonds of Taveram sent to me, be
the menys of Dorlet. He told Dorlet that he had suche a deed as he
supposyd, that wold don ease in prevyng of the tytyll that the Duk of
Suffolk cleymythe in Drayton;

[Sidenote: Carte Drayton.]

for the same deed that he sent me, the seale of armys is lyke onto the
copy that I send you, and noo thyng leke to the Duk of Suffolks
auncesters.

Item, the seyd Edmond seythe, yf he may fynd any other thyng that may do
yow ease in that mater he wolle do hys part therin.

[Sidenote: Heylisdon, Brythyeve, Barker, Porter.]

Item, Jon Russe sent me word that Barker and Herry Porter told hym in
councell that the Duk of Suffolk hathe bowght one Brytyeff ryghte, the
wyche makythe a cleyme on to Heylysdon, and the seyd Duke is proposyd to
entere within shorte tyme after Esterne, for in so moche the seyd Russe
felle be the seyd Barber and Porter that all the feffees wolle make a
relees on to the Duk and helpe hym that they can in to her power, for to
have hys good lorchep.

[Sidenote: Bracium.]

Item, yf it please you, me thynkythe it war ryght nessessary that ye
send word howe that ye wolle your old malte be purveyed for; for and any
hote weder come affter that it hathe leyne this wynter season, it shall
be but lost but yf [_unless_] it be sold be tymys, for as for the pryse
[_price_] here, it is sore falle. I have sold a C. comb of malt that
came fro Guton, to Jamys Golbeter, clenefyed, and strek met, and non
inmet (?), for ij_s._ ij_d._, the comb, and to be payed at Mydsomer and
Lammes.

[Sidenote: Sirpi pro reparatione de Mautby.]

Item, ther be dyvers of your tenantrys at Mauteby that had gret ned for
to be reparyd, at [? but] the tenaunts be so por that they ar not a
power to repare hem; wherfor yf leke you, I wold that the marche that
Bryge had myght be kept in your owne hand this yer, that the tenaunts
myght have ruschis to repare with her howsys. And also ther is wynfall
wod at the maner that is of noo gret valewe, that myght helpe hem with
toward toward the reparacion, yf it leke you to late hem have it that
hathe most need therof.

[Sidenote: Burgoys, Mareshs, Mauteby.]

I have spoke with Borges that he shuld heyne [_raise_] the price of the
mershe, or ellis I told hym that he shuld no lenger have it, for ye
myght [have][130.1] other fermors therto that wold geve therfor as it
was late befor, and yf he wold geve therfor as moche as another man
wold, ye wold that he shuld have it befor any other man; and he seyd he
shuld geve me answer be a fortenyght after Esterne. I can get non other
fermor therto yet.

Item, I understand be Jon Pampyng that ye wolle not that your sone be
take in to your hows, nor holpe be you, tylle suche tyme of yere as he
was put owt therof, the wiche shall be abowght Seynt Thomas
messe.[131.1]

[Sidenote: Pro recuperatione Johannis Paston.]

For Gods sake, sir, a pety on hym; remembre yow it hathe bed a long
season syn he had owt of yow to helpe hym with, and he hathe obeyed hym
to yow and wolle do at all tymis, and wolle do that he can or may to
have your good faderood. And at the reverence of God be ye hys good
fader, and have a faderly hert to hym; and I hope he shall ever knowe
hymselff the better here after, and be the more ware to exchewe suche
thyngs as shuld dysplease you, and for to take hed at that shuld please
you. Pecoke shalle telle you be mothe of more thyngs than I may write to
you at this tyme. The blyssyd Trinite have you in Hys kepyng. Wretyn at
Caster in hast, the Monday next after Palme Sonday.

  Your M. P.

    [Footnote 129.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The claims laid by the
    Duke of Suffolk to Drayton and Hellesden occupy a prominent place
    in this correspondence during the year 1465, and I do not find
    them alluded to in any letter of an earlier date. Moreover, the
    purchase by virtue of which the Duke laid claim to the latter
    manor, which is reported here as a secret, is mentioned again as a
    piece of news in a letter undoubtedly written on the 10th May
    1465. There can be little doubt therefore that this letter is of
    the same year. The apostyle, or set of marginal notes appended, is
    in the handwriting of John Paston.]

    [Footnote 130.1: Omitted in MS.]

    [Footnote 131.1: This might be the translation of St. Thomas the
    Martyr, 7th July, or St. Thomas Apostle’s Day, 21st December; but
    most probably it means the day of St. Thomas à Becket, 29th
    December.]

  [[for ij_s._ ij_d._, the comb  _printed in roman (non-Italic) type_]]

  [[that myght helpe hem with toward toward the reparacion
    _text unchanged_]]


579

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[131.2]

_To my ryght wyrshypfull husband, John Paston, be thys delyveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1465 / MAY 3]

Ryght wyrshipful husbond, I recomaunde me unto you.

[Sidenote: Drayton tenaunts bony, perter ij.]

Pleasyd you to wyte that I have spokyn thys wyke with dyvers of youre
tennaunts of Drayton and put hem in comfort that all shalbe well
hereafter by the grace of God; and I fyle well by hem that they wylbe
ryght glad to have ayen there olde mayster, and so wold they all except
j. or ij. that be fals shrewys. And thys next wyke I purpose on Wensday
or Thursday to be at Haylesdon, and to a byde ther a wyke or ij., and
send oure men aboute to gedere money at Drayton and Haylesdon; and yf ye
wyll I woll do kepe a corte at Drayton or I com thens. I pray yow send
me word how ye wyll that I doo there in.

[Sidenote: Malt, barly.]

I recevyd ij. letters from you of Nicholl Tolman yesterday, werin ye
desyre that we shuld purvey for your malte and barley; and soo shall we
doo as well as we cann, and send you word howe that we may doo therewith
in hast.

Item, yesterday Master Phylyp[132.1] toke Dorlets hors uppon Drayton
lond as they went to the plowe for the hole yere ferm; and as it ys told
me the tenaunts of Drayton tolde hym that he dyde hym wrong to make hym
pay for the hole yere, for non of the tenaunts had payd hym but for the
di’ [_half_] yere and he say thohg they had not payd but for the di’
yere,

[Sidenote: Dorlat et verba M.P.]

Paston shuld pay for the other di’ yere, and for moo yers also yf he
lyvyd. But I trow to gyte Dorlet ayen hys hors or els Mr. Phylyp ys lyke
to be unhorssyd ons, and we lyve all. Your son[132.2] shall com hom to
moryn, as I trowe, and as he demenyth hym hyr after I shall lete you
have knowlych;

[Sidenote: J. P., sen.]

and I pray you thynk not in me that I wyll supporte hym ne favour hym in
no lewdnesse, for I wyl not. As I fynd hym hereafter, soo I wyll lete
you have knowlych. I have put your evydens that com owte of the
abbay[132.3] in a seck and enseylyd hem under Ric. Call ys seall that he
shal not say but they eryn as he left hem;

[Sidenote: Rotuli prioris (?)]

but as for the place where they ern kypt he hath no knowlych . . . .
. . . . . . . As for the gentylwoman that ye wrote to me for yn youre
lettere, I . . . . . . . . . . . . there, yf it lykyd all folks as well
as it shold doo me, I trow . . . . . . . a bowte yf her frends were as
well a gryed therto, and as they . . . . . . . . parte, yf ye wyll that
it be movyd of more hereafter I wyll . . . . . . . . wyll make a newe
parson, at Drayton. Also it ys sayd that . . . . . . . . there, by cause
it hath stond so long voyd; yet and any sh. . . . . . . had lever that
he com in by the Byshop then by a . . . . . . . . doo therein yf ye wyll
send hom any presentacion selyd . . . . . . . . we shall a say to gyte
som gode priste and sette hym . . . . . . . . Wryten in haste at Caster
on Holy Rode Day &c.

As . . . . . . . doo therein as well as I cann. I have gyte a replevyn
. . . . . . . . CC shype, and yf they may not be hadde ayen, then he
grau[nteth] . . . . . . . .

[Sidenote: Data obligacione (?) pro ovibus.]

We fynd hym ryght gode in that we desyre of him for you,
and therfore yf it lyke you I wold he were th . . . . . .

    [Footnote 131.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] Holy Rood Day, on which
    this letter is dated, commonly means the 14th of September (feast
    of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross). Here I suspect it is the 3rd
    May (Invention of the Holy Cross), as the contents of the letter
    suit that date in the year 1465. It will be seen that Margaret
    Paston dates from Caister, and proposes next week to be at
    Hellesden. Her next letter, dated the 10th May, is from Hellesden,
    and shows that she carried out the intention here expressed of
    sending men to collect money at Drayton, and had left her eldest
    son at Caister to keep the place. There is also a close agreement
    between that letter and this, in what is said about the demeanour
    of the tenants and Mr. Philip’s conduct. The apostyle of this
    letter, as of the preceding, is in the hand of John Paston, very
    ill written, and occasionally ambiguous.]

    [Footnote 132.1: Philip Lipgate, the Duke of Suffolk’s bailiff.]

    [Footnote 132.2: Sir John Paston.]

    [Footnote 132.3: _See_ No. 561.]


580

JOHN RUSSE TO JOHN PASTON[133.1]

_To the right worshypfull sir, my right honourabyll maister, John
Paston, at London._

[Sidenote: 1465 / MAY 6]

Right worshipfull sir and my right honorabyll maister, I recomaund me to
you in the most humble wise. And please youre maistir ship to wete that
my maistresse hathe dyverse tymes spokyn to me to helpe to purvey a
merchaunt for sum of youre malt; but in good feyth I can gete no man
that wyll geve at the most more than xxij_d._ for a quarter, for soo men
selle dayli at the moste, and sumtyme xx_d._ a combe. My maistresse is
right hevy therfor, but I can not remedy it; if ony good marchaunt were
there, after my sympil conseyt it were good to take hym, for the yeer
passith faste and the [feldes][133.2] be right plesaunt to wards, &c.
Sir, at the reverence of Jesu, laboure the meanys to have peas; for be
my trowth the contynwaunce [of this] trobill shall short the dayez of my
maistresse, and it shall cause you to gret losse, for serteyn she is in
gre[t hevi]nesse as it apperith at . . . . . . . . . . . ll covertly she
consederith the gret decay of youre lyflode, the gret detts that hange
in detours hands and h . . . . . . . . . . . . . [she speaket]h not thus
to me, but I conceyfe this is cause of here gret hevynesse; me semyth of
ij. hurts the leste is mos[t] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . well the
dayli contynewyng maleyse of youre insessiabyll enemyes, how they
contryve and seke occacions to . . . . . . . informyd, more wyll doo
every foot of grownd withinne fewe dayez, and rather to geve it awey for
nowght tha[n] . . . . . . it. Where as they many tymes have meovyd a
trety and never it taketh to noo conclucion, and as they have seyd in
youre d . . . . . . Sir, after my sympyll conseyt it were well doon to
agree to a trety, and be that ye shuld knowe ther desyre and the uttir
. . . . . . . the lond were dubyll the valwe that it is. Worsestyr
shewyth hem presedents what every maner cost at the fyrst byeng, and
ther . . . . . . . . rekne the bargeyne shuld avayle you foure tymes mor
than it shall; and in thys they be gretly blyndyd; my maister the parson
hathe . . . . to rellesse in serteyn londs whiche he refus[eth to] doo,
but I conseyve, and ye drawe not to a conclucion thys terme that he wyll
be as redy to rellesse . . . . men, truste ye thys for serteyn; and soo
he [told] me serteynly. He hathe be meovyd to revoke Maister Roberd
Kente and to take the avoket or proctor [that] Maister Yelwirton hathe.
What it myght hurtyn if he soo dede I knowe not, but they have made gret
labour to hym therfor. He gaf me a gret reb[uke] . . . . the bill that
was put in ayens Elyse Davy and otheris, to whiche I answeryd hym as me
thowght and soo in maner made my peas, &c. Maister . . . . was here and
in presence of men of the most substance in Jeremuth he be havyd hym to
you wards in full goodly termys, soo God helpe . . . . and after my
conseyt he wyll not be redy to relesse in ony of the londs. A man of
hyse teld me secretly that Maister Yelwyrton and otheres blamyd hym and
seyd . . . . to hym be cause he was so redy be hym self to agree to
trete and make hyse peas with yow, neyther he seyd to me to trete nor
the contrary nor had but langwage to me as he had to othyr. I askyd my
maister the parson if he undyrstod that Maister Yelwyrton yaf ony favour
to my Lord of Suffolk in Drayton, and he seyd he supposyd Maister
Yelwyrton was not cler of that mater, but Mayster Jenney was in nowyse
pleasyd with all, &c. Sir, as for the wytnesse that were desyred to be
redy whan nede requirith in thys mater, R. Calle can avertise youre
maistirshyp. Sir, at the reverence of Jesu consedre how many yeers it is
past that my good lord and maister deseasyd and how lytill is doon for
. . . . of the grete substaunce that he hade it is hevy to remembre; ye
sey the defaute is not in yow after your conseyt, but I can here no
. . . . in that of youre openyon, for thys I knowe for serteyn and it
had pleasyd you to have endyd be the meanys of trety, ye had ma[de]
. . . peas to the gret well of the dede with the forthe part of the mony
that hathe be spent, and as men sey only of very wylful[nesse of your]
owyn person. For the mercy of God remembre the onstabylnesse of thys
wold hou it is not a menut space in comparyson to ever . . . . . . .
leve wylfullnesse whyche men sey ye occupye to excessifly. Blyssyd be
God ye had a fayre day laste whiche is noysyd cost yow . . . . to iiij.
lords, but a newe mater anewe cost and many smale growe to a gret summe,
and summe mater on recurabyll, formen seyd . . . . is lyk to stonden in
a perplextif if ye take not a conclucion in haste, and if it were doo it
were hard to have recovery; but as my [maister] the parson seyd, thys
terme they wyll prove if ye wyll agree to trete, and if ye refuse they
all wyll do the uttirmest. I conseyve well [your] maistirshyp hathe a
conseyt that if a man of good will meove yow or remembre you to trete,
that that man, what soo ever he be, shuld be meovyd be youre adversaryez
to meove you in that mater, and soo in that it hertyth you gretly that
they shuld seke to you for peas. Be my trowth, sir, there was nor is no
man, savyng onys, as I teld you, Maister Jenney spake to me, that ever I
knewe wold seke or feythefully desyre to have peas with yow, savyng
because of the exspence of the good so onprofitably in the lawe, and
that is the prynsypal cause of meovyng of ther peas, &c. I wold well God
helpe me soo it grevyth me to here that ye stonde in no favour with
jentylmen nor in no gret awe with the comowns. Ye truste the jury of
Suffolk; remembre what promyse Daubeney hade of the jury and what it
avaylid; it is a dethe to m[e] to remembre in what prosperite and in
what degre ye myght stonde in Norfolk and Suffolk and ye had peas and
were in herts ease, and what worship my maisters your sones and my
maistresse youre douters myght have be preferryd to if ye had be in
reste. A day lost in idyll can never be recoveryd, &c. Sir, I beseke
youre maistershyp for yeve me that I wryte thus boldly and homly to you;
me thynkyth my hert . . . . not be in ease but if I soo doo, for ther
was, nor never shal be, no mater that ever was soo ner myn herte, that
knowy[th God,] whom I beseke for Hese infenyt mercy preserve you and my
maistresse and all youres from all adversyte and graunt yow . . . .
herts desyre. Wretyn at Jernemuthe the vj. day of may.

  Your contynw[al bedesman]
  and servaunt, JOHN [RUSSE].

    [Footnote 133.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As this letter refers to
    the Duke of Suffolk’s claim to the manor of Drayton, the date must
    be 1465. The original MS. is mutilated to some extent in both
    margins.]

    [Footnote 133.2: The tops of the letters f, l, d visible.]


581

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[136.1]

_To my mayster, John Paston the oldest be thys delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1465 / MAY 10]

Ryght wyrshypfull husbond I recomaund me unto you. Pleysed you to wyte
that on Wensday last passyd Dabeney, Naunton, Wykes and John Love werr
at Drayton for to speke with your tenaunts ther to put hem in comfort
and for to aske money of hem also.

[Sidenote: Distr’ Petr’. Warin.]

And Pyrs Waryn, otherwyse callyd Pyrs at Sloth, whych ys a flykeryng
felowe and a besy with Mr. Phylyp and the Bayly of Cosshay, he had a
plowe goyng in your lond in Drayton, and ther your seyd servaunts at
that tyme toke hys plowe ware, that ys to say ij. marys, and broght hem
to Heylysdon, and ther they be yet. And on the next mornyng after Mr.
Phylyp and the Baylly of Cosshay com to Haylysdon with a grete nomber of
pepell, that ys to say viij.^xx. men and mor in harnysse, and ther toke
from the persons plowe ij. hors, pris iiij. marc and ij. hors of Thomas
Stermyns plowe, pris xl_s._,

[Sidenote: Distr’ Sturmyn et rectoris de Heylisdon.]

saying to hem that ther was taken a playnt ayenst hem in the hunderd by
the seyd Pyrs for takyng of the forseyd plowarre at Drayton, and but
they wold be bond to com to Drayton on Tewysday next comyng to awnswer
to such maters as shalbe sayd to them ther they shold not have ther
bests ayens; whych they refusyd to do on to the tyme that they had an
awnswer from you; and so they led the bestes forth to Drayton, and from
Drayton forth to Cosshay. And the same after none folwyng the parson of
Haylesdon send hys man to Drayton with Stermyn for to speke with Mr.
Phylyp to know a way yf they shuld have ayen ther cattell or not; and
Master Phylyp awnsweryd them yf that they wold bryng home ther destresse
ayen that was taken of Pyrs Waryn, that then he wold dylyver hem thers,
or els not;

[Sidenote: Crak.]

and he lete hem playnly wyte that yf ye or any of your servaunts toke
any dystresse in Drayton that were but the valew of an hen, they wold
com to Haylesdon and take ther the valew of an ox therefore, and yf they
cannot take the valew therof there, that then they wyll do breke your
tenaunts howsys in Haylesdon, and take as moch as they cowd fynd
therein; and yf they be lettyd therof, wych shall never lye in your
power for to do, for the Duck of Suffolk ys abyll to kepe dayly in hys
hows more men then Dabeney hadde herys on hys hede, yf hym lyst; and as
for Dabeney he ys a lewde felowe, and so he shalbe servyd herafter, and
I wold he were here. And therfore yf ye take uppon you to lette them so
for to do, that then they wold goo in to any lyflode that ye had in
Norfolk or Suffolk, and to take a destresse in lykewysse as they wold do
at Haylysdon. And other awnswerr cowde they non gyte, and so they
departyd.

[Sidenote: Accio rectoris et Sturmyn.]

Ric. Calle axid the parson and Stermyn yf they wold take an accyon for
ther catell, and the parson[138.1] seyd he was agyd and syklow, and he
wold not be trobelyd herafter; he sayd he had lever lose hys catell, for
he wyst well yf he dyde so he shold be endytyd, and so vexid with hem
that he shold never have rest by hem. As for Stermyn, he sayd at that
tyme he durst not take no sute ayenst hem nother; but after that Ric.
was rydyn, I spake with hym, and he sayd he wold be rulyd as ye wold
have hym, and I fond hym ryght herty and wel dysposyd in that mater; and
he is bownde to you an obligacyon of x_li._ sengyll with outen condycyon
that he shall abyde by such accyons as shalbe takyn by your advyse in
hys name; wherfore I have send you a tytelyng therof in a byll closyd
herin. I axyd Thomas Gryne avyse when they had take the dystresse hyre,
and he avysyd me that herre destresse shold be delyveryd a yen to them
so that we myzt have ayen ours; and me thoght it was non awnswer after
myn entent, and wold not therof but axyd avyse of Skypwith what hym
thoght that were best to doo there in, and most wyrshypfull. He seyd by
hys avyse that I shold send to you in al the hast that I cowde, and that
ye shuld fynde a mene therfore above, by the avyse of youre lernyd
counsell to have a wrytte from above for to delyver yt of lesse then the
undershyrff werre other wysse dysposyd to you then we fynde hym, for it
symyth that he ys made of the other party. And as for the replevyn for
the CC. shype ys not yet servyd.

[Sidenote: Replevin.]

Skypwyth thynkyth that ye myzt have a wrytte both for the shype and the
destresse now taken at Haylysdon, I pray you that ye wyll send word in
hast how [ye] woll that we doo in thys maters.

[Sidenote: Episcopus Norwic’.]

Skypwith went with me to the Byshop of Norwych, and I lyte hym have
knowlych of the ryotous and evyll dysposicyon of Master Phylyp, desyryng
hys Lordshyp that he wold see a mene tha[t] a correccyon myzt be hadde,
in as moch as he was chef Justic of the Peas and hys ordynare, and
inasmoch as he was a prest[139.1] and under hys correccyon that he shold
have understondyng of hys dysposicyon; and I made Dabeney to tell hym
all the mater howt it was; and he seyd he wold send for hym and speke
with hym. And he told me of dyvers thyngs of the demenyng of hym, wherby
I understode he lykyd not by hys dysposicyon nor demenyng in thys mater
nor in no nothyr; for it symyd he had provyd hym what he ys in other
maters.

[Sidenote: Episcopus Norwic’.]

My lord seyd to me that he wold ryght fayn that ye had a gode conclusyon
in your maters, and seyd by hys trouth, that he ought you ryght gode
wyll, and wold ryght fayn that ye wer com home, and seyd to me that it
shold be a grete comfort to your frends and neghbors, and that your
presens shold do more amongs hem, than a C. of your men shold do in your
absens, and more, your enmys wold ferr to do ayens you yf ye myght be at
home, and steryng amonges hem, and seyd full playnly in meny other
thyngs it wer to long to wryte at thys tyme, as Skypwith shall tell you
when he comyzt to you.

[Sidenote: Skipwith.]

I pray you thanke Skypwith of hys gode wyll, for he was ryght well
wyllyd to go with me and yeve me hys avyse, me thynkyth he ys ryzt well
wyllyd to you.

[Sidenote: Per’ Heyl’d.[139.2]]

Item, I pray you send hastely word how that ye wyll that we be gydyd
with thys place, for as it ys told me, it ys lyke to stond in as grete
jupardy in hast as othere don. On Thursday al day there were kept in
Draton logge in to lx. persons, and yet as it ys told me, ther be within
dayly and nyztly in to a xvj. or xx. persons.

[Sidenote: Elys.]

Item, it ys told me that Thomas Elys of Norwych, whych nowe ys chosyn
Mayer, seyd at Drayton that yf my Lord of Suffolk nede a C. men he wold
purvey hym therof, and yf any men of the town wold go to Paston he wold
do lay hem faste in prison.

[Sidenote: Supersedeas.]

I wold youre men mygh have a _supersedias_[139.3] owte of the chauncere,
and be owte of the danger of ther men here;

[Sidenote: Naunton.]

and I pray you let not Wyll Naunton be foryete therin. Ric. Calle and
other can tell you of hys demenyng; and I pray you that ye be not
dysplesyd for his abydyng with me, for in gode feth he hath ben a grete
comfort to me syn ye departyd hens, as I wyll lete you wyte hereafter.
I pray you yf hys brother com to you for a relesse of hys londe, lette
him non have on to the tyme that ye see hys faderes wyll, the whych I
wote wher it ys, and that it like you to desyre hym to be gode brother
to him.

[Sidenote: J. Paston at Castre. M. P. at Heylisdon.]

Item, I have left John Paston the older at Caster, to kype the place
there, as Ric. can tell you; for I had lever, and it pleasyd you, to be
captensse here then at Caster; yet I was nothyng purposyd to abyde here
when [I] come from home but for a day or ij., but I shall abyde here
tyll I here tydyngs from you.

[Sidenote: Brightled.]

Item, it ys told me that the Duck of Suffolk hath boght or shal by in
hast the ryzt that on Bryghtylhed hath in Haylesdon, &c.

[Sidenote: Evidens. Pekering.]

Item, as for the evydens that Watkyn Shypdam hadd, he delivered to hys
wyffe a box enselyd with hys owyn seall by hys lyffe for to be delyveryd
to you, whych box she delyveryd to Ric. Call under the same seall after
hys dessesse. Ric. can tell you of the gydyng of the cofere with other
boks that were at Shypdams.

[Sidenote: Evidens. Norwic’.]

And as for all your other evydens ye ther not feer as for the syzt of
hem, for ther hath nor shall no man sen hem tyll ye com hom. I can not
fynd that ye send to me fore to have oute of the rolle.

[Sidenote: Colt. Malt.]

Item, I here no word of Colte of New Castell, nor of no nother from you
that shold have your malte, but I have spoken to the Viker, John Rus and
Robert Boteler, to help for to sell your malte, and as we can do
therein, we shall send you word.

[Sidenote: Præpositus de [Cantab].[140.1]]

The Provest of Cambrygge ys com into thys contry and Dabeney shall
receve of hym that longyth to you on Monday or Tewysday, and he shall
have hys delyveryd accordyng to your wrytyng.

[Sidenote: Mater. Clere.]

Item, my moder told me that she thynkyth ryght strange that she may not
have the profects of Clyre ys place in peasabyll wyse for you, she seyt
it ys hers and she hath payd most therfore yet, and she sayth she wyll
have the profects therof, or ells she wyll make more folk to speke
therof. She seyth she knowyt not what ryght ne titell that ye have
therin but yf ye luste to trobell with herre, and that shold be no
wyrshep to you; and she sayth she wylbe ther thys somer and repayre the
housyng ther. In gode feyth I hyre moch langage of the demenyng betwene
you and herre. I wold ryght fayn, and so wold many moo of youre frendes,
that it were otherwyse bytwene you then it ys, and yf it were I hope ye
shold have the beter spyde in all other maters. I pray God be your gode
spyde in all your maters, and yef yow grace to have a gode conclusyon of
hem in haste for thys ys to wyry a lyffe to a byde for you and all
youre. Wryten in haste at Haylysdon the x. day of May.

The cause that I send to you this hastely ys to have an awnswer in haste
from you.

  Your M. P.

    [Footnote 136.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The date of this letter
    is rendered certain by the mention of Thomas Ellis as having been
    elected Mayor of Norwich. He was so elected for the second time in
    1465. He had been Mayor before in 1460-61, and was again after
    this in 1474-75; but neither of these latter dates will suit the
    other contents of this letter. Like some others of this year, this
    letter is apostyled by John Paston.]

    [Footnote 138.1: Thomas Hert, perhaps a relation of the Bishop of
    Norwich, was presented to the rectory of Hellesden by Sir John
    Fastolf in 1448, but how long he held it is uncertain, as the list
    of rectors is very defective, and the next name that appears on it
    is George Gardiner in 1579.]

    [Footnote 139.1: Philip Lepeyate was presented to the rectory of
    Salle in Norfolk, in 1460, by Thomas Brewse, Esq., afterwards
    father-in-law of John Paston, the youngest.]

    [Footnote 139.2: _i.e._ Periculum Heylesdon.]

    [Footnote 139.3: So in MS.]

    [Footnote 140.1: This word is left blank by Paston.]

  [[be thys delyveryd in hast.  _text has “delyveryd. in hast.”_]]

  [[to put hem in comfort  _text has “iu comfort”_]]


582

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[141.1]

_To my ryght wyrshypfull mayster, John Paston the oldest, be this
delyveryd in haste._

[Sidenote: 1465 / MAY 13]

I recomaund me, &c.

Yf it pleasyd you, I wold ryght fayn that John Jenney werre putte oute
of the Comyssyon of the Peas, and that my brother Wyll. Lumner wer set
yn hys stede, for me thynkyth it wer ryght necessere that ther were such
a man in that county that oght you gode wyll, and I knowe verely he
owyth you ryght gode wyll; he was with me at Caster but late. Yf ther be
made any labour for Doctour Alyn to be Justice of the Peas, I pray you
for Gods sake let it be lettyd yf ye may, for he wyll take to moch upon
hym yf he werr. I wold not that he wer remembyrd of your parte but yf
[_unless_] he be spokyn of of other parts: he ys ryght grete with Master
Phylyp Lypzate and the Baylyf of Coshay.

Yf it please yow to wyte that Wyks dyde a reste one Wyll. Dylmyn of
Norwych, as Pampyng can enforme you of, for sertyn harnys wych he
delyveryd hym at New Castell for to cary to Yarmoth by water, and ther
to delyver it to hym ayen; whych harnys he kypt styll, and may not be
delyveryd; and now ther ys com down an _habeas corpus_ for hym, and most
appyr at the Comyn Place [_Common Pleas_] on Fryday next comyng. Wherfor
yf it pleased you that ther myght be taken an accyon in Wyks name of
trespas under such forme as ther may be a _capias_ a wardyd a yenst hys
comyng; for after that he was arestyd he dyde Daubeney to be arestyd for
mayntenyng; and as for the harnys Wyks delyveryd it to hym the x. day of
Januar, the ij. yer of Kyng E.[142.1] in Pylgryme strete, at New
Castell: Inprimis, a peyr brygandyrs, a salet, a boresper, a bawe,
xviij. arwys, ij. payr polronds [_shoulder pieces_], a standard of
mayle, a payr slyvys of plate, to the valew of v. marc. And at the
reverens of God, slowth not your maters nowe, and make any end of hem,
other purvey you to make hym or to marre hem in haste, for thys ys to
orybyll a coste and trobell that ye have and have had, for to endur any
whyle, and it ys grete hevenys to your frends and welwyllers, and grete
joy and comfort to your ennemyes. My Lord of Norwych seyd to me that he
wold noth abyde the sorow and trobell that ye have abyden, to wyn all
Sir John Fastolf ys gode. And God be your spede in all yor maters.
Wryten at Haylesdon the xiij. day of May.

I thynk ryght long to hyr tydyngs tyll I have tydyngs from you.

  Your

  M. P.

    [Footnote 141.1: [From Fenn, iv. 164.] There can be little doubt
    this letter was written in the year 1465, when Margaret was
    troubled by Mr. Philip Lipgate and the Duke of Suffolk’s bailiff
    of Cossey. It may be observed also that Margaret here dates from
    Hellesden, and speaks of having been recently at Caister. Compare
    Nos. 579 and 581. Further, the name of John Jenney is found on the
    Commission of the Peace for Norfolk, dated the 1st April 1465
    (Patent, 5 Edward IV., p. 1, m. 32), but it is not on the
    commission issued on the 20th February following (_ib._, m. 27);
    so that John Paston seems to have acted on his wife’s suggestion
    and been successful in getting him removed.]

    [Footnote 142.1: A.D. 1463. This was at the time the King was in
    the north, when Alnwick Castle surrendered to him.]


583

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[143.1]

_To my ryght wyrshypfull husbond, John Paston, by thys delyvery[d] in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1465 / MAY 20]

Please it you to wyte that on Satourday last your servaunts Naunton,
Wyks, and other, wer at Drayton, and ther toke a dystresse for the rent
and ferm that was to pay, to the nomber of lxxvij. nete, and so broght
them hom to Hayllesdon, and put them in the Pynfold, and so kept hem
styll ther from the seyd Satour day mornyng un to Monday,[143.2] at iij.
at clok at after non. Fyrst on the same Satour day the tenants folwyd
uppon, and desyryd to have ther catell ayen; and I awunsweryd hem, yf
they wold do pay such dewts as they oght for to pay to you, that then
they shold have ther catell delyveryd ayen; or els yf they wer not a
power to pay redy money, that then they to fynd suffycyant suerty to pay
the money at such a day as they mygh agrye with me, and therto to be
bonden to you by obligacyon; and that they seyd they durst not for to
take uppon hem for to be bonden, and as for money they had non for to
pay at that tyme, and therfor I kept stylle the bestys.

Harleston was at Norwych, and send for the tenants the seyd Satour day
at after non, and ther, by the menys of the Bayllyf of Coshay, put the
tenants in such feer, sayng that yf they wold pay such dewts, or els for
to be bonden to pay, that then they wold put hem owte of such londs as
they huld bondly of the Lordshyp, and so to dystrayn hem and trobell
hem, that they shuld be wery of ther part; and that put hem [in] such
feer that they drust nother pay nor be bonden.

And on the same day at evyn-song time Harleston com to me to Haylesdon,
desyryng me that I wold delyver a yen the seyd dystresse; and as for
such dystressys as they had taken here of your tenants shold be
delyveryd a yen in lyke forme; and I seyd I wold not delyver hem soo,
and I told hem that I wold delyver hem as ys wryten a fore and other
wyse not, and other wyse I wold not delyver hem but by the form of lawe.
And other comynycacyon was had by twene us at that tyme of dyvers maters
whych wer to long to wryte at thys tyme, but ye shall have knowlych
therof in hast.

And on Monday next after at ix. at clok ther com Pynchemor to Haylesdon
with a replevyn,[144.1] whych was made in Harleston ys name as
Understewerd of the Duche [_Duchy_], sayng that the bests were taken
uppon the Duche Fee, wherfor he desyryd me to mak hym levery of the seyd
bests so taken; and I seyd I wold not delyver hem on to the tyme that I
had examenyd the tenants of the trough [truth]. And so I send theder
Wyks with Pynchemor to understond what they wold say; and the tenants
seyd that ther was taken non uppon the Duche at ther knowlych, save only
Pyrs Warryn the yonger. And Paynter seyd that ther catell was taken
uppon the Duche, whych they connot prove by non record, save only by
ther awyn sayng; and so we wold not a bey that replevyn, and so they
departyd. And at iij. at clock at after non Pynchemor come to Haylysdon
a yen with ij. men, whych broght with hem a replevyn from the Shyryff,
whos namys be John Whytherley and Robert Ranson, whych requyryd me by
the same replevyn to make them delyvery of the seyd bestys taken at
Drayton; and so I, syyng the Shyryffs replevyn and under hys seale, bade
my men delyver hem, and soo they wer delyveryd.

And as for all other maters that ye have wretyn to [me] of, I wyll spede
me to send you a awnswer as hastely as I may, for I may no leysor have
to wryte no more to you thys tyme. The blyssyd Trynyte have you in His
kepyng. Wryten at Haylesdon, the xx. day of May.

  By yours,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 143.1: [From Fenn, iv. 200.] A comparison of this letter
    with No. 581 will leave no doubt that they were both written in
    the same year.]

    [Footnote 143.2: This was the day the letter was written.]

    [Footnote 144.1: This is a writ for restitution of cattle that
    have been distrained or impounded. It was commonly granted by the
    sheriff on security being given that the party would bring the
    matter to an issue at law.]


584

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[145.1]

_To my ryght wyrshypfull husbond, John Paston, be thys delyveryd in
haste._

[Sidenote: 1465 / MAY 27]

Ryght wyrshypfull husbonde, I recomaunde me to you. Please it you to
wyte that I have send to Master John Smyth and to Master Stephyn to have
a vyse for the church of Drayton; and they send me word that ther moste
be had a comyssion from the Byshop to calle in the person
Flowredew,[145.2] and that most be proclaymyd in the church of Drayton
iij. tymes by a Deen,[145.3] and after that yff he appyre not with in
vj. monthys after the fyrst proclamacion, that then he for to be
depryvyd, and the patron to present whom he luste, and ells your
presentacyon ys not sufficyant. And I have so purveyd that a comyssyon
ys hadde, and shal be servyd as hastely as it may be.

As for John Rysyng, I have sent to hym to wyte the cause that he ys not
broght up to London, and he sayth that he callyd uppon the Shyrff that
he myght be had up for [to] com to hys awnswer, and the Shyrff told hym
that he wold not bryng hym up at hys owyn coste; and John Andres seyd
that he wold not have hym up, and so he ys styll in prison at Ipswych;
and so shall he be but yf ye canne fynde the beter mene for to have hym
oute. I have sent to hym xiij^s. iiij^d. to help hym sylf ther with; he
payth for hys borde wykely xx^d. And Hopton and Smyth be ther styll
allso, and they have money ynogh, wher som ever that they have it.
Rysyng dymeth that they have confort of the other party; and I send you
a copy of the warant that they wer a restyd by, &c.

I spake not with my moder syn Rychard Calle broght me the letter from
you tochyng her mater, for I myght have no lesor. While I speke with her
at leysure I wyll remember her in that mater, acordyng to your wrytyng.
And as for your tenants of Drayton, as I canne understond by hem, they
be ryght gode and trew hertyd to you to ther powers, and full fayn wold
that ye had it a yen in peasse, for they had as leffe al most be tenants
to the Devell as to the Duke, except Wyll. Herne, Pers at Sloth, and on
Knott of the same towne, for they be not gode.

All your tenants at Haylesdon and Drayton, except thes iij., be ryght
glad that we err ther a mongs hem, and so be many other of our olde
nebers and frends; and but yf [_unless_] ye com hom by Wensday or
Thursday[146.1] in Wytson wyke, I purpose me to ssee you in secrete wyse
by Trynyte Sonday,[146.2] but yf [_unless_] ye send to me contrary
comaundement er that tyme; and I pray you send me yeur avyse how ye wyll
that we doo a yenst the next shyr, whych shulbe the Monday next after
Trynyte Sonday, as for callyng uppon the replevyn that the bests of
Drayton wer delyveryd by.

Item, Richard Calle told me that ye desyryd to have Master Phylyp ys
name, and hys name ys Phylyp Lypzeate, and I send you a letter[146.3] by
Henre Wylton ys man, wherin I wrote Master Phylyp ys name; and in the
same letter I wrote to you for Wyll. Lumnor. I pray you send me word yf
ye have it. And the Blysshyd Trynyte have you in Hys kypyng. Wryten the
Monday next after Assencyon Day.[146.4]

  By yours,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 145.1: [From Fenn, iv. 206.] What is said here about the
    tenants of Hellesden and Drayton, and about Master Philip Lipyate,
    leaves no doubt that this letter was written in 1465. It contains,
    moreover, a distinct reference to Letter 582.]

    [Footnote 145.2: John Flowerdew was instituted to the Rectory of
    Drayton on the 15th of March 1461, on the presentation of John
    Paston, Esq., and Thomas Howes, Clerk.--F.]

    [Footnote 145.3: This means the Rural Dean, who had a district of
    ten churches in the country, wherein he exercised a jurisdiction
    of great advantage to ecclesiastical discipline, and the sentences
    of superior Ecclesiastical Courts were to be executed by him.--F.]

    [Footnote 146.1: 5th or 6th of June.]

    [Footnote 146.2: 9th of June.]

    [Footnote 146.3: No. 582.]

    [Footnote 146.4: 23rd of May.]


585

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[147.1]

_To my ryght wyrshypfull husbond, John Paston, be thys letter
delyveryd._

[Sidenote: 1465 / JUNE 11]

Ryght wyrshypfull husband, I recomaunde me unto you. Please it you to
wyte that I recevyd letters from you on Wensday laste passyd, the were
wryten the Monday next before, wherof I thanke you of the letter that ye
send to me. I wolde fayn doo well yf I cowde, and as I canne I wol doo
to youre pleasure and profet; and in such thyngs as I cannot skyle of,
I wyll take a vyse of such as I know that be youre frendes and doo as
well as I canne. Wher as ye wrote to me that Lydham told you that I told
hym that the Ducks men werre not so besy as they had be by fore, no more
thay were not at that tyme, but sythen thay have be bysyer. What confort
that thay have I canne not have no knowlych as yet, but I suppose and
all your felshyp were gode, thay shold not have so grete confort as they
have, or ells they wold not be so besy as thay have be. Grete bost thay
make that the Duck shold have Drayton in peas, and after thys Haylesdon,
and that with in short tyme; thay er moch the bolder, I suppose, by
cause that ye be wher as ye be. At the reverens of God, yf ye may by any
wyrshypfull or resonabell mene, com oute therof as sone as ye may and
come home amonges your frends and tennaunts, and that shold be to hem
the grettyst confort that thay myzt have and the contrary to your enmys.

It ys sayd here that the Duck of Suffolk shall com to Coshay in haste
and logge ther for a season; I fyle well by your tenaunts that yf ye
were peaseabyly possessyd and your cort holden in peaseabyll wyse, and
that they myzt be in pease a yenst the other many, than they wold take
accyons a yenste hem for such wrongs as have be don to hem, and ells
they say that they thernot [_dare not_] take it uppon hem, for they
dwelle so ney to the other many that thay knowe well thay shold never be
in ease yf thay dyde soo whyle that thay dele amongs hem. On Thursday
last John Doket, the bayly ys son y lawe, and Thomas Ponte, with other,
erly in the mornyng, an owre by fore the sonne rose, com to your fold,
and drove away the flock at Drayton, both Colyet and other, in to Coshay
fee, or ever that the shipherd myght have knowlych therof and then he
fowlyd one and desyryd to have hem a yen, and thay wold not suffer hym
to have them no more but the Colyet and ther were c. and j. of yours and
tho had thay forth with hem to Coshay, and the same day we had a
replevyn for the cc. shype and replevyn for the hors that wer taken at
Haylesdon, and how that thay were obbeyd Ric. Calle shall enforme you,
and of other maters also, the whych I may not wryte to you of at thys
tyme.

Item, I have spoke with [John] Strange of the mater that ye wrote to me
of, and in gode feyth I[148.1] fynd hym, as me symyth, ryght well
disposyd to you wards; and he hath, acordyng to your desyre, spoken with
Yelverton yesterday to fyle his dysposicion in that mater, and
Yelverton, as it symyth by hym, roght not gretely thogh the mater brake,
so that he myght have any resonabell colour to breke, he ys so callyd
uppon by Wayte and other of the Duck of Suffolk ys counsell that he ote
[_wot_] not where to hold hym, and he ys put in so gret confort, as I am
enformyd, to receve money for the lond, and that temptyth hym ryght
sore; for with money he wold fayn be in handelyng, as ye know he hath
nede therof. He told John Straunge that it ys informyd hym that ye have
up an enquest to depreve ther wytnesse and ther with ys he sore movyd
. . . . . . . . . that yf any thyngs be don in temporall maters other in
spyryt[uall] . . . . . . maters tochyng executors or feoffeys or wyttnes
tyll the day of . . . . . . trety be passyd, he wyll not abyde no trety
therin, but do as . . . . . . . . . thynkyth best for to do therein.
I told John Straunge that I kn[ew] . . . . . . . . thogh it were soo
that shold passe any such enquest it shol n . . . . . . . . . . of them
in provyng of her trothys, the whych shold be no hurt . . . . . . . . .
for John Straunge desyryd me that I shuld send to you in al haste that
. . . . . . . . . any such folks that thay shold not doo in the mater
till the day of . . . . . . . . . may have knowlych howe he and other
wold doo in such maters as sh . . . . . . . . he wold be loth that he
shold have any colour to breke for any thyng . . . . . . . . and
Yelverton sayth it shall not breke thorf his defaute yf ye wyll
n[ot] . . . . . . . . be ryght glad to have your gode wyll and to goo
thorgh in all maner mate[rs] . . . . . . . . eschewyng of wastfull
expens of the dede ys godes and that the godes myzt be dyspendyd to
the welle of the dede. Straunge desyryd to knowe what appoyntements
he desyryth to have in the trety, and he sayd he wold not let that be
understond tyll the tyme of trety cam. Me symyth, save your beter avyse,
it were wel do that thay that be com up for you myzt be kypt in som
secryte place and not do [_naught done ?_] in the mater tyll the tyme
of the trety were passyd. The cost there of shall not be grete to that
it myzt hurte yf the trety were broken by that meane and then ye may
have hem nyer; and yf ye thynk it be to doo ye may have hem to go to
ther mater after the seyd tyme, for of ij. hurtes the grettyst ys best
to be eschewyd.

Item, as for youre houshold at Caster, savyng your beter avyse, me
thynkyth that v. or vj. of your folkes, such as ye wyll assyngne, were
[enough to?][149.1] kype the place, and they for to go to bord with the
prustes, and ye not to kype no houshold ther yet; and that ye shall fynd
more profettabyll than for to doo as we do nogh; for ther expens, as I
understond, have not be moch the lesse by fore Wytsontyde than it shold
be thogh I had be at home by cause of resortyng of pepell theder; and yf
the houshold were broke thay myzt have a gode excuse in that, whosome
ever come. Ric. Call shall enforme you of thys maters, and mo other,
more playnly than I may do wryte at thys tyme. It is necessary that
possessyon be kypt hyre yett tyll ye be more ferther forth in other
maters. The Blessyd Trynyte have you [in] Hys kypyng, and send you gode
spyde in all your maters, and send you grace to have a gode conclusyon
in hem in haste. Wryten on the Tewysday nex before Corpus Christi.

  By your faynt houswyff at thys tyme,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 147.1: [From Paston MSS.] This letter, in which it is
    anticipated that the Duke of Suffolk will obtain possession, first
    of Drayton, and then of Hellesden, is evidently a little later in
    date than Nos. 578 and 581, and can only be of the year 1465.]

    [Footnote 148.1: The MS. has ‘in’ instead of ‘I,’ evidently by
    mistake.]

    [Footnote 149.1: Paper decayed.]


586

JOHN PASTON THE YOUNGEST TO HIS FATHER[150.1]

[Sidenote: 1465 / JUNE 15]

Ryth reverent and worchepfull fadyr, I recomand me on to yow, beschyng
yow lowly of your blyssyng. Plesit yow to have knowlage how that I have
be in Sowthefolk for syche materys as my cosyn Dawbeney took my modyr a
byll of, towchyng the materys be twyx yow and Jenney. And of all the
jentylmen that ye wold my modyr schold send to for thys mater ther ar no
more at home bot John Alyngton; and I schewyd hym the byll of the namys
of the Inqwest and knew no more of hem all bot thes, John Depden, Thomas
Wodborne, John Donemowe, Herry Chesten, and Adam Wrene. And to all them
Alyngton sent a man of hys for to fele hem how they wer dysposyd. Thys
was the answer of John Depden and Thomas Wodborne, they sayd the last
tyme they wer at London iche of ther costys stood hem on x_s._, and they
seyd they wold no mor come at London bot if[150.2] they knew who schod
pay for ther costis; but me thowt by Alyngtonys man that they wold have
had a brybe of yow be syd the paying for ther costys for to have bedyn
at home, for they have non othyr levyng but brybys. As for John Donemow
and Herry Chesten, so that ther issuys may be payd they wyll not come
ther; nor in trowthe they scholl not come ther. Wher for Alyngton
prayith yow that ther issuys may be payid. Adam Wrene was not spoke to,
for he is Jenneys baly or hys fermour. As for the quest they ar not yet
somoned to aper, and but if[151.1] they be somonyd ther scholl non of
hem all aper. The most part of the todyr dwell a bowt Ippyswyche and
they be Debnamys tenauntys and Brewsys, and I knowd get no man to spek
with hem but if[151.1] I schold have spok with hem my selve; and my
spekyng with hem schold rather aperyd [_have impaired_] the mater than a
mendyd it. And also I hyid me the faster home a geyn, for I lay at my
cosyn Lovedays on Corpus Christi Day at nyth; and he told me that the
Duches of Sofokys consell wold entre in to Calcot Hall, and they wold
kep it tyll the Duches knew who schold be her tenaunt, owthyr ye or
Debnam. Thus told one of the men of the seyd cowncell to Loveday; whyche
man schold ryd thedyr with hem. And thys schold be do as to morow at
aftyr non; bot I trow they wole but tak a distres for the servys of the
maner, whych is dwe; but I have sent word to Rysyng and to the tenauntis
that they schold dryve a wey ther catell. And as for the maner, my
brodyr and I scholl kepe it so that they schall not entyr as that daye,
by the grase of God, nor aftyr nowthyr and [_i.e._ if] we may knowe of
it, but if[151.1] ye send us othyr wys word. As for the namys that ye
wold have for to pase upon the mater betwyx yow and Hogan, I spok to
Alyngton and Loveday therof, and Loveday seyd he knew non that wold pas
up on ony inquest for hym, for he medylyd with no syche men; and
Alyngton seyd that he kowd assyne me none men for serteyn, not tyll he
had spok with some, whyche he seyd wold aske gret leyser, for he knew
bot fewe in Sofolk; if it had be in Cambrygge schyre he kowd have get
you j now. My modyr spak with old Banyard of Sibton Abbey for the same
mater, and he knew none that wold pase upon the mater at his desyer, but
he asygnyd dyvers men that love not Jeney, whyche he kowd thynk wold
pase upon it at yowr desyer if ye spok with hem your selve; or at the
lest iche of hem kowd get yow ij. or iij. men that wold sey as they wold
in cas ye spok with hem your selve, whoys namys I send you in a byll by
Loveday. Item, as for the gape at Nakton Rychard Calle seyth that it was
a thorn busche was leyd in with owt a stake betwyx ij. thornys that
grew; and as for Jeneys netes, ther was not one lost her calfe that I
can inquer of. And I pray God farther yow in all youyr materys to Hys
plesans and to youer hertys desyir. Wretyn in hast at Hallysworthe the
Saterday next aftyr Trinite Sonday.

My cosyn Hevenyngham is at London, and he kowd asygne you men that wold
say as he wold mor than Syr John Wyngfeld, Alyngton, and all.

  Your sone and lowly servant,

  JOHN PASTON THE YONGEST.

    [Footnote 150.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 190.] This letter refers to
    the dispute with Jenney in 1464-5, and seems to belong to the
    latter year.]

    [Footnote 150.2: ‘But if,’ the old familiar expression for
    ‘unless,’ occurs in this letter with peculiar frequency.]

    [Footnote 151.1: See footnote 2 on preceding page.]

  [[and I knowd get no man to spek
    _text unchanged: error for “kowd”?_]]


587

RICHARD CALLE TO SIR JOHN PASTON[152.1]

_To my ryght reverent and worschippfull master, Sir John Paston,
Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1465 / JUNE 15]

Plesith it your gode masterschip to wete that as for the examynacion of
Master Robert Popy, his examinacion was wreten in a longe bille of
parchemyn accordyng to the deposicion in the Spirituall Coorte. And
Master Robert come into the Chauncery, and was sworne that all that was
wreten in the seide bille was trewe, and so delyverd the same bille to
the Mastre of the Rolles; and he bare it forthe with hym in his hande,
for it was delyverd hym at the risyng of the Coorte. Tounesende was by
and I bothe, &c. And as for delyveryng of money to Dawbeney, I do that I
may do, and more thenne I may weele doo, for I have put my selfe in gret
daunger for that I have borwyd, &c. Almyghty God spede you in all your
maters, &c. Wreten the Saterday next after Corpus Christi Daye.

  Your servaunt R. C.

    [Footnote 152.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter seems to
    have reference to the depositions touching Sir John Fastolf’s will
    in the suit brought by Sir William Yelverton and William Worcester
    against John Paston and Thomas Howes. Robert Popy seems to have
    been examined in the spring of 1464 (_see_ No. 565); but the suit
    was still going on in 1465, and in a letter of Margaret Paston’s,
    of the 24th June following, Richard Calle is mentioned as having
    recently left her and gone to her husband in London.]


588

JOHN RYSYNG TO JOHN PASTON[153.1]

_Onto my ryght reverent and worchipfull maister, John Paston, Esquyer,
be this letter delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1465 / JUNE 18]

Ryght reverent and worchipfull sir, I recomende me onto your good
maisterchip in the moste lowly wise that I can or may, letyng your
masterchippe understonde howe that John Smyth, of Freton, and John
Hopton, of Freton, and I were attached and led onto Gippeswich, and
there putte into the Kynges pryson by cawse of the fyn which was sessed
upon the forsaid John Smyth, John Hopton, and me, as your maisterchippe
knowith well. And as for John Smyth and John Hopton, they had labored
the meanes onto Master Jenney, that they were delyvered owt of pryson or
than the massenger come ageyn to theym which they sent onto yow; and I
remayne stille in pryson, and I can not knowe but that they labour the
meanes to make me to paye the money for theym. And so I can not se non
other meane but that I shall ly stille in pryson, and been ondo for ever
withoute your good masterchippe shewed to me at this tyme; for as I am
enformed that Jenney hath promysed theym that I shall paye the fyne for
theym, and also alle the costes that haith be spent ther upon, and shall
be spent, for thei say that I am sufficient to bere the hole daunger.
And my keper yafe me licence to goon home, and thei had hevyed the peple
that dwelle ther, and that gretly, and said playnly how that ye myght
not beere the dawnger a geyns Jenney for your self; therfor the seiden
that ye myght not helpe them owt of dawnger when thatte ye myght not
helpe your self. Wherfor I pray your masterchippe to lete me have word
in as hasty tyme as ye may, to knowe whether that I shall abyde her
stylle or not, and if I myght do yow any good at London, I pray your
mastershippe that ye will sende for me, and I will come up to yow. And
if ther be non other remedy but that the money most nedys be paid,
I pray your masterchippe that ye will make such purveyaunce therfor that
it may be to myn delyveraunce at the reverence of God, and in the weye
of charite as myn hole truste is in your masterchippe, for I can not
seke to no man, nor will not but only to yow. Wherfor I pray yow that ye
will tenderly understond this letter, as I may pray for yow onto God,
who have yow in His kepyng. Wretyn at Gippeswich the xviij. day of June.

These ar the names of theym that have parte of my catell, Gilbert
Nicoll, of Sprowton, William Merssh and John Woode of Gippeswich,
bocher.

  By your man and feithfull servant,

  JOHN RYSYNG.

    [Footnote 153.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The imprisonment of John
    Rysing is referred to in Margaret Paston’s letter of the 27th May
    1465 (No. 584), and in another of the 24th June following
    (No. 590). There can be no doubt this letter is of the same year.]


589

ABSTRACT[154.1]

[Sidenote: 1465 / JUNE]

Examinations taken at the house of the treasurer of St. Paul’s
Cathedral, London, of the following witnesses in the matter Sir John
Fastolf’s will, viz.:-- of Thomas Torald and Robert Lawe on the 18th; of
William Waterman on the 19th; of John Osbern and John Heydon on the
20th; of William Pykeryng, John Symmys and John Shawe on the 21st day of
June 1465.

    [Footnote 154.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9309.]]

  [[on the 21st day of June  _text has “days”_]]


590

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[154.2]

_To my ryght wyrshipfull husband, John Paston, be thys delyveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1465 / JUNE 24]

Ryght wyrshypfull hosbond, I recomaund me to you. Please it you to wyte
that the same Wensday that Ric. Call departyd hens I send Ric. Charlys
to speke with the undershryf, requyryng hym that he shold serve the
replevyn for the shype and hors that were take, &c.; and the shryf sayd
playnly that he wol not, nor derst not serve it, not thogh I wold yeve
hym xx _li._ to serve it. And Ric. Charlys axhyd the cause why, and he
sayd, for he wold not have to doo with that felshyp, and so it ys yet
unservyd. I supyose that Ric. Calle hath told you what revell ther was
by the Bayllyf of Coshay and his felaw uppon your men that shold have
servyd the replevyn.

Item, the same Wensday that Ric. Call rode from hens the were indytyd v.
of men by the enquest of Fourhoo hunder, as Crome can enforme you, and
on Fryday last paste John Paston, the yonger, Wykes and Thomas Honewerth
were endytyd at Dyram, by what menys the berour herof Crome shall
[en]forme you. I send theder Ric. Charlys, John Seve, and iij. or iiij.
other gode felows, for to have don other folks as gode atorne; but it
wold not be, for the Juge ys soo parcyall with the other party that I
trowe ther shalbe sped no maters before hym for you, nor for non of
yours tyl it be otherwyse by twene you than it ys. Crome shall tell you
of hys demenyng at the last sessyons at Dyrham. I send you a copy of
both the endytements. Your son John Paston the yonger, I hope shal be
with you thys wyke and enforme you of mo thyngys, and howe myn hors and
hys sadell and harnys ys prysoner at Coshaye Halle and have ben ever syn
Wensday last.

Item, I recevyd a letter from you on Satorday last, whych was wryten on
Monday next before and I have sent to Sir Thomas Howys the same day for
such maters as ye wrote to me of, and he sent me word that Wyllyam
Worceter had a boke of remembraunce of recaytys that hath be recevyd by
Sir John Fastolf or any of hys sythen the iiij.^te. yere Kyng Harry,
both of hys owyn lyflode or of any other mannys that he had to doo wyth
all. He sayd, yf ye wold send to Wyll. Worceter to loke therfore he sayd
he wyst well he wold lete you have knowlych yf any such thyng may be
founde, and also he sayd that he wold send to the seyd Wyll. to serche
therfore, and as for such bokys as he hath hyre at hom he wol doo loke
yf any remembraunce canne be founde therof, and ye shall have knowlych
ther of, as he hath promysyd, by Satourday next comyng. And as for the
woman that made the clayme that ye wrote of he ys wellwyllyd that she
shold be seyn to in the way of almys. And as I here say, it symyth by
hym that in any thyng that he canne doo tochyng the savacyon of the
dedys gode,[156.1] other in lyflode, other in other godys, he sayth that
he wyll doo. I canne not have no knowlych that Haydon mellyth in the
mater of Drayton; yf he do oght therin, he doyth it closely, as he ys
wont to doo, and wayshyth hys hondys ther of as Pylate dyde. It shalnot
be long to or that I send to yow; of such tythynges as we have I shall
lete you have knowlych ther of. I fynd Crome ryght welwyllyng to you in
such thyngys as lyth in hym for to do. I pray you lete hym be thankynd
therfor, and that shall cause hym to be the beter wylled; he hath not be
rewardyd as yet but by Ric. Call, as he canne tell you. The Blyssyd
Trynyte have you in His kepyng and send you gode spyde in all your
maters. Wryten in hast on Mydsomer day.

As for Rysyng, but yf [_unless_] ye purvey for hym he canne no helpe
have at home.

  By yours,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 154.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As this letter refers to
    Paston’s disputes with the Duke of Suffolk and his officers, the
    date must be 1465.]

    [Footnote 156.1: _i.e._, the dead man’s goods.]

  [[To my ryght wyrshipfull husband
    _text has “husbana” (italic a for d)_]]


591

[JOHN PASTON] TO MARGARET PASTON AND OTHERS[156.2]

_To my cosyn Margret Paston and to John Dawbeney and Richard Calle._

[Sidenote: 1465 / JUNE 27]

I recomande me to yow, and have received a letter from yow and a nother
for Richard Calle be John Colman, and . . be Roos; and I have received
of Colman the plate and mony acording Richard Callis letteris. Item,
I con yow thonk ye send me word the prise of corn. Item, as for yowr
sone,[157.1] I lete yow wete I wold he dede wel, but I understand in hym
no disposicion of policy, ne of governans as man of the werle owt to do,
but only levith and ever hath as man disolut with owt any provision, ne
that he besiith hym nothinge to understand swhech materis as a man of
lyvelode must nedis understond; ne I understond nothing of what
disposicion he porposith to be, but only I kan thynk he wold dwell ayeyn
in yowr hows and myn, and ther ete and drinke and slepe.[157.2] Therfor
I lete yow wete, I wold know hym or he know myn entent, and how wel he
hath ocupiid his tym now he hath had leyser. Every pore man that hath
browt up his chylder to the age of xij. yer waytyth than to be holp and
profited be hes chylder, and every gentilman that hath discrecion
waytith that his ken and servantis that levith be hym and at his coste
shuld help hym forthward. As for yowr sone, ye knowe well he never stode
yow ne me in profite, ese or help, to valew of on grote, savyng at
Calkot Hall whane [he[157.3]] and hes brothir keptid on day ayeyns
Debenham, and yet was it at iii. [times[157.3]] the coste that that ever
Debenham sones put hym to. For be her police [_by their policy_] they
kepe Cotton at my cost and with the[157.4] profitis of the same. Wherfor
geff hem no favor tyle ye feel what he is and will be.

Item, Calle sendith me word that Master Phylip[157.5] hat entrid in
Drayton in my Lord of Suffolk’s name, and hat odir purpose to entre in
Heylisdon, and he askith my avyse; whech is that ye confort my tenantis
and help hem til I com hom, and lete hem wet I shall not lese it, and
that the Dowk of Suffolk that last diid wold have bouth it of Fastolff,
and, for he mygth not have it so, he claymyd the maner, seying it was on
Polis [_one Pole’s_], and, for his name was Poole, he claymed to be eyr.
He was ansueryed that he com nothing of that stok, and how
somever[157.6] wer kyn to the Polis that owth[157.7] it it hurt not, for
it was laufully bowth and sold, and he never kleymid it after. Item,
I am in purpose to tak assise ageynse hem at this tyme, and elles I wold
have sent thedir streyt be a letter of attorney to entre in my name;
never the les ye be a gentilwoman, and it is worshep for you to confort
yowr tennauntis; wherfor I wold ye myth ryd to Heylisdon and Drayton and
Sparham, and tari at Drayton and speke with hem, and byd hem hold with
ther old master til I com, and that ye have sent me word but late,
wherfore ye may have none answer yet, and informe hem as I ha (_sic_)
wrete to ye within; and sey oupinly it is a shame that any man shuld set
anny lord on so ontrwe a mater, and speciall a preste; and lete hem
wete, as sone as I am com hom I shall see hem. Item, that as for
distreyn for rent of ferm, thow the Dewk had tytill, as he hath not, he
may non ask til the next rent day after his entre, that is Michelmes,
and seye that ye will be paiid everi peni and asken hem it. And make
mech of men of Cossey, becawse they wer owr welwillers when we wer
neyboris ther; and lete hem wete that the begyningis of shech mater had
never worchip nor profite of me, ne shall, and desyr god will of yowr
neyboris, &c., and suyn all othir menes that ye kan to plese the pepill.
And lete yowr tenaunts wete that the Dewke may never be lawe compel hem
to torn from me; and do all so well as ye can, and if any entyr be made
in Heylisdon shuff him owt and set sum man to kepe the place, if ned be,
not withstandyng it longith not to the manere. Item, I wold fayn have
sum man to be bayle of Heylisdon and Drayton, &c., that myth go amongis
the tenauntis. And elles I wold han Richard Chyllins (?) to go amond
[_q._ among?] hem tyl I com hom and also Richard Calle whan home. Item,
he sent me word that the tenauntis of Drayton wold not come to the
Dewkis cort and that they will be stefast to me and kepe hem straunge
and froward from the Dewkis cowncell; all this mater shall turne to a
jape and not hurt hem; ner, and if ye be wavering it shall hurt hem.
Item, I let yow wete this is do to cause me to loose my labor ayens hym
for Dedham, which I wil not for it. God kepe yow. Wret the Thursday
befor Sent Petres day.

Item, tel Richard Calle to have wittenses redy. I wol spede this mater
spirituall befor Estern.

    [Footnote 156.2: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 9.] This letter, which is in
    the handwriting of John Paston, refers to the proceedings of the
    Duke of Suffolk to enforce his claim to Drayton and Hellesden, and
    was clearly written in the summer of 1465 on Thursday before St.
    Peter’s Day, _i.e._ before the feast of SS. Peter and Paul (29th
    June).]

    [Footnote 157.1: Sir John Paston.]

    [Footnote 157.2: A later hand has here written in the margin: ‘Hic
    postea fuit Sir John Paston senior, miles.’ But the _postea_ is
    wrong.]

    [Footnote 157.3: These words omitted in MS.]

    [Footnote 157.4: _the_ repeated in MS.]

    [Footnote 157.5: Philip Lipgate, the Duke of Suffolk’s bailiff.]

    [Footnote 157.6: ‘How somever’ for ‘whosomever,’ or ‘whoever.’]

    [Footnote 157.7: ‘Owth’ for ‘ought,’ _i.e._ owned.]


592

MARGARET PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[159.1]

[Sidenote: 1465 / JULY 6 (?)]

I grete yow wele, letyng yow wetyn that I am informyd for certeyn the
Duc of Suffolk reysyth grete pepyl bothe in Norffolk and Suffolk to
comyn doune with hym to putte us to a rebeuc and thei may; querfor I
wold in ony wyse that ze make yow as strong as ze can wyth inne [_in
the_] place, for I and other moo suppose that zyff they fynd zow not
here they wyl seke yow there ze arn. I wold John Paston the zonger
schuld ryde azyn to my Lady of Norffolk and be wyth hyr stylle tyl we
haff other tydyngs, and ther may he do sum good, after that he heryth
tydyngs, in goyng forth to hys fadyr or in to sum other place quere we
may hafe remedy; for yt [is] told me that there ar come to Cossay onward
more than ij. hundred, and ther ys comyng, as yt ys seyd, more than a
thowsand. I wold that ze sende hyder Lytyl John that I mygth sende hym
abowte on myn errandys. Sende me worde how that ze doo by summe of the
tenantes that be not knowyn.

Item, byd Richard Calle send me word in a bylle, of how many materys
that he hath sent myn husbond an answere of, the quych he sendt hom in
divers letters for to be sped here and of the fermours of Tychwelle.

Item, zyf Sir Jamys Gloys may come to Norwych to Adam Taylours how I
wold he come on Munday bytymys, and I schal sende to hym thyder. God
kepe yow alle. Wretyn in hast on Satyrday.

  BY YOUR MODYR.

Item, yt ys told me that zong Heydon reysyth mych pepyl in the sokyn and
in other place.

Item, I wold ze schuld do Rychard Calle hye hym of makeng of alle the
acountes and, zyf nede, lete hym gete help and kepe Thomas Hunnworth
stille wyth yow, and be war of of Pykyng [_Pickering ?_]

    [Footnote 159.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is not
    addressed on the back, nor is the handwriting that of Margaret
    Paston, but from the subscription it would appear to have been
    written by her to one of her sons; and as John Paston the younger
    is mentioned in the body of the letter, the person addressed was
    evidently his elder brother. The letter seems to have been written
    shortly before the Duke of Suffolk’s attempt on Hellesden
    mentioned in the next No., probably on the Saturday preceding it.]


593

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON[160.1]

_To my mastre, John Paston, in hast._

[Sidenote: 1465 / JULY 10]

Plesith it youre maysterschip to witte of the rwle and disposicion of
the Master Philip and the Balyf of Cossey, with others of my Lorde of
Suffolkes men. On Monday last past, at aftrenoon, [they] wer at
Heylesdon, with the nombre of CCC. men, for to have entred,
notwithstandyng they seyde they come not for to entre; but withoute
dought, and they had been strong inough for us, they wolde have entred,
and that we undrestonde nough, but we knowyng of ther comyng and
purveyed so for hem, that we wer strong j nough. We had lx. men withinne
the place, and gonnes, and suche ordynauns, so that if they had satte
uppon us, they had be distroyed. And ther my mastres was withine, and my
mastre, Sir John, and hathe gate hym as grete worschip for that day as
any gentleman myght doo, and so is it reported of the partye and in all
Norwiche. And my Lorde of Norwiche sent theder Master John Salett and
Master John Bulleman for to trete, and so they ded; and the Duc men
seide they had a warant for to attache John Dawbeney, Wyks, Calle,
Hunewrthe, and Bliclyng and other, weche they wuld have; and my master,
Sir John, answerd them, and seide that they were not withine, and though
we had ben, they shuld not have had hem; and so they desired oon of our
men. And so Naunton stede by my mastres and haxed hem whom they wold
have, and seyde if they wold have hem he wold go with hem, and so he
ded. And on the next day they caryed hym forthe to my Lord of Suffolk to
Claxton, through Norwich; and ther we had founde a remedy for hym for to
heve lette hym; and he wold not, but nedys go forthe with hem; but like
a jentelman he was entreated amongs hem. And Harleston desyred at
Heylesdon to speke with my mastre, Sir John, and so he ded, and seyde to
hym it were ryght weele don that he rode to my Lord of Suffolk and
desired hym in any wice that he schulde do so, and seyde that it was hes
dwte so for to do, in asmoche as my Lorde was come to contre, and that
he wolde ryde with hym, and brynge hym to my Lorde; and he answerd and
seide to hym, whan that he undrestode that my Lord were hes fathers
goode Lord and hes, that thanne he wolde se hes Lordship, and [ell]es he
had non aronde to hym; and so they departed. And thanne appoyntement was
taken that they shull sende home ther men, and we schuld send home oure.
And nough my Lord of Suffolks men come from Claxton to Norwich, and face
us and fray uppon us, this dayly. Ther fylle uppon me befor Sevayne dore
xij. of hes men, viij. of them in harneys, and ther they wold have
myscheved me and the Scheryf letted hem and other, and they make ther
awaunte were that I may be goten I schul dye; and so they lye in a wayte
for to myscheve me, Dawbeney, and Wyks; and so I dare not ryde out alone
withoute a man with me. And I undrestonde ther is comyn an Heyre
Determyner[161.1] to enquer of all ryots, and my Lord of Suffolk and
Yelverton be Comyscioners; and so they sey as money of us as can be
taken shal be endyted and hanged forth with; and so the people here are
dysmayed with ther rwle. Wherfore that it like you to sende werd how my
mastres schal do at Heylesdon, and we in all other maters; and wether ye
wol that we feche a yene the flok of Heylesdon, for they are nough
dreven to Causton, and there go they on the heyth; and my Lord of
Suffolk wolbe at Drayton on Lames Daye, and kepe the Coort ther;
wherefor ye must seke an remedy for it, or ell[es] it woll not do weele.

If my Lord of Norffolk wold come, he schulde make all weele, for they
feere hym above all thyngs, for it is noyced here that my Lord of
Norffolk hathe taken partye in thes mater, and all the cuntre is cladde
of it, seyng that if he come they wooll hooly go with hym.

And me senethe it were wele don to meve my Lord in it, though ye schuld
geve hym the profyghts of Heylesdon and Drayton for the kepyng, and som
money be side; for ye must seke som other remedy than ye do, or ell[es]
in my conseyte it schull go to the Divell, and be distroyed, and that in
ryght schort tyme. And therfore at the reverence of God take som
appoyntement with Master Yelverton, suche as ye thynke schuld most hurt.

I beseche you to pardon me of my writyng, for I have pitte to se the
trybulacion that my mastres hathe here, and all your frends, &c.

Almyghty Jesu preserve and kepe you. Wreten the Wednesday next Seint
Thomas Daye.

  Your pore servaunt and bedman,

  RIC. CALLE.

    [Footnote 160.1: [From Fenn, iv. 212.] From what has been already
    said about the Duke of Suffolk’s claim to the manor of Hellesden,
    it is clear that this letter is of the year 1465. Later it cannot
    be, as John Paston was dead before July 1466.]

    [Footnote 161.1: An Oyer and Terminer, or Special Commission.]


594

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[162.1]

_To my right worschipfull husbond, John Paston, in hast._

[Sidenote: 1465 / JULY 12]

Ryght worshypful husbond, I recomaund me to yow, preyeng you hertyly
that ye wyl seke a meen that yowr servauntys may be in pees, for they be
dayly in fer of ther lyvys. The Duke Suffolks men thretyn dayly
Dawbeney, Wykys, and Richard Calle, that wher so ever they may gete them
they schold dye; and affrayes have ben made on Rychard Calle this weke,
so that he was in gret jupperte at Norwych among them; and gret affrayes
have ben made uppon me and my felashep her on Monday last passyd, of
whych Rychard Calle tellyth me that he hath sent yow word of in
wryghtyng, mor pleynly than I may doo at thys tyme, but I shal informe
yow mor pleynly heraftyr.

I suppose ther shal be gret labor ageyn yow and yowr servaunts at the
Assysis and Cescions her; wherfor me semyth, savyng your better advyce,
it wer wele do that ye shold speke with the Justicys or they com her;
and yf ye wol that I compleyn to them or to any other, if Good fortune
me lyfe and helth, I wol do as ye advyse me to do, for in good feyth I
have ben symply intretid among them; and what with syknesse, and troble
that I have had, I am browte ryght lowe and weyke, but to my power I wyl
do as I can or may in your maters.

The Duk of Suffolk and both the Duchessys shal com to Claxton thys day,
as I am informyd, and thys next weke he shal be at Cossey; whether he
wol com ferther hyddyr ward or not, I wot not yit. It is seyd that he
schold com hyddyr, and yet hys men seyd her on Monday that he cleymyd no
tytyl to thys place; they seyd ther comyng was but to take out such
ryotus peple as was her within thys place, and suche as wer the Kyngys
felonys, and indytyd and outlawyd men. Neverthe lesse they wold schew no
warauntys wherby to take non such, thow ther had suche her; I suppose if
they myght have com in pesably, they wold have made an other cause of
ther comyng.

Whan alle was doo and they scholde departe, Harlyston and other desyryd
me that I schold com and se myn olde Lady, and sewe to my Lorde, and if
any thyng wer amysse it schold be amendyd. I said if I scholde sewe for
any remedye, that I scholde sewe ferther, and lete the Kynge and alle
the Lordys of thys lond to have knowlech what hathe be don to us, if so
wer that the Deuk wolde meynten that hathe be don to us by hys
servauntys, if ye wolde geve me leve.

I pray yow sende me worde if ye wyl that I make any compleynt to the
Duke or the Duchesse; for as it is tolde me, they know not the pleynesse
that hathe ben don in such thyngys as hathe ben don in her [_their_]
namys.

I schold wryght muche mor to yow but for lak of leyser.

I comaundyd my Mayster Tom thys day to have com ageyn by me from
Norwych, when he had spokyn with Rychard Calle, but he cam not. I wolde
he wer qwyte of hys indytments, so that he wer qwyte of yowr servyce;
for by my trowthe, I holde the place the mor ongracyous that he is in,
for hys dysposycion in dyverce thyngys, the whych ye schal be informed
of her after.

The Trynyte have yow in kepyng. Wretyn the Fryday next after Seynt
Thomas.

  By yowr,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 162.1: [From Fenn, iv. 218.] It is needless to point out
    that this letter must have been written in the same year as the
    last.]

  [[as I am informyd
    _text has “I an”: corrected from Fenn_]]


595

JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON[164.1]

_To my cosyn, Margaret Paston._

[Sidenote: 1465 / JULY 13]

I recummand me to yow, I thank of yow of yowr labour and besynes with
the unruly felechep that cam befor yow on Monday last past, wherof I
herd report be John Hobbis. And in god feyth ye aquyt yow rygth wel and
discretly and hertyly to yowr wurchep and myn, and to the shame of your
adversarijs, and I am wel content that ye avowid that ye kept possession
at Drayton and so wold doo. Wherfor I pray yow, make yowr word god if ye
may, and at the lest, let myn adversarijs not have it in pees if ye may.
Jon Hobbys tellith me that ye be seekly, whech me lekith not to here;
praying yow hartyly that ye take what may do yowr eese and spar not, and
in any wyse take no thowth no to moch labor for thes maters, ne set it
not so to yowr hert that ye fare the wers for it. And as for the mater,
so they overcome yow not with fors ne bosting, I shall have the maner
sewrlyer to me and myn, than the Dewk shall have Cossey, dowt ye not.
And in cas I come not home within thre wekis, I pray you com to me, and
Wykes hath promisid to kepe the plase in yowr absens. Nevertheles whan
ye come set it in seche rewle as ye seme best and most suer, bothe for
Castre and Heylisdon if the werr hold. In cas ye have pees send me word.

As for that it is desyrid I shuld show my tytill and evydens to the
Dewk, me thynkyth he had evyll cowncell to entre in opon me, trusting I
shuld shew hym evydens. And [_if_] ye seme it may do yow god or eese,
lete my Lord of Norwich wet that the maner of Drayton was a marchants of
London callid Jon Heylisdon longe er any of the Polis that the seyd Dewk
comyth of wer borne to any lond in Norfolk or Suffolk; and if they wer
at that tyme born to no lond, how may the seyd Dewk klaym Drayton be
that pedegre? As for the seyd John Heylisdon, he was a por man born, and
from hym the seyd maner dessended to Alice his dowtyr, hos estat I have,
and I soppose the seyd Dewk comyth not of hem.

Item, as for the pedegre of the seyd Dewk, he is sone to William Pool,
Dewk of Suffolk, sone to Mychell Pool, Erl of Suffolk, sone to Mychel
Pool, the furst Erl of Suffolk of the Polis, mad be King Richard seth my
fader was born; and the seyd furst Mychell was sone to on William Pool
of Hull, whech was a wurchepfull man grow be fortwne of the werld. And
he was furst a marchant, and after a knygth, and after he was mad
baneret; and if any of thees hadde the maner of Drayton I will los
C_li._ so that any persone for the Dewk will be bond in as moch to prove
the contrary; and I wot weel the seyd Dewkis Cowncell wil not claym the
seyd maner be the tytill of the fader of the seyd William Pool. And what
the fader of the seyd William was, as be the pedegre mad in the seyd
last Dewkis fadirs daijs I know rygt weell; wherof I informyd Herry
Boteler to tell my old Lady of Suffolk, becawse he is of her cowncell;
and more will I not tell in thes mater, but if [_unless_] I be desyrid
or compellid.

Item, let my Lord of Norwich wete that it is not profitabe ner the comen
well of gentilmen that any jentilman shuld be compellid be an entre of a
lord to shew his evidens or tytill to his lond, ner I wil not begine
that example ne thralldam of gentilmen ner of other; it is god a lord
take sad cowncell, or he begyne any sech mater.

And as for the Pools that owth Drayton, if ther wer C. of hem levyng, as
ther is non, yet have they no tytill to the seyd maner. God kepe yow.
Wret the Satirday, &c.

  Yowr JON PASTON.

I pray yow be as mery with yowr felachep as ye kan.

Item, I send hom writt and prasens for yowr servaunts and myn.

Item, I may sell you woll for xl_d._ the ston, redi mony, as Arblaster
can tell yow, and malt for iiij_s._ the quarter at days xxj. for xx.
delivered of Yermouth mesur. If ye fayle mony ye most make it of yowr
wole or malt.

I send you hom writts of replevin for the shep and the horses that wer
take, and avise yow lete the writtis be delivered be fore my Lord of
Norwich, and god rekord; and if ye may make men with fors to take the
catell agey[n] be waran of replevyn, spar not rather than fayle.

  On the back of the letter is the following memorandum in a different
  hand:--

  Md. there lefte behynde of Heylesdon folde of my mastre schepe xlj.
  modreschep. Item of lambes xxxiiij. Item of my mastres xij.
  modreschep. Item of her lambes xij.

    [Footnote 164.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As this letter is dated
    on a Saturday, and refers to the Duke of Suffolk’s attempt on
    Hellesden as having been made on the Monday preceding, there can
    be no difficulty in fixing the precise date, both of day and
    year.]


596

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[166.1]

[Sidenote: 1465 / [JULY?]]

Right worchepful hosbond, I recommand me to yow, and pray yow hertely at
the reverence of God that ye be of good comfort, and trost veryly be the
grase of God that ye shall overcome your enemys and your trobelows
maters ryght welle, yf ye wolle be of good comfort, and not take your
maters to hevely that ye apeyr not your self, and thynk veryly that ye
be strong inowe for alle your enemys be the grace of God. My moder is
your good moder, and takyth your maters ryght hertely. And zif ye thynnk
that I may do good in your maters yf I come up to you, after I have
knowlage of your entent it shall not be longe or I be with you be the
grace of God. And as for any othyr thyngs of sharge that be in this
contre, I hope I shall so ordeyn therfore that it shall be safe. I have
delyveryd your older sonne xx. mark that I have received of Ric. Calle,
and I kowd no more of hym syn ye departyd. [And I send yow another bage
of mony that was in your square cofyr.[167.1]] And I pray God hertely
send us good tydyngs of yow, and send the victory of your enemys. Wretyn
in hast on Saterday.

  Your M. P.

Item, I take your sonne of your faders oode mony, that was in the lytyll
trussyng cofyr x. mark, for my broder Clement seythe that xx. mark was
to lytyll for hym.

    [Footnote 166.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] Margaret Paston, as will
    be seen by subsequent letters, was in London with her husband in
    September 1465. This letter seems to have been written not long
    before, when she first entertained the thought of going thither.]

    [Footnote 167.1: This sentence is struck out.]


597

[MARGARET PASTON?] TO ----[167.2]

[Sidenote: 1465(?)]

Cosyn, I recommaunde me to yow, letyng yow wete that I am informid that
the parson of Brandeston is take be yowr sowdiors and led forth with
hem, and they have ryfelid his godis, and summe of myne husbondes also,
and of his ballyes, weche were left with the seyd parson to kepe.
Wherfore I avyse yow, and praye that he maye be lete go agayn, and to
have ower godes as were take fro hym; for and yowr sowdioris be of
sweche disposicion that they wyll take that they may gete, it shall no
wurchip be to you, nor profite in tyme to come; and therof wolde I be
sory. And if the seyd parson be othirwyse disposid thanne he owth to be,
I wyll helpe that he shall be chaysteysid as conciens and lawe
requerith. I wolde ye shulde remembre that ye have bore blame for sweche
thynges before this tyme that hath be do othirwise thanne lawe hath
requerid. And God have yow in His kepyng. Wrete at Norwiche.

    [Footnote 167.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The MS. of this letter
    seems to be a draft in a hand like that of James Gresham. It is
    anonymous and without address. Even the writer is very uncertain.
    But it may not unlikely be a draft letter from Margaret Paston to
    some neighbour who, while the Duke of Suffolk was laying claim to
    Hellesden and Drayton, was not too mindful of John Paston’s
    rights. Brandeston is about eleven miles from Norwich, eight miles
    beyond Drayton. Thomas Hoop was parson of Brandeston from 1448 to
    1475. He was presented to the living by Sir John Fastolf.]


598

JOHN WYKE TO SIR JOHN PASTON[168.1]

_To my ryght wyrshypfull mayster, Sir John Paston, be thys letter
delyveryd._

[Sidenote: 1465 / JULY 30]

Please it your maistershyp to wyte, uppon Satourday last, Mayster Wyll.
Paston and I werre with my Lord the Byshoppe of York, and enformyd hys
Lordshyp of the entre that was made at Haylesdon in the Duk of Suffolks
name. And my Lord asked of ous whether the C. marc wer payd or not, and
we awnswered that it was payd many day a goon. And than he sayd, ‘I dar
swer uppon a boke that the Duchesse of Suffolk hath no knowlych therof.’
And so he comaundyd ous to a wayte uppon hym, for he wold be at London a
yen uppon Tewysday next; and soo we have non awnswer as yet.

Item, I have spoken with Mayster Robert Kent for your maters, and
byddeth that ye shold not dowte therof; and as for the neglygens of your
wytnes, Mayster Robert sayth it ys but a jape, and shall be no hurt. And
the copys therof wer deliveryd or than I cam hom from Parker ys hands,
and that causyd me to spake no word to hym therof.

Item, the Lord Scales sayd at a soper wher as he soped within thys iiij.
nyztys that he wold ryde home and enter in ij. fayre maners in hys
contray, and desyred Stanhope that shall wed Gernyngham ys suster to
ryde with hym. I suppose it be to entre in to Caster and Cotton; wherfor
maketh gode wache be tyme, for it ys mery to plede in possession, &c.

Item, I have send you an unce of myvers (?) by the beror of thys letter,
and thay cost me iiij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, your gesseren[169.1] and gaunteletts shall be send hom by the next
caryours, for ther be non hyre yete, &c. No more to you at thys tyme.
The Holy Trynyte have you in Hys kypyng. Wryten at London uppon Tewysday
next after Seynt Anne.

  By youre servaunt,

  JOHN WYKE.

    [Footnote 168.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The date of this letter
    is sufficiently apparent from the reference in the beginning to
    ‘the entry made at Hellesden in the Duke of Suffolk’s name.’]

    [Footnote 169.1: A sleeveless coat of mail.]


599

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[169.2]

_To my ryght worschipful husband, John Paston, be this delyverd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1465 / AUG. 7]

Right wurchepfull husbond, I recomaund me to you. Please it you to wete
that I sent on Lammesse day[169.3] to Drayton, Thomas Bonde and Sir
James Gloys to hold the court in your name, and to clayme your tytill;
for I cowde gete none other body to kepe the court, ner that wuld go
theder but the seide Thomas Bonde, be cause I suppose thei were a ferd
of the pepill that shuld be there of the Duke of Suffolks parte. The
said Thomas and James, as the Duke of Suffolks men, that is to sey,
Harlesdon, the parson of Salle, Mayster Phillip and William Yelverton,
the which was styward, with a lx. persones or more be estymacion, and
the tenauntes of the same town, sum of hem havyng rusty pollexis and
byllys, comyn in to the maner yard to kepe the courte, met with them,
and told them that thei were comyn to kepe the court in your name, and
to clayme your titill. Wherfore the seid Harlesdon, with ought any mor
words or occasion yovyn of your men, comytted the seid Thomas Bonde to
the kepyng of the new Baly of Drayton, William Dokett, seyng that he
shuld go to my lord and do his herand hym self, notwithstandyng that Sir
James dede the erands to them, and had the words; wherfor thei toke the
seid Thomas with ought occasion. Thei wuld have mad the seid Thomas to
have had the words, and the seid James told hem that had hem, because he
was the more pesibill man, whan afterward thei bade avoyde, and sithen
led forth Thomas Bonde to Cossey, and bownde his armes be hynde hym with
whippe cord like a theffe, and shuld have led hym forth to the Duke of
Suffolk, ner had be that I had spokyn with the juges in the morwyn or
thei yede to the shirehous and enformed hem of such ryottes and
assaugthis as thei had mad up on me and my men; the baly of Cossey and
all the Duke of Suffolks councell beyng ther present, and all the lerned
men of Norffolk, and William Jenney and my[che] pepill of the contre;
the juge callyng the baly of Cossey befor them all, and yaffe hym a gret
rebuke, comaundyng the shereffe to se what pepill thei had gadred at
Drayton; which came after to Helesdon to se the pepill ther, with weche
[pe]pill he held hym wele content; and fro thens he rode to Drayton to
se ther pepill, which wer avoyded or he came. And ther he desired to
have delivered the seid Thom. Bonde to hym; and thei excusid hem and
seid thei had send hym to the Duke of Suffolk. Notwithstandyng,
afterward thei sent hym to Norwhich to hym, desiryng hym that he shuld
delivere hym not withought he mad a fyne, be cause he trobilled the
Kynges lete; for which thei mad l . . . . to juges. But after that I
understod it, I sent Danyell of Mershlond and Thomas Bonde[170.1] to
enforme the juges how the seide Thomas was entreted amonges hem, and so
he ded. And the juges were gretly . . . . . with the Dukes men, and
forwith comaunded the sheryf to delyver the seide Bone withoute any fyne
m[aking], seyng that he out non to make. And in goode feythe I founde
the juges ryght gentell and forborable to me in my matres,
notwithstandyng the Duckes councell had made her compleynt to them or I
come in ther werst wice, noysyng us of gret gatheryng of peopell and
many riotes thynges don be me and your men. And after I enformed the
juges of ther untrouthe and of ther gidyng, and of our gidyng in like
wice. And after the juges undrestod the trouthe he gave the baly of
Cossey befor me and many other a passyng gret rebuke, seyng without he
amended hes condicion and governaunce, thei wuld enforme the Kynge and
helpe that he schuld be punyschet. And wher as ye avyced me . . . . .
a felaschip to kepe the coorte at Drayton with easy cost, it was thought
be your councell it wer better otherwise, and not to gather no people,
for it was told me that the Dukes men had to the nombre of v. C. men,
and your councel avised me to gete a felischip to kepe my place at
Heylesdon, for it was told me that they schuld come and pulle me out of
the place, weche cauced me to kepe the place the strenger at that tyme.
And as for kepyng of any coort for you at Drayton, I can not wete how it
cowde be brought a boute withoute helpe of other but if there schuld
growe gret inconvenyence of it. And at the ass[izes] . . . . made gret
labor to endite your men, notwithstandyng it was letted. And as for the
writtes of replevyn, they were delyverd openly be for the juges to the
scheryf, and also other writtes wech Jamys Gresham brought; and aftre
that Ric. Calle spake with the high scheref for the servyng of hem. And
so he promysed to serve it and to send men of hes owne to serve it; and
so he sent ij. of his men with Ric. Lynsted, and with ij. of Scheperdes
to Cossey for the schepe. And ther they wer answer that Yelverton
cleymeth the properte, and so wer they answerd in all other places wher
as any catell was. And so they departed and come to the scheryf and
enformed hym; and I undrestande the scheryf taketh it for an answere;
notwithstandyng I send hym word withoute that Yelverton had ben ther in
hes owne persone he myte not cleyme the properte, and aviced hym to be
ware what retorne he made that he were not hurte by it. And so he hathe
made no retorne yet. What he wul doo I wat ner. He is stylle in this
contre yet and schal be this iiij. or v. dayes, but your councell
thynketh it were well don that ye gete an _allias_[172.1] and a
_pluries_ that it myght be sent don to the scheryf and than he can mak
non excuse but nedys . . . . .[172.2] it well (?) to make a retorne as
he wol abide by. I can not wete how the catell woll be goten ayen
withoute other processe be had more than we have yet.

Item, on Tuesday next comyng schal the sescions of the pees be at
Wolsyngham. What schal be do ther I wot not yet; for as for any
indytementes that we schuld labor a yenst them it is but wast werk; for
the scheryf ner the jerrours wol no thyng do ayenst them.

Item, wher as ye desire to knowe what gentelmen wolde do for you at this
tyme, in goode feythe I founde Herry Greye, Lomnor, Alblastre, Wer
. . . . (?), Berney of Redham, Skyppewith, and Danyell of Merchelond,
ryght weele disposed to you ward at this tyme in helpyng and in zevyng
ther goode avice to me for suche maters as I had to doo. Ye schal have
more pleyne undrestondyng of all thynges her after than I may write to
you at this tyme.

Item, the _supersedias_[172.3] and the _supplicavit_[172.3] is delyverd
to Alblastre and to Wechyngham, and they have mad out bothe warantes and
_supersedias_;[172.4] nevertheles ther is non servyd yet.

Item, I received the box with the writt and the letter that Berney sent
to me on Friday last and non er [_no earlier_].

Item, as for the pris of malte it is fallen here sore, for it is worthe
but ij_s._ viij_d._ j. quarter at Yermoth.

Item, as for your wolle, I may selle a stoone for xl_d._, so that I wol
geve halfe yere day of payment. I prey you sende me word how I shal do
in this matre and in all other, &c. And God kepe you. Wreten in haste
the Wednesday next aftre Lammes daye.

  Your

  M. PASTON.

    [Footnote 169.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is another of the
    series of letters relating to Paston’s dispute with the Duke of
    Suffolk about Drayton and Hellesdon in 1465.]

    [Footnote 169.3: August 1.]

    [Footnote 170.1: At this point the letter is continued in a
    different ink upon a new sheet of paper, which was formerly
    stitched to the first sheet. A line which was formerly covered by
    the sewing shows that Margaret Paston intended at first to have
    written: ‘to the justice, and he . . . . . (_five words illegible,
    the paper being cut_) thei toke the seid Thomas with ought warant,
    afftre trobillyng of the lete.’]

    [Footnote 172.1: So in MS.]

    [Footnote 172.2: A word illegible.]

    [Footnote 172.3: So in MS.]

    [Footnote 172.4: _Supersedeas_ is a writ to stay certain
    proceedings; _supplicavit_ a writ for taking surety of the peace
    when violence is threatened by any one.]

  [[I may selle a stoone for xl_d._
    _printed in roman (non-italic) type_]]


600

JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON[173.1]

_To my cosyn, Margaret Paston, at Heylisdonn._

[Sidenote: 1465 / AUG. 7]

I recomaund me to you. And as for the letter that I send yow touchyng
John Russe, I will that ye and your counsell see it openly; and kepe
this bille to your self or to some secret frend of yours. And I pray yow
remembir ij. thynges; on, if ye fynd hym in any maner wise disposed to
leve his bargeyn, take it at his offer, and take ayen the writyng that
he hath of that bargeyn, or a writyng of his owne hand of relesyng his
bargeyn to me; for peraventure at this tyme he woll be glad to leve his
bargeyn, as I undirstand, and whanne he sethe that I have peas he wolle
calle theron ayen. Wherfore I pray yow werk wisely herin, for he may in
no maner wise aske the money of me and kepe his bargeyn, for he hathe
divers tymes desired me to have take of hym more masse (?) therfore.
Another, as sone as ye may, or ye breke this mater with John Russe, make
due serche with the fermours at Akthorp what mony Russe hath reseyved
ther in my tyme, that is to sey, for Mighelmes the first, the ij., iij.,
iiij. yeres of Kyng E., of whech he hath reseyved ij. payments, that is
xij_li._ at the lest, or er the maner was trobelid by Jenney or
Yelverton. And I deme that he hath reseyvid some sithen, but that he
kepith counsell.

Item, for as moch as Sir Thomas Howes gaderid for the xxxix. yere of
Kyng Herry, the seid John Russe woll, under colour of that surmytte,
that he reseyvid in my tyme was therfore, wherfore ye must make a serche
what he hath reseyvid sith Sir John Fastolff dyed, and what tyme; and
therupon ye shall undirstand what he hath reseyvid for me, and what for
hym; and in case he hathe reseyvid xii_li._, and Richard hath payd hym
his dute as he promised, thanne growyth nat to John Russe past iiij. or
v_li._; notwithstanding fare fayre with hym and resonabilly, so that he
leve his bargeyn, and lend hym the remnaunt of the xx_li._ upon suerte
for xx_li._ He desireth to have outher his dewte or borowyng at this
tyme.

Item, he that shall speke with the fermours of Akthorp, whos name is
Langham, he must inquere generally what mony he hath payd to all men
sith Sir John Fastolff dyed, and see his billes of payment, and take
therof a titelyng. Ric. Calle hath a bille of parcellis of every mannes
ferme, and he can serche this best, in case he be not to favorabill to
John Russe, wherfore I remitte this to your discrecion; but I suppose
John Russe woll telle yow what he hath reseyvid for hand bifore this
tyme wretyn by his seying what he had reseyvid, and I suppose and he
remembird that he seid to me, he wold not aske his mony in this forme;
nevirthelesse it shall do good, so he leve his bargeyn by this meane.

I mervyll that I here no tidyngges from yow hough ye have do at the
assisses. The berer of this letter is a comon carier, and was at Norwich
on Satirday, and brought me lettirs from other men, but your servaunts
inquere nat diligently after the comyng of cariers and other men. Wretyn
at London the Wednesday next after Lammes day.

Ye shall have lettirs of me this weke.

  JOHN PASTON.

    [Footnote 173.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] It is sufficiently clear
    from the reference to accounts of the 4th year of Edward IV., that
    this letter cannot be earlier than 1465, which is the last year of
    the writer’s life.]


601

JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON AND OTHERS[174.1]

_To my mastresse, Margret Paston, James Gresham and Ric. Calle._

I recomaund me to yow, and have reseyvid ij. lettirs from John Russe,
wherin he remembirth me that I shuld owe hym xix_li._, or therupon, for
divers parcelles whech he seith he shuld have deliverid in to myn hows,
wherof he seith xiiij_li._ was deliverid in to myn howse ij. yere
g[oon], and that I had a bille deliverid me therof, and the remnaunt
sithen, and desireth of me payment of the seid xix_li._ Wherfore I
certi[fye] yow as I undirstand in the mater; ye may lete John Russe come
to yow and take such a direccion in the mater as reason and trought
woll. I lete yow wete that abought ij. yer goo the seid John Russe
deliverid me first a bille of the seid xiiij. [_li._], and I examined
the parcelles; and as I remembir xj_li._ was my dewte, wherof the
certeyn somme is writen in my blak book of foreyn reseytes that yere,
and the remnaunt was Ric. Calles dewte, wherof he was allowed, savyng
apart was Elys dewte. And as for the seid xj_li._, I offerid the seid
John Russe payment in hand at that tyme, and desired hym he shuld no
more send in to myn howse, and warnyd yow and Richard that ye shuld no
more stuffe take in to myn hows without ye peyd in hand, nowther of hym
ner of non other. And the seid John Russe prayd me to remembir that I
had grauntyd hym the maner of Akthorp in Leystoft, at a certeyn prise,
as it apperyd by writyng undir my seall, and desired me that I wold take
the seid somme in party of payment. And I told hym that as for such mony
that shuld com from hym for that lond, I wold take it of hym and ley it
up by the self, that I myght purchase other lond therwith, bicause I
wold lesse Fastolffs lyvelode for the college, but I wold pay hym his
dewte without any stoppage. And he thanne desired me to take that same
xj_li._, and ley it up to the same use, seying to me that it was as good
to do so as I for to take it hym, and he to take it me ayen. And thus he
and I agreed, and departed, and thanne he prayd me to take more chafar
of hym, whech I denyed. And nough I merveyll what shuld cause hym to
aske mony for that dewte; neverthelesse I deme he supposith that he coud
not opteyne his bargeyn by me, bicause of the trobill that it standyth
in; and for that or for some other cause he repentyth his bargeyn and
woll nomore of it. Wherfore send for hym, and take James Gresham or some
of your frends and Richard Calle, and fele what he menyth; and if ye can
fynd hym disposed to leve his bargeyn yet, though I myght kepe stille
the seid mony I wold he shuld not lese therby. Nevirthelesse if he woll
refuse his bargeyn, thanne take ayen the writyng that he hath of that
bargeyn and a writyng of his hand that he dischargyth me of the graunt
that I mad hym of that same bargeyn. And thanne loke that ye enquere
what mony he hath reseyvid of the seid maner in my tyme, wherof the
ferme is vj_li._ yerly whech I suffird hym to occupie to his owne use by
fors of the seid bargeyn all my tyme; and aftir the parcellis cast what
I have had of hym; abbate therof the mony that he hath reseyvid of the
seid maner, and also as moch of the xiiij_li._ as the seid Ric. Calle
and Elys owen, wher of he is alowid; and thanne see that the seid John
Russe be content of the remnaunt of his parcellis that is dew by me, but
loke ye pay non other mennes dewtes.

Also the seid John Russe writyth in his lettir that rather thanne he
shuld fayle this mony that I wold lend hym asmoch to pay ayen at
Cristemasse; wherfore, if he leve his bargeyn I woll ye lend hym asmoch
mony over his dewte as shall make up xx_li._, takyng of hym suerte to
pay ayen at Cristemasse, as he writyth; in case be that he will kepe
stille his bargeyn, thanne ye may answere hym it is no reason that he
shuld aske me any part of that mony ayen, for he owyth that and moch
more.

Item, the seyd John Rus sent me heder a man for this mater only with in
thes ij. daijs. Wherfor let him know an ansue letyng (?) for I fel well
(?) he hath mad agret bargen but late, wherfor he hath mor nede of mony
now, and I wol do for hym that I may resonably. Nevertheles his wryting
merveylith me that he askith thes mony as dewte, wheche he toke me for
parte of my payment. I deme it comith not all of his owne disposicion.
Inquier ye that ye can what it menith. God kepe yow. Wret the Wednisday
nex Lammes.

  Yowr JOHN PASTON.

In cas ye han Drayton in any quiete take sewertie of yowr tenants for
paiment as I have wret befor.

    [Footnote 174.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is evidently the
    letter referred to in the beginning of the last.]


602

JOHN ESTGATE TO ----[177.1]

[Sidenote: 1465]

Ser, ze sent to me a letter conteynyng the substaunce of the processe
off Mr. Robert Ippyswell for the mater off the codicill of Nicholas
Pykeryng, &c. Me mervelyt gretly off the certificat off Mr. Robert in
that be halve, for this is the truthe as forth forth as I kan remembre
me. The codicill had nether day nor place lymyte, qwer or qwan it xuld a
ben mad; qwerfor to a reprovyd that that nether was qualifyid with day
nor place it had be gret foly, &c. Therfor I askyd off the juge hys
accounts, and specyally the deposicionys and attestacionys off the
wytteness that wer swor in the seyd codicill, &c.; by the qwyche it
mowth appere clerly qwan and qwere this codicill xuld a be made and
wrete. And this sen I mad protestacion to for the seyde Mr. Robert that
I wolde impugne the mater as lawe requiryd. The qwych peticion I made
diverse tyme to fore moche recorde, judicialy syttyng the seyde
M. R.,[177.2] &c. The qwyche peticion he wold not her, but seyde
expresse that nether Will. Pykeryng nor non other man xuld sen his
accounts nor knowe qwat the deposicion wer in that parte; this mater was
comownyd to for Mr. John Selet and my mayster and yours diverse tymys,
and ever he seyde we xuld not sen the seyde deposicions. And so qwat sum
ever he hath certyfyid, this is the truthe, God to wetenesse and all
Seynts, qwo preserve zow evermore.

And I pray zow to declare this to my mayster and zours; and comende me
hertly to hys good maysterchep. And God sende hym victorye off all hys
elmyes, and so pray all hys well wyllers at Norwich.

  JOHN ESTGATE.

    [Footnote 177.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The writer of this
    letter is reported to be dead in No. 604, which was written on the
    18th August 1465. We have little doubt, however, that this belongs
    to the same year, as the names of Robert Ippeswell and John Salet
    occur in the correspondence more than once about this time.]

    [Footnote 177.2: Master of the Rolls.]


603

WILL OF NICHOLAS PICKERING[178.1]

[Sidenote: 1465]

To alle trewe Cristen pepill the wiche these present letteres schall se
or here, Roberd Banyngham, confessour to Nicholas Pekeryng of Filby,
Alson the wyfe of the seide Nicholas, Roger Silveryn, John Herte of
Cowteshall, Robarde Yoxsale, Richarde Hawe, Robarde Manufrac (?), John
Case, servaunt of the forseid Nicholas, and Henry Becham, servaunt of
the seide Nicholas, and Thomas Page of Beston, sende gretyng in oure
Lorde. Where it is merytory nedefull to bere wytenesse of troughthe,
alle ye mot knowe us that we herde the forseide Nicholas Pekeryng seyn,
lying on his dede bedde, these wordes folwyng, as we willen answere
before God, that whanne William Pekeryng, sone of the seide Nicholas
rekenyd with his fadir for xx. quarteres barly that the seid William
cleymed of his faderys yifte to his mariage; and for vij. dayes cariage
of corne in hervest, and for als a thousande waltyle that his fadir had
fro ye seide Williams wyfes place, the wiche reknyng greved the seide
Nicholas his fadir, and seide, ‘Thou comyst in with many bak
rekenyngges. Remembre the that thou hast be the costlyest childe that
evere I hadde, and how that I yaf ye x. acres of fre londe, and[178.2]
a place in mariage, and many othir thyngges that is muche better than
all thi bak rekinyngges. And I have now yove ye other x. acres of fre
londe aftir my discesse; and me thynketh be the thou heldest the not
lowest, but woldest have all. But on thyng I shall sey to the; if thou
trouble John, thy brother, or ony of myn executores, or cleyme ony more
londes or goodys that evere were myne, I shal yeve ye Goddys curse and
myn, for thou hast be ever frowarde to me.’ In witnesse and recorde
herof we have sette oure sealys.

   *   *   *

To alle trewe Cristen pepill the qwiche these presente letters shal see
or here, John Herte of Couteshale, Roberd Yoxhale, Roger Silveryn,
Thomas Dawes, and Thomas Drye, sende gretyng in oure Lorde. Where it is
merytory, nedefull and medefull to bere witnesse of trought, all ye mot
knowe us, that we herde William Pekeryng, sone of Nicholas Pekeryng,
seyn that his fadir wolde he shulde have but x. acres of fre londe aftir
his decesse be syde other x. acres of fre londe that he yaf hym in
maryage. In wittenesse and recorde heer of we have setto oure seales.

   *   *   *

_Endorsed:_ A Testymonyall.

    [Footnote 178.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] From the contents of the
    preceding letter it is probable that this document was drawn up in
    1465. Blomefield, indeed, states (vol. ii. p. 221) that Nicholas
    Pickering was buried in the steeple of Filby church in 1466. But
    the date may be an error, for he certainly seems to have been dead
    in or before 1465.]

    [Footnote 178.2: _and_ repeated in MS.]


604

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[179.1]

_To my ryght wyrshypfull mayster, John Paston, be thys letter delyveryd
in haste._

[Sidenote: 1465 / AUG. 18]

Ryght wyrshypfull husbond, I recomaund me to you. Please it you to wyte
that the cause that I wrote to you non er [_earlier_] than I dyde after
the sessyons was by cause that Yelverton held sessyons at Dyrham and
Walsyngham the next wyke after the assyses, and to have knowlech what
labour that was made ther, and to have send yow werd therof. Ther was
grete labours made by the bayly of Coshay and other for to have endytyd
your men both at Dyrham and at Walsyngham, but I purvayd a mene that her
[_their_] purpose was lettyd at thos ij. tymes.

Hugh a Fen ys in Flegge. Richard Call spake with hym thys wyke, and he
sayd to Richard that he and his wyff wold be with me here thys wyke
toward a place of hys that he hath purchasyd of Godehreds. Yf he come I
shall make hym gode chyre, for it ys told me of dyvers folks that have
spoke with hym sythen he com in to Norffolk as thay fele by hys sayng
that he awyth you ryght gode wyle.

Item, as for my comyng to you, yf it please you that I come, y hope I
shull purvey so for al thyngs or I com that it shull be sayff y nogh by
the grace of God tyll I com ayen; but at the reverens of God, yf ye may
purvey a mene that ye may com hom your sylf; for that shall be most
profortabell to you, for men cut large thongs here of other mens lether.
I shull wryte to you ayen as hastely as I may. God have you in Hys
kypyng. Wryten in haste at Haylesdon, the Sonday next after the
Assumpsyon of our Lady.

Item, my cosyn Elysabeth Clere ys at Ormesby and your moder purposyth to
be at her place at Caster thys wyke, for the pestylens ys so fervent in
Norwych that thay ther [_dare ?_] no lenger abyde ther, so God help; me
thynkyth by my moder that she wold ryght fayn that ye dyde well and that
ye myght spyde ryght well in your mater. And me thynkyth by my cosyn
Clere that she wold fayn have youre gode wyll, and that she hath sworyn
ryght faythfully to me that ther shall no defaute be founde in her, nor
noght hath be yf the trogh myght be understond, as she hopyth it shull
be herafter. She sayth ther ys no man a lyff that she hath put her
truste in so moch as she hath doon in you. She sayth she wote well such
langage as hath be reportyd to you of her other wyse then she hath
deservyd causyth you to be other wyse to her then ye shuld be. She had
to me thys langage wypyng, and told me of dyvers other thyngs the whych
ye shall have knowlych of herafter.

As for the hygh shyrf [_sheriff_] he demenyd hym ryght well her to me,
and he sayd to me, as for replevyns he wold aske counseyll of lernyd men
what he mygt doo therin, and as largely as he mygt do ther in, or in any
other mater touchyng you, savyng hymsylf harmlys, he wold doo for you
and for yours that he mygt do.

Item, I have do layd in [_caused to be laid in_] the presentacyon of
Drayton, and have presentyd Sir Thomas Hakon, parson of Felthorp, the
whych is hold ryght a gode man and wel dysposyd, and the Duck of Suffolk
hath layd in a nother; and ther shall be take an inquisicyon ther uppon,
and Mr. Styven ys your a voked [_your advocate_] therin. Mr. John
Estgade ys passyd to God on Thursday last passyd, whos sawle God
assoyle! Wherof in gode feyth I am ryght sory, for I fynd hym ryght
fayth full to you. They deyy ryght sore in Norwych.

John Rus sayth the profets that hath be take of the maner of Caister syn
Sir John Fastolf deyd hath be take by Sir Thomas Howys and Jenney.

  By yours, M. P.

I mervayll that ye had no tythyngs from me at that tyme that your letter
was wryten, for I send you a letter by Chytockys son that ys prenteys in
London, and the seyd letter was of the demenyng at the assyes at Norwych
and of divers other maters. I pray you send me word yf ye have it. As
for the replevyns Richard Calle sayth he hath send you a awnswere of
hem, and also the copys of them.

    [Footnote 179.1: [From Fenn, iii. 370.] That this letter was
    written in the year 1465 appears clearly by the reference to the
    Assizes held at Walsingham (_see_ No. 599), and the intention
    which the writer intimates of visiting her husband in London.
    Moreover, the first sentence of the letter, and also the
    postscript, are evidently written in answer to her husband’s
    complaint in No. 600, that she had not written to him what she had
    done at the Assizes.]


605

NOTE

In the Introduction in Volume I., will be found a document entitled
‘A remembrance of the worshipful kin and ancestry of Paston, born in
Paston in Gemyngham Soken.’ This paper, which was printed in the preface
to vol. v. of the original edition, p. xliv., appears to have been
composed during the lifetime of John Paston by some one who owed the
family no good will, not unlikely by Sir William Yelverton. The contents
agree very well with the imputation made on John Paston, for which he
was imprisoned in 1465, that he was a bondman to the King. The original
of this document I have not met with.


606

ABSTRACT[181.1]

EXAMINATIONS TOUCHING FASTOLF’S WILL

[Sidenote: 1465 / AUG.]

John Paston examined by a commission of Thomas, Archbishop of
Canterbury, addressed to John Druell, LL.D., in the cause between Sir
William Yelverton, Knight, and William Worcester, pretensed executors of
Sir John Fastolf, and John Paston, Esq., and Thomas Howys, executors, as
is said, dated 8 July 1465.

1. Whether Sir John Fastolf made his will, dated 14 June 1459, in
English, and sealed by him with his seal of arms? Answer. He made a note
of articles in his will, deponent thinks in Latin, probably on that day,
but it was not then sealed, and no executor was named.

2. Whether before the will was fair copied an original note of it was
made on paper, and corrected and interlined by Paston? And whether that
note fair copied was the true will which was sealed by Fastolf?--There
was such a note, which being made, Paston went to London and waited some
time, when William Worcester informed him it had been fair copied in the
beginning of July. Had seen an old will long before, in which some of
the articles were the same, but Fastolf altered them from time to time
in consultations held with this deponent. Does not know if he did
interline, but the note will show, which was then in the keeping of
William Worcester, Fastolf’s clerk; nor does he know if the will was
drawn up from it, as he was not present at the engrossing or sealing,
but hears there were several things altered.

3. Where the will is, in whose custody, and whether he have power to
execute it?--The parchment sealed by Fastolf, which Worcester says was
his will, was kept some time after his death at Caister, and afterwards
produced in audience of the Archbishop, and there remains.

28 Aug. Examined in the Fleet.--Said he was a prisoner, wished first to
speak with his counsel, and desired another notary joined with Nicholas
Parker, who was not indifferent.

10, 11, 12 Dec. Appeared before the commissary in the treasurer’s house
of St. Paul’s Cathedral, London. Examination continued.

4. Whether the said will was kept in the tower called the treasury of
Sir John Fastolf at Caister till his death, and whether Paston and Howys
afterwards entered and took it, and what was then done with it? Whether,
since Fastolf’s death it was exemplified in Latin, and sealed with
Fastolf’s seal, and by whom? And whether the Latin contained more or
less than the English? Who exhibited the English will in audience of
Canterbury? Was it the true will, or was it written and sealed after
Fastolf’s death?--Soon after Fastolf’s death the said parchment was
exhibited to Paston by Howes and Worcester. It afterwards remained in
the keeping of Howes and Paston, and has since been exhibited in the
audience of Canterbury. It was not translated into Latin after Fastolf’s
death, nor sealed, to Paston’s knowledge. Does not know any will, Latin
or English, to have been sealed after Fastolf’s death.

5. Whether Paston exhibited any English will sealed in the audience of
Canterbury?--The note made in June contained an article relative to
Fastolf’s college, and lands in Norfolk and Suffolk granted
conditionally on their being refused by Paston. When Paston went to
London, and after a time Worcester came to him, Worcester told him this
note was put in parchment and sealed, with the other articles, by advice
of Master John Brakley, about the beginning of July. William Bukman, now
Abbot of Wymondham, then Prior of Yarmouth, was present when it was
sealed, and named as a witness. He and Thomas Ingham reported that
Fastolf told them at the time it was his will that Paston should have
those things he had granted at the time of the seisin of the said
feoffment delivered, whatever was written in the parchment. The said
parchment (English) remains in the court. As to the Latin, Fastolf made
on paper a schedule of executors for the Latin parchment, and told
Paston and Howys that he did not mean all the executors to have
administration of his goods. He also told Paston, Bracley, and Clement
Felmyngham, after Paston returned from London, that he was informed the
Latin will gave equal powers to all the executors, which he never
intended. Fastolf made his last will in November, not altogether the
same.

6. Who kept Fastolf’s seal of arms and signet after his death, how long
did it remain whole, and how many writings did Paston seal with
them?--At Fastolf’s death his seal was in a purse sealed with his
signet, and placed in a chest. The signet was on his finger at death,
but was afterwards placed in the chest in presence of deponent and
Thomas Howys, Master John Bracley, Master Clement Felmyngham, and three
servants of Fastolf’s chamber, and sealed with the seals of deponent,
Howys, and others. The chest remained in Fastolf’s chamber, sometimes in
custody of his servants, and sometimes in that of Howys. Afterwards the
seals were placed in a white box sealed in the presence of divers men in
the hall of the manor, which box was delivered along with certain rings
to John Stokys, who opened the box, and after inspecting the seals and
rings, sealed it up again and delivered it to Roger Malmesbury, in whose
custody they now remain. This deponent sealed nothing with them.

7. Whether, after Fastolf’s death, Paston or any other wrote on a
schedule of paper a certain grant or bargain, viz., that Paston should
have Fastolf’s lands and tenements in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Norwich, for
4000 marks, and that Paston and Howys should have sole administration of
his goods so long as Paston was alive; and whether after Fastolf’s death
it was so recently written that Paston, to dry the writing, scattered
ashes over it? And if he say it was written during Fastolf’s life, by
whom was it written? By himself, or John Russe, or Friar Brakley, or
whom? And how long before Fastolf’s death, and in whose presence? And
whether that sum was specified in the schedule or a blank left for it?
And whether the contents of this schedule were extracted and put in a
new one? and by whom was that written? Whether by J. Russe? And what
time elapsed between the two writings? And whether the second schedule
contained more than the first, and what the additional matter was, and
by whom added? And whether this asserted will of Fastolf, made, as
Paston pretends, on Saturday, 3 Nov. 1459, was extracted or imagined
from the contents of the said bills, or either of them? And what was the
matter in the said will added to the matters in the schedules? And how
long it was before the said pretended will could be formed to the
satisfaction of John Paston?

For two years before his death Fastolf had granted that Paston should
have the above lands after his death, without any condition, but for the
purpose that he should found a college at Caister of seven monks or
priests, and pay 5000 marks to be distributed for the soul of Sir John
Fastolf; and about that time he enfeoffed Paston and others in the said
lands, declaring that that enfeoffment was to the use of the said Sir
John for life, and afterwards of Paston. After this, viz., in the said
month of June, Fastolf made the said articles in certain paper notes in
Latin and English. Master John Brakley kept copies, which he showed to
Paston after his return to London. After that, viz., in September and
October, Fastolf several times requested Paston to engross the
agreements made between them about the college, saying he would remit to
him 1000 marks of the said 5000 marks. And in October and November he
recited in certain writings that in order that he might not be
disquieted with worldly affairs he had bargained with this deponent that
he should have the control of all his lands from which any profit might
be derived in England, and of the households and foreign expenses
belonging to him, so that he should put aside as much of his dues as he
could spare for the college; and that he should have all his lands in
Norfolk, Suffolk, and Norwich, for 4000 marks, which he was to pay on
certain stated days to Fastolf’s executors for the benefit of his soul.
Two paper writings were made of the premises, one by the hand of Paston
and the other by Mr. John Brakley, which are severally remaining with
them. This agreement Brakley, by Fastolf’s order, got written out in
parchment indented, and read to Fastolf, who sealed it in his presence
as Brakley reported to Paston. Afterwards, another of the said writings
was read to Fastolf in the presence of Paston, Brakley, Mr. Clement
Felmyngham, and others, several times in October and November. Comments
were made on the reading of it by Fastolf on one occasion, when he said
a certain clause was not consistent with his intention, which was that
Paston and Howys should be sole administrators of his goods, and that as
to his lands in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Norwich, and the college to be
founded, he would dispose of them according to his agreement with
Paston,--the master to have a stipend of £10, and each of the fellows of
10 marks, and that seven poor men should be found with 40s. a year each,
as stated in the will. Fastolf desired his will dated in June to be
corrected in these particulars, and written anew by Walter Shipdam, for
whom he frequently sent on this business. Meanwhile Brakley and Paston
wrote another paper in English as a memorial of Fastolf’s intention, of
which deponent delivered a copy under his own hand in Court. The last
two lines this deponent wrote and dried with ashes in presence of Thomas
Howys. The will of 14 June and that exhibited by Paston and Howys differ
little or nothing in effect, except in these articles touching the
college, and the sole administration given to Paston and Howys.

As to new writings after Fastolf’s death. Brakley translated those words
about the sole administration from English into Latin, partly before his
death and partly after. After Fastolf’s death Paston, Howys, and Brakley
caused the said Walter Shipdam to put into form (_fecerunt dictum W. S.
formare_) the last will and testament of the said Fastolf, both of the
said college and of the said single administration (_de dicta singulari
administratione_), and of other things in the will of June not contrary
to his last will and declaration, of which several writings were drawn
by Shipdam, first in paper and afterwards in parchment. As to the
writing of the agreements, Brakley kept it during Fastolf’s whole life,
and a year after, and a copy remained with this deponent after Fastolf’s
death; at which time deponent and Howys were sitting in the hall of the
manor of Caister at supper when William Worcester came into the hall,
and Paston and Howys, rising from supper, had a talk with Clement
Felmyngham, John Brakley, and William Worcester, immediately after
Fastolf’s death. At that time, by the advice of Brakley, a copy of the
agreement was delivered to William Worcester, at his request, folded up
and sealed that night by Brakley, Clement Felmyngham, and Howys. It
remained in Worcester’s keeping till he rode to London, and then he left
it with the said Master John Brakley, Clement Felmyngham, and Thomas
Howys. Its tenor was transcribed on parchment by Shipdam shortly
afterwards.

    [Footnote 181.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] Among the Paston MSS. in
    the British Museum is a small volume (Addit. MS. 27,450) of 132
    pages, with a contemporary parchment cover, consisting entirely of
    examinations of witnesses touching Sir John Fastolf’s Will. It is
    in two parts, separated by a blank page, the first containing the
    depositions of John Paston, taken in 1465, and the second those of
    the witnesses brought forward by Yelverton and Worcester, which
    were taken in 1466. We give here the substance of Part I. only. An
    abstract of Part II. will be found under its proper date.]

  [[and afterwards of Paston.  _final . invisible_]]


607

JOHN PASTON THE YOUNGEST TO MARGARET PASTON[185.1]

_To my mastras, Margaret Paston, be this deliveryd in hast, at London._

[Sidenote: 1465 / SEPT. 14]

Aftyr all humbyll and most dwe recomendacion, as lowly as I can,
I beseche yow of your blyssyng. Plesyt yow to wet that I have sent to my
fadyr to have an answer of syche maters as I have sent to hym for in
hast, of whyche matyrs the grettest of substans is for the maner of
Cotton, besechyng yow to remembyr hym of the same mater, that I may have
an answer in the most hasty wyse.

Also I pray yow that myn Ante Poonyngys[185.2] may be desyiryd to send
me an answer of syche materys as sche wotyth of, by hym that schall
brynge me an answer of the mater of Cotton.

Also, modyr, I beseche yow that ther may be purveyd some meane that I
myth have sent me home by the same mesenger ij. peyir hose, j. peyir
blak and an othyr payir roset, whyche be redy made for me at the hosers
with the crokyd bak, next to the Blak Freyrs Gate, within Ludgate; John
Pampyng knowyth hym well jnow I suppose. And [_if_] the blak hose be
payid for he wyll send me the roset un payd for. I beseche yow that this
ger be not forget, for I have not an hole hose for to doon; I trowe they
schall cost both payr viij_s._

My brodyr[186.1] and my sustyr Anne,[186.2] and all the garyson of
Heylysdon fare well, blyssyd be God, and recomand hem to yow everychon.

I pray yow voysyt the Rood of Northedor[186.3] and Seynt Savyour, at
Barmonsey,[186.4] amonge whyll ye abyd in London, and lat my sustyr
Margery[186.5] goo with yow to pray to them that sche may have a good
hosbond or sche com hom ayen; and now I pray yow send us some tydyngys
as ye wer wonte to comand me; and the Holy Trinyte have yow in kepyng,
and my fayir mastras of the Fleet. Wretyn at Norwyche on Holy Rood Daye.

  Your sone and lowly servaunt,

  J. PASTON THE YOUNGEST.

    [Footnote 185.1: [From Fenn, iv. 224.] It appears by Letter 610
    following that Margaret Paston was in London in September 1465.
    This letter must therefore have been written in that year.]

    [Footnote 185.2: Elizabeth Paston, now widow of Robert Poynings;
    afterwards married to Sir George Brown of Betchworth Castle,
    Surrey.]

    [Footnote 186.1: Sir John Paston.--F.]

    [Footnote 186.2: Anne Paston, afterwards the wife of William
    Yelverton.--F.]

    [Footnote 186.3: The Cross at the north door of St. Paul’s.]

    [Footnote 186.4: The Abbey of Saint Saviour at Bermondsey, in
    Surrey, was founded in 1081, 15th William the Conqueror, by Alwin
    Child of London; it was surrendered in 1539, 31 Hen. VIII., when
    it was pulled down, and a Fair House built on the site by Sir
    Thomas Pope, Knight.--F.]

    [Footnote 186.5: Margery Paston; she afterwards married Richard
    Calle.--F.]


608

ANONYMOUS TO MARGARET PASTON[186.6]

_To my mestresse, Margaret Paston by thys letter delivered._

[Sidenote: 1465 / SEPT. (?)]

Please your good mastreschep to have knowlage that as thys day was
Master Stevyn of Norwich at Caster, and ther he told me he was yesterday
at Hoxhon with the Byschop of Norwych; and ther he seythe that ther is
gret labor mad be Master Phylyp[186.7] and be the baly of Cossey; in so
moche ther is mad a comission on to Master John Salet and Master Robert
Ipyswell for an inquerry that the parson[187.1] that my master[187.2]
mad last at Drayton ys deed, as they sey, and in so moche they purpose
to put in the parson of Felthorp, as he hard sey, for the Duk of
Suffolk. And thes he thynkyth it were a gret urt to my master tytyll.
And also another inquerry howe [_who_] ys patorne of the seyd chyrche;
and thys is leke to come in revelicion but yf [_unless_] ther be gret
labore mad to morowe be tymys and that ye have a man at Hoxhon in all
hast for a newe comicion; and in that commysion Master Stevyn wold that
ye shuld have Master Jon Salet, Master Symond Thornaham, Master Nicholl
Stanton. And that it be mad be the avice of Master Jon Bulman; for he
told Master Stevyn he wold do for you that he may, in so moche Master
Stevyn hathe promyssyd hym a nobyll; and so the seyd Master Stevyn wold
ye shuld send hym a letter and late hym have knolage that Master Stevyn
shall reward hym that he shall hold hym pleasyd.

Item, a told me that a sent a letter to Sir William Maryys of all this
mater yesterday, weder ye have er not he can not sey, but in noo wyse
that ye dyskure not Master Stevyn, for he wold not for an C_li._ that it
ware knowe that ye knewe ther of by hym, for he seythe gold gothe gret
plenty at Hoxhon on ther part. And yf it be labord be tymys it may be
remevyd to Caunterbury. Also yet it is good to send to Norwich to the
seyd Sir William for the letter ar the massanger goth, &c.

    [Footnote 186.6: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter was probably
    written about or before the beginning of September 1465, as the
    proceedings of Salet and Ipyswell on the commission of inquiry
    here referred to are alluded to in a letter of Margaret Paston to
    her husband on the 27th of that month.]

    [Footnote 186.7: Doubtless Philip Lipgate.]

    [Footnote 187.1: This must be John Flowerdew, presented by John
    Paston and Thomas Howes in 1461.]

    [Footnote 187.2: John Paston.]


609

JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON[188.1]

_To my Cosyn Margret Paston._

[Sidenote: 1465 / SEPT. [21]]

Myn owne dere sovereyn lady, I recomaund me to yow, and thank yow of the
gret chere that ye mad me here to my gret cost and charge and labour. No
more at thys tyme, but that I pray yow ye woll send me hedir ij. clue of
worsted[188.2] for dobletts, to happe me thys cold wynter; and that ye
inquere where William Paston bought his tepet of fyne worsted, whech is
almost like silk, and if that be mech fyner thanne that he shuld bye me
after vij. or viij.^s., thanne by me a quarter and the nayle therof for
colers, thow it be derer thanne the tother, for I wold make my doblet
all worsted for worship of Norffolk, rather thanne like Gonnores doblet.

Item, as for the mater of the ix.^{xx.}_li._ askyd by my Lady of
Bedford[188.3] for the maner of Westthirrok, where as Sir Thomas Howes
saith that he hath no wrytyng therof, but that Sir John Fastolf
purchased the seid maner, and payd serteyn money in ernest, and
aftirward graunted his bargeyn to the Duc of Bedford, and so the money
that he toke was for the mony that he had payd. Peraventure Sir Thomas
hath writyng therof, and knowyth it not; for if ther be any such mony
payd upon any bargeyn he shall fynd it in Kyrtlyngs bocks that was Sir
John Fastolfs reseyver, and it was abought such tyme as the Duc of
Bedford was last in Inglond, whech, as it is told me, was the viij. yere
of Kyng Herry the fift, or the viij. yere of Kyng Herry the sext, and
the somme that he payd for the seid bargeyn was CCC. marks. Also he
shall fynd, the xxij. yere of Kyng Herry or ther abought, in the acompts
of on of Fastolfs Reseyvors at London, that ther was take of Sir Thomas
Tyrell, and of the Duchesse of Excestre,[189.1] that was wif to Sir
Lowes John, fermours of the seid maner, serteyn mony for repayment of
part of the seid CCC. marks. Also he shall fynd in yeres after that, or
in that yere, or ther aboutes, that Sir John Fastolf reseyved mony of my
Lord Revers[189.2] that now is, by the name of Richard Wydevile, for his
owne dette dew to Sir John Fastolf; wherfore, if Sir Thomas be trewe to
his master, lete hym do his devoir to make that Worseter, whech is
uphold be hym with the deds goods, to be trewe to his master, or ellis
it is tyme for Sir Thomas to forsake hym, and helpe to punyssh hym, or
men mast sey that Sir Thomas is not trewe; and more over lete Sir Thomas
examine what he can fynd in this mater that I sent hym werd of, whech
mater he shall fynd in the seid Reseyvours bocks, if he list to seke it.

Item, on the day after your departyng, I reseyved letters by Will. Ros
from your sones to me, and to yow, and to Ric. Calle, &c.

  Item, I shall telle you a tale,
  Pampyng and I have picked your male[190.1]
  And taken out pesis[190.2] v.,
  For upon trust of Calles promise, we may soon onthryve;
  And, if Calle bryng us hedir xx_li._,
  Ye shall have your peses ayen, good and round;
  Or ellis, if he woll not pay yow the valew of the peses, there
  To the post do nayle his ere;
  Or ellis do hym some other wrongs,
  For I will no nore in his defaut borough;
  And but if the reseyvyng of my livelod be better plyed
  He shall Crists ours and mine clene tryed;[190.3]
  And loke ye be mery and take no thought,
  For thys ryme is cunnyngly wrought.
  My Lord Persy[190.4] and all this house
  Recomaund them to yow, dogge, catte, and mowse,
  And wysshe ye had be here stille,
  For the sey ye are a good gille.[190.5]
  No more to you at this tyme,
  But God hym save that mad this ryme.
  Wret the      of Sent Mathe,[190.6]
  Be yowr trew and trustie husband, J. P.

    [Footnote 188.1: [From Fenn, iv. 90.] From the mention of ‘this
    cold winter’ at the beginning of this letter we might naturally
    suppose that the feast ‘of Sent Mathe,’ on or about which it was
    written, was that of St. Matthias, which occurs on the 24th of
    February. But we believe the day of St. Matthew to have been
    intended, so that the expression must have had reference to some
    unusually cold weather in September. It is clear from the contents
    of the letter that Margaret Paston had recently been with her
    husband in London, and had just left him in company with Richard
    Calle on her return towards Norfolk. Letters for her and Richard
    Calle had arrived from her two sons since they departed. Now the
    only time, so far as I can find, that Margaret Paston ever visited
    her husband in London--at all events when her sons were grown
    up--was in September 1465; and on that occasion Calle was with
    her, and everything else agrees. Indeed, no one can doubt that the
    latter portion of the letter immediately following was written in
    answer to this letter.]

    [Footnote 188.2: Worsted is a small market-town in the most east
    part of the county of Norfolk, formerly famous for the manufacture
    of those stuffs which still bear its name, and of which, for the
    worship of Norfolk, J. Paston desired his doublet to be made.--F.]

    [Footnote 188.3: Jaquetta, daughter of Peter of Luxembourg, Earl
    of Saint Pol, was the second wife of John, Duke of Bedford, the
    Regent of France during Henry VI.’s minority. She was married to
    him in 1433, and after his decease, in 1435, she became the wife
    of Sir Richard Wydvile, and died in 1472.]

    [Footnote 189.1: Anne, eldest daughter of John Montacute, third
    Earl of Salisbury, married, 1st, Sir Richard Hankford, Knight;
    2ndly, Sir Lewis John, Knight (whose will was proved in 1442); and
    3rdly, John Holland, who was created Duke of Exeter 6th January
    1443, and died in 1446. Fenn erroneously supposed the lady to have
    been the widow of Thomas Beaufort, a previous Duke of Exeter, who
    died in 1426. This Beaufort, Duke of Exeter, married Margaret,
    daughter and heir of Sir Thomas Nevill, but his wife did not
    survive him, as Fenn supposed, for at his death he was found to
    have been tenant of her lands for life by the law of England.
    Fenn’s note on this passage is, however, so interesting that we
    must quote a part of it. Beaufort, Duke of Exeter, was buried in
    the Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds. ‘On digging,’ he says, ‘amongst the
    ruins of this Abbey, the body of the Duke was found, on the 20th
    of February 1772, wrapt in lead, and entire. The face, hair, and
    every part were perfect, and the flesh solid, but being exposed to
    the air, the body soon became offensive . . . . . I procured some
    of the hair, which was of a fine brown colour, and very
    flexible.’]

    [Footnote 189.2: Sir Richard Wydvile, in 1448, was created Baron
    Rivers of Grafton, in Northamptonshire, and elected a Knight of
    the Garter. His daughter Elizabeth afterwards became the Queen of
    Edward IV., who then advanced her father to the dignity of Earl
    Rivers. He was seized by the Lancaster mutineers, and beheaded at
    Banbury in 1469.--F.]

    [Footnote 190.1: Male, or Mail, is a trunk or portmanteau. It is
    to be observed that in the original letter the verses do not
    finish the line but are written as prose.--F.]

    [Footnote 190.2: Pieces of money.]

    [Footnote 190.3: I do not understand this line.--F. Surely ‘ours’
    must be a misreading of ‘curs’ (curse)?]

    [Footnote 190.4: Henry, Lord Percy, son and heir of Henry Percy,
    Earl of Northumberland, who was killed at the Battle of Towton in
    1461, by Eleanor, granddaughter and heir of Robert, Lord Poynings.

    His father having been attainted, he continued to be called Lord
    Percy; but he was afterwards fully restored both in blood and
    title.]

    [Footnote 190.5: An agreeable companion.--F.]

    [Footnote 190.6: St. Matthew’s Day is the 21st September.]


610

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[191.1]

[Sidenote: 1465 / SEPT. 27]

Ryght wourchipful husbonde, I recomaunde me to yow, dyssyryng hertely to
here of yowr welfare, thankyng yow of yowr grett chere that ye made me,
and of the coste that ye dede on me. Ye dede more cost thanne my wylle
was that ye choulde do, but that it plesyd yow to do so, God gyf me
grase to do that may plese yow. Plesyt yow to wet that on Fryday after
myn departyng frome yow I was at Sudbury and spake with the schreve, and
Ric. Calle toke hym the ij. writts, and he brake them, and Ric. hathe
the copes of them;

[Sidenote: Vic. Norfolk pro ovibus.]

and he seyde he wolde send the writts to hys undre-schryf and a leter
therwyth, chargyng hym that he schowlde do ther ine as largely as he owt
to do.

[Sidenote: Answer of the writts and of the replevyn.]

And I and Ric. informyd hym of the demenyng of hys undrchryf, how
parciall he hade be with the other partye, bothe in that mater, and also
for the accionnys beyng in the scher; and he was nothyng wel plesyd of
the demenyng of hys undreschef, and he hat wretyn to hym that he choulde
be indeferent for bothe partyes acordyng to the lawe, bothe for that
materys and for alle other. What the undreschryf wylle do therin I wot
ner, for he is not yet spokyn with.

[Sidenote: Margareta Paston intravit manerium Cotton die Dominica
proxima ante festum Michaelis.]

Item, as for Cotton, I entryd in to the plase as on Sunday last was, and
ther I abode tyll un Wednysday last pasyd. I have left ther John Paston
the yonger, Wykes, and other xij. men for to receive the profyttes of
the maner; and ayenst the day of kepyng of the corte, I hope ther shall
be more to streynkyth them, yf it nede. John Paston hath be with my
lorde of Norfolk seyth [_since_] we entryd, and dyssyryd his good
lorchyp to streynth hym with hys howsolde men and other yf nede be; and
he hath promysyd he would do so.

[Sidenote: I thank yow of your demenyng at Cotton.]

And I sent Ric. Calle on Tusday to Knevett, dysyryng hym that he woulde
sende to hys baley and tenaunts at Mendlesham, that thei choulde be redy
to come to John Paston whan he sent for them; and he sent a man of his
forthwith, chargyng them in aney wyse that they choulde do so.

[Sidenote: Remembir Nakton.]

And he sent me wourde be Ric. and hys sonne also, yf wee were not
stronge inough, that owther he or hys sonne, or bothe yf nede were,
would come with suche feleschipp as they coude gett abowt them, and that
thei woulde do as feythfully as they kowde for yow, bothe in that mater
and in alle other.

Item, on Saterday last was, Jenney ded warne a corte at Calcotte to be
holde ther in hys name as on Tusday last was, and Debenham de[d] charge
another court ther the Sunday next after to be holde ther the same
Tusday in hys name. And Daubeney had knowleche ther of, and he dede send
on Sunday at nyght to yowr elder sonne, for to have some men fro thens;
and so he sent Wykes and Bernay to hym on Monday in the mornyng.

[Sidenote: Mokenge of Jenney and Debenham at Calcotes the Tuisday next
bifore Sen Migchell.]

And assone as thei were come to Castre thei sent for men ther in the
contre, and so they gett them in to a iij.^xx. men; and Daubeney and
Wekes and Bernay rod to Calcott the same Munday at nyght with ther
felechyp, and ther kept them prevye in the pl[a]se, so that non of alle
the tenaunts kneue them ther, saf Rysyngs wyff and her howsolde, tylle
the Theusday at x. of the cloke.

[Sidenote: Now your cost is doon, consideryng your frends be corayges
and your enemyes discoraged, gadir up the profits in all goodly hast,
and that I may see acompt for this trobill tyme.]

And than Sir Thomas Brews, Debunham the fadre,[192.1] and the knyt hys
sonne,[192.2] Jenney, Mykelfylde younger, Jermyn, and younge Jernyngham,
and the Baley of Motforde, with other to the noumbre of a iij.^xx.
persones, coum fro the sessionnys at Becklys, the whech thei hade keppt
ther on the day byfor, coume to Seynt Olevys, and ther thei teryed and
dynyd. And whan thei had dynyd, Sir Gylberde Debenham came to Calcott
with xx. hors for to wett what felechipp ther was in the plase. And than
Wekes aspyed them commyng; and he and Bernay and ij. with them rode owt
to a’ spoke with them. And whan Sir Gilberd aspyd them comyng, he and
his felechipp flede and rode ayen to Seynt Olovys. And than they sent
young Jernyngham and the Baley of Mottforde to yowr men lettyng hem wete
that the Justice of the Pese wer coum doune with Debunham and Jenney, to
se that the pese choulde be kepte, and that thei choulde entre and kepe
the courte in pesible wyse. And yowr men answeryd and seyd that they
knewe no man was possessyd ther in, ner hade no ryght therin but ye, and
so in your name, and in your ryght they seyd they woulde kepyt. And so
they yede ayen with thys answer, and wer put fromme ther purp[o]se that
day. And all the tenaunts bestes wer put fro Calcalcott[193.1] fee, and
challe be tylle other remedy maye be hadde. Yowr men woulde not kepe
ther a cort that daye by cause it was warnyd by the tother parte, but we
wyl do warne a corte and kepyt, I hope in hast. Ye wyll laugh for to
here alle the processe of the demenyng ther, wheche wer to longe to
writt at thys tyme.

[Sidenote: Veneat (_sic_) Barney.]

Bernay challe telle yow whane he come; but he challe not come to yow
tylle after Seynt Feythesmesse,[193.2] that he maye bryng yow answeres
of other materys.

[Sidenote: Cessiones Norwici et Dunwici Martis proximo post festum
Michelis.]

It is tolde me the sessionys choulle be her at Norwiche on Tusday next
comyng, and in Suffolk the Sessionys challe be the same Tusday owther at
Dounwyche or at Ypswyche. I suppose ther challe be labowr ayenst soume
of our folks ther, but we cholle assay to lete ther pourpose yf we maye.

[Sidenote: De prudencia custodiendi Heylesdon.]

It is tolde me yf ther hade no folks a’ be left here in thys plase whyll
I have be owt, they choulde a’ be neue masters her by thys tyme; therfor
it is not good to leve it alone yett.

[Sidenote: Tenentes comitis Oxoniæ pro custodia Cotton.]

Item, Arblaster hathe sent a letter to myn Lorde of Oxenefords tenaunts
that be nerrest abowt Cotton to help John Paston yf they be sent to, &c.

[Sidenote: Episcopus Norwici pro ecclesia de Drayton.]

Item, I was thys daye with myn Lorde of Norwyche at Thorppe, and
informyd hym of the demenyng of the mater for Drayton chyrche, and of
alle the demenyng and parcialte of Master John Solatt and Ypswell; and
also I informyd what disposission that they were of that were upon the
quest.

[Sidenote: Lete yowr counsell comone with hym, but thei may sey they
knowe not myn evidens nor titell,]

And in good feyth me thynkyth by hym that he is ryght ille plesyd that
the mater was so gydyt. He seyde to me ryght pleynly that the Jugis dede
not therin as thei owght to do, and he seyd thowe I hadde hade noo
councell, the he howght of ryght to have assyngyd me councell suche as I
hadde dyssyrid; but he seyde he wyst well he dede in that mater as he
have do in other materys byfor. Me thynkyth by suche thynges I harde
ther that the seyd Master John ner the tother is not grettly in conseyt
at thys tyme; and so tolde me Aschefylde in councell.

[Sidenote: ner have no mor to do by my writynge that I sent yow thanne
to avyse hough I shall take myn accion, and that in that accion I have
as good titell as my Lord of Norwich hath to the chirch of Thorp.]

What the cause was he myght have no leyser to telle me. I mevyd my lorde
in the mater acordyng to the intent of yowr wrytyng yf aney axcion wer
take; and he seyd feythefully yf it myght prevayle yow, he woulde with
ryght good wylle that it choulde be doo; and ellys he woulde not in noo
wyse that it choulde be doo. And he dyssyryde me to sende to hym suche
as be of yowr councell lernyd, that they myght comune with hym therin,
for he seyd he woulde not ye choulde take non axcion therin withowt it
myght provayle. He was well payed that I tolde hym that ye woulde not do
therin withowt hys knowleche and assent; and he seyd he woulde do therin
as he woulde do yf the mater wer hys owne. Be avyse of yowr councell,
I purpose to sende Loumnowr and Playter to commone with hym therin. He
seyd he woulde feyne that ye wer owt of troble; and he seyd, yf he myght
doo owght to helppe yow forwarde in aney of yowr materys, he swore by
heys feythe he wode do hys parte feythfully therin.

[Sidenote: Episcopus apud London.]

He purp[o]syd to be at London thys terme, and thanne he seyd he woulde
speke with yow of maney thyngs; he wycheyd herteley that he myght have
spoke with yow on owr. He mevyd to me of a mater of a jentyllman of
Cornale.

[Sidenote: Cornwayle]

He seyd he woulde speke with yow therof her after; yf it myght be browt
to, it myght do meche good in maney thyngis. I harde yow onys speke of
the same; ye tolde me ye hade be mevyd to therof by other.

Item, I received at letter frome yow yesterday, wherof I thanke yow
hertely, and I praye yow that I maye be as ye writt. And as for suche
materys as Sir Thomas Howys choulde be spoke to for[194.1] I sent Ric.
Calle this day to speke with hym, but he myght not speke with hym; but
as hastely as I may I challe do myn parte to spede the erands and other.

[Sidenote: Ecclesia de Mautby.]

It is tolde me that Sir Thomas wyll ressyng Mautby chyrche, and yf it
plesyd yow to geve it to on Sir Thomas Lyndis, I truste verely that ye
choulde leke hym ryght well, for he is rit a prystly man and vertusly
dysposyd. I have knowe hym this xx. yer and mor; he was brother to the
goode parsone of Seynt Michellys that ye lovyd ryght well; and yf he
myght havyt he woulde kepe an howsolde therupon and bylde (?) well the
plase (?); and therof have it grete nede, for it is now rit evyll
reparyd, and I wott well he woll be rulyd and gydyt as ye wyll have hym.

[Sidenote: Wursted.]

I praye yow, yf it plese yow that he have it, that it lekyth yow to
sende me an answer by the berrer herof.

Item, I have do spoke for yowr worstede[195.1] but ye may not have it
tylle Halowmesse; and thane I am promysyd ye challe have as fyne as maye
be made. Ric. Calle challe bryng it up with hym.

Wretyn the Fryday next before Michelmas day.

    [Footnote 191.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is apostyled
    in the handwriting of John Paston, and numbered ‘IIII.’ at the
    head, showing that it is of the same sequence as the next, which
    is numbered ‘V.’ and dated on the very same day. In fact, the
    latter is clearly nothing but a postscript to this, and bears the
    address upon the back, which this does not.]

    [Footnote 192.1: Gilbert Debenham, senior, Esq.]

    [Footnote 192.2: Sir Gilbert Debenham.]

    [Footnote 193.1: So in MS.]

    [Footnote 193.2: 6th October.]

    [Footnote 194.1: _See_ No. 609.]

    [Footnote 195.1: _See_ No. 609, p. 188, Note 2.]


611

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[195.2]

_To my ryght worschipfull husbond, John Paston, in haste._

[Sidenote: To get a copy [of] that he hath . . hed; notwithstandyng [I]
wote well thei have found non such evidens as ye wene.]

Item, it was tolde me thys day that Master John Salatt hathe made a
serge in the regestre this monethe aftre the wylles and testements or
suche as hought the maners of Heylesdon and Drayton this c. yere, and be
that hathe they founde suche evidence as schal be gret strenghthyng to
the Duks tittle, as it is seide. I undrestonde verely that Mastre John
Salet is all on that partye, and no thyng with you.

Item, as for the bill that ye sent to Sir Thomas Howys touchyng on
Edmond Carvyll and on Fraunces, I wote ner whether he had hem or nought,
for he is not spoken with yett in the maters. As wee spede owr materys,
we chall sende yow answers of them as hastely as we maye. At the
reverense of God, spede ye yowr materys that ye maye come owte of that
loggyng that ye ar in as hastely as ye maye, for I have non fansey with
some of the felechipp. I tolde yow, as me thowth, I praye yow be ware,
&c.

I praye yow yf it plese yow that I may be recommaundyd to my Lorde
Percy, and to myn mastres, and to my Lorde Abott. And I pray God bryng
yow and them owt of troble, and send yow good spede in alle yowr
materys. Wretyn in hast, the Fryday next afor Michellmes.

  Be yowr,

  M. P.

Yf it plese yow to send aney thyng by the berer herof, he is trusty
inough.

    [Footnote 195.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is apostyled
    in the handwriting of John Paston, and numbered ‘V’ at the head.
    As it refers to Paston’s dispute with the Duke of Suffolk about
    the manors of Hellesden and Drayton, it must belong to the year
    1465. The reader will also perceive that it contains an allusion
    to John Paston’s imprisonment in the Fleet, and to my Lord Percy,
    who is mentioned in Letter 609, and who must have been a
    fellow-prisoner of Paston’s.]


612

SIR JOHN PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[196.1]

_[To] his ryght worschypful [fa]dre John Paston, beyng [in t]he Flete at
London, be thys delyvered._

Ryght Worschypful Syr, in the most lowly wyse I recomand me to you.
Pleasyth it you to wet that I sente you a letter but late agoo, in whych
letter I lete you have understondyng that if it pleasyd yow to grante
and assente therto, Syr Thomas Howes wolde resyngne the benefyse of
Mawteby to a ful prestly man of Norwych callyd Sir Thomas Lyndys, whom I
suppose ye have knolech of. Neverthelesse I wote wele he hath not ben
grettly aquentyd with you. But I and he have ben moch aquentyd to geder,
and I understond and knowe hys vertews levyng and dysposicion ryght
wele; whyche heraffter, I wote wele, sholde please you ryght wele. And
that letter whyche I sente you as I understode syns Nycholas Calman the
berer ther of came not owte of Norwych iiij. or v. dayes after that the
bylle was delyveryd hym; wherefor I am in dowte whyther it is come to
your handes.

Whych causyth me to wryght to you ageyn in thys wyse, besechyng yow, if
it plese yow that the seyd Sir Thōs Lyndys schal be of your promotynge
in the wyse above wretyn that there it lyke you that I may have answer
by the berer herof; whych schal tary at London a day or ij., and not
passynge. No more to yow at thys tyme, but Alle myghty God have yow in
guydynge. Wretyn at Heylesdon the Fryday next byfore Seynt Mychell.

  By yowr older sone,

  JOHN PASTON.

    [Footnote 196.1: [MS. in Pembroke College, Cambridge.] This
    letter, as will be seen, was written in 1465 on the same day as
    Margaret Paston’s two letters, Nos. 610, 611.]

  [[and not passynge.  _final . invisible_]]


613

SIR JOHN PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[197.1]

_To my ryth reverrend and worchepfull fadre, John Paston, be thys
delyveryd._

[Sidenote: 1465 / OCT. 3]

Aftyr all humbyll and most due recomendacion, as lowly as I can,
I beseche yow of your blyssyng. Plesyt yow to have knowlege that as on
Sonday next be for Myhelmas Day, as my modyr came fro London ward, sche
cam homward by Cotton, and sche sent for me to Heylysdon to come to hyr
thedyr, and so I have ben in the plase ever sethyn. And as sone as
Myhelmas Day was past, I begane to dystreyne the tenants, and gadryd
some syllvyr, as myche, I trowe, as wyll pay for our costs; and yet I
cepe here ryth a good felawschep, and mor wer promysyd me, whyche that
came not to me, wherby I was ner deseyvyd. For when Debnam herd sey how
that I began to gadyr sylvyr, he reysyd many men with in j. daye and an
halfe, to the nombyr of iij^c. men, as I was credebly assartaynyed by a
yeman of the chambyr of my Lordys[198.1] that owythe me good wyll, whech
yeman, as sone as he had sene ther felauschep, rod streyth to my Lord
and informyd hym of it; and also he informyd my Lord how that I had
gadryd a nothyr gret felashschep, whyche felawschep he namyd more than
we wer by j^c. and an halfe and yett more. And he seyd on to my Lord and
my Lady, and to their consell, that with owt that my Lord took a
dyrectyon in the mater, that ther wer leek to be do gret harme on bothe
oure pertyes, wheche wer a gret dysworchep to my Lord, consederyng how
that he takyth us bothe for hys men, and so we be knowyn well inow. Upon
whyche informacion, and dysworchep to my Lord, that tweyn of hys men
schold debat so ner hym, contrary to the Kyngs pese, consedryd of my
Lord and my Lady and ther cownsell, my Lord sent for me and Syr Gylberd
Debnam to come to hym to Framlyngham bothe, and as it fortunyd well my
modyr come to me to Cotton not half an owyr be for that the mesenger
came to me fro my Lord, wheche was late upon Twysday last past at nyth;
and the next day on the mornyng I rod to my Lord to Framlyngham, and so
ded Syr Gylberd also. And as sone as we wer come, we wer sent for to
come to my Lord, and when we come to my Lord, he desiyryd of us bothe
that we schold neythyrthyr gadyr no felawschep, but syche men as we had
gadryd that we schold send hem home a yen, and that the coort schold be
contenuyd in to the tyme that my Lord, or suche as he wold asyngne, had
spok bothe with yow and Yelverton and Jenney, and that on indeferent man
chosyn by us bothe schold be assynyd to kepe the plase in to the tyme
that ye and they wer spook with.

And then I answed my Lord, and seyd how that at that tyme I had my
maistyr within the maner of Cotton, whyche was my modyr, and in to the
tyme that I had spook with hyr I cowd geve none answer; and so my Lord
sent Rychord Fulmerston, berer hereof, to my modyr thys day for an
answer, whyche answer he schold bryng to my Lord to London, for my Lord
rod to Londons word as yesterday, and the soner be cause he trustyd to
have a good end of this mater and alle othyr be twyx yow, whyche he
takyth for a gret worchep to hym, and a gret avantage bothe, and he cowd
bryng this mater abowt, for then he wold trust to have your servyse,
alle whyche wer to hym gret tresour and avantage.

And this was the answer that my modyr and I gave hym, that at the
instans of my Lord and my Ladye we wold do thus myche as for to put the
coort in contenuans, and no more to receyve of the profyts of the maner
than we had, and had dystresid for tyll in to the tym that sche and I
had werd ayen fro my Lord and yow, if so wer that they wold neythyr mak
entreys nor dystreyn the tenantys, nor chepe no coort mor then we wold
do. And we told Rychord Fulmerston that thys my modyr and I ded at the
instans and gret request of my Lord, be cause my Lord intendyd pes,
whyche resonably we wold not be ayenst, and yet we seyd we knew well
that we schold have no thank of yow when ye knew of it, with owt it wer
be cause we ded it at my Lordys instans. But be for thys answer we had
receyvyd as myche sylvyr full ner as Rychord Calle sent us bokys of for
to gadyryt bye; and as for the possessyon of the plase, we told hym that
we wold kepe it, and Syr Gylberd agreyd, so that Yelverton and Jeney
would do the same; for it was tyme for hym to sey so, for my Lord told
hym that he wold hym fast by the feet ellys, to be suyr of hym, that he
schold make non insurreccions in to the tyme that my Lord came ayen fro
London.

I wene, and so dothe my modyr bothe, that thys appoyntment was mad in
good tyme; for I was deseyvyd of bettyr than an C. men and an halfe that
I had promyse of to have come to me when I sent for hem. Thys promes had
I befor that I sent to yow the last lettyr the daye aftyr Seynt Myhell.
Jenney herd seye that I cepyd Cotton, and he rod to Nacton, and ther
held a cort and receyvyd the profytys of the maner.

I beseche yow that I may have knowlage in hast fro yow ye wyll that I be
demenyd in thys mater and in al othyr, and I schal aplye me to fulfyll
your intent in them to my power by the grace of God, whom I beseche have
yow in guydyng, and sende yow yowyr herts desyir. Wretyn at Hemnalle
Halle, in Cotton, the Thursday next befor Seynt Feythe.

My modyr recomandyth her to yow, and preyith yow to hold hyr excusyd
that sche wrytyth not to yow at thys tyme, for sche may have no leyser.
The berer her of schall informe yow whedyr Jeney wyll agre to thys
appoyntment or not. I thynk he dar do non othyr wyse.

  Your sone and lowly servaunt,

  JOHN PASTON.

    [Footnote 197.1: [From Fenn, iv. 80.] The signature of this
    letter, according to the fac-simile referred to by Fenn, is that
    of Sir John Paston, the eldest son of the person addressed. The
    date is undoubtedly 1465, as it will be seen by Letter 610 that
    Margaret Paston entered Cotton on Sunday before Michaelmas in that
    year.]

    [Footnote 198.1: The Duke of Norfolk.]


614

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK TO JOHN PASTON, THE YOUNGEST[200.1]

_To owr trusty and enterly beloved servaunt, John Paston, Esquyr._

THE DEUKE OF NORFF.

[Sidenote: 1465 / OCT. 12]

Ryght welbeloved servaunt, y grete yow hertly welle, sertefyng that we
shulle be at fulle age on Fryday nexst comyng. Wherfor, wele consayled
be the Lordes of owr Consayle and oder of owr Consayle, that ye, on of
owr servaunts of howsholde, with oder, be with us at London on Fryday or
Saterday nexst comyng at the ffurdest, too a companye us thann too owr
worshyp, for we shull have thann levery of owr landes and offyces; and
that ye ffayle us not, as ye woll have owr good Lordeshyp in tyme
comyng; and also that ye doo warne owr ffeede men[201.1] and servaunts,
suche as be nye too yow, that they be ther thann in owr leverey.
Y wreton the xij. day of October.

  NORFF.

    [Footnote 200.1: [From Fenn, iv. 62.] John Mowbray, third Duke of
    Norfolk, died on the 6th November 1461. It appears by the
    Inquisitions _post mortem_, 1 Edward IV., No. 46, that John, his
    son and successor in the title, was seventeen years old on St.
    Luke’s Day (18th October) in that year. He must therefore have
    been born on the 18th October 1444, and would have been of full
    age on Friday, 18th October 1465. The John Paston, Esq., to whom
    this letter was addressed, must have been the youngest of that
    name, who, as we have seen already, had been serving in the Duke’s
    household. His father was at this time a prisoner in the Fleet, so
    that the letter could not have been intended for him.]

    [Footnote 201.1: Those who held lands of the Duke as their
    superior.]


615

THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK’S ATTACK ON HELLESDON[201.2]

[Sidenote: 1465 / OCT. 14]

Thys be the parcell underwryten of such godys as were taken and beren
away at Haylesdon, of John Pastons, hys sones and hys servaunts by the
Duk of Suffolk servaunts and tenaunts the xiiij. day of October the v.
yere of Kyng E. the iiij^te, the whych day the place of Haylesdon was
broken and pullyd dowyn, &c.

In primis, ther was lost of John Pastons ther at that tyme in beddyng
ij. ffeder bedds with ij. bolsters, iiij. materas, with iiij. bolsters;
a grete seler with the testor, and iij. corteyns of whyte lynen cloth,
and a coverlyte of whyte werstede longyng therto.

Item, a selere with a testore, and iij. corteyns of blewe bokeram with a
coveryng of blew werstede longyng therto; v. pylowys of dowyn, vj.
coverlyts of werk of dyvers colors, vj. payr blankettys, ij. payr shytes
of iij. webbys, ij. hedshytes of ij. webbys, vj. payre shytes of ij.
webbys, ij. basons of pewter, and iij. candelstykks of latyn for the
chamber.

_The Botere._

Item, in primis, vj. bord clothys, vj. towellys, xij. napkyns, vj.
candelstykks of laton, ij. saltsalers of sylver, ij. saltsalers of
pewter, ij. basons of pewter with ij. ewers, a barell of vyneger,
a barell of vergyous, xij. ale stondys, ij. pantre knyves, a pyce of
sylver, a pype for brede, a ale stole, xij. spones of sylver, &c.

_The Browhern._

Item, a grete lede to brew v. comb malte with one plawyng, a mayshsate,
ij. kylyng sates, vj. kylers, ij. clensyng sates, a taptrogh, a temps to
clense, with a scyppe to bere malte, a syff to syft malte, a bultyng
pype, ij. knedyng satys, a moldyng bord.

_The Kychyn._

Item, ij. dosyn pewter vessell, iiij. grete bras pannes, iij. potts of
bras, j. greddyron, ij. broches, j. dressyng knyff, j. morter of marbell
with a pestell, j. litell panne of bras of di. galon, ij. pothoks, ij.
rakks of yron, ij. brendeletts, a almary to kepe in mete, j. axe to
clyve wode, ij. saltyng satys to salte in fflesh.

_Gere taken owt of the Chyrch._

Item, in the stepell, ix. sheffe arwys, ix. bawys, ij. handgonnes, iiij.
chambers for gonnys, ij. mallys of lede, ij. jakks.

Item, in the church, a purs and iij. gold ryngs, a coler of sylver of
the Kyngs lyvery and a nobyll of viij_s._ iiij_d._ the whych was Wykys.

Item, a syde gowne of blewe of Wyks.

Item, a stokke gonne with iij. chambers.

_Gere taken owte of the Chaumber of Ric. Calle._

Item, a syde morrey gowne, a dobelet of blak satyn, a payre hosyn,
a jakks, the polronds of a payr bryganders of rede sateyn ffugr.

Item, a payr of large tabelles of box, pris vj_s._ viij_d._

Item, a staffe, pris iij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, boke of Frensh, pris iij_s._ iiij_d._

_Gere taken away of Margeret Pastons._

Item, an unce of gold of Venyse, di. pype of gold damask, di. unc’ of
gold of Gene, an unc’ of sylk, a li. of threde, a close glasse of yvery,
a grete combe of yvere, a fyne kerchy of fyne Holond cloth, a quarter of
blak velwet.

_Gere of Johanne Gayns._

Item, a ryng of gold with a dyamonics, a typet of sarsenet, a nobyll of
x_s._, a nobyll viij_s._ iiij_d._

_Gere of John Wyks._

Item, a dobelet of blak fusteyn, a hers harnys, vj_s._ a gray hers, pris
xl_s._, ij. shertys, pris iiij_s._

_Will. Bedford._

Item, a Normandy byll and a bawe, pris of them both vj_s._

_John Boteler._

Item, a payr botys, a payr sporys, a shert, a cappe, a hatte, a dobelet,
a payr hosyn, a brydell, ij. crepers, v. ston of wall, xxx. welfellys,
a spere staff.

_Shepe._

Item, taken away uppon Draytun grounde at on tyme by the baylly of
Cossey and others, CC. shepe callyd hoggys.

Item, at a nother tyme, uppon the same ground, iiij^xx. hoggys and xl.
theyves.

Item, at a nother tyme, at Haylesdon, by the baylly of Cossey and
Bottesford and other, viij^cc. moder shype and CCCC. lambes.

   *   *   *

Memorandum, a gowne of Richard Calle, pris ix_s._, j. peyr hosen,
iij_s._, j. swerd, iij_s._, ij. bonets, ij_s._ . . . . j. jakk, xxvj_s._
viij_d._, j. schert, iij_s._ iiij_d._

Memorandum, the pullyng downe of the place at Heylesden, to the hurts
and skathes of ----

Item, the pullyng downe of the logge of Heylesden.

Item, the distroyng of the waryne at Heylesdon.

Item, . . . . the maner and the warreyn.

Item, memorandum, the rydyngs and costs off suthe.

Memorandum, the assaw made uppon Marg. Paston, Sir John Paston, at
Heylysdon beeffor the place was . . . . . . .

Memorandum, the imprisonment off Sir John Paston in the Flet and in the
Kyngs Benche.

    [Footnote 201.2: [From a Bodl. MS.]]

  [[Item, boke of Frensh, pris iij_s._ iiij_d._
    _text has “iiij_a._” (italic a for d)_]]


616

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[204.1]

[Sidenote: 1465 / OCT. 17]

On Tuesday in the morwyn whas John Botiller, otherwyse callid John
Palmer, and Davy Arnald your cook, and William Malthows of Aylsham,
takyn at Heylesdon be the balyf of Ey callid Bottisforth, and led for to
Cossey, and ther thei kepe hem yet with ought any warant or autoryte of
Justice of Peas. And thei saye thei will carie hem forth to Ey preson,
and as many as thei may gete more of your men and tenaunts, that thei
may know that owe yow good wyll or hath be to you ward, thei be thret to
be slayn or presoned. The Duke came to Norwich[204.2] on Tuesday at x.
of clok with the nombre of v. hundred men. And he sent after the Meyr
and Alderman with the Sherefs desiryng hem in the Kyngs name that thei
shuld take an enqueraunce of the constablys of every ward with in the
cyte what men shuld a go on your party to have holpyn or socowryd your
men at any tyme of thes gaderyngs, and if any thei cowde fynde, that
thei shuld take and arest hym and correct hym, and also certifie hym the
names on Wyndenesse day [_Wednesday_] be viij. of clok. Which the Meyr
dede, and wull do anythyng that he may for hym and his. And her up on
the Meyr hath arestid on that was with me callid Roberd Lovegold,
braser, and threte hym that he shall be hanged be the nek; wherfor I
wuld that ther myght come down a writ to remeve hym if ye thynk it be to
do. He was not with me not save that Harleston and other mad the
assaught up on me and Lammesse; he is right good and feythfull on to
you, and therfore I wuld he had help. I have non man at this tyme to
avayte upon me that dare be avowyd but Litill John. William Nawton is
here with me, but he dare not ben avowyd, for he is sore thret. It is
told me the old Lady and the Duke is set fervently ageyn us be the
enformacion of Harlesdon, the Bayly of Cossey and Andrewys and Doget the
balys sone, and suych other fals shrewys the which wuld have thes mater
born ought for ther owyn pleser; the which causith an[205.1] evyll noyse
in this contre and other places. And as for Sir John Hevenyngham, Sir
John Wyndefeld and other wurchepfull men ben mad but her
doggeboldes;[205.2] the whiche I suppose wull turne hem to diswurchep
here after. I spake with Sir John Hevenyngham and enformed hym with the
trough of the mater, and of all owyr demenyng at Drayton, and he seid he
wuld that all thyng wer wele, and that he wuld enforme my lord as I seid
to hym, but Harleston had all the words and the rewle with the Duke
here, and after his avyse and Doctor Aleynes he was avysed here at this
tyme.

The logge and the remenaunte of your place was betyn down on Tuesday and
Wednesday, and the Duke rode on Wednysday to Drayton and so for to
Cossey whille the logge at Heylesdon was in the betyng down. And this
nyght at mydnyght Thomas Sleyforth, Grene Porter, and Joh. Botesforth
the Baly of Eye, and other, had a cart and fetched awey fetherbeddes,
and all the stuffe that was left at the parsones, and Thom Wateres hows
to be kept of owrs. I shall send you billes er after, as ner as I may,
what stuffe we have forborn. I pray you send me word how ye will that I
be demened, wheder ye wull that [I][205.3] abide at Cayster or come to
you to London. I have no leyser to write more. God have yow in His
kepyng. Wretyn at Norwich on Sent Lukes Evyn.

  M. P.

    [Footnote 204.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is not
    addressed, but seems undoubtedly to have been intended for the
    writer’s husband. The attack upon the lodge at Hellesden here
    referred to was in 1465, as appears by the letter immediately
    following.]

    [Footnote 204.2: ‘Norwich.’ --This word is interlined, the writer
    having originally written ‘this town,’ and afterwards struck out
    the word ‘town.’]

    [Footnote 205.1: _an_--&, MS.]

    [Footnote 205.2: The old word ‘dogbolt’ seems to have meant a
    servile follower, or one bound to wait the commands of another.
    Thus in Lilly’s _Tragicall Comedie of Alexander and Campaspe_,
    where Manes complains that he serves a master whose house is a
    tub, Granichus remarks ‘That Diogenes that dog should have Manes
    that dogbolt it grieveth nature and spiteth art.’]

    [Footnote 205.3: Omitted in MS.]


617

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[206.1]

_To my ryght wyrshypfull hosbond, John Paston, be thys delyveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1465 / OCT. 27]

Ryght wyrshypfull hosbond, I recomand me to you. Please it you to wyte
that I was at Haylesden uppon Thersday laste passyd, and sey the place
ther, and in gode feyth ther wyll no cryatur thynke how fowle and
orubelly it ys arayed but yf they sey it. Ther comyth moch pepyll dayly
to wonder ther uppon, both of Norwych and of other placys, and they
speke shamfully therof. The Duck had be beter then a m^{l}._li._ that it
had never be don; and ye have the more gode wyll of the pepyll that it
ys so foylle don. And they made youre tenauntys of Haylesdon and
Drayton, with other, to help to breke down the wallys of the place and
the logge both,--God knowyth full evyll ayenst ther wyllys, but that
they derst no notherwysse don for ferre. I have spoken with your
tenauntys of Haylesdon and Drayton both, and putte hem in comfort as
well as I canne. The Duck ys men rensackyd the church, and bare a way
all the gode that was lefte ther, both of ours and of the tenaunts, and
lefte not so moch but that they stode uppon the hey awter, and ransackyd
the images, and toke a way such as they myght fynd, and put a way the
parson owte of the church till they had don, and ransackyd every mans
hous in the towne v. or vj. tymys. And the chyff maysters of robbyng was
the Baylly of Ey, the Baylly of Stradbroke, Thomas Slyford, and Porter;
and Slyford was the chyff robber of the cherch, and he hath most of the
robbery next the Baylly of Ey. And as for lede, bras, pewter, yren,
dorys, gatys, and other stuffe of the hous, men of Coshay and Causton
have it, and that thay myght not cary, thay have hewen it a sonder in
the most dysspytuose wyse. Yf it myght be, I wold som men of wyrshop
myght be send from the Kyng to see how it ys both ther and at the logge,
or than any snowys[207.1] com, that they may make report of the troth,
ellys it shall not mo be seyn so playnly as it may now.

And at the reverens of God, spyde your maters nowe, for it ys to orybell
a cost and trobell that we have now dayly, and most have tyll it be
other wyse; and your men dar not goo abowte to geder uppe your lyfflode,
and we kype here dayly more than xxx. persons for savacyon of us and the
place, for, in very trowght, and the place had not be kypyd strong, the
Duck had come hether. Arblaster thynketh verely that Hugh a Fen may do
moch in your maters, and he thynkyth that he wole do for you faythfully,
yf ye wyll, &c.

At the reverens of God, yf any wyrshypfull and profetabile mene may be
take yn your maters, for sake it not in eschuyng of our trobell and gret
costs and charges that we have, and may growe here after. It ys thoght
here that yf my Lord of Norffolk wolld take uppon hym for you, and that
he may have a comyssyon for to enquer of such ryotts and robberyes as
hath be don to you and other in thys contray, that then all the contray
wyll a wayte uppon hym, and serve your entent; for the pepyll lovyth and
dredyth hym more then any other lord except the Kyng and my Lord of
Warwyk, &c.

God have you in Hys kypyng, and send ous gode tydyngs from you. Wryten
in haste, uppon the Sonday Seynt Symon and Jude ys Evyn.

  By yours,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 206.1: [From Fenn, iv. 226.] The Eve of St. Simon and
    Jude is the 27th October. It fell on Sunday in the year 1465.]

    [Footnote 207.1: Fenn remarks that if we may judge from the
    mention of snow in this place, the winters began earlier in those
    days than they do now. But perhaps Margaret was only urging the
    necessity of timely action, taking into consideration the ordinary
    delays of suitors. We have seen, however, from Letter 609 that in
    the year 1465 there must have been unusually cold weather even in
    the beginning of September.]


618

MESSAGE TO SIR WILLIAM YELVERTON[208.1]

_This is the Instruccion for the Messenger._

That ye grete well Sir William Yelverton, letyng hym wete in our behalf
we be informed that certeyn persones, in the name of the right
worshipfull our cosyn the Duc of Suffolk, have enterid in the manoir of
Drayton that was Fastolffes, and have dreven from the seid manoir and
other xiij^c. shep and other bestes pastured upon the seid manoir.
Notwithstandyng, we merveyle gretly that the seid Sir William, his sones
and servauntes, as it is seid, assiste and comfort the seid persones so
entryng and withdrawyng the seid catell, seying that he is named both
feffe and executour. And all be it so that there is variaunce bithwene
hym and our welbelovid John Paston in our coort, consernyng as well the
seid manoirs as other goodes that were Sir John Fastolffes, whom God
assoyle, yit it may not acorde with worship and consiens for the seid
Sir William to assiste the distruccion of the seid manoirs and goodes in
the meane tyme. Wherfore we desire hym that he woll do his devoir
effectually to help to save the seid manoirs from all such pretense of
titell, and to cause the seid catels to be restored to the manoirs
aforeseid, and not to be withdrawen and distroyed as they be; and that
he do his feithfull part in this behalf acordyng to the trust that he
was put in, as we may do for hym in tyme to come.

    [Footnote 208.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This appears to be a
    message from the King rebuking Judge Yelverton for partizanship in
    assisting the Duke of Suffolk against Paston in his entry into the
    manor of Drayton. The date is therefore 1465. The MS., however, is
    only a corrected draft, and it is not certain that such a message
    was actually sent.]

  [[yit it may not acorde  _text has “yit is”_]]


619

JOHN WYMONDHAM TO JOHN PASTON[209.1]

_To my worchipful cosyn, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1465(?) / NOV. 10]

Rygth worchipful cosyn, I comaunde me to yow. And forasmoch as ther was
a child ded at Asteles, and on other lik to be ded in the same place,
what tyme that I rode oute aboute my litil livelod, my lady and I bothe
thoughte pite on my mastres your wif to se her abide ther, and desirid
here to com to my pore hous on to soch tyme as ye shuld a be othirwise
avised, wyche, if it plese yow, I am right wel apaied.

Sythen, I undirstande be my lady that ye desire to knowe whedyr that I
shulde abide here stille or nowe [_or no_]. As to that, I have non other
place that I wold abide at, and my lady seith how she is avised to ende
hir lif here. Also she seith how ye desire to have a stabil with inne my
plas; and as to that, afeith, sir, I have none, but that must nedis
serve for my wode. As for a chambre, ye shall have on for your men al
redy, and as touching a stabil, Sir John Sparham and I have gote yow on
ther [_where_] your hors stode the last tyme ye were in this town, and
an hows to ley inne hey and straw, and cost yow not but making of a rak
and a mangeour, and more to your ease there than here; and yf ye wyl
that it be made redy for yow, send werd be the bringer of this letter.
And, cosyn, as towching to paiment, I can not sey how ye shal be pleasid
with my pore fare, but aftir that ye arn com home, and arn aqweintid
there with, we shal so acorde as shal be plesir to us bothe, with the
grace of God, which have [you] in His blissid governaunce, and send yow
your moderis blissing.

Wreten at Norwich, on Seint Martyn is Even.

  Your poer cosyn and ffrend,

  J. WYMONDHAM.

And how that ever ye do, hold up your manship.

    [Footnote 209.1: [From Fenn, iv. 240.] As to the date of this
    letter, we can only reproduce what is said of it by Sir John Fenn:
    ‘John Wymondham, Esq., the writer of this letter, married Margery,
    the daughter of Sir Robert Clifton, Knight, of Denver, in Norfolk,
    and widow of Sir Edward Hastings, of Elsing, Knight. He therefore
    calls her “My Lady.” He died in 1475.

    ‘He purchased the manor and estate at Felbrigg, of the trustees of
    Sir Simon Felbrigg, where he had resided; but once in his absence
    Sir John Felbrigg made a forcible entry, and dragging out his Lady
    by the hair of her head, who had locked herself up in a chamber to
    keep possession, got into possession, and retained it till
    Wymondham obtained the King’s order to Thomas Montgomery, Esq.,
    High Sheriff of the county, to put him again into possession. The
    dispute was then settled with Sir John Felbrigg, and upon
    Wymondham’s paying to him 200 marks [£133 : 6 : 8] he released his
    claims, &c.

    ‘This letter seems to have been written during the time that he
    was dispossessed of Felbrigg, and which must have been either
    before the year 1461 or 1466, those being the years in which Sir
    Thomas Montgomery was Sheriff of Norfolk, and as J. Paston at this
    time seems to have been under misfortunes, it was probably near
    the latter year. I have therefore ventured, though doubtfully, to
    date the letter in 1465.’]


620

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[210.1]

_To my Rightwurshipfull hosbond, John Paston, be this delyveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1441-65 / NOV.]

Riht worchipfull hosbond, I recomand me to yow, praying yow to wete that
I have receyvid the mony that Mayster Brakle had of yow, wherof he hath
ageyn v. marc. uppon pledgis of the too basonys that ye had of hym tyll
ye come hom. As for cloth for my gowne, I can non gete in this town
better than that is that I send yow an exsample of, whiche me thynkith
to symple bothe of colour and of cloth. Wherfor I pray yow that ye woll
vouchesauf to do bey for me iij. yerdis and j. quarter of seche as it
pleasith yow that I shuld have, and what colour that pleaset yow, for in
gode feyth I have do sowte all the draperis schopis in this town, and
her is right febill cheys. Also I pray yow that ye woll do bey a loff of
gode sugour and di. j. lb. [_half one pound_] of holl synamun, for ther
is non gode in this town; and as for mony, ther is non of your tenantis
ne fermouris bryngith non as yett. As for tydyngis in this countre,
Herry Ingloses men have slayn ij. men of Tonsted on Thursday last past,
as it is seyd, and all that countre is sore trobelid therwith; and if he
had abedyn at home he had be lyke to have be fechid owte of his owyn
hows, for the peple ther abowght is sor meved with hym. And on Saterday
last past he come ryding thorow this town toward Framyngham; and if he
had abedyn in this town he shuld have ben arestyd; for men of Tonsted
and of the countre pusewid after hym in to this town, and made agrett
noyse of hym, and required the mayre and sheryves that he ne his men
shuld not pas the town, but that they shuld do as it longed to here
parte to do, and told hem the cause why; and as it is seyd the
sergeantis were fals, and lete hym have knowleche ther of, and he hythid
hym hens in hast, &c. The blyssyd Trynyte have yow in His keping. Wreten
att Norwyche on the Weddenesday next after Seynt Martyn.

  Be yowris,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 210.1: [Add. MS. 33,597, f. 2.] The year in which this
    letter was written is altogether uncertain.]


621

NOTE

The letter of John Payn to John Paston (No. 126 in vol. ii.), which, on
account of the circumstances to which it refers, we have placed in the
year 1450, was written, as appears by the contents, fifteen years later,
_i.e._ in 1465. We therefore call the reader’s attention to it in this
place.


622

FUNERAL OF LADY KATHARINE HOWARD[211.1]

[Sidenote: 1465]

This wrytenge, made at Stokeneylond the v^th yer of Kynge Edward the
iiii^th and the morowe next affter Sowlemesse day, wytnesseth that this
day and yer a bove said my lady, dame Kateren Howard, departed to God,
and my master spent uppon her at this day a bove wreten at her beryinge,
and also at her vij^th day, more than

                                                               xx_li._

  Also my master spent uppon her at her xxx^ti day, in almesse and in
      odre costes, in primis to v.M^{l}. and ccc. of pore folke every
      pece takenge i_d._                         Summa xxij_li._ v_s._

  Item, my master gaff to vi^{xx}ix. prestes and clerkes every
      pece vj_d._                       Summa iij_li._ iiij_s._ vj_d._

  Item, my master gaff to lxviii. cheldren in the quere every
      pece ii_d._                                 Summa x_s._ iiij_d._

  Item, my master paid for blakke cloth for gownes for his men
      vij^xx yerdes prise of every yerde iii_s._ iiii_d._
                                                        Summa xxj_li._

  Item, my master bout as myche waxe for torches and taprys as
      cost hym                            viij. markis. iij_s._ ij_d._

  Item, my master paid for xiij. pore mennes gownes for the clothe
      and for the makengs                                      lij_s._

  Item, my master spent in all maner of spyces as myche as drew
                                                       liij_s._ xj_d._

  Item, my master spent in wyne at the said day            iij. pypes.

  Item, my master spent in maltt for brewenge              viij. seme.

  Item, my master spent in bere at the same day       xxxij. barelles.

  Item, my master spent in whete to make brede and odre bakenge
                                                           xiij. seme.

  Item, my master spent at the said day in brawne      ij. gret bores.

  Item, in beff                                       xij. gret oxsen.

  Item, in moton                                            xl. shepe.

  Item, in porke                                          xij. hogges.

  Item, in pygges                                                 lxx.

  Item, in swannes                                                xij.

  Item, in geese                                            iiij^{xx}.

  Item, in conyis                                           c. cowple.

  Item, in capons                                              xxiiij.

  Item, in chekens                                           vij^{xx}.

  Item, in venyson                                          xxx. dois.

  Item, in pertryches                                    iiij. doseyn.

  Item, in fesauntis                                              xiv.

  Item, in pekokkes                                               vij.

  Item, in mallardes                                      iij. doseyn.

  Item, in plovers                                        iij. doseyn.

  Item, in eggis                                              viij. C.

  Item, in mylke                                          xxx. galons.

  Item, in hony                                           iij. galons.

    [Footnote 211.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 38.] ‘Soulmas,’ or All
    Souls’ Day, is the 2nd November, and it appears that Lady
    Katharine died on the morrow of that day in 1465. As these
    expenses run into December, we place them at the end of the year.]


623

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON THE YOUNGER[213.1]

_To John Paston the younger._

[Sidenote: Before 1466]

I grete you wele, letyng you wete that as for[213.2] your sustrys[213.3]
beyng with my Lady, if your fader wull aggrey therto I hold me right
wele pleasyd; for I wuld be right clad that she shuld do her servyse be
for any other, if she cowde do that shuld pleas my ladyes good grace.
Wherfor I wuld that ye shuld speke to your fader therof and lete hym
wete that I am pleasid that she shuld be ther if he wuld, for I wuld be
right glad and she myght be preferrid by mariage or be servyce, so that
it myght be to her wurchep and profight in dischargyng of her frendis;
and I pray you do your parte therin for your owyn wurchep and herys. And
assone as ye may with ought daunger, purvey that I may have ageyn the
vj. marks that ye wote of, for I wuld not that your fader wust it. Item,
if ye pas London, send me ageyn my chene and the litill chene that I
lent you be for, be sum trusty person; and if ye wull have my good
wille, eschewe such thyngis as I spake to you of last in owr parisch
chirch. I pray God make you as good a man as ever was any of your kynne,
and Goddis blissyng mote ye have and myn, so that ye do wele, &c. Wretyn
the Sonday next after your departyng.

And I pray you, send me sum tydyngis as sone as ye may after that ye be
comyn to London, how your fader spedyth and your brother in here
materes.

  Be your moder.

    [Footnote 213.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 208.] This letter was
    written at a time when John Paston, the writer’s husband, and one
    of his sons, was in London, while the other, to whom this letter
    is addressed, was going thither. The date must therefore be before
    May 1466, but what particular year or month it is impossible to
    say.]

    [Footnote 213.2: ‘affor,’ MS.]

    [Footnote 213.3: This may be either Anne or Margery Paston. Who
    ‘my lady’ was does not appear.]


624

JOHN RADCLIFF OF ATTLEBOROUGH TO JOHN PASTON[214.1]

_To my ryght trusty and welbelovyd Frend, John Paston._

Rygth trusty and welbelovid, I cummaund me un to zow, lattyng zow wytte
that there ys a tenawnt off Thyrnyng, on [_one_] Wyllyam Rust, whos dur
ys selyd be a offycer off zowrys. Wherffor I pray zow that ze wyll se
that the forsay tenawnt be not hurt; and yff there be oni thyng that ys
dw for to pay, I wyll se that hyt schall be content. And therfore I pray
zow that hyt may be repytyd un tyll the tyme that I speke with zow. No
more at thys tyme, but the Hole Trinite hawe zow in kepyng. Wretyn at
Attylburgth the xvij. day off Dyssembyre.

  JOHN RADCLYFF DE ATTYLBURGTH.

    [Footnote 214.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 223.] The principal lordship
    in the manor of Thurning belonged to the Radcliff, or Ratcliff,
    family, afterwards Earls of Sussex; but it seems there was another
    lordship which belonged to John de Mauteby in the ninth year of
    Edward II. From this very likely Margaret Paston derived some
    claims, and John Paston through his wife. _See_ No. 634. The year
    of this letter, however, cannot be ascertained.]


625

SIR JOHN FELBRIGGE TO JOHN PASTON[215.1]

_To my Cosyn Paston, be thys letter delyverd yn haste._

[Sidenote: 1466(?) / JAN. [20]]

Ryght reverent and worshyppeful cosyn, y comawnd me on to you, desyryng
to her off your welfare, the whyche Almyghty Jesu preserve to Hys
plesawns, and to your own herts desyres. Forthermore and yff yt please
your gentylnesse to be my trusty frend, as my ful truste ys yn you, as
for swyche materys as the brynger off this lettre shall enforme you, and
beth effectualy my frend, and brynge yt abowte, and by my trowthe y
shall geve you an C. marke for your labowr. For yn trowthe y am aferde
that Roberd Radclyff hathe deseyvyd me, for he laboryd to me dayly by my
Lords comawndement off Warwyk, and brought with hym Yllyngworthe and
oder off my Lords cownsel, and seen my evydens; and so we stoden uppon
apoyntement, and y for to have had an unswere sent to Felbrygge Halle,
and yff ne had be for ffendyng off my Lords lordschyppe, y myght have
had my money for my ryght or y cam owt off London, as my man schall
enforme you. For yn trowthe y muste now make an schiffte, for Wyndham
hathe sold hys ryght, and rathere than yt schuld go that way to, y had
lever my Lord had yt ij. C. marke with yn the pryse that y grawnt yt
laste, and therfor y be scheche you to labowr to my Lord that y may have
an unswer. And thies many townes longithe thereto, Felbrygge, Aylinton,
Ronton, Colby, Bannyngham, Ingworthe, Styrston, besyde hamelets.

No mor to you at this tyme, but the Holy Trinyte have you yn His kepyng.
Wryten at Felbrygg, the Monday affor Seynt Augnetes Day.[216.1]

  By your cosyn,

  JOHN FELBRYGGE.

    [Footnote 215.1: [From Fenn, iv. 242.] The date of this letter
    cannot be ascertained with very great precision; but as it belongs
    most probably to about the same period as Letter 619, which we
    have referred to November 1465, we may assign this to the January
    following.]

    [Footnote 216.1: The modern version in Fenn reads ‘the Monday
    _after_ Saint Agnes’s Day,’ and the date subjoined at the bottom
    of the page is in accordance with this reading. But it is more
    likely the text as printed in the old spelling is correct. St.
    Agnes’ Day is the 21st January. The Monday before it would have
    been the 20th in 1466.]


626

JOHN WYKES TO SIR JOHN PASTON[216.2]

_Un to the ryght wyrshypfull mayster, Sir John Paston, Knygt, be thys
letter delyveryd._

[Sidenote: 1466 / FEB. 17]

Ryght wyrshypfull and my especyall gode mayster, I recomaund me unto
your gode maystershyp, letyng you wyte that the berour herof told me
that ye had grete mervyll that I send to you no word ne letter of
awnswer of the letters that ye had send to me to London. As for on
letter ye send to me by Rychard Playtorys man, and therof I send you an
awnswer in a letter by a man of the Prior of Bromholm; and as for other
letters, ther com no more to me but that on.

Item, Mayster Flemmyng lokyth dayly for hys hors, and at every tyme that
I mete with hym, he askyth of me when hys hors shuld com, and when I
here any word from you. Wherfore I pray you send me word in a letter how
he shall be awnswerd, and yf the hors shall com, lette me knowe when;
for and he had not trustyd theruppon, he wold have purveyd hym in a
nother place, &c.

Item, John Oter ys not yet payd, but as I suppose it shall not be long
to tyll he have it, for he hath spoken to my mayster your fader a yer
therfor; and as for Gylmyn, he hath not spoken to my mayster as yet, &c.

Item, I truste he wylbe your gode fader, for John Say hath told hym
playnly of hys demenyng ayenst you, and told hym that he had the lasse
favour for your sake, &c.

Item, the Erle of Arundell ys[217.1] son hath weddyd the Quyne ys
suster.

Item, the Lord Lovell ys son[217.2] hath weddyd my Lady Fytzhugh ys
doghter, &c.

Item, Jenney desyryth a trety with my mayster, and spake to my mayster
therof hym sylf in Westminster Hall.

Item, all felaws in the Kyngs hows fareid well, and wold have you ther.

No more to you at thys tyme, but the Holy Trynyte have you [in] kepyng.
Wryten at London, the Monday next after Seynt Volentyn.

  Your servant,

  JOHN WYKYS.

    [Footnote 216.2: [From Fenn, iv. 246.] As this letter was written
    after Edward IV.’s marriage, and before the death of John Paston
    the father, the date must be either 1465 or 1466. Fenn assigns it
    to the latter year, and I think he is right, though he does not
    state his reasons. I find that John, Lord Lovel, died on the 9th
    January 1465, leaving his son and heir, Francis, only nine years
    old, so that even if we date this letter 1466, the young lad was
    married at the early age of ten. This was probably owing to his
    wardship having been obtained by Lord Fitzhugh, or some person
    interested; but as the inquisition on his father’s death (_Inq.
    p. m._, 4 Edw. IV., No. 27) was not taken till October 1465, there
    seems no ground for believing that he could have been forced into
    wedlock a month after he was left an orphan.]

    [Footnote 217.1: Thomas Fitz Alan, Lord Maltravers, eldest son of
    William Fitz Alan, Earl of Arundel, married Margaret, second
    daughter of Richard Widville, Earl Rivers, and sister to
    Elizabeth, Queen of Edward IV. He succeeded his father as Earl of
    Arundel in 1487, 3 Hen. VII., and died in 1524, 16 Hen. VIII.--F.]

    [Footnote 217.2: Francis Lovel, son and heir to John, Lord Lovel,
    married Anne, daughter of Henry, Lord Fitz Hugh. It is curious
    that she is here called ‘Lady Fitz Hugh’s daughter,’ when her
    father was alive.]

  [[be thys letter delyveryd  _text has “delyverya” (italic a for d)_]]


627

CLEMENT PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[217.3]

_To hys rythe worchypfwll mayster, John Paston, Sqwyer._

[Sidenote: 1466 / MARCH 18]

Rythe worchypfwll broder, I recomawnde me to zow. And as for zour letter
to my Lorde Chawnceler I have not delyveryd it; for I askyd avysse there
in, and I was aunsweryd there in that sythen he was takyn to baylle, the
Chawncelerer[217.4] cowde not compelle the swertes to bryng hym in befor
hys day. Also me thowte zour letter was not most plesauntly wrytyn to
take to swyche a lorde. And as for the tresorer, hys name is Sir John
Fooge, but he is not in London nor wythe the Kyng, so I kan [not] have
the letter sent hym but if I hyeryd a man to bere it. And as for zour
question of the patentes, Grenfeld and Catesby and Sterkey holdyn it a
good question, for the statute is, _Patentes dez tenements dount null
titill est trouve pur le roy de recorde sount voydez_, anno xviij.
H. VI. ca. vj. But I trowe in zour cas that be ther opiniounis the Acte
of the Parlement is a tytyll of recorde. It is said to the contrary
intent, thow the londs be forfetyd of record, yet ther is no
certificacion of recorde qwat londes they be, nor wer [_where_] nor
in qwat place they lye; but and thys clawse be in the patents, _Non
obstante quod nulla inquisicio pro nobis inde est inventa_, by Grenfelde
is consayle the patents xwld be clerly goode. But me semythe that
amendyt not the mater, for be for the makyng of the statute above sayde,
patents graunttyd of londs be fore inquisicion were goode and effectuell
and the statute is generall:-- _Patents dount null tytill, &c. sount
voydez_. Thanne it folowyt well if the Acte of Parlement be no tytyll
for the Kyng thann is ther no tytyll for the Kyng of recorde, for that
clawse in the patente is no tytyll; than if ther [be] no tytyll, ergo
the patents voyde.

My suster[218.1] standythe in the same casse with my Lord of Kent.

Broder, I pray zow send mor mony for my nevew John, for he mwst ellys
com hom azen; for the Kyng gothe into Scotlonde, and he is nowther
horsyd nor harneysyd, for his grett hors is lykly to dye; and if ze wyll
sende it to me or to Christofyr Hanyngton it xall be save for hym.
I send zow a letter from hym closyde herin. And I pray spek to my moder
that my hors faylle not on Passyon Swnday,[218.2] for thann xall I be
redy and thanne xall ower redyng be don. Wrytyn on Twesday nexst after
Seynt Gregory is Day.

  Zowr broder,

  CLEMENT PASTON.

  _On the back._--The man wold not tak my letter but I wass fayen to
  gyve hym ij_d._ for the beryng.

    [Footnote 217.3: [From Paston Letters, B.M.] The reference to the
    dispute between Elizabeth Poynings and the Earl of Kent, which is
    alluded to in a subsequent letter, proves this letter to have been
    written in the year 1466. The earl in question was only so created
    on the 3rd of May 1465, and John Paston, to whom the letter is
    addressed, died in May 1466.]

    [Footnote 217.4: So in MS.]

    [Footnote 218.1: Elizabeth, widow of Robert Poynings.]

    [Footnote 218.2: 23rd March.]

  [[gyve hym ij_d._ for the beryng
    _printed in roman (non-Italic) type_]]


628

FRIAR JOHN MOWTH TO JOHN PASTON[219.1]

_To my worchepful mayster, John Paston the holdest, be this letter
delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1466 / MAY 12]

Ryth reverent and worchepful sire, I hartyly recomende me on to your
reverens, thankyng yow for the gret cher and comfortabyll words that ye
yovyn on to me wat tyme that I was last yn yowr presens; desyryng ful
specyaly of Almity God, owt of al your wordly tribulacyonys and
adversyte, gracyowus delyverans, and yn al vertuows prosperite, good
encres and contynuans. If yt like your maysterchep to know the cause of
this wrytyng, it ys thys; it is nowth unknow[219.2] on to yow that
Mayster Brakle (Cryst rest hys sowle!), delyveryd to Wyllam Paston, your
broder, certayn oblygacyonys, of the weche the dute xuld grow to my
convent yn Norwyche. I have spoke on to Wyllam Paston her of, and he
excuseth hym and seyth on this wyse; that be the wyl of Mayster Brakle,
wat tyme that Sire Tomas Todenham,[219.3] Knyth, xuld be put on to hys
deth, he delyveryd hem on to hys confessor; the weche, as he seth, xuld
a be Grey fryer, hows name he knowyth nowt; also he seyth that after the
deth of the forseyd Knyt, he spake with the Fryer, confessor on to the
Knyth, and hasked hym aftyr the forseyd oblygacyonys, and as he seyth,
the Fryer seyd on to hym that he had delyveryd hem on to [the] Knyth
Marchall. Werfor I beseche you, as specyaly as I may, that, now wyl your
broder is at London, that ye of your grace wyl know the trowthe in this
mater, for the comfort of the dede, and profyth of my convent. Nomor at
this tyme, but that I be seche Almyty God in Trinyte conserve your, and
kepe yow in all vertuows prosperite. Amen.

Wretyn at Heylysdon in gret hast, the xij. day of May, in your maner
aftyr mete. The cause wy the mayster delyveryd hem to hym mor than to
yow, was, as he seyd on to me, for as meche as ye had so many maters yn
hand for yowr self, and also for the dede, that he durst not attempt yow
with all; and al so be cause he had lesse for to do hys hope was that he
xuld asped yt mor redyly.

Fr[e]re Willam Thorp dwellyng at Salisbury.

  By yowr pore orator and bedman,

  FRIER JAN MOWTH.

    [Footnote 219.1: [From Fenn, i. 256.] Friar Brackley, who is here
    mentioned as dead, is spoken of in John Paston’s deposition of
    December 1465, without any indication that he was at that time
    deceased (_see_ No. 606). We may presume, therefore, that he died
    between that time and May 1466, in which month and year died John
    Paston, to whom this letter is addressed.]

    [Footnote 219.2: _Nowth unknow._ I believe this to be the true
    reading of the original MS. Fenn prints it ‘nowthn know.’]

    [Footnote 219.3: He was beheaded on Tower Hill in February 1462.]


629

MARGARET PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[220.1]

[Sidenote: 1466(?) / NOV. 13 (?)]

I grete you wele and send you Goddis blissyng and myn; letyng you wete
that I send you be the berer herof xl_li._ of Ryall which I have
chevysshed and borwed for you, be cause I wuld not take that was leyd
ought for you at Norwich; for, as I am enformed be Mayster John Smyth,
the Chaunceller, and other that we ben all a cursed that we have thus
mynystred the dedis godes with ought licence or auctorite, and I wene we
spede all the wers there fore. At the reverence of God, gete you a
licens of my Lord of Caunterbery in dyschargyng of my conscyens and
yowris, to mynystre a certeyn summe of iij. or iiij^c marcs, enfourmyng
hym how that your lyffelod hath stond this ij. yer in such trobill that
ye myght right nought have of it, ner yet can take of it with ought ye
shuld hurt your tenauntis, thei have so ben vexid be on trew meanes
before this tymes, And ye have many grete materis on hand and may not
have to bere them ought, ner to save your ryght, withaught ye myght for
a tyme takyn of your faderis godes. And this I hope shall discharge owr
conscyens of that we have mynystred and spend be fore. For we have nomor
to acquite this xl_li._ and bere all other charges but the xlvii_li._
that your unkyll and ye is privy to, that was leyd up at Norwich. I wuld
ye were ware of large theftis and rewardis gevyng, as otheris folkis
avyse you to do, for though ye have nede thei wull not be right redy to
help you of ther owyn; and that ye may understand be that that thei have
taken a wey from you be for this tyme. I wuld not in no wyse ye shuld
put your self in no daunger to hym but as litill as ye may; for if ye
do, it shall be right wele remembred you her after. And be ware how ye
ben bownd in any obligacion to any creature but if it be leyd in
endifferent handis and trosty for yowr part. And remembre to gete the
obligacion that ye mad to the Duchesse of Suffolk; for though it be in
my Lord Chancelleris hande it is jepartows, be cause of perell of deth.
Item, understand wele the poyntis that ben in my cosyn Arblasteris
letter that arn wretyn in yowrs, and purvey redily ther for for your
owyn a vayll. Item, send me home answeris of sueche materis as arn now
sent you bethen (_sic_) mowth and wrytyng at this tyme as hastly as ye
can, or ells it shall hurt yow mor than ye or I can yet understand.
Item, me semyth, if ye shall not comyn home this Crystmesse, or if ye
shuld be at my Lady of Suffolk, it [were[221.1]] necessary to have
Playter there with you if ye shuld engroos any appoyntementis with here
at that tyme. For she is sotill and hath sotill councell with here; and
therfore it were wele do ye shuld have summe with you that shuld be of
your councell. If John Paston be with you at London desire hym to take
hede to yowris materis and in what case thei ben left at your departyng,
that if nede be he may help you to labore for such causes as Wykes shall
telle yow be mowth; and if he be not with yow, and ye wull I shall send
hym to you. Item, spare of[221.2] the xl_li._ as mych as ye may that ye
may perfourme by the mony that the Duchesse of Suffolk shuld have, in
cas that it may not be gadered of the lyvelode. Send home Wykes a sone
as ye can, and how ye will that I do in your materis and lyvelode at
home. God have you in His kepyng. Wretyn the Thursday next Sent Martyn.

  Be your Moder.

    [Footnote 220.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 99.] This letter was written
    before administration had been obtained of John Paston’s will;
    presumably therefore in the year in which he died, 1466. It may be
    observed, likewise, that in 1467 ‘my lord of Canterbury’ would
    probably have been called ‘my lord Cardinal.’]

    [Footnote 221.1: Omitted in MS.]

    [Footnote 221.2: _of_ repeated in MS.]


630

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[222.1]

_To my right wurchipfull husbond, John Paston, be this deliverd in
hast._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain / NOV.]

Ryth worchepfull husbonde, I recomande me to yow. Plesyth yow to weet
that Thomas Grene was with me as on Saterday last paste, and let me have
knowlage that the scherre schold be as thys day at the Gyld Hall in
Norwyche, and he desyiryd me that the swte that ye have ageyns Thomas
Jeryng and othyr myth be sesyd as for thys schere; and I seyd that I
durste do ryth not there in. And he tolde me that Thomas Jeryng was with
yow in Flegge the laste tyme that ye wer ther, and ye seyd to hym that
he scholde not be hurte by the swte. And Thomas Grene told me that if
the seyd Jeryng and othyrs in the same wryte mad not an end with yow by
the nexte schere, the whyche schall be thys day monyth, that he the seyd
Thomas Grene wole purchese a new wryte of hys owne coste ayens that
daye. I woste not that the scher shuld be so sone when I wrote to yow
yowyr laste lettyr. And he remembyryd the trobulus werd [_world_] that
is nowe, and also that they wer nowtye felawys that ye suyd, and ther
fore he thowte that it war best to let it be respyte at thys tyme, and
so they schall be respyth at thys tyme. I have sent to Jaferay Spyrlyng
for the bokys that ye sent to me fore, and he seyth that he hathe none
there of, for he seyth he lefte hem with yow when he was with yow in the
Northe contre; for he seyth ye left hym behynd yow at Lynkcolne. He
supposyth they be at Kaster.

Item, my cosyn Crane recomandyth hyr to yow, and prayith yow that ye
wole wychesave to spek to Jamys Gresham for to swe ferthe the mater
betwyx Dame Margaret Spurdans and hyr; and sche prayith yow at the
reverens of God that ye wole tendyr that mater well, for all hyr troste
is in yow.

Item, the tenauntys at Sweynysthorp prayid me for to wryte to yow for to
pray yow for Goddys sake that ye wole help for to get hem a good baly of
the hundyryd that they be in; for they sey that they have be gretly
hurte by swyche offyserys as they have had ther be fore tyme. Folk wold
fayne in thys contre that Heydon scholde be purveyd for, that he goo not
so at large as he dothe, for he is in thys towne nere every wek, and
hathe be ever syne ye yd hens. And also it is seyd in thys towne that ye
have be good maister thys terme to Yatys, and many be ryth sory ther of,
and that he dothe so well as it [is] seyd here that he dothe. It is seyd
that he is scapyd all dangerys, and he hathe tak new accionys ageyns hys
neyborys, as it is seyd. Othyr tydyngys have we none here but that ye
have more pleynly there. And the Blyssyd Trinyte have yow in Hys kepyng,
and send yow good sped in all yowyr materys. Wretyn in haste at Norwyche
the Monday next be fore Seynt Edmunde the Kynge.

  Be yowyr,

  M. P.

My modyr wold ryth fayne know how that ye and my brodyr Wyllam wer
acordyd, sche wold ryth fayne that all wer well betwene yow.

    [Footnote 222.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] I find no very
    satisfactory evidence touching the date of this letter. Allusion
    is made to John Paston having been at Lincoln. The occasion
    referred to might have been in 1458, when, as we know by No. 373,
    he went into the North as far as Doncaster; or it may have been in
    the spring of 1461. (_See_ Nos. 452 and 458.) It is not probable,
    however, that this letter was earlier than the latter date, as
    there is no appearance at that time of any dispute having arisen
    between John Paston and his brother William. On the contrary,
    William Paston is in correspondence with his brother in April 1461
    (No. 450). On the other hand, if the occasion referred to when
    John Paston was at Lincoln was in the spring of 1461, this letter
    could hardly have been written in the same year; for it cannot be
    supposed that he left books at Caister on his return south, when
    Caister was in the possession of the Duke of Norfolk. The date,
    however, being so uncertain, I prefer to place this letter at the
    end of John Paston’s correspondence rather than assign it
    doubtfully to any particular year.]

  [[and he desyiryd me  _text has “and be”_]]


631

B. D. M. S. TO JOHN PASTON[224.1]

_Be this delyvered to Mastyr John Paston._

I recomaunde me unto you as unknowyn. And as for the wryting I send unto
you, the cause why yt was nate endossed was, for the berer ther of knew
yow wel i now. And as for youre Cossyn Mary, she ys no longer with us,
as a pon Seynt Mathewys Evyn she departyd from me, and went to Awdry
Croxeston, and she told me that ye wold pay for her borde ther. But on
thyng I let you know; she hathe demenyd her ful symply bothe for youre
worship and also for her awne. Ther ys but few within oure plasse but
they know how yt is with her, and al by her awne bessynes of her tunge.
And I had knowyn as myche at the begynnyng as I have don sythe, I wold
not have delt in the mater nat for xl. pound; for I wys she ys no thyng
so sadde as I wold she wer.

No more to you at thys tyme, but the Holy Gost have you in His kepyng,
and send you youre hertys esse. I pray you hertly that I may sp[e]ke
with you.

  B. D. M. S.

    [Footnote 224.1: [From Fenn, iv. 262.] There is no evidence of the
    date either of this or of the four following letters beyond the
    fact that this and the two next are addressed to John Paston,
    while the two last are addressed to Margaret Paston during her
    husband’s life. None of them, therefore, can be later than 1466.]


632

ABSTRACT[224.2]

RICHARD SUTHWELL TO JOHN PASTON, ESQUIRE.

Thanks him for speaking to the Mayor and Recorder for the appearance of
certain persons at this last session, as he wrote from Walsingham.
Thomas Wolvesby and Colyns make great labor for the poor men’s undoing.
Begs him to move the Mayor to have pity, considering their trouble at
Walsingham, when they were prisoners.

Thetford, Shere-Thursday.

    [Footnote 224.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


633

ABSTRACT[225.1]

JOHN PASTON, JUNIOR, TO HIS FATHER, JOHN PASTON

Has spoken ‘with Warwyk and Stwkle’ for the place and lands in Arleham.
Declined their offer of 6_d._ an acre, they keeping the place in repair;
but Stwkle has promised all the lands shall be purveyed for, as for this
year. Warwyk this day offered my mother 7_d._ an acre for the lands in
Arleham, but I counselled her to hold out for a longer term. Kook will
no longer hold the place for 7_d._ or 8_d._ an acre, and will only give
6_d._, if he is to keep it in repair. Has spoken with Dame Alice Weche
and Geoffrey Spyrlyng, who have agreed to set a tenant to occupy the
lands in dispute till Paston comes home.

St. Martin’s Even.

    [Footnote 225.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


634

ABSTRACT[225.2]

THOMAS GNATYSHALE TO MRS. PASTON

I hope the young man I sent will please ‘my master and you.’ I hope you
will not receive him at this time, and when my master comes home refuse
him. As for your lands at Sparham, there are not many lands to let. Has
inquired at Salle. Master Edward[225.3] is clearly answered of £18 a
year and 7_s._ or 8_s._ more. Bryston, Thyrnyng, and Owleton are let,
which belong to the manor of Salle. So he is clearly answered twice a
year at London, besides the fees, viz., of the receiver 26_s._ 8_d._, of
the steward 20_d._, and of the bailliff 26_s._ 8_d._

Sparham, Wednesday before Ascension.

    [Footnote 225.2: _Ibid._]

    [Footnote 225.3: Probably Edward, son of Robert Mauteby. He was
    Margaret Paston’s uncle.]


635

ABSTRACT[225.4]

T. GNATYSHALE TO MRS. PASTON

James and Robert Radclef mean to take away my goods, and I shall be
taken if I be at Norwich at next shire. Pray let my master know.
I suppose it was by their commandment that my two neat were taken on
Saturday last at Lyng, ‘for one that is under bailly of Richmond took
hem.’ John Everyton will tell you more. The receipts of the manor of
Sparham with costs are £10, 3_s._ 11½_d._ If any man of yours come to
Norwich please send me your advice.

  (Signed) ‘T. GNAT.’

    [Footnote 225.4: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


636

ABSTRACT[226.1]

JAMES ARBLASTER TO JOHN PASTON, [SQUIRE][226.2]

John à Berney of Wychyngham wishes to disinherit him of his liberty of
faldage in Colyette. Desires the help of one of Paston’s men. As for my
Lady of Oxford, ‘I have get you a trusty man against Tuesday or
Wednesday next.’

  [There is no distinct evidence of the date of this letter, except
  that it is probably not later than 1466, when John Paston died,
  though it may have been addressed to his younger son John. Compare
  Nos. 232, 233, and 234, in vol. ii.]

    [Footnote 226.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 226.2: This designation is added on the address, but is
    struck out.]


637

JOHN PASTON’S FUNERAL[226.3]

_Expences paid by Gloys at Norwich the day the Cors was ther and befor._

[Sidenote: 1466]

Fyrste. The iiii. orders of fryers, viii_l._ Item, almesse, ii_s._
vii_d._ Item, to xxiii. susters of Normandys,[226.4] with the gardian
eche of them, iiii_d._, and the gardian, viii_d._--viii_s._ Item, in
offering on Pentecost Tuesday[226.5] for my master, i_d._; for the
herse, xl_s._ For xxiiii. yerdes of brod wythtys for gowns, xxvii_s._
viii_d._; for dyeng of the same, iiii_s._ For settyng on the tents,
vi_d._ For xxii. yerdes and iii. quarters of brod wythts, xxxiiii_s._
iii_d._ For grownedyng, iii_s._ iiii_d._ For dyeng, iiii_s._ To xxxviii.
prests at the dyryge at Norwyche, when the cors lay ther, xii_s._
viii_d._ To xxxix. schyldern with surplyces within the schurche and
without, iii_s._ iiii_d._ To xxvi. clerks with iiii. kepers of the
torches, eche of them ii_d._, iii_s._ iiii_d._ To the clerks of St.
Peters and St. Stevens for the ryngers ageyn the cors, ii_s._ To the
iiii. orders of fryers that rede ageyn the cors----. To the Prioress of
Carow, vi_s._ viii_d._ To a maide that came with her, xx_d._ To the
ancors [_anchoress ?_] xl_d._ In almesse, xv_s._ To a woman that came
from London with the cors to Norwyche, vi_s._ viii[_d_].

_Payments be Gloys and Calle at Bromholme._

Fyrste. To the Prior, be my masters bequest, xl_s._ To ix. monks, eche
of them vi_s._ viii_d._, iii_l._ To an other monke, who was of the same
place, xx_d._ For brinnyng of the Abbes with the torches, xx_d._ To the
Priors boteler for bred, ii_s._ x_d._ For wasshyng of napry, xii_d._ To
the boteler for hys reward, xx_d._ To the baker for cccx. eggs, xix_d._
To hym for hys reward, iii_s._ iiii_d._ To xxviii. bedds with ---- of
clothys, and wasshyng of the same, v_s._ To ii. men that fyllyd the
grave, viii_d._ To brueng of v. kome malte, xx_d._ For ix. pownd candyl,
xi_d._ To the clerks of Bromholm, viii_d._ For viii. peces of peuter
lost of the Priors, xx_d._ Geven among the men of the bakhouse, xx_d._
To the parisshe schyrche of Bromholm, x_s._ To xii. schyrchys, l_s._
viii_d._ To the prest that cam with the cors from London, iii_s._
iiii_d._ To servytors that awaytyd upon hym by the komawndment of
W. Paston, xxi_d._ To Playters for hys offering, iiii_d._ To the vyker
of Upton, ii_s._ To the sexton of Bromholm for xxii. crossys geven to
Marget and Modeley, _per_ John Paston, iiii_s._ vi_d._ To xiiii.
rynggars, vii_s._ To xxiiii. servertors, eche of them iiii_d._, viii_s._
To lxx. servertors, eche of them iii_d._, xvii_s._ vi_d._ Paid to
Dawbeny for servertors, vii_s._ For fyshh the day after the enterment,
vi_s._ x_d._ For vi. barells bere, xii_s._ For a roundlet of red wine of
xv. gallonys, &c., xii_s._ xi_d._ To a hors hyer for iii. days for Sir
James, xii_d._ For a quarter malte, v_s._ For iiii. bushels wete,
xxxii_d._ For a quarter of otys, ii_s._ viii_d._ For x. kombe malte
brueng, xl_d._ For the boord of Rychard Hermer, wrythe, iii. days, and
for hys hyer the sayde tyme, xiii_d._ _ob._ For William Yonge, barbor,
v. days mete and drynke, and hys hyer the sayde tyme, xvi_d._ For vi.
pownd candyl, vii_d._ _ob._ To xii. pore men beryng torches from London
to Norfolk be vi. day, i_s._, takyng eche of them on the day iiii_d._,
and for iii. dayes in goyng homerward, takynge every day vi_d._ Geven to
Martyn Savage and Denschers awaytyng upon my master at London be vii.
dayes before that he was caryed, ii_s._ x_d._ For bred bowthe,
xxiiii_s._ For vii. barels bere, xvii_s._ vi_d._ For a barel of the
grettest assyse, iii_s._ iiii_d._ For iiii. barells of alee, xiii_s._
iiii_d._ For bred and alee for xii. men that bare torches, xiii_d._
_ob._ To a dole at Bromholm, v_l._ xiii_s._ iiii_d._ To William Colens,
one of the botelers at Bromholm, xii_d._ To Wate Webster, another
boteler, xii_d._ To Greg. Worsteler, one of the porters at Bromholm,
iiii_d._ The parson at Mauteby,[228.1] and Sir Thomas Lynes, to the
prestes at the deryge at Bromholm, xliii_s._ In almesse, xlvii_s._
vi_d._; more, xx_s._ To the glaser for takyn owte of ii. panys of the
wyndows of the schyrche for to late owte the reke of the torches at the
deryge, and sowderyng new of the same, xx_d._ [This part of the roll,
according to Blomefield, or his continuator, seemed to be written by
Gloys, above mentioned, in an indifferent hand. The remainder is in a
very neat and curious old hand, which was supposed to be that of
Margaret Paston.]

_Vittelles bought by Richard Charles._

_First._ For xxvii. gees, xvii_s._ For xxvii. frankyd gees, vi_s._
viii_d._ lxx. caponnes, xvii_s._ vii_d._ For xxix.[228.2]      xvii.
chekons, xvi_s._ vi_d._ For x. chekons, x_d._ For xli. pygges, xiii_s._
x_d._ For xlix. calvys, iiii_l._ xiii_s._ iiii_d._ For xxxiiii. lambys,
xxvii_s._ ii_d._ For xxii. shep, xxxvii_s._ v_d._ x. nete, iiii_l._
xvi_s._ i_d._ For ii. napronnes to Richard Lynstede, x_d._ For claretts
and fawcetts, vi_d._ MCCC. eggs, vi_s._ vi_d._ For xx. galons milk,
xx_d._ For viii. galons creme, ii_s._ viii_d._ For iiii. pints of
butter, iiii_d._ For i. quarter and ii. bushels of whete mele, vii_s._
x_d._ To the parson of Crostweyt for i. quarter of whete, vi_s._ For
xiiii. galons of ale, ii_s._ To a labourer for iii. days, xii_d._ To
xxiiii. galons of ale, iiii_s._ For xiii. salt fysshe, iiii_s._ iiii_d._
For the purveying of bred, ale, and fysshe, iii_s._ iiii_d._ To William
Reynolds for lodgyng of Master Prowet, the Prior of the White Freres,
the parson of Mautby, Sir Thomas Lynds, and other, by ii. nyghtis,
vi_d._ For bred, ale, and possets to the same persons, vi_d._ To Herman,
fleying bests by iii. days, ii_s._, and to John Foke, by iii. days,
xx_d._ For purveying of all the velys, lambes, x. beefins, certain piggs
and polaly [_poultry_], xl_d._

BILL OF THE PRIOR OF BROMHOLM.

Memorandum. The Prior toke to bord diverse persons laboryng abought the
enterment, begynnyng the Thursday in Pentecost weke, the vi. yere of
Kyng Edward the iiiith.

On Thursday I[229.1] find 3 persons who had xii_d._ for their board and
hire; on Friday 5 who had xv_d._; on Saturday 8 who had xxiii_d._ On
Monday all were employed; and on the day after I find 4 to be allowed
for their board iiii_d._ _ob._, and for their hires v_d._,--ix_d._ _ob._
Delivered by the Prior to Richard Charles:--Fyrst, v. quarters of otes,
xiii_s._ iiii_d._; v. swyne, xii_s._ vi_d._; ii. bushel of mestlyn,
xv_d._; v. pownd of candell, v_d._; xx. quarters of malte, xiii_s._
iiii_d._, and with gryndyng and brewyng, xviii_s._ For a cartfull of
hey, iii_s._ iiii_d._ For ii. swyne, v_s._ For ii. bushel otes, viii_d._
For a quarter of herryng, vi_d._ For half a quarter makerell, vii_d._
_ob._ To the parson of St. Peters for his fee of the wax abought the
coors, beside ii. candels of i. _lb._ and i. hert candel of a pound,
xx_d._ At my masters xxx. day for offeryng, i_d._ Geven to churches and
in almes by Gresham, toward Bromholm, v. _marks_. To the clerk of St.
Peters of Hungate[230.1] his felaship for ryngyng when the coors was in
the church, xii_d._ To Dawbeney for bests and other stuffe for the
enterment, xx_l._ To him in gold for to chaunge into small mony for the
dole, xl_l._ To W. Pecok, in iii. bags to bere to Bromholm, in copper,
the 20th day, xxvi. _marks_. To Medeley for his reward, iiii. _marks_,
and the same to Maryot. To Maryot for costs he bare by the way to
Bromholm, iii_l._ xii_d._ More to Medeley for mony paid by him, xli_s._
x_d._ To the keper of the inne where myne husband dyed, for his reward,
xx_s._ To Paston chirch, x_s._ To Bakton chirch, vi_s._ viii_d._ To
Gresham the London carrier, in full payment for the Chaundeler of
London, v_l._ xix_s._ iiii_d._ More in almes mony, vi_s._ viii_d._ More
for wyne and bere, vii. _marks_. To the parson of St. Peters, vi_s._
viii_d._ For wyne for the seingers when the coors was at Norwich, xx_s._
To Skolehouse in part of his bille for torches and wax made at Bromholm,
for to brenne upon the grave, iiii. _marks_. For x. yerds of narow blak
for the viker of Dallynge and Robert Gallawey, and for iii. yerds and
quarter of brod cloth for Illee, xx_s._ x_d._ To Freton chirch, vi_s._
viii_d._ For a cope called a frogge of worsted for the Prior of
Bromholm, xxvi_s._ viii_d._ For bred at the enterment, ix_s._ In almes,
viii_s._ iiii_d._ In wyne and spices, l_s._ To Dom. John Loveday for
cloth for a ridyng cope for himself, xiiii_s._ ii_d._ To the makyng of
Redham Stepill, viii_s._ iiii_d._ To John Orford, wax chandeler, for
xii. torches and one candell of i. _lb._, lv_s._ ii_d._ _ob._ To John
Dewe for grey lynen cloth and sylk frenge for the hers, vi_l._ xvi_s._
ii_d._ Given to the Austeners at the chapter at the . . . . . . of
Yarmouth, lxxv_s._ To Daubeney for to kepe the yere day at Bromholm the
first yere after his dethe, viii_l._ ii_s._ iiii_d._ Given at Castor to
xxv. howsholders, every houshold iii_d._ the said tyme, vi_s._ iii_d._
To viii. pore men the said tyme, xviii_d._ To the master of the College
the said tyme, vi_s._ viii_d._ To Master Clement Felmyngham the said
tyme, vi_s._ viii_d._ To viii. prests at Castor the said tyme, ii_s._
viii_d._ To childern in surplices and other pore folk at the said tyme,
xiii_d._ To the parson of Hungate, vi_s._ viii_d._ To the said parson
for a certeyn[231.1] unto Mighelmesse next after the said yere day,
viii_s._ viii_d._ To Skolous, wax chandeler, for makyng of the hers at
Bromholm, xxii_l._ ix_s._ viii_d._ To Philip Curson, draper, for cloths,
ix_l._ iii_s._ _ob._ To Aubrey, draper, xxxiiii_s._ For a quarter of
makerell, xii_d._ To the Prior of Bromholm for malte spent at the
enterment, xl_s._ For light kept on the grave, x_s._ Geven at
Cristemasse next after the said yereday, to eche of the iiii. orders of
friers, x_s._,--xl_s._ To the vyker of Dallyng for bryngyng home of a
pardon from Rome, to pray for alle our frends sowles, viii_s._ iiii_d._
For a black gowne to the said viker, viii_s._

    [Footnote 226.3: [From Blomefield’s _Norfolk_, vi. 483. Folio
    edition, iii. 692.] The original of this document was probably
    among the Paston MSS. when Blomefield composed his _History of
    Norfolk_, but where it is at present cannot be ascertained. It is
    cited by Blomefield, or perhaps by his continuator, Mr. Parkin, as
    ‘a very long but narrow roll,’ then in his possession. The text,
    however, does not seem to be printed entire, as the Editor only
    professes to give ‘several particulars therein.’]

    [Footnote 226.4: At Norwich.]

    [Footnote 226.5: 27th May 1466.]

    [Footnote 228.1: Robert Coteler, who was presented to the living
    by John Paston in 1465, on the resignation of Thomas Howys.]

    [Footnote 228.2: A short blank occurs in Blomefield after ‘xxix.’
    and before ‘xvii.’]

    [Footnote 229.1: Blomefield or his continuator here speaks in his
    own person.]

    [Footnote 230.1: A church in Norwich, rebuilt by John Paston in
    1460, the advowson having been acquired by him and Margaret, his
    wife, in 1458. The date of the rebuilding is engraved in stone on
    a buttress by the north door.]

    [Footnote 231.1: Masses called ‘certeynes’ are referred to in No.
    53 (vol. ii. p. 64).]

  [[To Master Clement Felmyngham
    _text has “Mastkr”: corrected from Blomefield_]]


638

FASTOLF’S GOODS[231.2]

[Sidenote: 1466]

Declaracio bonorum mobilium Johannis Fastolf militis ad manus Johannis
Paston armigeri deveniencium et possidencium tam ex liberacione Thomæ
Howys, Rectoris de Pulham, unius executoris dicti militis, quam ex Rapto
aliorum hominum serviencium et tenencium suorum. Ac valorem in
possessione dominiorum maneriorum terrarum et tenementorum suorum in
eorum prima perquisicione per dictum militem solutorum et per heredem
dicti Paston clameatorum pro nichilo solvendo, cum custubus
edifficacionis eorundem. Et pro quibus omnibus supra specificatis
executores dicti militis petiunt de heredibus et executoribus dicti
Johannis Paston, solucionem restitucionem ac satisfacionem de dampnis
occasione hujusmodi retencionis.

_In primis._

Die octava mensis Novembris anno xxxviij. Regni Regis Henrici Sexti,
videlicet tercio die post obitum Johannis Fastolf militis, Thomas Howys
clericus, co-executor dicti Johannis Fastolf, deliberavit Johanni Paston
armigero de bonis dicti Johannis Fastolf existentibus ad tunc sub salva
custodia in abbathia Sancti Benedicti de Hulmo de parte majoris summe in
auro, videlicet in nobilibus antiquis boni et justi ponderis ij^ml.
cccc. nobilia, precii nobile viij_s._ iiij_d._, faciunt m^{l}_li._, et
alia vice in moneta argenti xxiiij_li._ xvij_s._ ij_d._; unde summa

                                       m^{l.}xxiiij_li._ xvij_s._ ij_d._

Item, idem Thomas liberavit Johanni Paston dicto mense Novembris apud
Norwicum, de vasis argenti diversarum specierum ad tunc habitarum extra
thesauraium dicti militis manerij de Castre, iiij^ml. xxiij. unciarum
ponderis Troie, precium uncie ij_s._ x_d._, faciunt v^{c.}lxix_li._
xviij_s._ vj_d._ Et eidem Johanni apud Norwicum alia vice, de vasis
argenti, ponderis lvij. unciarum, precium uncie ut supra, vij_li._
iiij_s._ x_d._ Et eidem Johanni alia vice apud dictum Castre liberantur
de vasis argenti Cxij. unciarum precium ut supra xv_li._ xvij_s._
iiij_d._; unde summa
                                      v^{c.}iiij^{xx.}viij_li._ viij_d._

Item, idem Thomas liberavit eidem Johanni Paston apud Norwicum dicto
mense Novembris, in cyphis et vasis auri triati et finati, iij^{xx.}xv.
unciarum ponderis Troie, precium uncie xl_s._
                                                                 Cl_li._

Item, idem Thomas liberavit dicto Johanni ad faciendum certum prestitum
comiti de Salysberye de bonis dicti Johannis Fastolf, unde idem Johannes
Paston habet sufficientem securitatem et obligacionem Episcopi
Norwicensis xxxiij_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._ Et consimili modo liberavit
dicto Johanni ad faciendum certum prestitum      domino de Fitzwater,
unde idem Johannes habet sufficientes securitates, xxxiij_li._ vj_s._
viij_d._
                                             lxvj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, dictus Johannes Paston cepit de bonis dicti militis existentibus
sub custodia Willelmi Worcetyr, contra agreamentum suum, et tradita per
ipsum ad salvo custodiendum Thome Plummer de London scryvaner et Johanni
Gressham de eadem capper, videlicet in vasis argenti diversarum
specierum m^{l.}viij^{c.}iiij^{xx.}x. unciarum, precium uncie ut supra,
CClxviij_li._ v_s._ Et consimiliter cepit cyphum coopertum de puro auro
ponderis Troie xxiij. unc’, j. quart. di., precium uncie xl_s._,
xlvj_li._ xv_s._ Et similiter cepit unam cathenam auri puri, ponderis
Troie xxiij. unc’ et dimidii, precium unc’ ut supra xlvij_li._

                                                            CCClxij_li._

Item, idem Johannes Paston cepit consimili modo de bonis dicti militis
traditis Willelmo Worcetyr ad custodiendum, dicto mense Novembris,
videlicet London, apud domum dicti Thome Plummer, ultra Cxl_li._ per
dictum Worcestre solutas pro panno nigro pro liberatis togarum datis
erga funeralia dicti militis, et pro serico pro baneretis pictis cum
armis, necnon pro vino et speciebus, videlicet viij^{c.}j. nobilia
antiqua boni et justi ponderis, precium nobile viij_s._ iiij_d._,
iij^{c.}xxxiij_li._ xv_s._ Et liberantur dicto Johanni Paston per manus
dicti Thome Howys, London, de moneta tradita in custodia dicti Thome
Plummer lxij_li._ xj_s._ iiij_d._; pro toto

                                   CCCiiij^{xx.}xvj_li._ vj_s._ iiij_d._

Item, dictus Johannes Paston cepit consimili modo de Willelmo Worcestre
certa notabilia monilia et jocalia auri cum lapidibus preciosis
garnizata, videlicet unum monile ditissimum vocata Anglice _a White
Rose_ nuper domini ducis Eborum[233.1] cum magno precioso lapide vocato
_a poynted dyamant_, qui in prima empcione constabat, ut dicitur iiij^or
m^l. marcarum, ac alia duo jocalia nuper dicti domini ducis tradita in
plegio quando dictus Johannes Fastolf obligatus fuit pro dicto duce in
tribus milibus libris executoribus cardinalis Anglie[233.2] super certis
denariis prestitis dicto duci, et unde idem, dominus dux debebat dicto
Johanni Fastolf in denariis prestitis CCCClxvj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._ Et
pro aliis justis causis CClxvj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._ Et predicta tria
jocalia per assensum dicti domini ducis sub sigillo armorum in scriptis
tradita assignata fuerunt dicto Johanni Fastolf ut bona sua propria ad
vendendum et disponendum in recompensacione debiti sui et aliis magnis
laboribus et vexacionibus dicti militis pro dicto duce sustentatis et
habitis dum modo locum tenens pro Rege fuit in Francia, ac postea in
Anglia
                                     vij^{c.}xxxiij_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._

Item, predictus Johannes Paston recepit exitus et proficua omnium
maneriorum, terrarum et tenementorum dicti militis in comitatibus
Norffolk, Suffolk, Essex et Surrie per manus ministrorum et servorum
sine consensu executorum dicti militis, diversis annis ex quo obiit, per
propinquam estimacionem
                                 m^{l.}vj{c.}lxvj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, dictus Johannes Paston recepit diversa alia catalla et bestias
dicti militis, videlicet equos et palefridos principales suos valoris
xxx_li._ ac oves et animalia minuta cubancia in pasturis de Castre et
aliis maneriis, videlicet ij^{m.}iiij^{c.}lvj. oves diversorum generum
precium capitis xiiij_d._ Cxliij_li._ v_s._ iiij_d._ Et in precio xiij.
magnarum bestiarum vj_li._ Et in valore vj^m. cuniculorum apud Warennam
de Haylysdon anno quo dictus miles obiit per Warennarios ibidem per
propinquam estimacionem assessatos precium m^l. xv_s._, xlv_li._
Similiter in precio vellerum lane ovium de stauro suo apud Haylysdon
ante obitum suum remanencium, xxvj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._ per ipsum
recept’
                                             CCl_li._ xviij_s._ viij_d._

Item, idem Johannes Paston recepit apud Castre predictam stuffuram et
ordinacionem pro defensione patrie in artilleria, videlicet colubrinas
librillas[234.1] diversorum magnitudinum cum cameris in decem carectis
oneratis ac in curassys, brigandinis jakkis, salectis, basnetes,
habourjonnys, lanceis, crossebowes de calibe [_chalybe_], longbowes,
arcubus, sagittis, gonnepowder, gonnestonys, et cetera hujusmodi
defensibilia valoris
                                                                 Cl_li._

Item, recepit apud Castre per supervisum dicti Thome Howys in valore
librorum pertinencium capelle ac in utenciliis garderobe dicti militis
ibidem, videlicet in costeris et lectis de pluma et coopertoria de arras
et tapestria ac penulis de martys cum togis necnon utencilia aule
camerarum coquine et cetera hujusmodi, ut per billam de particulis
patet, Cxxj_li._ vij_s._ iiij_d._ Et simili modo de utenciliis Warderobe
et camerarum remanencium apud manerium suum in Suthwerk, valoris
xx_li._,
                                              Cxlj_li._ vij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, dictus Johannes recepit per manus dicti Thome Howys, Willelmi
Paston, Thome Playter, Thome Plummer de London, scryvaner, Christofori
Hansson armigeri et Luce Nantron ad diversas vices tam Londoniis quam in
Suthwerk, ut patet per billam de parcellis,
                                              Ciiij_li._ xj_s._ viij_d._

Item, idem Willelmus Worcestre mense Julii anno v^to regni Regis Edwardi
quarti solvit uxori dicti Thome Plumer pro debito dicti Johannis Paston
ut pro panno nigro ac prestita facta et liberaciones argenti fact’ suo
mandato diversis personis,
                                                              xxxij_li._

Item, idem Johannes recepit in valore et precio panni lanei nigri
coloris per ipsum dati diversis hominibus de affinitate sua propria,
ultra Clij_li._ ut in precio panni lanei nigri coloris provisi et dati
amicis et servientibus dicti Johannis Fastolf erga funeralia sua
tenenda, xl_li._ Et similiter idem Johannes Paston fecit prefatum Thomam
Howys exponere et tradere diversis hominibus in regardis et solucionibus
circa propria negocia dicti Paston expedienda London’ et alibi xxx_li._
xvj_s._ j_d._ Et consimiliter idem Johannes fecit dictum Thomam exponere
et solvere in expensis victualium hospicii tenti apud Castre anno primo
quo idem miles obiit, tam circa extraneos et notos supervenientes de
affinitate et amicicia sua sine causa apud Castre Maner trahentes ibidem
moram inutilem, ad summam iiij^{xx.}x_li._, prout evidenter patebit per
certam declaracionem,
                                                  Clx_li._ xvj_s._ j_d._

Item, ultra predicta bona sic sibi applicata, prefatus Johannes Paston
pretendebat habere et possidere, sine racione et scripto autentiquo,
omnia dominia, terras et tenementa dicti militis in comitatibus,
Norffolk, Suffolk et Norwico, ac sine solucione alicujus summe que
constabant dicto militi in prima empcione ultra edifficaciones et
repparaciones dictorum maneriorum,
                                                  ix^{ml.}viij^{c.}_li._

Item, considerandum est quod, ultra dictas perquisiciones, edifficacio
manerii de Castre velut fortalicium defensionis patrie constabat in
triginta annis vj^{ml.}_li._ Et edifficacio manerii de Haylysdon, cum
clausura bosci et warenne, ac edifficacione duarum domorum vocatarum
_lez logges_ apud Haylysdon et Drayton, v^{c.}xlviij_li._ xiij_s._
iiij_d._ Et custus imparcacionis parci in Cotton cum repparacione
manerii iiij^{c.}_li._ Et repparacio principalis mesuagii sui in villa
de Jernemouth CC_li._ Edifficacio et repparacio tenementorum suorum in
civitate Norwici CCxl_li._

                       vij^{ml.}CCCiiij^{xx.}viij_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, ultra ista, prefatus Johannes Paston retinet in custodia sua
principales evidencias maneriorum dicti militis vocatorum Dedham
Netherhall et Dedham Overhall in comitatu Essex; que quidem maneria, in
defectu dictarum evidenciarum per ipsum non prosequutorum a tempore
obitus dicti militis pro recuperacione eorundem, et hucusque, existunt
extra possessionem, in maximum prejudicium defuncti, pro eo quod dictum
manerium vocatum Dedham Netherhall constabat dicto militi in prima
empcione m^{l.}_li._, et predictum manerium vocatum Dedham Overhall
Clx_li._ Et exitus et proficua dictorum maneriorum que ad manus
executorum dicti militis medio tempore non devenerunt secundum ratam
xl_li._ per annum ascendunt ad CCiiij^{xx.}_li._ Sic in toto,

                                                   m^{l.}iiij^c. xl_li._

    [Footnote 231.2: [From a MS. in the Tower of Magd. College,
    Oxford.] This is a paper drawn up by William Worcester after John
    Paston’s death in 1466. The errors in grammar are characteristic
    of the writer.]

    [Footnote 233.1: Richard, Duke of York, father of Edward IV.]

    [Footnote 233.2: Probably Cardinal Beaufort; but it may be
    Cardinal Kemp.]

    [Footnote 234.1: _colubrinas librillas_, _i.e._ culverins.]

  [[Item, predictus Johannes Paston ...
  m^{l.}vj{c.}lxvj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._
    _“c.” (100) printed as subscript_]]


639

ABSTRACT[236.1]

EXAMINATIONS TOUCHING SIR JOHN FASTOLF’S WILL

[Sidenote: 1466 / MAY and JUNE]

A.D. 1466. The following witnesses were examined secretly and apart on
behalf of Sir William Yelverton, ‘deceased,’[236.2] in the house of the
treasurer of St. Paul’s Cathedral by John Druell, LL.D.:--

  May 17. John Monke _alias_ Smyth.
      19. John Dawson and John Gyrdyng.
      20. William Boswell, Robert Inglys, Ric. Horne, and Thos.
              Pykeryng.
      21. Henry Clerke, John Tovy, Thos. Hert, William Shawe, and
              Nich. Cherche.
      22. Thos. Newton, Th. Spycer, and Thos. Neve.
      23. John Rugge, John Clerke, and Rob. Bunche.
 June 10. Stephen Scrope.
      11. Ric. Fastolf.

I. John Monke, a smith of the parish of St. James, Pokethorpe, in
Norwich, illiterate, of free condition, thirty-two years old and over,
alleges bribery of witnesses by Paston and Howys, who offered to sell
John Russe lands at Leystofte at little more than half their value.
Howes made Russe a present of salt, barley, and malt to the value of
£20, and promised him a full discharge of his account for goods of the
testator in his custody to the value of £200 and over. He paid Robert
Cutteler, vicar of Caster, ‘colore cujusdam ultimi _vale_ dicti
testatoris prius non debite’ (_sic_), money and corn to the value of 20
marks, and promised to present him to the living of Mawdeby whenever
Thomas Howse resigned it. They gave Felmyngham an annuity of 8 marks,
and 40s. to a boy who is his servant. They gave Robert Boteler a fee
(_feodum_) of 5 marks [a year] for life, and the farm of a close called
Mawdeby close, besides some other gifts which are specified. Hence the
said John Russe, Rob. Cutteler, Clement Felmyngham, and Rob. Butteler,
falsely deposed in answer to the second interrogatory that on the
Saturday before the testator’s death they were present in a certain low
room (_bassa camera_) in the manor of Caister, where the testator was
principally between the hours of 8 and 11 A.M., and that with them were
the said John Paston and John Brakley, and no others; for in reality
there were present in the chamber with the testator on that day, and
especially during those hours, the said Rob. Fitzrauf, Nich. Newman, and
John Loer continually, and the said Dan John Davye, Dan Thomas Howys,
Friar John Bernard, physician, and Henry Barbour, and several others [at
intervals]. Moreover, Cutteler, Felmyngham, and Butteler, said Russe was
present on that occasion, whereas both he and Cutteler were in other
places. Moreover, bribes were given by Paston and Howes in various forms
during the months of January, February, and March 1462[-3], and at other
times in the parishes of Caister and Yarmouth, and in the city of
London, to Ralph Lampet, brother William Bukenham, and the said Rob.
Cutteler. Paston promised to promote Bukenham to the priory of Yarmouth,
and also, as a reward for his testimony, to give him 13 acres of the
testator’s land in Scroudby and Caister called Isabell, to the use of
the prior and convent of Norwich. Hence the testimony of these witnesses
was false, that Fastolf, about the beginning of Autumn five years ago,
had made to John Paston estate and feoffment and livery of seisin of his
manor of Caister, and other lands in Cos. Norf. and Suff., and the city
of Norwich, to the use of the said testator while he lived, and
afterwards to that of the said John Paston and his heirs; for if any
such thing was done (which is not admitted) it was on the 16th October
1457, in the 36th year of Henry VI., after the Autumn of the said year,
and not to the use of Paston and his heirs, but to the use of Fastolf
himself, and for the accomplishment of his will. Further, the testimony
of Russe, Cutteler, Bukenham, Felmyngham, and Butteler was untrue as to
the alleged will of Fastolf that John Paston should obtain the King’s
license for the foundation of a college at Caister. It was in truth
Fastolf’s will that the executors should obtain the King’s license to
found a college there of seven Benedictine monks of the same profession
as the monastery of St. Benet at Hulme, of whom one should be prior, and
of seven poor men, and that they should be endowed out of his lands to
the extent of 300 marks a year, all charges deducted, to pray for the
soul of Lady Milicent, his wife, his parents and benefactors; and if the
executors were unable to obtain this license, they were to give the
abbot and convent of St. Benet’s lands and money for the maintenance of
six new monks and seven poor men in that monastery with a like object.
Further, it is not true as alleged that on Saturday before his death,
viz., 3rd Nov., between eight and eleven A.M., the testator openly
declared his will with a clear voice in the hearing of bystanders, for
he was so ill and weak from want of breath that he was unable to speak
distinctly at any time that whole day, especially during the hours above
mentioned.

Moreover, bribes were offered by Paston and Howes in May and June 1465,
in the parishes of Caister and Yarmouth, and in the city of London, to
Thomas Thorald, Robert Lawes, Will. Waterman, John Osbern, John Heydon,
Will. Pykeryng, John Symmys, and John Shawe, for their testimony in this
matter, viz. that they should have 20s. besides travelling expenses and
divers other sums which were offered to them in Paston’s name by
Cutteler, vicar of Caister, and Ric. Calle; and John Paston promised the
said William Pykeryng that he should recover certain lands in the tenure
of his brother John Pykeryng, in Fylby, to the value of 40s. Influenced
by these bribes, Thos. Thorald deposed that on the Saturday before
Fastolf’s death, Bartholomew Elys and John Davys came to his house in
Belton, two miles and more from Yarmouth, about eight A.M., when he was
in his grange, and asked him to come with them to divers manors of the
said Sir John, to receive certain grain from his farmers; after which
they drank in Thorald’s house, and he went with them to Freton, and to
the manor called Calcote hall, and other places in Lothynlond until
midday. Robert Lawes also deposed that on Friday before Fastolf’s death
he went to Becclys, and next day, viz. Saturday, returning homeward
(_rediens domorsum_), met on the way the said Bartholomew Elis, John
Davy, and Thomas Thorald going to Freton, when Davy called him and bade
him tell Thomas Howys or John Rus that on Monday or Tuesday next he
would go to Caister and give an account of his stewardship. Afterwards,
about two P.M., Lawes came to Caister and told John Rus his business in
the absence of Howys. But the said William Waterman, being bribed as
aforesaid, falsely declares that on the Saturday before Fastolf’s death
Barth. Elys and John Davy came to his house at Gorlyston about seven
A.M., and that he went with them to Thorald’s house, and that they went
and spoke with Thorald at the grange while he waited for them at the
gate. Afterwards they all entered the hall of Thomas Thorald and drank
beer together, and all four went together to Calcote-halle and waited
there till ten A.M., when Watyrman left the other three and returned
home. And about two P.M. Elys and Davy returned and drank beer at
Watyrman’s house. But the truth is that Elys and Davy were at Yarmouth
that day from seven till past eleven A.M.

Further, John Osberne, Will. Pykerynge, and John Heydon were corrupt
witnesses. John Osberne said that on Saturday before the Feast of St.
Leonard, when Fastolf was ill of his last illness, the said Osberne,
Pykerynge, and Heydon came to Caister to receive certain monies of John
Rus for barley sold to him by Osberne; that about eight A.M. they
entered the hall of the manor and found Robert Hert and others, servants
of Fastolf, sitting at breakfast; and that John Russe immediately came
to Osberne and talked to him about the payment. At last Russe took them
into the _claustrum_, and leaving them, entered Fastolf’s chamber; then,
after remaining two hours and more, returned into the _claustrum_ and
delivered the money to Osbern. This testimony was confirmed by Heydon
and Pykeryng; but the truth is that Russe that Saturday, from seven till
near twelve o’clock (_a principio horæ septimæ usque ad finem horæ
undecimæ_), and Robert Hert from seven to ten A.M., were at Yarmouth,
three miles off.

Further, John Symmys and John Shawe were corrupt witnesses, the former
saying that Robert Hert was present in the said manor-house of Caister
at eight A.M. on the said day, and even at nine o’clock at dinner-time
(_tempore prandii_), and that he saw the said Robert Hert sitting among
Fastolf’s other servants at breakfast (_jentaculum_); and that he
(Symmys) and Henry Wynstall, Fastolf’s barber, were occupied together in
shoeing horses in the said manor from breakfast-time aforesaid to
dinner-time, and that at dinner-time Symmys saw the said Henry sitting
in the hall with others; and that on the said Saturday, about eight
A.M., and even at noon, Symmys saw John Rus in the hall of the said
manor. Also John Shawe deposed that on the Saturday before Fastolf’s
death he saw John Rus and Henry Wynstall in the hall of the said manor,
both at eight A.M. at breakfast and at dinner at midday, and he also saw
Robert Hert, porter at the gate of the manor, at those hours; and that
between breakfast and dinner Shawe and Wynstall were occupied along with
John Symmys in shoeing Sir John’s horses. But the truth is that both Rus
and Hert were absent as above-mentioned, and Wynstall was with Fastolf
in his chamber from nine A.M. to half-past ten. Also Symmys, William
Pykeryng, Heydon, Osberne, and Lawes were all absent the whole of that
Saturday, and certainly between eight and eleven A.M. And
notwithstanding that the contrary is alleged against them, John Davy,
Barth. Elys, John Bokkyng, John Davy, chaplain, Thos. Upton, Nich.
Newman, John Loer, Wm. Eton, Robert Lynne, John Marshall, Wm. Lynne,
Henry Wynstall, Robert Hert, and Robert Fitzrauff, gave honest testimony
in behalf of Yelverton and Worceter, being men of good repute,
sufficiently rich, and well worthy of credit.

Additional exceptions on the part of Yelverton and Worcester to the
testimony of John Rus and Clement Felmyngham, showing that Paston had
offered to let to the former a tenement in Yarmouth for less than its
true value, and had promised the latter 100 marks for the Austin Friars
at South-Town,[239.1] which was not bequeathed in Fastolf’s will; also
that he had given Master Robert Popy, besides his expenses, 20 marks for
his testimony, and remitted to him 10_s._ of the rent of a fishery which
was five years in arrear, and that he had also released to him 40 marks
of a penalty of 100 marks due by Popy upon a bond; in consequence of
which Popy deposed that on the 30th October three years
previously,[240.1] John Paston had reported to him at Caister that he
had made an agreement with Fastolf by which he was to have all Fastolf’s
lands in Norfolk, Suffolk, and the city of Norwich, after his death,
paying for the same 4000 marks, and was to found a college in the manor,
etc.; on hearing which Popy returned to Fastolf, and related to him what
Paston had said to him, and Sir John confirmed it, requesting him to
show the same goodwill towards Paston, as he had done to himself. But in
truth Fastolf never asserted or confirmed any such thing.

Answers to interrogatories by the same deponent, viz.--1. As to his
knowledge of the parties and witnesses.

2. As to the alleged instances of bribery, and the absence of Rus on the
day referred to. The latter fact deponent says he knows, because he and
Rus lay together in the chamber of Thomas Howys, and on Friday before
Fastolf’s death Rus went to Yarmouth to buy victuals, and left with him
the key of the chamber, Howys being then at Blowfeld; and Rus remained
at Yarmouth all that Friday and the Saturday following, and returned on
Sunday.

4. As to the condition of Fastolf on the Saturday before his death. He
was so weak for want of breath that he could not speak distinctly; those
about him could not hear what he said without inclining their ears to
his mouth, and even then they could hardly understand him. And this
deponent says he knows, because on Friday and Saturday before his death
he was frequently in Sir John’s chamber, and when people spoke to him to
comfort him in his illness he only answered by sighs, so that deponent
and others could not tell what he meant. Moreover, Sir John was
accustomed when in health daily to say certain prayers with his
chaplain, but on that day the chaplain said the service alone, while
Fastolf lay on his bed and said nothing.

6. As to Russe and Hert being at Yarmouth, he says he heard Thomas Howys
that Saturday morning order the latter to take horse and ride thither to
get provisions for the household, and he saw him ride out of the manor
accordingly about seven A.M., and also saw him return with the
provisions about ten A.M. [In the margin here is written ‘Nititur
deponere de absencia Hert, sed non probat.’]

7. Knows that Henry Wynstall was absent from the hall of the manor from
about nine to half-past ten, for he saw him enter the chamber with his
instruments to shave Sir John, and wait there an hour and a half, and he
could not have left without deponent seeing him. Moreover, John Symmys
did not shoe horses in the manor that Saturday, for deponent had the
custody of the forge and kept the keys.

Answers to another set of interrogatories proposed on behalf of Paston
and Howes, and here quoted at length, to the following effect, viz.: 1.
Where each witness has lived since he was born, and whether he be in the
service of the party producing him? 2. As to his knowledge of the
witnesses on the other side? 3. What particulars he can give as to any
bribery he imputes to them, and what was its special object? 4. By what
means he knew it, and by whom he has been asked to give testimony, and
whether he has conferred with his fellow-witnesses; whether they have
received instructions what to depose; how often he has come up to London
to give evidence and returned without being called; and how much he was
promised for coming? 5. Each witness is to declare how he knows the
facts, and to be charged not to reveal to the others on what subjects he
was questioned.

The only point of interest in these replies is that deponent was asked
by William Worcester in the city of Norwich on Sunday eight days to give
his testimony in the cause. He denies all communication with his
fellow-witnesses, &c.

  _Note._--The evidence of this first witness runs to five or six
  times the length of any other, and we have noted all the material
  points in it. Of the depositions of the others we shall not give any
  summary, but mention briefly any new statements that seem to be of
  interest:--

II. John Dawson, husbandman (_agricultor_), of Blowfeld, where he has
been for four years, having formerly lived five years in the manor of
Caister, and before that in Cambridge three years, _literatus, liberæ
conditionis_, about thirty years old.

His testimony generally agrees with that of Monke, and he says the
covenant of Akethorpe was made in the February before Fastolf’s death.
Between Christmas and Easter after his death deponent heard Howes in the
manor of Caister say to Robert Cutteler the vicar that he should have 6
marks for his labour in giving evidence about Fastolf’s will; and
afterwards Howes in his chamber in the said manor paid him 6 marks.
Paston also promised him a benefice worth 40 marks. He says, about a
month before Fastolf’s death, he heard Howes and Paston frequently
repeat publicly in the household the tenor of Sir John Fastolf’s will.
About St. John Baptist’s day last he was at Yarmouth, and heard John
Symmys and John Shawe say they were hired by Paston and Howes to give
evidence in the proving of Fastolf’s will.

III. John Gyrdynge of Fretenham, where he has lived four years; before
which time he lived with the Prior of St. Faith’s two years, before that
in the manor of Caster four years, before that with John Emeryngale of
Wroxham two years, and before that in Norwich as an apprentice with
Henry Toke five years; a cook, illiterate and of free condition,
thirty-two years old and over.[241.1] Agrees with the evidence of
corruption against Rus and others. Was present in Fastolf’s room that
Saturday forenoon, and saw the two chaplains celebrating mass.
H. Wynstall the barber was present till ten A.M.

IV. William Boswell of Thetford, who was four years with Friar Bracley,
&c., _literatus_, of free condition, thirty years old and more. Heard
Howys, Paston, and Rus frequently confer at Caister about the sale of a
house in Yarmouth, which Howys, at the request of Paston, at length
granted to Rus at £20 less than its value, to the end that Rus might
bear witness in their favour and in the proving of Fastolf’s will. [Here
occurs a marginal note by another hand, ‘Male sonat. Quod alius
consensit non probatur.’ At the head of this deposition also it is said
that this witness has been proved corrupt.]

V. Robert Inglys of Lodon, gentleman, who has lived there two years,
and before that in the parish of Hopton three years, before that with
Henry None, Esq., for more than a year, before that with Sir John
Fastolf two years, before that with the Abbot of Langley two years, and
before that in Hopton with his father; illiterate, and of free
condition, thirty years old and more.

VI. Richard Horne of Brundall, Norwich diocese, husbandman
(_agricultor_), who has lived there four years, and before that with
Thomas Howys six years, and before that in the parish of St. George,
Southwark, three years; illiterate, of free condition, twenty-six years
old.

VII. Thomas Pykeryng of Wroxham, Norwich diocese, who has been a
schoolmaster at Norwich and Aylesham, and is now clerk to Robert
Norwich, steward of the Abbot of St. Benet’s, Hulme.

VIII. Henry Clerke of Blowfeld, husbandman (_agricultor_), once in the
service of Sir John Fastolf, illiterate, twenty-eight years old, of free
condition. Says that on the Saturday before Fastolf’s death Howys sent
him and John Shawe to Yarmouth about seven A.M., with a cart-load of
malt to one named Chirche; that they arrived about eight, and were
spoken to by John Rus and Robert Cutteler in the market-place; that they
waited with their cart till two P.M., when deponent took leave of Russ
and Cutteler in the street, having repeatedly seen them there in the
interval. Also that at eight and nine A.M. he saw Robert Hert in
Yarmouth, who soon after his arrival delivered him a sack containing
meat, bought, as he said, by Rus for Fastolf’s household. He says also
that between eight and nine he spoke with the said John Symmys, William
Pykeryng, and John Osbern in Yarmouth.

Marginal notes are appended to the above statements, affirming that
bribery had been proved against this witness by four others, and that he
stood alone in his testimony.

IX. John Tovy of Caister, where he has lived ever since he was born,
_agricultor, literatus_, of free condition, twenty-four years old and
more; cannot depose of his own knowledge to the bribery of John Rus and
the others. He says John Rus was not present in the manor on the said
Saturday, having to be at Yarmouth to provide victuals for the
household. About eight A.M. witness conveyed to the said manor some
linen, which his mother had washed, for she was Sir John’s washerwoman,
and waited there, sometimes in the hall and sometimes in Sir John’s
chamber, till after midday, but did not see John Rus or any of the
others named, as he would have done if they had been present.

X. Thomas Hert of Caister, _agricultor_, who has lived there from his
birth, illiterate, of free condition, twenty-three years old. Cannot
depose to bribery except from hearsay. Was sent to Caister by his father
on the Saturday before Fastolf’s death with capons to be sold to John
Rus, purveyor of victuals for the household, but on inquiring for him,
found he was absent, and delivered the capons to Sir Thomas Howes.
Waited till nine A.M. and saw neither Rus, Cutteler, Boteler, nor Robert
Hert, but was told Rus was at Yarmouth, and Boteler sick in his chamber.
John Symmys had nothing to do with the shoeing of Sir John’s horses that
day. Was asked to bear witness in this cause a fortnight ago by Sir
William Yelverton’s servant at Caister.

XI. William Shave, roper of Yarmouth, illiterate, of free condition,
fifty-eight years old. On the Saturday before Fastolf’s death, was at
the house of John Balle, at the sign of the Cock, in Yarmouth, in a
parlour near the public street, when Sir Thomas Howes informed John Rus,
there present, that he had been desired by John Paston to remit to him
£20 of the price of a house sold to Rus by the said Thomas, and
thereupon he remitted to him the said £20 and 5 marks, in which he was
bound to Sir John Fastolf. He also promised him the lands of Akethorp
Hall for 40 marks less than any other, provided he would favour the
intention of Howes and Paston. [It is remarked in the margin that
witness does not say what intention.] William Lynde, a servant of Sir
John Fastolf, was present, besides others. He saw Russ and Cutteler that
Saturday at Yarmouth, between nine and twelve A.M., and spoke with them
and drank in the house of Thomas Lounde. As to Thomas Torald, witness
was at Yarmouth one Saturday, when he heard Robert Cutteler and Torald
conversing; and the former told the latter that Sir Thomas Howes loved
him well, and that John Paston could do him much good, and in the name
of Paston and Howes he promised Torald 20_s._ for his labour, besides
expenses, if he would depose for them. Knows that on the Saturday before
Fastolf’s death Bartholomew Elys was in Yarmouth from half-past eight to
eleven A.M., for he and witness bought fish called roches together, sold
some, and divided others in Elys’s house. That day he saw John Rus in
Yarmouth several times every hour from seven to eleven A.M., for he was
in the market-place all that time on his business, and at vespers he saw
John Rus in the parish church of the said town. Next day, Sunday, he
also saw him there at matins and at mass.

XII. Nicholas Chirche of Yarmouth, merchant, _literatus_, of free
condition, forty years old and more. Testifies concerning a conversation
held in John Balle’s parlour at the Cock in Yarmouth after the Christmas
following Fastolf’s death, with Sir Thomas Howes, John Paston, John Rus,
Friar Clement Felmyngham, Dan Robert Cutteler, Robert Boteler, Thomas
Neve, and others, when Howes remitted to John Rus £20 of the price of a
house he had sold him, and 5 marks of the arrears of his accounts. He
also testifies to other acts of the same nature on that occasion, and to
the absence of Rus and Cutteler at Yarmouth on the Saturday above
referred to, &c.

[In the margin it is remarked that this witness has been proved corrupt
by three others.]

On the 22d May John Naseby, proctor for Yelverton and Howes, produced as
a witness one John Rugge, in presence of Master Robert Kent, Paston’s
proctor.

XIII. Thomas Newton of Burgh, _agricultor_, illiterate, of free
condition, fifty years old and more.

XIV. Thomas Spycer of Southtown, by Yarmouth, tailor, illiterate, of
free condition, fifty years old and more.

XV. Thomas Neve of Jernemuth [_Yarmouth_], merchant, _literatus_, of
free condition, forty years old and more.

XVI. John Rugge, mariner, of Yarmouth, illiterate, of free condition,
fifty years old.

XVII. John Clerke of Gorlaston, _agricultor_, illiterate, of free
condition, fifty years old. Heard Clement Felmyngham report to him at
the Austin Friars in Southtown that Paston and Howes had given him a
pension of 8 marks a year for life, and 40_s._ for his servant, to say
masses for the soul of Sir John Fastolf. Cannot witness of bribery
otherwise. A little after Michaelmas, two years before Fastolf’s death,
William Worceter in Fastolf’s name delivered possession of six of his
manors in Lodylond, viz. Spytlyng in Gorlaston, Bradwell Hall in
Bradwell, Hadlounde in Bradwell, Calcotes in Freton, Beytons in Belton,
and Akethorpe in Leystoft, to Sir Thomas Howes and others, his
co-feoffees named in a charter of enfeoffment, to the use of Sir John
during his life, and to execute his will afterwards. This he knows,
because he rode with Howes to the said manors when he took possession,
and saw and heard Worceter deliver possession thereof. Thomas Torald
reported to witness in Lent last that Paston and Howes had promised and
paid him 20_s._, besides his expenses, to give evidence in the proving
of Fastolf’s will, and had given each of his fellow-witnesses as much.

XVIII. Robert Bunche of Yarmouth, mariner, _literatus_, of free
condition, fifty years old. Swears to having seen John Rus that Saturday
at Yarmouth between seven and eight. [A marginal note says that being
afterwards produced as a witness by Paston, he admitted having been
suborned, and having deposed falsely.]

On the 22d July Yelverton’s proctor, Naseby, produced in presence of
Paston’s proctor, Kent, two witnesses, viz.--Stephen Scrope, Esq., and
Richard Fastolf.

XIX. Stephen Scrope, Esq., of free condition, seventy years old or
about. Says he was several times with Sir John Fastolf in his manor of
Caister within the two years before his death, when Sir John told him he
had made his will, and had ordered his executors to erect a college of
six or seven monks and seven poor men at Caister, and that they should
have lands and goods to the value of 300 marks a year, if a license
could be obtained from the King to that effect; otherwise that the
number of monks at St. Benet’s should be increased, and seven poor men
supported in the monastery. [In the margin it is remarked that this
witness proves nothing against the accused witnesses, but only
endeavours to depose concerning the will of the deceased.]

XX. Richard Fastolfe, of the parish of St. Mary Eldermary, in London,
tailor, where he has lived for two years, and before that in the parish
of St. Michael, Crokydlane, London, for a quarter of a year, formerly
with the Duke of York, _literatus_, of free condition, thirty-two years
old. Went to Caister about the Feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross
preceding Fastolf’s death, along with one Thomas Plummer, _scriptor_, of
London, now deceased. Found Sir John walking about his chamber led by
two servants, when Plummer petitioned him to help deponent with goods
that he might marry, as he was one of Sir John’s relations. To this Sir
John made answer that he had within a few [days] preceding made his
will, which he would not alter, and that he had made mention of deponent
therein. He also said to Plummer that if he had come in good time, he
should have written his will.

  [Throughout all the above depositions will be found marginal
  comments in another hand, a few of which we have noticed
  incidentally, tending to show that the testimony given is
  insufficient to prove the bribery of Paston’s witnesses, or to
  invalidate their statements.]

‘Responsiones personaliter factæ per Johannem Paston, armigerum, xxixº
die mensis Julii anno Domini MºCCCClxv^to, Indictione xiij^ma,
pontificatus sanctissimi in Christo patris et domini nostri, domini
Pauli Divina providencia Papæ Secundi anno primo, in domo habitationis
venerabilis mulieris Elisabethæ Venor in le Flete vulgariter nuncupat’
infra parochiam Sanctæ Brigidæ Virginis in suburbeis civitatis London’
situata, [et] x., xj., et xij^mo diebus mensis Decembris anno Domini
supradicto, Indictione xiiij^ma, pontificatus dicti sanctissimi patris
domini Pauli Papæ Secundi anno secundo, in domo thesaurarii ecclesiæ
Cathedralis Sancti Pauli London’ in parochia Sancti Gregorii civitatis
London’ situata, coram venerabili viro Magistro Johanne Druell,
utriusque juris doctore, commissario et examinatore in hac parte
specialiter deputato, in præsentia mei, Nicholai Parker, notarii
publici, scribæ in ea parte assumpti et deputati, de et super
interrogatoriis per partem venerabilis viri domini Willelmi Yelverton
militis et Willelmi Worceter, executorum testamenti domini Johannis
Fastolf militis ministratis, productum.’

    [Footnote 236.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The following
    examinations are contained in the same volume as the depositions
    of John Paston of which an abstract will be found in No. 606. They
    begin at page 21, immediately after Paston’s depositions, a single
    blank page intervening.]

    [Footnote 236.2: By a singular mistake in the record, Sir William
    Yelverton is here spoken of as deceased instead of John Paston:--
    ‘per partem venerabilis viri domini Willelmi Yelverton militis
    defuncti contra testes Johannis Paston armigeri et domini Thomæ
    Howys.’ Yelverton certainly lived for some years after this, and
    was continued as judge by Henry VI. on his restoration (_see_
    Foss), but John Paston died on the 26th May 1466.]

    [Footnote 239.1: South-Town, Yarmouth, sometimes called Little
    Yarmouth.]

    [Footnote 240.1: ‘Quod dictis Johannes Paston apud Castre
    penultimo die Octobris ultimo præterito ad tres annos proxime
    elapsos sibi retulit.’ It would seem by this that Popy’s testimony
    must have been given within three years of Fastolf’s death.]

    [Footnote 241.1: The residences of every one of the witnesses are
    given from the time of his birth; but we have given these details
    only in one or two cases as specimens.]

  [[in the manor of Caster
    _text unchanged: Gairdner’s usual spelling is “Caister”_]]


640

NOTE

EXTRACT FROM ‘AN INDEX TO DEEDS AND WRITINGS IN THE TOWER, MAGDALEN
COLLEGE, OXFORD’

‘34. The testimony of Th. Howes concerning the testament of Sir John
Fastolf, touching which controversies arose between John Paston the
elder, and Thos. Howes of the one party, and William Yelverton, Knight,
and William Worcetyr on the other.’


641

EDWARD IV. TO THE BAILIFFS OF YARMOUTH[246.1]

BY THE KINGE (EDWARD THE FOURTH)[246.2]

[Sidenote: 1466 / JULY 17]

Trusty and welbeloved, we greet yow well, letting yow wete that our
trusty and welbeloved knight Sir John Paston, our welbeloved William
Paston, and Clement Paston, with other, have been before us and our
councell worshipfully declared of the surmise of great charge that was
laid on our behalfe unto John Paston deceased and them, jointly and
severally; so that we hold them and every of them sufficiently declared
in that matter, and take and repute them as gentlemen descended lineally
of worshipfull blood sithen the Conquest hither; and over that, have
commanded that plenare restitution of the manner of Castor, and of all
other lands and tenements, with goods and cattell, that the said John
Paston deceased had of the gift and purchase of Sir John Fastolfe,
Knight, shall wholly be restored unto our said Knight Sir John Paston,
like as the said John Paston deceased had in any time of his daies.
Wherefore, in as much as our said Knight intendeth to make his abideing
in Castor, we desire and pray yow that, for our sake and contemplation,
ye will be friendly and neighbours unto him in his right; and such other
things as may be to his profitt and ease, wherein ye shall do unto us
full and good pleasure. Yeaven under our signet in our Castle at
Windsore the xvij^th day of July.

  Subjoined to the above in Sandford’s Genealogy is ‘the coppie of a
  warrant sent from Kinge Edward the Fourth to restore Sir John Paston
  to the lands and possessions which he purchased of Sir John
  Fastolfe, whereof the originall remaineth in the custody of Edw.
  Paston, Esq.’ It is addressed ‘To all tenaunts, fermors, or
  occupiers of all the lands and tenements, and of every part of them,
  that late were John Paston’s, Esq., now deceased, by way of
  inheritance, or Agnes Paston, Margaret Paston, William Paston, and
  Clement Paston, or any of them, and to all such persons what so they
  be, now being in the manner or place of Castor, or in any lifelode
  that was the said John Paston, Esq., by way of gifte or purchase of
  late Sir John Fastolfe, or of any other, within our counties of
  Norff., Suff., and Norwich, and to all the tenants, fermors,
  baylies, or occupiers of the same, and of every part thereof; and to
  all mayers, shreves, eschetors, bayliffs, and other our officers, as
  well within franchise as without our counties aforesaid, hereing or
  seeing these our letters.’ The King mentions in this warrant that
  ‘great part of the said lands, tenements, and manors had been seized
  into our hands’; and the tenants, farmers, bailiffs, and occupiers
  of the said lands are charged thenceforth to pay the whole issues
  and profits thereof to Sir John Paston; and the mayors, sheriffs,
  escheators, and others the King’s officers are charged to be
  ‘assisting, helping, and strengthening.’ The warrant is ‘Yeven under
  our signet at Windsore, the xxvj^th day of July, the sixth yeare of
  our reigne.’

    [Footnote 246.1: This letter is reprinted from the _Norfolk
    Archæology_, where it was first published by Mr. Worship from a
    transcript made by Sandford in his MS. Genealogy of the Paston
    family, compiled in 1674. Sandford states that ‘the originall
    under the King’s seale remaineth in the custody of Edward Paston,
    Esq.’ The date is rendered certain by the warrant subjoined.]

    [Footnote 246.2: We have placed the words ‘Edward the Fourth’ in
    parentheses, though they are not so printed by Mr. Worship, and
    are probably not so written in Sandford’s MS., because we suspect
    that they were not in the text of the original document, but were
    added by Sandford by way of explanation.]


642

ABSTRACT[247.1]

[Sidenote: 1466(?) / JULY 20]

Latter clause of a writ of _supersedeas_ to an escheator directing him
not to make inquisition _post mortem_ on the lands of John ----, until
further notice.

Westminster, 20 July.

  [From the time of year at which this writ is dated, it may have been
  issued after the death of John Paston, who died in May 1466, the
  inquisition on his lands not having been taken till October
  following. But it may possibly have applied to the lands of Sir John
  Fastolf, who died in November 1459, the inquisition after his death
  not having been taken till October 1460.]

    [Footnote 247.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


643

ANCESTRY OF THE PASTONS

  The following document is derived from a transcript made by Sandford
  in the Genealogy mentioned in No. 641, and some previous papers, and
  is likewise reprinted from Mr. Worship’s article. Prefixed to it in
  Sandford’s MS. are these words:-- ‘The Briefe followinge was
  delivered to Edward Paston, Esq., amonge other evidence, by his
  uncle Clement Paston, and it is written in an old hand.’ It would
  appear, however, from the wording, not to be a ‘brief’ or abstract,
  as Sandford considered it, but an extract from some certificate made
  in the King’s name in behalf of Sir John Paston, setting forth what
  had been proved on examination as to the gentility of his ancestry.

They shewed divers great evidences and court rolles, how that they and
their ancetors had been possessed of a court and seniory in the town of
Paston, and of many and sundry bondmen, sithen the time that no mind is
to the contrary; and how that Agnes Paston, wife to the said William
Paston, father to the said John, William, and Clement, in title of her
dower, is in possession of bondholders, and also of bondmen, whose
ancetors have been bondmen to the ancetors of the said John Paston
sithen the time that no minde is to the contrary. And they shewed divers
fines, some leavyed in the time of the begining of the reigne of our
noble progenitor, Edward the First, son of Kinge Henry, son of King
John, of liveloude whereof they and theire ancetors have been possessed
ever since to this day.

Also they shewed divers inquests which is matters of record. Also they
shewed divers deeds and grants before time of mind, how that their
ancetors had licence to have a chaplen and have divine service within
them. And that divers of their ancetors had given lyvelyhood to houses
of religion to be prayed for, and confirmacions under the Great Seale of
our noble ancestor Kinge Henry the Third, son of Kinge John, confirming
the same grants.

Also they shewed divers old deeds, some without date, insealed under
autenticke seales, of divers particular purchases in the town of Paston,
reciting in the said deeds that the land was holden of the ancetors of
the said . . . . . Paston, as of the chiefe lord of the fee, and by
homage, and had ward, marriage and reliefe. Also they shewed how their
ancestors were infeoffed in divers men’s mannors and lands in trust.
Also they shewed a great multitude of old deeds, without date and with
date, wherein their ancetors were alwaies sett first in witness, and
before all other gentlemen. Also they shewed how their ancetors had, in
old time and of late time, married with worshipfull gentlemen; and
proved, by deeds of marriage and by other deeds, how their ancetors had
indowed their wives, and by discents of livelyhood, and by testaments
and wills of their ancestors under seale; and made open by evident
proofe, how they and their ancetors came lineally descended of right
noble and worshipfull blood, and of great lords, sometime liveing in
this our realme of Ingland. And also they made open proofe how they were
nere of kin and blood to many of the worshipfullest of the country, and
also nere to many and sundry great estates and lords of this realme, and
was openly proved and affirmed, without contradiction or proofe to the
contrary.

They shewed how they had kept pl’ce with divers . . . . and with Plays
that had wedded the Earle Warren’s daughter, the third yeare of Edward
the First. They shewed a lineall discent, how their first ancetor,
Wulstan, came out of France, and Sir William Glanvile together, his
kinsman, that after founded the pryory of Bromholme by the towne of
Paston and the towne of Bentley; and how Wulstan had issue Wulstan,
which bare armes gould flowret azure; and how he had issue, Raffe and
Robert; which Raffe, senior, bare armes as his father, and Robert the
younger bare silver flowret azure. And Robert had issue Edmund and
Walter; which Edmund the elder bare as his father; and his brother,
because he married Glanvile’s daughter, a cheife indented gold, the
field silver, flowret azure; and how their ancetors after bare with
lesse number; and how Sir John Paston was heire to all those, for they
died sans issue. And this was shewed by writinge of olde hand, and by
old testaments and evidences.


644

WILL OF AGNES PASTON[249.1]

[Sidenote: 1466 / SEPT. 16]

To all to whom this present writting xal come, I, Agnes Paston, late the
wife of William Paston, Justice, send greting in God everlasting, lating
hem know that I, the forseid Agnes, of goode and hole mende, the xvj.
day of Septembre, the vj. yere of the reigne of Kyng E. the iiij^th and
the yere of our Lord a M^{l}CCCClxvj., make and ordeyne my last will in
al the maners, londes, tenementes, rentes, services, mesuages, and
places, that ony person or persones bene seased of to myn use and behof
with in Norwiche, Norffolk, Suffolk, Essex, Hertfordshere, or in any
other shere with in Englond, praying and desiring al the personez so
feffed to myn use, after this my will, writtyn and inceled under my
seale, be shewed unto them, that they wol make astate to the persones
lemited in my seid will according.

And inasmoche as myn husbond, whos soule God assoile, dyverse tymes, and
specialy among other the day of the moneth, rehersed to me that the
lyvelod whiche he had assigned to his ij. yongest, William and Clement,
by his will in writting, was so littill that they mizt not leve thereon,
withouzt they shuld hold the plowe to the tayle; and ferthermore, seying
that he had dyvers oder maners, that is to say, the maner of Sporle,
Sweynsthorp, and Bekham; which maner of Bekham he was purposed to
chaunge with the maner of Pagrave; and if he myzt bring it abouzt, then
xuld on of his ij. yongest sones have the seid maners of Sporle and
Bekham, and no more, and the other yongest sone xuld have al the
remenaunt. And he that had the maner of Sweynsthorp xuld be bound in a
gret some to the prior of the Abbey of Norwiche, to paie dayly for ever
to the monke that for that day singeth the masse of the Holy Goste in
our Lady Chapell in Norwiche, where he purposed to leye his body, every
day iiij_d._, to sing and pray for his sowle and myn, and al the sowles
that he and I have hade any goode of or be beholdyn to pray for. And
after that the ----[250.1] day of --------[250.1] next folowing my seid
husbond lying seke in his bed, in the presens of John Paston, his sone
and myn, John Bakton, John Dame, and of me, declared his will towching
certein of his children and me, at whiche tyme he assigned to the seid
John Paston the maner of Gressham in honde, and the revercion of suche
lyvelode as he zave me after my decesse, askyng hym the question wheder
he held hym not content so, seying to him in these termes, ‘Sir, and
thow do not I doo, for I will not geve so mekyll to on that the
remenaunt xal have to littill to leve on. At the whiche[251.1] . .’

    [Footnote 249.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 250.1: Blanks in MS.]

    [Footnote 251.1: Here the fragment ends at the bottom of a leaf
    written only on one side.]


645

WILL OF AGNES PASTON[251.2]

B.--And after that the ---- day of the monethe my seyd husbond lyyng
seke on hys bede sent for me, John Paston, Bakton, and John a Dame, to
here hiis wyll rede; and in owr presens all he began to reede hiis
wylle, and spak fyst of me, and assynyid to me the maners of Paston,
Latymer, and Schypden and Ropers, in Crowmer, for terme of my lyffe, and
the manerys of Merlyngforthe, Stonsted, and Horwelbury, whyche wasse myn
owne enheritans, and Oxned, whyche wasse my jontor, and [prayd me to
hold me contente so, for][251.3] hadde do to lityll to ony it wasse to
me, for somme he faryd the better, and so devedede (?) he ded for not of
hem all, but he hadde more to care for, wyche myn as well as hys. And
than he red John parte, and assynyd to hym and to hys wyffe the maner of
Gressam, and after my desesse the maner of Oxned; and he, thynkyng by
John Pastons demenyng that he wasse not plesyd because . . . .

C.--Swynne of slowyth that hiis wyll wasse not made up, but wot swm ever
cwm of me, Dame, I wyll ze know my wyll, and seyd that swyche lond as he
hadde not wrytyn in hiis wyll wott xwlde he do with all, he wold his ij.
yongest sonnys, Wyllam and Clement, xwlde have, and owte of Sweynthorpe
to have hiis perpetuell masse. And of thys prayd me to reporte recorde
and berre wyttnesse; in qwyche disposicion and intent he continuyd in on
to the day of hiis dethe, and I darre rytgh largely deposse that that
same wasse hiis last wyll the tyme of hiis dethe; qwyche wyll immediatly
after my husbondes decesse I hopynd and declaryd to John Paston and al
the other executores of my husbond, desyeryng hem to have performyd it.
And the seyd John Paston wold in no wysse agree ther to, seyying that by
the lawe the seyd manerys xulde be hiis, in as moche as my husbonde made
no wyll of hem in wrytyn, and gatte the dedis owte of my possession and
estat of the feffees in the seyde manerys, myn unknowyng.

And after that swyche tresowre of my husbons as wasse leyde in the Abbey
of Norwyche by the seyd John Paston, John Bakton, John Dam, and me, to
delyvere azen to us all, the seyde John Paston owte of the seyde Abbey
unknowyn to the priour or ony oder person of the seyde Abbey, and
withowte my wetyn[g] and assente, or ony of owre felawys, toke and bare
awey all, and kepyng it styll azens my wyll and all the tother
executores wyllys, nothere restoryng the seid Wyllam and Clement to the
forseyd land, nother recompensyng them of my husbonds tresor, and
ordeynyng for my husbonds sowle in havyng of hiis perpetuell masse
acordyng to his wyll. Werfor, in as moche as I know and understonde
verrely that it wasse my husbonds wyll the tyme of hys dethe, that the
seyd Wyllam and Clement xwlde have the seyd manerys of Sporle,
Sweynsthorp, and Bekham, and the annuyte for hys perpetuell masse to be
going owte of the seyde maner of Sweynthorp, and that the possessioners
of the seyd manerys at thys day wyll in no wysse by any fayer menez or
spekyng tender my seyd husbonds sowle and myn, ner perform the wyll of
my seyd husbond, I wyll have and xall by the gras[e] of swyche lyvelode
as I have in my possession, that is for to sey, the maners of Stonsted,
Marlyngforthe, and Horwellbury, that swm tym wasse my faders and my
moders, and cwm on to me by them as myn enheritance. And after my
decesse if I wolde soffer it to desend, xwld goo to the wronge
possessioners of the seyd manerys of Sporle, Sweynsthorp, and Bekham,
qwyche xall not be lettyd for me, but if it be thorow her owne defaute,
make, sta[b]lesse and ordeyn myn husbonds perpetuell masse and myn, and
of the remenaunt, as swerly as can be made by the lawe, I wyll the seyd
Wyllam and Clement be recompensyd to the valew of the seyde manerys of
Sporle, Sweynthorpe, and Bekkam, zerly [_yearly_], on to the tyme that
they be restoryd to the forseyd manerys of Sporle, Sweynthorp, and
Bekkam, in lik forme, and lyke astat as xall be afterwards lymytyd in
thys my last[253.1] [will; chargyng and requiryng the seyd Wyllam and
Clement that after that they be restoryd to the manerys of Sporle,
Sweynsthorp, and Bekam, they restore myn heyres to Marlyngforthe,
Stons[ted], and Orwelbury.]

    [Footnote 251.2: [From Paston MSS.] The following appear to be
    three separate fragments of an original draft of Agnes Paston’s
    will, written on two sides of a small scrap of paper. Two of these
    fragments have the letters B and D prefixed to them, showing that
    they were intended as insertions in a part of the text now lost.]

    [Footnote 251.3: These words are struck through with the pen.]

    [Footnote 253.1: The word ‘will’ is omitted in the MS., and the
    words ‘my last’ repeated. What follows is crossed out.]


646

NOTE

In the Paston Genealogy drawn up by Sandford, to which we have several
times before alluded, occurs another extract from the will of Agnes
Paston, as follows:--

‘Also I bequeath to the Whight Fryers of the said city of Norwich, for I
am there a suster, to helpe to pay hir [_their_] debts, xx_li._, which I
will be gathered of the arrerage of my lyvelode. Also I bequeath to the
auter of Gracion of the said House, whereas mine husband and I have a
perpetuall masse, a vestment which they have for a prist to judge in or
[_of ?_] rede satern. Also to the mendinge of the chappell of our Ladie
within the said place, whereas Sir Thomas Gerbrege, my grandfather, and
Dame Elizabeth his wife, and Sir Edmond Berrye my father, and Dame Alice
his wife, be buried, and Clement Paston my sonn.’


647

WILLIAM PASTON’S WILL[253.2]

On the Thurseday at nyght before Our Ladys Day the Assumpcion,[253.3]
betwixt xj. and xij. of the clokk, in the yer of Our Lord God MCCCC. and
xliiij., the Sondays lettre on the D., died my husbond, God assoyle his
sowle. And on the Fryday after I sent for John Paston, John Dam, &c. And
on the Wedynysday after cam John Paston, &c. And on the Fryday John
Paston, John Dam and I yede into the chambre, and they desyred of me to
see the wyll. I lete them see it. And John Dam redde it; and when he had
redde it, John Paston walkyd up and down in the chambere. John Dam and I
knelyd at the beddys fete.

    [Footnote 253.2: [From Fenn, iii. 15.] The following memorandum
    relative to the death of her husband was written by Agnes Paston,
    probably about the time she made her will.]

    [Footnote 253.3: The Assumption of Our Lady was the 15th August.]


648

ABSTRACT[254.1]

Roll of paper containing a draft in English of part of the inquisition
on the death of John Paston, relating more especially to the foundation
of Fastolf’s college. In the latter part the jury find that John Paston
died on the 22nd May[254.2] last, and that Sir John Paston, Knight, is
his son and next heir, and is of the age of 24 years and more.

⁂ Copies of the original inquisition, as returned into Chancery, and of
that on the death of Sir John Fastolf, exist among the Paston MSS. in
the Bodleian Library.

    [Footnote 254.1: [Addit. Roll, 17,258, B.M.]]

    [Footnote 254.2: The date in the inquisition returned into
    Chancery (6 Edw. IV., No. 44) is 21st May.]


649

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[254.3]

_To my ryght wyrshypfull mayster, Sir John Paston, Knyzt, be thys letter
delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1466 / OCT. 29]

I grytte you well, and send you God ys blessyng and myn, desyryng you to
send me werd how that ye spede in youre maters, for I thynk ryght leng
tyll I here tydyngys from you; and in alwyse I avyse you for to be ware
that ye kepe wysly your wrytyngys that ben of charge, that it com not in
her [_their_] handys that may hurt you herafter. Your fader, wham God
assole, in hys trobyll seson set more by hys wrytyngys and evydens than
he dede by any of hys moveabell godys. Remember that yf the wer had from
you, ye kowd never gyte no moo such as the be for your parte, &c.

Item, I wold ye shold take hyde that yf any processe com owte a yenst
me, or a yenst any of tho that wer endyted a fore the coroner, that I
myght have knowlych therof, and to purvey a remedy therfor.

Item, as for your fader ys wyll, I wold ye shold take ryght gode
counsell therin, as I am enformyd it may be prevyd, thogh no man take no
charge thys twelfmonth. Ye may have a letter of mynystracyon to such as
ye wyll, and mynyster the godys and take no charge. I avyse you that ye
in no wyse take no charge therof tyll ye know more than ye doo yet; for
ye may verely knowe by that your unkell Will. seyd to you and to me,
that thay wyll lay the charge uppon you and me for moo thyngys then ys
exprest in your fader ys wyll, the whych shud be to grete for you or me
to bere; but as for me, I will not be to hesty to take it uppon me,
I ensure you.

And at the reverens of God, spede your maters so thys terme, that we may
be in rest herafter, and lette not for no labour for the season, and
remember the grete cost and charge that we have had hedyr toward, and
thynk verely it may not lenge endur. Ye know what ye left when ye wer
last at hom, and wyte it verely ther ys no mor in thys countray to bere
owte no charge with. I awyse you enquer wysely yf ye canne gyte any more
ther as ye be, for els by my feth I feer els it will not be well with
ous; and send me word in hast hough ye doo, and whether ye have your
laste dedys that ye fayled, for playnly they er not in thys contrey. It
ys told me in consell that Ric. Calle hath nyer conqueryd your uncle
Will. with fayre promyse twochyng hys lyflode and other thyngs, the
whych shold prevayll hym gretly, as he sayth. Be ware of hym and of hys
felowe be myn avyse. God sende you gode spede in all your maters.

Wryten at Caster, the moreu next after Symon and Jude, wher as I wold
not be at thys tyme but for your sake, so mot I ches.

  By your Moder.

    [Footnote 254.3: [From Fenn, iv. 272.] The date of this letter is
    shown by the contents to be shortly after John Paston the father’s
    death, probably in the same year.]


650

ABSTRACT[256.1]

SIR JAMES GLOYS TO SIR JOHN PASTON

[Sidenote: 1466(?) / NOV. 10]

Was at Snaylwell on Sunday, but could get no money. Most of the tenants
away at Canterbury or elsewhere. The rest said when you were there last
you had given them till Candlemas, ‘so that thei myght malt ther corn
and brynge it to the best preffe.’ Warned them to be ready by Tuesday
before St. Edmond the King, when Richard Calle would visit them.
A thrifty man beside Bery is willing to take the farm; but every one
says the last farmer was undone by it. Advises Paston not to overcharge
his farms. I have seen Catelyn’s corn, and your tenants say it is
sufficient to content you. Your shepherd wishes to know if you will
continue him, for no one has spoken to him since my master your father
died. Men of Fordham have occupied your ground these two years that my
master has been in trouble. I think you should speak to my Lord of
Worcester, as he and Woodhous are lords of the town. I have bid the
farmers at Snaylwell sow some wheat land, and have warned the tenants at
Sporle, Pagrave, and Cressingham to be ready to pay. Advises him to keep
up his place at Langham’s. If ‘my master’ had lived he would have
exchanged it for the parsonage. Supped on Monday night at a place of the
Duke of Suffolk’s with the parson of Causton, a chaplain of the Duchess,
‘and they talked sore of my Lady’s bargain, and were right sorry that
she should forsake it.’ The parson asserted that the feoffees had put
her in possession of the manors. Talk over this with your counsel; for
if the feoffees be compelled to release in Chancery it will be nought,
because of the estate they made before; so when you expect to be most
quiet you will be most troubled. There was also the parson of Brampston,
and he said W. Yelverton had sent a letter to the bailiff he has set at
Guton, but what it meant I could not find out. W. Yelverton has put the
parson of Heynford out of his farm. I did not speak with your mother
before writing this, as she was at Caister.

Norwich, St. Martin’s Even.

  From the mention of John Paston the father as dead, and the trouble
  he had been in for two years, it would appear that this letter must
  have been written in 1466, the year of his death. The letter is
  endorsed in a contemporary hand: ‘Literæ anno vj. et vij. Edwardi
  iiij^ti.’

    [Footnote 256.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


651

ABSTRACT[257.1]

THOMAS GRENE TO WILLIAM YELVERTON, ESQ.

[Sidenote: 1466 / DEC. 22]

Desires his favour for Frere John Chesteyn and John Russe of Yarmouth,
who are suspected by Lord Scales of having treasures or jewels of my
Master Paston’s. He never trusted them with any, knowing they were
familiar with William Jenney and Sir Thomas Howes. Is sure he put no
treasure into any place in that town, religious or other, for he often
said he wondered any thrifty man would live in it, ‘there were so much
riotous people therein.’ Begs his favour for my mistress Paston, ‘which
is now under your governance.’ Hopes to see her hereafter ‘as worshipful
and well at ease as ever she was, and a great deal better when these
troubles be passed; for I am sekir whan God woll that she be passed them
she would not suffer them again for right great riches.’

Norwich, morrow of St. Thomas Apostle.

  [This letter has a great appearance of having been written shortly
  after John Paston’s death. We place it therefore in the year in
  which he died.]

    [Footnote 257.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


652

SIR JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON[257.2]

_To Mestresse Margrete Paston, be thys delyveryd._

[Sidenote: Date uncertain]

Please it yow to weete that I sende yow by Barker, the berer heroff,
iij. tracle pottes of Geane [_Genoa_] as my potecarie swerytht on to me,
and mooreovyr that they weer never ondoo syns that they come from Geane.
Wheroff ye shalle take as many as pleasyth yow; neverthe lesse my
brother John sente to me for ij., therfor I most beseche yow that he
maye have at the lest on. Ther is on potte that is morkyn ondre the
bottome ij. tymes with thyes letteris M. P., whyche potte I have best
truste on too, and nexte hym to the wryghe potte; and I mystruste moost
the potte that hathe a krotte abovyn in the toppe, lesse that he hathe
ben ondoone. And also the other ij. pottys be prentyd with that
marchauntys marke too tymes on the coveryng, and that other pott is butt
onys morkyn but with on prente, notwithstondyng I hadde lyke othe and
promyse for on as well as for alle.[258.1]

    [Footnote 257.2: [From Fenn, iv. 264.] This and the two letters
    following are without any certain date, but they are all addressed
    to Margaret Paston, most probably after her husband’s death.]

    [Footnote 258.1: The signature of this letter, Fenn says, is torn
    off the original MS.]


653

ABSTRACT[258.2]

EDWARD MAWDBY TO HIS NIECE MARGARET PASTON

Has a tenant, a widow in Sall, building a house on his ground. She has
been threatened with having it pulled down. Send for Aleyn Roos, my
receiver, and take his counsel what is to be done.

London, 24 Nov. Signed ‘By your nevew Edward Mawdby’; although addressed
‘my most trusty and well beloved niece.’

    [Footnote 258.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


654

ABSTRACT[258.3]

E. CLERE[258.4] TO MARGARET PASTON

My little cousin your son[258.5] is a fair child. Wishes certain
evidences of Frethorp, which she delivered to Margaret Paston’s husband
to make award between her and Rammesbury, a paper book of the customs of
Ormesby and a roll called ‘domysday,’ &c. Your father-in-law[258.6] was
of counsel both with my mother[258.7] and with my mother-in-law.[258.8]
Supposes there may be other evidences, as of Tacolneston, Therston,
Reynthorp, Rusteynes in Wymondham, Kesewik, and Stratton. Sends back
some rolls brought by a man from Norwich, which belong to Margaret
Paston and not to the writer.

    [Footnote 258.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 258.4: Elizabeth, widow of Robert Clere of Ormesby. She
    died in 1492.]

    [Footnote 258.5: This must be one of the younger sons of John and
    Margaret Paston.]

    [Footnote 258.6: William Paston, Justice.]

    [Footnote 258.7: Margaret, wife of Thos. Owydale or Dovedale, of
    Tacolneston, daughter and heir of William Reeves.]

    [Footnote 258.8: Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Philip Branch, and
    wife of John Clere, Esq. of Ormesby; after whose death she married
    again Sir John Rothenhale. _See_ No. 15 in vol. ii.]


655

SIR JOHN PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[259.1]

[Sidenote: 1466(?)]

Item, Arb[l]aster must mak a proctyr by yowr advyce, and iff he lyst to
make the seyd Master John Halfnothe he maye, elles he must sende uppe an
other; and he most also make a letter of waraunt to the seyde Master
John Halfnothe undre hys selle by yowre advyce in thys forme:--

  Master John, &c. I recomande me, &c., letyng yow weet that I have
  made yow my proctor towchyng the testement off John Paston, Esquier;
  wherffor I praye yow that ye on my behalve reffuce the
  admynystracion of hys seyde testamen, fur I woll nowt have ado ther
  with. Wherffo[r] loke that ye on my behalve reffuce all
  admynestracion, entresse or besynesse, that I myght have there by.
  And thys shewys yow my wyll here in, and shall be to yow a dyscharge
  att any tyme. No moor, &c.

    Yowr frend,

    JAMES ARBLASTER.

I wolde nat that myn oncle William scholde cawse hym to take on hym as
hys felawe, for iff myn oncle William doo thus moche in the corte I
suppose it may here afftre doo ease. For as God helpe me I cannot sey
verrely iff my fadre (God have hys sowle!) agreyd that he shold be one,
but in my sowle he never thowt that he sholde be, for he never namyd no
moor butt my modre and me, and afftre, yow, whan I rehessyd myn oncle
Clement, yow and Arblaster, and than he chase yow, seyng he thoght that
ye were good and trewe. Kepe thys secrett. Iff myn oncle be noon
executor, it maye happely brynge ageyn a trussyng coffre with CC. old
peyse noblis, whyche he toke from me as executor.

    [Footnote 259.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The MS. from which this
    letter is printed is a draft in the handwriting of Sir John
    Paston. There can be little doubt it was addressed to his brother
    John, and as it refers to the administration of their father’s
    will, we place it in the year of his death.]


656

JOHN RUSSE TO MARGARET PASTON[260.1]

_To the worshypfull and my right honorabyll maistresse, Maistresse
Marget Paston._

[Sidenote: After 1466]

Right worshipfull and myn right honourable and good maistresse,
I recomaund me to you in my most humble wyse, besekynge youre
maistresshyp to take no dyspleasure of the longe forberyng of youre
mony, whiche is ix_li._ xvj_s._ viij_d._ now. Be my trouthe, Maister Fen
had of me l. marke at hyse beyng here fore custum, wherof a gret part is
owyng me tyl I may be leysere[260.2] gather it up. I thynke of every day
a wyke tyl ye be content, and I thanke God I owe not al the world so
myche as I do you. In as goodly haste as I can, youre maistresship shal
have it with ever my servise and preyer, for ye do a meritory dede; it
hathe savyd my pore honestie and gretly avayled me; wher as if it had
leyn in youre coferys, as, I doute not, a M^{l}_li._ more dothe, no
profit shuld have growe to any man; it is a meritory dede to helpe them
that mene trewly, whiche, for Godis sake, maistresse consedre. I truste
I am of that substans that, what soever caswelte fortunyd, yourre
maistresship shuld not lese on pene of yourre dute. Every ourre (?) may
be distreynid of myn the value of C. marke in shyppis and literys, and
owe not but to you C_s._, I dare afferme. Also, maystresse, ye have an
obligacion of me of xl_li._ a byll of xx_li._, and abil of xx_li._, and
a byll of x_li._; for Godis sake, maistresse, spare me for a tyme, the
rather for the affeccion that my maister[260.3] had to me, whos soule
Jhesu assoyle. Hyse maistirshyp grauntyd me many tymez to have lent me
of the dedys goodis xl_li._, to have payd hym ageyn in v. yeer; and so I
doute not but I shuld have had if hyse maistirshyp had levyd. I lost a
gret losse of hese departyng; for hyse sake, maystresse, shewe me the
more favour. I intende not to debarre you of oon peny, so Jhesu helpe
me, but in as goodly haste as I can to contente you; be my trouthe, at
thys seasun I have not in my pocession x. marke which is right litil,
what casewelte that ever fortune. I am deseyvid of many men; be my
trouthe there is owyng me in thys town xl. marke of iij. yeer passyd,
that thow I shuld go to prison I knowe not to have xx_s._ of ony of hem.
Right worshypfull and my right honourable maistresse, I beseke Almyghti
Jhesu, ever preserve you from adversite. Maistresse, for the servise
that to my pore powyr I aught my maister youre husbonde I am the werse
by xx_li._ and more sylvir; for Godis sake therfor, maistresse, yit
favour me a season; I aske not ellys.

  Yourre bedeman and servaunt,

  JOHN RUSSE.

    [Footnote 260.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 226.] This letter must have
    been written some time after John Paston’s death, but probably not
    many years later. Compare No. 651.]

    [Footnote 260.2: _Sic._]

    [Footnote 260.3: John Paston.]


657

J. STRANGE TO SIR JOHN PASTON[261.1]

_To my rith worchipfull and good master, Ser John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: Between 1467-9]

Ryth worchupful ser, after dewe recomendacion, plesyt zow to understond
the cause of my wrytyng ys for a maryage for my Masterys Nargery, zowr
suster. For my nevyewe, John Straunge, wold make her sur of xl_li._
joynture and CC. marke be zer of inherytaunce; and yf zee and zour
frendes wole agreve herto, I trost to God that xall take a conclusion to
the plesur of God, and worchup to both partyes.

Moreover, and yt plesyth zow to wete, I am sore troblyd with Bedston, as
wele be the wey of tachements owte of the Chauncer as oderwyse. I must
beseche zow of zowr good mastershepe and help in secrete maner as the
Ser Thomas Lynes, the brynger of thys, shall enforme zow. I xall be att
London in the begynnyng of thys terme, be the grace of God, qwych
preserve zowe.

Wretyn att Norwych in hast, the Monday after Twelthe Day.

  By yowr,

  J. STRANGE.

    [Footnote 261.1: [From Fenn, iv. 286.] This letter being addressed
    to Sir John Paston touching a proposal of marriage for his sister,
    must have been after the death of his father in 1466, and, of
    course, before the actual marriage of Margery Paston to Richard
    Call, which seems to have taken place towards the close of 1469.]

  [[Masterys Nargery
    _text unchanged_]]


658

SIR JOHN AND LADY HOWARD[262.1]

[Sidenote: 1467 / JAN. 22]

This wrytenge made at London the vj^te yer of Kynge Edward the iiij. and
the xxij. day of Jenever wytnesseth what stoffe my master Sir John
Howard hath delyverd to my Lady his wyfe in this monyth of Jenever.

Ferst ij. rynges of goolde set with good dyamawntes, the wyche the quene
yaff my master.

Item, a rynge of goolde with a fyne rubye.

Item, a nowche of goolde set with a fyne safyre, a grete balyse and v.
perles.

Item, my master yaff here a fyne pece of holand clothe as good as Reynes
conteynenge in length xl. yerdes, the yerde was wele worth iiij_s._

Item, my master gaff her a noder pece of holand clothe, corser,
conteynenge in lengthe more than xl. yerdes, the yerde was worthe ij_s._
iiij_d._

Item, my master gaff her a longe gowne of fyne cremysen velvet furred
with menyver and purfeled with ermynes.

Item, my master gaff her a longe gowne of fyne grene velvet furred with
menyver and purfeled with ermynes.

Item, my master gaff her vij^xx scynnes of fyne ermynes.

Item, my master gaff her vij. yerdes and di. of fyne grene velvet.

Item, my master gaff here vij. yerdes of cremyson velvet.

Item, my master gaff here a devyse of goolde with xiiij. lynkes and the
ton halffe of the lynkes enamyled set with iiij. Rubyis iij. dyamawntes
and vij. perles.

Item, my master gaff her an nothe devyse of goolde of the same fassyon
with odre xiiij. lynkes, and theryn vij. Rubyis and vij. perles.

Item, my master gaff her a gyrdyll of clothe of goolde and the harneys
of goolde.

Item, my master gaff her a gyrdyll of grene damaske and the harneys of
sylver and gylte.

Item, my master gaff her iij. edges of blak velvet set with lviij.
perles.

Item, my master gaff here a longe gowne of blak velvet furred with
martrys and purfeled with marteres.

Item, my master gaff her a longe gowne of murrey furred with menever and
purfeled with ermynes.

Item, my master gaff here a coler of goolde with xxxiiij. roses and
sonnes set on a corse of blak sylke with an hanger of goolde garnyshed
with a saphyre.

Item, my master gaff her iiij. owches of goolde garnyshed with iij.
rubyis, a saphyre, an amytes, an emerawde and xv. perles.

Item, my master gaff here a peyr of bedes for a gentylwomannes nekke
gawdeid with viij. gawdeid of goolde and viij. perles.

Item, a rynge with a grete saphyre.

Item, my master gaff her a nother ryng with an amytes.

Item, my master gaff her iij. Agnus Dei of goolde.

Item, my master gaff her a gret sygnnet of goolde with the vernycle.

Item, my master gaff her v. odre ryngis of goolde withowt stones.

Item, my master gaff her a cheyne of goolde with a lokke of goolde
gernyshed with a rubye.

Item, my master gaff her a lytell gerdyll of sylke and goolde called a
demysent and the harneys of goolde.

Item, my master gaff her a longe of vyolet engreyned furred with martres
and purfeled with martres.

Item, the xviij. day of Feverer my master delyverid to my Lady to have
to Braye a bed of cremysen damaske embrowdered with Cyle counterpoynte
and testour all affter one.

Item, the same day my master delyverid my Lady a bede, a cyle,
a counterpeynt and a testor of Aras with out goolde.

Item, a pece of Aras for hangenge conteynenge in length xj. yerdes and
iij. quarters.

Item, a nother pece of Aras conteynenge in length viij. yerdis and iii.
quarters.

Item, a nother pece conteynenge vij. yerdis a quarter and di. in length.

Item, a nother pece of Aras conteyneng v. yerdes and iij. quarteres in
length.

Item, delyverd to my said Lady iiij. peces of new Aras wyche cam late
fro Caleys wereof on is a covertore fore a bedde and the todde [_sic_]
iij. ar tapettes conteynenge all iiij. peces in flemesh elles square C
iiij^xx xij.

Item, my master left at London at his departynge to Braye in his place
in Bathe Rowe the xx. day of feverer ij. brede clothes of Blewe.

Item, the vij^th yer of Kynge Edward the iiii^th and the xvj. day of
March, my master sent to my Lady to Bray a longe coshon of cremesen
velvet and iij. schorte coshones of cremesen velvet. Item, a longe
coshon of grene velvet and ij. short cushones of grene velvet.

Item, the same tyme my master delyverd her a cheyne of goold of the olde
facyon prise iiij. markis.

Item, the yere above said and the xvj. day of Apryll, my master delyverd
to my Lady v. sylver spones.

   *   *   *

_Added in Sir John Howard’s own hand:_-- And the vij. zere of the kenge
and in the monithe of Janever I delyvered my wyffe a pote of selver to
pote in grene genger that the kenge gaffe.

  On the back of this MS. is the following unfinished memorandum:--

  ‘M^d that I John Legge hawe bownde mey self to John Osberne yn an
  oblygacyon----’

    [Footnote 262.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 51.] The date is taken from
    the head of the document, but there are additions of later dates
    to January 1468.]

  [[gawdeid with viij. gawdeid of goolde
    _text unchanged: error for “viij. gawdeis”?_]]

  [[my master gaff her a longe of vyolet
    _text unchanged: missing word “gowne” or similar?_]]


659

JOHN PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[265.1]

_To my mastyr, Sir John Paston, logyng in Fletstret, be thys delyveryd._

[Sidenote: 1467 / JAN. 27]

Syr, lyekyth it yow to wet that thys day my modyr sent me your lettyrs,
wer by I undystand, blessyd be God, all thyng standyth in good wey. Also
I undyrstand by your lettyr sent to my modyr and me that ye wold have
your lyvelod gadyrd as hastyly as we myght do it. Syr, as to that, and
othyr folk do no wers ther dever [_devoir_] in gaderyng of othyr manerys
then we have don in Caster, I tryst to God that ye schall not be long
unpayid; for thys day we had in the last comb of barly that eny man had
owyth in Caster towne, not with standyng Hew Awstyn and hys men hathe
crakyd many a gret woord in the tym that it hathe ben in gaderyng. And
twenty comb Hew Awstyns man had doun cartyd redy for to have led it to
Yarmowth. And when I herd ther of I let slype a sertyn of whelpys that
gave the cart and the barly syche a torn that it was fayn to tak covert
in your bakhous systern at Caster halle, and it was wet within an owyr
aftyr that it cam hom, and is nye redy to mak of good malt all, ho ho!
William Yelverton hathe ben at Gwton and hathe set in a new bayly ther
and hathe dystreynyd the tenauntis, and hathe geve hem day till
Candyllmas to pay syche mony as he axyth of hem. Also the seyd
Yellverton hathe ben at Saxthorpe, and hathe dystreynyd the fermour ther
and takyn of hym swerte to paye hym. And thys day the seyd Yelverton and
viij. men with hym, with jakys and trossyng dobletis all the felawshep
of hem, wer redy to ryd; and one of the same felawschep told to a man
that sye hem all redy that they shuld ryd to tak a dystres in sertayn
maners that wer Syr John Fastolffys; wherfor I suppose veryly that they
be to Gwton and Saxthorp. Wher for to morrow I purpose to send Dawbeney
thedyr to wet what they do, and to comand the[266.1] tenauntis and
fermors that they pay no mony to nobody bot to yow. John Grey, othyrwyse
callyd John Delesbay, and John Burgeys they be Yelvertons kapteyns, and
they ryd and go dayly, as well in Norwych as in othyr plasys of yours
and othyr menys, in the contre in ther trossyng dowblettis with
bombardys and kanonys and chafeveleyns, and do what so ever they wyll in
the contre; ther dar no pore man dysplese theym, for what so evyr they
do with ther swordys they make it lawe; and they tak dystressys out of
mens howsys, hors or catell, or what they wyll, thow it be not on that
for that they ask the dwte for. Wher for, me thynkys with esy menys ye
myth get a prevy seall of the Kyng to be dyrectyd to the meyer of
Norwyche, as for the towne of Norwyche, and for the countre a nothyr
prive seall, dyrect to me and to som othyr good felaw, Syr William
Calthorp, for he hatyth Grey,[266.2] for to arest the seyd felaws for
syche ryot and to bryng hem to the next prison, ther to abyed with out
bayle tyll syche tym as the Kyng sendyth othyrwyse woord, and they that
the prive sale shall be dyrect to, to be chargyd vpon peyne of ther
alegeans to execut the Kyngis comandement; and, this done, I warant your
lyvelod that my lord delys not with shall be gadyrd pesybylly. As to
that lyvelod that my lord clemys I shall do my dever, our logyng kep, to
tak as myche profyt of it as I may by the grase of God, Whom I pray send
you the acomplyshement of your hertys desyir, and other por folys thers.
All my felawshep ar mery and well at ease, blyssyd be God, and
recomandyth hem all on to yow. Wretyn the Twesday next befor
Kandylmas.

  Your brodyr,

  J. P.

    [Footnote 265.1: [Add. MS. 33,597, f. 3.] This letter appears to
    have been written in the year 1467, like No. 661, which bears date
    eleven days later. Besides what is said here of Yelverton, note
    the reference to John Grey and John Burgeys, whose names appear in
    the other letter also.]

    [Footnote 266.1: ‘the’ repeated in MS.]

    [Footnote 266.2: ‘Syr William--Grey’ is an interlineation.]


660

T. DAVERSE TO SIR JOHN PASTON[267.1]

_To my right good mayter, Sir John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1467(?) / JAN. 29]

My right especiall good mayster, I recomand me to yow, thankyng you
right hertely of your gentell letter late send to me. And as to
Pynchester mater, &c., I wulde I were youre nygh kynnesman, yef hit
plesed God, and than shuld I know yef hit shuld greve your herte asmeche
as hit dothe other of my kynne and frendes to see me thus cowardly hurte
and maimed[267.2] by Pynchester, causeles; and of myn entente in that
mater, Wylliam Rabbes shall telle you more. All so I beseche yow to
recomand me to my Lordes good grace, as to hym whom of erthely estates,
next my dewte, I moste love and drede, and that shuld he well knowe and
hit lay in my power, praying you hertely to declare his Lordship such
mater as Wylliam Rabbes shall enfourme yow, and to send me my Lordes
answere.

All so in asmoche as I understode by yow that money shuld cause you
conclusion in your mater this next terme, and ye wull be at London on
Monday at nyght or Tewsday by none, I truste that I have studyed such a
mene that, up on surete as ye may make, to gete yow an C_li._ or CC.
mark to be lante un to yow for an halfe yere, with oute any
chevysshaunce or losse of good by yow, as Wylliam Rabbes shall telle you
more, &c.

And as to Ovyde ‘De Arte Amandi,’ I shall send hym you this next weke,
for I have hyt not now redy; but me thenkeyth Ovide ‘De Remedio’ were
more mete for yow, but yef [_unless_] ye purposid to falle hastely in my
Lady Anne P.[268.1] lappe, as white as whales bon, &c. Ye be the best
cheser of a gentell woman that I knowe, &c. And I pray you to recomaunde
me to my Lord of Oxford,[268.2] and to my goods Maysters Nedeham,
Richemond, Chyppenham, Stavely, Bloxham, Stuard, and Ingulton in
speciall, and all other good masters and frendes in generall, &c. And,
sir, Maystres Gaydade recomand me [? _her_] to yow and said bessyng fare
for charite, and she said me she wuld fayne have a new felet, &c.

Wreten at London, this xxix. day in Janyver.

  With herte and servyse your,

  T. D.[268.3]

    [Footnote 267.1: [From Fenn, iv. 172.] The precise date of this
    letter is by no means certain. Fenn dates it merely between 1463
    and 1469; but if it be ‘my Lady of Oxford,’ and not ‘my Lord,’ who
    is spoken of near the end (_see_ page 268, footnote 2), it may be
    many years later. The Earl of Oxford was committed to the Tower in
    the latter part of the year 1468. In 1470 he took part in the
    brief restoration of Henry VI., and on the return of Edward IV. he
    was obliged to quit the country. If the Earl, therefore, is
    alluded to as living in England, the date cannot well be later
    than 1468. Probably it is about the year 1467. In that year the
    29th January fell on a Thursday, which would allow a reasonable
    time for the writer to suggest to Sir John Paston the expediency
    of his being in London on Monday or Tuesday following.]

    [Footnote 267.2: The words ‘and maimed’ are inserted from the
    right-hand copy in Fenn. They are not in the left-hand copy,
    having been overlooked, apparently, by the transcriber.]

    [Footnote 268.1: Who my Lady Anne P. was I cannot tell. The
    expression ‘as white as whale’s bone’ is rather a strange one.]

    [Footnote 268.2: The modern version in Fenn reads ‘my Lady of
    Oxford,’ but ‘my Lord of Oxford’ is right.]

    [Footnote 268.3: Fenn says this subscription is explained by ‘T.
    Daverse’ being written under the direction, as he believes, in the
    hand of the receiver.]


661

JOHN PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[268.4]

[Sidenote: 1467 / FEB. 7]

Syr, it is so that thys Saterday John Rus sent me word by Robert Botler,
that William Yelverton hathe ben thys iij. dayis in Yermothe for to get
new wytnessys up to London; and, as it is thowt by the seid John Rus and
Robert Botler, ther wytnessyng is for to prove that it was Sir John
Fastolfs wyll that ther schold be morteysyd iij.^c. mark by yer to the
colage, and also that syche astat as my fadyr took her at Caster at
Lames next befor that Sir John Fastolf dyid, was delyveryd to my fadyr
to the intent for to perform the seyd wyll.

Bartholomew Elys, John Appylby, and John Clerk ar the wytnessys; and as
for Barthew Elys, he is owtlawyd, and also men say in Yermowthe that he
is bawde betwyx a clerk of Yermowthe and hys owne wyfe; and as for John
Appylby, he is half frentyk, and so take in the towne, notwithstandyng
he is an attorny, as Barthew Elys is, in the Baylys Coort of Yermowthe;
and as for John Clerk of Gorleston, he is owtlawyd at Sir John Fastolfys
swte, and at dyvers othyr menys, notwithstandyng he is thorow with Sir
T. Howys[269.1] for Sir John Fastolf, for thys cause, that the seyd
Clerk was on of Sir T. Howys[269.1] last wytnessys befor thys.

I trow John Loer shall be anothyr wyttnesse. As for Barthew Elys and
John Appylby, they lye thys nyht at Blyborowgh onward on her wey to
Londonward. Make good weche on hem.

I pray yow send us some good tydyngs. Wretyn the Saterday, lat at nyght,
next aftyr Kandylmas Day.


I pray yow remembyr John Grey and John Burgeys. We have hom the most
part of your barly, save fro Wynterton, and that I trost to have this
next wek, or ellys we wyll strat [_distrain ?_] for it by the grace of
God, whom I beseche mak yow good.

I thynk ther comyng up is for to dysprove your wyttnessys that he had in
to the Chancery.

  J. P.[269.2]

    [Footnote 268.4: [From Fenn, iv. 276.] This letter must have been
    written in February 1467. It was evidently after Sir John Paston
    had succeeded to his father’s estates, but before any arrangement
    had been come to between him and Yelverton. It will be found
    hereafter that on the 11th January 1468 Sir John Fastolf’s
    executors, including Yelverton, released their rights in Caister
    and other manors to Sir John Paston. On the back of this letter,
    Fenn says, is written in an ancient hand, ‘Testes idonei ad
    negandum veritatem, ut patet infra.’]

    [Footnote 269.1: Fenn has ‘Sir Thowys’ in his left-hand copy,
    which we cannot help thinking a misreading of ‘Sir T. Howys.’]

    [Footnote 269.2: Fenn says this letter ‘has neither subscription
    nor date’; nevertheless these initials stand at the foot of the
    text as he has printed it.]


662

SIR JOHN PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[270.1]

_To my brother, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1467 / MARCH]

Ryght worschypful and verrely welbelovyd brother, I hertely comande me
to yow, thankyng yow of yowr labor and dyligence that ye have in kepyng
of my place at Castr so sewerly, both with yowr hert and mynde, to yowr
gret bisynesse and troble; and I ageyn warde have hadde so lytell leyser
that I have not spedde bot fewe of yowr erendys, ner kannot befor thys
tyme.

As for my Lady Boleynes[270.2] dysposicion to yow werds, I kannot in no
wyse fynde hyr a greable that ye scholde have her dowter, for all the
prevy meanes that I kowde make, inso moche I hadde so lytell comfor by
all the meanes that I kowde make, that I dysdeyned in myn own p[e]rson
to comon with hyr ther in. Neverthelesse, I undrestande that sche
seythe, ‘What if he and sche kan agre I wyll not lette it, but I will
never advyse hyr therto in no wyse.’ And uppon Tewesday last past, sche
rood hom in to Norfolke. Wherfor as ye thynke ye may fynde the meane to
speke with hyr yowr selfe, for with owt that, in myn conceyt, it wyl not
be.

And as for Crosseby, I undrestand not that ther is no maryage concluded
betwen them, neverthelesse ther is gret langage that it is lyke to be.
Ye be personable, and peraventure yowr beyng ones in the syght of the
mayde, and a lytele descuveryng of your good wyl to her, byndyng hyr to
kepe it secret, and that ye kan fynde in yowr hert, with som comfort of
hyr, to fynde the meane to brynge suche a mater abowt as schall be hyr
pleasur and yowrs, but that thys ye kannot do with owt som comfort of
hyr in no wyse; and ber yor selfe as lowly to the moder as ye lyst, but
to the mayde not to lowly, ner that ye be to gladde to spede, ner to
sory to fayle. And I alweys schall be your herault bothe her, if sche
com hydder, and at home when I kome hom, whych I hope hastly with in xl.
dayes at the ferthest. My modre hathe a letter, whych can tell you mor,
and ye may lat Dawebeney se it.

  JOHN PASTON, K.

I suppose and ye kall welle upon R. Calle, he schall purvey yow mony.
I have wretyn to hym inow.

    [Footnote 270.1: [From Fenn, iv. 326.] This letter is evidently of
    the same year as No. 666 following, and a little earlier in point
    of date.]

    [Footnote 270.2: Anne, widow of Sir Geoffrey Boleyn. She was
    daughter of Thomas, Lord Hoo and Hastings. Sir Geoffrey had by her
    three daughters, of whom the youngest, Alice, is here referred to.
    This Alice was afterwards married to Sir John Fortescue.]


663

RICHARD CALLE TO SIR JOHN PASTON[271.1]

_To my ryght reverent and worschipfull mayster, Sir John Paston,
Knight._

[Sidenote: 1467 / APRIL 3]

Plesith it you to wete that I have spoken with Henre Inglouse, and I
fynde hym disposid weele; hough be it he hath be labored to nough of
late be divers, nevertheles he woll not come withoute he have a suppena,
and if he come up be suppena, he can sey nor nought woll sey, any thynge
that schulde be prejudice or hurte to your mater, and so he hathe tolde
them that hath labored to hym for it, weche hym thynkyth causith them to
have no grete hast to have hym up. He tellith me that the Abbot of
Langley schal come up and Wichyngham. Thes have her writtes of suppena
delyverd unto them. Also ther cometh up Doctor Vergraunt and Frier
Bernard. And as for Robert Inglouse, I have spoken with hym, and I fynde
hym no thyng so weele disposid as his brother is; he hath be sore
labored be the meanes of my Lord of Norffolk and of my Lord of Suffolk;
he seyth largely that he knoweth moche of this mater, seyng to me that
if he schulde be examyned be for a juge, he wolde my master your
uncle[272.1] wer his juge, for he knoweth the mater as weele as any man.
He seith if he be sworn be fore my Lorde Chaunceler, he woll desire of
my Lord that Maister William schulde be sworn as weele as he;
nevertheles I have so mevyd hym that withoute ther come a suppena for
hym he woll not come, as he seth it is hard to truste hym. It were weele
doo if ther were no suppena out for hym to cauce that ther schulde non
come, nouther to hym nor to hes brother, &c. I can not undrestonde of no
moo that schulde come up yet, but I schal enquere, and sende you word as
hastely as I can. I have not spoken with John Maryot yet, but I schall
speke with hym within this iij. dayes and sende you worde. &c.

Ferthermore, sir, like you to remembre the lees of the maner of Sporle;
your fermours goth out at Michelmes next comyng. Henry Halman wolde have
it for his sones, and if be schulde have it he wolde wete at this tyme,
be cauce he wolde somerlay[272.2] and tylle the londe, otherwise then it
is; it were tyme to lete it, wo so ever schulde have it. Henry woll geve
for it but xx_li._; wherfor, if ye wol that he have it, plese you to
sende word how we schal do with all, &c. Almyghty Godde spede you in all
youre maters, and sende you hastely a goode ende in hem. Wreten at
Castre on Friday next after Esterne Day.

  Your own Servaunt, RIC. C.

    [Footnote 271.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter seems to
    relate to the summoning of witnesses to London for the probate of
    Fastolf’s will, and being addressed to Sir John Paston, we may
    presume that it was written in the year after his father’s death,
    and before the final settlement of the dispute.]

    [Footnote 272.1: William Paston.]

    [Footnote 272.2: Halliwell gives the expression ‘to summerland a
    ground’ which is used in Suffolk, meaning to lay it fallow a year.
    For this he refers to Ray.]


664

[WILLIAM PASTON] TO SIR JOHN PASTON[273.1]

_To my right worshipfull nevew, Sir John Paston, knyght._

[Sidenote: 1467 / APRIL (?)]

Myne suster,[273.2] Arblaster[273.3] and I have apoyntyd that we chall
kepe no howsold this terme,[273.4] but go to borde; wer for we avyse zow
to purvay for us a logyng ner a bowt my lord Chanseler that be honest,
for Arblaster will non oder.

Item, as for zow, we avyse zow in any wyse gete zowr chamer assynyd with
in my Lordis place, and gete chamer a lone iff ze may, that Arblaster
and I may have a bed ther in ziff it fortune us to be late ther with
zow.

Item, take hed to get suyrtees for the pore men that come up and that
they may be sent hom a zen forthe with with owt taryyng, and take avyse
so that the proses may so go forthe that they may be qwett at the next
assyssys; take avyse of Townysend.

As for Yelverton, fynd the menys that he speke not with my Lord till we
come.

Iff any labore be mad to my Lord to asyne men to here the mater
indefferently, make labore to my Lord that the men be nat namyd till we
come, for we can inffurme hym soche as be parciall be ther dedis here
affore, qweche peraventure my Lord wold thynk wer indefferent i now till
he be infurmyd; it may be answerid be my Lord that he will nat prosede
no ferther in the mater till Arblasters comyng and myn for we can best
infurme the mater.

Item, send a letter to Richard Kalle and to Sir Jamys Gloys to come up
to London in any wyse. For ther is no man can do in dyvers materis that
they can do in answeryng suche mater as Zelverton wyll ley a zen zow.
And also they can best mak the bill that ze schuld put a zens hem; and
ther for remembre.

Item, wrythe a letter to myn suster for the C. marcs for my Lady
Soffolk, for we have no verry dyrect answer of her weder sche wyll send
it ar nat.

Item, speke to zowr atorney in the Kyngis benche that he take hed to all
maner indytamentis both old and new and to all oder materis that hangyng
ther.

Item, do Pampyng comyn with owr sperituall concell suche mater as nedyn
ther. And have newe wretyn the attestacion that lakkyn. The same man
that wrott the oder may wrythe that. For Zelverton mad gret avawnt that
ye schuld be hyndrid in that.

Wrythe a letter to myn nevew John zonger to come up to prove the wyll.

Speke with Sir Gilberd Debenham qwill he is in cownt to leve uper
Cotton.

Item, Zelverton, Howys and Worceter make meche that we have put them owt
off possescyon of the lond; qweche they sey is contrary to my Lord
Chanseler comandement, and in trowth Sir Jamys and Calle meche spokyn to
the tenantis in my lordys name; For Zelverton thynketh that he may now
breke the trete. Qwer for, take a vyse her in off M^r Tresham and of
Master Staneley, and informe my Lord how my broder[274.1] qwas all way
in possescion till he was put owt for the mater of bondage, and how ze
fynd the colage, and qwat an hurt it wer to zow in noyse off contre iff
any oder man schuld now receyve any proffitis off the londis. They will
labor that indefferent men schuld receyve, and that wer nat good. My
Lord may say that he will end the mater, but as for the possescyon, he
will nat put zow owt. Labor this in all hast posible.

I pray yow send me an answer of all such thyngis as requirith an answere
in this contre, for Arblaster purposeth to be with yow on Sonday
sevenygth and I purpose to be with yow ij. dayes afore.

    [Footnote 273.1: [Add. MS. 33,597, f. 8.] This is not a formal
    letter but a set of memoranda on a long slip of paper. It is in
    the handwriting of William Paston, son of the judge, and addressed
    to his nephew, Sir John. The date may be about April 1467. _See_
    No. 663.]

    [Footnote 273.2: This must be his brother John’s widow, Margaret,
    who was in London in the spring of 1467. _See_ No. 662, p. 271.]

    [Footnote 273.3: James Arblaster, a confidential friend of the
    family.]

    [Footnote 273.4: Easter term began on the 15th April in 1467.]

    [Footnote 274.1: John Paston, son of the judge. Dead in 1466.]


665

SIR JOHN PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[275.1]

[Sidenote: 1467 / APRIL]

My hand was hurte at the torney at Eltham upon Wednesday last. I would
that you had been there and seen it, for it was the goodliest sight that
was sene in Inglande this forty yeares of so fewe men. There was upon
the one side, within, the Kinge, my Lord Scalles, myselfe, and
Sellenger; and without, my Lord Chamberlyn, Sir John Woodvyle, Sir
Thomas Mountgomery, and John Aparre, &c.

  By your brother,

  JOHN PASTON, Mil.

    [Footnote 275.1: This extract from a letter of Sir John Paston to
    his brother is quoted in Sandford’s MS. Genealogy of the Paston
    family, and is here reprinted from Mr. Worship’s article on that
    genealogy in the _Norfolk Archæology_. The original letter I have
    not been able to find. The tournament here referred to probably
    took place shortly after Easter. The next letter is evidently
    written in reply to this.]


666

JOHN PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[275.2]

[Sidenote: 1467]

Syr, plesyth yow to weet that my modyr and I comonyd this day with Freyr
Mowght to undyrstand what hys seying shall be in the coort when he
cometh up to London, wheche is in this wyse:-- He seyth at syche tyme as
he had shrevyn Master Brakley, and howsyllyd hym bothe, he let hym wet
that he was enformyd by dyvers personys that the seyd Master Brakley owt
for to be in gret consyens for syche thyngys as he had doone and seyd,
and causyd my fadyr, whom God asoyle, for to do and seye also, in
proving of Sir John Fastolfys wyll. To whom the seyd Mastyr Brakley
answerd thus agayne: ‘I am ryght glad that it comyth to yow in mynd for
to meve me with thys mater in dyschargyng of my consyens ayenst God,’
seying ferther mor to the seyd Freyr Mowght, be the wey that hys sowle
shold to, that the wyll that my fadyr put into the coort was as veryly
Syr John Fastolfys wyll as it was trew that he shold onys deye. This was
seyd on the Sonday when the seyd Brakley wend to have deyid then. On the
Monday he revyvyd a yen, and was well amendyd tyll on the Wednysday, and
on the Wednysday he sekyned a yen, supposyng to have dyeyd forthe with.
And in hys syknes he callyd Freyr Mowght, whyche was confessor on to
hym, of hys owne mosyon, seyng on to hym in thys wyse:-- ‘Syr, wher as
of your owne mosyon ye mevyd me the last day to tell you aftyr my
consyens of Sir John Fastolfys wyll lyek wyse as I knew, and now of myn
owne mocyon, and in dischargyng of my sowle, for I know well that I may
not askape, but that I must dye in hast, wharfor I desyr you that wyll
report after my dethe, that I took it upon my sowle at my dying that
that wyll that John Paston put in to be provyd was Syr John Fastolfys
wyll.’ And the seyd Brakley dyid the same Wednesdaye.

And wher as ye wold have had Rychard Calle to yow as on Sonday last
past, it was thys Twyisday or I had your lettyr; and wher as it plesyth
yow for to wyshe me at Eltam, at the tornay, for the good syth that was
ther, by trowththe I had lever se yow onys in Caster Hall then to se as
many Kyngs tornay as myght be betwyx Eltam and London.

And, syr, whar as it lyekyth yow to desyir to have knowlage how that I
have don with the Lady Boleyn,[276.1] by my feythe I have don nor spokyn
nowght in that mater, nor not wyll do tyll tyme that ye com hom, and ye
com not thys vij. yer. Not withstandyng, the Lady Boleyn was in Norwyche
in the week aftyr Estern, fro the Saterday tyll the Wednysday, and
Heydons wyfe[276.2] and Mastras Alys[276.3] bothe, and I was at Caster,
and wyst not of it. Hyr men seyd that she had non othyr erend to the
towne but for to sport hyr; bot so God help me, I suppose that she wend
I wold have ben in Norwyche for to have sen hyr dowghter. I beseche yow
with all my hart hye yow hom, thow ye shold tery but a day; for I
promyse yow your folk thynk that ye have forgetyn hem, and the most part
of them must depart at Whytsontyd at the ferthest, they wyll no lenger
abyd. And as for R. Calle, we can not get half a quarter the mony that
we pay for the bare housold, besyd menys wagys. Daube nor I may no mor
with owt coynage.

  Your,

  J. PASTON.

    [Footnote 275.2: [From Fenn, iv. 330.] This letter appears by the
    contents to have been written more than a week after Easter. The
    year must be 1467, as the dispute with Yelverton touching Sir John
    Fastolf’s will seems to have come to an end before the January
    following (_see_ No. 680). In 1467 Easter Day fell on 29th March.]

    [Footnote 276.1: _See_ Note 2, p. 270.]

    [Footnote 276.2: Anne, second daughter of Sir Geoffrey Boleyn.]

    [Footnote 276.3: Third daughter of Sir Geoffrey Boleyn.]


667

ABSTRACT[277.1]

[Sidenote: 1467 / MAY 1]

‘Bill indented’ 1 May, 7 Edw. IV., between Sir John Paston and Thomas
Lomnor, whereby the latter sells to the former an ambling horse ‘upon
this condition, that if the marriage betwixt the Lord Charles, son and
heir to the Duke of Burgon, and the Lady Margaret, sister to our
Sovereign Lord the King’ take effect within two years, Sir John agrees
to pay 6 marks for the horse on the day of the marriage; but if it do
not take effect within that period he will pay only 40 shillings.

  [There is a modern copy of this document in the Heralds’ College, in
  the collection called Brooke’s _Aspilogia_, vol. i. f. 47, where a
  drawing is given of Sir John Paston’s seal, which seems to have been
  attached to it when the transcript was made. It has been since
  removed at some time or other.]

    [Footnote 277.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 192.]]


668

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK TO SIR JOHN HOWARD[277.2]

THE DUC OF NORFFOLK.

[Sidenote: 1467 / MAY 18]

Rygth trusty and enteerly beloved cousyn I comaunde me to you with all
myn herte. And lyke it you to wete that God hath vyset me with grete
infirmite and dissease, wherthurgh I neyther can nor may at this season
and comynge of the Bastard of Burgoyne attende to th’execucion off myn
offyce, as my wyll and duete were to, in myn owne persone. Wherfor of
verray necessite I must depute suche a person in all goodly hast to
ocupye as my deputee and to have my full power undere me at that season
as is bothe of byrthe honorable and one all other wyse lykly. How be it
that of long tyme contynnuynge I have ben enured of your stedfaste and
preved feythful good cosyngnage and tendyrnesse to me shewed unfeyned to
my gret refute[278.1] and hertes ease at all seasons. Wiche emboldeth me
to call uppon you now; and also remembrynge the honour of the offyce
doynge and the neighnesse of blode that ye be of to me, I thenke no
person so convenable to ocupye in myn absence as you. For myn excuse,
therfore, I specyally pray you, as my feythfull truste is holy in you,
to take the labour uppon you and to do theryn be your discrecion to the
most honour of the kynge, the realme, and be lyke as I am asured that ye
can and wyll, puttynge you in surete that I wull become tributary to
your costes and charges in that behalve. And as for all suche duteis as
schall belonge to me at that tyme by reason of myn offyce, I gyff theme
you for parcell of your said costes; and at such tyme as ye and I and
myn counsell mete next ye schal not fayle to be agreid with, to your
pleasure for the residue, by Goddis grace, Wiche ever preserve you. And,
cousyn, I sende you be the berer herof the double of this lettre,
praying that ye will subscribe it with your owne hande and send it me a
geyn be hym. Wryten under my signet the xviij. day of May.

  _To my rigth trusty and rigth enteerly belovyd cousyn, Sir John
  Howard, knygth._

And this letter is assigned with my lordes own hande.

    [Footnote 277.2: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 59.] The famous tournament
    between Lord Scales and the Bastard of Burgundy took place at
    Smithfield on the 11th and 12th June 1467. See _Excerpta
    Historica_, 176. This paper is evidently a copy of the original
    letter.]

    [Footnote 278.1: _Sic_ in MS.]

  [[Footnote 277.2: ... _Excerpta Historica_, 176.
    _final . invisible_]]


669

SIR JOHN HOWARD[279.1]

[Sidenote: 1467 / JUNE]

This wrytenge made at London the vij^th yer of kyng Edward the iiij^th
and the ----[279.2] day of June wytnessyth what Jakettes my master Sir
John Howard geveth at the fytenge betwyx my Lord Scales and the Bastard
of Burgoyne.

  John Alpherde
  Brome
  William Noryse
  Herry Straunge
  Robert Cumberton
  Hastynges
  John Fowler
  John Nyter
  Thomas Moleyns
  John Waleys
  Robart Thorppe
  John Bleaunt
  Thomas Thorppe
  Davy Horell
  Robert Cooke
  Robart Clerke
  John Hobbes
  Wynche
  John Wady
  William Fernwale
  Raff Barlyscose
  Thomas Seynclew
  Whyttebye
  Kechyn
  John de Spayn
  Jenyn Saunpere
  John Kyngton
  Lytell Edmond
  John Coles
  Thomas Mershe
  Rechard Leder
  John Gylder
  Rechard Waleys
  Ravenysbye
  Thomas a Chambre
  Thomas Whytenge
  Thomas Grymston
  Roger Jewell
  Colson
  John Squyre[279.3]
  Scarlett[279.3]
  William West[279.4]
  John Dykynson
  Thomas Bowden
  William Denny
  John Starkeweder
  George Hardwyn
  Thomas Caunterbury
  Dyott
  Robart Messeden
  John Mynshe
  Richard Pulton
  John Wakeleyn
  Nicholas Shakerley
  Hew Flynte
  Thomas Newton
  William Clerke
  Robart Nosbet
  Herry Nudygate
  William Yngram
  John Brodebryge
  Aleyn Cowper
  Rechard Roger
  Herry Cooke
  Edward Holman
  Rechard Halbroke[280.1]
  Robart Sleper
  John Cheynour
  John Hylle

    [Footnote 279.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 61.]]

    [Footnote 279.2: Blank in MS.]

    [Footnote 279.3: These two names, John Squyre and Scarlett, are
    bracketed together, and the name ‘Alford’ written opposite.]

    [Footnote 279.4: Opposite this name is written ‘Wal’ in the
    margin.]

    [Footnote 280.1: Opposite this name is written ‘chad’ in the
    margin.]


670

JAMES GRESHAM TO SIMON DAMME[280.2]

_To my worshipfull cosyn, Symond Damme, [at] Lyncoln Inne, at London,
[be] this delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1467(?) / JULY 2]

Right worshipfull sir, and as in my trost my veray speciall good
maister, I recomande me to you with al the servyce I can and may. Lyke
it you to wytte that I have do my bysynes to enquere for suyche dedes as
ye wrot for on to me, and, so God me helpe, I can not wytte where I
shuld spede to have ony suyche dedes. I spak to a persone that is your
good lover, the whiche tolde me that ther was a gret plee bytwene my
Lord of Suffolk and Sir John Fastolf for the maner of Drayton, for
whiche matier William Wysetre was sent to enquere for evydencez touchyng
the Pooles lyvelond in suyche places as thei were lords of in their
dayes. And the seid Wysetre fonde evydencez that touched a maner called
Mundham maner, sum tyme longyng to the Pooles that were owenners of
Drayton, the whiche evydences eased meche Sir John Fastolf; but the seid
persone that enfourmed me of this can not telle the armes, ne what
evydencez tho shuld be in certeyn, savyng he thynkyth indoubted that
William Worcetre shuld not be unremembred of this. Wherfore it is
thought to the same persone that enfourmed me of this and by me also,
that it shuld be expedyent for you to comune of this matier by your
wysdam with the same William Wysetre, now beyng at London, for he by
lyklyhod can telle you a certeynte. And as touchyng my maister, Sir
Thomas Mongomery, I trost veryly that he nothyr hath ne shall have cause
of grudger by my defaut, for I can not understond ony cause of grudger;
for ever whanne my cosyn Damme[281.1] hath spoken with my seid maisters
attourne to have knowelage by writyng of what thyng shuld be the cause
of callyng on you, he answerith that my maister, W. Paston, hath a bille
therof, but my cosyn can non gete. Wherfor I deme that the seid attourne
meneth not weel. I entende noon other but in als meche as in me is to se
your indempnyte with the grace of God, who ever mote be your guyde and
protector. Wretyn at Norwich the ij. day of Juylle.

  Your servaunt in that he can and may to his powar,

  I, JAMES GRESHAM.

Cosyn, an noon after this was wretyn, had I knowelage of the massageris
comyng to London berar of this, and I had thought to have wretyn the
letter above wretyn newe, by cause of the foule wrytyng and
interlynyeng, but now I lakke leyser. Wherfor I pray you understond the
pyth of my seid wrytyng, and enfourme my seid maister Sir John P. of the
same, for I wold fayne do that shulde please hym, &c. And the persone
that enfourmed me dar not be a knowe of his name, ne he wold not it
shuld be understond to them that be of counsell ageyn my maister. It was
the parson of Heylesdon, &c. More over, as I have wretyn to you of late,
Palmer, undershireve of Norffolk, hath sent his letter to his depute to
acomplyssh our entent for Chyldes matier as ye and I were accordet. This
told Wykes me for verray certeyn, &c., the ij. day of Juylle.

  On the back of this letter are some scribblings in another hand,
  viz.:--First, a partial copy of the address; second, the name ‘John
  Dode’; third, the following inscription, ‘Orate pro anima Johnnes
  (_sic_) de Boys _armenger_ de Londonn.’

    [Footnote 280.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As this letter has
    reference to the disputes between the Duke of Suffolk and the
    Paston family about Drayton, it might be supposed to have been
    written about the year 1464, but that the entire absence of any
    mention of John Paston the father makes it probable that the true
    date is after his death. It is therefore not unlikely to be of the
    same year as No. 671, in which Margaret Paston mentions the
    probability of Hellesdon being taken again out of their hands, and
    also desires an answer to a letter that she had sent to her son,
    Sir John, ‘by James Gresham’s man.’]

    [Footnote 281.1: As it appears by the postscript that this letter
    was hurriedly despatched, we may perhaps presume that it was
    intended in the first instance for Sir John Paston, but that as
    ‘my cousin Damme’ required to be informed of the same particulars,
    it was afterwards addressed to him, with instructions to
    communicate the contents to Sir John.]


671

MARGARET PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[282.1]

_To Sir John Paston, Knyght, be this delivered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1467 / JULY 11]

I grete you wele, and send you Godds blissyng and myn, letyng you wete
that Blykklyng of Heylesdon came fro London this weke, and he is right
mery, and maketh his bost that with in this fourtnyght at Heylesdon
shuld be bothe new lords and new officers. And also this day was brought
me word fro Caystr that Rysyng of Freton shuld have herd seid in diverse
places, ther as he was in Suffolk, that Fastolf of Coughawe maketh all
the strenght that he may, and proposith hym to assaught Caystr, and to
entre ther if he may, in samych that it is seyd that he hath a v. score
men redy, and sendyth dayly aspies to understand what felesshep kepe the
place. Be whos power, or favour, or supportacion that he wull do this,
I knowe not; but ye wote wele that I have ben affrayd ther befor this
tyme, whan that I had other comfort than I have now, and I can not wele
gide ner rewle sodyours, and also thei set not be a woman as thei shuld
set be a man. Therfor I wold ye shuld send home your brothers, or
ell[es] Dawbenye, to have a rewle, and to takyn in such men as wer
necessary for the saffegard of the place; for if I wer ther withought I
had the mor sadder or wurchepfull persones abought me, and ther comyn a
meny of knavys, and prevaylled in ther entent, it shuld be to me but a
vylney. And I have ben abought my liffelode to set a rewle ther in, as I
have wretyn to you, which is not yet all performed after myn desyre, and
I wuld not goo to Caystr till I had don. I wull no mor days make ther
abowtyn if I may; therfor in any wyse send sume body home to kepe the
place, and whan that I have do and performed that I have be gunne,
I shall purpose me thederward if I shuld do ther any good, and ell[es]
I had lever be thens.

I have sent to Nicholas, and such as kepe the place, that thei shuld
takyn in sume feles [_fellows_] to assiste and strengh them till ye send
hame sume other word, or sume other man to governe them that ben therin,
&c.

I marvayll gretly that ye send me no word how that ye do, for your
elmyse [_enemies_] begynne to wax right bold, and that puttith your
frends bothyn in grete fere and dought. Therfor purvey that thei may
have sume comfort, that thei be no more discoraged; for if we lese our
frends, it shall hard in this troubelous werd [_world_] to kete them
ageyn.

The blissid Trynyte spede you in your mater, and send you the victory of
your elmyse, to your herts eas and ther confusyon. Wretyn at Norwich,
the Saterday next befor Relyke Sonday,[283.1] in hast.

I pray you remembre wele the maters that I wrote to you for in the
letter that ye had be James Greshames man, and send me an answer ther of
be the next man that comyth, &c.

  Be your moder,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 282.1: [From Fenn, iv. 294.] This letter must have been
    written some time after Sir John Paston had obtained possession of
    Caister by virtue of the King’s warrant of the 17th July 1466
    (No. 641), and before the Duke of Norfolk laid claim to it again
    in 1469. Thus the date is certainly either 1467 or 1468. But in
    the latter year Sir John Paston and his brother were both in
    Flanders at the marriage of the Princess Margaret to the Duke of
    Burgundy; and Daubeney could not have been with them, as he was
    when this letter was written, for John Paston the younger says he
    had sent him five shillings by Calle’s man. Thus 1467 appears to
    be the only year possible.]

    [Footnote 283.1: Relic Sunday (the third Sunday after Midsummer
    Day) was the 12th July in 1467.]


672

DECLARATION OF SIR THOMAS HOWYS[284.1]

[Sidenote: 1467 / JULY 21]

Be it knowen to all men that this present wrytyng shall rede, see, or
hyre. Forasmoche as I understande nowe late ther ys a newe contryved
processe concernyng the variaunce uppon my maister Sir John Fastolf is
testament and last will, whos soule God assoyle, made by Sir John
Paston, Knyght, and his counsell in the seyd Pastons name and myne,
ayenste Sir William Yelverton, Knyght, and William Worcetter, that is
exhibited and putte in my lordys courte of Audience be fore his
auditoure, me unwetyng or assentyng, in the vigille of Seint John
Baptiste; in wheche processe ys surmyttyd and made mencion that William
Worcetter in his owne persone, and by others in his name, hathe promysed
and gevyn money to corupte certayne wytnesse to depose untreuly in a
processe exhibit in John Pastons lyf tyme by Sir William Yelverton,
Knyght, the sayd William Wissetter ayenste John Paston decesed and me;
and wheche witnesse were Stephan Scrope, Squier, Richard Fastolf,
gentilman, Thomas Neve, gentilman, William Boswell, clerk, John Monke,
Nicholas Churche, John Rugge, John Daunson, Richard Horne, Thomas
Pykeryng, Harry Clerk, John Tobye, Thomas Hart, Thomas Neuton, John
Gyrdyng, Thomas Spycer, and others, frome the moneth of August into the
moneth of March, the yere of Cryst M^{il.}CCCClxv., yn Yermouthe,
Castre, Fretenham, Bloofeld, Thetford, Brundale, Wroxham, Borough,
Southetoune, Yermouthe, Gorleston, Suthewerk, Norwych, and London; so
they to be corupted in all the forseyd named tounes wyth prayer, price,
and money to hem promised and gevyn, be syd har expences, her costs, and
her labours, to be conducted to depose with Sir William Yelverton and
William Worcetter partye ayenste the seyd John Paston and mee: I the
sayd Thomas Howys so made partye, and unwetyng and assentyng, a yenste
the [said][284.2] Sir William Yelverton and William Worcestre, sey and
afferme for trouth in this matyer to be knowen, that for declaracion of
trouth in this processe and mater, and for the discharge of my
conscience and the trewe acquietall to my sayd Master Fastolf that putte
me in grettyst charge of hys testament, and for grete remorse I have in
my soule of the untrewe forgyng and contryvyng certayne testamentes and
last wyll by naked wordes in my sayd Maister Fastolf name aftyr he was
desesyd; y, in the name of the seyd Sir William Yelverton and William
Worcetter, required and prayed the sayd above named witnesse and alle
other wytnesse produced in Sir William Yelverton and William Wyssetter
name before that tyme, excepte the forsayd Stephan Scrope, Esquier, and
Richard Fastolf, to come to London, and appere in my lords house of
audience before his auditour, and there to say, depose, and witnesse the
trouthe as they knewe in especiall, in the absense of John Russe, Sir
Robert Cotiler, late vycar of Castre, Robert Botyler beyng oute of the
chamber of Sir John Fastolf, Knyght, there he lay seke in his maner of
Castre, the Saterdaye next before the seid Sir John Fastolf discesyd,
namely, from viij. tylle xj. atte belle affore mydday, and present in
other placez, where diverse of the sayd named wytnesse and diverse other
witnesse sawe ham. And the sayd Worcestre nother promysed ne yave hem
gode, money, nother reward, neyther relessed no debtes, not soo nought
payed not for har costes, nother dispenses by the wey comyng to London,
taryeng, ne returnyng a yen, that lawe and reson wold understonde the
sayd witnesse ought have for har costes and labours, weche was payed by
my handes, I beyng present dayly and tymely diverse tymes most
conversaunt at Jermuth wyth hem; and in especiall whan they taryed more
than xxiiij. dayes in London or they coude be examyned; and I knowe well
the sayd Sir William Yelverton, nouther the seyd William Worcestre
promysed ne payed no maner money ne godes worth, nouther relessyng har
dutes, yf any they axed they knowe yt not, as the seyd named witnesse
wylle sey and certyfye the trouth. And as for ij. witnesse called Bunch
and Shave, lete hem be examynyd, yf the seyd Sir William or William
Worcestre fyrst procured, moved, or excited hem at Yermouth, or any
other place, to come to London to depose in the said maters, or promysed
or payed hem ony money, or any man for ham promysed or payed; and yf
they be of trewe disposicion, they woll discharge the seyd Sir William
Yelverton and William Worcestre, for ther was none in especiall but I,
that labored hem alle to come to London to my lordis audience yn the
seyd Yelvertons and Worcestre names; but I pryncipally required them to
depose treuly as they knewe, be the owte promyse, mede, rewarde, or
money, yn the discharge of my conscience, and for the trouthe of the
mater to be knowen to all the worlde, as I am redy to preve, whyle God
lendeth me lyffe, and yn the same quarell to dye. And I evyr seth that I
understode the seyd John Paston is untrewe demenyng in the contryvynge
of my Maister Fastolf testament and last wille, and was compellyd to
appere before my lord ys auditour at Lambyth, to be sworn atte my ffree
will to declar the trouth of my seyd maister trewe testament and last
wyll befor my seyd Lord of Canturbury is auditur of his courte of
audience, I nevyr varyed ne held aftyr wyth John Paston, but alwey have
ben stedfast wyth the processe that I have enfourmed my Lord of
Canterbury, and divers others astates also in like wyse have declared to
the sayd Sir William Yelverton and William Worcestre to precede, and soo
evyr woll be stedfaste. And in witness for trouth, I sele this
declaracion wyth my signet, and subscrybe it wyth my hand and name, in
presence of Maister John Prentyse, Sir Edmond Hall, John Smyth, John
Robynson, Thomas Hoore, John Bullok, and Richard Batilmewe, the xxj^th
day of Jule the yer of Crist M^{il.}CCCC^mo lxvijº.

  T. HOWYS.

    [Footnote 284.1: [From a MS. in the tower of Magd. Coll.,
    Oxford.]]

    [Footnote 284.2: Omitted in MS.]


673

JOHN PASTON TO HIS MOTHER[287.1]

[Sidenote: 1467(?)]

Ryght worchepfull modyr, I recomand me onto you, lowly besechyng yow of
your blyssyng. Plesyt yow to we [_sic_] that my brodyr and I be in good
hele, blyssyd be God, and all our felawshep; and as for me I tryst to
God to . . . yow by Halowmes or within iiij. dayes aftyr at the
ferthest; at whyche tyme I tryst to fynd the menys . . . dyscharge yow
of syche folk as ye kepe of my brodyrs, and that must I do by myn owne
menys; for as for my brodyr, by my trowthe he is not of power to do it;
for this I ensure yow, so God help me, he hathe at thys season not a
peny in hys purs, nor wotys not wher to get eny. And as for Bekham I
warant, and ye wyll send the plate whych ye and I comond of for to helpe
to paye hys dettis, and for to swe forthe for hys jwgement thys terme,
it sholl neythyr be morgagyd nor sold. Wherfor, modyr, I and he bothe
beseche yow that ye wyll send hym the plate by Jwde; or ellys, so God
help me, I wot not how he shall do; for by the feythe that I ow to God
he lokyth every day to be arestyd, and so I wene he sholl, so God helpe
me. Jwde had ned to be sped hastyly lest syche arestys falle in the
tyme. And as for my Lord of Norffolk, it is promysed me to have hys good
lordshep, but I must tery a whylle, as my Lady told yow, for the maners
sake. And as for tydynges her, so God help, neythyr the Kyng nor the
Lordis can as yet undyrstand no serteynte, whedyr they shall go togedyr
ayen by the werre or not. When I here the serteynte I shall send yow
word. Ye may send mony by Jwde for my sustyr Annys hood and for the
tepet of sersenet, viij_s._ a yerd of damask and v_s._ for sarsenet; hyr
hood wyll take iij. quarters. No mor for lak of leyser, but I pray God
send yow your hertis desyir and othyr pore folys thers.

  Your sone and humbyll servant,

  J. PASTON.

    [Footnote 287.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 196.] The date of this
    letter is difficult to fix, but from the two brothers being
    together (which was rather a rare occurrence), and both in good
    health, the summer of 1467 seems not improbable. (_See_ No. 671.)
    The date must at least be earlier than Nov. 1469, when Sir John
    Paston, as we shall hereafter find, actually executed an indenture
    for the sale of East Beckham. It seems quite impossible, moreover,
    that this letter can be of the year 1469.]


674

SIR JOHN PASTON TO LORD BEAUCHAMP[288.1]

_To the Lord Bechampe_[288.2]

And forasmuch as I am credibly enformed that my lord of Winchestre hath
sent to you desiring that ye shold ensele dyvers writinges of graunt and
relesse of your estat in alle such maners, londes and tenementes as late
wer of J. Fastolf knyght, and wheryn ye togider with other be jointly
enfeffed to th’ use of the seid J. Fastolf, I, considering the honorable
disposition and great sadnesse of my seid lord of Winchestre
which[288.3] hath now taken upon [him][288.4] th’ administracion of
testament of the seid J. F., trusting veryly that my seid lord wol as
conscience requireth consider my title and interest in that behalf,
praie you right hertely that not withstonding any labour or mocion on my
part or for me in tyme passed made to you to ensele any writyng of
graunt or relesse of your seid estat to me or to myn use, that ye wol
now ensele and perfourme the entent and desir of my seid lord of
Winchestre now made unto you.

  SIR JOHN PASTON, K.

  _Indorsed:_ Dominus de Bewchamp.

    [Footnote 288.1: [Add. MS. 35,251, f. 25, B.M.] This letter
    apparently was written in 1467, probably in August, just before
    No. 675. The original is a corrected draft.]

    [Footnote 288.2: This address is written in the margin, with a
    note a little way below: ‘To myn oncle Wylliam in lyke forme.’]

    [Footnote 288.3: Here occurs an interlineation of an incomplete
    clause: ‘is feffe of the seid---- (_word crossed out_) and also
    therein and----.’]

    [Footnote 288.4: Omitted in MS.]


675

NOTE

The following is an extract from ‘An Index to Deeds and Writings in
the Tower, Magdalen College, Oxford’:--

_Documents relating to Norf. and Suffolk, No. 47._

[Sidenote: 1467 / AUG. 28]

‘Thomas Archiep. Cant., Willielmus Episcopus Winton., et Johannes
Beauchamp dominus de Beauchamp, juxta formam barganiæ et effectum ultimæ
voluntatis Johannis Fastolf in curia Audientiæ, &c., concedunt Johanni
Paston militi totum jus in maneriis de Castre vocatis Vaux, Bosoms, et
Redhams, Spensers in Heringby, Reggisley, Reps, cum aliis terris in
diversis villis; necnon in manerio de Guton cum advocatione ecclesiæ de
Heinford in Saxthorp vocat. Loundhall, cum aliis terris in diversis
villis, et in manerio de Caldecots et Akethorp, Spitlings, Habeland,
&c., habit, ex feoffamento Rad. dom. de Sudley et aliorum.

Aug. 28. Edw. IV. 7.’


676

ABSTRACT[289.1]

[Sidenote: 1467 / AUG. 31]

A small slip of paper close written on both sides with accounts of
wages. In the margin on one side is the name John Braham, with the
memorandum, ‘Thys wrytynge, made the iiij^th yere of Kynge Edward the
iiij^th, and in the monyth of Novembre, wytnessez of the wagez that my
master payith to his men.’ A blank seems to have been left below this at
first, but it was afterwards filled up in a different hand: ‘Memorandum
that the v^e yer of Kyng Edward the iiij^e I rekenyd wyth my master at
Stoke; and on the v. day of Aprylle for the yerys that I have be wyth my
mastyr, whesche shal be at Hocke Monday next cumyng v^e yer and an
halfe; for the whesche yerys I have reseyvyd at sondery tymeys v_li._
and iiij_s._, and thys seyd v. day I reseyvyd of my master v. marcs.’

On the other side, in the first hand, is an account extending from the
11th April, 5 Edw. IV. (1465) to the last day of August, 7 Edw. IV.
(1467), of payments to a female named Rose,[289.2] for wages by ‘my
master,’ Braham and Thorpe. These sums vary from 3_s._ 4_d._ to 8_s._
4_d._, at a time; but there are also two items for presents made to her,
viz. for 4 ells of Holland cloth at 8½_d._ the ell, 2_s._ 10½_d._, and
for a pair of hosen, 12_d._ On the 7th Oct. 6 Edw. IV. (1466) it is
said, ‘My master toke her for wages at Stoke, 5_s._’

    [Footnote 289.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 289.2: It appears by other letters that she was a
    servant ‘dwelling before Mrs. Paston’s gate.’]


677

NOTE

The following is another extract from the Index referred to in No.
675:--

[Sidenote: 1467 / OCT. 2]

‘12. Concessio Joh. Paston militis Johanni Duci Norfolk et aliis manerii
sui vocati Hemnales in Cotton in Com.’ Suff., ac manerii sui de
Haynford, et advocationis ecclesiæ ejusdem in Com.’ Norff., habit’ ex
dono Th. Archiepisc. Cant. et Willielmi Episc. Wynton., cum littera
attor. ad deliberandum seisinam. Oct. 2. Edw. IV. 7.’


678

ABSTRACT[290.1]

PETITION OF JOHN HERLYNG OF BASYNGHAM TO ‘LADY’ PASTON

[Sidenote: 1467 or later]

Requests ‘her Highness’ to confirm some grants of her late husband to
him of land at Basyngham. William Swan claims, and has taken from him 2
perches of ground in breadth near his (Swan’s) gate, which has always
been parcel of Herlyng’s tenement of Greyve’s during his and his
father’s time. John Pykerell, too, has made mean to the Abbot of St.
Benet’s to remove a boundary stone which has stood there sixty years.
Pykerell also took the writer’s horse and used it in his field without
leave, on Friday before the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, 6 Edw. IV.,
which made the beast unserviceable till Fastegong next following.
Pykerell has also done him other injuries.

  [As this petition refers to the ‘Fastegong’ or Shrovetide after
  Holy-Rood Day 6 Edw. IV. as a past date, it cannot have been drawn
  up earlier than the year 1467. The manor of Basingham, in Norfolk,
  belonged to the Mauteby family, and came to John Paston by marriage.
  This paper, therefore, was addressed to his widow Margaret.]

    [Footnote 290.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


679

CECILY DAWNE TO SIR JOHN PASTON[291.1]

_To the right worshipfull, and with my faithful hert and service full
entyerly beloved gode maister, Sir John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1463-7 / NOV. 3]

Right worshipfull Sir, and with my faithfull herte and service full
entierly beloved gode maister, in my moste humble wyse I recommaund me
unto your goode maistreship. Pleace it the same to wite that I thenke
right longe to I have veerey knolege of your welfare, the which
undrestande wil be to me right grete comfort. And that causeth me to
write unto you as nowe. And also to late you wite that I herde reperte
ye shuld be wedded unto a Doughter of the Duchez of Somerset, which
mater, and I spake with you, I couth enforme your maistership that were
to longe to write as nowe. But I shal and do pray God dayly to sende you
such one unto your worldes make that wil drede and faithfully unfeyned
love you above alle othir erthely creatures. For that is most excellent
richesse in this worlde, as I suppose. For erthely goodes bene
transsitory, and wedding contynues for terme of lyfe, which with some
folke is a full long terme. And therfore, Sir, savyng your displeasir,
me semez wedding wolde have goode avysement. Moreover, Sir, like it your
maistership to undirstond that wynter and colde weders draweth negh, and
I have but fewe clothez but of your gift, God thanke you. Wherefore,
Sir, and it like you, I besech your gode maisterschip that ye will
vouchsafe to remembre me your servaunte with some lyverey, such as
pleaseth you, ayens this wynter, to make me a gown to kepe me from the
colde wedders. And that I myght have it and such answare as ye pleace in
the premisses sente unto me be the bringer herof. And I schal contynuwe
your oratrix and pore servaunte and hertely pray to God for your
prosperite, Whom I besech have you, Right worshipful Sir, and with my
faithful herte and service full entierly beloved gode maister, in His
blessed governaunce. Writen at Hellowe the iii^de. Day of Novembre.

  CECILE DAUNE.

    [Footnote 291.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 166.] This letter is of
    course not earlier than 1463, when Sir John Paston received his
    knighthood, but probably belongs to a period before his
    flirtations with Anne Haute, who first appears on the scene in the
    summer of 1468.]


680

ABSTRACT[292.1]

[Sidenote: 1468 / JAN. 11]

Release by William, Bishop of Winchester, John, Lord Beauchamp, Sir John
Howard, Sir William Yelverton, Justice of the King’s Bench, Thomas
Lytelton, Justice of the Common Pleas, William Jenney, Serjeant-at-Law,
William Paston, Esq., Thomas Howys, clerk, and William Grene, to Sir
John Paston, Knight, of the manors of Castre, in Flegge, called Vaux and
Bosoms, and the lands in Castre called Redham, the manors or tenements
in Heryngby called Spensers and Fennes, a third part of the manor of
Runham, the manor of Wynterton, called Begvyles, with a windmill, the
manor of Reppes in Bastewyk, and messuages, &c., in Yarmouth; the lands
called Billes in Stokesby and Cattes in Heryngby, &c.; the manors of
Guton in Brandeston, Heynford, the manor of Saxthorp, called Loundhalle,
with a watermill, the manor of Lincolnhalle, in Boyton, &c., in Norfolk;
and the manor called Caldecotes in Freton, Suff.; the manors of Akethorp
in Lowestoft and Spitlyngges in Gorleston, and lands called Havelound in
Bradwell, &c.; also in the manor of Tichewell, &c., in the hundred of
Smethedon, Norf.; and the manor of Hempnales in Cotton, and Burnevyles
in Naketon, Suff.; all which the said Bishop and the others had, _inter
alia_, of the gift of Ralph, Lord Sudeley, Sir William Oldhall, Richard
Waller, Esq., Thomas West, Esq., William Wangford, and Nicholas
Girlyngton.

Dated 11th Jan. 7 Edw. IV.

    [Footnote 292.1: [MS. in Bodleian Library.]]


681

WILLIAM WORCESTER TO MARGARET PASTON[293.1]

_To my ryght worshypfull maistras, Margyt Paston, wedowe._

[Sidenote: 1468(?)]

Ryght worchypfull maistras, aftyr dew recomendacion, please your gode
maistrasshyp to wete that I comyned late wyth your entier welbelovyd
son, Sir John Paston, of the fundacion of my Maister Fastolf Collage
myght ben at Cambrygge, yn case hyt shall nat bee at Castre, nether at
Seynt Benetts, because that Universyte lyeth neere the cuntree of
Norffolk and Suffolk; for albe it my Lord of Wynchestr ys disposed to
found a Collage yn Oxford for my seyd maister to be prayd for, yhyt wyth
moch lesse cost he myght make som othyr memorialle also yn Cambrygge,
and yt weere of ij. clerkys, iij. or iiij. scolers, founded at leest
wyth the value of gode benefices and ryche parsonages, that myght be
purschased the advowsons, wyth moch lesse goodes then lordshyppes or
maners may; and I fonde your son well disposed to meofe and excyte my
seyd Lord. Also now the Cristmasse weke next before the feest att
London, my Lord Wynchester called me to hym yn presence of Sir John, and
desyrid hym effectually to be my gode wyller; and maister wold hafe no
wordes rehersed on my behalf, and he seyd full welle. Wold Jesu,
Maistras, that my gode maister that was som tyme your husbond, yn my
seyd Maister Fastolf lyfe dayes, as he shewed to me, their coude hafe
founded yn hys hert to hafe trusted and lovyd me as my Maister Fastolf
dyd, and that he wold not hafe geven credence to the malyciouse
contryved talys that Frere Brakley, W. Barker, and othyrs ymagyned
ontruly, savyng your reverence, of me. And now ye may opynly ondrestand
the sothe, and your son Sir John also; and yhyt for all that I put nevyr
my Maister Fastolf lyfelode yn trouble, for alle the unkyndnesse and
covetuse that was shewed me, as I hafe declared to the berer heroff,
that I know ye trust welle, to whom yn thys ye may gefe credence at thys
tyme.

God amend J. Russe. I wold he had ben at Irland for one day ys sake.

  Your,

  W. W.

And I thank you hertly for my pore woman, she shuld com to you at your
commaundment late or rathe, but for gelosye and mysdemyng of peple that
hafe me yn greete awayt; and ye know welle, maistras, better ys afrende
unknow then knowen; the world ys to mysdemyng and redy to make dyvysyon
and debate that comyth of an envyouse disposicion. And I am ryght glad
that Castr ys and shall be at your comaundment, and yowres yn
especialle. A ryche juelle yt ys at neede for all the cuntre yn tyme of
werre; and my Maister F. wold rather he had nevyr bylded yt then hyt
shuld be yn the gouvernaunce of eny sovereyn that wole oppresse the
cuntree. And I fynde the relygyoux of Seynt Benetts full unkynde toke
away a chambre, the elder Abbot had put me yn possessyon for my solace,
when I myzt com thedr and desport me, and toke that chambre to Maister
John Smyth, that Sir Thomas Howys seyd to me, was none holsom counceller
yn the reformacion of the last testament made but ij. executors to hafe
the rule allone. I wold he had nevyr medled of yt, that councell made
moch trouble. I pray you kepe thys letter close to your sylf, as I trust
you and Sir Jamys, and also yn R. Toly that I undrestand hym close and
just.

I had no tyme to speke withyn now late, when I was but one day at
Norwych. W. Barker sclaundred me yn certeyn maters of gode to the some
of v^c. mark that Reynold Harneys shuld kepe and take me half. Wold Jesu
B[a]rker had seyd true, hyt myzt hafe do me moch gode! And, Maistras, as
I dar desyre you, I pray you recomaund me to my best maistras, your
moder Agnes, for she favorued me and dyd me grete cherytee, to be the
better disposed to hyr son, Maister John, and by my soule yt made me the
hertyer to safe the lyfelode fro trouble or from claymes, as I support
me to alle the world, I put nevyr maner ne lyfelode of my Maister
Fastolf yn trouble, ne entitled no crettur to na place, and ye may speke
wyth hyr herof when ye be allone.

    [Footnote 293.1: [From Fenn, iv. 280.] It seems probable that this
    letter was written about the beginning of the year 1468. As to the
    time of year, we may judge by one expression that it was not very
    long after Christmas; and as the writer congratulates Margaret
    Paston that Caister is to be at her command, we may with great
    probability suppose the date to be about the same as that of the
    preceding document.]


682

HUGH FENN TO SIR JOHN PASTON[295.1]

_To the right worchepfull Sir John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1468 / [APRIL 12]]

Right worchepfull sir, I recommand me to you. Like you wete a distresse
was take in Caster by Thomas Pekok, I trowe your servant, a besy man,
called of a full true sowle, John Hadynet of Haryngby, a pore man his
plow hath loyn ever sith, he seith; I understonde it is for Catts
landes. I sent my clerk to my mastresse, your moder, and the seid John
with hym therfor; and my mastresse wold hym come ageyn a nother day, for
Pecok was not thanne at home; so he ded, and can not have it, as he
seith, but that ye wold I shuld speke with you at Castr therof, and of
other maters he tolde me this day. And by cause of my moders yereday
holden this day, God have hir sowle, and to morwe shal be a good day,
I wol by Goddes grace dispose me to His mercy ageyns Thursday, as I have
used; therfor I pray you pardon my comyng. In the weke after Ester,
I entend to se you and my seid mastresse certeynly; it is loong seth I
sy hir, me semeth. And if ye be not thanne at Castr, I pray you send me
worde that I may come soner to you to comon with you in this mater, and
in all other what ye wil, and sone departe to London fro thens; and
therfor I wil abide with you a good while.

Sir, as to Catts ye be remembred what I seid to you at London at ij.
tymes. I am the same man; I have sith I cam geten th’evidences in to myn
handes, and I am redy to shewe them what lerned man her that ye wol
assigne. The mater is cler to my thynkyng. Titleshale that solde it to
Sir J. Fastolf myght as wele a solde hym your lande or myn; and if the
sale be lawfull, I shal leve my hands at the first as I said at London.
The distresse to be kept for that, I wisse it nede not, and it was
unlawfully taken. Like it you to do delyvere the pore man his goods
ageyn, I am redy to answer you for elde and new as right wol. I shal
breke no day to be assigned, for to leve all other thyngs.

By the blissed Lady I beleve that ye wol dispose you wele, and so I pray
God ye do, and have you in His blissed governaunce. Wretyn at the hede
town of Norffolk this Tuysday.

  Your owen,

  H. atte FENNE.

    [Footnote 295.1: [From Fenn, iv. 290.] This letter was written on
    the Tuesday before Easter, probably in the year 1468, _i.e._ after
    the other executors of Fastolf had released to Sir John Paston.
    The date could hardly be later than 1469, when Sir John was driven
    out of Caister by the Duke of Norfolk; and in 1469 he does not
    seem to have been residing there about Easter.]


683

EDWARD IV. TO SIR JOHN PASTON[296.1]

_To our trusty and welbeloved Sir John Paston, Knight._

BY THE KING.

[Sidenote: 1468 / APRIL 18]

Trusty and welbeloved, we greet yow well. And where it is accorded
betwixt us and our cozen the Duke of Burgundye that he shall wedde our
derrest sister, Margaret, and that in shorte while we intende to sende
her into the parts of Flanders for the accomplishment and solempnizacion
of the marriage so concluded; at the which time it behoveth her to be
accompanied with great nobility of this realme, for the honour thereof,
of us and our said sister: We therefore, wele understanding and
remembering the good affection ye bere towards us all, our pleasure is,
and our said sister, whereupon we greatly trust, desire and pray yow
right effectuously that, every excuse or delaye laide aparte, ye will
dispose yourselfe to the saide intent and purpose against the first day
of June next cominge, according to your honour and degree, and that ye
faile not so to doe, as we singularly trust yow, and as ye intend to do
us justys, pleas^{s}.[297.1] Yeven under our signet at our mannor of
Greenwich, the xviij. day of Aprill.

    [Footnote 296.1: This letter is reprinted from Mr. Worship’s
    article on Sandford’s genealogy of the Paston family in the
    _Norfolk Archæology_. The original was transcribed by Sandford,
    but is not now to be found. Margaret, sister of Edward IV., was
    married to Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, at Bruges, on the
    3rd July 1468.]

    [Footnote 297.1: So, as printed in the _Norfolk Archæology_.]


684

JOHN PASTON THE YOUNGER TO MARGARET PASTON[297.2]

_To my ryght reverend and worchepfull modyr, Margaret Paston, dwellyng
at Caster, be thys delyveryed in hast._

[Sidenote: 1468 / JULY 8]

Ryth reverend and worchepfull modyr, I recomaund me on to you as
humbylly as I can thynk, desyryng most hertly to her of your welfare and
herts ese, whyche I pray God send yow as hastyly as my hert can thynk.
Ples yt yow to wete, that at the makyng of thys byll, my brodyr and I,
and all our felawshep, wer in good helle, blyssyd be God. As for the
gydyng her in thys contre, it is as worchepfull as all the world can
devyse it, and ther wer never Englyshe men had so good cher owt of
Inglong that ever I herd of.

As for tydyngs her, but if it be of the fest, I can non send yow; savyng
my Lady Margaret[297.3] was maryd on Sonday[297.4] last past, at a towne
that is callyd the Dame, iij. myle owt of Brugys, at v. of the clok in
the mornyng; and sche was browt the same day to Bruggys to hyr dener;
and ther sche was receyvyd as worchepfully as all the world cowd devyse,
as with presession with ladys and lordys, best beseyn of eny pepyll,
that ever I sye or herd of. Many pagentys wer pleyed in hyr wey in
Bryggys to hyr welcomyng, the best that ever I sye. And the same Sonday
my Lord the Bastard,[298.1] took upon hym to answere xxiiij. knyts and
gentylmen, with in viij. dayes at jostys of pese; and when that they wer
answeryd, they xxiiij. and hym selve schold torney with othyr xxv. the
next day aftyr, whyche is on Monday next comyng; and they that have
jostyd with hym into thys day, have ben as rychely beseyn, and hymselve
also, as clothe of gold, and sylk and sylvyr, and goldsmyths werk, myght
mak hem; for of syche ger, and gold, and perle, and stanys, they of the
Dwkys coort, neythyr gentylmen nor gentylwomen, they want non; for with
owt that they have it by wyshys, by my trowthe, I herd nevyr of so gret
plente as ther is.

Thys day my Lord Scalys[298.2] justyd with a Lord of thys contre, but
not with the Bastard; for they mad promyse at London that non of them
bothe shold never dele with othyr in armys; but the Bastard was one of
the Lords that browt the Lord Scalys in to the feld, and of mysfortwne
an horse strake my Lord Bastard on the lege, and hathe hurt hym so sore,
that I can thynk he shalbe of no power to acomplyshe up hys armys; and
that is gret pete, for by my trowthe I trow God mad never a mor
worchepfull knyt.

And as for the Dwkys coort, as of lords, ladys and gentylwomen, knyts,
sqwyers, and gentylmen, I hert never of non lyek to it, save Kyng
Artourys cort. And by my trowthe, I have no wyt nor remembrans to wryte
to yow, half the worchep that is her; but that lakyth, as it comyth to
mynd I shall tell yow when I come home, whyche I tryst to God shal not
be long to; for we depart owt of Brygys homward on Twysday next comyng,
and all folk that cam with my Lady of Burgoyn owt of Inglond, except
syche as shall abyd her styll with hyr, whyche I wot well shall be but
fewe.

We depart the soner, for the Dwk[299.1] hathe word that the Frenshe
Kyng[299.2] is purposyd to mak wer upon hym hastyly, and that he is with
in iiij. or v. dayis jorney of Brugys, and the Dwk rydyth on Twysday
next comyng, forward to met with hym; God geve hym good sped, and all
hys; for by my trowthe they are the goodlyest felawshep the ever I cam
among, and best can behave them, and most lyek gentylmen.

Othyr tydyngs have we non her, but that the Dwke of Somerset,[299.3] and
all hys bands depertyd welbeseyn owt of Brugys a day befor that my Lady
the Dwches cam thedyr, and they sey her, that he is to Qwen Margaret
that was, and shal no more come her ayen, nor be holpyn by the Dwk. No
more; but I beseche yow of your blyssyng as lowly as I can, whyche I
beseche yow forget not to geve me ever day onys. And, modyr, I beseche
yow that ye wolbe good mastras to my lytyll man, and to se that he go to
scole.

I sent my cosyn Dawbeney v_s._ by Callys man, for to bye for hym syche
ger as he nedyth; and, modyr, I pray yow thys byll may recomend me to my
sustyrs bothe, and to the mastyr, my cosyn Dawbeney, Syr Jamys,[299.4]
Syr John Stylle, and to pray hym to be good mastyr to lytyll Jak, and to
lerne hym well; and I pray yow that thys byll may recomand me to all
your folkys, and my wellwyllers. And I pray God send yow your herts
desyr.

Wretyn at Bruggys the Fryday next aftyr Seynt Thomas.

  Your sone and humbyll servaunt,

  J. PASTON, the yonger.

    [Footnote 297.2: [From Fenn, ii. 2.] As this letter gives an
    account of the marriage of the Princess Margaret to Charles, Duke
    of Burgundy, there is no doubt of the year in which it was
    written.]

    [Footnote 297.3: Margaret, sister of King Edward IV.]

    [Footnote 297.4: 3rd July.]

    [Footnote 298.1: Anthony, Count de la Roche, commonly called the
    Bastard of Burgundy, a natural son of Duke Philip the Good.]

    [Footnote 298.2: Anthony Woodville, Lord Scales, afterwards Earl
    Rivers.]

    [Footnote 299.1: Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy.]

    [Footnote 299.2: Lewis XI.]

    [Footnote 299.3: Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset.]

    [Footnote 299.4: Sir James Gloys, a priest.]


685

ABSTRACT[299.5]

[Sidenote: 1468 / JULY 16]

General pardon to William Paston, son of the judge, for offences
committed before the 15th April last. The grantee is described by
different _aliases_, as William Paston of London, of Caster, of Norwich,
and of Wymondham, gentleman. Westminster, 16th July, 8 Edw. IV. _Great
Seal attached._

    [Footnote 299.5: [From Add. Charter 17,248, B.M.]]


686

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO SIR JOHN PASTON[300.1]

_To Sir John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1468(?) / JULY 18]

Right worshipfull, and my especiall true hertid frende, I commaunde me
un to you, preying you to ordeyne me iij. horsse harneys as godely as ye
and Genyn kan devyse, as it were for yourselfe; and that I may have
thyme in all hast, ordere. Also Skerne saith ye wolde ordeyne ij.
standarde stavys; this I pray you to remembre, and my wife shalle
deliver you silver,--and yit she most borowed it; vj. or vij_li._ I wold
be stowe on a horsse harneys, and so Skerne tolde me I might have. The
Lord Hastings had for the same price, but I wolde not myne were lik his;
and I trust to God we shalle do right welle, who preserve you. Wreten at
Canterbury in hast, the xviij. day of Juyll.

  OXYNFORD.

    [Footnote 300.1: [From Fenn, ii. 26.] The writer of this letter
    was committed to the Tower in November 1468, and though afterwards
    released, it was not long before he became a declared enemy of
    Edward IV.; so that, after the brief restoration of Henry VI. in
    1470, he was obliged to leave the kingdom. The date of this
    letter, therefore, is not likely to be later than the present
    year, but it may be a year or two earlier.]


687

SIR JOHN PASTON TO MRS. ANNE[300.2]

_To Mastresse Annes._

[Sidenote: 1468 / JULY 22]

Rythe it is so that I may not, as oft as I wold, be ther as [_i.e._
where] I might do my message myselff, myn owne fayir Mastresse Annes,
I prey yow to accept thys byll for my messanger to recomand me to yow in
my most feythfull wyse, as he that faynest of all other desyreth to
knowe of yowr welfare, whyche I prey God encresse to your most plesure.

And, mastresse, thow so be that I as yet have govyn yow bot easy [_i.e._
little] cause to remembyr me for leke of aqweyntacion, yet I beseche
yow, let me not be forgotyn when ye rekyn up all yowr servaunts, to be
sett in the nombyr with other.

And I prey yow, Mastresse Annes, for that servyse that I owe yow, that
in as short tyme as ye goodly may that I myght be assarteynyd of yowr
entent and of your best frends in syche maters as I have brokyn to yow
of, whyche bothe your and myn ryght trusty frends John Lee, or ellys my
mastresse hys wyff, promysyd befor yow and me at our fyrst and last
being togedyr, that as sone as they or eyther of theym knewe your entent
and your frendys that they shold send me woord. And if they so do,
I tryst sone aftyr to se yow.

And now farewell, myn owne fayir lady, and God geve yow good rest, for
in feythe I trow ye be in bed.

Wretyn in my wey homward on Mary Maudeleyn Day at mydnyght.

  Your owne,

  JOHN PASTON.

Mastresse Annes, I am prowd that ye can reed Inglyshe; wherfor I prey
yow aqweynt yow with thys my lewd [_uncouth_] hand, for my purpose is
that ye shalbe more aqweyntyd with it, or ellys it shalbe ayenst my
wyll; but yet, and when ye have red thys byll, I prey yow brenne it or
kepe it secret to yoursylff, as my feythefull trust is in yow.

    [Footnote 300.2: [From Fenn, ii. 294.] The Mrs. Anne to whom this
    letter was addressed seems to have been a Mrs. Anne Haute, to whom
    Sir John was for a long time engaged. That it was written before
    the year 1469 will appear probable on referring to Margaret
    Paston’s letter written on Easter Monday (3rd April) in that year,
    in which she wishes to know for certain if he be engaged; and we
    have therefore little difficulty in referring it to the year 1468,
    when Sir John was over in Flanders at the marriage of the Princess
    Margaret to Charles of Burgundy. Mrs. Anne appears to have been a
    lady of English extraction, who was either born abroad or had
    passed most of her life on the Continent. She was, moreover,
    related to Lord Scales, and is therefore not unlikely to have been
    the daughter of one William Haute of Kent, who married at Calais,
    in 1429, the daughter of a certain Richard Wydeville. (See
    _Excerpta Historica_, p. 249.) But she could speak and even read
    English; and Sir John, who was now returning homewards to England,
    designed in this letter to open a correspondence with her. He
    appears, however, not to have despatched it, as the original
    remained among the papers of the Paston family; or else perhaps it
    was returned to him on the breaking off of the engagement.]


688

THOMAS HOWES TO CARDINAL BOURCHIER[302.1]

_To my moste honorabyl Lord Cadenall, and Archibushop of Caunterbury._

[Sidenote: 1468 / OCT. 10]

Moste reverent and my ryght good Lord, I recomaund me to your gracyous
Lordshyp yn my moste humble wyse. Please your Lordshyp to wete that my
Lord Norffolk councell hath now late mevyd Sir Wylliam Yelverton,
Knyght, and me to be preferryd for to purchasse the maner of Castre, and
certeyn other lordshypps that wer my Maystyr Fastolf, whom God pardon,
owt excepted the maner of Gunton that yowr Lordshyp desyryth to
purchasse, and othyr certeyn maners that my Mastyr Fastolf frendys hafe
desyred to be preferryd. And be cause the pretens bargayn that John
Paston yn hys lyffe surmytted, bye colour of which he entended to hafe
all my Mastyr Fastolf londes in Norffolk and Suffolk for nought, savyng
the hygh reverence of your astate, was not juste ne trew; and be cause
that I wyth othyr of my Master Fastolf executors may have wher of to
dyspospose yn cheryte full dedys to do for hys sowle; I have
condescended the rather that my seide Lord of Norffolk shall be
preferryd to the purchasse of the seyde maner of Castre, and othyr
maners that may be sparyd to th’encresse of hys lyfelode yn thys land;
and thys covenantys to be engroced upp wythynne shorth tyme, as by all
Halowaunce, in case yowr Lordshyp be agreed and plesyd wyth all; wher
uppon I wold beseche yowr nobyll Lordshyp to lete me wete your good
plesur and avice yn thys behalfe.

And be cause my seyd Lord Norffolk ys so nere of blode to yowr hyghnesse
knyghted, that meevyd me to be the more wyllyng to condescend to the
forseyd purchasse, and so trustyng your Lordshyp wold be ryght well
pleased wyth alle. Wretyn at Norwich the x. day of Octobyr, anno viij.
R. E. iiij^{ti}.

  Yowr pore chapleyn,

  T. HOWYS.

    [Footnote 302.1: [From Fenn, iv. 298.]]

  [[anno viij. R. E. iiij^{ti}.
    _text has “iiij^t” alone, without punctuation: corrected from
    Fenn_]]


689

ABSTRACT[303.1]

[_Circa_ 1468.] Long declaration in English (on a paper roll) by Thomas
Howes, ‘for the discharge of his conscience,’ impugning the authenticity
of the will nuncupative, said to have been made by Sir J. Fastolf on the
day of his death, and propounded by John Paston and the said Thomas in
opposition to an earlier will propounded by Sir W. Yelverton and
W. Worcetyr; containing details intended to prove that the alleged will
was fabricated by Paston. Amongst other things, Howes says that at
Paston’s desire he did, a year before Fastolf’s death, move Fastolf that
Paston might buy three of his manors and live in his college, ‘and the
seyd Fastolf, mevyd and passyoned gretely in his soule, seyd and swar by
Cryst ys sides, “And I knewe that Paston woolde by ony of my londes or
my godes he shulde nevyr be my feffe, nother myn executor.” Albeyt he
seyde that he wolde suffer that the said Paston for terme of hys lyf
shall have a loggyng yn a convenyent place yn the seyd maner of Castre
withoute denyance of ony havyng intrest yn the seyd maner.

    [Footnote 303.1: [From a MS. in Magdalen College, Oxford.] This
    Abstract is derived from Mr. Macray’s Report on the Muniments of
    Magdalen College, printed in the Fourth Report of the Historical
    MSS. Commission.]


690

ANONYMOUS TO SIR JOHN PASTON[303.2]

_To Maistyr Syr John Paston, Knyght, at London, with my Lorde the
Archebisshop of Yorke, be this letter delyverid._

[Sidenote: 1468 / OCT. 28]

I recommand me unto you. It is tolde me that the man that ye wote of cam
ridyng by my Lady Suthfolk and by Cotton, which is in gret decay; and
Barnay tolde him that Edward Dale tolde hem he durst no lenger serve him
of ale, for it was warnid hym that my Lady Suffolk[304.1] wolde entyr,
and whan she shulde enter few men shulde knowe, it shulde be do so
sodenly. She taryeth but of tythynges fro London. He spak nat with hyr.
I pray you speke to my Lorde of Zorke[304.2] for the subpena in the
Chanceri ayen William Paston that he take noon hurte. He desyrith to
write to yow for it. My Lorde of Northfolk men have warnid the tenantis
to pay you no mony, and thai speke alle in the Kynges name. Ye may tell
my Lorde of Yorke that it is open in every mannys mouth in this contre
the language that my Lorde of Yorke and my Lord of Warwik had to my
Lorde of Norfolk in the Kings chambre, and that my Lorde of Yorke saide,
rathir than the londe shulde go so, he wolde com dwell ther hym sliff.
Ye wolde mervaile what harts my Lords hath goten, and how this language
put peeple in comforte. My Lorde of Norffolk answerde that he wolde
speke to my Lady his wiff, and entret hir. And your adversarys reherce
that my Lorde shall never be Chanceleer til this mateer be spede,[304.3]
for ther bargans ar made condicionall, to holde and nat holde as afftir
my Lorde be Chaunceler and nat. Sothwell is all the doar, and he hath
saide that my Lorde of Zorke licensid hym to labour in the mateer. My
Lorde of Norwich shuld by xl. marke of the same lond. Thai entende to
have a man of my Lady of Suthfolks sheryve, and specially Harcort. My
Lorde coude nat bileve it but if [_i.e._ unless] he harde it, how it is
rejoysshid in som place that he is nat Chaunceleer. Ther cam oo man into
the contre with a newe patent, saying that my Lorde was Chanceler, and
at that was the first patent that was sealid sithen he was officeer. The
tythandes did goode _pro tempore_. Ther are witnes labourid, as it is
said, to witnes and swere ageyn you of men of c_li._ a yeer, and many
oder men, som that knew never of the mateer nor never harde Sir John
Faskolff speke; ye know what jure is in this contre in maters that ar
favoured by them that ar now ageyn you. It is harde whan a mateer restid
by jure in this contre, som of the same quest that founde you bondeman
shall witnesse ayens you. Syr Thomas Howys comyth to London, and if my
Lorde of Zorke wolde entret frendely my Lorde of Ely,[305.1] and get
feithfully his promyse that my Lorde of Ely sende for Hawys, he shulde
make Hawys to go home ageyn and leve all his fellowis post allon; and
that my Lorde wolde entret my Lorde Tresaurer, my Lord Penbrok,[305.2]
my Lady Bedford,[305.3] and remembre the bargan is not yit made, it may
be better lettid affor than afftyr; and if the mateer spede my Lorde
getith gret worshipp and gret thanke. I doute not he undirstondyth it,
for it is well undirstonde what he hath saide. And pray his Lordeshipp
to remembre a shereve this yeer, for ther is mych to be undirstonde in
the shereve. And sende me worde if my Lorde Penbrok be go, and if my
Lorde be Chaunceler. Et memorandum, Sir William Terell your
testimoniall. Et memorandum, my Lorde Cardynall to sende answer to Sir
Thomas Howys; and though my Lorde Cardynall be nat ther now, yit lat
Townysende make it redy ageyns my Lords commyng. If Sir Thomas Howys wer
handelyd by Maister Tressam and made byleve and put in hope of the moone
shone in the water and I wot nat what, that such labor wer made that
eythir he shulde be a pope or els in dyspeyr to be depryved _de omni
beneficio ecclesiastico_ for symony, lechory, perjory, and doubble
variable pevyshnesse, and for admynystryng without auctoryte; and how he
promisid bi his feith to my Lord t’obey his rewle and brak it, and what
he hath saide to my lords in this mateer; and if ye recur in the courte,
he shall be undo, and this mateer tolde hym by my Lorde of Ely and
Maister Tresham, halff in game and halff in ernest, it shulde make hym
to departe, for Yelvyrton and he ar halff at variance now. And entret my
Lords servaunts to speke in your maters to all such persones as nede is.
And I shall be hastyly with you by the grace of God, whom have yow in
kepyng. Writen on Seynt Simonde Day and Jude.

  By your owne.

    [Footnote 303.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The reference to the
    Earl of Pembroke, who was only so created in 1468, and who was
    beheaded in July 1469, fixes the date of this letter to the former
    year.]

    [Footnote 304.1: Alice, widow of William de la Pole, Duke of
    Suffolk.]

    [Footnote 304.2: George Nevill, Archbishop of York.]

    [Footnote 304.3: The Great Seal was taken from Archbishop Nevill
    on the 8th June 1467. Apparently in 1468 he was hoping to be made
    Chancellor again.]

    [Footnote 305.1: William Grey, Bishop of Ely.]

    [Footnote 305.2: William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke.]

    [Footnote 305.3: _See_ page 188, Note 3.]

  [[with my Lorde the Archebisshop of Yorke
    _text has “Lorae” (italic a for d)_]]


691

SIR JOHN PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[306.1]

_To my ryght welbelovyd brother, John Paston, Esqer, beyng at Caster, or
to John Dawbeney there, be this letter delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1468 / NOV. 9]

Ryght welbelovyd brother, I comand me to yow, letyng yow wete that I
have wagyd for to helpe yow and Dawbeney to kepe the place at Castr,
iiij. wel assuryd and trew men to do al maner of thyng what that they be
desyryd to do, in save gard or enforcyng of the seyd place; and mor ovyr
they be provyd men, and connyng in the werr, and in fetys of armys, and
they kan wele schote bothe gonnys and crossebowes, and amende and
strynge them, and devyse bolwerkys, or any thyngs that scholde be a
strenkthe to the place; and they wol, as nede is, kepe wecche and warde.
They be sadde and wel advysed men, savyng on of them, whyche is ballyd,
and callyd Wylliam Peny, whyche is as goode a man as gothe on the erthe,
savyng a lytyll he wol, as I understand, be a lytel copschotyn
[_high-crested_], but yit he is no brawler, but ful of cortesye, meche
uppon James Halman; the other iij. be named Peryn Sale, John Chapman,
Robert Jakys Son, savyng that as yit they have non harneyse comyn, but
when it komyth it schall be sent to yow, and in the meane whyle I pray
yow and Dawbeney to purvey them some.

Also a cople of beddys they most nedys have, whyche I pray yow by the
help of my modre to purvey for them, tyl that I com home to yow. Ye
schall fynde them gentylmanly, comfortable felawes, and that they wol
and dare abyde be ther takelyng; and if ye undrestond that any assawte
schold be towardys, I sende yow thes men, becawse that men of the contre
ther about yow scholde be frayed for fer of losse of ther goods; wherfor
if ther wer any suche thyng towards, I wolde ye take of men of the
contre but few, and that they wer well assuryd men, for ellys they myght
discorage alle the remenant.

And asfor any wryghtyng fro the Kyng, he hathe promysyd that there
schall come non; and if ther do his unwarys [_without his knowledge_],
yowr answer may be thys, how the Kyng hathe seyd, and so to delay them
tyll I may have worde, and I schall sone purvey a remedy.

I understond that ye have ben with my Lorde of Norfolke now of late.
What ze have done I wete not; we se that he shal be her ageyn thys daye.
Mor ovyr, I trow John Alforde schall not longe abyde with my Lorde;
I schall sende yow tydyng of other thyngys in haste, with the grace of
God, who, &c. Wretyn on Wednysday nexte befor Seynt Martyn.

  JOHN PASTON.

I fer that Dawbeney is not alther best storyd to contenew howsold longe;
lete hym send me worde in hast, and I wyll releve hym to my power, and
or longe to I hope to be with yow.

Roger Ree is scheryff of Norfolke, and he schall be good jnow.
Th’excheter I am not yit assertaynyd of.

Also, that thes men be at the begynnyng entretyd as corteysly as ye can.

Also, I pray yow to sende me my flowr[307.1] be the next massanger that
comyth.

Also, as for my Lorde Fytz Waters oblygacion, I know non suche in myn
adward as yit.

Also, the obligacion of the Bisshop of Norwychys oblygacion, I never sye
it that I remembre; wherfor I wolde and prey my modre to loke it up.

Also, as for the Byble[307.2] that the master hath, I wend the uttermost
pryse had not passyd v. mark, and so I trowe he wyl geve it: wet, I pray
yow.

Also, as for Syr Wylliam Barber and Syr Wylliam Falyate, I wolde, if
they kan purvey for them selfe, folfayne be dyschargyd of them.

    [Footnote 306.1: [From Fenn, iv. 302.] The original of this
    letter, Fenn informs us, was written upon a whole sheet of paper,
    of which a quarter was cut away before the letter was finished, so
    that the bottom part of it was only half the width of the upper.
    Roger Ree was made Sheriff of Norfolk in 1468, which fixes the
    date.]

    [Footnote 307.1: This may mean flour for household use; or it may
    signify his flower, his device or cognisance.--F.]

    [Footnote 307.2: This must mean some MS. copy, for at this time
    there was only one printed edition of the Bible, which would have
    sold even then for a much greater sum than is here mentioned.
    I mean ‘Biblia Latina Mogunt. per J. Fust et P. Schoiffer,
    1462.’ --F.]


692

ELIZABETH POYNINGS TO SIR JOHN PASTON[308.1]

_To the worshipful Sir John Paston, Knyght, be thys delveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1468(?) / DEC. 15]

Worshipfull and with all myn hert interly wilbeloved nevoue,
I recomaunde me to yow, desyryng to here of your prosperite and
wilefayr, which I pray All mighti God maynteyn and encres to His plesour
and your herts desir, thankyng God of your amendyng and helth;
furthermore, certefying yow that Sir Robert Fenys hath doon grete hurte
in the lyvelode whiche perteyned to my husbond and me in the Shire of
Kent, wherein William Kene and other persones arn enfeffid, and gretly
troubleth hit, and receyveth the issuez and profitez of gret part of
theym. And as of my seid husbonds lyvelode, aswell in the same shire as
in other shirez, besyde myn jounter, my seid husbond, whan he departyd
towarde the feld of Saint Albons, made and ordeyned his wille, that I
shuld have the rewell of all his lyvelode, and of Edwarde his soon and
myn, and to take the issuez and profitez of the seid lyvelode, to the
fyndyng of his and myn seid son, to paie his dettez, and to kepe the
right and title of the same lyvelode, which I myght nat accordyng
occupie for Sir Edwarde Ponyngs, myn seid husbonds brother; and so sith
myn seid husbonds departyng, I assigned that the seid Sir Edwarde for
certeyn yereez shuld have and take the revenuez of the maners of
Westwode, Estwell, Levelond, Horsmonden, Totyndon, Eccles, Staundon, and
Combesdon, parcell of the seid lyvelode, which arn clerely yerely worth
lxxvj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._, to the entent that the seid Sir Edwarde
shuld paye myn husbonds dettez, for he wold not suffer me to be in rest
without that he myght have a rewell in the lyvelode; and after the seid
assignement made, the seid Robert Fenes, contrary to trowth, and
withoute cause of right, interupted me and the seid Sir Edwarde, aswell
of and in the seid maners as of other maners undirwretyn; wher uppon the
same Sir Edwarde suet unto the Kyngs Highnesse, and hade the Kyngez
honorable lettres undir his signet, directed to the said Sir Robert
Fenys, the tenour wherof I send unto yow herin inclosid; and as for
residue of the lyvelode of myn seid husbonds and myn, within the same
shire of Kent, wherin the said William Kene and other arn enfeffed, that
is to say, the maner of Tyrlyngham, Wolverton, Halton, Newyngton,
Bastram, Rokesley, and Northcray, with th’appurtenauncez, I of them, by
myn seid husbonds wille, shuld have residue, and take the issuez and
profitez of theym, contrarye to right and conciens, takyng away my
ryght, and brekyng my said husbonds wille, the seid Robert Fenys hath
doon gret wast and hurte ther, and long tym hath take upe the revenuez
and profitez of the same, wher thorough I have not my ryght, and the
seid wille may not be performed.

Wherfor I hertely pray yow that ze will labour unto the Kynges Highnes,
at yt lyketh hym addres his honorable lettres to be directed to the seid
Robert Fenys, dischargyng hym utterly of the menuraunce, occupacion, and
receyt of the revenuez of the said maners of Tyrlyngham and other,
accordyng to the tenour of the lettres labored by Sir Edwarde, for the
maners assigned to hym from the Kyngs Highnes, directyd to the same
Robert Fynes, or strayter if hit may be, and that I and myn assignez may
peasseble rejoie theym; and if eny person wold attempt to do the
contrarye, that a comaundement, yf it ples the Kyngs Hignes, by hym
myght be yevyn to my Lorde Chaunceller to seall writtyngs sufficiaunt
with his gret seall, in eydyng and assisting me and myn assignez in this
same.

And as for the maners of Esthall, Faukham, Asslie, and Chelsfeld, with
th’appurtenauntez in the seid schire of Kent, whereof my hysbond at his
departur was seassed, and my son sethens, unto the tyme that the Erle of
Kent[310.1] without eny inquission or title of right for the Kyng, by
colour of the Kynges lettres patentes, entret into theym, and hym therof
put owte, and now my Lorde of Essex[310.2] occupieth them in lyke maner
and forme; yf eny remedy therin wilbe hade, I pray yow attempt hit.

Also, forther more, I hertely pray yow that if eny generall pardon be
grauntyd, that I may have on for John Dane my servaunt, whom the said
Robert Fenys of gret malice hath endyted of felonye, and that ze
secretly labour this, and send me an aunswer in writtyng in as godly
hast as ze may. As soon as that may ples yow to send me passels of
costes and expences ze bere and pay for the said causez, I will truely
content yow hit of the same, and over that rewarde yow to your plessour
by the grace of Jesu, quo have yow in His blessed keping. Wrettyn in
Suthwerk the xv^th daie of Decembyr.

  Be your awnt,

  ELIZABETH PONYNGS.

    [Footnote 308.1: [From Fenn, iv. 266.] Elizabeth Paston, as we
    have seen (No. 374), had married Robert Poynings by the beginning
    of January 1459. We must, however, correct a slight inaccuracy in
    the preliminary note to that letter, where it is said that by the
    year 1470 they must have been married several years. Their union,
    in fact, lasted little more than two years; for Robert Poynings
    was slain at the second battle of St. Albans on the 17th February
    1461. The inquisition _post mortem_, taken some years afterwards
    (9 and 10 Edw. IV., No. 49), gives that day as the date of his
    death. His son and heir, Edward, named in this letter (who was
    afterwards Lord-Deputy of Ireland in the reign of Henry VII.), was
    probably born towards the close of the year 1459, for he is
    mentioned at the date of the inquisition (31st Jan. 49 and 1 Hen.
    VI., _i.e._ 1471) as eleven years old and over. Elizabeth Poynings
    must have remained a widow some years; but before 1472 she had
    married Sir George Browne of Betchworth, Surrey. This letter is
    certainly of later date than No. 627, for the lands which she was
    then endeavouring to recover from the Earl of Kent were now
    occupied by the Earl of Essex. It may perhaps have been a year or
    two after 1466, but it was probably not later than 1469, as in
    1470 Henry VI. was restored, and Essex, being a Yorkist, would not
    have been so powerful. The year 1468 must be a tolerable
    approximation to the true date.]

    [Footnote 310.1: Edmund Grey, Lord Grey of Ruthin, and Baron
    Hastings, who was created Earl of Kent in 1465.]

    [Footnote 310.2: Henry, Viscount Bourchier, created Earl of Essex
    in 1461.]


693

ABSTRACT[311.1]

THE KING TO SIR ROBERT FYNYS

[Sidenote: 1468]

Commanding him not to levy the rents of Westwode, Estwell, Levelond,
Horsmonden, Totyngdon, Eccles, Stondon, and Comebesdane in Kent.

  [This was evidently the copy of the writ obtained by Sir Edward
  Poynings referred to in the preceding letter. Below is written, ‘The
  copie of the lettre myssyve endossid by the Kynges awn handes.’]

    [Footnote 311.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


694

SIR GEORGE BROWNE TO JOHN PASTON[311.2]

_To my trusty and welbelowyd cosyn, Jhon Paston, Esquyer, in haste._

[Sidenote: Date uncertain]

Loyawlte Ayme.

  Be zowr howne

  G. BROWNE.

Hyt schal newyr cum howt for me.

    [Footnote 311.2: [From Fenn, iv. 100.] The writer of this brief
    and enigmatical letter was the second husband of Elizabeth Paston,
    as mentioned in the preliminary note to No. 692 preceding. If the
    John Paston, Esquire, to whom it is addressed be the first of that
    name, that is to say, Elizabeth Paston’s brother, the date is not
    later than 1466; but as it was certainly some years later before
    the writer became connected with the Pastons by marriage, the
    person addressed is more probably John Paston the youngest,
    brother of Sir John. The date of this communication, however, is
    unimportant. Its purport, of which Fenn has suggested rather a
    complicated explanation, appears to me simply a promise of secrecy
    on some subject: ‘_Loyauté, aimé_ (_i.e._ Honour bright, my dear
    friend). It shall never come out for me.’]




  END OF VOLUME IV


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