6)***


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This edition, published by arrangement with Messrs. ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE
AND COMPANY, LIMITED, is strictly limited to 650 copies for Great
Britain and America, of which only 600 sets are for sale, and are
numbered 1 to 600.

  No. 47.

  [[The number 47 is handwritten.]]


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *


              THE PASTON LETTERS

                A.D. 1422-1509


           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *

THE PASTON LETTERS
A.D. 1422-1509

New Complete Library Edition

Edited with Notes and an Introduction

by

JAMES GAIRDNER
of the Public Record Office

_VOLUME III_







London
Chatto & Windus

[Decoration]

Exeter
James G. Commin
1904

Edinburgh: T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty




THE PASTON LETTERS

_Henry VI_




260

WILLIAM PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[1.1]

_To my rith wurchipfull brodir, Jon Paston, be this delyveryd._

[Sidenote: 1454 / SEPT. 6]

Ryth wurchyfull brodyr, I recomande me to zow, desiryng to her of zowr
willefar. Byllyng[1.2] the serjant hathe byn in his contre, and he come
to Lundon this weke; he sent for me and ast me how I fared; I tolde hym
her is pestelens, and sayd I fard the better he was in good hele, for it
was noysyd that he was ded. A toke me to him and ast how my suster dede,
and I answeryd wyll, never better. He seyd he was with the Lord
Gray,[1.3] and they talkyd of j. jantilman qweche is ward to my Lord--I
remember he sayd it was Harry Gray that thei talkyd of; and my Lord
sayd, ‘I was besy with jn this fewe days to a maryd hym to a
jantyllwoman jn Norfolke that schall have iiij. C. marc to hyr mariage,
and now a wyll not be me, for iiij. C. marc wulde do me hese; and now he
wulde have his mariage mony hymself, and therefore (quoth he) he schall
mary hym self for me.’

This wurds had my Lorde to Byllyng, as he tollde me, he understod that
my Lord laboryd for his owne a vayle, and consaylyd to byd her be wyse;
and I thankeyd hym for hys good consayll.

I sent zow an answer of zowr letter of Sir Jon Fastolf comyng hom, as he
told me hem self; neverthe lesse he bode longer than he sayd hymself he
schull a do.

He tolde me he schulde make j. [_one_] ende be twix Skroop[2.1] and my
suster wulle he is in Norfolke. Many wulde it schulde not prove, for
thei say it is an onlykkely mariage.

In casse Cressener be talkyd of ony mor, he is countyd a jantyllmanly
man and a wurshepfull. Ze knowe he is most wurchipfull better than I. At
the reverens of Good, drawe to sume conclusyn; it is time.

My Lord Chanseler[2.2] come not her sone I come to Lundon, nether my
Lord of Yorke.[2.3]

My Lord of Canterbury[2.4] hathe received hys crosse, and I was with hym
in the kynggs chamber qwan he mad hys homage. I tolde Harry Wylton the
demeanyng betwix the kyng and hym; it war to long to wrythe.

As for the prist that dede areste me, I can not understand that it is
the pryste that ze mene.

Her is gret pestelens. I purpose to fle in to the contre. My Lord of
Oxforthe is come azen fro the se, and he hath geth hym lytyll thank in
this countre. Much more thyng I wulde wrythe to zow, but I lak lysore.

Harry Wylton sey the Kyng. My Lord of Ely[2.5] hathe do hys fewthe [_his
fealty_]. God have zow in his blyssyd kepyng.

Wretyn at Lundon on the Fryday be for owr Ladys day, the Natyvite, in
gret hast. I pray recomand me to my suster, and cosyn Cler.

  Be yowr broder,

  WM. PASTON.

    [Footnote 1.1: [From Fenn, iii. 220.] There is abundant evidence
    that the year in which this letter was written was 1454. The
    references to Lord Grey’s offer of a husband for Elizabeth
    Paston, and to Sir John Fastolf’s going into Norfolk, of which
    William Paston had before written by anticipation, though a
    little prematurely, in No. 254, are in themselves sufficient to
    fix the chronology; but the mention of fealty having been done
    by a new Archbishop of Canterbury and a new Bishop of Ely
    removes any possible doubt on the subject.]

    [Footnote 1.2: Thomas Billing was made a serjeant in 1453, and
    about 1469 was appointed Chief Justice of the King’s Bench.]

    [Footnote 1.3: Edmund, Lord Grey of Ruthyn. --_See_ Letter 250.]

    [Footnote 2.1: Stephen Scroope. --_See_ vol. ii. p. 108, Note 4.]

    [Footnote 2.2: Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, was appointed
    chancellor in April 1454.]

    [Footnote 2.3: Richard, Duke of York, at this time Protector.]

    [Footnote 2.4: Thomas Bourchier, who was translated from the
    Bishopric of Ely to Canterbury in April 1454.]

    [Footnote 2.5: William Grey. He received his temporalities by a
    patent of the date of this letter, 6th September 1454, which
    shows that he had by that time done fealty.]

  [[I thankeyd hym for hys good consayll.
    _text has “thanlkeyd”_]]

  [[_letters 250, 254 are in vol. ii_]]


261

ABSTRACT[3.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1454-9 / SEPT. 19]

Has searched among his evidence, and found a release of Nycolas Bockyng
of his messuage and lands in Castre, ‘sometime Fraunceys and afterward
John Barboures, and Cassandre his wife,’ which is enrolled in _Banco,
Rotulo primo de cartis scriptis, de termino Sc. Trin. anno r. R. Henr.
Sexti_, 23º. Send me the copy of it.

  (_Signature not in his own hand._)

Castre, 19 Sept.

  [The year in which this letter was written is uncertain, but it
  cannot be earlier than 1454, when Fastolf came to Caister, nor later
  than 1459, as he died in November of that year.]

    [Footnote 3.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 227.]]


262

RICHARD SOUTHWELL TO JOHN PASTON[3.2]

_To the right reverent and worshippfull John Paston, in haste._

[Sidenote: 1454(?) / OCT. 6]

Right reverent and worshippfull Sir, and my right trusti and welbelovid
cosin, I recomaund me unto you, praiyng you hertily to remembr me unto
my Master Radclyff, so that by your gode meanes I shall mowe have his
gode mastershipp, the whiche I have effectuelly to [m]y power sewed fore
iij. yer, and never deserved the contrarye to my knowlegge, by my
trouth; and if it can or may be founden that I have, I will obeye me,
and offre me to abyde the rewle of you and my cosin your brothir, &c.

Also my Lord of Caunterbury[4.1] Master Waltier Bl[a]kette will help
forthe, if nede be; and as to the remenant of the Lordes, if the case
requir that ye may understand by your wysdum thei be displeased with
me--as I trust to God thei be not,--I beseche you to remembr that I have
aforetyme b[en] accused unto the Kings Highnesse and the Quenes for
owyng my pore gode will and service unto my Lord of York and other, &c.
Wherof I suppose that Thomas Bagham is remembred that I brought hym
oones from my Lady a purs and v. marc therin, and to Sir Phelipp
Wenteworth an other and a C_s._ [100_s._] therin for their gode will and
advise therin to my Lady and all us that were appelled for that cause,
notwithstanding the King wrote to my Lord by the meanes of the Duc of
Somersette,[4.2] that we shuld be avoyded from hym, &c. And within this
ij. yer we wer in like wise laboured ageyns to the Quene, so that she
wrote to my Lord[4.3] to avoyde us, saiyng that the King and she coude
nor myght in no wyse be assured of hym and my Lady as long as we wer
aboute hym, with much other thing, as may be sufficiently proved by the
Quenes writing under herr own signett and signe manuell, the whiche I
shewd to my Lord of Caunterbury and other Lordes, &c.

I prey you have me excused that I encombr you with thees matiers at this
tyme, for me thinketh ye shuld will and desire me to do any thing to
your honour and pleaser at any tyme, wherto I shal be redy and welwilled
to my power by the grace of God, who have you ever in his keping, and
all youres.

Writon at Norwiche, on Seint Feithes day, in haste.

  Youres,

  RIC. SUTHWELL.

    [Footnote 3.2: [From Fenn, iii. 376.] This letter must have been
    written during one of the periods of the Duke of York’s
    ascendency, and on a comparison of possible years I am inclined
    to assign it to 1454. The date 1460, to which Fenn ascribes it,
    would have been highly probable but for the fact that John
    Paston, who was returned to Parliament in that year, does not
    appear to have arrived in London even on the 12th October, so
    that probably he had not left Norwich on the 6th.]

    [Footnote 4.1: Thomas Bourchier.]

    [Footnote 4.2: Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset.]

    [Footnote 4.3: John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, in whose household
    R. Southwell had an appointment.--F.]


263

THOMAS HOWES TO [JOHN PASTON?][5.1]

[Sidenote: 1454 / OCT. or NOV.]

Please your maistreship to wete, for as mych as the wryt directed to the
exchetor cam not tyl in the Vigil of Symond and Jude,[5.2] at viij. of
the clocke at evyn, whiche coude in no wyse profit us that day;
notwithstondynge we had a yoman of my Lords chamber, and were at Cowhaw,
havyng Bertylmeu Elys with us, and ther was Long Bernard sytting to kepe
a court. And we at the furst Noy come in the court, and Bertylmeu
havynge this termys to Bernard, seying, ‘Sir, forasmych as the Kyng
hathe grauntyd be hese lettres patent the wardship with the profites of
the londes of T. Fastolf duryng hese nun age to you[5.3] and T. H.,
wherfor I am comyn as ther styward, be ther comaundement, upon ther
pocession to kep court and lete, whiche is of old custum usyd upon thys
day; wherfor I charge you, be the vertu herof, to seas and kepe nouthir
court nor lete, for ye have non autoryte.’ Quod Bernard, ‘I wyll kepe
bothe court and lete, and ye shal non kepe here; for there is no man
hath so gret autoryte.’ Than quod Bertylmeu, ‘I shal sytte by you, and
take a reconysaunce as ye do.’ ‘Nay,’ quod Bernard, ‘I wyl suffre you to
sytte, but not to wryte.’ ‘Well,’ quod Bertylmeu, ‘thanne forsybly ye
put us from our pocession, whiche I doute not but shalbe remembryd you
anothir day,’ &c. ‘But, Seres,’ quod he, ‘ye that be tenaunts to this
manoyr, we charge you that ye do nowthir seute nor servise, no[r] paye
ony rents or fermys but to the use of John Paston and T.; fo[r] and ye
do, ye shal paye it ageyn; and as for on yeer past, we have sewyrte of
Skylly, whiche hath resevid it of you to ther use.’ And thus we
departid, and Bernard kept court and lete.

And ther was Ser P. Wentworth and hise brothir, yong Hopton, yong
Brewse, yong Calthorp, with xxiiij. horse; and we spoke with non of hem,
nor they with non of us, for we wold not seke upon hem. And we have
enteryd in all othir plasis undir this forme. I wold we had had the
wryte betymes lever than xx_s._ of myn owne, but it farith thus in many
othir maters, God amende hem.

Memorandum.--To sende hom wyn and ij. quart botelys.

    [Footnote 5.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is
    anonymous, but appears to be in the handwriting of Thomas Howes.
    It must belong to the year 1454, when the wardship of Thomas
    Fastolf of Cowhaw was granted to Howes and John Paston.]

    [Footnote 5.2: St. Simon and St. Jude’s day is the 28th October.
    The Vigil is the 27th.]

    [Footnote 5.3: So in MS. The writer seems to be confusing the
    direct and indirect mode of reporting a speech.]


264

ABSTRACT[6.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF to his right well-beloved Brother, RICHARD WALLER.

[Sidenote: 1454-7 / OCT. 30]

My Lord is and hath been always my good lord, especially now that he is
chief officer under the King. Commend me to his grace, and beg him to
favor my matters ‘as far as conscience will, . . . . . now in mine old
age.’ Desires his favor and credence for Henry Fylongley and John
[Pa]ston, whom he has desired to wait on Waller.

Castre, 30th Oct.

  _Endorsed._-- ‘A John Paston et John Bokkyng ou William Barker.’

  [This letter is written in Botoner’s hand. The date is probably
  between 1454 and 1457, as in 1458 Botoner appears to have been in
  London,--at least he was so in November, and in the summer also he
  was away from Norfolk; and in 1459 the 30th October would have been
  within a week of Fastolf’s death, when he must have been ill
  inclined, even if capable, to dictate letters, unless of very
  special urgency.]

    [Footnote 6.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 273.]]


265

WILLIAM BARKER TO SIR J. FASTOLF[6.2]

_To myn ryght worshipfull mayster, Sir John Fastolf._

[Sidenote: 1454 / NOV. 3]

Please youre maystership, the cause of myn terying is that I must ben at
Norwyche on Monday at the shyre to stoppe the oughtlawrye of John
Porter, wheche but if be holpen, he shalben dowble oughtlawed bothe atte
the sewt of the Kyng for a reskuse, as for serteyn money he oweth to on
Hewghe, a man of court. And also the next day I shuld ben, if it please
yow, at Saxthorp with a certeyn person, as I shal telle youre
maystership here after, of whom I shuld have certeyn evydences of the
maner of Saxthorp, and rentall, and fyrmall as I am promysed. And, Sire,
as for alle the maters that I went fore in to Essex and Suffolk, I have
spedde theym, as I shal declare to youre maystership at myn comyng, and
brought wryghtyng from theym. And as for myn Lord of Norffolk, towchyng
your money, he seyth ye shal have hit with inne this xiiij. dayes. Hit
was his fyrst mater to me after I hadde delyvered his rynge. The money
is redye, but he seyd that he must have stoor with inne hym, for he
loked dayly whan the Kyng wold send for hym. But as sone as Barette, his
tresorer, come home--whom he hath sent for money,--ye shall in contynent
after have your C_li._ [£100]. I made to his Lordship as I hadde no
thyng know in the mater for onely for the excuse of Sir Thomas, &c. And
I beseche the blessed Trinyte preserve yow, myn ryght wurshipfull
mayster, after his pleasaunce and youre herts desyre, &c.

Wreten in hast at Wroxham, the Sonday after Allehallwen day.

  Youre bedeman and servaunt,

  WILLIAM BARKER.

    [Footnote 6.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] For the date of this
    letter, see preliminary note to No. 258 (vol. ii. p. 333,
    Note 1). John Porter, who was at this time in Fastolf’s service,
    seems to have gone immediately after into that of the Duke of
    Norfolk. --_See_ Nos. 268, 278.]


266

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON[7.1]

_To the worshypfull and my ryght welbelovyd cosyn, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1454 / NOV. 11]

Worshypfull and ryght welbelovyd cosyn, I comaund me to yow. Lyke you to
wete that I have resseyved a lettre at thys tyme from John Bokkyng, wyth
a copie of the patent concernyng the wardeshyp that ye wote off, by
whych y understand that ye have both wrought and holpen by your grete
wysdom to bryng thys matier aboute, whych y desyred your frendshyp and
gode avice for the suertee of the seyd waarde;[8.1] and for expedicion
of whych y thank you ryzt hertlye, and pray you to contynew foorth your
gode labours in the same yn such wyse as it may be made sure ynall wyse,
thoy it cost me the more of my gode.

And where as it ys remembred me by the seyd lettres that y shuld labour
to ghete the seyd ward yn to my gouvernance, truely y can not see how y
coude do it to be doon, for y have none acqueyntaunce in that contree
that y coude trust too, wythoute the Shyreve myght be my tender frende
in thys cause, or othyr such as ye thynk best. Wherfor y pray you
hertlye to take thys mater tenderly to hert, and that ye lyke seke a
moyen of such frendys as ye can best avyse, and may verrayly trust
uppon, to gyde thys mater yn such wyse as myne entent myght be sped for
the possession of it; for now that y have go so ferre yn the matier,
I wold not it faylled for no gode, but it preved well, and toke to a
gode conclusion.

And where as y have understand late, by certeyn well willers to you
warde, whych have meoved me, that yn case the seyd warde myght be had,
that ye desyre an alliaunce shulde take atwyx a doughter of yours and
the seyd waard, of whych mocion y was ryght glad to hyre off, and wylle
be ryght well wylling and helpyng that your blode and myne myght increse
yn alliaunces. And yff it please yow that by your wysdom and gode
conduyt that ye wolde help beere owte thys mater substaunciallie ayenst
my partie contrarie and eville willers, that I myght have myne entent,
I ensure you ye and y shuld appoynt and accorde yn such wyse as ye shuld
hale you ryght well plesed both for the encresyng of your lynage and
also of myne. And y pray you be ware whom ye make of your counsaille and
myne yn thys mater, and that it may be well bore owte er ye com thens,
and yn a sure wey; and yff y had knowe rathyr [_i.e._ earlier] of your
entent, it shuld hafe cost me more of my gode before thys, to hafe com
to a gode conclusion, whych y promysse yhyt shall bee, and the mater
take, by the fayth of my bodye.

Worshypfull and ryght welbelovyd cosyn, y pray God spede you yn thys
matier, and sende you your gode desyrs.

Wreten at Castr, the xj. day of November anno xxxiijº R. H. VI.

  Your cosyn,

  JOHN FASTOLFE.

Item, cosyn, I pray yow when ye see tyme that my Lord of
Caunterbury[9.1] and my Lord Cromewell[9.2] may be spoke wyth for the
godes of my Lord Bedford, beyng yn dyvers men handz, be compelled to be
brought ynne, as ye shall see more along of thys mater, wyth the
wrytyngs that I have made mencion, and left wyth John Bokkyng and
William Barker.

    [Footnote 7.1: [From Fenn, iii. 224.]]

    [Footnote 8.1: Thomas Fastolf of Cowhawe. --_See_ vol. ii. p.
    323, Note 1.]

    [Footnote 9.1: Thomas Bourchier.]

    [Footnote 9.2: Ralph, Lord Cromwell.]


267

THOMAS HOWES TO JOHN PASTON[9.3]

_To the wurshepfull Sir, and my good Maystyr John Paston, at London, in
haste._

[Sidenote: 1454 / NOV. 13]

Wurshepfull and reverent Sir, and my good maistyr, I recomaund me to zow
in as delygent wyse as on my part apperteineth, and p[le]a[s]e yow to
wete that my maistyr[9.4] was right well pleasyd with youre feithefull
labour in fulfellyng the patent for the warrd of A. B. C., and he wyll
feithefully labour as ye have avysed hym be wrytyng of John Bokyng. And
putte my maistyr in more corage, I meovyd to hym upon myn hed that encas
be the child wer wyse, that thanne it wer a good maryage be twen my wyff
youre doutir and hym; and, Sir, my maistyr was glad whan he herd that
moyen, cosetheryng that youre doutyr is desendyd of hym be the modyr
syde. And, Sir, I have enqwerid aftyr the seyd child, and no dout of but
he is lykly and of gret wyt, as I her be report of sondr personez. And
it is so, as I am credebly enformyd, that Jeffrey Boleyn maketh gret
labour for maryage of the seyd child to on of hese douterez. I wold well
to hym, but bettyr to yow. Wherfor that ye delygently labour for
expedecyon of this mater, that encas ye can fynde ony moyan ther to have
the seyd child, and we shal do feithefully owre delygens in lyke wyse
her, as ye avyse us, &c.

And, Sir, as ye thynke with avyse of my Maistyr Yelverton, Jenney, and
otherez my maisterez counsell therin, that the Shereff may be rewardyd,
and yif my seyd maisterez counsell thynke it be to do’n, that thanne ye
lyke to take an actyoun upon anenteynt [_an attaint_],[10.1] wheche ye
most with them take upon yow at this tyme in my maisterez absence; for
as ye do in that mater, he woll hold hym content, for Wyllyam Barker
hathe an instruccyon of my maisterez intent upon the same. And I send
John Bokyng a copy of the panell, wheche I shewed yow at Castr, &c.
Almyghty Jesu have yow eternally in hese mercyfull governaunce.

Wretyn at Castr, the Wednysday next aftyr Seynt Martyn, anno xxxiij.

  TH. HOWYS.

    [Footnote 9.3: [From Fenn, iii. 230.]]

    [Footnote 9.4: Sir John Fastolf.]

    [Footnote 10.1: This is an action against a jury that has given
    a false verdict.]


268

SIR THOMAS HOWYS TO JOHN PASTON[10.2]

_To the wurshepfull and reverent Sir, my good Maystir John Paston, in
all goodly haste._

[Sidenote: 1454 / NOV. 18]

Reverent and wurshepfull Sir, and my good maistyr, I recomaund me to yow
in as louly wyse as on my part aperteineth. And please yow to wete that
my maistyr is fully purposed to sewe ateynte, whereupon he wrytethe a
lettere directyd to yow and otherez, for the wheche I beseke yow to be
my good maystyr in pursewyng the seyd ateynte; and also my maistyr is
agreed what reward ye geve the Shereff he holdeth hym content. Wherfor,
that youre reward may be the larger, so he woll[10.3] ther upon returne
the panell for the seyd ateynte; and thanne yef Jenney wold meove my
Lord of Norffolke that he wold be my good Lord, amyttyng me for hese
chapeleyn, and Jhankyn Porter for hese servaunt, wheche is hese chek
roll, it shuld cause the matere to have the redyer expedecyon, as well
be the Shereff as be the gret jury. And yef the processe may have so
redy sped that it myght be had be fore my Maystyr Yelwerton in this
vaccacyon tyme, it wer a gret counfort, &c. Beseking yow at the
reverence of God, and as ever my power servyse may be at your
comaundement, that ye effectualy labour this matere in the most spedfull
wyse, as youre descrecyon, with Jenneyez avyse, thinketh most expedyent;
for I ferre gretly to be outlawed or the seyd processe shuld be brought
to a conclucyon withoute redy processe in the seyd ateynte. And I here
no sewer tydinges of a parlement; but rather thanne I shuld be outlawed,
I wold yeld my self to preson, wheche shuld be myn undoyng, and thanne
to be with oute remedy. My refformacyon and counforte in eschewyng that
lythe holly in your helpe and Jenneyez at thys tyme, be cause my maystyr
hathe comytted the governaunce of the seyd matere to yow, and what
expense it draweth he agreyth to bere it, &c.

I beseke Almyghty Jesu have yow, my good maystyr, eternaly in hese
me[r]cyfull governaunce, and inspyre yow with hese speryt of
remembraunce effectualy to precede in this matere.

Wretyn breffly at Castre the Monday next be fore Seynt Edmond the
Kyng,[11.1] anno xxxiij. Regis H. vj^ti.

Item, Sir, as for mony to the sped of this matere, Bokkyng hathe redy in
comaundement to make delevery to yow what that ye nede, so there shall
be no defaute in that, &c.

  T. HOWYS.

    [Footnote 10.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 10.3: _Woll_ corr. from _wold_.]  [[corr from]]

    [Footnote 11.1: The day of St. Edmund the King was the 20th
    November.]


269

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON[12.1]

_To my right welbilovyd cosyn, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1454-9]

.    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .   .    .
wise, and for asmoche as it is .    .    .    .   .    .    .    .    .
.    .    .    the Lady Hastinges[12.2] doughter, as I undrestande    .
.    .    .    .    .    is lyneally descendid of my Lady Felbrig[12.3]
is sustre  .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .  she was maried to Sir
Hug’ Fastolf, graunsir to this same Thomas; and the Lady Hastinges is
comen of Sir Robert Clyfton, which dwellid besyde Lynne. I prey yow,
cosyn, enquere of my Lady Felbrigge how nygh they bethe of kynrede, and
whethir they mow marie to ghedre or not, and how many degrees in lynage
they bethe a sundre, for I reporte me to yowr wyse discrescion what the
law wol sey ther ynne.

Item, it is so that Wyndam[12.4] came yesterday to Jernemouth, and is at
Stapletons; and this day a man of Stapletons came to me to wete if they
sholde come speke with me or not, and I have sent Sir Thomas to hem to
know ther entent and what they meane; and also he shal sey unto theym
that I woll not medle ther with but as law and consciens will.

This is the tydinges that I have; I pray yow send me some of yours. As
towching the North cuntre, Sperling hathe tolde yow. And God kepe yow.
Wretyn at Castre this same day.

  J. FASTOLF.

    [Footnote 12.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is
    mutilated and its date is uncertain, except that, being dated at
    Caister, it must have been written between 1454 and 1459.]

    [Footnote 12.2: Margery, widow of Sir Edward Hastings of Elsing,
    and daughter of Sir Robert Clifton. After her first husband’s
    death she married John Wymondham, who bought the manor of
    Felbrigg from Lord Scales and the executors of Sir Simon
    Felbrigg. --_See_ Blomefield, viii. 112.]

    [Footnote 12.3: Catherine, widow of Sir Simon Felbrigg. She was
    the daughter of Anketill Mallory, Esq. of Winwick, in
    Northamptonshire.]

    [Footnote 12.4: John Wymondham or Wyndham. --_See_ Note 2.]


270

EDMUND CLERE TO JOHN PASTON[13.1]

_To my welbeloved cosyn, John Paston, be this delivered._

[Sidenote: 1455 / JAN. 9]

Right welbeloved cosyn, I recomaund me to you, latyng you wite such
tidings as we have.

Blessed be God, the Kyng is wel amended, and hath ben syn Cristemesday,
and on Seint Jones day[13.2] comaunded his awmener [_almoner_] to ride
to Caunterbury wyth his offryng, and comaunded the secretarie to offre
at Seint Edwards.

And on the Moneday after noon the Queen came to him, and brought my Lord
Prynce with her. And then he askid what the Princes name was, and the
Queen told him Edward; and than he hild up his hands and thankid God
therof. And he seid he never knew til that tyme, nor wist not what was
seid to him, nor wist not where he had be whils he hath be seke til now.
And he askid who was godfaders, and the Queen told him, and he was wel
apaid.

And she told him that the Cardinal[13.3] was dede, and he seid he knew
never therof til that tyme; and he seid oon of the wisist Lords in this
land was dede.

And my Lord of Wynchestr[13.4] and my Lord of Seint Jones[13.5] were
with him on the morow after Tweltheday, and he speke to hem as well as
ever he did; and when thei come out thei wept for joye.

And he seith he is in charitee with all the world, and so he wold all
the Lords were. And now he seith matyns of Our Lady and evesong, and
herith his Masse devoutly; and Richard shall tell yow more tidings by
mouth.

I pray yow recomaund me to my Lady Morley,[14.1] and to Maister
Prior,[14.2] and to my Lady Felbrigge,[14.3] and to my Lady
Hevenyngham,[14.4] and to my cosyn your moder, and to my cosyn your
wife.

Wreten at Grenewich on Thursday after Twelftheday.

  Be your cosyn,

  EDMUND CLERE.

    [Footnote 13.1: [From Fenn, i. 80.] There is no doubt about the
    date of this letter. The King fell ill at Clarendon in the
    autumn of 1453, and remained in a state of utter imbecility
    during the greater part of the year 1454, so that in March a
    deputation from the House of Peers, sent to communicate with him
    on the death of his Chancellor, Cardinal Kemp, was obliged to
    report that they had been utterly unable to obtain from him any
    answer or sign that he understood the least thing said to him.
    It appears from this letter that his recovery was about
    Christmas, when he heard for the first time of the birth of his
    son fourteen months before, and of the death of Cardinal Kemp
    nine months before.]

    [Footnote 13.2: Dec. 27.]

    [Footnote 13.3: John Kemp, Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury.]

    [Footnote 13.4: William Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester.]

    [Footnote 13.5: Robert Botyll, prior of the Order of St. John
    of Jerusalem.]

    [Footnote 14.1: _See_ vol. ii. p. 84, Note 2.]

    [Footnote 14.2: Probably the Prior of Bromholm.]

    [Footnote 14.3: _See_ p. 12, Note 3.]

    [Footnote 14.4: Sir John Heveningham married Elizabeth, daughter
    of Sir John Reedesham. Unless he married a second time, this
    Elizabeth was now his widow.]

  [[13.5 St. John of Jerusalem. _missing final period_]]


271

ABSTRACT[14.5]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO HENRY FYLONGLYE AND JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1455 / JAN. 24]

Must pay £40 to the Exchequer this term for the ward of Thomas Fastolf,
in part payment of £80, and other great payments at the same time,
amounting to £200 or more. Desires him, therefore, to speak with my Lord
of Canterbury, whose day of payment is long past, that he may have ‘the
rather ready payment’ of his duty; ‘for he is one of the Lords earthly
that I most trust upon.’ Hopes he will consider the great loss Fastolf
already sustains by ‘the great good the King oweth me, and other divers
Lords to my great discomfort.’

Castre, 24 Jan.

  [This letter could not have been written before the year 1455, as
  Sir John Fastolf only came to reside at Castre in the autumn of the
  year preceding. The wardship of Thomas Fastolf was procured by Sir
  John for John Paston in June 1454, so that it is highly probable he
  had to pay for it in the beginning of next year. In the year
  following, again, Fastolf was endeavouring to make good those claims
  against the Crown, which he here merely mentions as a ground of
  indulgence to himself.]

    [Footnote 14.5: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 260.]]


272

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON

_To my right trusty and welbelovyd cosyn, John Paston, in goodly haste._

[Sidenote: 1455 / FEB. 7]

Ryght trusty and welbelovyd cosyn, I comaund me to yow. And please yow
to wete that I am avertysed that at a dyner in Norwiche, wher as ye and
othyr jentylmen wer present, that that ther were certeyn personez,
jentylmen, whiche utteryd skornefull language of me, as in thys wyse,
with mor, seyeng, ‘War the, gosune [_cousin ?_] war, and goo we to
dyner; goo we wher? to Sir John Fastolf, and ther we shall well paye
ther fore.’ What ther menyng was, I knowe well to no good entent to me
ward; wherfor, cosyn, I prey yow, as my truste is in yow, that ye geve
me knowelege be writing what jentylmen they be that had this report
with more, and what mo jentylmen wer present, as ye wold I shuld and
wer my deute to do for yow in semblabyll wyse. And I shall kepe yowr
informatyon in this mater secret, and with Godds grace so purvey for
hem as they shall not all be well pleasyd. At suche a tyme a man may
knowe hese frendes and hese fooes asonder, &c. Jesu preserve and kepe
yow.

[15.1] Wretyn at Caster, the vij. day of Feverer, anno xxxiij. R. H.
vj^ti.

  JOHN FASTOLF, Knyght.

    [Footnote 15.1: [From Fenn, iii. 232.]]


273

THOMAS HOWYS TO JOHN PASTON[16.1]

_To the right wurshepfull Sir, my good Maystyr John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1455]

Right worshepfull Sir, and my good maistyr, I recomaund me louly unto
you, thankyng youre good maystyrshep for your good remembraunce for the
cherche of Stokysby, wherupon I have desyred my trusty frend, Wylliam
Worcestre, to come be the Abot[16.2] homward, besekyng you to avertyse
hym youre good avyse how he may be have hym best in this mater to the
seyd Abot, etc. And, Sir, en cas ye myght be at a leyser to be with my
mayster upon Thursday next comyng, forasmyche as Maistyr Yelvyrton and
Jenney shal be her, ye shuld do my maistir ryght gret pleasure. And I
beseke you the rather for my sake, for at that tyme the conveyaunce of
al materez shal be comounyd of; and I know verely your avyse shall peyse
depper in my maisterys conceyt thanne bothyn thers shal do. Ye have
dayly gret labour for me, God reward yow, and my pore preyer ye shall
have, &c. I beseke Almyghti Jesu have you in hese mercyfull governaunce,
and graunt you evyr that may be to your most herte plessaunce, &c.

  Your chapeleyn and bedeman,

  THOMAS HOWYS.

    [Footnote 16.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The rectory of Stokesby
    in Norfolk was vacant in the year 1455. The right of
    presentation ought to have belonged to Sir John Fastolf, as John
    Fastolf--doubtless of Cowhawe--had presented in 1444; but it was
    allowed to lapse to the Bishop, who presented Simon Thornham,
    LL.D. Afterwards it appears that James Gloys was rector, who
    must have been presented by John or Margaret Paston. This letter
    was probably written a few days before that which comes next.]

    [Footnote 16.2: Of St. Benet’s, Hulme. His name was John
    Martin.]


274

THE ABBOT OF ST. BENET’S TO JOHN PASTON[17.1]

_To my ryght well be lovyd John Paston, Esquyer, be this delivered._

[Sidenote: 1455 / MARCH 17]

Wurchepefull Sire, and right well be lovyd, I grete yow well, desyryng
to here of youre well fare, praying you interlych to bie with me at
dyner on Seynt Benett day, the whiche xall be on Friday next comyng, or
ell[es] in brief tyme covenable to your ease, to th’entent that I may
commoun wyth yow of divers maters, the whiche I purpose to have a doo in
be your good advyse, and in on especyall as for the chirche of Stokesby,
whiche I understand xall moche be reulyd after your advyse and content;
tristyng our communicacion had in the seyd [matters] xall cause pees and
pleaser to all parties be leve of our Lord, the whiche Lord mote
preserve you in all goode.

Wreten in my Monastery the xvij. day of Marche.

  Be your good frend,

  THE ABBOT OF S. BENETTS.

    [Footnote 17.1: [From Fenn, iii. 236.] This letter was written
    by John Martin, Lord Abbot of St. Benet’s of Hulme. The heads of
    this monastery were mitred abbots, and sat in Parliament. The
    date may be assigned to the year 1455 for two reasons--first,
    that in that year St. Benet’s day (the 21st of March) fell on a
    Friday; and second, that in the same year the living of Stokesby
    lapsed to the Bishop of Norwich.]


275

ABSTRACT

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON AND ---- YELVERTON.

[Sidenote: Between 1455-9]

Thanks them for speeding his action against Thomas Fauconere. Begs them
to sue it out, as Fauconere is obstinate, and has wrought against
Byckwod right unjustly, who owes great sums to divers creditors, etc.

Castre, 20th March.

  [The date of this letter must be during Sir John’s residence at
  Caister between 1455 and 1459.]


276

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON, ESQ.[18.1]

_To myn ryght weel beloved cosyn, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: 1455 / MARCH 29]

Worshipfull cosyn, I recomaunde me to yow. And lyke yow to wete that at
this tyme I sende to yow myn welbeloved frende and servant, Sir Thomas
Howys, to have youre good councell and advyse how and in what wyse he
may best be demened there at this tyme in his yeldyng to the Sheref upon
his exigend, wheche is and shal be v. tymes called as on Monday next
comyng, as I understande; and, the same by good and discrete advyse
concluded and sette in a good weye by sewertes found to appere at London
the day of the retorn of the wrytte or otherwyse, that thenne if ye
thenke hit be to do’n [_to do_], ye lyke to take upon yow to comon with
myne Lord of Norwyche,[18.2] recomaundyng me to hys good and tender
Lordship, and declaryng to hym how and in what wyse the seyd Sir Thomas
was demened in the _oyer and determyner_, and sethe how he hath
wrongously and with ought cause be vexed by John Andrews and other, and
greetly trowbled, wherupon this atteynt now is grownded, in such wyse as
ye thenk best to be done; and that his Lordship by youre medyacion here
after geve not any favore to any persone or persones on myne contrarye
partye for any synystre informacion geven other wyse than the trought in
the mater shal require, as he shal weel understande by youre good
reporte, for ye know the same mater weel. Wherfore, cosyn, I praye yow
that ye wole tender the same for the weel and good speed therof, as myne
syngler trust is in yow. And the blessed Trinyte preserve yow to his
pleaser.

In hast, at Castre, the xxix. day of Marche.

  Youre,

  JOHN FASTOLF, Chr.

Item, cosyn, I sende youre a lettre to delyver to myne seyd Lord with a
copye of the same, wheche I praye yow to se, and if ye thenk hit be to
do’n, delyveret [_deliver it_] youre self, &c., to th’entent he myght
know the disposicion of the pepul how they be sette, &c.; for he weel
advertysed in this mater shalbe a greet supporter of trought in this be
half, for the partye contrarye wole do’n that they can to labore the
jure, and don to have theym rewled after theyr entent and contrary to
trought; wheche mater I remytte ondly to youre ryght wyse discrecion.

    [Footnote 18.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The reference here made
    to the process of attaint, which Fastolf had resolved to sue in
    November 1454 (_see_ No. 268), shows that this letter must
    belong to the month of March following. It is written in
    Barker’s hand.]

    [Footnote 18.2: I suspect ‘Norwyche’ is here a slip of the pen,
    and that ‘my Lord of Norfolk’ was intended.]


277

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO THE DUKE OF NORFOLK[19.1]

[Sidenote: 1455 / MARCH (?)]

Right hy and myghty Prynce, my right gode and gracyous Lord, I recomaund
me to your gode Lordship, etc. And please itt your Hyghnesse to wete
that Sir Philip Wenteworth purchasid the Kyngs patentis of the ward of
the heyer and londes of a por kynnesman of myne called John Fastolf of
Cowhawe, late passed to God, to the grett hurte and distruccion as well
of the inheritance of the seyd heyer as interrupcion and breking of the
last will of the seyd John, and also to my grett troble and dammage; and
for asmoche as it fortowned be grase the seyd patentes to be mystake, so
that they were not laufull ne suffycyent, be avyce of conceyll, certeyn
persones,[19.2] to myn use, purchesid be the Kyngs letters patentes
suffycyent and laufull of the ward of the seyd londes. And the rigth of
thes bothe patentes hath be putte in juges and lerned men, affor hom the
seyd Sir Philipp ne his conceyll cowd never prove hes tytill lawfull be
his seyd patents, and this notwithstanding intendith be fors, as I
understand, to take the profytes of the seyd londes ageyns all lawe and
concyence. Beseching your Lordchip to tender me in myn age and sekenesse
that may not ryde ne help myself, and of your habundant grace to
supporte me in my right, that I be not be fors ageyns lawe and concyence
kepte from the possescion of the seyd londes in this contre, wher ye be
Prynce and Sovereyn next owr Sovereyn Lord.

_The following memoranda occur on the back:_--

  Br[adwe]ll juxta Jernemut.
  Kirley juxta Leystoft, viij_li._
  Foxhole . . . . . . .               }
  Cowhaw in Nakton                    } xviij_li._
    on this side Yepiswich, iij. myl, }
  Langston in Brustall,       }
    ij. myle beyond Yepiswich,} iij_li._
  Bentele, ij. mile beyond Brustall, xiiij_li._ (?)

    [Footnote 19.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The MS. of this is a
    corrected draft. Although the person addressed is not named, the
    style in which he is addressed, and particularly the last
    sentence, leave no doubt that it is the Duke of Norfolk. Indeed,
    this is not unlikely to be the letter mentioned in the
    postscript to the last, of which a copy or draft was sent along
    with the original to John Paston that he might deliver the
    latter, only if he approved of its contents. If so, it is
    probable that Paston withheld it, as we find by the letter
    immediately following that Fastolf addressed another memorial to
    the Duke on the subject of his dispute with Wentworth four days
    later.]

    [Footnote 19.2: They were John Paston and Thomas Howes, and
    their patent was dated 6th June 32 Hen. VI. (1454).--See _Rolls
    of Parl._ v. 371.]


278

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO THE DUKE OF NORFOLK[20.1]

[Sidenote: 1455 / APRIL 2]

Right high and myghty Prynce, my right noble and good Lord, in my right
humble wyse I recomaunde me to your good grace. And for the noble
lordship and supportacion shewid unto me at all tymes, I beseche our
Lord God guerdon yow, where as I may not, but only as yowr daily and
contynuell bedeman, now in myn age, pray for the good prosperite of
youre right highe and noble estate, as I am gretly bounde to doo; prayng
tendirly yowre Highnesse to contynue yowre good lordship and
supportacion in the materes touchyng your servaunt John Porter and my
pore Chappelleyn Sir Thomas Howes, trustyng verily to God that, with the
supportacion of your good Lordship, there mater shall yette come to a
good conclusion in punisshyng of perjure and embracery that many yeris
hathe ben and yette is usid in this shire, whiche were grete merite, and
to my conceyte, in yow that ar soo noble a Prynce, a singler renoune, as
for the beste dede that may be doo for the weel of bothe shires.

And in like wise that it please youre right good grace to contynue youre
noble favour and supportacion to me in remedyeng the force doon by Sir
Philip Wentworth, kepyng now wrongful possession of certeyn londes in
Suffolk, nygh youre Castel of Framyngham; whiche londs certeyn of my
frendes, to myn use, have of the Kyngs graunte by his lettres patent
byfore ony patent that the seid Sir Philip hathe, whiche is my singler
matier in myn owen parte that I have now to doo, as my cosyn Paston can
enforme yowr Lordship, for he knowith the mater and myn hole entente, to
whom your good grace lyke to yife credence. He cometh to awaite upon
your Lordship at this tyme, as I understande, by my cosyn youre servaunt
Richard Suthwell, youre Lordship desired.

Right highe and myghty Prynce, my noble and right good Lord, I beseche
the Holy Goste be with yow, and evere more sende yow the accomplishment
of youre right noble desires to his plesir and youres.

Writen at my pore place of Castre, the ij^de day of Aprill.

  Your humble man and servaunt,

  J. FASTOLF.

    [Footnote 20.1: [From Fenn, iii. 338.] Although there is no
    direction upon this letter, it was evidently addressed to the
    Duke of Norfolk, as it speaks of ‘your Castle of Framlingham.’
    The absence of any written address Fenn accounts for by
    supposing the letter to have been enclosed in a cover; but as it
    appears that the original contained at least one passage which
    was crossed out (_see_ page 341 in Fenn), we may with greater
    probability consider it to have been a corrected draft, like the
    last, sent to John Paston for his approval. The dispute with Sir
    Philip Wentworth and the matters of John Porter and Sir Thomas
    Howes, here referred to, both point to the year 1455 as the date
    of this letter. --_See_ Nos. 265, 268.]


279

ABSTRACT[22.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1455 / MAY 3]

Thanks him for his letters, and the answer he made to Bokkyng. Does not
know how to answer him concerning the ward,[22.2] the suit against
William Jenney and Sir Thomas, etc. If Paston could be at London this
term, even for three days, it would speed better than Fastolf’s writing,
and Fastolf will pay his costs. If he cannot, Paston must use his own
discretion, and Fastolf will abide by what he does. It would be a great
rebuke if the matter of the ward went against us, ‘for nowadays ye know
well that law goeth as it is favored, and after that the attorneys be
wise and discreet in their conduct.’

Castre, 3 May.

  [This letter, being dated at Caister in the month of May, cannot be
  earlier than 1455, and the references to the matter of the ward and
  the suit against Sir Thomas Howes seem to fix it to that year.]

    [Footnote 22.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 244.]]

    [Footnote 22.2: Thomas Fastolf. --_See_ vol. ii. p. 323, Note 1.]


280

ABSTRACT[22.3]

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1455(?) / MAY 8]

Thorne did not come to him, nor could he learn anything about him from
Sir Thomas Howes, except that Howes had informed him of what Paston
commanded Calle to tell his wife. Will not distrain till he hear from
Paston. Howys trusts to make sufficient reckoning of all things touching
Fastolf, so that neither he nor Paston be hurt. He will do nothing in
future without Paston’s advice. Desires him to remember John Elger,
Bocking, and others ‘for the rescues which was made for Jankyn Porter.’
Remember James Gresham to withdraw the suit for W. Magges. No News.

8 May.

  [The allusion to John or Jankyn Porter in this letter makes it
  probable that it was written in the year 1455. --_See_ No. 278.]

    [Footnote 22.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

  [[--_See_ No. 278.]
    _closing bracket missing_]]


281

ABSTRACT[23.1]

‘THOMAS CANON, THE HELDER, OF MEKYLL PAGRAVE,’ TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1455 / MAY 16]

Desires to hear of his ‘durat prosperite and welfare.’ Hopes he will
protect him as he has done, if any man will put him to any wrong. Has
land in Lytyl Pagrave and in Lytyldonham, called Strangys, which he
wishes to sell to Paston before any other, on condition that he will
‘keep it counsel’ from John Pagrave till he and the writer have
accorded.

At Sporle, Friday, after Ascension Day, 33 Hen. VI.

    [Footnote 23.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 252.]]


282

MEMORIAL TO HENRY VI[23.2]

_Tradatur J. P._

[Sidenote: 1455 / MAY 21]

Moste Cristen Kyng, ryght hygh and myghty Prince, and our mooste
redoubted souverayn Lorde, we recomaunde ws as humblye as we suffice
unto your hygh excellence, where unto please it to wete that for so
moche as we hyre and understand to our grettyst sorowe erthlye that our
ennemyes of approuved experience, such as abyde and kepe theym sylf
under the whyng of your Magestee Royall, have throwen unto the same
ryght stedyousely and ryght fraudulentlye manye ambyguytees and doubtes
of the fayth, lygeaunce, and dewtee that, God knowyth, we beere unto
your Hyghnesse, and have put theym yn as grete devoyr as they coude to
enstraunge ws from your mooste noble presonce and from the favour of
your goode grace; whych goode grace to ws ys and owe to be our singuler
and mooste desyred yoie and consolacion: We at thys tyme be comyng wyth
grace as your true and humble liege men, toward your seyd Hygh
Excellence to declare and shew therto at large owr sayd fayth and
ligeaunce, entendyng wyth the mercye of Jesu yn the seyd comyng, to put
ws yn as diligent and hertye devoyr and dewtee as onye your lyege men on
lyve to that at may avaunce or preferre the honnour and wellfare off the
sayd Mageste Royalle and the seurte of the sayd most notable person; the
whych [we] beseche our blessed Creature to prosper [in] as grete honnor,
yoie, and felicitie as ever had onye prince erthlye, and to your sayd
Hyghnesse so to take, accept, and repute ws, and not to plese to geve
trust or confidence unto the sinistrez, maliciouse, and fraudulent
laboures and rapportes of our sayd ennemyes unto our comyng to your sayd
moste noble presence; where unto we beseche humblye that we may be
admitted as your liege men, to th’entent to show ws the same; wheroff
yerstenday we wrote our lettres of our entent to the ryght reverent
fadre yn God, the Archebysshop of Caunterburye,[24.1] your Chauncellr of
England, to be shewed to your sayd Hyghnesse, whereoff, forsomoch as we
be not acerteyned whethyr our sayd entent be by hys fadrehode shewed
unto your seyd goode grace or not, we sende thereoff unto thys closed a
copy of our said lettres of our disposicion toward your sayd Hygh
Excellence and the honnour and weele of the land, whereynne we wolle
persevere wyth the grace of our Lorde.

    [Footnote 23.2: [From Fenn, iii. 178.] This is a copy of the
    memorial drawn up by the Duke of York and the Earls of Warwick
    and Salisbury just before the first battle of St. Albans, which
    the Duke of Somerset and his friends would not allow to be
    presented to the King. Although this copy is without date, the
    original was dated at Ware, the 21st May.--See _Rolls of Parl._
    v. 281, where the whole document is cited.]

    [Footnote 24.1: Fenn states that on the margin of the MS., in a
    hand nearly coeval with the letter itself, is written,
    ‘Memorandum quod dict’ literæ (?) Dominorum direct’
    Archiepiscopo Cant. est apud . . . . .’ What followed is lost,
    the paper being torn. The letter to the Archbishop of
    Canterbury, however, will be found quoted at full length in the
    _Rolls of Parliament_, v. 280-1.]


283

THE BATTLE OF ST. ALBANS[25.1]

_Bellum apud Seynt Albons._

[Sidenote: 1455 / MAY 21-22]

Be yt knowen and hadde in mynde that the xxj. day of May the xxxiij.
zere of the regne of Kyng Herry the Sext, our sovereigne Lord Kyng toke
his jurnay from Westmynster toward Seynt Albones, and rested at Watford
all nyght; and on the morwe be tymes he cam to Seynt Albones, and wyth
him on his partye assembled under his baner the Duyke of Bockingham, the
Duke of Somersete, the Erle of Penbrok, the Erle of Northumburlond, the
Erle of Devynsshire, the Erle of Stafford, the Erle of Dorsete, the Erle
of Wyltsshire, the Lorde Clyfford, the Lord Dudley, the Lord Burneys,
the Lord Rose, wyth other dyversse knyghtes, squyeres, and other
gentilmen and yemen to the nounbre of ij^ml [2000] and moo. And upon the
xxij. day of the seyde moneth above rehersed assembled the Duyk of
Yorke, and wyth hym come yn companye the Erle of Salesbury, the Erle of
Warrewyke with diverse knyghtes and squyers unto ther partye into the
felde, called the Key Feld, besyde Seynt Albones. Fyrthermore, oure seyd
sovereyne Lord the Kyng, heryng and knowyng of the seyde Dukes comyng
with other Lordes afore seyde, pygth his baner at the place called
Boslawe in Seynt Petrus Strete, whych place was called afore tyme past
Sandeforde, and commaundeth the warde and barrers to be kepte in stronge
wyse; the for seyde Duyk of York abydyng in the feld aforeseyde frome
vij. of the clokke in the morn tyl yt was al most x. without ony stroke
smeton on eyther partye. The seyde Duke sende to the Kyng our sovereyne
Lord, be the avyse of his councell, prayng and be sekyng hym to take him
as his true man and humble suget; and to consider and to tender at the
reverence of Almyghty God, and in way of charite the true entent of his
comyng--to be good and gracyous sovereyne Lorde to his legemen, whech
with al ther power and mygth wille be redy at alle tymes to leve and dye
with hym in his rigth. And to what thyng yt shoulde lyke his Mageste
Ryall to commaunde hem, yf yt be his worsship, kepyng right of the
Croune and welffare of the londe; ‘More over, gracyous Lord, plese yt
zour Majeste Ryall of zour grete goodnesse and ryghtwesnesse to enclyne
zour wille to here and fele the ryghtwyse partye of us zoure sugettes
and legemen; fyrst, prayng and besechyng to oure Lord Jesus of his hye
and myghty power to geve un to zou vertu and prudence, and that thorugh
the medyacyon of the glorious martyr Seynt Albon to geve zou very
knowleche to knowe the entent of oure assembleng at this tyme; for God
that is [in] Heven knoweth than our entent is rightful and true. And
there fore we pray unto Al myghty Lord Jesus these wordes--_Domine sis
clipeus defensionis nostræ_. Wherefore, gracyus Lord, plese it your
hyghe Majeste to delyvere such as we wole accuse, and they to have lyke,
as they have deserved and done, and ze to be honorabled and worsshepyt
as most ryghtffull Kyng and oure governour. For and we shall now at this
tyme be promysed, as afore this tyme ys not unknowen, of promes broken
whech ful fayth fully hath ben promysed, and there upon grete othes
made, we wyll not now cesse for noon such promysse, surete, ne other,
tyl we have hem whych hav deserved deth, or elles we to dye there fore.’

And to that answered the Kyng our sovereyne Lord, and seyde: ‘I, Kyng
Herry, charge and comaund that no maner persone, of what degre, or
state, or condicyon that evere he be, abyde not, but voyde the felde,
and not be so hardy to make ony resystens ageyne me in myn owne realme;
for I shall knowe what traytor dar be so bold to reyse apepull in myn
owne lond, where thorugh I am in grete desese and hevynesse. And by the
feyth that I owe to Seynt Edward and to the Corone of Inglond, I shal
destrye them every moder sone, and they be hanged, and drawen, and
quartered, that may be taken afterward, of them to have ensample to alle
such traytours to be war to make ony such rysyng of peple withinne my
lond, and so traytorly to abyde her Kyng and governour. And, for a
conclusyon, rather then they shall have ony Lorde here with me at this
tyme, I shall this day, for her sake, and in this quarrell my sylff lyve
or dye.’

Wych ansuere come to the Duke of Yorke, the wheche Duke, by the avyce of
the Lordes of hys Counceill, seyde unto hem thise wordes: ‘The Kyng our
sovereyne Lord will not be reformed at our besechyng ne prayer, ne wylle
not understonde the entent that we be comen heder and assembled fore and
gadered at this tyme; but only ys full purpose, and there noon other wey
but that he wole with all his power pursue us, and yf ben taken, to geve
us a shameful deth, losyng our lyvelode and goodes, and our heyres
shamed for evere. And ther fore, sythe yt wole be noon othere wyse but
that we shall ootterly dye, better yt ys for us to dye in the feld than
cowardly to be put to a grete rebuke and asshamefful deth; more over,
consederyng yn what peryle Inglonde stondes inne at thys owre, therefore
every man help to help power for the ryght there offe, to redresse the
myscheff that now regneth, and to quyte us lyke men in this querell;
preyng to that Lord that ys Kyng of Glorye, that regneth in the kyngdom
celestyall, to kepe us and save us this day in our right, and thorugh
the helpe of His holy grace we may be made strong to with stonde the
grete abomynable and cruell malyse of them that purpose fully to destrye
us with shameful deth. We ther fore, Lord, prey to The to be oure
confort and Defender, seyng the word afore seyde, _Domine sis clipeus
defensionis nostræ_.’

And whanne this was seyde, the seyde Duke of Yorke, and the seyd Erle of
Salesbury, and the Erle of Warrewyk, betwene xj. and xij. of the clocke
at noon, the broke into the toun in thre diverse places and severelle
places of the fore seyd strete. The Kyng beyng then in the place of
Edmond Westby, hunderdere of the seyd toun of Seynt Albones, comaundeth
to sle alle maner men of lordes, knygthtes, and squyeres, and zemen that
myght be taken of the for seyde Dukes of York. Thys don, the fore seyde
Lord Clyfford kept strongly the barrers that the seyde Duke of York
myght not in ony wise, with all the power that he hadde, entre ne breke
into the toun. The Erle of Warrewyk, knowyng ther offe, toke and gadered
his men to gedere and ferosly brake in by the gardeyne sydes betuene the
signe of the Keye and the sygne of the Chekkere in Holwell strete; and
anoon as they wer wyth inne the toon, sodeynly the blew up trumpettes,
and sette a cry with asshout and a grete voyce, ‘A Warrewe! A Warrewyk!
A Warrewyk!’ and into that tyme the Duke of York mygth nevere have entre
into the toun; and they with strong hond kept yt, and myghttyly faught
to gedere, and anoon, forth with after the brekyng in, they sette on
them manfully. And as of Lordes of name were slayn the Lord Clyfford,
the Duke of Somersete, the Erle of Northumberlond, Sir Bartram
Entuwysselle, Knynght; and of men of courte, Wyllyam Zouch, John
Batryaux, Raaff of Bapthorp and hys sone, Wyllyam Corbyn, squyers;
William Cotton, receyver of the Ducherye of Lancastre; Gylbert Starbrok,
squyer; Malmer Pagentoun, William Botelore, yomen; Rogere Mercroft, the
Kynges messanger; Halyn, the Kynges porter; Raufe Wyllerby; and xxv. mo,
whych her names be not zet knowen. And of hem that ben slayn ben beryed
in Sent Albonos xlviij. And at this same tyme were hurt Lordes of
name--the Kyng, our sovereyne Lord, in the neck with an arrowe; the Duke
of Bukingham, with an arrowe in the vysage; the Lord of Stafford in the
hond, with an arowe; the Lord of Dorsette, sore hurt that he myght not
go, but he was caryede hom in a cart; and Wenlok, Knyght, in lyke wyse
in a carte sore hurt; and other diverse knyghtes and squyers sore hurt.
The Erle of Wyldsshyre, Thorpe, and many other flede, and left her
harneys behynde hem cowardly, and the substaunce of the Kynges partye
were dyspoyled of hors and harneys. This done, the seyde Lordes, that ys
to wote, the Duke of Yorke, the Erle of Salesbury, the Erle of
Warrewyke, come to the Kyng, our sovereyne Lord, and on here knees be
soughte hym of grace and foryevenesse of that they hadde doon yn his
presence, and be sought hym of his Heynesse to take hem as hys true
legemen, seyng that they never attendyde [_intended_] hurt to his owne
persone, and ther fore [the] Kyng oure sovereyn Lord toke hem to grace,
and so desyred hem to cesse there peple, and that there shulde no more
harme be doon; and they obeyde hys commaundement, and lote make a cry on
the Kynges name that al maner of pepull shulde cesse and not so hardy to
stryke ony stoke more after the proclamacyon of the crye; and so cessed
the seyde batayle, _Deo gratias_.

And on the morwe the Kyng and the seyde Duke, with other certeyn Lordes,
come in to the Bysshops of London, and there kept resydens with joye and
solempnyte, concludyng to holde the parlement at London, the ix. day of
July next comyng.

    [Footnote 25.1: This paper is reprinted from the _Archæologia_,
    vol. xx. p. 519, to which it was communicated by Mr. Bayley,
    keeper of the records in the Tower, in 1822.]

  [[Boslawe in Seynt Petrus Strete
      _text unchanged; correct name is “Goslawe”_]]

  [[lordes, knygthtes, and squyeres  _text has “end”_]]

  [[the Duke of Bukingham, with an arrowe in the vysage;
      _Gairdner, following Bayley, omits the following line
      “the lord of Dudle, with an arowe in the vysage;”_]]


284

THE BATTLE OF ST. ALBANS[29.1]

[Sidenote: 1455 / [MAY 22]]

The solecytouriz and causerys of the feld takyng at Seynt Albonys, ther
namys shewyn her aftyr:--

  The Lord Clyfford.
  Rauff Percy.
  Thorpe.
  Tresham and Josep.

The inony [_enemy’s_] batayle was in the Market-place, and the Kynges
standard was pight, the Kynge beynge present with these Lordes, whos
namys folwe:--

  The Duke of Bokyngham.       }
  The Duke Somyrcete.          }
  The Erle Devynshire.         }
  The Erle of Northeombirlond. }
  The Erle Stafford.           }
  The Erle Dorcete.            }
  The Lord Clyfford.           }
  The Lord Ros.                }

With many Knyghtes and Squyeriz, to the noumbre in alle that faught that
day iij^ml. [3000], and it was done on Thursday last past atwyx xj. and
xij. at mydday.

The namys of the Lordes that were on the othir party shewyn here
aftyr:--

  The Duke of York.      }
  The Erle of Salysbury. }
  The Erle of Warwyk.    }
  The Lord Clynton.      }
  Sir Robert Ocle.       }

With many otheriz, to the noumbre of v^ml. [5000] men.

And Sir Rober Ocle tok vj^c. [600] men of the Marchis, and tok the
Market-place or ony man was war; than the larum belle was ronge, and
every man yed to harneys, for at that tyme every man was out of ther
aray, and they joynid batayle anon; and it was done with inne di. [i.e.
_one half_] houre, and there were slayn the men, whos namys folwyn:--

  The Duke Somyrcete.             }
  The Erle Northombirlond.        }
  The Lord Clyfford.              }
  The Lord Clynton.               }
  Sir Bartyn at Wessyll.          }
  Babthorpe and hese sone.        }
  Cotton, Receyvour of the Duchye.}
  Gryphet, Ussher of Hall.        }
  Herry Loweys.                   }
  Wyllyam Regmayde.               }
  John Raulyns. Asple.            }
  Harpour, Yoman of the Croune.   }

With many othir men, to the noumbre of iiij^c [400], and as many or mo
hurt. The Kynge was hurt with an harwe in the necke. The Duke of
Bukkyngham hurt, and fled in to the Abbey. The Erle Devynshire hurt. The
Erle Stafford and Dorcetyr gretly hurt. Fylongley faught manly, and was
shet thorwe the armys in iij. or iiij. placys.

The Duke of Norfolke come a day aftyr the jurney was done with vj^mll.
[6000] men.

And the Erle of Oxinford also.

  The Erle of Shrewysbury, }
  Lord Crumwelle,          }
  And Sir Thomas Stanley,  }

with x^mll. [10,000] men were comynge.

The Kynge with all the Lordes come to London to Westmenstyr on Fryday,
at vj. of clocke at aftyr none, and London went a generalle processyon
the same day.

    [Footnote 29.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 278.]]


285

JOHN CRANE TO JOHN PASTON[31.1]

_Unto my worshipfull and welbeloved cosyn, John Paston, be this lettre
delivred in hast._

[Sidenote: 1455 / MAY 25]

Right worshipfull and entierly welbeloved Sir, I recommaunde me unto
you, desiring hertly to here of your welfare. Furthermore lettyng you
wete, as for such tydinges as we have here, such [_these_] thre Lordes
be dede, the Duke of Somerset, the Erle of Northombrelonde, and the Lord
Clyfford; and as for any other men of name, I knowe noon save only
Quotton of Cammbrigeshire. As for any other Lordes, many of theym be
hurt; and as for Fenyngley, he lyveth and fareth well, as fer as I can
enquere, &c.

And as for any grete multytude of people that ther was, as we can tell,
ther was at most slayn [x][31.2] vj. score. And as for the Lordes that
were with the Kyng, they and her men wer pilled and spoyled out of all
their harneys and horses; and as for what rule we shall have yit I wote
nett, save only ther be made newe certayn officers.

My Lord of Yorke, Constabil of Englande; my Lord of Warweke is made
captayn of Calyes; my Lord Burgchier is made Treasorer of Englande; and
as yit other tydinges have I none.

And as for our soverayn Lorde, thanked be God, he hathe no grete harme.

No more to you at this tyme, but I pray you send this lettyr to my
Maistresse Paston, when ye have sene hit; preyng you to remembre my
systir Margrete ageyne the tyme that she shal be made nonne.

Written at Lamehith, on Witsonday, &c.

  By your cosyn,

  JOHN CRANE.

    [Footnote 31.1: [From Fenn, i. 100.] This letter relates to the
    first battle of St. Albans and the principal changes which took
    place immediately after it.]

    [Footnote 31.2: In the original letter, the x is struck out, and
    vj. placed after it in the same line.--F.]


286

ABSTRACT[32.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1455 / MAY 28]

Thanks him for his pains in speeding his causes at London this term.
Understands the Sheriff of Norfolk’s officers are at Norwich, and now
the writ of attaint is sent home by William Barker, which Fastolf sends
again to Paston that he may consult with the Sheriff or his officers
what to do. Both William Barker and Seffrey (_sic_) Spyrlyng are now at
Norwich, and one of them, if need be, shall wait on Paston.

Castre, 28 May.

‘And I trust to God, as the world goeth now, the said attaint shall do
right well.’

  [The postscript of this letter seems to refer to the change of
  administration after the battle of St. Albans. As to the action of
  attaint sued by Fastolf, see Nos. 268 and 276.]

    [Footnote 32.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 255.]]


287

WILLIAM BARKER TO WILLIAM WORCESTER[32.2]

_To William Worcester, be this lettre delyvered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1455 / JUNE]

Sir, I recomaunde me to yow; and as for tydyngs, ye may enforme myn
mayster, there is non but that he hath knowleche of, but that the Kyng,
the Quene, and the Prynce remeven to Hertford to morwen withought faute;
myn Lord York to the Fryres at Ware; myn Lord Warwyk to Hunesdon; the
Erle Salysburye to Rye; and there they shall abyde to tyme the Parlement
be gynne.

The Duk Buk is come inne, and sworn that he shal be rewled, and draw the
lyne with theym; and ther to he and his brethern ben bounde by
reconysaunce in notable summes to abyde the same.

The Erle of Wylts sent to the Lordes from a place of his, called
Peterfeld, a lettre desyring to know if he shuld come, and abyde abought
the Kynges persone as he dede be fore; and if he shuld not, than that
they wold lycence hym to goon in to Erland, and leve there upon his
landes, &c., and before this don, the Lordes were advysed to have made
hym to don as the Duk Buk hath don, and no more; but what that wolle
falle now therof, no man can telle as yet.

The Baron of Dudley is in the Towre; what shal come of hym, God wote.
The Erle of Dorsete is in warde with the Erle of Warrwyk.

Hit was seyd, for sothe, that Harpere and ij. other of the Kynges
chamber were confedered to have steked the Deuk York in the Kynges
chamber; but hit was not so, for they have clered theym therof.

But London upon the same tale areysen, and every man to harneys on
Corpus Christi even, and moche adoo there was.

Syr William Oldhall a bydeth no lenger in Seyntwery than the Chef Juge
come, for that tyme he shal goo at large, and sewe all his maters
himself, &c.

The Baron Dudley hath appeched many men; but what they ben, as yet we
can not wete. Sir Phillyp Wentworth was in the feld, and bare the Kynges
standard, and kest hit down and fled. Myn Lord Norffolk seyth he shal be
hanged therfore, and so is he worthy. He is in Suffolk now. He der not
come abought the Kynge.

Edmond Stendale was with Wenlok there in the feld, and ffowly hurt.

Fylongley is at home at his owen place with his wyf, and shal doe ryght
weel; but we have a greet losse of his absence this terme, for hit wole
be longe er he come this terme, I am a ferde.

Alle the Lordes that dyed at the jorney arn beryed at Seynt Albones.

Other thinges ben non here, but ye shal sene by Thomas Scales lettre the
rewle of the Frenshemen, &c.

God spede us weel in our matres this terme, I praye to God, who have yow
in his kepyng, &c.

  W. B.

    [Footnote 32.2: [From Fenn, i. 104.] This letter relates
    entirely to occurrences after the battle of St. Albans. The
    writer here only signs with his initials, but from the facsimile
    given by Fenn of his ‘W. B.,’ he can be clearly identified with
    William Barker.]


288

THE DUCHESS OF NORFOLK TO JOHN PASTON[34.1]

_To oure right trusti and welbelovid John Paston, Esquier._

_The Duchesse of Norfolk._

[Sidenote: 1455 / JUNE 8]

Right trusti and welbelovid, we grete you hertili weel. And for as muche
as it is thought right necessarie for divers causes that my Lord have at
this tyme in the Parlement suche persones as longe unto him, and be of
his menyall servaunts, wherin we conceyve your good will and diligence
shal be right expedient, we hertili desire and pray you that at the
contemplacion of thise oure lettres, as our special trust is in you, ye
wil geve and applie your voice unto our right welbelovid cosin and
servaunts, John Howard and Syr Roger Chambirlayn, to be Knyghts of the
shire, exorting all suche othir as be your wisdom shal now be
behovefull, to the good exployte and conclusion of the same.

And in your faithful attendaunce and trewe devoyre in this partie, ye
shal do unto my Lord and us a singlere pleasir, and cause us herafter to
thank you therfore, as ye shal holde you right weel content and agreid,
with the grace of God, who have you ever in his keping.

Wreten in Framlyngham Castel, the viij. day of June.

    [Footnote 34.1: [From Fenn, i. 96.] From the time of year at
    which it was written, this letter must refer to the
    parliamentary election of 1455.]


289

ABSTRACT[34.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1455 / JUNE 11]

Thanks him for his letter sent from London. Bokkyng writes that a writ
of _ravishment de garde_ is taken, and Wentworth’s counsel ‘call sore
upon the action of 200 marks in the Common Pleas, and John Andreus is
ready there, and writs of _capias_ ayenst John Porter as well as ayenst
Sir Thomas.’ Begs him to hasten to London, as there is great labour
against our intent. Wentworth has got Debenham, Radclyff, and others in
my Lord’s house against us. Would rather he were at London two days too
early than too late; for he trusts no man’s wit so much as Paston’s.

Castre, 11 June.

  [The references in this letter to the affair of the wardship, and to
  the actions against John Porter and Sir Thomas Howes, all show that
  it belongs to the year 1455.]

    [Footnote 34.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 269.]]


290

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON[35.1]

[Sidenote: 1455(?)]

    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    .    .    .    .    .    J. FASTOLF.

More overe, cosyn, I pray yow concyder . . . that yff the plees for the
mater ye [wit off] may be engroced be tyme or the Courtys remefe, hyt
may stand yn more suertee; and ellys hyt wille stand yn a jubardye as to
alle that hathe be spended and doon heere before. And therfor, savyng
your better avice, I had lever ye were at London a weke the rather and
tymelyer then a weke to late. I pray yow doth somwhate aftyr my councell
as I wolle do by youres.

    [Footnote 35.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is only the
    mutilated postscript of a letter without any address, though it
    was doubtless directed to John Paston. The anxiety expressed
    that Paston should be in London in good time corresponds so
    closely with the contents of the preceding letter that we may
    refer this to the same period, especially as both the preceding
    letter and this are in the handwriting of William Worcester. The
    matter, which was to be engrossed before the Courts removed, had
    reference probably to the wardship of Thomas Fastolf of
    Cowhawe. --_See_ No. 292 following.]


291

WILLIAM PRYCE TO JOHN PASTON[36.1]

_The copy of a Letter sent to John Paston be the Undir-Shreve[36.2] of
Norff._

[Sidenote: 1455 / JUNE 19]

Ryght worchepfull Sir, I recomaund me on to you, &c. And, Sir, as for
the eleccion of the Knyghts of the shire here in Norffolk, in good feyth
her hath ben moch to do; nevir the latyr, to lete yow have knowlech of
the demenyng, my Master Berney, my Master Grey and ye had grettyst
voyse, and I purpose me, as I woll answer God, to retorne the dieu
eleccion, that is aftir the sufficiente, yow and Mastir Grey; nevir the
latyr I have a master.

Wretyn at Hederset, the Thursday next befor Midsomer.

  By

  WILL’M PRYCE.

    [Footnote 36.1: [From Fenn, iii. 432.] The evidence of date in
    this letter is the same as in No. 288. Notwithstanding Pryce’s
    efforts, not one of the persons named in this letter was
    actually elected, the knights returned for Norfolk in 1455 being
    the Duke of Norfolk’s nominees, Sir Roger Chamberlain and John
    Howard. --_See_ Nos. 294 and 295 following.]

    [Footnote 36.2: _Shieve_ in Fenn is almost certainly a
    misreading.]


292

ABSTRACT[36.3]

[Sidenote: 1455 / JUNE 21]

Writ to the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer in pursuance of
patent, 12th December last, granting to John Bokking and William
Worcester the wardship, etc., of the heir of John Fastolf of Cowghawe.

_Above in William Worcester’s hand:_-- ‘Bre. ad allocand. Vicecomitem de
proficuis terr. Thomæ Fastolf in custodia Johannis Bokkyng.’

Inrolled, Trin., 33 Hen. VI., rot. 3.

  [Memoranda below in William Worcester’s hand as to certain
  statements of Hugh Fenn about the form of the writ of livery
  directed to the Sheriff.]

    [Footnote 36.3: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 261.]]


293

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON[37.1]

_To my ryght trusty cosyn, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1455 / JUNE 22]

Worshypfull Sir and cosyn, I commaund me to yow. And lyke yow wete that
accordyng to your desyre I sende John Russe to yow to hafe your
informacion of such materis as shall be thought exspedient to be
laboured yn your absence for the mater of Wentworth, and hafe geve hym
in commaundment to entend it in all that he can or may. And, Cosyn, he
hath a lettre of credence to the baylly of Dedham because of doubt of
syght of the baylly ys lettre ther for disclosyng, &c., to do after the
wrytyng of T. Denys. And y sende yow ij. lettres com to me from London
that maketh mencyon of grete besynesse ayenst us, and an accion toke
ayenst yow, Howys, Bokkyng, &c., that most nedys be tendred; in case an
essoyn[37.2] can be take, so moche the better. And therfor, cosyn, at
reverence of God, dispose yow to London yn all the haste that ye can.
For the atthacment can not be tille ye com. And on partie adverse
besyeth hem sore in your absence, _facies hominis facies leonis_. And I
have worde yn a nothere lettre that my Lord Chauncellor ys yn the lyke
wyse disposed yn owre one syde, and therfor that ye kepe hym ynne to
helpe bere the favour of thys mater yn all wyse; And Byngham Justys ys
full well disposed also. Dyvers new processe ys ayenst Sir Thomas. And
all othere materis I commyt to your discrecion; yf nede be, I com thedre
my sylf. Y pray God kepe yow. Wryt hastly uppon Sonday before Seynt John
Baptiste.

  Your cosyn,

  J. FASTOLF.

Item, after that I have word from yow, so wolle I be gouverned, and com
to London yff ye sende me worde, and that I hafe word from yow yf nede
be bytyme from London.

    [Footnote 37.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 171.] There can be no
    reasonable doubt that this letter is of the same date as Nos.
    289 and 290, _i.e._ of the year 1455.]

    [Footnote 37.2: An excuse allowed for not appearing in Court.]


294

JOHN JENNEY TO JOHN PASTON[38.1]

_To my wurshipfull maister, John Paston, Esquier._

[Sidenote: 1455 / JUNE 24]

Mi Maister Paston, I recomaunde me to you. And wher ye shulde be
enformed that I shulde sey to Howard[38.2] that ye labored to be Knyght
of the shire, I seid never soo to hym. I tolde my Lord of Norffolk atte
London that I labored diverse men for Sir Roger Chaumberleyn, and they
seid to me they wolde have hym, but not Howard, in asmeche as he hadde
no lyvelode in the shire, nor conversement [_i.e._ acquaintance?]; and I
asked them hom they wolde have, and they seid they wolde have you, and
thus I tolde hym. And he seid on avysely, as he kan doo full well,
I myght not sey ye labored ther, for I herde never sey ye labored
therfor, be the feithe I vowe to God.

As for this writ of the Parlement of Norwich, I thanke you that ye will
labour ther in; as for my frendys ther, I truste right well all the
aldermen, except Broun[38.3] and sech as be in his dawnger.[38.4] I prey
you spekith to Walter Jeffrey[38.5] and Herry Wilton,[38.6] and maketh
them to labour to your entent. I prey you that yf ye thenke that it wull
not be, that it like you that to sey that ye meve it of your self, and
not be my desire. Sum men holde it right straunge to be in this
Parlement, and me thenketh they be wyse men that soo doo.

Wreten atte Intewode,[39.1] on Sceint John day, in hast.

  Your servaunt,

  JOHN JENNEY.

    [Footnote 38.1: [From Fenn, iii. 240.] The parliamentary
    election to which this letter refers is evidently the same as in
    Nos. 288 and 291. The election of Howard and Chamberlain
    actually took place on the 23rd June, the day before this letter
    was written, as I find by the original returns in the Record
    Office.]

    [Footnote 38.2: John Howard, the Duke of Norfolk’s cousin. He
    was afterwards created Duke of Norfolk himself by Richard III.,
    in whose cause he fell fighting at the battle of Bosworth.]

    [Footnote 38.3: Richard Brown was Mayor of Norwich in 1454, and
    member for that city in 1460.--F.]

    [Footnote 38.4: This means _in his debt_, and therefore under
    his influence.--F.]

    [Footnote 38.5: Walter Jeffrey was Under-Sheriff of Norwich in
    1451, 1452, and 1459.--F.]

    [Footnote 38.6: Henry Wilton was returned with John Jenney in
    1477.--F.]

    [Footnote 39.1: This estate came to Jenney by his marriage with
    Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Wetherby, a rich alderman of
    Norwich, who, after having twice served as Mayor, quarrelled
    with the city about the election of his successor in that office
    in 1433, and instigated various prosecutions against them. He
    died in 1445.]


295

JOHN JENNEY TO JOHN PASTON[39.2]

_To my wurshipfull maister, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: 1455 / JUNE 25]

Mi wurshipfull maister, I recomaunde me to you; and I thanke you that it
plesith you to take seche labour for me as ye doo. My servaunt tolde me
ye desired to knowe what my Lord of Norffolk seid to me whan I spake of
you; and he seid in asmeche as Howard[39.3] myght not be, he wolde write
a lettre to the Under-Shreve that the shire shulde have fre eleccion,
soo that Sir Thomas Todenham wer not, nor none that was toward the Duc
of Suffolk; he seid he knewe ye wer never to hym ward. Ye may[39.4]
sende to the Under-Shreve, and see my Lord lettre. Howard was as wode as
a wilde bullok; God sende hym seche wurshipp as he deservith. It is a
evill precedent for the shire that a straunge man shulde be chosyn, and
no wurshipp to my Lord off Yorke, nor to my Lord of Norffolk to write
for hym; for yf the jentilmen of the shire will suffre sech
inconvenyens, in good feithe, the shire shall not be called of seche
wurshipp as it hathe be.

Wreten atte Intewode, this Wednesday next after Sceint John, in hast.

  Your servaunt,

  JOHN JENNEY.

    [Footnote 39.2: [From Fenn, iii. 380.] This letter clearly
    refers to the same matters as the preceding, and was written the
    day after.]

    [Footnote 39.3: _See_ p. 38, Note 2.]

    [Footnote 39.4: The modern version in Fenn reads, ‘The Mayor
    sent to the Under-Sheriff, and saw my Lord’s letter.’]


296

ALICE CRANE TO MARGARET PASTON[40.1]

_To my cosyn, Margeret Paston, be this letter delyvred._

[Sidenote: About 1455(?) / JUNE 29]

Ryght worshipfull cosyn, I recomaund me unto you, desyryng to here of
youre welfare; and if it like you to her of my welfar, at the makyng of
this letter I was in good hele, loved be God. The cause of my wrytyng to
you at this tyme is this, praying you to send me word of youre welfare,
and how ye do of youre seknesse, and if the medycyn do you ony good that
I send you wrytyng of last; thankyng you of the grete frenship that ye
have do to my moder with all my hert.

Also I pray you that ye wyll be good meyn to my cosyn youre husbond,
that he wyll se that my fader be well ruleyd in his lyvelode for his
worship and his profett.

Also prayng you to hold me exschusyd that I have wryten no ofter to you,
for, in good feth, I had no leysir; for my Lady hath be seke at London,
ner hand this quarter of this yere, and that hath be grete hevinesse to
me; but now, blesyd be God, she is amendyd and is in the contre agayne.

Also thankyng you of the grete chere that I had of you when I was with
you laste with all my herte, prayng you of good contenuanse, for I had
never gretter nede than I have now, and if I had leyser and space,
I wolde write to you the cause.

No more at this tyme, but the Holy Trenite have you in his kepyng.

Wryten at Wyndesore, the xxix. day of June,

  By youre pore bede oman and cosyn,

  ALICE CRANE.

Also, cosyn, I pray you to sende me sum Norfoke threde to do a boute my
nekke to ryde with.

    [Footnote 40.1: [From Fenn, iii. 146.] John Crane of Woodnorton,
    whom we suppose to have been the writer of Letters 121 and 285,
    had a wife of the name of Alice, who was apparently a widow in
    1457, when she presented to the living of Woodnorton (_see_
    Blomefield, iv. 313). But the writer of this was more probably a
    daughter, serving in the household of a lady of rank according
    to the custom of the times. If so, the date is before John
    Crane’s death, which must have happened between 1455 and 1457.]


297

WILLIAM WORCESTER TO JOHN PASTON[41.1]

_To my Maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1455 / JULY 7]

Please your gode maistership to wete, that as yerstenday came lettres
from London that the Parson[41.2] most nedys up to London to safe the
next amerciement; and so ys forth to appiere, yff he nedys most, xv.
Johannis,[41.3] as ye shall see by Barkers lettre, and shall be to morne
at London, and with Goddes grace he shall be releved by the meene of the
Parlement; by Sonday yee shall hafe weetyng.

As for my maister,[41.4] he departyth not to London tille the next weke
after thys, and [_i.e._ if] he ryde.

As for tydyngs be none couthe [_i.e._ publicly known], but Ponyngs[41.5]
ys qwyt and delyvered of all tresons; and Sir William Oldhale ys process
yn the Kyngs Bynche reversed; and the Priest that accused Lordz
Cromewell,[41.6] Grey,[41.7] and my maister wolle confesse who caused
hym to do it, so that he may have hys lyve, &c.

Assone as ye goodly may to see my maister, it shall be to hym a singuler
pleasir. Sir, a baylly of my maister ys yn Drayton. John Eimond brought
a lettre to yow, and he sent me wetyng he was shent [_abashed_] uppon
som mater, as he supposyth, conteyned yn the lettre. Y pray you yn ryght
be hys gode maister, and that y may wete the cause, for y doubt he shall
and most obbey, yff he hath offended.

At Castr, the noneday,[42.1] vij. day Jullet.

  Your,

  W. WORCESTRE.

  _On the top of this letter, in a different hand, is written:_--

  Prove ontrouthe in the Undir-Sherif, or that he dede othir wise thanne
  your counsell avysid hym, and Paston shall demene hym accordyng.

    [Footnote 41.1: [From Fenn, iii. 128.] At the date of this
    letter, William Worcester and his master, Sir John Fastolf, were
    both at Caister, though the latter was thinking of going up to
    London. This, being in July, cannot have been before 1455. Fenn
    supposes the pardon to Poynings to have been on account of his
    participation in Cade’s rebellion, and accordingly dates this
    letter ‘about 1451.’ But Poynings was accused of raising
    disturbances in 1453 and 1454. The reversal of Sir William
    Oldhall’s outlawry was in 1455; for we have seen in No. 287 that
    he was obliged to remain in sanctuary for some little time after
    the battle of St. Albans. It appears by an _inspeximus_ on
    Patent Roll, 34 Hen. VI., m. 16, that he presented a petition to
    the King in Parliament on the 9th July, 33 Hen. VI. (1455),
    setting forth how he had served the King in France, and yet had
    been pronounced a traitor by the Parliament of Reading in 31
    Hen. VI., but that his outlawry had been reversed in the King’s
    Bench.]

    [Footnote 41.2: Thomas Howes.]

    [Footnote 41.3: _Quindena Johannis_, or on the quinzaine of St.
    John, _i.e._ 8th July, the 15th day from St. John the Baptist’s
    day.]

    [Footnote 41.4: Sir John Fastolf.]

    [Footnote 41.5: Robert Poynings. --_See_ vol. ii. p. 154, Note
    3.]

    [Footnote 41.6: Ralph, Lord Cromwell. He was accused of treason
    by a priest named Robert Colynson.--See Nicolas’s _Privy Council
    Proceedings_, vi. 198.]

    [Footnote 41.7: Probably Edmund, Lord Grey of Ruthin; but there
    were at this time also a Lord Grey of Codnor and a Lord Grey of
    Wilton.]

    [Footnote 42.1: The day of the Nones.--F.]


298

SIR J. FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON[42.2]

_To the worshypfull and my ryght welle belovyd cosyn, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1455 / JULY 10]

Worshypfull and ryghte welbelovyd cosyn, I comaund me to you. Please you
to wete that the pryour and convent of Norwych have wyth holden certeyn
rent for londes that they holden of me wythynne my maner of Harlyston,
and the ij. tapers of wax of ij_lb._ wyghte by the space of xviij. yeers
that mountyth .  .  .  .  .  .  .  xxj_s._ valued in money; and the
lordes of the seyd maner beying before me, and also y yn my tyme have be
seisid and possessed of the sayd rent. Praying you to speek wyth the
pryour, recomaundyng me unto hym, and that ye lyke to meave hym to make
me payment, as hys dewtee ys, so as y have no cause to stirre further,
and to doo as justice requyryth. He holdyth xxx. acres land or more by
the sayd rent, and yhyt ought to pay me othyr rents more by myne
evidents of more ade. Y pray you, cosyn, that y may speke wyth you or y
ryde, and that on Thrysday by the farthyst, and then y shall tell you
tydyngs off the Parlement, and that ye fayle not, as my trus ys yn you.
Y pray God have you yn Hys governance.

Wreten at Castre, the x. day of Julle.

  Your cosyn,

  JOHN FASTOLFE.

    [Footnote 42.2: [From a modern copy by Gough in Bodl. Library.]
    This letter was evidently written in the year 1455, as appears
    by the reference to the Parliament and to the intended journey
    of Sir John Fastolf up to London (see No. 297).]


299

HENRY WINDSOR TO BOKKYNG AND WORCESTER[43.1]

_Unto my moost faitfull brethern, John Bokkyng and William Worcestre,
and to eyther of theym._

[Sidenote: 1455 / JULY 19]

Worshipfull Sir, and my most hertely and best be loved brother,
I recommaund me unto you in more loly wise than I can other thenk or
write; and with al my service and trewe herte thank you of your gentill
lettres, full brotherly written unto me at mony tymes of old, and
especiall of late tyme passed. And trwly, brother, I thank Almyghty God
of your welfare, of the which the berer of this my pour lettre certified
me of, &c.

And, Sir, as touchyng al maner of newe tithinges, I knoo well ye are
averous; truly the day of makyng of this letter, ther were nonn newe,
but suche I herd of, ye shalbe served with all.

As for the first, the Kyng our souverain Lord, and all his trwe Lordes
stand in hele of there bodies, but not all at hertes ees as we. Amonges
other mervell, ij. dayes afore the writyng of this letter, there was
langage betwene my Lordes of Warrewikke and Cromwell afore the Kyng, in
somuch as the Lord Cromwell wold have excused hym self of all the
steryng or moevyng of the male journey of Seynt Albones; of the whiche
excuse makyng, my Lord Warrewikke had knolege, and in hast wasse with
the Kyng, and sware by his othe that the Lord Cromwell said not trouth,
but that he was begynner of all that journey at Seynt Albones; and so
betwene my said ij. Lords of Warrewikke and Cromwell ther is at this day
grete grugyng, in somoch as the Erle of Shrouesbury hath loged hym at
the hospitall of Seynt James, beside the Mewes, be the Lord Cromwells
desire, for his sauf gard.

And also all my Lord of Warrewikke men, my Lord of York men, and also my
Lord of Salesbury men goo with harnes, and in harnes with strang wepons,
and have stuffed their Lordes barges full of wepon dayly unto
Westminster. And the day of makyng of this letter, ther was a
proclamacion made in the Chauncerie, on the Kyngs behalf, that noman
shuld nether bere wepon, ner were harnes defensible, &c.

Also, the day afore the makyng of this letter, ther passed a bill[44.1]
both by the Kyng, Lords, and Comens, puttyng Thorp, Josep, and my Lord
of Somerset in all the defaute; be the which bill all maner of actions
that shuld growe to any person or persones for any offenses at that
journey doon, in any maner of wise shuld be extynt and voide, affermyng
all thing doon there well doon, and nothing doon there never after this
tyme to be spoken of; to the which bill mony a man groged full sore nowe
it is passed.

And if I myght be recommaunded unto my speciall maister and youres, with
all loliness and trewe service I beseech you hertely as I can.

And also to my brethern Th. Upton,[44.2] Lodowick of Pole, William Lynd
Calyn [_Lincoln ?_], and John Merchall. No more, but our Lorde have you
both in his perpetuell kepyng.

Writen at London, on Seynt Margarete Even,[45.1] in hast; and after this
is rede and understonden, I pray you bren or breke it, for I am loth to
write any thing of any Lord. But I moost neds; ther is no thing elles to
write. Amen.

  Your awn,

  H. WYNDESORE.

    [Footnote 43.1: [From Fenn, i. 108.] As this letter refers to
    the disputes which arose after the battle of St. Albans as to
    who should bear the blame of that occurrence, the date is
    certain.]

    [Footnote 44.1: See _Rolls of Parl._ v. 280.]

    [Footnote 44.2: _Upon_ in Fenn, but _Upton_ in the modern
    version on the opposite side of the page.]

    [Footnote 45.1: St. Margaret’s day is the 20th July, the eve the
    19th.]


300

JAMES GLOYS TO JOHN PASTON[45.2]

_To the right wurchepfull Sir, and my goode mayster, my Mayster John
Paston, be this delivered._

[Sidenote: 1455 / JULY 25]

Reverent and right wurchepfull Sir, and my gode mayster, I recomaund me
to you, prayng you to wete that ther is reysed a slandrows noyse in this
countre up on my Mayster Yelverton and you and my Mayster Alyngton,
which I suppose is do to bryng you ought of the conceyte of the pepyll,
for at this day ye stand gretly in the countreys conceyte. It is seyde
be Heydon and his disciples that my Mayster Yelverton and ye and my
Mayster Alyngton shuld have doo oon Sir John Tartyssale, parson of the
Estchurche[45.3] of Warham and chapeleyn to the priour[45.4] of
Walsyngham, to put in to the Parlement, a bille of divers tresons don be
my Lord of Norwich,[45.5] Sir Thomas Tudenham, and John Heydon, and ye
shuld have set to your seales; and if that Heydon had be vj. howrs fro
the Parlement lenger than he was, ther had be granted an _oyer
determiner_ to have enquer of hem, &c. This was told yesterday in right
wurchepfull audience, and a mong the thrifties men of this countre; and
thei seyd right shrewedly, for my lord of Norwich hath so flatered the
lay pepill as he hath redyn a bought his visitacion that he hath thers
herts. Wherfor, and it plese you to lete me have knowlech what ye wuld I
shuld sey to it, wher as I her any such langage, I wull do my parte, and
have do hed toward as I have thought in my conceytes best, &c. And if
ther be any other servyce that ye wull comaund me, I am and wull be redy
at yowr comaundment with the grace of God, how [_who_] ever have you in
his blyssed kepyng.

Wretyn at Wighton in hast, on Sent James day,

  Be your servaunte,

  JAMES GLOYS.[46.1]

    [Footnote 45.2: [From Fenn, iv. 32.] This letter is attributed
    by Fenn to the year 1461, but that date is certainly inaccurate,
    as it was answered by John Paston at Norwich the very day it was
    written, whereas in July 1461 Paston was in London. Moreover, it
    certainly could not have been _after_ 1461, as Sir Thomas
    Tuddenham was beheaded in February of the following year. It
    must therefore belong to the reign of Henry VI.; and considering
    the time of the year, 1455 is the only date at which it is at
    all likely that any one would have ventured to attempt the
    impeachment of Tuddenham and Heydon in Parliament, or could have
    been plausibly accused of such a design against persons of so
    much influence.]

    [Footnote 45.3: There were three churches in the parish of
    Warham.]

    [Footnote 45.4: Thomas Hunt.]

    [Footnote 45.5: Walter Lyhert, Bishop of Norwich.]

    [Footnote 46.1: He was a priest, and a dependant of the
    Pastons.]

  [[To the right wurchepfull Sir, and my goode mayster
    _text has “ana” (italic a for d)_]]


301

JOHN PASTON TO JAMES GLOYS[46.2]

_To Sir James Gloys._

[Sidenote: 1455 / JULY 25]

Ther be dyvers thynges in your letter sent to me; one that a
slaw[n]derus noyse shuld renne ageyns Yelverton, Alygton and me, to
brynge us owte of the conceytes of the puple be Heydon and his
dyscyplis, of a bill that shuld have do put uppe in to the Parlement
ageyns my Lord of Norwich and odir. I lete yow wete this is the furst
day that I herd of any seche, but I wold wete the namys of hem that
utter this langage and the mater of the bill. As for my Lord of Norwych,
I suppose ye know I have not usid to meddel with Lordes maters meche
forther than me nedith; and as for Sir Thomas Todynham, he gaff me no
cawse of late tyme to labor ageyns hym, and also of seche mater I know
non deffaut in hym. And as for Heydon, when I putte a bill ageyns hym I
suppose he shall no cause have, ne his discyplis nother, to avante of so
short a remedy ther of, as ye wrygth they sey now. As for that ye desyr
that I shuld send yow word what I shuld sey in this mater, I pray yow in
this and all other lyke, ask the seyeres if thei will abyd be ther
langage, and as for me, sey I prupose me to take no mater uppon me butt
that I woll abyde by; and in lek wys for Yelverton and Aligton. And that
ye send me the namys of them that ye wryte that herd this langage seyd
shrewedly, and what they seyd; and that ye remembre what men of
substance wer ther that herde itt; for if this can be dreve to Heydon or
his dissyplis, as ye wryte, it wer a gode preve that they fere to be
appelyd of seche materes. And I thank yow for your godwill. Wrete att
Norwych, on Seynt James day.

    [Footnote 46.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter, which is
    printed from a draft in John Paston’s hand, was written in
    answer to the preceding, to which the reader is referred for the
    evidence of its date.]


302

JOHN CHEDWORTH, BISHOP OF LINCOLN, TO JOHN PASTON[47.1]

_To the worshipfull and welbeloved John Paston, Esquyer._

[Sidenote: 1455 / JULY 26]

Right worshipful and welbeloved Sir, I comaunde me unto you, and with
all my hert thank you for the grete labours that ye oftymes have
diligently doon for my welbeloved servant John Ode, to th’entent that he
shuld mowe atteyne to entre and enjoy peasible his enheritaunce, as I am
enformed dew unto him; and pray you of youre goode contynuaunce,
certyfieng you that I have written unto Yelverton, the justice, that he
wol, at some sesonable tyme, common with Sir Thomas Tudenham, knyght,
and to offre him asmoche reason as it shal be thought unto him and to
you, that lawe wol in that behalf require, prayng you that ye wol common
with the saide Yelverton, and to conceyve betwix you such lawful meones
of gyding of this matier that my said servaunt may have peasebly with
owten grete trouble his said enheritaunce, as I shal in case semblable
do my labour unto your pleasaunce. And pray you that of the disposicion
of the said Sir Thomas Tudenham in this behalf, I may be certified. And
Jesu preserve you.

Written at London, the xxvj. day of July.

  J., BYSSHOPP OF LINCOLN.

    [Footnote 47.1: [From Fenn, iii. 246.] The date of this letter
    is ascertained by a contemporaneous memorandum at the bottom of
    the original in these words, ‘Litt. direct. Joh’i Paston inter
    Michaelem xxxiij. et xxxiiij. Henr. Sexti.’]


303

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[48.1]

_To my right worshipfull maister, John Paston, at Norwiche, be this
delyvred._

[Sidenote: 1455 / OCT. 28]

Please it your maistership to wete[48.2] . . . .

Here be many marvaylos tales of thynggs that shall falle this next
moneth, as it is seyd; for it is talked that oon Doktor Grene, a preest,
hath kalked [_calculated ?_] and reporteth, that by fore Seynt Andreu
day next comyng shall be the grettest bataill that was sith the bataill
of Shrewisbury,[48.3] and it shall falle bytwene the Bisshoppes Inne of
Salesbury and Westminster Barres, and there shall deye vij. Lords,
whereof iij. shuld be bisshoppes. Althis and meche more is talked and
reported. I trust to God it shall not falle so.

Also there is gret varyance bytwene the Erll of Devenshire and the Lord
Bonvyle, as hath be many day, and meche debat is like to growe therby;
for on Thursday at nyght last passed, the Erll of Denshyres sone and
heir come with lx. men of armes to Radford’s[49.1] place in Devenshire,
whiche was of counseil with my Lord Bonvyle; and they sette an hous on
fyer at Radfords gate, and cryed and mad an noyse as though they had be
sory for the fyer; and by that cause Radfords men set opyn the gats and
yede owt to se the fyer; and for with th’erll sone forseid entred into
the place and intreted Radford to come doun of his chambre to sp[e]ke
with them, promyttyng hym that he shuld no bodyly harm have; up on
whiche promysse he come doun, and spak with the seid Erll sone.

In the mene tyme his menye robbe his chambre, and ryfled his
huches,[49.2] and trussed suyche as they coude gete to gydder, and
caryed it awey on his own hors. Thanne th’erll sone seid, ‘Radford, thou
must come to my lord my fadir.’ He seid he wold, and bad oon of his men
make redy his hors to ride with hem, whiche answerd hym that alle his
hors wern take awey; thanne he seid to th’erll sone, ‘Sir, your men have
robbed my chambre, and thei have myn hors, that I may not ride with you
to my lord your fadir, wherfor, I pray you, lete me ride, for I am old,
and may not go.’

It was answerid hym ageyn, that he shuld walke forth with them on his
feete; and so he dede till he was a flyte[49.3] shote or more from his
place, and thanne he was . . . softly, for cawse he myght not go fast.
And whanne thei were thus departed, he turned . . . oon; forwith come
ix. men ageyn up on hym, and smot hym in the hed, and fellid . . . . of
them kyt his throte.

This was told to my Lord Chaunceler[49.4] this fornoon . . . . . .
messengers as come of purpos owt of the same cuntre. This matier is take
gretly . . . . . . passed at ij. after mydnyght rod owt of London, as it
is seid, more thanne . . . . . the best wyse. Summe seyne it was to ride
toward my Lord of York, and summe . . . . . k, so meche rumor is here;
what it menyth I wot not, God turne it . . . . . . at Hertford,[50.1]
and summe men ar a ferd that he is seek ageyn. I pray God . . . . . . my
Lords of York, Warwyk, Salesbury and other arn in purpos to conveye hym
. . . . . . . . . &c. The seid N. Crome, berer her of, shall telle you
suche tydynggs . . . . . . . . . in hast, at London, on Seint Simon day
and Jude.

  Yowr poer

  J. GR.

    [Footnote 48.1: [From Fenn, i. 114.] This letter was written in
    1455, at the time of the King’s second attack of illness, which
    happened while he was under the control of the Duke of York and
    the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury, as mentioned at the end of
    the letter. In the latter part of the letter some words are lost
    by the decay of the original MS.]

    [Footnote 48.2: Here, says Fenn, follows an account of some law
    business, etc.]

    [Footnote 48.3: Fought in 1403 between King Henry IV. and the
    rebel Percies.]

    [Footnote 49.1: ‘Nicolas Radford,’ says Fenn in a note, ‘was an
    eminent lawyer, and resided at Poghill, near Kyrton.’ In Pole’s
    _Description of Devonshire_, p. 219, we find that one Nicolas
    Radford dwelled at Upcot in Henry VI.’s time, ‘after whose death
    controversy arose betwixt John Radford of Okeford and Thomazin,
    sister of the said Nicholas,’ who had married Roger Prous.]

    [Footnote 49.2: A hutch was a coffer or chest standing on legs.]

    [Footnote 49.3: A flight was ‘a light arrow formed for very long
    and straight shots.’ --Halliwell.]

    [Footnote 49.4: Archbishop Bourchier.]

    [Footnote 50.1: The King was at Hertford, as appears by the
    Privy Seals, in August and September 1455, and not improbably in
    October also.]


304

ABSTRACT[50.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF ‘TO MY RIGHT TRUSTY BROTHER, NICHOLAS MOLYNEUX.’

[Sidenote: 1455 / OCT. 30]

As I come not to London this winter, I beg you to see to my Lord’s
matters, and labour to my Lord of Canterbury and Master John Stokys for
the recovering of my Lord’s[50.3] [good]s. No man can say more in the
matter than you where his goods are, ‘and where they be disposed,’
especially those that Sir Rob. Whytynham[50.4] had. Also the Lord
Cromwell had ‘a certain number of plate.’ Your costs shall be paid out
of the first money received. Hears from John de Leawe, one of Lord
Willoughby’s executors, that they will labour to my Lord Beaumont to
advance the process for recovery of his part of the reward for the
taking of the Duke of Alençon. Fendykes, a learned man of the Temple,
will help with his advice. Commend me to my sister your wife.

Castre, 30 Oct.

  _In Worcester’s hand, and endorsed by him._-- ‘A John Paston et John
  Bokkyng.’

  [During the winter of 1455-56 we find several allusions to this
  claim put forward by Fastolf to the goods of the late Duke of
  Bedford. Unless we are to infer from the manner in which Lord
  Cromwell is mentioned that he was dead when this letter was written,
  it is probably of the year 1455.]

    [Footnote 50.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 228.]]

    [Footnote 50.3: The Duke of Bedford.]

    [Footnote 50.4: Sir Robert Whityngham died on the 4th November
    1452.--_Inq. post mortem_, 31 Hen. VI., No. 47.]


305

WILLIAM WORCESTER TO JOHN PASTON AND JOHN BOCKING[51.1]

_To the ryght worshypfull Sir, John Paston, and to my brothyr, John
Bokkyng._

[Sidenote: 1455 / NOV. 13]

Please it yow to have yn knowlege that y veele well my maister takyth
gretely to hert the materes whych he hath wryt to you uppon the
execucion of my Lord of Bedford ys godes, and in especiall for the
recuveryng of hem, as well as of Sir Andreu O.[51.2] executors as of Sir
Robert Whytyngham, &c. to th’entent that it myght be opynly knowe yn hys
lyve tyme that they be not yn his gouvernaunce no part of it, and that
hys factors after hym shuld not be troubled ne charged for it. And seth
the seyd mater ys of so grete wyght and charge, and that he takyth it so
gretely to hert, puttyng hys grettist trust yn yow, to remembre thys
seyd mater by avyse of hys councell lerned, both spirituell as
temporell, that ye wolle not delay it, but wyth all your entencion
remembred there, as ye by your wysdoms shall thynk it moste expedient,
that som fruyt may grow of it.

There ys ynowgh whereoff, and it myght be recuvered, John Bokkyng, ye
know ryght moch yn thys mater, and mooste of my maister ys entent
hereynne. And therfor, for myne acquytaille, y wryte to you to shew the
chieff wrytynges of the copy of endentures of Sir Robert Whytyngham, and
of othyr wrytynges concernyng that to Maister Paston, that he may be
more rypelyer grounded yn the seyd mater when he shall comyn wyth my
Lordz of Caunterburye, Cromewell, and with onye of my maister councell.
And our Lord kepe you.

My maister carpyth so oft on it dayly, and that meovyth me to wryte to
yow both. Att Castre, xiij. day of November.

  Your,

  W. WOR-H.R.-CESTRE.

    [Footnote 51.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] On the 11th November
    1454 Sir John Fastolf wrote to Paston about the goods of the
    Duke of Bedford, but the subject recurred to his thoughts for
    more than a year afterwards, and particularly in January 1456,
    when all the other executors of the Duke were dead. This letter
    is certainly before the death of Lord Cromwell, and therefore
    not later than 1455; but it seems to indicate much greater
    solicitude on the subject than Fastolf showed in the preceding
    year.]

    [Footnote 51.2: Sir Andrew Ogard, who died on the 13th October
    1454.--_Inq. post mortem_, 33 Hen. VI., No. 25.]


306

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[52.1]

_To my right wurshipfull husbonde, John Paston, be this delivered, in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1455 / NOV. 25]

Right wurshipfull husbonde, I recomaunde me unto you. Plesith you to
witte that myn aunt Mondeforthe[52.2] hath desiryd me to write to you,
besechyng you that ye wol wochesafe to chevesshe for her at London xx^ti
marke for to be payed to Mastre Ponyngs, outher on Saterday or Sonday,
weche schalbe Seint Andrwes Daye, in discharchyng of them that be
bounden to Mastre Ponyngs of the s[ei]de xx^ti marke for the wardeship
of her doughter, the weche xx^ti marke she hath delyvered to me in golde
for you to have at your comyn home, for she dare not aventure her money
to be brought up to London for feere of robbyng; for it is seide heere
that there goothe many thefys be twyx this and London, weche causeth her
to beseche you to content the seide money in dischargyng of the matre,
and of them that be bounden, for she wolde for no goude that the day
were broken. And she thankyth you hertely for the greet labour and
besynesse that ye have had in that matre, and in all others touchyng her
and hers, wherfore she seithe she is ever bounden to be your bed-woman,
and ever wolle be whyle she levethe.

My cosyn, her sone, and hese wife recomaundethe them unto you, besechyng
you that ye woll weche safe to be her goode mastre, as ye have ben a
fore tyme; for they be enformed that Danyell is comen to Rysyng Castell,
and hes men make her bost that her mastre shal be a yene at Brayston
withinne shorte tyme.

Ferthermore, as for the matre that my sone wrote to me for the boxe
wheron wreten _Falce Carte Sproute_ that I shulde enquer of William
Wurcestre wher it were, the seide William was not at home sen that I had
hes letter; but as sone as he comethe home, I shall enquere of hym, and
sende you an answer.

As towchyng for your leveryes, ther can noon be gete here of that
coloure that ye wulde have of, nouther murrey, nor blwe, nor goode
russets, undrenethe iij_s._ the yerde at the lowest price, and yet is
ther not j nough of on clothe and coloure to serve you. And as for to be
purveid in Suffolk, it wul not be purveide nought now a yenst this tyme,
with oute they had had warnyng at Michelmesse, as I am enformed. And the
blissed Trenyte have you in his kepyng.

Wreten at Norweche, on Seint Kateryn Day.

  Be your,

  MARGARET PASTON.

    [Footnote 52.1: [From Fenn, iii. 252.] St. Andrew’s day fell on
    Sunday in 1455 and 1460. This letter must be written in one of
    these two years, and the probabilities are greatly in favour of
    the former, as John Paston and William Worcester were not on
    good terms after the death of Sir John Fastolf.]

    [Footnote 52.2: Osbert Moundford, Esq. of Hockwold, married
    Elizabeth, daughter of John Berney, Esq., and by her had Mary,
    their daughter and sole heir, who married Sir William Tindale,
    Knight of the Bath.]


307

ABSTRACT[53.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: [1455] / DEC. 11]

Thanks him for his pains in the advancement of his ‘chargeable matters.’
Was never so much bound to any kinsman as to Paston, who tenders so much
his worship and profit. Sends Worcestre with important letters to my
Lord Privy Seal and the Abbot of Bermundsey, and would like Paston to
common with them. Thanks him for informing him of the answer made to the
bill of Wentworth, ‘which I know had stand in great jeopardy had not ye
be.’ Sends his evidences concerning Bradwell, that the Judges and
Parliament may have better consideration of his right, and of the
patents granted to Paston and Howys in that behalf. Desires credence for
William Worcestre.

Castre, 11 Dec.

  [The date of this letter must be between the year 1454, when Sir
  John Fastolf settled at Caister, and 1458, as he was not alive in
  December 1459. The reference to Parliament fixes it more precisely,
  as 1455 was the only year during this period in which Parliament sat
  in December.]

    [Footnote 53.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 262.]]


308

RICHARD BINGHAM TO SIR JOHN FASTOLF[54.1]

_Copie of my fader Bynghames lettre to my fadre F._

[Sidenote: About 1455]

Right honorable and reverend maistre, after due and hertely
recomendacion, I thank yow als hertily as I can that it likith your gode
maisterschip, of your godnesse, to let to ferme to my son Scrope the
pouer enheritance that he schal enherit after your decesse, if God will
that he life therto. And I hafe for my saide son comonde with my
maistres of your counsell, that is to sey, Paston and other, and I fynde
them not straunge, bot right streyte to dele with in the mater; and
therfore my saide sone, and I for hym, must sue to the well of mercy,
that is to say, to your honurable person, where is special refuge for my
saide son in this cas. My saide son is and hath be, and will be to hys
lifes ende, your true lad and servaunt, and glad and well willed to do
that myght be to your pleaser, wirschip, and profit, and als loth to
offend yow as any person in erth, gentill and well disposid to every
person. Wherfore I besech your gode grace that ye will vouchesafe
remember the premissez, my saide sons age, his wirschipfull birth, and
grete misere for verrey povert, for he hath had no liflode to life opon
sithen my lady his moder deed, safe x. marc of liflode that ye vouched
safe to gife hym this last yer, and therfore to be his good maister and
fader. And thof he be not worthy to be your son, make hym your almesman,
that he may now in his age life of your almesse, and be your bedeman,
and pray for the prosperite of your noble person. And if I durst, for
your displesance, I wolde besech yow that ye wolde vouchesafe lat my
saide son hafe the saide lifelode to ferme for terme of your life, payng
to yow therfore yerely CC. marc at ij. festes of the yere, that is to
say, Cristemasse and Middesomer, and ye schall be paied hit truly at
London, in Hillary terme for the feste of Cristemasse, and Trinite terme
for the feste of Midsomer; and I will be bounden for hym and [_i.e._ if]
your maisterschip will vouchesafe to take me, and he and I schall ever
pray for yow. And thof the saide lifelode be better to yow in availl
yerely then I offer yow therefore, this summe of CC. marc schal be truly
paid to yow yerely; and God, that rewardeth every gode dede, schal pey
for hym the remenant to yow, for every peny an C., in relesyng of yow in
Purgatory, or ellys encresyng of your merite in Heven. And how your
maisterschip will that my saide son schall do in this mater, I besech
yow that he may be certified be your writing.

    [Footnote 54.1: [From Castlecombe MSS., Add. 28,212, f. 26,
    B.M.] This letter has been printed by Mr. Poulett Scrope in his
    privately printed _History of Castle Combe_. From evidences
    contained in other of the family muniments, Mr. Scrope supposes
    it to have been written about the year 1455, which is probably
    not far from the true date. Compare Letter 349 following.]


309

FASTOLF’S CLAIMS AGAINST THE CROWN.--I.[55.1]

_Billa de debitis Regis in partibus Franciæ Johanni Fastolf militi
debitis._

[Sidenote: 1455]

These ben the injuries, losses, and damages that the seyd Fastolf hath
had, as well withynne this royaume of England as in othir parties in
maner and fourme as it ensewith.

First, it is to consider how that the seyd Fastolf hath ben vexed and
troubled seth he came last into this lande by the myght and power of the
Duc of Suffolk, and by the labour of his counseill and servaunts in
divers wyses, as in grete oppressions, grevous and outrageous
amerciemants and manye grete horrible extorcions, as it may appere more
pleynly by a rolle of articles thereuppon made, the damages of which
entenden to the somme of

    V. m^{l}. marc.

Item, the seyd Fastolf hath be gretely damaged and hurt by the myght and
power of the seyd Duc of Suffolk and his counseill, in disseising and
taking awey a maner of the seyd Fastolf, called Dedham, in the counte of
Essex, to the value of C. marks of yerly rent which was halden from the
seyd Fastolf by the terme of iij. yere day and more, to his grete hurt,
with CC. marks in costs exspended in recouvere of the same, the some in
all,

    V^{c}. marc.

Item, there ys cast in to the Kyngs hands by untrew forged offices and
inquisicions, supposed to be founde by dyvers eschetours in the countees
of Norffolk and Suffolk, iij. certeyn maners of the seyd Fastolf, to the
value of C. marks yeerly, which seyd offices and inquisicions were never
dewly founde, but forged by untrue imaginacions and meenys of certeyn
persones hys eville willers, as it hath be confessed by thos that were
appoynted and named to be uppon the enquestys; and by the maliciouse
labour of his seyd evylle willers, the seyd maners have ben troubled and
put in plee this iiij. yere day and more, to the damage and costs of the
seyd Fastolf, the somme

    V^{c}. marc.

Item, the seyd Fastolf hauying the yeft of the Baronyes and Lordshipp of
Sillie Guillem[57.1] and Lasuze, in the countee of Mayn, to hym and to
his assignes for ever, the which weren goten by the seyd Fastolf, and no
charge to the King, for the value and denombrement [_number_] of iiij.
m^{l}. saluz[57.2] of yerly rent, he was commaunded by the Kinges
lettres to deliver upp the sayd baronyes and lordshipps to the Kyngs
commissioners, promyssyng hym, by the Kyngs commaundement to have be
recompensed therefor, as the seyd Fastolf hath to shewe, and he not
recompensed nor rewarded no thing for the levyng of his seyd baronyes
and lordship, to the damages of the seyd Fastolf of the somme of

    m^{l}. m^{l}. v.^c [2,500] marc.

Item, wher as the seyd Fastolf had a prisonner of his owen taking,
called Guill’m Remond,[58.1] which was raunsonned, and agreed to pay hym
for his raunson with the marks the somme of xxxij. m^{l}. saluz, the
prisonner, withoute knowelege or licence of the seyd Fastolf, was take
awey from hym by the Duc of Bedford, then beyng the Kyngs Regent of
Fraunce; and with the seyd prisonner he caused the towne of Compyn, than
leyng in the Frensh partye ys gouvernaunce, for to be yeldyn to the
Kyng, and to his seyd Regent in his name; and the seyd Fastolf, after
long pursewts made to the Kyng and his conseill, was recompensed but to
the value of m^{l}. vj^{c}. saluz in lands in Normandye, when they
fortuned to falle into the Kyngs hands, which lands he hath also lost.
And also the seyd Fastolf hath lost the residue of the seyd raunson,
besyde the seyd lands, to the somme of

    m^{l}. m^{l}. m^{l}. m^{l}. marc.

Item, the seyd Fastolf ys yhyt owyng for his porcion and part for the
recompens and reward that shuld grow and be dewe to hym for the takyng
of John, callyng hym Duc of Alauncon, at the batayle of Vernell,[59.1]
which that payd for hys raunson xl. m^{l}. marks, which rewarde, besyde
the Lord Wyllughbye ys part, shuld extend to the somme of

    m^{l}. m^{l}. m^{l}. m^{l}. marc.

Item, ys dewe to the seyd Fastolf, by the execucion of the last wylle
and testament of John, Duc of Bedford, whos soule God assoyle, for
prestys and othir charges for saufgarde and keping of certeyn
forteresses, castellys, and townes, and for othir costs, prests, and
charges by hym born in his service, as it may appiere in certeyn
articles writen in a rolle partic’lerly of the same, the somme of

    iiij^{ml}. D^{c}. iiij^{xx}. xix. [4,599] marc, v_s._ 6_d._

    Summa totalis xxj^{ml}. iiij^{xx}xix. [21,099] marc, v_s._ 6_d._

Item, seth the last comyng over of the seyd Fastolf into this royaume,
as by the space of xv. yere and more, he hath born grete costs, charges,
and expenss, at alle tymes intending uppon the Kyngs highnesse and the
Lordes of his counseille, as he hath had in commaundement, and was his
part to doo; for the which and for all the service that he hath doo to
the right noble Prince Kyng Herry the iiij^the, ayle [_grandfather_] to
our Souvragn Lord that now ys, and to the most victorious Prince and
Kyng, his fader, whos soulys God assoyle, and also to our seyd Souvereyn
Lord, he hath had, nouther fee, wagys, reward, ne recompense in this his
royaume of England, but hath born it of hys own propre godys, at all
tymys to the Kyngs honour and prouffit as to his power, which ys to hym
right grevouse and chargeable, trusting to have be considered and
rewarded as othir men of suche deservyng have be in the tymes of the
right noble progenitours of our seyd Souvreyn Lords, late Kyngs of this
seyd reaume.

  There is a corrected draft of the above paper, in William
  Worcester’s handwriting, among the Paston MSS. in the British
  Museum, on the back of which are the following additional
  memoranda:--

Thees been the prestys and sommes of money that the [_sic_] Sir John
Fastolf, knyght, hath lent to oure seid Soverayn Lorde that now is, at
his commaundement in his grete necesitees, at divers tymes with in this
his reaume of England:--

Item, the seid Fastolf lent to oure seid Soverayn Lorde, in the moneth
of September, the xv. yer of his seid regne, as it appereth at the seid
recept of Westminster, the somme of

    m^l _li._

It is also to be remembred that the seid Fastolf hath lent to oure seid
Soverayn Lord, in the moneth of Feverer, the seid xv. yer of his noble
regne, as it appereth at the Kynges receyt of Westminster, the somme of

    m^l marc.

Item, the seid Fastolf lent to our seid Soverayn Lorde, for the viage of
Sir Thomas Kiriel, and of his retinue in to the Duchie of Normandye, in
the xxviij. yer of his noble regne the somme of CC. marc. Also afore
that tyme in the Kynges grete necessite ageyn the coronacion of the
Quene, at his forseid commaundement, the somme of C_li._ Somme of bothe

    iij^{c}. xxxiij_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._[60.1]

Item, the seyd Fastolf lent to the voyage that Thomas Danyell made in to
Breteyn, as it is notorily knowen, of which he ys not yhyt payd, the
somme of

    C_li._

Item, the seyd Fastolf hath born grete charge and cost of a lone made
for the spede and help of a voyage whych the Erle of Shrewysbury now
last made in to the Kynges Duchee of Gyen,

    ______ [60.2]

    [Footnote 55.1: [From Fenn, iii. 260.] The date of this paper is
    determined by the last paragraph, showing that it was composed
    fifteen years after Sir John finally left France in 1440.]

    [Footnote 57.1: Sir John took the castle of Sillie le Guillem in
    1425, and from which he was dignified with the title of
    baron.--F.]

    [Footnote 57.2: The salute was a gold coin of Henry VI. current
    in France for £1, 5s. English.--F.]

    [Footnote 58.1: In 1423 he took the castle of Pacy, the governor
    whereof was Guillaume Reymond.--F.]

    [Footnote 59.1: This battle was fought in 1424.--F.]

    [Footnote 60.1: So in MS. The total should be £100 less.]

    [Footnote 60.2: A blank.]


310

FASTOLF’S CLAIMS AGAINST THE CROWN[61.1]

_A Declaracion of the Costs which Sir John Fastolf was at, ben without
this royaume._

The declaracions of certeyn prests, costys, and chargys don and born by
Sir John Fastolf, aswel in the tyme of the moste noble and victoryouse
Princes of blessed memorie, Kyng Herry the iiij^the, Kyng Herry v^th, as
in the tyme of our Souvereyn Lord Kyng that now is, in hys werrys by
yend the see, as by the articles that folowen more pleynly apperyth:--

First, it ys to be remembred that to the sayd Fastolf ys owyng for
divers costys and chargis by hym born for the tyme that he occupied
th’office of the Constabulrye of Burdeux for the saufgarde of the Kyngys
Duchie of Guyen, as it apperith pleynlye by accompt made of the sayd
office of Constabulrye, remaynyng in the Kyngs Cheker at Westminster of
record, wherof he yet nouther had payement nor assignement of, the somme
of

    ij^{c}. xxvij_li._ xv_s._ iij_d._ _ob._

Item, in like wyse there ys owyng to the seyd Fastolf for wagys for hys
service don to the Kyng, and to the Duc of Clarence, beyng the Kyng ys
Lieutenant in the seyd Duchie of Guyen, as it may appere under
suffisaunt writing, the somme of

    ij^c ij_li._ x_s._

Item, in lyke wyse ys owyng to the seyd Fastolf for costys and chargys
that he bare when he was Lieutenant of the towne of Harflew[62.1] in
Normandie, as yt shewith by a debentur made to the seyd Fastolf, with
hym remaynyng,

    Cxxxiij_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._

Item, in lyke wyse ys owyng to the seyd Fastolf for the keping and
vytaylyng of the Bastyle of Saint Anthoyne in Paris, as it apperith by
writing suffisaunt and by the creditours of Sir John Tyrell, Knyght,
late Tresourier of the Kyngs house, remaynyng in the Escheker of
Westminster of record, the somme of

    xlij_li._

Item, there ys owyng to the seyd Fastolf for the saufgarde of the toune
of Fount Melank[62.2] in the parties of Fraunce, as it apperith by
accompt therof made in the Kyngs Escheker of England of record, the
somme of

    iiij^xx ix_li._ x_s._ iiij_d._  _ob. q._

    Summa xlij. marc ix_s._ _q._

And in semblable wyse, over all this ys owyng to the seyd Fastolf for
prests and wagys of hym and his retenues beyng in the Kings service in
his royaume of Fraunce and duchie of Normandie, as wel abowte the
saufgarde and gouvernaunce of his tounys, castell, and forteresses of
Alaunson, Fresney Le Vicounte, Vernell, Honneflete, as for othir grete
causys and charges born and payd in the Kyng our Souvereyn Lord ys dayes
that nowys, for the avauncement of his conquest, the good and utilite of
hym, of his seyd royaume and duchie forseid, as it apperyth oppenly by
accomptys made in the Chambre of Accompts of Paris and Roon, wherof the
vidimus remaynen with the seyd Fastolf, and also by certeyn debentur
conteynyng the seyd sommes, redy to shewe, wherof the seyd Fastolf
hiderto hath had nouther payement nor assignacion, the somme of

    v. m^{l}. iiij^xx ij. marc, xiij_s._ iij_d._ _ob._ sterling.

    Summa totalis vj. m^{l}. cxxv. marc, ix_s._ _ob. q._

  There are two drafts of the preceding statement among the Paston
  MSS. in the British Museum, besides an imperfect draft hereafter
  mentioned. These appear to have been drawn up as early as the year
  1452. One of these is in William Worcester’s handwriting; the other
  is a fair copy from it, with further corrections, in his hand. The
  document printed above embodies all the corrections in the second
  paper, and corresponds with it almost exactly in every point, except
  that the latter places the second item relating to the Duke of
  Clarence at the very end of the account, and contains the following
  additional entries:--

And beside all this, there is yet owyng to the sayd Fastolf uppon the
voyage that Thomas Danyell made into Bretayn, as it is openly knowen,
the somme of

    C_li._

Item, overe this the seyd Fastolf lent to the voyage that Sir
Thomas Kyryell made into Normandye, in the xxviij. yere of the regne of
the Kyng our Souverain Lorde, the somme of CC. marc; also lent to the
Kyng afore that tyme in his necessite the somme of C_li._ The somme of
both,

    ij^{c}. xxxiij_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._

And also the seyd Fastolf hath borne grete charge and cost of alone made
for the spede and helpe of the voyage whiche the Erle of
Shrowysbury[64.1] now last made into the Kynges duchie of Guyenne, to
whom God graunte good expedicion, as it shewith by suffisaunt writyng,
for whiche at the commaundement of my Lord Cardynalle[64.2] the seyd
Fastolf made a chevyssaunce and leyd to wedd [_i.e._ pawned] the
substaunce of his pore juellys, in the whiche chevyssaunce the seyd
Fastolf hath lost xxxvij_li._, and is like to lese more herafter, by
cause he is not of poer to quyte hem oute; the seyd juellys lyne as yet
to plegge for the somme of

    iiij^{c}_li._

Somme of the prestys and debtys abofe rehersed,

    ij^{ml}. xlv. markes, vj_s._ v_d._ _ob._

  The following is written on a separate paper, on the back of which
  occurs the imperfect draft above referred to.

Item, overe all thys grete debtes dew at thys day to the seyd Fastolf,
he desyryth and prayth that it may be pondered and concydered the grete
lossez and damages that he hath susteyned and born, as well in the
parties of Fraunce as in thys land; as at one tyme lost the somme and
value of iiij^{ml}. mark for Guillem Remond, hys prysonnere, that agreed
to pay for hys raunsom xxxij^{ml}. salux. The seyd prisonnere was take
awey from hym, and delyvered the toune of Compyne in to the obbeissaunce
of our Souvereyn Lord. Also the reward that the seyd Fastolf shuld hafe
hys part for the takyng of the Duc off Allaunson, whych shuld mount for
hys seyd part iiij^{ml}. [4000] markes, the grete losse that he hath in
delyveryng upp the baronye of Syllye Guillem, in the counte of Mayn, be
thout [_without_] recompense or reward, whych was gevyn to hym and hys
assigneez in the value of m^{l}. m^{l}. [2000] salux off yerly rent.
Also the lesyng of hys pore lyvelode in Normandie that was of the yerly
value of     [65.1] mark. The grete importune lossez and damages that he
hath had seth he came into England, whych hys evylle wyllers the
officers and servauntes of the Duc of Suffolk have, be thout [_without_]
cause resonable, made hym leese, as in causyng hym to be disseised
wrongysly of iiij. of hys maners of Dedham, Beyton, Bradwell, Hykelyng,
and Tychewell, to the value of ij^{c}. [200] mark of yeerly rent; besyde
othyr damages and lossez by colours of the lawe, and by menys of
extorcions, as it may shew by a rolle of articles to the value of
vj^{ml}. [6000] markes.

    [Footnote 61.1: [From Fenn, iii. 268.] This appears to be a
    supplementary paper to the preceding. Two other copies or drafts
    of this paper exist among the Paston MSS. in the British
    Museum.]

    [Footnote 62.1: Sir John Fastolf was Lieutenant of Harfleur in
    1415.--F.]

    [Footnote 62.2: Pont Meulent was taken in 1422.--F.]

    [Footnote 64.1: John Talbot, first Earl, sent to France in 1452
    to recover Guienne for the English; killed the following year in
    endeavouring to relieve Castillon.]

    [Footnote 64.2: Cardinal Kemp. --_See_ vol. ii. p. 160, Note 7.]

    [Footnote 65.1: Blank in MS.]

  [[iiij^xx ix_li._ x_s._ iiij_d._ _ob. q._
    _text has “iiij_a._” (italic a for d)_]]


311

NOTE

‘Many of the letters in this collection,’ says Fenn (iii. 261, Note 1),
‘mention the disputes between the Duke of Suffolk and Sir John Fastolf
concerning different manors and estates.’ This remark is made with
reference to the complaints against Suffolk in No. 309 preceding. Only
two of these letters have been seen by the present editor.


312

ABSTRACT[65.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON.

Sends by his servant an instruction to be engrossed, corrected by
Paston’s advice, and a remembrance concerning Walsingham, which I hope
by your help ‘shall be corryged.’ Certain friends of yours and mine have
been here, and desire me to write to you ‘for your friendship and good
will, passing all other men’s.’

  [The date of this letter is quite uncertain, but it was probably
  written some time during those later years of his life when Sir John
  Fastolf resided at Caister. The signature, like some others during
  that period, is not in Fastolf’s own hand.]

    [Footnote 65.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 239.]]

  [[No 239.]]


313

LORD CROMWELL TO JOHN PASTON[66.1]

_To my right trusty ffrend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Before 1456]

Trusty and welbeloved frend, I grete you wele. And for as much as hit is
don me to understande that there is a greet straungenesse betwix my
right trusty frend John Radcliff and you, withoute any matier or cause
of substaunce, as I am lerned; wherfore, in as much as I love you wele
bothe, I am not content hit shulde so be.

Praying you hertly to forbere the said straungenesse on your partie to
suche tyme as I speke with you next my self, leting you wite I have
wreten to him to do the same; and that ye faile not herof, as I may do
any thing for you herafter. And our Lorde have you in His keping.

Wretin at London, the x. day of Fevrier.

  CROMWELL.

    [Footnote 66.1: [From Fenn, ii. 290.] This letter was attributed
    by Fenn to Humphrey Bourchier, who was created Lord Cromwell in
    the first year of Edward IV., and it was accordingly placed by
    him in that reign. The signature, however, of which Fenn gives a
    facsimile, is not that of Humphrey Bourchier, Lord Cromwell, but
    of Ralph, Lord Cromwell, who died on the 4th January 1456.]


314

BOTONER TO JOHN PASTON[66.2]

_To my maister, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1456 / JAN. 6]

Please your maistershyp to wete that I had sent yow word of the god
chiere that the persons ye wote off had here uppon New Yeer Day, and how
well they toke it, but W. Barker coude playnly enforme yow. And John
Sadler of Ocle told me how they avaunted of it when he of Lynne came by
hym at nyzt lyeng, that he had neider better chier, &c.

My maister demaundyth me sondry tymes when ye shall be here. I coude not
sey till thys day be passed. William Geney shall be here to morn, so
wold Jesus ye were her then. I asked licence to ryde yn to my contree,
and my maistr dyd not graunt it; he seyd hys wille was for to make, &c.
Y aunsuerd it fyt not me to know it. God gefe hym grace of holsom
councell, and of a gode disposicion; _non est opus unius diei, nec unius
septimanæ_.

My Lord Bedford wylle was made yn so bryeff and generall termys, that yn
to thys day by the space of xx. yeer can neider hafe ende, but all wey
new to constrew and oppynable; so a generallte shall ne may be so gode
as a particuler declaracion.

I wryte blontly. I had foryete to hafe told yow Maister Fylongley meoved
me to enforme my maister to hafe a generalle pease, so it myzt be
worshypfull. Y hafe seyd no word, for I can not medle yn hygh maters
that passyth my wyt; and therfor yff ye and W. Geney mete to gheders, ye
know and can devyne best what ys to be doon. Our Lord be with yow.

Wryt hastly, vj. day Januar.

  W. BOTONER, H.R.

    [Footnote 66.2: [From Fenn, iii. 256.] By the reference to the
    Duke of Bedford’s will as having been in dispute for twenty
    years, it would appear that this letter was written in the
    beginning of the year 1456. Bedford died at Rouen on the 14th
    September 1435.]


315

BOTONER TO JOHN PASTON[67.1]

[Sidenote: 1456(?)]

Please yow to wete that my maister[67.2] yn allwyse wille that I ryde to
Dedham to speke with Broke as well as wyth the stuard, and to gefe
aunsuer to Broke yn whate wyse he wille depart for the reuersyn; he was
ryd or I came home. And my maister wille comyn with yow for the moyens
of a chauntuarye to be founded of the place ye wote off; y seyd hym such
chargeable maters wold be doo betyme to know the certeyntee. And a
greter lak ys yn hym, he taryeth so long to put all thynges of charge yn
a sure wey; hyt ys for lake of sad councell to moove hym. And I most be
at Castre by Thursday next; and I pray yow let me not be lete of my
voyage yn to my contree, and I shall kepe Yorkesshyre with Spyrlyng, or
such as shall ryde. The parson[68.1] with yow shall do well sort my
maister evidences, and that ys one the grettist thyng nedefull for the
seurtee of hys lyfelode; and so it wold be remembred hym, for now all
thyng ys sett at appoynt, how it standyth with hys debtys and officers,
except that mater of grettist charge, and also to provyde for the
approwement of hys lyfelode.

  W. BOTONER.

And, syr, yff ye thynke to done (_think it to be done_), to meofe Cler
of the acre lond, but gefe hym no credence yn the contrarye, for I shall
preffe it trewe yn my seyng for onye man lyvyng. He that wille dysseyve
hys servaunt yn maryage for so litell a thyng, he wold disseyve another
frende yn a gretter thyng. He sekyth occasyons and querell to colour hys
brekyng off.

    [Footnote 67.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] From the desire
    expressed by the writer in this letter to visit his own country,
    we may refer it to the same period as the last.]

    [Footnote 67.2: Sir John Fastolf.]

    [Footnote 68.1: Sir Thomas Howes.]


316

BOTONER TO JOHN PASTON[68.2]

[Sidenote: About 1456]

Please yow to wete that as for ease of my maisters[68.3] tenaunts in
Dedham, yff a lettre were devysed by Maister Geney yn my maister name or
youres to Thomas Hygham, one of the justices of pease in Suffolk that
toke the veredyt, he myzt do grete ease, as yn disavowyng of it or yn
wythdrawyng it owte of the bokes. Robert Dene, clerk of the pese, seyth
that lete my maister councell avise that whych he may do undammaged
hymsylf, and he wille with all hys hert. John Bokkyng ys well remembred
that my maister caused the seyd Thomas Hygham, by Maister Geney mocion,
to be one of the justice of pease, and one Jermyn of Suffolk also. Whych
both Hygham and Jermyn hath suffred my maister hafe, savyng your
reverence, tweyn shrewde tornys seth that they mizt hafe letted, as now
the seyd Thomas Hygham myzt hafe letted the presentment or a moderated
othyrwyse, &c.

At reverence of God, beyth as sone as ye may with my maister to ease hys
spyryttes. He questioneth and desputyth with hys servauntes here, and
wolle not be aunsuerd ne satisfyed som tyme but after hys wylfulnesse,
for hyt suffysyth not our simple wyttes to appease hys soule; but when
he spekyth wyth Maister Zelverton, yow, or wyth William Geney and suche
othyrs as be auctorised yn the law, and wyth haboundance of godes, he ys
content and haldeth hym pleased wyth your aunsuers and mocions, as reson
ys that he be. So wold Jesus, one of yow iij., or som suche othyr yn
your stede, myzt hang at hys gyrdyll dayly to aunsuer hys materes.

I had but litille thyng to done when I scrybled thys bille.

  Your,

  W. BOTONER.

    [Footnote 68.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] There is no address to
    this letter, but it seems to have been intended for John Paston.
    The exact time when it was written is uncertain, but we have
    placed it after the last on account of the reference to Deddam.
    The true date cannot be many years before or after 1456.]

    [Footnote 68.3: Sir John Fastolf.]


317

ABSTRACT[69.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF ‘TO THE WORSHIPFUL LADY AND MY RIGHT WELLBELOVED
SISTER, WHYTYNGHAM.’

[Sidenote: 1456 / JAN. 20]

As all the executors of my Lord Regent, except himself, are dead, and as
he would not have her troubled in her age ‘for execution of my said
Lord’s goods,’ nor for the evidences of his purchased lands, etc., which
were left in keeping ‘with my brother your husband,’ sends John Paston
and other his attorneys to common with her, and settle the matter, which
will be a great discharge for her husband’s soul.

Castre, 20 Jan.

  [This letter must have been written after the death of Lord
  Cromwell, who was one of Bedford’s executors, and who died on the
  4th January 1456. --_See_ his Epitaph in Dugdale’s _Baronage_, ii.
  46.]

    [Footnote 69.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 266.]]


318

ABSTRACT[69.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN BOKKING OR WILLIAM BARKER, TO DELIVER TO JOHN
PASTON AT LONDON.

[Sidenote: 1456 / JAN. 25]

Copy of a letter of Fastolf’s to the wife of Sir Robert Whytyngham (the
copy examined by Botoner) to the same effect as the preceding No., but
with some slight differences in the wording, and dated 25th January
instead of 20th.

_On the back is written:_-- ‘Cousin Paston, I pray you take Nicholas
Molyneux, Thomas West, or Robert Waryn, whether ye may hafe at leyser,
with you, to go speke with the gentlewoman.’

    [Footnote 69.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 275.]]


319

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON AND OTHERS[70.1]

_To my right trusty frendes, John Paston, Nicholas Molyneux, and Thomas
West, Escuiers._

[Sidenote: 1456 / JAN. 26]

Worchipfull Sirs, and my right trusty frendis, I commaunde me to you.
And lyke you to wite that I desire to knowe in certayn, or evere I
laboured to London, by whate menys in the lawe spirituell or temporell I
might labour, or ellys my frendes and atturneys in my name and in myne
absence myght laboure best, for the recuvere of the goodes of my Lord of
Bedford, whos soule God assoyle, and that his purchaced londes might be
sold to fulfille his wille and pay his debtes. And if it were thought
that the most spedyest and seurest wey were to have it doon by act of
Parlement, than I desire and pray you, as my singuler trust is in you,
that ye wille do make a substanciall bille in my name upon the said
mater and for the said cause, to be grounded and devised by avis of
substanciall lerned man, as Thomas Yonge and othir suche, and of civille
lawe, and the said bille to be put up to the Kyng, whiche is chief
supervisor of my said Lordis testament, and to the Lordes Spirituelle
and Temporelle, as to the Comyns, of this present Parlement, so as the
iij. astates may graunte and passe hem cleerly. And the said bille may
be grounded with so grete resons by your wysdomes and good enformacion,
and so rightfull and of conscience that it shall not be denyed, ne
letted to passe amonges the Lordes Spirituell and Temporell, neythir
amonges the Comyns, whan it comyth before hem. And if this said bille,
after it is devised and made, and sent me a copie of hit, hit shold be
to me a singuler confort; for or evere I came to London, I wold that
alle thing shuld be made redy to my hande. And it were exspedient and
according that my Lord Chaunceller[71.1] were meoved that it might
please his good Lordship to write a lettre to me, in case I must come up
for the said cause, and that by as muche he is in the mater as souverain
juge and ordinarie principalle under the Pope in a cause testamentarie,
and also by cause the wille of my said Lord is aproved in his court
before his predecessour. And Alle myghty God kepe you.

Writ at Castre, the xxvj. day of Januar.

  Your,

  J. FASTOLF.

And I wolde this bille were devised by my Lord of Caunterbury is avis
and agreement, to th’entent that he may tender the mater the more whan
it shalle come in revolucion before hym. And I pray you hertely to take
this mater tendirlye to hert, for it shall be to me my most singuler
comfort, and for my discharge a grete record as of myne acquitayle to my
said Lordis soule. Also ye must make frendes of suche as be nere aboute
my said Lord of Caunterbury, and may do, as Maister John Stokys and his
styward, for to remembre his good Lordship as ofte as nede is. And that
Davy Breknok ne Sir Robert Whitingham wyffe be not foryeete.

    [Footnote 70.1: [The original of this letter is the property of
    W. A. Tyssen Amhurst, Esq. of Didlington Park, Brandon.] As this
    letter was written during Sir John Fastolf’s residence at
    Caister, and Parliament appears to have been sitting at the
    time, the date must be 1456.]

    [Footnote 71.1: Thomas Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury.]


320

WILLIAM WORCESTER TO JOHN PASTON[71.2]

_To the worshypfull Sir, John Paston, Escuier._

[Sidenote: 1456 / JAN. 27]

Worshypfull, aftyr dew recomendacion, please your gode maistershyp to
wete that where as my maister wrytith to yow so homelye of so manye
materes to yow of hys, to be remembred unto hys councell lerned by mene
of yow and of hys frendz and servauntz there, y pray yow and requyre yow
not to wyte [_impute_] it me that y am the causer of it that my seyd
maister noyeth yow with so manye materes, for, be God, hym sylf
remembryth the moste part of hem; albe it the particler rehersell of the
materes be fressher yn my remembraunce then yn hys. And, Sir, yn trouth
he boldyth hym to wryte to yow for the grete lofe and singler affeccion
he hath yn yow before all othyr yn hys causes spedyng, and that ye wille
moste tendyrlye of ony othyr remembre hys servauntes as well as othyrs
to whom belongyth to spede the materes. He desyryth my Lord Chauncellor
shuld wryte to hym speciallye yff he most nedes com upp, and a bille to
be made yn to Parlement for recuvere of my Lord Bedford godes.

Sir, there ys one Haryngton of Doncastre, a besye soule, that damagyth
my maistre to gretely in Bentley. And Herry Sotehille ys of my maister
councell, but no thyng that ys profytable ys don to hym to remedye it,
ye shall see by one Sir John Vincentes letter sent to yow now, and W.
Barker can enforme yow. Yn the ende of thys terme y suppose to be at
London, and yn to west contre. My maistre wrytith to yow for a rent of
viij_li._ of annuite charged of a touneshyp called Batham Wyly, that
Maister Scrope he shall be beneficed yn the ryzt of it. Ye have nede
fare fayre with hym, for he ys full daungerouse when he wille. Y gate
hym gode evidensis of the seyd rent that my maister ne my lady had
nevere, and he can not know it, &c. Also my maister hath wreten to yow
for avice of a new feffement to be made for the maners of Tychewell and
Beytone, and betyme he desyryth to be sent hym. Y pray yow, and ye se
Maister Yng at a leyser to commaund me to hym, and trustyng hys gode
maistershyp that he wille be of my councell ayenst one William Fouler of
Bokyngham thath kepyth from me a litelle lond. And yff he wille contynew
hys gode maistershyp to me, ye may sey hym that I cast duelle yn my
contree, and wayt uppon hym to help ghete ayen a pore gode of myn, for
heere y thryve not, but lose my tyme. Y pray our Lord have yow yn hys
kepyng.

Wryt hastlye, the xxvij. day of Januare.

  Your,

  W. WYRCESTRE.

    [Footnote 71.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter must have
    been written the day after the last, as this also speaks of a
    bill being presented to Parliament for recovery of the Duke of
    Bedford’s goods. The passage in which the writer proposes
    visiting the west country confirms the date of Letter 314.]


321

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON[73.1]

_To the worshypfull Sir, and my ryght welbelovyd cosyn, John Paston; and
in hys absence, to John Bokkyng and William Barker._

[Sidenote: 1456 / FEB. 5]

Worshypfull Sir and cosyn, I recomaund me to yow. And lyke yow to wete
that y have a taylle[73.2] with my cosyn Fenne[73.3] of v^c. [500] marc
and more, for to be chaunged uppon such places as a man myght have moste
spedye payment; and I pray yow hertlye to comyn wyth the seyd Fenne,
that y myght be ensured of the seyd taylle to be eschaunged; and for
whate rewarde competant to be yeven uppon the same, I wolle agree it.

Item, I desyre to know who ben the residew, the remenant of the
co-executors of the Lord Wyllughbye,[73.4] now the Lord Cromewell[73.5]
ys decesed; for thys cause. Hyt was so, that there was dew to the Lord
Wyllughbye and to me x. m^l. [10,000] marc for a reward, to be payd of
my Lord Bedford ys godes, for the takyng of the Duc of Allauncon.[73.6]
And the seyd Lord Wyllughbye had but one thowsand marc payd, and I m^l.
[1000] mrc, soo viij. m^l. [8000] levyth [_remains_] yhyt to pay; of
whych somme iiij. m^l. [4000] most grow to the executors of the seyd
Lord Wyllughby to dispose. And therfor y desyre that the executors, and
such as most have intrest in the Lord Wyllughby goodes, may be comyned
wyth; that they may [make] purseute for payment of the seyd iiij. m^l.
[4000] marc, for hys part to be had, and y shall make for my part.

And [_i.e._ if] Maister Nevyle,[74.1] the whych hath wedded my Lady
Wyllughbye, have power or intrest to resseyve the Lord Wyllughby ys
debts, then he to be labured untoo. And my Lord of Salysburye woll be a
grete helper yn thys cause.

The Kyng, whych ys Supervisor of my Lord Bedford testament, hath wreten
and comaunded by sondry lettres, that the seyd Lord Wyllughbye shuld be
content for hys part. And so moch the mater ys the furtherer.

And ther ys one Yon’, a servaunt of the Lord Wyllughbye, whych pursewed
thys mater; yff he were yn London, he coude geve gode enformacion uppon
thys mater.

Y pray yow wryte to me how my maters doth, and of such noveltees as ye
have there. And our Lord have yow yn hys kepyng.

Wreten at Castr hastlye, v. day of Feveryer, anno xxxiiij^to Regis
Henrici VI.

  Your cosyn,

  J. FASTOLF.

    [Footnote 73.1: [From Fenn, i. 120.]]

    [Footnote 73.2: A tally. This was a cleft stick, in both parts
    of which notches were cut to represent sums of money due; on
    which one part was given to the creditor, the other being
    retained by the debtor.]

    [Footnote 73.3: Hugh Fenn.]

    [Footnote 73.4: Robert, Lord Willoughby of Eresby.]

    [Footnote 73.5: Ralph, Lord Cromwell.]

    [Footnote 73.6: John, Duke of Alençon, taken prisoner at the
    battle of Verneuil in 1424.]

    [Footnote 74.1: Sir Thomas Nevill, a younger son of Richard,
    Earl of Salisbury, married Maud, the widow of Robert, Lord
    Willoughby.--Dugdale, ii. 86.]


322

JOHN BOCKING TO SIR JOHN FASTOLF[74.2]

_To the right reverent and worshipful Sir, and my right good maister, my
maister Sir John Fastolf, at Castre._

[Sidenote: 1456 / FEB. 9]

Right reverent and my right worshipful maister, I recomaunde me to yow
in my right humble wise. Please hit your right good maistership to wyte
that on Sonday laste I sent yow many and divers lettres and writynges,
by Lampet, of all matiers that I hadde knowlege at that tyme redy to
answere. And now suche tidinges as ar here, but fewe that ar straunge,
excepte that this day my Lordes York and Warwik comen to the Parlement
in a good aray, to the noumbre of iij^c. [300] men, all jakkid[75.1] and
in brigantiens,[75.2] and noo lord elles, wherof many men mervailed. It
was seid on Saterday my Lord shuld have ben discharged this same day.
And this day was seide, but if he hadde come stronge, he shuld have bene
distrussid; and no man knoweth or can sey that ony prefe may be hadde by
whom, for men thinken verily there is no man able to take ony suche
enterprinse.

The Kyng, as it was tolde me by a grete man, wolde have hym chief and
princepall counceller, and soo to be called hise chef counceller and
lieutenant as longe as hit shuld lyke the Kyng; and hise patent to be
made in that forme, and not soo large as it is by Parlement. But soome
men thinken it wil ner can otherwise bee; and men speke and devyne moche
matere of the comyng this day in suche array to Westminster. And the
Lordes speken this day in the Parlement of a greet gleymyng sterre that
but late hathe be seen diverse tymes, merveilous in apperyng. The
resumpsion, men truste, shall forthe, and my Lordes of Yorkes first
power of protectorship stande, and elles not, &c. The Quene is a grete
and strong labourid woman, for she spareth noo peyne to sue hire thinges
to an intent and conclusion to hir power.

I have seid to the bringer here of more to declare yow alle a longe. And
as for hise comyng, ye like to understande that your nevew, my Maister
Filongley, hathe laboured and doon that he cowde or myght to hise
preferraunce; but as for to make hym freman and at hise ease, to hise
profite and worship, it can not bee with owte William Lyne be here, that
boughte hise prentishode of his maister, to hise grete hurte and castyng
of bakke by ij. or iij. yere of tyme loste; and ne were it that the
maister and wardeyns of the Taillours tendre hym, be cause of yow and of
Fynynglee, hise firste maister, that solde hym to William Lyne, as weel
as the seide Lyne and Richard, shuld alle lese ther fredoms, as ye shall
more pleinly understande by the reporte of the seid Richard, &c.

This day was my Lord Devenshire at Westminstre, and shuld have apperid,
but he was countermaundid. As to youre matier of Wentworthe, the trety
contynueth, and is putte by the arbitrours in Fortescu and Yelverton,
and we have day of newe til Friday come sevenyght. God graunte it take a
good ende. The lawe is with us clerly, as weel in th’atteynte as
therinne as yette, blessid be our Lord, hoo have you in hise most noble
governaunce.

Written in your place this Moneday of Fastyngange,[76.1] m^l. cccclv.

  Your humble servaunt,

  J. B.

And that ye like to write a good lettre for Richard Fastolf to Sir Roger
Chamberleyn, and to Thornton, Chamberleyn of London, and to both of hem,
&c.

    [Footnote 74.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 265.]]

    [Footnote 75.1: _i.e._ in coats of mail. --_See_ vol. ii. p. 322,
    Note 3.]

    [Footnote 75.2: _See_ vol. ii. p. 155, Note 2.]

    [Footnote 76.1: Fastingong was Shrovetide. --_See_ vol. ii. p.
    131, Note 1.]


323

ABSTRACT[76.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON

[Sidenote: 1456 / FEB. 12]

Thanks him for the pains he takes in his ‘chargeable matters,’
especially the ward of T. F., and his advice for the recovery of my Lord
of Bedford’s goods. My servants Bokkyng and Barker have written to me
for writings making mention of the jewels and goods of my Lord delivered
to Sir Robert Whitingham that they cannot find there. I send, therefore,
W. Worcestre with a copy of Whitingham’s account, which, however, is not
a complete statement.

Castre, 12 Feb.

_P.S._--Has just received a letter from Paston, for which he thanks him.

  [This letter was evidently written in the same year as No. 317.]

    [Footnote 76.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 270.]]


324

HUGH A FENNE TO JOHN PASTON[77.1]

_To the right worchepfull Sir, John Paston, at Norwich._

[Sidenote: 1456 / MARCH 1]

Ryght worchepfull Sir, I recumaunde me un to you. Leke you to wete my
Maister Fastolf compert[77.2] is spedde and demyd in the Eschequyer for
hym a yens the Kyng, wher in was crafti labour and cloos to the seid
spede, and laked no dylygence, for the matter was defused and dubble
intendementz after dyverse mennys appynyons.

Her is Williem Brandon, late Eschetour,[77.3] and wold have a _non
molestando_[77.4] for Fulthorp; and be cause ye spake to me that no mo
shuld be sued owte, and I can gete no lybarate[77.5] in that case,
therfore, as it is tolde me, he wyll have oon up on Wenteworth is
patente, and that wer to my maister bothe velleny and hurte. I pray you
send me heryn your avyse. It is no grete maistre to gader up that mony,
if it wer wele labord. I have somwhat affrayed them, and made hem spend
mony, as I wot well ye shall her therof. Ye and I been discharged of our
maynprys.

Now, Sir, for Goddis sake, as I have meved you a fore, help to sette my
maister in a worchepful dyreccion of his maters to his honour, his
profyte, and his hertis ease, that which so doon he shall have the
better leysour to dysspose hym self godly, and be sette his londs and
his goodys to the plesour of God, and the wele of his sowle, that all
men may sey he deyeth a wyse man and a worchepfull. Yf ye wyste what
worchep shuld growe to you in favour and conseyte of all men thus to do,
I wot well ye wolde be right spedy therin, for I beleve fully ye ar
ryght well wylled therto; and if owte I cowde helpe therto at myn nexte
comyng, yf I knew your entent, I wold do that I cowde. Yf it like you to
wryte your avyse in a bylle that I myght have it by Good Fryday at Seint
Benettys, Williem Norwyche wol send it theder. The Holy Trinyte conserve
you in honour and prosperite.

From London, the furst day of Marche.

  Your,

  HUGH A FENNE.

    [Footnote 77.1: [From Fenn, iii. 332.] The first paragraph of
    this letter seems to relate to Fastolf’s claims against the
    Crown set forth in Nos. 309 and 310, and as these seem to have
    been drawn up in the end of 1455, this letter probably belongs
    to the year following. The reference to William Brandon as ‘late
    escheator’ confirms this date; and also, perhaps, the mention,
    at the end, of William Norwich, who was Sheriff of Norwich this
    year.]

    [Footnote 77.2: Compertorium is a judicial inquest in civil
    proceedings made by Commissioners to find out, etc., the truth
    of a cause.--F.]

    [Footnote 77.3: An Escheator was a county officer who certified
    into the Exchequer the King’s escheats, _i.e._ lands which fell
    to the King, either for a time or altogether, as by the death of
    tenants _in capite_, minority of heirs, etc. William Brandon was
    Escheator of Norfolk and Suffolk from 13th November 33 Hen. VI.
    to 4th November 34 Hen. VI., _i.e._ from 1454 to 1455.]

    [Footnote 77.4: A writ which lies for him who is molested
    contrary to the King’s protection granted him.--F.]

    [Footnote 77.5: A writ of _liberate_ is a warrant either for the
    payment of annual pensions, etc., granted under the Great Seal,
    or for delivery of possession of certain lands or goods in the
    custody of a sheriff.]


325

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[78.1]

_To my right worshipfull Maister, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1456(?) / [MAR. 24]]

After due recomendacion had, please it your maistership to wytte that
William Yelverton was mevid by me to comene with my maister his fadir,
as I wrot to yow from Norwich. And now he tellith me that he hath
comened with his fadir; and he undirstondith that his fadir seyth that
he hath not knowelaged Fennes[78.2] obligacion. And he seyth that
Maister Fastolf undirstood that Fen hadde title to the maner of
Haryngby, and therfor wold he that Fen shuld have it after Maister F.
lyve; and, by liklynes, ther shall be labour made by Fenn to have
releses of Maister Yelverton, &c., but he hath not yet relesed. He can
no more undirstond of hym as yet. If he can undirstond ony more pleynly
this day, I shall have knowelage at Norwich on Friday or Saterday next
comyng. Please it you to have pacience, though I write so brefly.

In hast, at Walsyngham, the Wednesseday next to fore Esterne.

  Youre pouere servaunt,

  JAMES GR.

    [Footnote 78.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As this letter relates
    to money matters of Fenn and Sir John Fastolf, it may most
    probably be referred to the same year as Nos. 321 and 324.]

    [Footnote 78.2: Hugh Fenn. --_See_ No. 324.]


326

ARCHBISHOP BOURCHIER TO SIR JOHN FASTOLF[79.1]

_To the right worshipfull, and my right entierly welbeloved Sir John
Fastolf, Knight._

[Sidenote: 1456 / MARCH 27]

Right worshipful, and my right entierly welbeloved, I grete you right
hertly wele, thanking you specialy, and in full herty wise, for the
verray geantle goodnesse that ye have shewid unto me at all tymes,
praying you of good contynuance.

And as touching suche matiers as ye sente unto me fore, I truste to God
verraly, insomuche as the rule is amendid heer, and the wedder waxeth
seesonable and pleasante, to see you in thise parties within short tyme,
at whiche tyme I shal commune and demeene unto you in suche wise, that
ye shal be right wele pleasid.

And as for the matier concernyng my Lord of Bedford, thinketh nat
contrarye, but that ye shal finde me hertly wel-willid to doo that I can
or may for th’accomplesshment of youre desire, as wel in that matier as
in other, like as your servaunte John Bokking, berer hereof, can
clierlier reporte unto you on my behalve; to whom like hit you to yeve
feith and credence in this partie. And the blissid Trinitee have you
everlastingly in His keping.

Written in my Manoir of Lamehith, the xxvj. daie of March.

  Your feithfull and trew,

  TH. CANT.

    [Footnote 79.1: [From Fenn, i. 124.] The date of this letter
    will appear tolerably certain on a comparison with No. 319. In
    that letter Fastolf talks of coming up to London, if necessary,
    about the matter of my Lord of Bedford’s goods, but expresses a
    wish that if he is to come, my Lord Chancellor--viz. the
    Archbishop of Canterbury--should be got to write him a letter
    about it.]


327

DAME ALICE OGARD TO JOHN PASTON[80.1]

_To my right wurshipfull cosyn, John Paston, Esquyer._

[Sidenote: 1456 / MARCH 30]

Ryght worshippfull and enterly belovyd cosyn, I comaund me to yow
hertyly; latyng yow wete that there ys a contraversie mevyd be twix my
cosyn John Radeclyff[80.2] of Attylburgh and me for the advoweson of the
chirch of Attylburgh, the whech ys now voide, wheroff the title is myn
veryly as God knowith, the whech shall be oppenyd unto yow; and upon
Thursday next atte Wymondham, there shall be take an enquerre _de jure
patronatus_ afore Master Robert Popy and Master Symond Thornham, atte
whech day I may nought be my selff as God knowyth, and thow I myght, yt
were not convenyent.

And therfore, ryght trusty cosyn, consideryng that I am a wedowe
impotent as of body, tendyrly and hertily I pray you, yf yt lyke yow, to
be there assistyng my councell in my right as reson and lawe will upon
Thursday next, be viij. of the clokke; and Fyncham,[80.3] Spelman, and
othir of my councell shall be than there waytyng upon yow. And, jentyll
cosyn, have me excused thowh I wryte thus brefly and homly to yow, for
in trouth I do it of a synguler trust and affection, the wheche I have
in yow, consideryng the goode nome and fame of trouth, wysdom, and good
conducte, the which I here of you. And therfor, and ye may to youre
well, I beseche you hertyly to be there, and ye shall nought lese therby
with the grace of Almyghty Jesu, the wheche evyr preserve and promote
you, gentill cosyn, in moche worship to youre hertys ease.

Atte Bokenham Castell, on Teuysday in Pache weke, in hast.

  D. A. OGARD.[81.1]

    [Footnote 80.1: [From Fenn, iii. 290.] This letter would appear
    to have been written in the year 1456, as Thomas Fairclowe,
    D.D., was presented to the church of Attleborough on the 2nd
    August in that year by Dame Alice Ogard as patron.]

    [Footnote 80.2: John Radcliff, Esq., married Elizabeth, daughter
    and heir of Walter, Lord Fitz-Walter. He was in her right called
    Lord Fitz-Walter, and was killed at Ferrybridge in 1461.]

    [Footnote 80.3: Simeon Fincham, of Fincham, Esq. His son John
    married Agnes, daughter of John Spelman, of Beckerton, Esq.,
    I suppose the person here mentioned. He died in 1460, and Simeon
    in 1458.--F.]

    [Footnote 81.1: Dame Alice Ogard was the widow of Sir Andrew
    Ogard, Knight, whose first wife was Margaret, the daughter of
    Sir John Clifton, Knight, of Bokenham Castle. He died in 1454,
    and Alice, his relict, in 1460.--F.]


328

HUGH FENN TO JOHN PASTON[81.2]

_To the worchepfull sir, John Paston esquyer._

[Sidenote: 1456(?) / APRIL 25]

Worchepfull Sir, my reverent and right trusty maister and cosyn,
I recommaunde me to you. Lyke you to wyte that wher I have made my fyne
of Ikburgh with Nicholas Waterman, thanne beyng feodary to my Lorde of
Yorke, as the same Nicholas wil recorde, wherof sufficient writyng is
had; the which payment, so made, is sufficient in the lawe; in the which
caas noo newe feodary is chargeable nor I demaundable, but the seide
Nicholas owe to answere therof in his accompt; and if he concele, my
Lorde may have good remedy ageyns hym, and so owe to do. The which not
withstandyng, oon I trowe called Osbarn, som tyme your servant, now my
Lordis feodary, hath often meved to do I wote not, and now late hath
distreyned my cattel, and seith he wil dryve hem awey, &c., and wil have
C_s._ for fyne, wher my uncle paied xxvj_s._ viij_d._, Herry Somer
xx_s._, and so many other ded. Sir, he may do me a pety shame in
distreyning and dryvyng awey to make me hevy, and hym not glad I hoop at
the loong, but wroong shal he nor any other do me, wher I may gete
remedy by the lawe in any place throw Goddis mercy. Wherfor, sir, if he
be stille in your servyse, lyke you I myght have knowlech, and thanne if
your discreccion semith any thyng that I owe to do, by you I wil be
advertysed and ruled; and if I coude conceyve that I owe to pay ageyn,
as I understonde clerly the contrary, forsothe in right hasty seson wold
I provyde and send hym from my seid lorde a sufficient discharge for myn
more availl, that he shuld noght lose by me. And that is reson aswele,
for that I wil not, by Goddis grace be hurted by hym, nor geve hym cause
by my wil. I deserve my lordis good lordeship as wele as any other of my
simple poer her. I besech you that by this simple bille I may be
recommaunded to my worchepful maistresse. The blissid Trinite have you
in His holy governaunce. Written, London xxv. day of Aprill.

  Youris owen,

  HUGH A FENNE.

    [Footnote 81.2: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 173.] The year of this
    letter is uncertain, but it must belong to the latter part of
    Henry VI.’s reign, and there is great probability that it was
    written in 1456, like No. 324, which is also written by Hugh
    Fenn from London.]


329

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON[82.1]

_To my worchepfull Cosyn, John Paston, Esquyer, in hast goodly._

[Sidenote: 1456 / MAY 2]

Worchepfull Cosyn, I comaunde me to yow. Lyke yow to wete that for als
moche as my lord of Norwich shal the next wyke visite the hous of
Hykelyng, as on Thursday, as I understand, I pray yow that ye lyke to
informe my lord how it is appoynted atwix the prior of the said hous and
me that my title of xxv. marc of yerly rente is put in the ordynaunce of
yow and Fyncheham, and if any variaunce fortune by twix yow that thanne
we shall stand to the rule and ordynaunce of my lord of Caunterbury and
of my seid lord of Norwich, they callyng to them ij. temporall juges
suche as them please, the ij. chef juges only except. Wherfor that it
please his good lordship to commaunde the seid priour to be bound by
obligacion to stand to the seid appoyntement in lyke form as I at all
tymes lefull am redy soe to do, to th’entent that my lord may verily
knowe that the complysshyng of the seid appoyntement is nat deferred ner
delayed by me. Forthermore, Cosyn, I understand that ye have a feodary
concernyng all the knyght fees in this shire, and for als moche as the
lord Scalys cleymeth an homage of my place called Essex in Hikelyng I
pray yow that ye lyke to sende me woord if it can be understand by the
seid feodary if suche an homage owe to be do or nay. Moreover like yow
to remembre that lateward I meved unto yow that I wold do kyt out a
litell fleet rennyng by twix the Comouns of your lordship of Maulteby
and Castre there it was of old tyme, and now is over grounded and growen
by reedes. Wherfor lyke yow to write on to your baly of Mauteby to take
your tenauntes with hym to have a sight of the seid water and ground,
and that they bere half costes for ther part, and I wole bere the other
part. And all though my wrytyngges put yow many tymes to gret labour and
besynesses, I pray yow to take it that I do it for the synguler
affiaunce and feythful trust unto yow. Besehyng All myghty God have yow,
my worchepful Cosyn, in his mercifull governaunce. Writ at Castre, the
ij^de. day of Maij.

And that ye lyke to come in to these partyes byfore ye ryde to London,
I pray yow hertely that I may speke with yow for dyvers maters that I
have to comowne with yow, &c.

  J. FASTOLF.

    [Footnote 82.1: [Add. MS. 35,251, f. 24, B.M.] This letter seems
    to be of the same year as No. 341.]


330

JOHN BOCKYNG TO JOHN PASTON[84.1]

_To my worshipful maister, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: 1456 / MAY 8]

Sire, please it your maistership to wyte that on Wednesday, the v. day
of Maij, I received a lettre from you by the prestis man of Walsyngham,
and the Ascencion Day,[84.2] in the mornyng, I received a lettre from
yow bi the handes of John Frays, my maisteris man, in whiche bothe moche
thinge is conteyned whiche alle at this tyme I may not answere un to my
comyng the nexte weke. And as to our atteynte,[84.3] the Chief Justice
hathe, sithe this day sevenyght, kept the Gildehalle in London with alle
the Lordes and Juges, sauf one in eche place. My Maister Markham
yesterday rode owte of London be tymes. Notwithstandyng we called ther
upon, and hadde at the barre Chokke,[84.4] Letelton,[84.5] Jenney,[84.6]
Illyngworth,[84.7] John Jenney, and Dyne, and remembrid the longe
hangyng and the trouthe of the matier, with the grete hurte of the
partie in the tyme; and we have rule the next terme betymes, and non
otherwise, for to morwe the juges sitten ayen in the toune. Mayster
Yelverton can not be myry for Wyrmegey, and as for the distresse, it is
a _non omittas_, and therfore Poley may and wil retorne what isseus he
will. If thei be smale, we shall suffre at this time; if thei be grete,
we must appere for Wyngfelde; and moche labour we have to conceyve a
goode warant of attorney. We shal plede the next terme, for as at this
tyme we wold on Monday enparle and we may.

Ye must suerly entrete the shireve, for we have moche to doo with hym,
as yesterday hadde we a grete day also in th’eschequer. Myn
maister[85.1] is moche bounde to Haltofte, and there we ar assigned day
over to the next terme, and dwelle in law. Our counsail was longe or
thei come, but at the laste thei acquitte them weel. The bille was
thought not by all that stode at the barre that wer of nother partie. We
ar joyned in the sute of the obligacion in the Comon Place ayenst Jenney
and Howes. As for attachement, ye may none have withowte ye or on of yow
make your othe in propre persone before the barons. I wolde have doon
it; I cowde not be amytted. And as for other processe, it is advised
that by the cors of th’eschequer I shall take a _venire facias_ ayenst
Wentworthe, Andrews, longe Barnard, and Deyvill _ad respondendum quare
in possessionem, &c. ingressi sunt_. And we must telle where other
Coughawe or Kirkeley, I suppose; and therupon a distresse and an
attachement; nevertheles by your othe, &c., hereafter. And it is thought
good that the same men shal be in the writte of ravyshment. Jenney hath
advised us to ley it in Blithinge hundred, and I have taken of hym
names; for as for London it is to nyghe enbracerye, as ye thought well,
and soo is Middlesex. Maister Yelverton conceyvith it weel to your
entent. There are aboughte and in Suffolk but fewe men as of gentilmen
and men of substance, but if [_unless_] it be in Blithing hundre, were
Hopton is grete; but Jenney dredeth it not we may have good men at
large; and as for the hundre, he wil doo inow thereinne.

As for the tailes of iiij^{xx}_li._ [_four score pounds_], as yette we
shal doo weel inowghe and thei were contentid; or thei that shal have
the silvere, the noyse were the lesse, for it shall, in pledyng, alwey
be rehersid by our contrarie party that for x. marc we have alle that
evere ther is, &c. I can not here how Wentworthe takith this matier by
no meane; what he meneth I wote not. He is no thing pleasid with the
matier of the bille in th’eschequer. Thomas Denys come yesterday, and
none erste. I wolde Arblaster and he spoke with yow this vacacion.
I write noo more til my comyng.

As for tidinges, noon othere thanne I sent yow laste; but forthe on the
same, all is as it was with the Quene,[86.1] the Prince and myn Lord
York ar stille at Tutbury and Sandale, and my Lord of Warrewick at
Warrewick. My Lord Bukingham rode on Ascencion Even to Writell, noo
thing wel plesid, and sumwhat on easid of herte to his purpose; for the
King hathe ley in London Friday, Saterday, Sonday, Monday, Teusday, and
Wednesday remevid to Westminster agen. In alle whiche tyme, men of
London that wer chargid and sworne wolde not nor hadde noo thing
presentid sauf trespas; this day thei shal sitte ayen. The peas is weel
kepte, but the straungiers[86.2] ar soore a dradde, and dar not come on
brode. Here is alle that I knowe as yet. Our Lord Jesu be with yow.

Writen at Suthwerk the viij. day of Maij.

I have paied to Dory C_s._, and with moche peyne made hym to ghete day
of the other Cs. til the nexterme.

  Your owen

  J. B.

  _Endorsed in a seventeenth-century hand._-- L’ra Joh’is Bokking,
  Attorn. in Communi Banco.

    [Footnote 84.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The date of this letter
    is quite certain, not only from the circumstance of the 5th May
    being a Wednesday in 1456, as mentioned in the beginning, but
    also from Ascension Day falling between that and the 8th, the
    day on which this letter was written.]

    [Footnote 84.2: Ascension Day was the 6th May in 1456.]

    [Footnote 84.3: _See_ Nos. 267, 268, etc.]

    [Footnote 84.4: Richard Choke, Serjeant-at-law, afterwards Judge
    of the Common Pleas.]

    [Footnote 84.5: Thomas Lyttelton, the great lawyer, at this time
    King’s Serjeant, afterwards Judge of the Common Pleas, famous
    for his treatise on _Tenures_.]

    [Footnote 84.6: William Jenney.]

    [Footnote 84.7: Richard Illingworth, afterwards Chief Baron of
    the Exchequer.]

    [Footnote 85.1: Sir John Fastolf.]

    [Footnote 86.1: A full stop after ‘Quene’ would improve the
    grammar of this sentence, but the original is entirely without
    punctuation. The writer evidently meant that the Queen and
    Prince were at Tutbury, and the Duke of York at Sandal.]

    [Footnote 86.2: The foreign merchants. A riot took place about
    this time in London, in which the houses of foreigners were
    attacked. --_See_ Fabyan’s _Chronicle_; also Brown’s _Venetian
    Calendar_, i. 81, 84.]


331

JOHN BOCKING TO JOHN PASTON[86.3]

_To my Maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1456 / MAY 15]

Worshipful Sir, and my good maister, I recomaunde me to yow. This day I
come home; and as to our materes, I shall be with yow on Monday and
Teusday next, be my maisters advys, and enforme yow of all, and of suche
as I will not write. Your cofre is at the Prinse Inne; sende for it
whane ye like, be the token, I hadde of Margret Goche a boke of lawe
that Wigge brought me. As for tidyngs, my maistys your brother faren
weel, and recomaunde them to my maistresse, there moder, to yow, and to
all, &c.

As for tidings elles, the Kyng is at Shene, the Quene and Prince at
Tutbury, but if it be the latter remevyng. Tidings were that the Lord
Beaumont was slayn, and my Lord Warrewik sore hurte, m^{l}. [1000] men
slayn, and vj^{xx}. [_six score_] knyghts and squiers hurte, and no
thing trewe, blessed be God. As for the Lumbards,[87.1] ij. of the
trespasers were hanged on Monday, and there ar be this tyme
proclamacions made, or shall be, thorwe London, the pees to be kepte up
on grete peynes; and the Lumbards to occupie the merchaundizes as thei
dide til the Counsail or Parlament have otherwise determyned. And noo
more as yet.

The atteynte abidith unreuled til the next terme, as I shal telle yow,
and it shal doo weel with God is grace, hoe have yow in kepyng and all
youres.

Writen at Caster _vigilia Pentecosten_.

  Your owen

  J. B.

    [Footnote 86.3: [From Fenn, i. 130.] Whitsun Eve, the day on
    which this letter is dated, fell on the 15th May in 1456, just a
    week after the date of last letter; and no one can doubt that
    they both belong to the same year.]

    [Footnote 87.1: _See_ Note 2, preceding page.]


332

HENRY WINDSOR TO JOHN PASTON[87.2]

[Sidenote: 1456(?) / [MAY 16]]

After humble and due recommendacion, please it your gode maistership to
understand that atte makyng of this my pour letter ther were no
noveltees with us, but suche as yee understode full well afor your
departyng, except the Kyng woll in to Scotland in all maner wyse of
werre, and that my Lord of Weltshire shal be made Chaunceller. I suppose
the better is but a sclaunder, and therfore be ye avised howe ye delyver
theym as tidynges.

Also I wotte ful well where I lefte you in suche matiers as it pleassed
you to make me of your counsell, as touchyng oon matier specially; and
howe that ye said unto me whenne I desired your goode maistership to
shewe favour in suche as ye best myght yf any thing shuld be shewed _ad
lumen_, my Maister F. except; and howe that ye answered and said as it
pleassed you that I was conquered, in trouth, that shuld preve but a
full grete unstabulnes in me with more, &c. But, Sir, I pray you howe
some ever my maister rekeneth with any of his servaunts, bring not the
matier in revolution in the open Courte, for and it were ones opened
afore the Juges howe that any lettre patentes shuld be purchased of an
ante date,[88.1] and the defaute faunde in me, ye wold be a m^l.
[_thousand_] tymes avised, and my Maister F. both, or that ye wold amend
me soo much as I shuld be appered therbe. And therfor I beseche you be
well avised howe that matier be oponed for myn ease.

I was not desired to write unto you of no on persone, so God be my help,
yourself except; but I wold ye wold take avise and counsell of the
Preest that hadde you soo long under hand on Shorthursday,[88.2] whenne
I and my feleship, God thank you, hadde of you right grete chere to our
grete comfort and your grete coste, howe that the same Preest
understandeth this letter of the Gospell underwriten: ‘Jesus dixit
Simoni Petro, Si peccav[er]it in te frater tuus, vade et corripe eum
inter te et ipsum solum; si te audierit lucratus es fratrem tuum. Si
autem te non audierit, adhibe tecum adhuc unum vel duos, ut in ore
duorum vel trium testium stet omne verbum. Quod si non audierit, dic
ecclesiæ; si autem ecclesiam non audierit, sit tibi sicut ethnicus et
publicanus,’ etc. And in another place, ‘Tunc accedens Petrus ad Jesum
dixit, Domine, quotiens petevit [_peccabit_] in me frater meus, [et]
dimittam ei? usque septies? Dicit illi Jesus, Non dico tibi, usque
septies, set usque septuagesies septies.’[89.1]

My maister can doo no thing, the which shall come in open audience at
thise deies, but it shalbe called your dede. Hit is not unknoon that
cruell and vengible he hath byn ever, and for the most parte with aute
pite and mercy; I can no more but _vade et corripe eum_, for truly he
cannot bryng about his matiers in this word [_world_], for the word is
not for hym. I suppose it wolnot chaunge yetts by likelenes, but I
beseche you, Sir, help not to amend hym onely, by [_but ?_] every other
man yf ye kno any mo mysse disposed.

I canno more, but as I can or mey, I shal be his servaunt and youres
unto such tyme as ye woll comande me to sursese and leve of, yf it
please hym.

Sir, I pray you take this copy[89.2] of your statute, it is not examined
be me, for I found hit thise v. yeres pessed.

Writan in my slepyng tyme at after none, on Wytsonday. Also, Sir, yf I
have rehersed wyttyngly the text of the Gospell syngularly unto your
maistership, I beseche you to be had excused.

  Your own,

  H. W.

    [Footnote 87.2: [From Fenn, iii. 278.] The date of this letter
    is doubtful. The two pieces of intelligence at the beginning
    were certainly both false rumours, as the writer, indeed, seems
    to have suspected. Henry VI. never went to Scotland in manner of
    war, and the Earl of Wiltshire never was made Chancellor. But
    the time when those rumours seem most likely to have arisen was
    in the year 1456, when the Duke of York had been deprived of the
    Protectorate. The Earl of Wiltshire, being of the opposite party
    to York, was not unlikely to have been talked of as Chancellor,
    although the Chancellorship was given on the 7th of March to the
    Archbishop of Canterbury. As to the rumoured expedition against
    Scotland, we know that in the preceding year James II., in
    defiance of the truce, laid siege to Berwick, which offered a
    gallant resistance (Nicolas’s _Privy Council Proceedings_, vi.
    248). This, however, does not appear immediately to have led to
    open war between the two countries. Diplomatic relations were
    still carried on till, on the 10th of May 1456, James II.
    despatched Lyon Herald to the King of England to declare plainly
    that the Truce of 1453 was injurious to Scotland, and that he
    did not mean to abide by it (Lambeth MS. 211, f. 146 b). No
    reply was made to this message till the 26th of July, when an
    answer was despatched by the Duke of York in the King’s name
    (_see_ Rymer, xi. 383); but there can be little doubt the desire
    to punish the insolence of the Scots must have been very general
    long before.]

    [Footnote 88.1: A law was passed in the eighteenth year of Henry
    VI. to put a stop to the abuse of persons having interest about
    the Court procuring antedated letters patent, by means of which
    they were enabled to claim the emoluments of lands or offices
    granted to them from a date anterior to the actual passing of
    the grant. --_See_ Hardy’s Introduction to the _Patent Rolls of
    King John_, p. xxx.]

    [Footnote 88.2: Shere or Shore Thursday, Maundy Thursday, the
    day before Good Friday.]

    [Footnote 89.1: St. Matthew’s Gospel, chap. xviii. ver. 15, 16,
    17, and ver. 21, 22.]

    [Footnote 89.2: This relates to papers sent with this letter,
    and accounts for there being no direction, as the whole was
    enclosed in a parcel.--F.]


333

JOHN RUSSE TO JOHN PASTON[90.1]

_To my Maister Paston, in haaste._

[Sidenote: 1456 / JUNE 1]

Please your good maistirship to wete that my Lord of Norffolk yaf in
comaundement to Cristofre and to the balif of Colneise to laboure with
us acording to your mocion. And as to Skilly, fermour of Cowhaugh, we
enteryd there, and seyd we wold have payment for the half yeer past, and
sewrete for the half yeer comynge, or ellys we wold distreyne and put
hym out of pocession, and put in a newe fermoure; and so oure demenyng
was suche that we toke no distresse, and yit we have hym bounde in an
obligacion of xviij_li._ payabil at Michelmesse without condecion, and
vj_s._ viij_d._ we receyvid of hym for opocession, for the ferme as yit
remayneth on gatherid in the fermourez handes. But I seyd hym I wold be
ther ageyn for the recedu of the half yeer ferme past withinne this
xiiij. dayes; and he seyd he wold do hise delygence to gather it up. But
he spak with Wentworth sethyn, whiche yef hym an uttyr rebuke, as he
swor to me, and seyd he wold have hys payment of Skylly, and sewe hise
oblygacion this next terme whiche he is bounden in to Wentworth for the
yeerly payment of the same ferme; and the seyd Wentworth seyd he wyll
takyn an accyon of trespas this next terme ageyn us that were there; and
Devyle seyd ye were hender the londes at the begynning of your sute
thanne ye be now, and that shalbe knowe be Lammesse next comyng, for he
hathe thynges to shewe ye saw nevyr yit. Skilly offerid me xl_s._ to
have delyvered hym ageyn hise obligacion, and he wold have put me in
pocession of a distresse, and [_i.e._ if] I wold have delyvered it hym;
he seithe he dede nevyr so mad a dede, for Wentworth wold no bettyr mean
thane we had takyn a distresse. He shuld sone have remedyed that; but
now he seith Skylls is withoute remedy, but he will be payd, &c.

Item, Sir, as to the fermourez of the manor of Langston in Brustal, we
have also sewyrte be oblygacion withoute condecion payabil at
Michilmesse, and toke no distresse but enteryd the londes; but we had
gret peyne to brynge hem ther to, for ther is one John Cook of Braunford
hath it in ferme of Wentworth all, and he leteth it out ageyn be
parcelles to iij. sondre persones. But he was not at home, where for we
have the same fermourez bounde for payment, and they had no mony redy,
but they have promysed to delyvere Herry Deye at Yepiswiche this day
xx_s._ in party of payment.

Item, Sir, as to the fermour of the maner of Bentley, clepid Bentley
Houses, we have hym bonde in lyke wyse for the ferme of the seyd maner
from Michilmesse last past tyl Mychelmesse next comyng, in an obligacion
of x. marks payabil at Michilmesse next comyng, without ony condecyon;
and in party of payment I have receyvid of hym xiij_s._ iiij_d._, and he
promyseth me iiij. markes at Lammesse next comyng. And as for Bradwell,
my maistir[91.1] hathe sewyrte; and as for Kyrley Hawe, I was with the
fermour yistirday, but he wyll paye no peny, nor be bounde neithir.
Wherfor my maistir shal sende us to take a distresse tomorwyn, and I
truste we shal fynde sum meanys to have hym bounde, &c.

Item, John Andrewe hathe in fee yerly of the maner of Coughaugh xx_s._,
and Thomas Denys xiij_s._ iiij_d._ of the maner of Foxhole, but as ferre
as I can enquere, there is payd no more feez out of non of the maneris
to none othir men but to these tweyne.

Item, as for the endenturis, I sende here with a copy of Skyllyez
endenture and a copy of Deynis endenture, fermour of the maner of
Bentley, clepid Bentley Houses; and Herry Deye shal brynge a copy of
John Cooks endenture of the ferme of the maner of Langston in Brustall;
and as for Wareyn Bonde, he mad nevyr endenture for the ferme of Kyrkley
Hawe, for he hathe ocupyed it but sethin Michilmesse last past; and so
he holdith it but be promyse upon compnaunt [_covenant ?_]. And we shal
gete a copy of Sewalys endenture, fermour of Bradwelle, and me semyth,
savyng your bettyr avyse, it war right expedient that ye shuld for the
sped of this mater be at London in al haste.

Primo die Junii anno xxxiiij.[91.2]

  Youre humble servaunt and bedeman,

  JOHN RUSSE.

    [Footnote 90.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 91.1: Sir John Fastolf.]

    [Footnote 91.2: The thirty-fourth year of the reign of Henry VI.
    This date is added in a different hand, apparently that of John
    Paston, to whom the letter is addressed.]

  [[JOHN RUSSE TO JOHN PASTON[90.1] _footnote tag missing_]]


334

JOHN BOCKING TO JOHN PASTON[91.3]

_To my right good maister, John Paston, Squier, at Norwiche, in haste._

[Sidenote: 1456 / JUNE 7]

Sir, please it your maistership to wyte, I have my attachements graunted
in open Courte with helpe of Litelton[91.4] and Hewe at Fen, and was
bide to make redy the names, &c. before the Barons, of which
Haltoft[91.5] was one. . . . . . . . . .[91.6]

As for tidings, the Kyng is at Shene, the Quene at Chestre; the Duc of
Buk was, as I come hiderward, at Writell, the Erle of Warrewyke at
Werrewyke, and the Lords Chaunceller,[92.1] Tresorier,[92.2] and th’Erle
of Sar’ [_Salisbury_] in London, and noo more Lords at the begynyng this
day of the grete Counsail. Many men say that there shuld be, but thei
wote not what. The sege shall, as men say, come to Caleys and to Guynes,
for moche puple come overe the water of Somme, and grete navies on the
see.

Th’Erle of Penbroke[92.3] is with the Kyng, and noo more Lordis. Th’Erle
of Richemond[92.4] and Griffith Suoh (?) are at werre gretely in Wales.
The Comons of Kent, as thei werre wo[n]tte, er not all weel disposid,
for there is in doyng amongs hem what evere it bee. Of Scotts is here
but litell talkyng. My Lord York is at Sendall stille, and waytith on
the Quene and she up on hym.

I dide my maistress your moderis erands, as ye have herde of, for
Maister William hath writen his entente, and he and Clement faren weel.

Writen at Horshighdone, vij^mo die Junij.

Rokewode and Crane faren weel, and thei and I recomaunde hem to my
maistress your wif.

And as I understande, the Clerke of the Rolles is owte of charite with
Maister Yelverton, and my Lord Chaunceller a litell mevid, &c.

  Your owen,

  J. B.

    [Footnote 91.3: [From Fenn, i. 134.] On comparing this with the
    previous letters of Bocking, Nos. 330 and 331, it will be seen
    that they must all three be of the same year.]

    [Footnote 91.4: Thomas Lyttelton. --_See_ p. 84, Note 5.]

    [Footnote 91.5: Gilbert Haltoft.]

    [Footnote 91.6: Here, in the original, followed various passages
    relating to law business, which Fenn has not printed.]

    [Footnote 92.1: Archbishop Bourchier.]

    [Footnote 92.2: Henry, Viscount Bourchier, was appointed Lord
    Treasurer on the 29th May 1455 (_Patent Roll_, 33 Hen. VI., p.
    2, m. 12), and so continued till the 5th October 1456, when the
    office was taken from him and given to the Earl of Shrewsbury
    (_Patent_, 35 Hen. VI., p. 1, m. 16).]

    [Footnote 92.3: Jasper Tudor. --_See_ vol. ii. p. 298, Note 1.]

    [Footnote 92.4: Edmund Tudor. --_See_ vol. ii. p. 297, Note 6.]


335

ABSTRACT[93.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON, ESQ.

[Sidenote: 1456 / JUNE 18]

As to the matters on which Paston sent to him by Will. Barker to desire
his advice, Paston knows that Fastolf has put his whole confidence in
him, and begs he will do with the advice of Fastolf’s learned counsel
whatever they jointly think for his weal; ‘for ye know well I am so
visited by the hand of God that I may not deal with such troublous
matters, without it should be to great hurt of my bodily welfare, which
I trust ye would not desire.’ If you find my Lady of York disposed to
visit this poor place, commend me to her, and tell her how it is with me
that I cannot receive her as I ought.

Castre, 18 June.

  [As it will appear a little further on that the Duchess of York
  visited Caister in 1456, this letter is probably of that year.]

    [Footnote 93.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 242.]]


336

ABSTRACT[93.2]

SIR J. FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1456 / JUNE 24]

To-day my cousin Sir Miles Stapleton, Sir James Braylyes, Andrew
Grygges, ‘hyr resseyvor,’ and Grymston have been with Fastolf at Castre,
and brought him 253 marks, which they would have paid if he had had the
obligation here. Sends therefore a letter by his servant Colyn how Sir
S. and he are agreed for its deliverance, etc. Sir S. made many strange
insinuations that the money was paid before, partly by assignment to
Clyffton, etc. On the 18th and 19th inst. ‘long Bernard, with a priest
of Kent, to the number of 16 horse, hafe, at Nacton, Bentley, and other
places of F., and entered by colour of a deed of feoffment made to the
Lady Roos and others, and hafe right proud language to the farmers, that
they will obtain their intent.’ Russe has written more plainly by Nich.
Colman.

‘Item, I charge right greatly the matter of my Lord of Bedford for my
discharge, and for the recovery of my Lord’s goods.’ Begs Paston to
common with the Lord Chancellor and others about it; and desires him to
give ‘mine attorney, Raulyns, and my serjeants’ a warning ‘to take more
tenderness’ about the process of Hykelyng that has been so many years
and days driven off.

St. John Baptist’s Day.

  [From the reference to ‘the matter of my Lord of Bedford,’ this
  letter was most probably written in the year 1456.]

    [Footnote 93.2: [_Ibid._, No. 263.]]


337

ABSTRACT[94.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON.

‘First it is to remember that, upon St. John’s day, there was Sir Symond
Brayles, chaplain of my Lady of Suffolk, and in presence of Sir Miles
Stapleton and Edward Grymston, said that the 200 marks was paid before
in the Duke of Suffolk’s days.’ Can prove by writings that this was not
so, and that he ‘offered to put it upon my Lord Chancellor and upon one
or two of Lords of the King’s council as my said Lord Chancellor will
call unto him,’ that it may be known whether my Lady is wronged or
Fastolf. The £100 of the above sum was not paid by assignment to
Clyffton. Sir Simon complains that the suit was stolen against Sir Thos.
Tuddenham, and judgment given without my Lady’s counsel knowing of it;
which can be disproved.

Castre, St. John Baptist’s Day.

   *   *   *

‘Item, I remembered Sir Simon for the restitution of my revenues of
Dedham 3 year day, and my damage of a mill put down,’ etc. I paid 500
marks for the ward of Sir Rob. Harlyng’s daughter for my Lord to Sir
John Clyfton, of which the Duke had no right to receive one penny, for
there was no land held of the King.

  [This letter corresponds so closely with the last that it must have
  been written the same day.]

    [Footnote 94.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 238.]]


338

FRIAR BRACKLEY TO JOHN PASTON[95.1]

_Honorabili viro Johanni Paston armigero ac confratri suo Willelmo
germano uterino._[95.2]

[Sidenote: 1456(?) / [JUNE 29]]

Ryte reverent Syre, &c. I am informyd credybily of a secrete frend that
S. T. T. [_Sir Thomas Tuddenham_] and J. H. [_John Heydon_], with J. A.
[_John Andrews ?_] and other of cursyd covy, wyl bryng with hem many
gentylmen of here bende to compleyn upon me at the next chapitle, &c.
And there fore, by the grace of God, I dispose me, with help of zour
good maysterschip and my Mayster Willyam, zour brother. Where fore, at
the reverens of God, that ze do speke with the clerk men clepyn Brayn,
that kepyth the bokys of here inditementes at the _oyer determyner_,
anno xxixº regni Regis; and that an extret or a copy myte schortly be
wrytyn owt of as many namys as dedyn indyte T. T. and J. H. for trespas,
extorsyones, and oppressyonys done to other men, as wele as to my
Mayster Fastolff, etc., that I may be redy to schew to my ordre, lyk a
kalender, a legende of here lyvys and here rewlyng of the cuntre, in
destruccyon and gret myschef of the cuntre in here dayes. At the
reverens of Jesu, forzet not this mater, ne the mater of Dedham, etc.
I wolde ze askyd my good lord and mayster, Yelverton, yf I sent hym ony
letter in the same mater, &c. Dicente Davitico Psalmo:[96.1] _Ne
obliviscaris voces inimicorum tuorum, nam superbia eorum ascendit
semper_ in psalmo; qui et si nunquam ascendant in cœlos, utinam nunquam
desendant ab [_ad_] abissos, &c., etsi anima eorum in malis tabescebat,
&c. Scriptum festinacione (?) feria 3^a post festum Natalis Sancti
Johannis Baptistæ.[96.2] Recommendetis me magistro meo W. Paston,
confratri vestro, et Thomæ Playter cognato meo, cui dicite quod faciat
Willelmum Geneye sibi benivolum quia Sampson filius et heres J. Sampson
olim mariti Katerinæ Fastolff apud Owlton mortuus, et ibi sunt duæ
viduæ, major et minor, senior et junior. Eligatur quæ sibi melius
placet.

Magister Thomas Howys vobis amantissimus se cordialissime recommendat
vobis, etc. Item, Willelmus Wigorniensis recommendat se vobis ex toto
corde. Scribo vobis, utinam ad placitum.

  Vester ad vota,

  F. J. B., _Minorum minimus_.

I hafe a rolle redy of the inditements, that they were indityd for
trespase and extorsyon and oppressyon done to my Mayster Fastolff, in
the keping of W. Worceter, &c.

Visa frangatur et in ignem post jaciatur. Si dignemini loqui cum effectu
magistro Ricardo Fysscher, secretario domini mei comitis Warwicensis,
pro cujus nomine et amore promptissimus sum adhuc plura pati, ut
mittatur pro me litera magistro provinciali et diffinitoribus.

    [Footnote 95.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] Dr. John Brackley, the
    writer of this letter, was a Grey Friar of Norwich, of
    considerable celebrity as a preacher. Several letters of his are
    found in this collection, written in the years 1459 and 1460.
    This, however, must be a few years earlier, as in 1459 Brackley
    writes of William Worcester in very different terms. The
    handwriting also is not so close as that of his later letters.
    We cannot, however, carry the date further back than 1455, as it
    seems that Worcester and Howes were at this time together, which
    must have been at Caister. Nor will the year 1455 itself suit
    all the circumstances of the letter, for it is evident that John
    and William Paston were also together, and as the writer asks
    John Paston to speak to Yelverton, it may be presumed they were
    in London. Now, John Paston was certainly not in London within a
    week after St. John the Baptist’s Day in 1455. We have therefore
    placed the letter in 1456. It will be observed that, on the 1st
    of June in that year, John Russe advised Paston to go up to
    London.]

    [Footnote 95.2: This address is in William Worcester’s hand. The
    letter itself is in Brackley’s own.]

    [Footnote 96.1: _See_ Psalm lxxiii. (or lxxiv.) 23.]

    [Footnote 96.2: St. John the Baptist’s Day is the 24th June.
    _Feria tertia_ means Tuesday.]


339

FRIAR BRACKLEY TO JOHN PASTON[97.1]

_Magistro meo venerabili Johanni Paston Armigero detui._

Dixi enim magistro meo gardiano ante meum exitum quod magistri mei
generosi et amici alii vellent me juvare pro die Jovis pro pascendo
doctores, patres ac cæteros confratres nostri provincialis capituli; et
in exitu meo consentire noluit, quia Gurnay suus socius et procurator,
frater juvenis nostri conventus et unus sacerdos simplex, curatus de
Worsted, et Bukle, cocus, super se diem prædictum assumpserunt. Et ego
dixi, ‘Olim fuit modus quod unus ejusdem loci magister esset præferendus
in tali diei eleccione. Sed unum scitote, si magistri mei certi generosi
et ego cum eis habere non potuerimus diem quem elegimus, certe pro hoc
tempore nullum alium diem habere volumus.’ Utinam placeret vobis ut
magistra mea, uxor vestra, vellet mittere pro magistro gardiano, et
dicere sibi quod ipsa quæsivit a me qualem diem ego haberem pro
fratribus pascendis in tempore capituli et quod ego dixi me habiturum
illum vel certe nullum aliter. Quæcumque ego potero procurare de
pecuniis seu victualibus ego singula venderem et expendere vellem in
reparacionibus, &c. Rogo vos ex caritate ut magistræ meæ matri vestræ ac
aliis amicis vestris vobis notis, insinuetis nostram indigenciam pro
faciliori relevamine capituli provincialis. Sic enim ad vestri et mei
magistri mei specialem instanciam præsencialiter habere residenciam
teneo, ut alia loca pro præsenti negocio accedere non valeam, &c. Non
plura pro præsenti sunt calamo præsentanda, nisi quod vos, vestros et
vestra Jesus Christus graciose conservet in prosperis et graciosius
dirigat in agendis. Amen.

Recommendetis me, si placeat, uxori et matri et confratribus vestris W.,
&c. et domino meo Rectori de Blofeld, utinam de Hadle, &c.; cui dicatis
quod hac nocte jacuit Colinus Gallicus cum pulcherima Amasia sua in
camera conducta per eum, &c. Utinam nunquam vigeat, &c. Ipse proponit in
vestra præsentia dicere dicto rectori satis perversa verba. Et spero
quod dominus Rector faciat de sua speciali gratia meum negocium per
Ricardum famulum suum crastina die summo mane expediendum, quia dies
ista est dies ultima, &c. Ex manerio de Castre, Sabbato circa tempus
prandii festinantissime.

Magister meus[97.2] valde gavisus est quando audivit de vobis quomodo
scienter, audacter, viriliter et veraciter respondistis adversariis
vestris coram Domino Cancellario aliisque dominis, &c.

Vester præ cæteris orator,

  F. J. B., Minorum minimus.

    [Footnote 97.1: This letter was copied by the Editor from one of
    the Royden Hall MSS. in 1875.]

    [Footnote 97.2: Sir John Fastolf.]


340

HENRY FYLUNGLEY TO SIR JOHN FASTOLF[98.1]

_To my ryght worshipfull unkle, and my ryght good master, Syr John
Fastalf, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1456(?) / JULY 17]

Ryght worshipfull unkull, and my ryght good master, I recomaund me to
yow wyth all my servys. And, Sir, my brother Paston and I have comened
togeder as touchinge to your colage that ye wold have made; and, Sir,
hit ys to gret a good that ys axed of yow for youre lycens; for they ax
for every C. marc that ye wold amortyse D. marcz, and woll gefe hit noo
better chepe.

And, Sir, y told my brother Paston that my Lady of Bargeveney[98.2]
hath, in dyvers Abbeyes in Lecestershyre, vij. or viij. prestes singinge
for her perpetuell, by my brother Darcyes and my unkle Brokesbyes
meanes, for they were her executors; and they acorded for money, and
gafe a cc. or ccc. marc, as they myzt acord for a prest. And for the
suerte that he shuld synge in the same abbey for ever, they had maners
of good valew bounden to such persones as plesed the sayd barthern
[_brethren_] Brokkesby and my brother Darcy, that the sayd servyse
shulde be kept. And for lytell moore then the Kynge axed hem for a
lycence, they went thorgh with the sayd abbots. And y hold this wey as
sure as that other. Ye may comen with youre councell therof.

And yf there be any servyse that I can do for yow, hit shall be redy at
all tymes, with the grace of God, who have yow in his kepynge.

Wryten at London, the xvij. day of Juyll.

  Your nevew and servaunt,

  HENRY FYLUNGLEY.

    [Footnote 98.1: [From Fenn, i. 166.] This letter must have been
    written about the time Sir John Fastolf first began to make
    inquiry on what terms he could obtain a licence for establishing
    a college at Caister,--a project which he had much at heart
    during the latter years of his life. A letter from Sir John
    himself upon this subject will be found a little further on,
    dated the 18th November (No. 351), and we think it probable that
    this is of the same year, 1456.]

    [Footnote 98.2: Edward Nevill, Lord Abergavenny, was twice
    married. His first wife, to whom he owed his title, was
    Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Worcester. His
    second was Catherine, daughter of Sir Robert Howard. The Lady
    here mentioned is probably the former, for though Dugdale says
    he obtained a dispensation for his second marriage in 1448, that
    date is inconsistent with the age of his son and other facts
    mentioned.]


341

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON[99.1]

_To my worshipful cousyn, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1456 / JULY 31]

Right trusty and worshipful cousyn, I recomaunde me to yow. And like it
yow to wyte, myn attorny, Raulyns, hathe enformed me that the Jugis have
ruled processe to goo owte ayenst the priour of Hikelyng of distresse
_per omnia bona et catalla_, of whiche the writte and other ar not yet
come fro London. I trust whan thei come, be your good counsail and
meane, the Shireve wil doo his devoir; how be it, as I understande, thei
have sente the Lord Scales all there evidences, and he wil come and
dwelle there hym silf. And I am also enformed, for certeyn, that the
Bushop of Norwiche, for all the truste I hadde to hym, that by his meane
I shulde have knowen there fundacion, he hathe warned his officeres not
to have adoo therinne, by cause of the Lord Scales, &c. Cousyn, I pray
yow, in as moche as the matere, by agrement, was putte in you and
Fyncham, and how that ye, for the same cause, specially kepte your day
at London, and toke not in there defaulte and not myn, that ye wil soo
in caas ye see Fyncham remembre, and to othere there as ye seme it
shulde profite to be knowen, and that yet nevertheles my sute soo
ferforthe I wole yet, as I wolde thanne, and at all tymes am redy; and
soo I wolde the priour knewe, and all othere, as weel his weelwillers as
otheres, as the bringer herof shall declare you more pleinly. As for
tidinges, my folkes ar not yet come fro London. The abbot of Seint
Benettes hathe ben with me, and suche as he tolde me the bringer shall
enforme you. And our Lord Jesu have you in governaunce.

Writen at Castre, the last day of Julle.

  Your cousyn,

  J. F.

    [Footnote 99.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is
    doubtless of the same year as No. 336, in the end of which
    Fastolf wishes his attorney, Rawlyns, urged to greater activity
    in the matter of Hickling.]


342

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[100.1]

_To my right trusty and intierly welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: 1456 / AUG. 10]

Right trusty and entierly welbeloved frend, I grete you well, and wull
ze wite that Danyell[100.2] hath required me to write un to you, praying
you that ze wyll kepe the day upon Thursday[100.3] vij. dayes nexst
comyng, which shal be for the best, as I trust; not with standyng I
suppose lerned men wyll not be easy for to gete be cause of this besy
tyme of hervest. Almyghty God have you in Hise governaunce.

Writen at Mydelton,[100.4] the x. day of August.

  Your frend,

  SCALES.

    [Footnote 100.1: [From Fenn, i. 138.] This letter is dated by a
    memorandum at the bottom of the original, in the handwriting, as
    Fenn believes, of John Paston: ‘Lettera inter Mich. xxxiiij. et
    xxxv.’]

    [Footnote 100.2: Thomas Daniel of Rising. --_See_ vol. ii. pp.
    79, 80, 103, etc.]

    [Footnote 100.3: 19th August.]

    [Footnote 100.4: In Norfolk.]


343

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[100.5]

_To my right trusty and welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: About 1456(?)]

Right trusty and welbeloved frend, I grete you hertly well. And for as
mych as I u[ndyrstond] a bill was made at Yermuth ageyns my cousyn Bryan
Stapylton and hise wy. . . . have set up the said bill in the Kynges
Bench, which bill is in your kepyng, pray[ing] you that ye wyll sende me
the same bill be the bringer herof, to the entent I m[ay] se it. And as
I am informed be my said cousyn, ye shewed hym grete gentilnesse and
benyvolence, wherof I thanke you right hertely. I pray God have you in
governance.

Writen at Midelton, the xx. day of Septembre.

  Zowr frend,

  SCALES.

    [Footnote 100.5: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is placed
    immediately after another letter of Lord Scales, dated like this
    from his seat at Middleton in Norfolk, as probably belonging to
    the same period, though the exact year is uncertain.]


344

ARCHBISHOP BOURCHIER TO JOHN PASTON[101.1]

_To our right truste and right welbeloved John Paston, Esquier, and
William Norwiche[101.2] and to either of theym._

[Sidenote: 1456 / SEPT. 7]

Right truste and right welbeloved, we grete you hertly wel. And where as
Sir Nichol Bowet, Knight, sueth an appeelle in the countee of Norffolk
ayenst oon Robert Offord of Berking for the deeth of oon Sir Henry
Bowet, clerc, we being enformed that the matier is pitevous, praie you
hertly that ye wul in our behalve moeve and entreete the Shirreve of the
saide countee to surceese of the execucion of any processe upon the
exigent[101.3] to hym directed in that behalve unto the next terme, so
that resonable meanes maye be founden to save the saide Robert
harmelesse; lating hym wite that we have written to the saide Sir Nichol
for a convenient treetie to be taken in that behalve, as shalbe thought
according to right. And God have you ever in his keping.

Written in our Manoir of Mortelake, the vij. daie of September.

  T., ARCHBYSSHOPP OF CANTERBURY.

    [Footnote 101.1: [From Fenn, iii. 276.] This letter may be
    presumed to have been written during the time that Archbishop
    Bourchier was Lord Chancellor, viz. between 7th March 1455 and
    11th October 1456, when the Great Seal was given to Bishop
    Waynfleet. William Norwich, also, was Sheriff of Norwich in
    1455, and is doubtless addressed in that capacity, but his year
    of office would not have begun so early as September. The letter
    therefore belongs to the following year.]

    [Footnote 101.2: Sheriff of Norwich, 1455; Mayor, 1461. Died,
    1463-4.--Blomefield.]

    [Footnote 101.3: _See_ vol. ii. p. 248, Note 4.]


345

JOHN BOCKING TO JOHN PASTON[102.1]

_To my right worshipful Maister, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1456 / OCT. 8]

Right worshipful Sir, and my good maister, I recomaunde me to yow, and
have receyvid a lettre from yow by Sir Thomas is man, berer here of. And
as for the accions,[102.2] bothe of ravishement and th’attachement, the
declaracions ar made _tunc solvend’_ and not _solut’_, and as moche
amendid as we can or may be favour have amendid. We hadde be beguyled
and they hadde not be sen in Norffolk, for here til this day come noo
counsaill; and to have _per manus Johannis Wyngfelde_ it wole not be,
for we can not bringe it inne, and also it is to late.

And as for iiij^{xx}_li._ [_fourscore pounds_],[102.3] Fenn and I mette
with Worsop this day, and he spake soore to Fenn and me, and we put hym
overe, saying we wolde doo as moche as we myghte. I thinke verily that
Fenn wole deserve ther inne a thanke, but I can not understande hym what
he wolde be doon to, or how rewardid, for whanne I speke of it he is
desplesid, and seithe he desirith noo rewarde; but he farith as a man
wole sey he wold noo silvere, and lokith awaywardes and takith a noble.
And he hath written to yow of the matere of Sir Philip Wentworthe
touching this writte of _liberate_,[102.4] whiche is but a color and noo
warant sufficient, ner we owe not to doo no thinge that shuld obeye it,
ner the Shireve nother dothe but of favor that he dothe to hem, and hym
liste otherwise to doo, as Fenn writeth yow more pleinly. And as for a
_supersedies_ [_sic_], there lithe noon, as he seith, up on a
_liberate_.

And as for entryng in Bradwell, thei doo opyn wronge, for after myn
patent opteyned, there was a writte to sease it into the Kynges hande,
and soo it was and is. And as to your patent, it is counsailled me to
have a writte to th’eschetor _de custodia liberanda_, whiche may not be
denyed. And if we myght have _una cum exitibus a tempore mortis_, it
were a sovereigne writte. It shalbe assaied, and doo thertoo what can
lete; the fermours be promised to be saved harmeles and chargid not to
paie ony thing to them.

And as for the iiij^{xx}_li._ [_fourscore pounds_] to be sette on
Olivere is taile, I can not see it wole be, for there is noo suche
worlde to bringe it abowte. It is faire, and we can ghete it on Fulthorp
is dette by grete labor for agrement, for I drede it wole be moste agayn
us that it is of recorde soo longe unpaied. And Hue at Fenn sueth now to
Nailer to ghete owte moo _liberates_, suche as the last were to the last
eschetor. And this God graunte thei take good spede.

And as to your isseus, I shal accordyng to your lettre speke with
Gresham whanne he cometh, and the Juges and Barons bothe shalbe enformed
of the title of Wentworthe, as ye write, and how it is up on a feyned
dede upon surrender, and a patent cancelled, &c., which Fenn hath
promisid to doo.

And as to Sir Thomas matier, I write un to yow and hym joinctly what
hathe be doon therinne at this tyme. And Jesu have yow in kepyng.

Writen at Suthwerk, the viij. day of Octobre.

As to tidinges, the Kyng and the Quene ar at Coventre.[103.1] The
Counsail be ganne there yesterday, and my Lord Shrewyshbury,[103.2]
Tresorier of England, and John Wode shalb [_shall be_] Under-Tresorer.
Thus thei say in the Chequer.

  Your owen,

  J. B.

    [Footnote 102.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The body of this
    letter relates entirely to proceedings in the dispute between
    Sir John Fastolf and Sir Philip Wentworth about the wardship of
    Thomas Fastolf. The postscript alone relates to public matters.
    The date will appear by the footnotes.]

    [Footnote 102.2: Against Sir Philip Wentworth.]

    [Footnote 102.3: This sum was to be paid by John Bocking and
    William Worcester for a patent of the wardship of Thomas
    Fastolf. --_See_ Letter 347 following.]

    [Footnote 102.4: _See_ p. 77, Note 5.]

    [Footnote 103.1: The Privy Seal dates show the King to have been
    at Coventry between the 20th September and the 14th October
    1456.]

    [Footnote 103.2: John Talbot, second Earl of Shrewsbury, was
    appointed Treasurer on the 5th October 1456.--_Patent Roll_, 35
    Hen. VI., p. 1, m. 16.]


346

BOTONER TO JOHN PASTON[104.1]

_To my Maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1456(?) / OCT. 12]

Please yow to wete that I hafe remembred of the langage that I hafe late
lerned W. Barker had to yow and othyrs of his accomptes apposyng,[104.2]
and of that they be not hole bethyn [_between_] ws, but yn division, &c.
Sir, as I may sey yow, hyt was nevere othyrwyse, ne nevere ys lyke to
be; for now they hafe do with Lowys, he that ys next shall be yn the
same as he was yn gelosye; for when my maister comaundyth such as of
force, by reson of her occupacion, most be nere hym, to do a message to
hys felow, or question of hym, hyt shall be ymagyned amonges our
felyshyp that he doth make maters to my maister. And so it ys ymagyned
of me when I wryte lettres to London, to Bokkyng or Barker, that yn such
maters as please hem not, then it ys my doyng; yff it take well to theyr
entent, then it ys her [_their_] doyng. And yn gode feyth, so it was
ymagyned of me and othyrs that wrote, by my maister comaundment, to
Castre, to the parson of Blofeld, Geffrey Spyrlyng, and othyrs, that of
such maters as was lykyng to hem and coude be sped by help of my maister
frendes as by theyr solicytyng, then it was seyd that it was theyr
avice, labour, and doyng. And yff the maters went not to my maister
entent, ne that they coude not bryng aboute the mater, then it was
imagyned and jangled that it was my wrytyng and doyng. I bare nevere my
maister purs, ne condyt nevere chargeable mater alone of hys yn lawe,
for my discrecion ne connyng know not whate such maters menyth. I knew
nevere of _oyer_ ne _terminer_, ne rad nevere patent before, ne my
maister knew nevere the condyt of such thynges; and when he wrote of hys
grevonse to hys frendys, he commaunded no man to be endyted, for he wyst
not whate belonged to such thynges, ne the parson neyther, but remitted
it to his councell lerned. There was no man gretter at hert with hym, as
Andreus wyth Heydon, because of castyng Bradwell and Tychewell yn the
Kynges handes, and toke awey the waarde. And I came nevere at the _oyer
and terminer_.

By God, my maister lost c. marc by a seute of Margyt Bryg upon a defence
of atteynt, because a quest passed ayenst hyr of xij. penyworth lond by
yeer; and I dar sey and prefe it, my maister never spake of hyr, ne knew
hyr not, ne wrote to sew hyr at the _oyer and terminer_, as I am
remembred. Yhyt yt was well deffended, at my maister grete cost and
labour, and myne pore labour also. Yhyt ought not I, ne none such yn my
stede, beer the wyte [_blame_] wyth Sir Thomas, ne none othyr; he that
takyth the tolle most take the charge, hyt ys hys negligence that wille
take the labour more then he may awey. I wold the parson ys wellfare
asmoch as man lyvyng, to my wreched power; and yff, or when, ye hyre
onye froward ymagynacions, I pray yow gefe no credence tille ye hyre it
aunsuerd. I am eased of my spyrytes now that I hafe expressed my leude
[_ignorant_] menyng, because of my felow Barker, as of such othyr
berkers ayenst the mone, to make wysemen laugh at her foyle. Our Lord
kepe yow.

Wryt at Castre the xij. day of October.

  Your

  W. BOTONER.

I hafe and do purchasse malgre to remembre of evidenses lakkyng by
negligence, &c. And therfor I most be muet and suffre gretter losses but
[_unless_] it be othyrwyse concydered. I sende yow the copie of your
patentes,[105.1] in parchement, and I hafe remembred as well as I can
both the stuard and Bertilmeu Elys for execucion ayenst the pleggs of
your seyntuarye, carpenter (?) Snow, that evere ys disposed to breke
promysses. Foryefe me of my leude lettre wrytyng, and I pray yow laugh
at it.

    [Footnote 104.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The date of this
    letter is uncertain, but must be between the years 1454 and
    1459, when Botoner was at Caister. Bocking and Barker seem to
    have been in London at the time, which we know was the case in
    February 1456; and as we have evidence that Bocking at least was
    still there in October, we may perhaps attribute this letter to
    the October of 1456.]

    [Footnote 104.2: The _apposing_ of accounts was the charging of
    an accountant with the balance due by him to his employer.]

    [Footnote 105.1: Probably the patent of 6th June 1454, granting
    the wardship of Thomas Fastolf to John Paston and Thomas
    Howes. --_See_ No. 248 (in vol. ii.), also the letter following.]


347

SIR THOMAS HOWES TO JOHN PASTON[106.1]

_To my right goode maister, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1456 or 1457]

Reverent Sir, &c. Please yow to wete that it [is] so that my maister, of
his owen frowardness, and of non other mannys mevyng, hat sent a warent
to Cristefor that he shuld delyver me no mony tyll the iiij^{xx}_li._
[_fourscore pounds_] where payed for Bokkyng and Wurcestre
patent;[106.2] and yf the seyd Cristefore delyvered me any mony, that he
shuld take a sewerte of me therfor, nowthwithstandyng my maister preyed
me that I shuld reherce alle thynge in my name, where of I held me
content. And now I fele this traytour wrytyng under nethe, and I nowth
prevy ther to, at my comyng owt causet me to thynk the more hevynes, &c.
Nevertheles, I prey yow that a mene may be taken of trety by the mene of
Clopton or Ellys. Sende me word, and I shal seke menys of trety, for, be
God, I shal trust no more no fayre wordes; and there to I shall lete
alle the Lords of this lond knowe what wrytyngs I have, and his
disposicion. Save yowre reverens, Cristyfor sal (?) have swyche a
maister, &c. I prey yow, as ever I may do yow service or be yowre
bedeman that ye wele sende me yowre avise. I had lever paye xx. marke,
or x_li._ in hande and x_li._ yerely furthe, with myn enemyndz good
love, than to yelde me to preson ayens here entent, and sewe forth the
tyncte. And no trost what my maister wele do, for I can right evele
beleve that he wele bere owt the cost of the tyncte whan he maket
straunge to ley dowun the condempnacion, &c.

Wretyn brevely at Horseydown the Wenesday after messe, anno xxxv^to.

  T. HOWYS.

I shal nowt leve this mater to serve the most enemy that he hat in
Inglond. I wele non of his good. I have lever other men go to the Dille
[_Devil ?_] for his good than I do.

    [Footnote 106.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is dated
    by the writer in the 35th year of Henry VI., but he does not say
    in what month it was written. The 35th of Henry VI. was reckoned
    from the 1st September 1456 to the 31st August 1457. Taken in
    connection with the postscript of Botoner’s letter immediately
    preceding (the date of which letter this partly confirms), it is
    not unlikely that this was written about October. Perhaps
    ‘Wednesday after messe’ should have been ‘Wednesday after
    Michaelmesse.’ If so, the exact date would be October 6th.]

    [Footnote 106.2: The wardship of Thomas Fastolf was at first
    granted to John Paston and Thomas Howes, by patent of the 6th
    June 1454, and for this they agreed to pay 100 marks into the
    Exchequer. But, for some reason or other, a new arrangement was
    made, and the wardship was granted by another patent, dated 12th
    December 1454, to John Bokkyng and William Worcestre, who
    offered the King 20 marks over what Paston had offered, _i.e._
    £80 in all.--See _Patent Roll_, 33 Hen. VI., p. 1, m. 10.]


348

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[107.1]

_To the right worshipfull and myn especiall maister, John Paston,
Esquyer, in hast be this delivered._

[Sidenote: 1456 / OCT. 16]

After al due recomendacion, like it you to wete, that the day of your
assise is _die Lunæ proximo post tres septimanas Sancti Michaelis_,
whiche is on Moneday come vij. nyght; at whiche tyme I trost ye wole be
here, or ellis can I do lytell or nought there inne.

As touchyng your mater ageynst Gunnore, that dwelleth in lawe, I have
spoken to Lyttelton,[107.2] and comuned with hym there in, but it is not
yet spoke of atte barre. Gunnore hath waged his lawe[107.3] of that he
haade his day to wage it of, &c.

As touchyng your issues at Wentworth sute, it is ij_s._, and it was
retourned er I come here. My Maister Fastolfs councel taketh heed
thereto, &c.

As for tydynges, my Lord Chaunceler[108.1] is discharged. In his stede
is my Lord of Wynchestre.[108.2] And my Lord of Shrewisbury[108.3] is
Tresorer, and Broun[108.4] of your Inn is Undertresorer. If ye wold
sende to hym to graunte you the namyng of th’eschetorship of Norffolk,
&c., it were weel do, for it is told me he wold do moche for you.

Maister Lawrence Bothe[108.5] is Prive Seall. And it is seid that my
Lord of York[108.6] hath be with the Kyng, and is departed ageyn in
right good conceyt with the Kyng, but not in gret conceyt with the Whene
[_Queen_]; and sum men sey, ne hadde my Lord of Buks[108.7] not have
letted it, my Lord of York had be distressed in his departyng.

On Moneday last passed was a gret affray at Coventre bytwene the Duke of
Somersets men and the wechemen [_watchmen_] of the toun, and ij. or iij.
men of the toun were kylled there, to gret disturbance of alle the Lords
there; for the larom belle was ronge, and the toun arose, and wold have
jouperdit to have distressed the Duke of Somerset, &c., ne had the Duke
of Buks not have take a direccion therein.

Also it is seid the Duke of Buks taketh right straungely that bothe his
brethren[108.8] arn so sodeynly discharged from ther offices of
Chauncellerie and Tresoryship; and that among other causeth hym that his
opynyon is contrary to the Whenes [_Queen’s_] entent, and many other
also, as it is talked. Item, sum men seyn, the counseal is dissolved,
and that the Kyng is forth to Chester,[109.1] &c. Also summe sey that
many of the Lords shall resorte hiddir to London ageynst Alhalwen tyde.

And as touchyng th’eleccion of Shirefs, men wene that my Lord of
Canterbury shall have a gret rule, and specyall in our countre.

I can no more, but Almyghty God send us as his most pleaser is.

Wretyn al in hast, the Saterday next after Seint Edwards day.

  Your Servaunt,

  JAMES GRESHAM.

    [Footnote 107.1: [From Fenn, i. 24.] This letter is assigned by
    Fenn to the year 1449, but the true date is 1456, as will be
    seen by the footnotes.]

    [Footnote 107.2: _See_ p. 84, Note 5.]

    [Footnote 107.3: Wager of law was an ancient process by which a
    defendant cleared himself in an action of debt. He gave sureties
    that on a certain day he would ‘make his law,’ then took oath
    that he did not owe the plaintiff anything, as alleged, and
    called eleven compurgators to swear they believed him.]

    [Footnote 108.1: Thomas Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury,
    afterwards Cardinal.]

    [Footnote 108.2: William Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester, was
    appointed Chancellor in Archbishop Bourchier’s place on the 11th
    October 1456.]

    [Footnote 108.3: John Talbot, second Earl. He was appointed
    Treasurer on 5th October 1456.--_Patent Roll_, 35 Hen. VI., p.
    1, m. 16.]

    [Footnote 108.4: John Brown. --_See_ William Wyrcestre’s _Annals_
    under the year 1468.]

    [Footnote 108.5: Afterwards Bishop of Durham, and finally
    Archbishop of York.]

    [Footnote 108.6: Richard, Duke of York.]

    [Footnote 108.7: Humphrey Stafford, Duke of Buckingham.]

    [Footnote 108.8: The two Bourchiers, viz. Thomas Bourchier,
    Archbishop of Canterbury, and Henry, Viscount Bourchier, the
    former of whom had been Lord Chancellor and the latter Lord
    Treasurer (_see_ Notes 1, 2, and 3 above), were the Duke of
    Buckingham’s half-brothers by the mother’s side.]

    [Footnote 109.1: The Court had been staying at Coventry.]


349

ABSTRACT[109.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1456 / NOV. 10]

Begs him in the end of the term to come home by Dedham, along with
William Worcester and Barker, to see to the accounts of barley and such
husbandry as is used there. As to Wighton in Yorkshire, Bokkyng reminds
me you spoke to me that my son Scrope and his father-in-law[109.3]
should have all the lyvelode of my wife’s in farm, to which I agreed, or
else that Lord Vesey would have Wighton, as he once had, at a rent of
£34--much more than I make it worth yearly. Do as you think best for me.
I had rather my son Scrope had it with sufficient surety.

Castre, 10 Nov.

   *   *   *

Begs him to common with William Worcester that by means of my Lord of
Canterbury, or otherwise, Master William Clyf and others of the
executors of John Wellis may be spoken to for the recovery of great good
that William Worcester knows Wellis owed to Fastolf.

  [The date of this letter appears to be 1456. Of the years when
  Fastolf resided at Caister, it is not 1454, because in that year
  Barker could not have been in London on the 10th November (_see_ No.
  265). It is not 1455, because Worcester appears to have been at that
  time at Caister (_see_ Nos. 305 and 306). The same appears to have
  been the case in 1457, though we can only judge by a letter of the
  29th October; and although Worcester certainly was in London in
  November 1458, Sir John Fastolf was then in London with him.]

    [Footnote 109.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 241.]]

    [Footnote 109.3: Richard Bingham, Judge of the King’s Bench.]


350

ABSTRACT[110.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON AT THE TEMPLE.

[Sidenote: 1456 / NOV. 15]

Received certain letters by Henry Hanson on Thursday last, including one
from William Barker written in Lukett’s hand, and two bills of
supplication, one of which, in the name of the tenants of Cotton, he has
sent to Paston, as he has already written. John Russe and Geoff.
Spyrlyng have ridden to Cotton in consequence, and will inform Paston
how they speed. Thinks the bill ‘right good and well spoken according to
the truth of their riotous demeaning.’ Received at the same time a bill
written in his own name, of which he approves. Hears that young Henry
Wentworth, young Calthorpe, and young Brews were at the distress-taking,
among others. Has perfect confidence in Paston as to the treaty, and
hopes to obtain again the manor of Bradwell by some means, as clear as
he had it before his unhappy release. Hears that the Chief Justice
‘rectid the matter’ in Parliament before the Lords, and showed how
Fastolf was wronged in that it was untruly found by the office that he
had disseised Sir Hue Fastolf of the manor, whereas he has documents
proving a true sale. My Lady of York has been here, ‘and sore moved me
for the purchase of Castre.’ Begs him to devise means for the licence of
mortising of certain buildings for the foundation of a college, ‘as ye
and I have commoned of before.’ William Worcester can show him a copy of
one passed by the King, and signed ready to the late Chancellor
Stafford. Desires him to make himself acquainted with two chaplains
about my Lord of Canterbury and my Lord Chancellor. William Barker
writes of a general treaty, to which he can make no answer further than
he has already done to Yelverton and Paston.

Castre, Monday after St. Martin.

  [In this letter, as in the last, we have Worcester and Barker both
  in London, which, we have seen, points to the year 1456. It is clear
  also that this letter was written just before that which follows.]

    [Footnote 110.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 259.]]


351

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON[111.1]

_To the worshipful and my right welbeloved cosyn, John Paston, at the
Temple, or to William Barker, at Suthwerk, be this delvered._

[Sidenote: 1456 / NOV. 18]

Worshipful cosyn, I comaunde me to yow. And where as I late wrote unto
yow in a lettre by Henre Hansson for the fundacion of my college, I am
soore sette therupon; and that is the cause I write now, to remembre yow
agayn to meve my Lords of Canterbury[111.2] and Wynchestre[111.3] for
the licence to be opteined, that I might have the morteisying withowte
ony grete fyne, in recompence of my longe servise contynued and doon un
to the Kyng, and to his noble fader, whom God assoile, and nevere yette
guerdoonned or rewarded.

And now sithe I have ordeyned to make the Kyng founder, and evere to be
prayed fore, and for his right noble progenitors, hise fader, and
uncles, me thinketh I shuld not be denyed of my desire, but the rather
to be remembrid and spedde.

Wherfore, as I wrote un to yow, I pray yow acqueynte me and yow, for the
rather spede here of, with a chapelleyn of my Lord of Caunterbury, that
in your absence may remembre me, and in like wise with my Lord
Chaunceller;[112.1] for seyng the Kyngs disposicion, and also hise, un
to the edyfyeng of God is service, it myght in noo bettyr tyme be mevid,
&c.

My Lord of Norffolk is remevid from Framlyngham on foote to goo to
Walsyngham,[112.2] and deily I wayte that he wolde come hidre.

  Your cosyn,

  J. FASTOLF.

    [Footnote 111.1: [From Fenn, i. 164.] This letter, as printed by
    Fenn, bears no date in itself, but in the editorial note at the
    foot it is dated: ‘Caister, 18th of November.’ Probably this
    date is expressed in the original, but has been accidentally
    omitted in the printing. If so, the year in which it was written
    must be either 1456 or 1457, and most probably the former. In
    1455 the Archbishop of Canterbury and my Lord Chancellor were
    one and the same person, which they evidently are not here; and
    in 1458 it appears by the Castlecombe MSS. that Sir John Fastolf
    was in London on the 26th November, so that he is not likely to
    have been expecting a visit from the Duke of Norfolk at Caister
    eight days before. On the other hand, if this was written in the
    year 1456, it must be remembered that Archbishop Bourchier had
    been just recently discharged of the office of Lord Chancellor,
    which was given to Bishop Waynfleet on the 11th October, and it
    is highly probable that the Archbishop had been already spoken
    to on the subject in his capacity of Chancellor.]

    [Footnote 111.2: Thomas Bourchier, Archbishop.]

    [Footnote 111.3: William Waynfleet, Bishop.]

    [Footnote 112.1: William Waynfleet, the Bishop of Winchester
    before mentioned.]

    [Footnote 112.2: On pilgrimage to the famous shrine of Our Lady
    at Walsingham.]


352

ABSTRACT[112.3]

PROCEEDINGS IN A SUIT IN MICHAELMAS TERM, 35 HEN. VI.

[Sidenote: 1456 / NOV.]

I. Writ to the Sheriff of Suffolk to attach John Andrewe of Boylom, and
bring him before the Barons of the Exchequer on the morrow of All Souls
to answer, along with Sir Philip Wentworth and Thos. Deyvill of
Netlestede, to the suit of John Paston and Thomas Howys.

II. Pleadings. The King committed the wardship of Thomas, son and heir
of John Fastolf of Cowhawe, to Paston and Howes by patent, 6th June 32
Hen. VI.; but on the 8th June 32 Hen. VI., Andrewe and Deyvill, with
force and arms, entered Sholond Hall, Suffolk, and Foxhole, and Bentley
Houses, etc., and took rents to the sum of £360, and underwood to the
value of £40. Imparlance granted till 26th Nov., when the parties were
not agreed. _Venire facias_ was then awarded _a die Sancti Helarii in
xv. dies_.

    [Footnote 112.3: [Add. Charter 17,244, B.M.]]


353

JOHN DORY TO JOHN PASTON [113.1]

_To my ryth wurchepfull sovereyn and master, John Paston, be this
delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: About 1456(?)]

Ryth wurshepfull master and sovereyn, I recomaunde me to you, besechyng
you to pardon me that I cum not to awayte up on you like as Barkere
wrote to me. For I have notable and grete causis syth the lettere cam
from hym, the qweche hath chaungyd my purpos, and be my master the
Schreve is wrytyng, on to weche I must aplie me, all excusis leyd apart.
And as for the wrytyng Barkere wrote to me, be the qweche he directyth a
gret default in my deputys for return of the _habeas corpus_ with
_ducens tecum_, ther as is none, I dar seye, for John Rede spek to all
my master Fastolfs councell to advyse hym in the return, and to have
returnyd hit after ther conceyt, and thei wuld gyf hym non advys.
Nevertheles I now understande ther entent be Barkere is wrytyng; for
thei wuld put alle juparte up on me to myn utter ondoyng, and yit to do
my trewe part in execucion of ther entent, for ye knowell my master hath
put the juparte and the losse, if any growe, to me on his part. And ther
for I may repent the tyme that ever I promysyd my trewe and good wyll to
that entent. For alle the malesse and evylwill that is owyng to me in
alle the Schere ys for that mater and non other, the qweche hath
grettely hurt me, and in tyme comyng schall hurt more. But lete them
hold me excusyd, thei schall not have my goodwill so feythfully as thei
have had, be my troweth, and I schall helpe my sefl [_sic_] as I may.
And, Sire, I be seche you, thynke not that I pyke this be waye of
qwarell, that I myth be this querell owe my good wyll to the toder part,
for thei schall never have yt in that mater, nor in non other. And for
good the qweche I have receyvyd yff be thowth I have not deservyd yt I
am abill to content yt a geyn. And on Friday nexst foluwyng I schall be
with you atte Norwich be Goddys grace, and knowe your entent in this
mater.

No more, &c., but &c.

  Be your man and servaunt,

  JOHN DORY under Schreve of Norffolk.

    [Footnote 113.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 170.] The name of Dory
    occurs only once elsewhere in these letters, and then without a
    Christian name; but the person so referred to (at the end of No.
    330) is probably the under-sheriff of Norfolk; and this letter,
    which is likewise concerned with Fastolf’s business, may have
    been written about the same period.]


354

JOHN BOCKING TO JOHN PASTON[114.1]

[Sidenote: 1457(?) / APRIL 2]

Sire, lyke it your maistership to wete that I sende you at this tyme the
rolle of the copies of all patentes, and the appoyntement with Wentworth
laste, and also a abstracte drawen as it come simply to my remembrance.
And I shalbe with you sumtyme the next weke. All men ar owte at this
tyme, as the Parson,[114.2] Worcester, and Barker; and therfore til thei
come, I may not owte. H. Wyndesor departid on Monday, and will doo that
he can. He telleth me Lumleys patent is in his awarde, but it is of noo
force. And also he hathe Constable is ij. [_second ?_] patente, and that
is moste ayenst us, &c. He wil purveie therfore as ye knowe myn
maister[114.3] comaundit hym to yow.

Here hath ben Wilton with the dede of feffement yesterday, and all men
hadde ensealed sauf myn maister that now hathe ensealed, and H. Inglose
is right soory. I can no newe tidinges, but that myn maister hath put
his matier of Issabells in Scroudeby, and the rente of the priour of
Norwiche dieu to Heilesdon in your hande and Thomas Grene. Ye shal the
next weke have the evidences. And Jesu kepe you and youres.

I sende myn Maistres Crane a lettre fro hir brother, but I have the
credence, whiche I can not say but if she appose me for certein materes
of hir brotheres.

Writen at Castre, the ij. day of Aprill.

  Your owen servaunt,

  J. B.

    [Footnote 114.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The date of this
    letter is very uncertain. In 1456 the writer dates from
    Southwark on the 8th of May, and in 1458 from London on the 14th
    of March, so that there is rather a presumption against his
    being at Caister on the 2nd of April in either of these years.
    But these points, it must be owned, are little to be relied on,
    as Bokking certainly passed to and fro a good deal between
    London and Norfolk. The date must, however, be between 1455 and
    1459. The letter has no address, but was doubtless intended for
    John Paston.]

    [Footnote 114.2: Thomas Howes.]

    [Footnote 114.3: Sir John Fastolf.]


355

BOTONER TO JOHN PASTON[115.1]

_To my Maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1457 / APRIL 20]

Please you to wete that, after dew recommendacion, hyt yt so that my
maister sendyth me to London for the mater of Rochestr, as for dyvers of
hys oune particuler maters which concern not the lawe, &c.; and I am
lyke to tarye till ye com, in case ye com wythynne iij. wekys.

Sir, at reverence of God, seth my maister ys fully yn wille to renew hys
fefment, that it may be do be tyme by the surest grounde that may be
had, for, be it nevyr so suerly don, hyt shall be thought lytille ynowgh
to kepe hys lond owte of trouble; and to spare for no councell ne cost
to make sure, for a peny yn seson spent wille safe a pounde. I comyned
with my broyder Spyrlyng, which seyth he wille do hys attendaunce, and
to kepe it ryzt close of the namys. Taryeng drawyth parell.

And ye meved a gode mater to the Parson and to me at your last beyng at
Castr, that my maister shud be lerned whate hys housold standyth uppon
yerlye, seth he kept it holye to ghedr at one place; and that don, then
to see by the revenues of hys yeerly lyfelode whate may be leyd and
assigned owte for that cause to meynteyn hys seyd housold, and over
that, whate may be assigned to beere owte hys plees, and also do pay for
hys foreyn chargs[115.2] and dedes of almes to a convenyent somme.

And seth the grettist ordynarye charge most be hys housold kepyng, hyt
were moste exspedyent that ye wold note well to remembre specially my
maister to do hys audyt[or]es cast up and make rollys of hys accompts
concernyng the seyd housold seth he came yn to Norffolk thys ij. yer and
half, whych was nevyr so long to doo thys xl. wynter as ye now. And it
ys pytee that hys audyt ys none ethyr wyse yn that entended; ye must
nedys, yff ye wille my maister know how hyt stand with hym yerly of hys
chargs, that thys be do fyrst, as it was allwey accustomed. My maister
wille acord it to be don, but it ys forgete throwgh negligence of men
yoven to sensualite, as Thomas Upton, me, and othyrs. My maister can not
know wheder he go backward or forward till thys be doon.

I can not elles, but ye wille not foryete thys that the audyt[or]es go
verraily aboute it to an ende. And Haylysdon accompts be behynde for ij.
yeer to [_too_] grete pite ys, and it wer yours or yn any wyseman
gouveraunce.

At Norwich hastly, the Wenstay in Ester weke.

  BOTO-H.R.-NER.

    [Footnote 115.1: [From Fenn, iii. 294.] It appears from the
    contents of this letter that it was written two and a half years
    after Sir John Fastolf came to live in Norfolk, which he did in
    the autumn of 1454. The date therefore is certain.]

    [Footnote 115.2: Charges not connected with his household
    accounts.--F.]


356

BOTONER TO JOHN PASTON[116.1]

_To the ryght worshypfull Sir, John Paston, Escuier, beyng in Norwych,
yn haste._

[Sidenote: 1457 / MAY 1]

Ryght worshypfull Sir, aftyr dewe recommendacion, please yow to wete
that I wrote a remembraunce to yow the day that I departed owte of
Norwich, by Rychard, the Parson ys servaunt of Blofeld, concernyng
certeyn maters to be remembred by your wysdom for my maister ys avaylle,
whych your grete wysdom can well undrestand ys ryght nedefull, as one
thyng yn especiall, that Shypdam and Spyrlyng ought to labour, fyrst of
onye thyng that belongyth, to audyt the accompts of the resseyt and
despense of my maister housold at Castr seth he came last in to
Norffolk, whych aswell for the provisyons that ys had of hys oune
grownyng as in money payd; for till the seyd accompts be made
ordynatlye, whych be of a grete charge yeerlye, wete ye for certeyn my
maister shall nevere know whethyr he goth bakward or forward. And manye
othere accomptants that maken lyvere of provysyons of cornys and catell
to the household by the resseyvour and by the bayllyfs can not approve
theyr liberatz just tille the seyd housold bokes be made upp; and seth
it hath be kept ordynarylye seth my maister begen to kepe house thys l.
yeer almoste, and when he hath be absent beyond see, &c., hyt ought to
be more redelyer be doon and made upp whyle he is present, and well the
rathere that hys housold menye were not so hole to ghedr thys xl. yer as
be now at Castr. Also hyz minustrs of accompts of hys chieff maner of
Haylysdon for iij. yeer to make upp and to examyn; and I ensure yow full
simplye approwed hys wollys and hys fermys.

And the iij^d ys that so wold Jesus my maister audytors wold faythfully
and playnlye enforme my maistr of the trouth of the yeerly grete damage
he beryth in debursyng hys money aboute shyppes and botes, kepyng an
house up at Jermuch [_Yarmouth_] to hys grete harme, and resseyvyth but
chaffr and waare for hys cornys and wollys, &c. and then most abyde
along day to make money; of such chaffr takyng he shall nevere[117.1] be
monyed, ne be aunsuerd clerly of hys revenues yeerly but [_unless_]
those thyngs abofeseyd be amended be tyme. Yn Lowys days xij. yeer to
gheder my maister was wont to ley upp money yeerly at London and Castr,
and now the contrarye--_de malo in pejus_.

I dar not be know of thys bille, but ye may question and vele of the
disposicion of thys maters of otheres, and then I undrstand yff I wryt
justlye or no; and ye, as of your mocion for my maister worshyp and
profyt, exortyng hym, the stuard, Shypdam, and Spyrlyng to take a labour
and a peyn that thys be reformed.

I pray yow, and require yow kepe thys mater to your sylf.

  Yowr,

  BOTONER.

As for nouveltes none comth,[118.1] but yt ys seyd the sege shall com to
Calix. The Erle of Warwyk[118.2] ys yhyt at Caunterbury with the
Archbyship,[118.3] and the Erle younger brothere[118.4] maryed to Sir
Eadmund Yngylthorp doughter uppon Seynt Marks Day. The Erle of
Worcestr[118.5] broght aboute the maryage. The Queen and the Kyng at
Herford,[118.6] the Lordes Bokyngham,[118.7] Shrewsbury,[118.8] and
otheres ther. And now it ys seyd Herbert[118.9] shall com ynne, and
apper at Leycester before the Kyng and the Lordes, hys lyfe graunted and
godes, so he make amendys to theym he hath offended. Manye be endyted,
som causelese, which makyth Herbert partye streng, and the burgeys and
gentlemen aboute Herford wille goo wyth the Kyng wyffe and chylde, but a
pease be made or the Kyng part thens, for ell[es] Herbert and hys
affinite wille acquyt them, as it ys seyd.

The Erle of Warwyk hath had the folks of Caunterbury and Sandwych before
hym, and thanked hem of her gode herts and vytaillyng of Calix, and
prayeth hem of contynuaunce.

I sende a bille of the namys endyted to my maister and yow, to see and
laugh at theyr Wellsh names descended of old pedegris. Our Lord be with
yow.

Wryt hastly at London, the fyrst day of May.

  BOTONER.

    [Footnote 116.1: [From Fenn, iii. 298.] That this letter was
    written in the year 1457 appears pretty clear from its agreement
    with the last, in which Botoner speaks of the expediency of
    getting the accounts of Fastolf’s household audited, and
    mentions that his master was sending him up to London. A further
    confirmation of the date may be found in the dates of the Privy
    Seals of the 35th year of Henry VI., which show that the King
    was at Hereford during April, though he had removed to Worcester
    on the 4th of May.]

    [Footnote 117.1: The left-hand copy in Fenn reads ‘neide,’ but
    the modern version ‘never,’ which is clearly the true reading.]

    [Footnote 118.1: So in Fenn, but qu. ‘couth.’ --_See_ p. 41.]

    [Footnote 118.2: Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick.]

    [Footnote 118.3: Thomas Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury.]

    [Footnote 118.4: John Neville, afterwards Marquis Montague,
    married Isabel, daughter and heir of Sir Edmund Ingoldesthorpe
    of Burgh Green, in Cambridgeshire, by his wife Jane, sister, and
    at length co-heir of John, Lord Tiptoft, first Earl of
    Worcester. He was slain in the battle of Barnet in 1471.]

    [Footnote 118.5: John Tiptoft.]

    [Footnote 118.6: Hereford.]

    [Footnote 118.7: Humphrey Stafford.]

    [Footnote 118.8: John Talbot, second Earl.]

    [Footnote 118.9: Sir William Herbert, afterwards Earl of
    Pembroke, a steady Yorkist.]


357

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON, ESQUIRE[119.1]

_To myne worshipfull cosyn, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: About 1457 / AUG.]

Ryght worshipfull cosyn, I recomaunde me to yow, and thanke yow of youre
greet peyn and labores that ye daylye take for me in alle myn causes,
for wheche I am greetly holden to yow, God yelde hit yow. And, cosyn,
hit is so, as I am enformed, that a fermore of myn maner in Saxthorp,
called John Bennes, shuld come be fore yow for to appoynte for suche
dewte as he oweth to me upon his ferme. I sende to yow the bokes of his
accompt to th’entent that Spyrlyng may awayte upon yow at his comyng,
and declare hym his dewte, wheche, as myn receyvore seyth, hit wole
drawe to the summe of xlv_li._ [£45], and more money at Michelmasse now
next comyng. And the ferme is but xx_li._ [£20] yerly, by wheche ye may
understande that he hath hadde greet favore in his payementes to his
weel and myn greet hurt, as I reporte me to youre greet wysdome.
Neverthelesse, sethe hit is so that he hath hadde this advayle upon me,
I wold seen now that suche dewte as shal ben dewly founde upon hym by
accompt to be made at this day, that I may ther of have payement in
hande as reson wole, or of as moche as the day is ronne of; and for the
resydewe to have greable sewerte, that is to sey, of xx_li._ growen at
Mihelmasse next comyng, to have payement therof at the Festes of Seynt
Andrew and the Annunciacion of our Lady next comyng by even porcions, as
in his endenture made of the seyd lees more pleynerly is conteyned. And
this don, I am content that he goo at large, and elles that Spyrlyng
take a rekenyng of hym, so as I may be aunswered accordyng to the
statute, &c. And, cosyn, that overe this ye lyke to yeve credence to the
brynger her of of that he shal declare yow in this be half be mouth. And
oure Lord kepe yow.

Wreten in hast, at myne manoir of Castre, the Saterday next after our
Lady Day the Assumpcion.

   *   *   *

And, cosyn, I praye yow that he have none favore other wyse than lawe
wole, seyng he is so contraryows for any fayer promyse of his behalf,
&c.

  Youre cosyn,

  JOHN FASTOLF, Ch’r.

    [Footnote 119.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is a letter of
    pure business, and the date is uncertain; but as John Paston had
    been giving advice about money matters and the affairs of
    Fastolf’s household in 1457, we may insert it here.]


358

ABSTRACT[120.1]

[Sidenote: 1457 / OCT. 2]

Copy of a charter granted by John Paston, [patron?] of the church of
Gresham, and Robert Miller, . . . . . allowing the prior and convent of
St. Sepulchre of The[tford] to distrain for a pension on the vicarage.

2 Oct. 36 Hen. VI.

  [This document is mutilated. In the margin is the following note in
  a modern hand: ‘E. Coll. Fr. Blomefield, _Hist. Norf._ vol. i. fo.
  436.’]

    [Footnote 120.1: [Add. Charter 17,245, B.M.]]


359

ABSTRACT[120.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO ‘MY BROTHER’ WILLIAM YELVERTON, JUSTICE.

[Sidenote: 1457 / OCT. 29]

Begs him to continue his kindness especially, now that the Parson, Sir
Thomas, comes up to appear before him and other the King’s judges ‘by
the cruel and hasty suit of Androus and his affinity.’ Hopes the process
sued by him so eagerly ‘upon the unjust condemnation shall be reformed
and holpen by the attaint in chastising of perjury that reigneth so much
now a days.’ It were a blessed deed if it were reformed by Yelverton.
Desires credence for ‘my cousin Paston’ and Sir Thomas in the matter.

(_Signature not Fastolf’s own._)

Castre, 29 Oct.

  [This letter is written in William Worcester’s hand. The suit of
  Andrews against Howes appears to have been in 1457, as it is
  referred to afterwards in a writ of the 1st September 1458, which
  will be found noticed under that date.]

    [Footnote 120.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 268.]]


360

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO STEPHEN SCROOPE[120.3]

_A Stevyn Scrope._

[Sidenote: 1457 / OCT. 30]

Worschepeful and my right wel beloved Sone, I comaund me to yow, and
hertily thank yow for your good avertismentys, and right well avysed
lettres to me sent from tyme to tyme, and so pray yow of your good
continuance.

Plese it yow to wete that, for as mech as the parson Sir Thomas Howes
cometh up at this tyme by the grevous pursewte of John Andreus and
Heydon, to apere be fore the right worschepeful Sir, my right wel be
loved brother, your fadir,[121.1] and other the Kynges Juges of the
Kynges Benche,--I pray zow hertily that ye wille have in remembraunce
for to recomaund me to hym whan ye speke with hym, and for to thank hym
for his rightful favour shewed in Sir Thomas matier, and in alle other
maters that toucheth me, wheche ben attained in that hey courte; and so
it lyke yow, pray hym of his good continuance, and I shall doo serve it
unto hym to my symple power for his good wyl to me shewed, and to myne;
and I trust to God that he shal hold hym plesid. And that it like yow to
geve credence to the seid Sir Thomas of that he shal sey to zow for my
worschepe and profyte, and that this lettre may recomaund me to my
doghtir your wyf, be sechyng the blissed Trinite to sende yow the
acomplyshment of your good desyre.

Wretyn at Castre, the xxx. day of Octobr.

  J. F.

    [Footnote 120.3: [From Fenn, iii. 42.] The date of this letter
    is clearly the same as that of the last, with only a day’s
    difference.]

    [Footnote 121.1: On comparing this letter with the last, the
    person here referred to would seem to be Justice Yelverton. Mr.
    Poulett Scrope, however, in his privately printed _History of
    Castlecombe_ (p. 277), says it was Sir Richard Bingham, whose
    daughter Joan Stephen Scrope had by this time married. It is
    quite possible that Fastolf sent a similar message to Bingham by
    Scrope, and to Yelverton by Paston and Howes.]


361

RICHARD, EARL OF SALISBURY, TO VISCOUNT BEAUMONT[121.2]

_To the right worchipful and with al myn hert rigt entierly welebiloved
Brother, the Viscount Beaumont._

[Sidenote: 1458(?) / JAN. 24]

Right worshipful, and, with al myn hert, right entierly wele bilovede
brothre, I recomaunde me unto yow. And for somoche as by the Kings moste
noblez lettrez brought me late by Hagreston, oon of the gromes of his
chambre, I am desirede to come unto his Highnesse to London; wherunto
for suche grevous diseas and infirmitees as it hath liked oure Lord to
visit me with, wherof Robert Danby can at large declare unto yow, I can
ne mowe dispose me, without feynyng, by the trouth I owe unto the King,
but that therby I doubt not, I shulde not rekever, daies of my lyfe,
suche hurt as, by the reason of the said diseas, wolde grow unto me, the
which hath right fervently and sore holden me in many diversez bihalvez,
so that, sith my last comyng frome London I had not, by the space of vj.
daies togidiez, my helth.

Wherfore, brothre, I pray yow, with al myn hool hert, that it like yow
to cal tofore yow the said Robert Danby, and to take of him the vray
trouth in the premissez, and therupon to bee my good and tendre moyen,
as by your wysdome can best bee thought convenable, unto the Kinges
goode grace, for th’excuse of my nown comyng; prayng yow hertly to
certifye me, by comers bitwen, suche tidings as ye shal have in thos
partiez, with othre your good pleasir to be perfourmed at my power, as
knoweth oure Lord, to whom I biseche to ever have yow in his blissed
proteccion and keping.

Wryten at Shirrifhoton, the xxiiij. day of Januare.

  Your trew brodir, wich prayth you hertely to excuse me
    to the Kings Heghnesse.

  R. SALISBURY.

    [Footnote 121.2: [From Fenn, i. 146.] Fenn considers this letter
    to have been called forth by the summons sent by the King to the
    Lords of both parties to come to London, in the beginning of
    1458, with a view to a reconciliation. On this view, the excuse
    of illness given by Salisbury is, of course, a mere pretence,
    and, moreover, was not adhered to, for within a week after it
    was penned Salisbury actually was in London with a company of
    400 horse and 80 knights and squires (_see_ Botoner’s letter of
    the 1st February). This sudden change of tactics on the part of
    the Earl seems to me hardly probable, and I see no reason why
    the letter should not refer to a genuine illness upon a
    different occasion. Nevertheless, as there is no positive
    evidence on the subject, I leave the date suggested by Fenn,
    with a query, on which the reader may use his own judgment.]


362

AGNES PASTON[123.1]

_Erands to London of Augnes Paston, the xxviij. day of Jenure, the yer
of Kyng Henry the Sext, xxxvj._

[Sidenote: 1458 / JAN. 28]

To prey Grenefeld to send me feythfully word, by wrytyn, who Clement
Paston hath do his dever in lernyng. And if he hathe nought do well, nor
wyll nought amend, prey hym that he wyll trewly belassch hym, tyl he
wyll amend; and so ded the last maystr, and the best that ever he had,
att Caumbrege. And sey Grenefeld that if he wyll take up on hym to
brynge hym in to good rewyll and lernyng, that I may verily know he doth
hys dever, I wyll geve hym x. marcs for hys labor, for I had lever he
wer fayr beryed than lost for defaute.

Item, to se who many gownys Clement hathe; and the that be bar, late hem
be reysyd. He hathe achort [_a short_] grene gowne, and achort
musterdevelers[123.2] gowne, wer never reysyd; and achort blew gowne
that was reysyd, and mad of a syde gowne, whan I was last at London; and
asyde russet gowne, furryd with bevyr, was mad this tyme ij. yer; and
asyde murry gowne was mad this tyme twelmonth.

Item, to do make me vj. sponys, of viij. ounce of troy wyght, well
facyond and dubbyl gylt.

And sey Elyzabet Paston that she must use hyr selfe to werke redyly, as
other jentylwomen done, and sumwhat to helpe hyr selfe ther with.

Item, to pay the Lady Pole . . . xxvj_s._ viij_d._ for hyr bord.

And if Grenefeld have do wel hys dever to Clement, or wyll do hys dever,
geffe hym the nobyll.

  AGNES PASTON.

    [Footnote 123.1: [From Fenn, i. 142.]]

    [Footnote 123.2: _See_ vol. ii. p. 155, Note 1.]


363

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[124.1]

_Tho my wele be lovyd son, John Paston, be this delyvered in haste._

Sonne, I grete zow wele, and lete zow wete that for as myche as zoure
brothir Clement leteth me wete that ze desyre feythfully my
blyssyng,--that blyssyng that I prayed zoure fadir to gyffe zow the
laste day that ever he spakke, and the blyssyng of all seyntes undir
heven, and myn mote come to zow all dayes and tymes; and thynke veryly
non other but that ze have it, and shal have it, with that that I fynde
zow kynde and wyllyng to the wele of zoure fadres soule, and to the
welfare of zoure bretheren.

Be my conseyle dypose zoureselfe as myche as ze may to have lesse to do
in the worlde; zoure fadye sayde: In lityl bysynes lyeth muche reste.
This world is but a thorough fare, and ful of woo; and whan we departe
therefro, rizth nouzght bere with us but oure good dedys and ylle. And
ther knoweth no man how soon God woll clepe hym, and therfor it is good
for every creature to be redy. Qhom God vysyteth him he lovyth.

And as for zoure bretheren, thei wylle I knowe certeynly laboren all
that in hem lyeth for yow. Oure Lorde have zow in his blyssed kepyng,
body and soule.

Writen at Norwyche, the xxix. day of Octobyr.

  Be zoure modir,

  A. P.

    [Footnote 124.1: [From Fenn, iii. 40.] As there is no distinct
    evidence of the date of this letter, I have placed it after
    another paper written by Agnes Paston, and making mention of
    Clement, though I rather suspect it may be a little later. It
    certainly cannot have been, as Fenn supposes, written within a
    short time after William Paston’s death in 1444, as Clement
    Paston was then only two years old. From some of the expressions
    we might be led to suspect that John Paston was in trouble at
    the time.]


364

WILLIAM BOTONER TO SIR JOHN FASTOLF[125.1]

_To my ryght worshypful master, Sir John Fastolf._

[Sidenote: 1458 / FEB. 1]

Ryght worshypfull Sir, and my ryght gode maister, I recomaund me to yow
yn my full humble wyse. Please yow to wete, as to nouveltees here
both[125.2] Christofr Barker wryteth to you more along.

The Kyng came the last weke to Westminster, and the Duk of Yorke came to
London with hys oune housole onlye to the nombre of cxl. hors, as it ys
seyd; the Erle of Salysburye with iiij^c. [400] hors yn hys companye,
iiij^xx [_fourscore_] knyghts and sqwyers.

The Duke of Somerset came to London last day of Janyver with ij^c. [200]
hors, and loggyth wythoute Temple Barre, and the Duc of Excestr shalle
be here thys weke with a grete felyshyp and strong, as it ys seyd.

The Erle of Warwyke ys not yhyt com, because the wynde ys not for hym.

And the Duke of Excester takyth a grete displesir that my Lord Warewyke
occupyeth hys office, and takyth the charge of the kepyng of the see
uppon hym.

Item, as for tydyng of beyend see, I hyre none certeyn, but that the
Frensh Kyng[125.3] shulde hafe maryed hys doughter to the Kyng of
Hungerye,[125.4] whych had the descomfytur uppon the Turks, and the seyd
Kyng ys decesed wythynne thys vj. wekes, or the spouselle was made; but
he ordeyned or he dyed that the Frensh Kyngs doughter shuld be named
Quene of Hungerye duryng hyr lyffe.

Rygt worshypfull Sir, I beseche the blessed Trinite hafe yow yn hys
gouvernaunce.

Wrete at London, the fyrst day of Feverzer, anno 36 R. H. VI.

   *   *   *

Moreover, please you to wete that William Canyngs the merchaunt wryteth
an aunsuer of your lettre. I trust it shall be the better for your
wrytyng.

My brother promytted me a certeyn somme when I maryed, and I shall hafe
it of my sister yff I may.

  Your humble servauntte,

  W. BOTONER, _dit_ WORCESTYR.

    [Footnote 125.1: [From Fenn, i. 150.] Fenn states that he has
    omitted, as of no consequence, the first part of this letter
    relating to the holding of some courts and some other law
    matters wherein Yelverton, Fylongley, and others were
    concerned.]

    [Footnote 125.2: The modern version in Fenn reads ‘here being.’]

    [Footnote 125.3: Charles VII.]

    [Footnote 125.4: Ladislaus V., who died on the 23rd November
    1457, when on the point of marriage with Magdalen, daughter of
    Charles VII. of France. He is believed to have been poisoned.]


365

ABSTRACT[126.1]

WILLIAM BOTONER TO SIR JOHN FASTOLF

[Sidenote: 1458(?) / [FEB.]]

You shall know the governance here on Paston’s coming to you better than
I can write. The King is gone to Berkhamstead, ‘and it is said my Lords
Somerset, Exeter, Clifford, and Egremont, that rode upon Thursday last
to the King, they come again to London; and the Lord of Northumberland
is come to the King at this time after the Lords’ departing out of
London with 3000 or 4000 people, as it is said, but all toke (?) to a
good peace, and reconysances made to keep the peace in great sums till
Michaelmas, that in the mean time to make a throw peace final by means
of all the Lords.’ John Vyncent of Bentley was at the Priory of Lewes in
Sussex this week, and says that sixty sail of Frenchmen were sailing
before the coasts, keeping the sea. The Lord Fauconberg is at Hampton
with his navy. Edmund Clere of the King’s house has heard from a soldier
of Calais that Crowmer and Blakeney is much spoken of among Frenchmen.
‘The King’s safe conduct is not holden but broken, as it is voiced here,
and that will do no good to merchants till it be amended.’ Figs and
raisins are dear at 18_s._ the croc (?), ‘wherte’ at 10_s._ the qr.,
malt 5_s._ Remains here awaiting for the com[ing of your] officers of
Castlecombe to bring up your money. Expects to send £40 by Master
Paston. .  .  .  . (_Mutilated at the bottom; date lost._)

  [The King was at Berkhamstead in the end of June and beginning of
  July 1450; also on the 3rd March 1453 (from Reading, whither he
  returned immediately); also in February and March 1458 (from 20th
  February to 13th March). This letter must have been written in
  February 1458.]

    [Footnote 126.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 274.]]


366

JOHN BOCKING TO SIR JOHN FASTOLF[127.1]

_To my Maister Fastolf, at Castre, in haste._

[Sidenote: 1458 / MARCH 15]

Lyke it your maistership to wyte that, as for tidings, the Counsell is,
the fornone, at the Blake Frires, for the ease of resorting of the
Lordys that are withinne the toun; and at afternone at the White Frirers
in Fletstrete, for the Lordis withowte the toun; and all thing shall
come to a good conclusion with God is grace, for the Kyng shall come
hidre this weke, and the Quene also, as some men sayn, and my Lord
Buk,[127.2] and Stafford[127.3] with hire, and moche puple.

My Lord of Caunterbury takith grete peyne up on hym daily, and will
write un to yow the certeynte of suche tidings as falle; and shuld have
doon or this tyme, saf for that he wolde knowe an end of the matter.

Other tidings here are none, sauf my Lord of Excestre[127.4] is
displesid that the Erle of Warwyk shall kepe the see, and hath therfore
received this weke m^l _li._ [£1000] of the Hanupere.[127.5]

The messenger was on horsbak whanne I wrote yow this bill, and therfore
it was doon in haste; and our Lord Jesus kepe yow.

Writen at London the Wednesday after Midlenton.

And my Lord of Caunterbury tolde me that the Frenche men have ben before
yow, and that ye shotte many gonnes; and so he tolde all the Lords.
I have desirid hym to move the Counsell for refreshing of the toun of
Yermowth with stuff of ordnance and gonnes and gonne powdre, and he seid
he wolde.

  Your humble servaunt,

  J. BOKKING.

    [Footnote 127.1: [From Fenn, i. 154.] This letter relates to the
    temporary reconciliation effected between the Lords of the
    opposite parties in the spring of 1458.]

    [Footnote 127.2: Humphrey Stafford, Duke of Buckingham.]

    [Footnote 127.3: Henry Stafford, Earl of Stafford, grandson of
    Buckingham, who succeeded him in the Dukedom in 1460.]

    [Footnote 127.4: Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter.]

    [Footnote 127.5: The Hanaper of Chancery.]


367

WILLIAM CALTHORPE TO JOHN PASTON[128.1]

_To my worshipfull Cosyn John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1458(?) / [MAY 11?]]]

Right worshipfull Cosyn, I recommaund me unto you, certifying you that
your man John Osberne of Walsyngham hath be with me and lete me have
knowlage of a commyssion chuld be doun from my lord Chaunceler to Sir
Robert Conyers, you other and me, and that ye wold have your day upon
Munday or Tewesday at Crowemer, Blakeney or Walsyngham, &c. And after
that he was departed from me, ther cam a servaunt from my cosyn Twyer,
and seid that his maister hade a letter from you that ze have set to be
at Blakeney uppon Munday next comyng. And for as much as I stande in
nonn certeyn be cause of variaunce of the massangeres, therfore I send a
man of myne to you, praying yowe to sende me verray certeynte and a copy
of the commyssion, that my neybures may have knowlage of the kingis
entent if the case requyreth so, &c.

I hold Blakeney a resonable place, and if ye kepe youre purpose at
Blakeney uppon Munday next comyng I shall mete ther with you, with
Goddis grace, Wheche have you ever in His intyer kepyng, &c. Wretyn at
Brunham upon the Assencion day of our Lord, &c.,

  By W. CALTHORPE.

    [Footnote 128.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 163.] The date of this
    letter is by no means certain, but may be 1458, after the
    reconciliation of parties. The reference to ‘the King’s intent’
    shows at least that it was not when the Duke of York was
    Protector; and it is not likely to have been under Somerset’s
    rule or in the reign of Edward IV. If 1458 was the year, the day
    (Ascension Day) was the 11th May.]


368

ABSTRACT[129.1]

JOHN PASTON AND T. HOWYS[129.2] TO FASTOLF AT CASTRE

[Sidenote: 1458 / MAY 24]

Yesterday ‘I and other of yours’ were at your manor of Bentlay--a right
fair manor, in the shrewdest rule and governance. You have had many
officers there who, for ill-will, have put out the tenants, and let the
lands to your hurt. Some owe for six, some for seven years, etc.

Yesterday Harry Sotehill, of your learned counsel, was with us, and has
taken ways in the law, etc. As Barker sends word that the attaint held
not, we shall stay the longer. The Lord Egremont sent for my brother,
and told him ‘he would see you homeward, as he supposed.’ Take care,
therefore, you make no more grants, for you have made too many. Could
let Bentlay, with surety, for 500 marks a year; but will not venture,
because of the trouble of letting Wyghton, ‘and also till Scrope hath
spoken with you,’ who will be with you now, etc.

Doncaster, Wednesday in Pentecost week.

  [It appears from an account of Paston’s expenses, of which an
  abstract is given farther on, that he was at Doncaster in the 36th
  year of Henry VI.]

    [Footnote 129.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 267.]]

    [Footnote 129.2: John Paston signs for both.]


369

JOHN JERNYNGAN TO MARGARET PASTON[129.3]

_Unto my ryght wurchipfull Cosyn, Marget Paston, this lettre be
delyvered in haste._

[Sidenote: 1458 / JUNE 1]

Ryght wurchipfull and my moste beste beloved maystres and cosyn,
I recommaund me unto you as lowly as I may, evermor desyring to here of
your gode welfar; the whiche I beseche Almyzthy Jesus to preserve you
and kepe you to his plesur, and to your gracious herts desyre.

And yf it plese you to here of my welfar, I was in gode hele at the
makyng of this lettre, blessed be God.

Prayng you that it plese you for to send me word yf my fadyr wer at
Norwiche with you at this Trenite Masse or no, and how the matyr dothe
be twene my Maystres Blawnche Wychynham and me, and yf ze sopose that it
shall be brought a bowte or no; and how ze fele my fadyr, yf he be wele
wyllyng thereto or no; prayng you lowly that I may be recomaund lowly
unto my maystres, Arblastres wyfe, and unto my Maystres Blawnche, her
dowzther, specially.

Ryght wurchipfull cosyn, yf it plese you for to her of suche tydings as
we have her, the basset [_embassy_] of Burgoyne schall come to Calleys
the Saturday[130.1] eftyr Corpus Christi day, as men say v. hondred
horse of hem. Moreover, on Trenite Sonday,[130.2] in the mornyng, came
tydings unto my Lord of Warwyke that ther were xxviij^te sayle of
Spaynyards on the se, and wherof ther was xvj. grete schippis of
forecastell; and then my Lord went and manned fyve schippis of
forecastell, and iij. carvells, and iiij. spynnes [_pinnaces_], and on
the Monday,[130.3] on the mornyng eftyr Trenite Sonday, we met to gedyr
afore Caleis, at iiij. at the clokke in the mornyng, and fawz thet gedyr
till x. at the clokke; and ther we toke vj. of her [_their_] schippis,
and they slowe of oure men aboute iiij^xx [_four score_], and hurt a ij.
hondred of us ryght sore; and ther wer slayne on theyr parte abowte
xij^xx [_twelve score_], and hurt a v. hondred of them.

And haped me, at the fyrste abordyng of us, we toke a schippe of iij^c.
[300] ton, and I was lefte therin and xxiij. men with me; and thei
fawzthe so sor[130.4] that our men wer fayne to leve hem,[130.5] and
then come they and aborded the schippe that I was in, and ther I was
taken, and was prisoner with them vj. houris, and was delyvered agayne
for theyr men that wer taken beforne. And as men sayne, ther was not so
gret a batayle upon the se this xl. wyntyr. And for sothe, we wer wele
and trewly bette; and my Lord hathe sent for mor scheppis, and lyke to
fyzthe to gedyr agayne in haste.

Nomor I write unto you at this tyme, but that it plese you for to
recomaund me unto my ryght reverent and wurchipfull cosyn your husband,
and myn ownkll Gournay, and to myn awnte his wyfe, and to alle gode
maysters and frends where it schall plese yow; and eftyr the writyng I
have from you, I schall be at you in alle haste.

Wretyn on Corpus Christi day in gret haste, be your owne umble servant
and cosyn,

  JOHN JERNYNGAN.

    [Footnote 129.3: [From Fenn, i. 156.] The engagement at sea
    described in this letter is dated by Fabyan on Trinity Sunday or
    Monday 1458.]

    [Footnote 130.1: June 3rd.]

    [Footnote 130.2: May 28th.]

    [Footnote 130.3: May 29th.]

    [Footnote 130.4: ‘for’ in Fenn; seemingly a printer’s error, as
    the word is ‘sore’ in the modern version.]

    [Footnote 130.5: Here, according to Fenn, the words ‘and go the’
    occur in the original, struck out.]


370

HENRY WYNDESORE TO JOHN PASTON[131.1]

_To my full speciall gode Maister, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1458(?) / [AUG. 27]]

Worshipfull Sir, and my full speciall goode maister, after humble
recommendacion, please it you to understand that such service as I can
doo to your plesir, as to myn understandyng, I have shewed my diligence
nowe this shorte season sithen your departyng, and in especiall aboute
suche a copie of a foundacion as your maistership commaunded me to gete
you a copie of, of the which I sende unto you at this tyme, by my broder
William Worcestre, iij. copies writen by Luket, because I had no leisir,
but somoch besems in settyng forth my Maistr of the Rolles.[131.2] At
this tyme, and in all this Kyngs deies, ye can have noon oder accordyng
any thing to your entent.

And as for the names of the Poles,[132.1] William hath more wrytyng than
ye and I coude fynde, foundon by labor made by hym and me. And also,
Sir, he hath caused me to examyn olde and mony records, writen by some
Frenshman, concernyng the manour of Dedham; that was a comborous labour,
for these copies were full defectif, as it apereth by the correctyng of
them.

Item, Sir, I may sey to you that William hath goon to scole, to a
Lumbard called Karoll Giles, to lern and to be red in poetre or els in
Frensh; for he hath byn with the same Caroll every dey ij. tymes or
iij., and hath bought divers boks of hym, for the which, as I suppose,
he hath put hymself in daunger to the same Karoll. I made a mocion to
William to have knoen part of his besines, and he answered and seid that
he wold be as glad and as feyn of a good boke of Frensh or of poetre as
my Mastr Fastolf wold be to purchace a faire manoir; and therby I
understand he list not to be commynd with all in such matiers.

Item, Sir, as for any tidings, William can tell you here at London ar
but full fewe; but Henry Bourgchier is ded sodenly at Ludlowe; my Lord
of Caunterbury and my Lord Bourgchier shall be this wyk at Hunnesdon,
and hunte and sporte theym with Sir William Oldhall.

At this tyme nothyng els to your maistership; but and it please you to
remembre my maister at your best leiser, wheder his old promise shall
stande as touchyng my preferryng to the Boreshed in Suthwerke. Sir,
I wold have byn at a noddr place, and of my maisters owun mocion he said
that I shold sett uppon the Boreshed, in the which matier I reporte me
to William Worcestre, Bokkyng, and William Barker, and most specially to
my maisters awun remembraunce.

I know full well ther cann noo conclusion be taken to myn asayle
[_avayle ?_] without help of your maistership, unto the which I utterly
submitte me in this, and in all oder. And our Lord Jesu preserve you and
all youres, and send you your herts desire with right.

Writen at London on Sonday next after Seynt Bartholomu Dey in hast.

By your servaunt,

  HENRY WYNDESORE.

    [Footnote 131.1: [From Fenn, i. 170.] At the date of this
    letter Sir John Fastolf must have been in Norfolk, and William
    Worcester in London. From the time that the former went into
    Norfolk in 1454, till the end of the year 1457, Worcester seems
    generally to have resided with him; but in the beginning of 1458
    he was in London, and it appears by the Castlecombe MSS. (Add.
    MS. 28,208, B.M. pp. 39, 42) that he was holding courts at
    Castlecombe in Wiltshire in June and July of that year, and
    that, in November of the same year, he and Fastolf were both
    together in London. It is probable, therefore, that he was in
    London in August, before Fastolf had come up. Indeed, he appears
    not to have returned to Norfolk till January following; so that
    in August he might quite well have devoted himself to the study
    of French in the expectation of a lengthened stay.]

    [Footnote 131.2: Thomas de Kirkeby.]

    [Footnote 132.1: Apparently William Worcester was examining the
    pedigree of the De la Poles, ancestors of the late Duke of
    Suffolk, who had disputed with Fastolf the right to the manor of
    Dedham.]


371

ABSTRACT[133.1]

[Sidenote: 1458 / SEPT. 1]

Writ of _pone_ procured by Thomas Howes, clerk, of Castre, against John
Wyndham, Thomas Danyell of Rysyng Castle, Edmund Bukenham of Snyterton,
Robert Lethum of Wytton by Blofeld, Simon Gunnor of Estbekham, and
sixteen others, for maintaining a plea begun at Westminster without the
King’s writ by John Andrew of Beylom, Suffolk, against Howes, whom he
had maliciously procured to be indicted.

1 Sept. 37 Hen. VI.

_On the back are the words:_ ‘Manutenencia facta fuit iiij^to die Julii
anno xxxv^{to}.[133.2] Dampna C_li._’

    [Footnote 133.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 133.2: A.D. 1457.]

  [[Dampna C_li._’  _close quote missing or invisible_]]


372

BOTONER TO JOHN PASTON[133.3]

_To my Maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1458]

Sir, as I went to my horsward by Lincoln Coke ys place, hyt fortuned
that Wymondham and H. Fenne talked to gedre, and called me by my name,
and both asked how my maister[133.4] fard, &c. Then Fen desyred me abyde
to see astate taked yn Lyncoln place by hym boght of Markham. In the
meene tyme the seyd Wymondham sent hys man to speke with hym, and yede
yn talkyng of Sir Thomas[133.5] how he wille help labour to an ende, and
had spoke with Heydon yersten efe for the seyd cause. I seyd the cruell
amerciementes by their labour, and the [_they ?_] not beneficed, shewed
to grete a malice to undo a preest innocent yn such a cause, &c. After
my takyng leefe, he called me ageyn, and seyd that he desyred Sir Thomas
to be gode meene to my maister to hafe affeccion to the chylde, &c.
I aunsuerd, yff my maister had before the maryage be laboured [_i.e._ if
my master had been applied to before the marriage], hyt had [been] moche
esyer to bryng aboute then now. And because hys fadre was so maryed
ayenst my maister wille, he nevere wold hafe affeccion to hym all hys
lyfe dayes. He seyd that Thomas[134.1] was with hys modre ther she
duellyth, and yff it please my maister to sende for hym by Sir Thomas
meene, &c.

I ensure yow by my soule I brake no mater to hym but of Sir Thomas
undoyng, and hys adversaries nevere the better, whych to my power wold
help make it knowen to Lordes and all othyrs of the cruell
amerciementes, the cruell juge to be knowen as he ys, for I am of hys
contrey, and know hys rysyng and maryages as well as hym sylfe. At ix.
at clok to hors bake. I pray yow breke my bille (?).

  Your,

  H. R.

    [Footnote 133.3: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 249.] This
    letter clearly relates to the subject of the preceding No.]

    [Footnote 133.4: Sir John Fastolf.]

    [Footnote 133.5: Howes.]

    [Footnote 134.1: Apparently Thomas Fastolf.]


373

ABSTRACT[134.2]

ROLL OF THE PERSONAL AND OTHER EXPENSES OF JOHN PASTON IN THE 36TH AND
37TH YEARS OF HENRY VI.

For dress and cloth, various.

‘Liberat’ hospitio,’ £57, 17_s._ 7_d._ ‘Item, uxori et pueris domi,’ £8,
19_s._ 1_d._ ‘Item, pueris Cantabrig’ cum v. marke (?) per Wekeys,’
101_s._ ‘Item, eisdem et sosiis (_sic_) suis in regard’,’ 4_s._ 2_d._
‘Item, eisdem apud London,’ etc.

‘Item, Henr’ Bolte, capellano pro stipendio usque Pascha, xxxv^{to.}’
13_s._ 4_d._ ‘Et 17 die Julii pro ij. quart’,’ 26_s._ 8_d._

‘Expencæ forinsecæ.’ --‘Pro fine Domino Regi facto quod Johannes Paston
non sit miles.’ Expenses with Munford at Thetford, 2_s._ 1_d._ ‘Item, in
exemplificatione Ecclesiæ de Gresham, Magistro Bulman,’ 3_s._ 8_d._
‘Item, expenc’ equorum Fastolf Norwici ij. vic. et Alexand’ apud
Forncet,’ 3_s._ 1_d._ ‘Item, præsentatio angnellorum data Radclyff,’
18_d._ To Alexander coming from Cambridge. ‘Item, in coltellis apud
Dancaster datis servientibus Fastolf et meis,’ 3_s._ 4_d._ Glazing
Chapel at Mauteby, 10_s._ ‘Pro arrestatione Carroli Nowell apud Bury
septimana Matthiæ,’ 3_s._ 8_d._ Expenses of Ball’s horse at Berkwey for
six weeks, 10_s._ ‘Item, expenc’ meæ versus Snaylwell et redeundo de
Bury,’ 5_s._ 4_d._ ‘Item, expenc’ Norwici ad cess’ hospic’ existent’
apud Heylysdon,’ 18_d._ ‘Item, expenc’ meæ apud Sweynsthorp,’ 8_d._

In Easter and Trinity terms.--Paid to William Wyrcester ‘equitanti super
negotia maritagii sororis,’ 10_s._ For wine and spice with Fortescu and
Wentworth, 23_d._

Hilary term.--Lent to James Arblaster at London, 40_s._ ‘Item, exequiæ
Edmundi Paston,’ 2_s._ 4_d._ To divers poor people of Norwich for relief
of their charge ‘circa reparationem murorum civitatis,’ 7_s._

    [Footnote 134.2: [From Add. Charter 17,246, B.M.]]

  [[10s. For wine _printed in roman (non-Italic) type_]]


374

ELIZABETH POYNINGS TO AGNES PASTON[135.1]

_To my right worshypfull moder, Agnes Paston._

[Sidenote: 1459 / JAN. 3]

Right worshipfull and my most entierly belovde moder, in the most louly
maner I recomaund me unto youre gode moderhode, besekeyng you dayly and
nyghtly of your moderly blissing, evermore desiryng to her of your
welfare and prosperite, the which I pray God to contynw and encresce to
your herts desyre. And yf it lyked your gode moderhode to here of me and
how I do, at the makyng of this lettre I was in gode hele of body tanked
be Jesu. And as for my mayster, my best beloved that ye call, and I must
nedes call hym so now, for I fynde noon other cause, and as I trust to
Jesu non shall; for he is full kynde unto me, and is as besy as he can
to make me sur of my joyntor, wherto he is ibounde in a bonde of
m^{l}_li._ to you mother, and to my brother John, and to my brother
William, and to Edmund Clere,[136.1] the which neded no such bond.
Wherfore I beseke you, gode moder, as our most synguler trost is yn your
gode moderhode, that my maistr, my best beloved, fayle not of the C.
marc at the begynnyng of this terme, the which ye promysed hym to his
mariage, with the remanent of the money of faders wille; for I have
promytted faithfully to a gentilman, called Bain, that was oon of my
best beloved suertees, and was bounde for hym in CC_li._, of which he
reherseth for to ryseyve at the begynnyng of thys terme Cxx_li._, and yf
he fayle therof at this tyme, he wille clayme the hool of us, the which
were to us to grete an hurt; and he con not make an ende with noon of
hys other suertees withoute this seyd sylver, and that con my brother
John telle yow wel i nough, and it lusteth hym to do soo, and in all
other thyngs. As to my Lady Pool,[136.2] with whom I sojerned, that ye
wul be my tendr and gode moder that she may be payde for all the costes
doon to me before my maryage, and to Christofre Houson, as ye wrote unto
my brother John that I shuld have ben so; and that it plese your gode
moderhode to yeve credence to William Worcestr. And Jesu for his grete
mercy save yow.

Written at London, the Wendysday the iij. day of Janyver.

  By your humble doughter,

  ELYZABETH PONYNGGS.

    [Footnote 135.1: [From Fenn, iii. 328.] The writer of this
    letter is Agnes Paston’s daughter Elizabeth, for whose marriage,
    as we have seen, there had been a good deal of negotiating in
    past years (_see_ Nos. 93, 94, 236, 250, 252), and who has now
    become the wife of Robert Poynings. As the 3rd of January, the
    day on which this letter is dated, was a Wednesday, the year
    must be 1459. The 3rd of January did not fall on a Wednesday
    again till 1470, by which time Elizabeth Paston was no longer
    the wife of Robert Poynings, but his widow, for he was killed
    at the second battle of St. Albans on the 17th Feb. 1461.]

    [Footnote 136.1: Edmund Clere was the second son of John Clere,
    Esq. of Ormesby, and died in 1463.]

    [Footnote 136.2: _See_ p. 123.]

  [[Footnote 135.1: Text beginning “Elizabeth Paston” corrected by
  author in Errata. Original text:
    ... by which time Elizabeth Paston and Robert Poynings must have
    been married several years, as will be seen by No. 126 preceding
    (vol. ii. p. 154, Note 3).]]


375

JOHN PASTON, THE ELDER SON, TO HIS FATHER[137.1]

_To my ryght wyrschypful fadre, John Paston, Esquyer, be thys letter
delyveryd in hasty wyse._

[Sidenote: 1459 / MARCH 5]

Ryght worschypful Syr, in the most lowly wyse, I comaund me to yowr good
faderhod, besechyng yow of yowre blyssyng. Mut it plese yowr faderhod to
remembre and concydre the peyn and hevynesse that it hath ben to me syn
yowr departyng owt of thys contre, here abydyng tyl the tyme it please
yow to schewe me grace, and tyl the tyme that by reporte my demenyng be
to yowr plesyng; besechyng yow to concydre that I may not, ner have noo
mene to seke to yow as I awght to do, and savyng under thys forme, whych
I besech yow be not take to no dysplesur, ner am not of power to do any
thynge in thys contre for worschyp or profyht of yow, ner ease of yowr
tenantys whych myght and scholde be to yowr pleasyng. Wherfor I besech
yow of yowr faderly pyte to tendre the more thys symple wryghtyng, as I
schal owt of dowght her after doo that schal please yow to the uttermest
of my power and labor; and if ther be any servyce that I may do if it
please yow to comaund me, or if y maye understonde it, I wyl be as glad
to do it as any thyng erthely, if it wer any thyng that myght be to yowr
pleasyng. And no mor, but Allmyghty God have yow in kepyng.

Wretyn the v. day of Marche.

  By your older sone,

  JOHN PASTON.

    [Footnote 137.1: [From Fenn, iii. 336.] By Letter 377 following,
    it will be seen that the writer of this letter had given
    displeasure to his father in the early part of the year 1459.
    There can be no doubt that this letter refers to the same
    occasion.]


376

ABSTRACT[138.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON AND SIR THOMAS HOWES, PARSON OF BLOFELD

[Sidenote: 1459 / APRIL 13]

As you desire me to write letters to certain lords, etc., on ‘such
matters as ye beth now to London for,’ and as you know best what it
would be most expedient for me to write, I send my servant Colyn Newman
to you with my signet sealed in a little leather bag, under a signet of
a ram, that you and William Jenney, or two of you, may make out letters
in my name as you think fit, keeping copies of those you write. When Sir
Thomas comes home again, let him bring back my signet sealed under your
signets and the copies you have sent. ‘And also peradventure I might as
well write to them that ben away as to those that been present. And
among others ye may say to my nephew, Henry Filongley, I trust right
greatly in my Lord Treasurer’s good Lordship that he will be my good
Lord’s supporter to me in my right.’

Castre, 13th April 37 Hen. VI.

  (_Signature not Fastolf’s own._)

    [Footnote 138.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 254.]]


377

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[138.2]

_Tho my ryth worschopfful hossebond, John Paston, in hast._

[Sidenote: 1459 / APRIL 29]

Rythe worchepfwl hosbond, I recommawnd me onto yow. Plesyth you to wete
that on Thorisday last was ther wer browt unto this towne many Prevy
Selis, and on of hem was indosyd to yow, and to Hastynggs, and to fyve
or sexe odyr gentylmen; and anodyr was sent onto yowr sone, and indosyd
to hym selfe alone, and asynyd wythinne wyth the Kynggys howyn hand, and
so wer bwt fewe that wer sent, as it was told me; and also ther wer mor
specyal termys in hys then wern in oderys. I sey a copy of thoo that wer
sent onto odyr gentylmen. The intent of the wrytyng was, that they
sshuwlde be wyth the Kyngg at Leycester the x. day of May, wyth as many
personys defensebylly arayid as they myte acordyng to her degre, and
that they schwld bryng wyth hem for her expensys for ij. monythis. As
for the lettyr that was indosyd to yow and to odyr, it was delyveryd to
Welyam Yelvyrton, for ther aperyd no mor of the remwlawnt. Hastynggs is
forthe into Yorke schyr.

I prey yow that ye vowchesaf to send word in hast how ye wyl that yor
sone be demenyd herin. Men thynk her, that ben yowr wel wyllerys, that
ye may no lesse do than to send hym forthe. As for hys demenyng, swn ye
departyd, in god feythe, it hath ben ryth good, and lowly, and delygent
inn ovyr sythe of yowre servawntys, and odyr thinggys, the whiche I hope
ye wold abe plesyd wyth, and ye had be at hom. I hope he wyl be well
demenyd to plese yow heraftyrward. He desyryd Alblaster to bemene[139.1]
to yow for hym, and was ryte hevy of hys demenyng to yow, as I sent yow
word also be Alblaster, how I dede to hym aftyr that ye wer go; and I
beseche yow hartyly that ye wochesaf to be hys god fadyr, for I hope he
is schastysyd, and wil be the worher [_worthier ?_] heraftyr.

As for alle odyr tynggys at hom, I hope that I and odyr schal do howr
part ther inne, as wel as we may, bwt as for mony it comyth bwt slowly.
And God have yow in hys kepyng, and sen yow good sped in alle yowr
matteris.

Wretyn in hast at Norwece, on the Sonday next before the Assencyon Day.

Ser, I wold be ryte glad to he [_hear_] swmme gode tydynggys fro yow.

  Be yorys,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 138.2: [From Fenn, i. 174.] The only years during the
    married life of John and Margaret Paston (except when their
    eldest son was a mere child), in which the Sunday preceding
    Ascension Day fell some time before the 10th of May, were 1456
    and 1459. In the former year the King could not either have been
    or have intended to be at Leicester on the 10th of May. In 1459
    the Privy Seals show that he was at Northampton on the 14th,
    18th, and 19th of May, and it is quite possible he may have been
    at Leicester on the 10th. In 1464 Edward IV. was at Leicester in
    May, and the Sunday before Ascension Day was the 6th of May; but
    it is not probable this letter was written in that year, for two
    reasons. In the first place, Margaret Paston could hardly have
    hoped for an answer from her husband--who may be presumed to
    have been in London--in time to have sent his son to be at
    Leicester on the 10th; secondly, Letter 375, which is evidently
    of the same year as this, would probably have been signed ‘John
    Paston, K.’ (_i.e._ Knight).]

    [Footnote 139.1: To be mean, _i.e._ to be a mediator. Fenn has
    not apprehended the phrase, which he has modernised ‘to
    bemoan.’]


378

OSBERT MUNDEFORD TO JOHN PASTON[140.1]

_A mon treshonnoure Seigneur, Jehan Paston, Escuier._

[Sidenote: 1459(?) / MAY 25]

Treshonnoure Sire, je me recommande a vous tant que je puis, et vous
prie qu’il vous plaise me recommander a ma maistresse vostre noble
espouse et a tous voz enffans, et que ne soit point mis en oubly mon
petit homme d’armes. Et oultre vous plaise me recommander a mon Maistre
Yelverton et mon Maistre Caulthorpe, et a touz mes autres maistres et
amis de pardela ou sera vostre bon plaisir. Et vous mercie des grans
plaisirs et amitiez que avez faitz et monstrez a moy et aux miens,
lesquelz Dieu me doint deservir. Treshonnoures Sire, plaise vous savoir
que mon frere Jehan a Bernay ma escript dune matere dont me touchastes,
moy estant parde la, a laquelle vostre desir vouldroit l’onneur des deux
pars, et de laquelle matere le porteur de cestes vous informera, et des
nouvelles de pardeca s’il vient a voz bons plaisirs. Et vouldroye bien
que vous et mon dit frere Jehan a Bernay voulsissez communiquer avecques
la personne aqui la matere touche, et que je peusse savoir son entente,
affin dy otemperer, car je luy vouldroye faire plaisir et service; car
je y suis tenu, et la chose sera en partie reglee par vous et par mondit
frere, mais je veil estre le tiers, et une autre personne sera le quart.
Treschere et treshonnoure Sire, je vous recommande tout mon fait de
pardela, et sy faiz je la petite Marie, pour laquelle je vous mercie, et
especiallement ma damoiselle vostre fame et noble espouse, et me
desplaist de la grant paine et charge que avez pour elle; mas Dieu me
doint grace que je le puisse aquicter. Priant nostre Seigneur qui soit
garde de vous, et vous doint bonne vie et longue, et joyeulx
acomplissement de touz voz desirs.

Escript a Calais, le xxv^me jour de May.

  Le tout votre serviteur,

  OSBERNE MUNDEFORD.

    [Footnote 140.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The writer of this
    letter was put to death at Calais on the 25th June 1460, having
    been taken at Sandwich when about to go thither in aid of the
    Duke of Somerset against the Earl of Warwick. The date cannot be
    in that year, and how much earlier it may be is quite uncertain,
    unless we suppose ‘mon petit homme d’armes’ to be Paston’s
    eldest son, who, as we have seen, was summoned to perform
    military service in 1459.]


379

WILLIAM BARKER TO JOHN PASTON[141.1]

_To myn ryght worshypfull [m]ayster, John Paston, at London, atte the
Temple._

[Sidenote: 1459 / JUNE 24]

Please youre maystership that as to morwen a newe _inquirendum_ shal be
taken at Wycham Markette for the parsonage of Rendelesham for one
Mayster John Clerke, a chapeleyn of the Lady Roos; and Sir Thomas[141.2]
shuld a ben there, but he is hurte of an hors, and also hit was so late
warnyng that we myght not ben there; and, as Mayster Steven seyth, hit
should not a avayled, thow one hadde bene there, and elles I wold a
labored theder myn self. But he seyth and [_i.e._ if] ye wold speke to
myn Lord Norwych, and enforme hym of the trought of the mater, he shal
never presente ner inducte non tyl the ryght of the patentes be
discussed, and also we may after wardes hald a _melius inquirendum_.
Mayster Steven hath wreten to Sir John Bulman all the tytles and
presentacions, and therefore, if hit please yow to comon with hym, ye
shall understande all the mater by hym how myn Lord is disposed. And
[_if_] Mayster Robert Eppeswell is now at London, hit were shame that
they shuld have ther entent. Sir Phillip Wentworth groundeth not his
presentacion by the patent, but by the endenture a twyxt the wedewe and
hym, &c. Myn mayster is as freshe as ever he was this ij. yere, thanked
be God. And youre mater that ye have meved of to Sir Thomas for the
porchase, &c., myn mayster is weel agreed therto, but fyrst hit was
taken strangely, &c. Almyghty Jesu preserve yow, myn worshipfull
mayster, to youre desyre after his pleser and youre trewe entent.

Hastly at Norwyche, on Seynt John Day, at vij. of the clokke at even.

  Youre owen man,

  W. BARKER,

  Per mandat’ T. H.

    [Footnote 141.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] It appears by the
    Bishops’ Registers at Norwich that John Clerk was instituted to
    the living of Rendlesham on the 20th June 1459 on the King’s
    presentation. This letter must have been written four days later
    in ignorance of the fact. Clerk’s predecessor was John Sybton,
    administration of whose goods was granted on the 19th May 1450.]

    [Footnote 141.2: Sir Thomas Howes.]


380

ABSTRACT[142.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON

[Sidenote: 1459 / JULY 3]

‘Hit is to remember my cousin, John Paston, that where as he desired to
have the names of the new feoffment of the manor of Dedham that William
Geney might see to ground such matter upon as might be for the surety of
the said manor, I sent a copy of the said feoffment by John Daunson the
last week.’ Gives other points of information asked for. Has caused the
patent to be written and sealed for Rauff Alygh’s fee. Paston is to
oversee the evidences of Fastolf’s tenement by St. Olave’s Church, which
one Laurence Donne has summoned. Philip Grocer on London Bridge is a
great maintainer of Donne. As to the matters moved by Stephen Scrope and
Richard Byngham has lately written by Daunson ‘to my said cousin’ and to
William Yelverton of his intent, and given them full power to appoint
with them.

  (_Signature not his own._)

Castre, 3 July 37 Hen. VI.

Would like Paston and Hue at Fenne to see a speedier mean for the
recovery of the 300 marks adjudged to Fastolf to be received of the Lady
Fulthorp for the ward of Thomas Fastolf.

    [Footnote 142.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 250.]]

  [[142.1: missing close-bracket]]


381

JOHN, LORD LOVEL, TO VISCOUNT BEAUMONT[143.1]

_To my right worshipfull, and my moost best beloved Lord Fadre, my Lord
Beaumont._

[Sidenote: Between 1454 and 1459]

Right worshipfull and my moost best beloved Lord Fadre, I recomaunde me
unto youre good Lordship. Please it yow to wit, I have consayvid your
writyng right well; and for asmoche as ye desure the stiwardship of
Baggeworth for youre wilbeloved Thomas Everyngham, which y trowe verely
be right a good and a feithfull gentilman. How be it, my Lord, youre
desure shall be had in all that is in me; and at the instaunce of your
Lordship, y by th’avise of my counceill, shall gyf it hym in writyng
undre suche fourme as shall please yow, wheryn y wold be glad to doo
that at might please youre good Lordship, prayng yow right hertly ye
wold be myn especiall good lord and fadre in all suche [matters] as ye
can thynk shuld growe to my worship or profite in any wise, as my
synguler trust is moost in yow. And y alwey redy to doo yowe servyse
with Goddes grace, who have yow, my right worshipfull and my moost best
beloved Lord Fadre, ever in His blessid kepyng.

Written at Rotherfild Gray, the xxiiij. day of Juyle, &c.

Furthermore, my Lord, and it like yow, my Lady my modre recommaundid her
unto your good Lordship, yn whom her moost feith and trust is in, prayng
yow, ye woll be good brother unto her, for she hath taken yow for her
chief counceill, &c.

  JOHN, LORD LOVELL.

    [Footnote 143.1: [From Fenn, i. 128.] The writer of this
    succeeded to the barony of Lovel in 1454, and married Jane, the
    daughter of John, first Viscount Beaumont, the person addressed.
    As Beaumont was slain at the battle of Northampton on the 10th
    July 1460, this letter cannot be later than 1459, but may be
    some years earlier.]


382

ELIANOR, DUCHESS OF NORFOLK, TO VISCOUNT BEAUMONT[143.2]

_To my right worshipfull and right entierly welbelovid cousin, the
Viscount Beaumont._

[Sidenote: 1444-1460]

Right worshipfull and right entierly welbelovid cousin, I comaunde me to
you with alle my herte, desiring to here, and verile to knowe of your
worshipfull estate, profite, hele and good prosperite, the whiche I
beseche our Lord Jesu ever to mayntene and preserve in alle worship, to
his plesaunce, and to your herts ease.

Please it you, cousin, to witte that your welbelovid servaunt, Roger
Hunt, and a servaunt of my moost dred Lord my husbond, on William, yoman
of his ewry,[144.1] have comend to gedre, and been fully thorgh and
agreed that the said William shall have his office, if it may please
your good Lordship. Wherfore, cousin, I pray you, as my speciale truste
is in you, that ye will, at th’instaunce of my proier and writing,
graunte by your lettres patents to the said William the forsaid office,
with suche wages and fees as Roger your said servaunt hath it of you;
trustyng verile that ye shall fynde the said William a faithfull
servaunt to you, and can and may do you right good service in that
office.

And, cousin, in th’acompleshment of my desire in this mater, ye may do
me a right good pleaser, as God knowith, whom I beseche for His merci to
have you ever in His blessed gouvernaunce, and send you good lyfe and
long, with muche good worship.

Writen at Framlynham, the viij^th day of Marche.

  ELIANORE, the Duchess of Norfolk.

    [Footnote 143.2: [From Fenn, i. 194.] Here we have another
    letter, of uncertain date, addressed to the same person as the
    last. The year when it was written is quite immaterial, but must
    have been between 1444, when John Mowbray, the writer’s husband,
    was confirmed in the dignity of Duke of Norfolk (which had
    belonged to his grandfather in the time of Richard II.), and
    1460, when Viscount Beaumont was slain at the battle of
    Northampton.]

    [Footnote 144.1: An officer who had charge of the table linen,
    etc.]


383

FRIAR BRACKLEY TO JOHN PASTON[144.2]

_To my Mayster, Jon Pastone, Esqwyer, be this letter presentid._

_Jesu mercy._

[Sidenote: 1459]

Ryte reverent mayster, &c., as sone as ze may goodly, comyth to Castre,
and Zelverton[144.3] with zow, and ze think it to be done; and sendyth
home zowr men and hors, tyl ze haf do here, &c. And by grace of God and
zour polityk wisdham, ze schal conclude more effectually in gret matyers
of substans, to my maysterys[144.4] and zour worschip and profyte. It is
hey tyme; he drawyt fast home ward, and is ryte lowe browt, and sore
weykid [_weakened_] and feblyd, &c. And ze must bryng with zow a forme
of a supplicacyon made at London in what maner wyse Mr. R. Popy,
a cunnyng and a crafty man, schal presentyn and purposyn to the Kyng for
the inmorteysing of Castre to Seynt Benet, &c., which he promittyd up
[_promised upon_] a certeyn mony, &c., and undirtoke it, &c., and fond
that tyme no bonys in the matere, &c. And now he seyth he wil labour and
ryde and do hise part, &c. And he wold haf me to help hym, &c., quod non
fiet, &c., or elles a man of credens of my masterys, &c., quod dubito
fieri, &c. God bryng zow sone hidyr, &c., for I am weri tyl ze come.

Sir Thomas the parson, zowr owne most trewe, &c., be myn trewthe, and I
zour bedeman and zowrs at zour comaundement, in zour letter haf no more
towchid of the mater, &c., to my mayster, &c. Every day this v. dayes he
seyth, ‘God send me sone my good cosyn Paston, for I holde hym a
feythful man, and ever on man.’ Cui ego, ‘That is soth,’ &c. Et ille,
‘Schew me not the mete, schew me the man.’ Hæc verba replicat sæpius cum
magno stomacho, &c. Colinus Gallicus dicit in Jernemuta et aliis locis
se esse executorem, &c. Dixit etiam heri coram pluribus, si semel fuerit
London’ nunquam vult videre Norfolchiam, &c. Dicit etiam, ubi executores
credunt se habituros claves, &c., post mortem alii habebunt claves, ita
bene sicut illi, &c. Falsissimus est, et ego bene dixi in partem suam
inter ipsum et me, &c. Propter Deum, faciatis Spirlyng venire juxta
promissum in f’cū [_factum ?_], &c. Gallicus ipse maxime odit rectorem
et vellet supplantare eum, &c. Item, valde desiderat suum, quietus est
quia absit, &c.

Henricus Todyham continue aspirat post mortem magistri cum mille habeat
oculos nocendi, &c., si quorum duos deperderit, nullus cæteros timeret,
&c.

    [Footnote 144.2: [From Fenn, iii. 342.] No signature appears to
    be attached to this letter as Fenn has printed it, but the style
    is unmistakably that of Brackley, to whom he attributes it. The
    original was endorsed in an ancient hand, according to Fenn,
    ‘Littera fratris Doctoris Brackley per quam patet Jo. Fastolf
    valde desiderasse presentiam consanguinei sui Jo. Paston.’ The
    date seems to be shortly before Sir John Fastolf’s death, which
    happened on the 5th November 1459.]

    [Footnote 144.3: William Yelverton.]

    [Footnote 144.4: Sir John Fastolf.]


384

WILLIAM JENNEY TO JOHN PASTON[146.1]

_To my worshipful and right gode mayster, John Paston, Squyer._

[Sidenote: 1459(?) / AUG. [22]]

Wurshipful sire, and my right gode mayster, I recomaunde me to zou, and
hertely I thanke zour gode maystership that ze liked to sende my mayster
zour sone to Sporle with suych felaship as ze dede, for which I am ever
bounde to doo zou service, prayeng zou of zour gode contenuaunce.

Sire, the cause why I kam not was this: I was falle seek with an axez
[_ague_], and truly that caused me that I and my felaship taryed; and so
be cause theroffe I caused my lady to wryte a specyall lettre to my Lord
Scales. But for al that Blake hath hoom the corn in my Lady of Suffolkys
name. And the cause why I sent no wurd of my seknes was, that I wuld not
myn enmy shuld be rejoysed be the knowlych of my seknesse. So God help
me, the felaship that was redy to goo was right sory that thei myght not
goo furth with me; and my lordes and my ladyes wyl was that thei shuld
have goon further. But if I had been heil and not seek, there shuld have
kome a wurshipful felaship out of Suffolk of so litel warnyng; but truly
I lay seek at Ipeswych of the axcez bothe Sunday and Monday. But, sire,
syn ze have shewed me so kyndely zour gode maystership, I praye zou I
may have your felaship redy at a nothir tyme to help to execute a
commyssion touchyng Blake, and that thei may be redy withinne ij. dayez
after ze have warnyng. And, sire, my service is redy to zou at alle
tymys, as ze shewe me gret cause to doo zou service. Wreten at
Thelton,[147.1] the Wednysday next before Seynt Bertilmew Day in haste.

  Your servaunt,

  WILLIAM JENNEY.

    [Footnote 146.1: [From Fenn, iv. 38.] This letter is referred by
    Fenn to the beginning of Edward IV.’s reign, but on a careful
    examination I think it must be earlier, as William Jenney’s
    proceedings, even in the first year of Edward IV., were by no
    means friendly to John Paston. The Lord Scales here mentioned
    must therefore be the Lord Scales of Henry VI.’s time, who was
    murdered in July 1460, and the letter, having been written in
    August, cannot be later than 1459. In that year, as will be seen
    by Letter 377, John Paston’s eldest son had already begun active
    life, and I am inclined to think that it is the precise year in
    which the present letter was written. John Paston, the second,
    was at that time not more than nineteen years of age, and we
    hear nothing of his doings earlier. The manor of Sporle was
    inherited by John Paston, senior, from his father the judge.]

    [Footnote 147.1: Thelveton, near Diss, in Norfolk.]


[[The sections headed First Draft and Second Draft were printed in
facing columns. They are shown here in separate blocks. Unlabeled
paragraphs belong to the First Draft. Asterisks and brackets are in the
original, as explained in the first Footnote. Missing or misplaced
brackets have been left as printed.]]

385

WILL OF SIR JOHN FASTOLF[147.2]

[Sidenote: 1459 / NOV. 3]

In the name and the wurship of the holy, blyssydfull Trynite [in the
year] of our Lord Jesu Crist, M^{l}CCCCLIX., and in the xxxviij. yeer of
[our souerayn Kyng] of Englonde and of Fraunce, Herry the Sexte, the
iij. day of the moneth [of] Novembre,[147.3] I, John Fastolf of Castre,
be Gret Jernemuth, of the counte of [Norfolk], Knyght, beynge in good
remembraunce, albeit I am sykly and thorwh age infeb[led], bryngyng to
mende and often revolvynge in my soule how this world is tra . . . and
how, amongs all e[r]thely thynges that is present or for to come, there
is noe thynge in this onstable world so serteyn to creature of man kende
as is departynge out of this world be dethe, the soule from the wrechyd
body; and noo thynge erthely so onserteyn as the oure and tyme of
deth--Therefore I, willynge and desyringe that of suche goodes of
substaunce worldly, mevabill and onmevable, that God of hise bounteuous
grace hathe sent me in my lif to dispose and ocupye, that they be
disposed as it may be thowght best for the helthe of my soule and to the
plessaunce of God, and also for the relyf, soccour, and helpe of the
soulez that I am most oblygid and bounde to purveye and doo . . . for,
as the soule of John Fastolf, my fadyr, Dame Mary, doutyr of Nicholas
. . . . . my modir, and the soule of Dame Milcent, my wiff, the dautyr
of [Sir Robert] Tibtot, knyght, and for the soulez of othyr of myn . . .
. . . . kynsefolke and speciall frendes here undir wretyn,--I ordeyn and
. . . . . this my last will in fourme and maner folwyng:--

[_First Draft._]

*[_Fyrst_, I will and ordeyne that, if it plese oure sovereynge lord
Kynge Herry the Sexte, or hese heyre Kynges, for the longe contynwyd
servise be me in the daye of strengthe and helthe of my body, to hym and
to the noble Kynge Herry the Forthe and Herry the Fifte, hise
progenitoris, and to hise noble uncles John Duke of Bedford, Thomas Duke
of Clarence, whill they were in the werrys of oure seyd sovereyng Lord
and hise noble progenitorys forseid, in Fraunce and Normandy as in
cuntreez and othyr placis, consederynge my many gret labourys, peynis,
and perilis in the seyd servise of oure sovereyn Lord and hise noble
progenitoris forseyd, and hise pleyntyuous grace withoutyn ony other
. . . . . of myn executores namyd in my testament, or ellys for a
resonable sume of [money] whiche oure seyd sovereyn Lord owith me, or in
othir wise, or be ony othyr meane, so as myn executores therein shall
accorde with oure seyd sovereyn Lord and hise counsell, or with hise
heire Kynges and here councell, to lycence and graunte to them that be
feffyd to myn use in my Lordshepis manerez, londes, tenementes, rentes,
servisez, with here appurtenaunces, or to here assigneez aftyr the
effecte and forme of the lawe, by the avyse of myn executores, to
ordeyne, founde, and stablishe, withinne the gret mancion or dwelynge
place late be me newe edified and motid in the town of Castre, be Gret
Jernemuth, in the counte of Norffolk, whiche mancion or dwellyng place I
was born in, a collage of a prioury of vj. religeous personis, monks of
the ordir of Seynt Benett, and to inmorteise and graunte to the seyd
priour and vj. religeous personis, or to here successorys, the forseyd
mancion or dwellynge place, with all the appurtenauncez and othir
suffecient and cleer lyflode of the forseyd lordshepis, maneres, londes,
and tenementes, rentes, and servisez, with here appurtenauncez, for the
sustentacion of the seyd priour and vj. religeous personys and here
successorys, and for here othyr chargys and reparacionis, and for vij.
pore men in the seyd collage in perpetuite, be the avise and discrecion
of myn executores forseid, to be foundyd and susteynid; and that thanne
the forseyd feffees or her assignees if they . . . . grauntes of othyr
havyng entresse in this be halve requisit lawefully shul make, founde,
and stablishe, or doo be made, founde, and stablishid in the seyd
collage, with the seyd priour and vj. religeous men, ever to endure, for
to prey for my soule and for the soulez of my fadir and my modir, and of
all my kynsefolk and good doeres, and for the soulez of the blissyd
memorye Kynges forseyd, Herry the Forthe and Herry the Fifte, and the
seyd noble Dukys, and for the good astat and prosperite of oure sovereyn
Lord durynge hese lyf tyme, and aftyr for hese soule, and for all
Cristeyn soules, therefor to synge and sey dayli devyne servise and
preyeris in perpetuite; and to be of the orderis, proffession,
obedyence, and governaunce of the ordyr of Seynt Benettes, and of the
same ordyr and profession as been the monkes of Seynt Benettes in Holme,
in the counte of Norffolk, and shalbe stablyshid be the good avyse of
myn executorys: And thoo feffeez forseyd, or here assygnez, inmorteyse
and graunte, or do been inmorteised and grauntid, feffe sufficiently
swyrly and lawfully to the seyd pryour and religeous, [and to their]
successores, the forseyd mancion and dwellynge place, with the
appurte[nances], . . . . sufficient, swyr, and cleer lyflode of the for
seyd lordshepis maneres . . . . rentes, servisez, with here
appurtenancez in Castre forseyd, and in all othir placis . . . . . lithe
next the seyd mancion or dwellynge place, for the sustenaunce [of the]
seyd priour and vj. religeous men and here successoris, here servauntis,
and the [seyd] vij. pore men: And for the chargys and reparacionis
forseyd, to the yeerly valew of thre hundryd markes starlyng over all
chargys; to have and to holde to the forseyd religeous men and to here
successoris for ever; providid alwey that the seyd priour and religeous
men and here successoris be bounden and compellabill suffeciently in
lawe be the discrecion of my seyd executoris, to susteyne the forseyd
vij. pore men contynwally, suffeciently, and convenyently in all thyngis
withinne the seyd collage for ever, and for to preye for the soulys
afore seyd.]*

[_Second Draft._]

_Firste_, Forasmyche as for the welfare of my soule and of the soules
forseyd, and for ese, support, and helpe of the pore inhabitantes in the
cuntre of Flegge, and for to avoyde that noo lord nor gret astat shuld
inhabit in tyme comyng withinne the gret mancion be me late edified and
motid in Castre forseid, I have of long tyme been in purpose to
stablishe and founde a collage withinne the seyd gret mancion, and soo
to purveye that suche as I lovyd and thought behoffefull for the seyd
cuntre, and that noon othyr, shulde inhabite in the seyd mancion with
the collagyens of the seyd collage: Therfor, and for the senguler love
and trust that I have to my seyd cosyn John Paston, [abov]e all othyr,
beyng in veray beleve that he will execute my will here in, I will and
ordeyne, as he and I have covinauntyd and been accordyd that he shall,
with inne resonable tyme aftyr my deseas, founde or do founde . . . .
and indewe withinne the seid mancion a collage of vij. religeous monkys
or pristes, to preye for the soules above seyd in perpetuite, of whiche
one to be cheif governour of hem, and he to have x_li._, and iche othyr
prist or monk [of the said co]llage x. marks yeerly for here sustenaunce
and fynding, clerly paid in mony, and that the seyd collagyens shull be
soo indewyd that be syde here seyd pencions for here propir levynge to
be grauntyd hem, they . . . . . inmorteysid to hem to fynde vij. pore
folke yeerly in perpetuite in the seyd mancion of Castre to preye for
the soulis above seyd in perpetuite. Of whiche pore folk iche of hem to
have xl_s._ a yeer or th . . . . ere levynge, fynding, and sustentacion;
and that the seyd John Paston shall ordeyne and make swyr to the seyd
collagyens, and to the seyd pore folke a suffecient summe, and a
competent and an esy dwellynge place . . . . . seid collagyens nor here
successorys beryng no reparacion there of, for whiche and for othyr
consyderacionis above seyd, I will, graunte, and ordeyne that the seyd
John Paston shall have in fee symple, to hy[m and his heirs] all the
manerez, londes, and tenementes in Norffolk, Suffolk, and Norwiche in
whiche the seyd John Paston or ony othyr to myn use are or were feffyd
in or have title to, and that all feffeez feffyd in the seyd manerez,
londes, and . . . er astat of the seyd manerez, londes, and tenementes
to suche personys, and at suche tymes and in suche fourme as the seyd
Paston, hise heyris or his assigneez, shall requyre hem, or ony of hem.
And the seyd John Paston . . . . . seyd collage shal bere and paye to my
behoff, towardes the paymentys of my dettes and othir thynges, be my
present will assygnid to be do, m^{l}m^{l}m^{l}m^{l.} [4000] mark, in
suche fourme and at suche tyme as in this my present will . . . . . . .
here aftir folwyng:--

[_First Draft._]

*[Item, I will and graunte that if outhyr the forseyd licence and
graunte of oure seyd sovereyn Lord, or of hise heyre Kynges, or the
licence or graunt of ony othyr . . . . entresse in this behalve be not
lawefully, swyrly, and suffeciently . . . . . . . that thanne my seid
executorys shall geve or do be gove to . . . . . . of the monastery of
Seynt Benettes of Holme for seyd, lyflode or mony competent . . . . .
seyd abot and covent or here successorys, and my seyd executores shal
accorde there in be here wise discrecionis, for the indewement and
sustentacion of vj. monkes in the seyd monastery and vij. pore men in
the same monastery, to prey for the soulys forseyd in perpetuite, to be
foundyd, susteynid, and kept, providid that the vj. monkes forseyd be
aumentyd abovyn the noumbre of monkes of here ferst fundacion, and over
the noumbre that they now use to kepe in the seyd monastery, and that
lawefull and agreable swyrte perpetualy be made be the avyse of myn seyd
executores, aswell for the augmentacion, susteyning, and kepynge of the
seyd vj. monkys, as for the convenyent and suffecient sustentacion,
fyndyng, and kepyng of the seyd vij. pore men in perpetuite, to preye as
is afore seyd.

*[It]em, I will and ordeyne that all and singuler lordshepis, maneres,
londes, and tenementes, [ren]tes, and servisez, with here
appurtenauncez, in whiche ony persone or personys are feffid in or have
astat and possession to myn use, in whiche sum ever counteez or townez
the said lordshepis, maneres, londes, and tenementes, rentes, and
servisez bein withinne the ream of Englond; and that all the forseyd and
senguler lordshepys, manerez, tenementes, rentes, and servisez, with
here appurtenaunce, in whiche ony person or personys been intitlyd to
myn use be the lawe, shull be sold be my seyd executoris, except
manerez, londes, and tenementes, rentes, and servisez, with here
appurtenauncez, as shall be morteysyd to the seyd collage, if the
fundacion thereof take effecte: And that the mony of the sale or salys
comynge be disposed be my seyd executores in executyng of thys my last
wyll and testament, and in othyr dedes of almesse as my seyd executores
be here discrecion shal seme best to plese God for the helthe of my
soule and for the soulys forseyd: And that happe the fundacion of the
seyd collage to take to noon effecte, nor the seyd collage foundyd, that
thanne the lordshepis, londes, and tenementes, rentes, and servise, with
here appurtenancez, whiche shul bee assygnid to the seyd morteysyng,
also shull be sold [be my]n executores, and the mony thereof comyng to
be disposed be [myn] executores in executyng and parformynge of my will
and testament, and in othyr dedes of mercy, pite, and almesse as shal
seme best to my seyd executores for the soulez afore seyd and the soulys
undyr wretyn.]*

[_Second Draft._]

Item, I wyll, ordeyne, and graunte that all othir lorshepis, manerez,
londes, and tenementes, rentes, and servisez, with here appurtenaunce,
in whiche ony persone or personis been feffid in, or have astat or
possession, or be in titlid to myn use be the lawe, except the seyd
manerez, londes, and tenementes, rentes, and servisez, with here
appurtenauncez, in the shirez of Norffolk, Suffolk, and Norwiche, in the
article next presedent specified, shull be sold be the seyd John Paston
and Thomas Howys, ij. of myn executoris. And I will, graunte, and
ordeyne that the seyd John and Thomas, and noon othir while they leve,
shall have the sengler rewle, sale, and disposecion of all my londes
forseyd, except before except, and execucion of this my last will and of
every article there in; and I will that the seid John and Thomas shall
have all the profitez and avaylez and emolwements of the seyd maneris,
londes, and tenementes, rentes, and servisez, with all othir comoditeez
thereof comyng, til be them they be sold, and the mony of the profites
and salis thereof comynge, be them to be disposed for the welfare of my
soule and of the soulez forseyd duryng the lyf of the seyd John and
Thomas; and in cas this my will be not executyd in theyre [liv]es, that
thanne the execucion be thereof doon be othyr myn executores that aftyr
hem too shal have the mynistracion of my goodes.

[_First Draft._]

*[Item, I will and ordeyne that my seyd executoris shull take and have
all the issews, avaylez, profitez, and emolwementes of all and senguler
lordshepys, manerez, londes, tenementes, rentes, and servisez forseyd,
with here appurtenaunce, excepte before except, to be geve to the seyd
collage, on to tyme they be sold feithefully and trewly be my seyd
executores; and on to tyme that they that shull be purchasorys be
feithefull and trewe bargeyne thereof made be twene hem and my seid
executorys, shull take and have the issewes, profitez, avayles, and
emolwementes, withoute fraude or male ingyne. And also I wyll and
ordeyne that my forseyd executores shull take and have all the issewys,
profitez, avayles, and emolwementes of all and senguler aforn except l
. . . . . londes, tenementes, rentes, servisez, with here
appurtenauncez, on to tyme . . . . . and vj. religeous men or here
successoris, if the forseyd admynistracion . . . . . . shull have and
take lawefull and feithfull estat beforce of the seyd inmorteys[yng], or
ellys that they be feithfully and trewly accordid with my seid
executorys for the takyng and havyng of the issewes, profitez, and
avayles, and emolwementes withoute fraud or male ingyne. And if the seyd
inmorteysyng take noon effecte, I will and ordeyne that my seyd
executores shull have and take all and senguler issewys, profitez,
avayles, and emolwementes of the forseyd except lordshepys, londes,
manerez, and tenementes, rentes, and servicez, with here appurtenaunces,
tyl they be feithefully and trewly sold be my seyd executores, unto tyme
that they that shalbe purchasorys thereof, be feithefull and trewe
bargayne be twene them and my seyd executores thereof made, shull take
thoo issewys, profitez, and avaylez, and emolwements thereof, withoute
fraude or male ingyne. And I will and ordeyne that my seyd executores
shull dispose all and senguler issewys, profitez, avaylez, and
emolwementes afornseyd for my soule, and for the soulys aforn rehersyd,
as they shall seme beste to the plesure of God.]*

Item, forasmyche as it is seyd that dyverse personis of dyverse desentes
pretende . . . . . . at this day to be next heneritere [_inheritor_] to
me aftyr my deseas, where . . . . . . . . . . . . knowe that no creature
hathe title or right to inheryte ony . . . . . . . . . . . londes and
tenementes, rentes, and servisez that ever I hadde, or ony persone or
personys . . . . . . have to myn use; therfor I will and ordeyne that no
persone nor personis as hey . . . me for no douteful or obskure materes
conteynid in this my present will, nor for noon othyr, shall take ony
maner of avauntage, benefice, or profit be ony manner meanys or weyes,
of ony manerez, lordshepis, londes, tenementes, rentes, servisez,
goodes, or catellys that were myn at ony tyme.

Item, I will and ordeyne and graunte that myn executoris [before namyd],
or the more part of them[152.1] and noon othir, shall have the
decleracion and interpretacion of all and senguler articles, chapetris,
clausis, whiche and wordes in this my last will hadde and wretyn, in
whiche articlis, chapetris, clausis, and wordes ony doute or doutez,
dirknesse or dyversite of undirstondyng shall falle or happe to be
founde, and that no persone or personys be reson of suche articlys,
chapetris, clausys, or wordes, have or take ony profit or avauntage
othyr wise thanne aftyr the maner and fourme of declaracion and
interpretacion of my seyd [too namyd][152.2] executors.

Item, I will, ordeyne, and comaunde that all my dettes that is owynge
[be] me be dewe examynacion be fully payd and contentyd to the
creditoris, which can be foundyn dewe that is owynge be me; and also
that all wronges, trespacis, offencis, and grevys be me doon or
comyttid, if ony bee, that ony maner persone hathe been hyndryd or
damagid wrongfully, if ony suche bee that can suffeciently and lawefully
be previd and knowe, I wyll fyrst be fore all othyr thinges it be speed
that myn executores do make amendes, restitucion, and satisfaction to
thoo personys or to here executorys by me damagyd and hyndred as
concience and good feithe requyreth.

Item, I will and ordeyne that in every town in which I or ony to myn use
have lordshepys, manerez, londes, and tenementes that the pore pepyl of
the tenure of the seyd town have ij. yeer to gethyr in reward after
theyre afferaunt and quantite of the x. part of oon yeerly valewe and
reveneuse of the seyd [lor]dshepis, manerez, londes, tenementes, and
rentes, halfe to be departyd to . . [par]ishe cherchis for werkys,
ornamentes, and othyr thynges necessarye to the seyd chyrchis, and half
to be departyd amonges the seyd pore pepil that be tenauntes[152.3] of
the seid lordshepis, maneres, londes, and tenementes soo to be disposed
aftyr the discrecion of myn executores [before namyd],[152.4] aftyr my
will approvid, and my dettes payd.

Item, I will and ordeyne that the pryour of the prioury of the parishe
cherch of Jernemuth for the tyme beynge, and hese covent and hise
successorys, observe and kepe yeerly and perpetualy to endure an
annversary in the seyd parishe cherche for to preye for the soule of my
fadyr, John Fastolf, Squyer, that lythe buryed there in the seyd
chyrche, with _placebo_ and _derige_ and messe, be note the vigyl and
day of hese obit, with the noumbre of prystes and clerkes accordyng in
such a cause; and for to susteyne the kepyng of the seyd annversary,
I will that be the avise of myn executorys [before namyd][152.4] that
londes or teneme[ntes] . . . . . . . . . . ordeynid to the yeerly valewe
of xx_s._, and that to be inmorteis . . . . . . . . swyr to the seyd
prioury or parishe chyrche, oonly to susteyne and bere . . . . . and
chargys of the perpetuall kepyng and susteyning of the seyd annversary.

Item, I will and ordeyne that if I have ony reliquis of Seyntes, also
suche ornamentes for the chirche, that I have left as vestmentes,
garlementes of sylke or velwet, of robis, and my gownys, that parcell of
hem be yovin to the seyd monastery cherche of Seynt Benettes, where I
shal be buryed, to remayne for ornament of the chapell there be me late
edified; and also part of hem to be distrubited amonges the parishe
chyrchis that be in suche townes that I have ony lordshipis, manerez,
londes, tenementes, and rentes, provided that a resonable and a
competent part of the seyd reliquis and ornamentes be kept and govyn to
the seyd collage to be made at Castre, and this to be doon be the avise
of myn executores be fore namyd.[153.1]

Item, I will and ordeyne that suche of my consanguinite and kynred
whyche be pore and have but litil substaunce to leve by, that they be
relevyd of my goodes . . . . . havyng consederation to thoo that be
nerrest of my kyn and of . . . . . Also of here good disposecion too God
ward and to me in here . . . . . othir of my kyn, that a consyderacion
be hadde and yovyn to the relyf and prefer[ment] of my cosyn Robert
Fitzraf, for hese good, trewe and long servise to me doon and contynwyd,
and alsoo be reson of my consanguynite and kynred.

Item, I will and ordeyne that if ony persone make ony compleynt to myn
executores that I have purchasyd ony taylid londes be this my will
ordeynid to be sold,[153.2] and that thoo personys that so compleyne doo
suffeciently and evydently prove and shewe withoutyn ony collucion,
fraude, or male ingyne suche londes taylid; thanne I will that the right
heyris purchase as be suche taylid londes, if ony be in my possession or
in my feffeez handes, and that for a . . . . . . is thanne ony othir
persone after the avyse and discrecion of the seid John Paston and
Thomas Howis, clerk, and where there be no lawefull answere nor debarre
of the tayle.[153.3]

Item, I will and ordeyne that the holy place of monastery and abbathye
of oure Ladyiz chirche of Langley, in the diocise of Norwiche, for my
soule to be more specialy recommendyd, and also for to kepe and
susteyne, one day in the yeer, myn annversary solempnely be note the
_derige_ and messe of requyem for ever to endure for the helthe of my
soule and for the soule of Dame Milcent, my wif, the doutyr of Sir
Robert Tibetot, Knyght, whiche was of the consanguynite and kyn to the
foundorys of the seyd monastery, and she owyng a senguler affeccion and
love of devocion to the preyeris of that place, that the Abot and Covent
have a reward and a remuneracion of my mevable goodes aftyr the
discrecion of myn executores before namyd.

Item, I will and ordeyne that be the avise of myn executorys before
namyd, that prevecion and ordenaunce be made that the obit and
annversary may be yeerly inperpetuite kept with _placebo_ and _derige_
and messe of requiem benote for the soule of Dame Mary, my modir, in the
chirche of Attilburgh, *[and a fundacion of a messe there, or in othyr
convenyent place to be morteysid, for ever to seye and preye for here
soule and for here auncetryez aftyr the discrecion of myn executorys.]*

[_Second Draft._]

* and that oon of the monkis or pristes in the collage be me ordeynid in
the mancion of Castre forseid shall synge specialy in perpetuite for the
soule of my modir and all here auncestryez, and good dooerys.

[_First Draft._]

Item, I will and ordeyne that it be provided by myn executores before
namyd a reward as a yefte be made to the chapell of Seynt Jorge in the
Castill of Wyndishore, and to the collagyens of the same collage for to
have my soule recomendid amonges . . . . . with an annversary to be kept
yeerly and perpetualy amonges hem with _placebo_ and [_derige_ and]
messe of requyem be note.[154.1]

Item, I will, ordeyne, and comaunde that myn [executores and][154.2]
feffeez* porsewe lawfully my right and title that I have in xxv. marke
of yeerly rente, with all the areragis that of right and concience is
dewe to my feffeez feffyd there in to myn use to dispose for my soule
helthe chargyd and payable out of a maner in Hiklyng, callid
Nethyrhalle, with the priour and covent of Hiklyng for the tyme beyng,
be bounden and astrict be wryting undyr here covent sealys to paye
yeerly. And on lyke wise I wyll that pursewt be made be Parlement or
othyrwise lawefull for redressyng of the wrong doon to me in the maner
of Bradwell, in the hundrid of Lodynglond in Suffolk, whiche I purchasid
trewly, and hadde a lawefull astat in the same maner, as myn evydence
woll shewe of record, xl. yeer past; and for to redresse the wrong full
entre doon . . . . . my feffeez in the maner of Dedham Nethirhalle by
Willyam, late Duke of Suff[olk], as well as for the wrongfull entre
eftsonys and late made upon serteyn personys feffyd to myn use in the
seyd maner, now of latter tyme; And that myn executores doo dewly here
deligence aboute the recovery and getyng ageyn of the seyd manerez,
lond[es], and tenementes and rentes above seyd of my goodes to be born.

[_Second Draft._]

* be the avise of myn executores before namyd

[_First Draft._]

Item, I will and ordeyne that the wardeyn and the procutoris for the
tyme beyng of the parishe chirche of Seynt Oloff in Suthewerk, be London
Brege, beyeng to the use of the seyd chirche of Seynt Oloff, be
preferryd, in beyeng and purchasyng of myn executorys before namyd,
a tenement with a warff thereto longyng, set be the seyd chirche, callyd
the Bukheed, before ony man, and for a lesse valewe than it is worthe
withine the sum of xx_li._

Item, I will that a convenyent stoon of marbill and a flat fygure, aftyr
the facion of an armyd man, be made and gravyn in the seyd stoon in
laton in memoryall of my fadyr, John Fastolf, Squyer, to be leyd upon
hese toumbe in the chapell of Seynt Nicholas, in the parishe chirche of
Jernemuth, and with my skochonys of armys of hym and hese auncestryez,
with a scripture aboute the stoon makynge mencion the day and yeer of
hise obite.

Item, I will that in semblable wise a marble stoon of a convenyent me
. . . . . . . . . . made to be leyd upon the toumbe of Dame Mary, my
modyr, in the . . . . . . . . foundid in the parishe chyrche of
Atilburgh, and that a figure . . . . . . . . . . of a jentilwoman with
here mantil, with a scripture made of laton in on . . . . . . . iiij.
skochonys of armys of here iij. husbondes, as the skochon of Thomas
Mortimer, Knight, [John] Fastolf, Squyer, the seconde husbonde, and of
John Farwell, Squyer, the thridde husbonde, auncetryez in the seyd
toumbe, and the day and yeer of here obite to be wretyn aboute.

*[Item, I will that a provecion be made for swerte of the maner of
Cowlynge in Suffolk, accordyng to the last wyll of Dame Marget Braunche,
my sustir, in whiche maner I stond enfeffed in to here use, and serteyn
londes in the seyd Cowlynge that Dame Mary, my modir, purchasyd to here
and to hire heirez, that Herry Braunche, my neweu, here son . . . . seyd
maner, provided that he be oblygid to preye for hise fadir, Sir Philip
Br[aunche, and his] modir, Dame Marget, serteyn preyeris and messez,
with a prist, to be contynw[aly] seyd [be] the discrecyon of myn
executorys.]*

[_Second Draft._]

Item, that myn executores before namyd helpe that the maner of Cowlynge
be disposed and guydid aftyr the will of Dame Marget Brannche, my
sastir, if my executoris thynke it be to doo.

[_First Draft._]

Item, I will and ordeyne that the executores of John Wellys, aldreman of
London, whiche hadde gret goodes of myne in hise governaunce whil I was
in the partyez of Fraunce and Normandye, and hadde never opyn
declaracion to whos handes of my resseyvoris atturnyez, or servauntes of
myne the seyd goodes were delyvered particlerly, and for that cause to
be aserteynid of the trouthe in this be halve, as well as for the
dyscharge of the seyd John Wellys soule, his executores and attornyez
may yeve accompt, soo declaryng of my seyd goodes accordyng to the
trouthe and concience.

*[Item, to be providyd, if it be thowght comodiously that it may be doon
be myn executores, that a chauntry may be foundyd in the chyrche of
Seynt Oloff, be London Brege, in Southewerk, to prey for my soule
perpetualy.]*

Item, I will and requyre that it be knowyn to all pepill present and for
to come that where afore thys tyme whil I dwellyd and excersysed the
werrys in Fraunce, Normandye, Angoy, and Mayne, as in Gyen, havyng undir
the Kyng, myn sovereyn Lord, officez and governauncez of cuntreez and
placis, as of castilys, fortreys, citeez, and townes be xxx. yeer and
more contynwed, be reson of whiche officez . . . . . many sealis of myn
armys gravyn with my name wretyn aboutyn . . . . . . . . . . . course
(?) in the seyd castilys and fortreycez that my lef tenauntes and
. . . . . officerz beyng in dyverse suche placis ocupied undyr me the
sealys and sygnettes to seale saf conduytez and billettes of saf gardes,
and othyr wrytinges of justice longyng to suche officez of werre; and I
doutyng that summe of the forseyd sealys of armys or sygnettes remayne
stille amonges myn officeres or personys not delyvered to me ageyn, and
that with the sealys of armys and signettes ony monwements, chartrys,
dedes, letterys patentes, blankes chartrys in parchemyn or paper, or
othyr evydence forgyd and contryved withoute my knowynge or assent,
myght soo be sealyd ageyn all concience and trouthe and ryghtwisenesse;
and for these causez, and for doute of ony inconvenyent that myghte
falle be this my wrytinge, I sertefie for trouthe and afferme on my
soule, I swere and proteste that sethe I cam last out of Fraunce and
Normandye, xix. yeere passed, I never sealyd wrytinge of charge, yefte,
nor graunte with noon othyr seal of armys nor sygnet thanne *[with this
same seal of armys and sygnet . . . . . . . . . this my present will and
my last testament],* and overmore that I have enselyd no [charge] yefte,
nor graunte be the space of xix. yeer with noo seal nor sygnet, of noo
lordshype, maner, nor manerez, annuite, reversionis, nor of no yiftes
nor grauntes of goodes and cattellys, mevable and on mevable, nor mony,
excepte suche as I have made opynly to be knowyn, executyd, and put in
pocession be fore this day. Wherfore I requyre . . . . . . all Cristyn
peple to yeve noo feithe nor credence to ony pryvat wryting not opynly
declarid nor provid in my lif tyme, nor to blanke chartrys sealyd in my
. . . . . . . whereof I remembre me well that oon John Wyntir, Esquyer,
late my servaunt, hadde (?) in kepyng a blanke letter in parchemyn
ensealyd ondyr my seal, and never delyvered it me ageyn, but seyde he
hadde lost it at hyse confecion, as wryting ondyr hise owyn hande maketh
mencyon or he deyde.

[_Second Draft._]

* I have usyd this ij. yeer day last passed.

[_First Draft._]

Item, I will and ordeyne that myn houshold be holdyn and kept with my
menyal servauntz be the space of half yeer aftyr my deseas, soo as they
wyll be trewe to me and obedyent to myn executorys, and here wages for
that tyme payd, and that in the meane tyme they purvey hem for othyr
servise as they lyke best to avise to leve in trouthe; and if ony
servaunt be well governyd and holde ageyns my . . . or ageyn myn
executorys to breke my good disposecion, I wy[ll that he shall be?]
remevyd, and that he abyde noo lenger among the fel . . . . . . . . . .
trewly avoydid withoutyn ony reward of me or of myn ex[ecutores].

*[Item, I will and ordeyne that amonges othyr lordes, frendes, and
kynesmen that I desyre, [for] the discharge of my concience, be put in
remembraunce of preyeris for the [good] affeccion I hadde on to them
that I desyre shuld be preyed fore, is the soule of that blyssyd prynce,
Thomas Bedford,[156.1] late Duke of Excestre, the soulys of the Lord
Tibtot, Rauff, Lord Crumwell, Sir John Radclife, my brothyr-in-lawe, and
Dame Cisly, late hyse wiff, my sustyr, whiche lithe buryed at Burdeux;
Sir Philip Braunche, Knyght, my brothyr-in-law, that deyde and was slayn
in Fraunce, and Dame Marget, late hyse wif, my sustyr, buryed at
Cowlynge; also John Farwell, Squyer, my fadyer-in-lawe; Sir Herry
Inglose, Knyght, of my consangwynite; Sir Hewe Fastolf, Knyght, that
deyde in Cane in Normandye; Sir Robert Harlynge, Knyght, my neveu, that
was slayn at the sege of Seynt Denys in Fraunce; John Fitzraf, Squyer,
my neveu; Cisly, late the wif of Herry Fylongley, my nese, also late
desesyd; Dame [_Dan_] Willyam Fastolf, of my consanguynite, prophessyd
in the monastery of Seynt Benettes, and aftyr Abot of Fescamp in
Normandye, whiche deide at Parys; Mathew Gowgh, Squyer, Thomas Gower,
Squyer, John Sak (?), marchaunt of Paryse, my trusty frend and servaunt,
and for the soule of John Kyrtlyng, parson of Arkesey, my right trusty
chapeleyn and servaunt domysticall xxx. wynter and more, Thomas
Hoddeson, a trusty servaunt of myne, John Lyndford, and William
Gunnour.]*

[_Second Draft._]

Item, I will and ordeyne that amonges othir that I have put in
remembraunce be this my will to be preyed fore that suche as shalbe
bounden to preye for me, and be rewardid of myn almesse, shalbe chargid
be myn executoris be fore namyd to preye for the welfare of m[y]
soverayn Lord the Kyng, and for the soulys of all my good lordes and
kynsefolk, and of thoo I am b[ounden] to preye fore or doo preye fore,
and for hem that I have hadde ony goodes of.

[_First Draft._]

Item, I will, ordeyne, and streyghtly charge myn executorys that noon of
hem shall [give] quyetaunce nor rellesse in no wise be hym self, nor be
noon othir, to noon of my detorys, nor to dettour of myn executoris, of
what so ever of astat or condecion that he be of, withoute the
*[knowynge, plessaunce, and assentynge of all myn executorys, or the
more part of hem.]*

[_Second Draft._]

* full wyll and assentynge of the seyd John Paston and Thomas Howys,
clerk.

[_First Draft._]

Item, I will, ordeyne, and streightly charge that none of myn
executorys, be him self, nor be noon othyr, in ony maner or condecion
cautelous, colour . . . . . . . shall sell, nor doo selle, alyen, nor
doo alyen, withdrawe, or do be [withdra]we, my londes and tenementes,
jowellys of gold or sylvir, dettes or cattelys, vesselys or vestmentes
of sylke, lynen, or wollyn, or ony othyr utensylez, to my persone or
houshold perteyning, nor noon othyr goodes of myne, mevable or on
mevablys, quyk or ded, generaly or specialy, withoute *[the knowyng,
plessaunce, and assentynge of all myn executorys, or the more part of
hem; and if it be soo that ony of myn executores attempte maleciously
the contrary in effecte, he fallith in the centense of excommunicacion,
doyng the contrary to my last will.]*

[_Second Draft._]

* the very will and assentyng of the seyd Paston and Howys, and that
noon othyr attempte there in nor in noon othir cause in this my will to
doo the contrarye to hem in effecte I require hem in Goddes be halve.

[_First Draft._]

Item, I will, ordeyne, and streyghtly charge that all my feffeez feffyd
of trust on to myn use of and in all my manerez, lordshepis, londes,
tenementes, and rentes, and servisez, and profitez, be me or othyr to
myn use purchasyd *[in all maner of counteez, citeez, or burghes or
townes with in the ream of Eng[lond] . . . . . ]* they that have astat,
pocession, or tythe to myn use, with all the goodly haste, . . . . and
withoute delay aftyr they be requyred be myn executores* aftyr my
deseas, that they shall feffyn and make lawefull astat in fee symple
*[of and in all maner lordshipys, londes, tenementes, meswages, rentes,
servisez, and profitez forseyd, or of every parcell of the same]* to
that persone or personys to whom or to whiche *[my seid executores in
accomplisment of my last will, the said maneres, lordshepys, londes,
tenementes, mecis, rentes, and servisez, or ony parcell of the same,*
shall sell, or doo sell aftyr the declaracion of this my last will * for
the helthe of my soule, *[Dame Milcent, my wif, with all my
progenitorys, cosynes, and benefactorys, and all my frendes.]*

[_Second Draft._]

* except before except, be me grauntid to the seyd John Paston or hese
assygnes.

* before namyd.

* the seid John Paston and Thomas Howys.

* except before except.

* to dispose.

* and for the soulis above seyd.

[_First Draft._]

*[Item, I will, ordeyne, and streightly charge, aftyr be the grace of
God I be desesed out of thys world, also myn executores willynge in
effecte to accepte the charge upon hem of execucion of my testement and
of mynistracion of my last will, all the articlis there in conteynid
they shall ransakyn besyly and discussyn soo discretly in here
remembraunce, that both in will . . . . . . . . shal not omyttyn for to
complishe the seyd articles in . . . . . . . . . . Seynt Poule the
Appostyll seithe he that is ignoraunt . . . . . . . . God Almighty shall
hym not knowyn to hise savacion[158.1] . . . . . . this article to
otherys that ignoraunce shuld not been on to myn execu[torys] in
hurtynge of my soule, occacion of trespacynge, nor God offendyng.]*

*[Item, I wyll, I ordeyne, and hertely desyr, that if it soo be be the
grace of the Holy Gost, or of my good Aungill, or ellys be the verteuous
devocion of ony good man, or be lyberte of fredam of myn owyn will, it
happe ony good werkes and profitable to the helthe of my soule
necessarye or avayleable to come be favour or swetnesse in to my
remembraunce, as oftyn as I wryte or doo wryte suche thyngs worthy to be
remembryd in ony codicill or codicilles for to be conyoinid to my
testament or to my last will, thanne I will and preye with gret
instaunce of al myn executorys that alle thoo poyntes or articlys be me
expressyd and conteynid in the seyd my codicill or codicillys that they
may have strengthe and vertwe of observaunce in effecte, as if the hadde
be wretyn in the code of my testement and my last will.]*

*[Item, I will, I ordeyne, and I hertely desyre, sethe that every
mortall creature is soget to the lymitez or merkys of mutabelyte and
chaungeableness, and mannys levynge in frelte and condecion is caduke
and casewell, therfor on the behalve of Almyghty God, and be the weye of
entyer charyte, I exhorte, beseche, and preye all myn executorys, in the
vertwe of oure Lord Jesu Cryst, and in the vertwe of the aspercion of
Hise holy blood, shed out graciously for the savacion of all man kende,
that for the more hasty delyveraunce of my soule from the peynefull
flawmes of the fyre of Purgatory, on suche maner and wise they dele and
departe my goodes feithfully be here discrecion and prudence and
polytik,]* the yeer of my buryeng, in exspence of myn entyrement and
othyr almesse, the same yeer, and dedys of pyete (?) for the holsum
estat of my soule amonges pore peple and nedy to [be p]artyd and
distributid plenteuously and hastely, the sum of m^ll marke *[. . . . .
. . . the space of v. or vij. yeer immediatly folwyng by yeer
Dxxxiij_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._ in almessefull deds and charitable wirkys,
with all goodly possibelyte that they shall soo dispose my goodes in
effecte feithefully that my soule, vexid in peynefull angwyshis, with
holy Job, be not compellyd to sey with gret lementacion and mornyng,
Have mercy on me, have mercy on me, namely yee that my frendes shuld
bee, for the hande of Goddes punysshynge hathe grevously touchyd me.
These be the articlys, xxxj. be noumbre, concernith the intent and
purpose of my last will be the handes of myn executores, whiche I charge
hem streytly, prey hem, and beseche hem enterly feithefully to execute,
as they will have helpe of God and of hise holy Gospell. And soo I
requyre hem as wysdam, justice, and concience to doo for me as they
wolde I shuld doo for hem in cas lyche. In tokene and witnesse whereof,
to this my last will I, Sir John Fastolf, above[160.1] . . . . . . . .
. . .]*

[_Second Draft._]

* Item, I wyll and ordeyne that John Paston and Thomas Howys, clerk,
geve and dispose.

* . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . of the salis of my londes and my goodes
be my will . . sygnid to be sold, be fully disposid for the well of my
soule in almessefull dedes [and] charitable werkes with all goodly
possibelite.

[_The following new clause at the end._]

Item, I will and ordeyne that the seyd John Paston, for the payment of
iiij. m^ll. marke forseid, shal bere and paye to the seyd Thomas Howys,
clerk, or to suche as shall aftyr them have the mynistracion of my my
goodes, the seid sum [of] viij^c. marke iche othyr yeer of the forseyd
yeerrys in whiche that sum is ordeynid to be distributid til he . . .
. . be tho paymentes born and payd the seyd sum of iiij^ml markes, and
that soo paid to be disposed be the seyd [John Pa]ston and Thomas Howys,
or be hem that shal aftyr them have the mynistracion of my goods in
executyng [my] will in awmesse full dedes in fourme afore seyd soo that
my mevable goodes be mean of that . . . . . . . shall the lenger indure
in dedis of almesse.

    [Footnote 147.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This document is
    printed from the original draft, in which a great part of the
    text has been crossed out, and other paragraphs substituted in
    the margin. The passages thus cancelled are enclosed within
    brackets with asterisks. Those substituted for them or inserted
    in a later hand are printed in a parallel column on the right.
    The passages bracketed without asterisks, and also the dotted
    spaces, are lost by mutilation.]

    [Footnote 147.3: The date was originally ‘the xiiij. day of the
    moneth of June.’]

    [Footnote 152.1: _Or the more part of them._--These words are
    crossed out. The words ‘before namyd’ are an interlineation
    substituted for them by the second hand.]

    [Footnote 152.2: Interlineation by second hand.]

    [Footnote 152.3: ‘fermors’ inserted in a different hand.]

    [Footnote 152.4: Interlined by second hand.]

    [Footnote 153.1: _be fore namyd._--These words are an
    interlineation by another hand.]

    [Footnote 153.2: _be this my will ordeynid to be sold_,
    interlined by another hand.]

    [Footnote 153.3: _after the avyse--tayle._--These words are an
    interlineation by the second hand.]

    [Footnote 154.1: _with an annversary--note_, erased.]

    [Footnote 154.2: Erased.]

    [Footnote 156.1: Beaufort.]

    [Footnote 158.1: _See_ 1 Cor. xiv. 38. The translation of this
    verse in the Vulgate-- ‘Si quis autem ignorat ignorabitur’
    --conveys a materially different sense from that of our English
    version.]

    [Footnote 160.1: The original draft ends with this word at the
    bottom of the page. Apparently the last few words of the draft
    were written on a flyleaf, which is now lost.]


386

WILL OF SIR JOHN FASTOLF[160.2]

Anno Domini millesimo quadringentesimo quinquagesimo nono, mensis
Novembris, videlicet, die Sabbati proximo post Festum Omnium Sanctorum,
Johannes Fastolff, miles, de comitatu Northfolch, Norwicen Dioc’, in
manerio suo de Castre, dictæ Diocesis, quoad bona sua immobilia suam
ultimam declaravit voluntatem prout sequitur:

John Fastolff, Knyght, the secunde and the thirde day of the moneth of
Novembre, the yere of the reigne of King Henry the Sexte after the
Conquest, xxxviij. yers, being of longe tyme, as he said, in purpos and
wille to founde and stablissh withynne the gret mansion at Castre, by
hym late edified, a college of vij. religious men, monkes or seculer
prestes, and vij. pore folke, to pray for his soule and the soulys of
his wife, his fader and modir, and other that he was beholde to,
imperpetuite. And forasmuch as he had, as he rehercid, a very truste and
love to his cosyn, John Paston, and desired the performyng of the
purpoos and wille forsad to be accomplisshed, and that the said Sir John
shulde not be mevid ne sterid in his owne persone for the said
accomplisshing of the said purpoos and wille, ne with noon other wordly
maters, but at his oune request and plesire, wolde, graunted, and
ordeyned that the said John Paston shalle, withynne resonable tyme aftir
the dissese of the said Sir John, doo founde and stablisshe in the said
mansion a college of vij. monkes or prestes and vij. pore folke, for to
pray for the soulys above said imperpetuite; so that one of the said
monkes or prestes be maister, and have x_li._ yerely, and ich othir
monke or preste x. marc yerely, and ich of the pore folke xl_s._ yerely;
and that the said John Paston shalle make sure to the said collegions a
sufficient roume and a competent and an esy duelling place in the said
mansion, the said collegions nor her successours bering no charge of
reparacion therof. For which, and for othir charges and labours that the
said John Paston hath doon and take uppon hym, to the eas and profite of
the said John Fastolf, and for othir consideracions by hym rehercid, the
said Sir John Fastolff wolde, graunted, and ordeyned that the said John
Paston shalle have alle the maners, landes, and tenementes in
North[folk], Southfolk, and Norwich, in which the said John Paston or
any other are or were enfeffed or have title to the use of the said Sir
John Fastolf; and at [_that_] alle the feffees infeffed in the said
maners, londes, and tenementes shalle make and deliver astate of the
said maners, landes, and tenementes to such persones, at such tymes, and
in such forme as the said John Paston, his heirs, and his assignes
shalle requere thaym or any of thayme. And that the said John Paston
shall pay to othir of the said Sir Johns executours iiij^ml. [4000] marc
of laufulle money of England in the forme that folweth, that is to say:
Where the said Sir John hadde apointed and assigned that his executours
shalle, the first yere aftir his disses, dispoos for his soule and
performyng his wille a m^l. marks or a m^{l}_li._ [£1000] of money, and
yerely aftir, viij^c. [800] marc, tille the goodes be disposed, the said
John Paston shalle pay iche othir yere the said summe of viij^c. marc
till the summe of iiij^m. [4000] be paid; so that the said mevabill
goodes shall the lenger endure to be disposed, by th’avise of his
executours, for the said soulys: And also the said Sir John said,
forasmuch as it was the very wille and entent of the said Sir John that
the said John Paston shulde be thus be avauntaged and in no wise hurte
of his propir goodes, therfore the said Sir John wolde graunted that if
the said John Paston, aftir the dissese of the said Sir John, by
occasion and unlaufulle trouble in this reame, or by mayntenaunce or
myght of Lordes, or for defaute of justice, or by unresonable exaccions
axid of hym for the licence of the said fundacion, withoute coveyne or
fraude of hym selve, be lettid or taried of the making or stablesshing
of the making of the said fundacion, that thanne he fynde or doo finde
yerely aftir the first yere of thus dissese of the said Sir John, vij.
prestes to pray for the said soulys in the said mansion, if he can
purvey so many, or els for as many prestes as faile, yeve yerely aftir
the said first yere, by th’avise of his executours, to bedred men and
othir nedy true pepille, as much money in almose for the said sowlys as
the salary or findyng of the prestes so faillyng is worthe or amounteth
to, unto the tyme he may laufully and peasably founde the said college
and doo his true devir for the said fundacion in the meane tyme. And the
said Sir John Fastolf wolde, graunted, and desired faithfully alle the
residewe of his executours and feffees to shewe the said John Paston
favore in the said paymentes and daies, and help hym for the Kinges
interesse and the eschetours, and furthir hym in that they may in alle
othir thinges as they wolde doo to hym selve, and not vex ne inquiete
hym for the said fundacion in the meane tyme. Ande where the said Sir
John Fastolf made his wille and testament the xiiij. day of June in
somer last passed, he wolde, graunted, and ordeyned that this his wille
touching thes premissez, as welle as the said wille made the said xiiij.
day, except and voided out of his said wille, made the said xiiij. day,
alle that concerneth or perteyneth to the fundacion of a college,
priory, or chauntery, or of any religious persones, and all that
concerneth the sale or disposing of the said maners, landes, and
tenementes, wherof this is the very declaracion of his full wille, stand
and be joyntly his very enteir and last wille, and annexed and proved
togedir. Also the said Sir John Fastolf, Knyght, the Tuysday next before
the fest of Alle Saintes, and in the moneth of Septembre the said yere,
and the iij. day of Novembre, and diverse other tymes, at Castre
aforesaid, wolde, ordeynyd, and declared his wille touching the making
of the said college, as welle as the graunte of the said maners, landes,
and tenementes in Norffolk, Suffolk, and Norwich, in fourme, manere, and
substance aforeseid. Also the said Sir John wolde and ordeyned that if
the said John Paston, by force or myght of any othir desiring to have
the said mansion, were letted to founde the seid college in the said
mansion, that thanne the said John Paston shulde doo poule down the said
mansion and every stone and stikke therof, and do founde iij. of the
said vij. prestes or monkes at Saincte Benettes, and one at Yermuth, one
at Attilbrugh, and one at Sainte Oloves Church in Southwerke. Also the
said Sir John Fastolf, the iij. and iiij. daies of the moneth of
Novembir abovesaid, desired his said wille or writyng, touching the
fundacion of the said college and the graunte of the said maners,
landes, and tenementes to the said John Paston, to be redde unto the
said Sir John; and that same wille redde and declared unto hym
articulerly, the said Sir John Fastolffe wolde, ordeyned, and graunted
that the said John Paston shulde be discharged of the payment of the
said iiij^ml. markes, and noght pay therof in case he did execute the
remenaunte of the said wille.

Also the said Sir John Fastolf, Knyght, aboute the tyme of hervest the
yere of the reigne of King Henry the Sexte, xxxv^th yere at Castre faste
by Mikel Yermuth, in the shire of Norffolk, in presence of divers
persones that tyme called to by the said Sir John, did make astate and
feffement and liverey of the seasin of the maner of Castre aforesaid,
and othir maners, landes, and tenementes in Norffolk, to John Paston,
Squier, and othir; and at that lyverey of season therof delivered, as
welle by the handes of the said Sir John as by other, the said Sir John
Fastolfe by his owne mouth declared his wille and entente of that
feffement and liverey of season made to the use of the said Sir John
asfor during his live onely, and aftir his decese, to the use of the
said John Paston and his heirs. And also the said Sir John said and
declared that the said John Paston was the best frende and helper and
supporter to the said Sir John, and that was his wille that the said
John Paston shulde have and enherite the same maners, landes, and
tenementes and othir aftir his decese, and there to duelle and abide and
kepe householde; and desired Daun William Bokenham, Priour of Yermouth,
and Raufe Lampet, Squier, Bailly of Yermuth, that tyme present, to
recorde the same. Also the said Sir John Fastolf, the vj. day of July
next aftir the tyme of the sealing of his wille made the xiiij. day of
June, the xxxv. of King Henry the Sexte, and aftir in the presence of
Daun William Bokenham, that tyme Prioure of Yermouth, and other, wolde,
ordeyned, and declared by wille that the said John Paston shulde have
alle thynges as the said Sir John had graunted and declared to the said
prioure and othir at the tyme of the said [asta]te and feffement made to
the [said] John Paston, the said xxxv. yere of King Henry the vj^th, the
said John seyng [_saying_] that he was of the same wille and purpoos as
he was and declared at the tyme [of the] said astate takyng. Also the
said Sir John wolde that John Paston and Thomas Howes, and noon othir of
his executours, shulde selle alle maners, landes, and tenementes in
whiche any persones were enfeffed to the use of the said Sir John,
excepte the said maners, landes, and tenementes in Norffolk, Suffolk,
and Norwich; and the same John Paston and Thomas Howes shalle take and
receyve the profites, ysshueys, and emolumentes commyng of the said
maners, landes, and tenementes, excepte before except, tille they may
resonably be solde; and that the said John Paston and Thomas, the money
comyng of the same sale, as welle of the said proufites, ysshuys, and
emolumentes, shulde dispoos in dedys of almose for the soule of the said
Sir John and the soulys aforesaid, and in executyng of his wille and
testament: And also the said Sir John wolde that alle the feffees
enfeffed in the said maners, landes, and tenementes assigned to be sold,
whanne thay be required by the said John Paston and Thomas Howes, shall
make astate to persone or persons as the said John Paston and Thomas
shalle selle to, the said maners, landes, and tenementes, or any parte
therof, and that noon othir feffe [_feoffee_] nor the executours of the
said Sir John shall make any feffement, relece, ne quitance of any
londes befor assigned to be solde that wer at any tyme longing to the
said Sir John, withoute the assente of the said John Paston and Thomas
Howes. Datum anno Domini, mense, die et loco supradictis.

    [Footnote 160.2: [From Add. MS. 22,927, B.M.]]

  [[the said John Paston shulde be thus be avauntaged
    _text unchanged: superfluous “be” or error for “shulde he”?_]]


387

SIR JOHN FASTOLF’S WILL[163.1]

Anno Domini [millesimo][163.2] quadringentesimo quinquagesimo nono,
mensis Novembris, videlicet, die Sabbati proximo post Festum Omnium
Sanctorum, Johannes Fastolffe, miles, de com’ Norfolk, Norvicen’ dioc‘,
in manerio suo de Castre, dict’ dioc’, suum condidit testamentum, et
ipsius ultimam declaravit voluntatem, prout sequitur:--In primis,
commendavit et commisit animam suam Deo Omnipotenti, Creatori suo, ac
gloriosæ Virgini Mariæ, matri Domini nostri Jesu Christi, et omnibus
Sanctis. Item, legavit corpus suum, postquam ab hac luce migraverit,
sepeliendum in ecclesia conventuali monasterii Sancti Benedicti in
Hulmo, Norvicen’ dioc’, sub arcu novæ capellæ per ipsum ibidem de novo
constructæ, ex parte australi chori sive cancelli, sub tumba marmorea,
juxta corpus Milicenciæ olim consortis suæ ibidem sepultæ; ac voluit
quod abbas et conventus monasterii prædicti, antequam corpus suum ibidem
sepeliretur, securitatem facerent quod dabunt et concedent Johanni
Paston et aliis per ipsum nominandis, licentiam dandi et concedendi
septem monachis vel presbyteris et eorum successoribus in quodam
collegio apud Castre prædict’ per prædictum Johannem Paston stabiliendo
et dotando, terras et tenementa quæ idem Johannes Paston et alii
feoffati per ipsum Johannem Fastolf seu suos feoffatos de dictis abbate
et conventu tenent, vel tantum inde quantum idem Johannes dictis
monachis vel presbyteris dare voluerit. Item legavit, ordinavit, et
præcepit omnia debita sua fideliter persolvi et quæcumque per ipsum
forisfacta de quibus constare poterit, emendari, restitui,[164.1] et
satisfieri cum effectu. Item legavit ad reparationem et sustentationem
portus villæ Magnæ Jernemuth’, ac ad renovationem et sustentationem
murorum dictæ villæ pro bono commodo reipublicæ, salva tuitione villæ
prædictæ et patriæ adjacentis, centum marcas sterlingorum, sub
conditione quod burgenses seu gubernatores dictæ villæ sine mora seu
dilatione perficiant[164.2] reparationem portus et murorum prædictorum
quamdiu dicta summa a se extendet, ut gentes ibidem commorantes habeant
animam suam in suis orationibus specialiter recommendatam. Item,
cuilibet ecclesiæ parochiali singularum villarum in quibus habuit, aut
aliquis ad suum usum habet, domum seu manerium, terras, et tenementa pro
speciali recommendatione animæ suæ, unum vestimentum de serico panno pro
missis ibidem celebrandis, et quod fiat in eodem scutum armorum suorum
brodinatum secundum discretionem executorum suorum et indigentiam
dictarum ecclesiarum. Item, legavit et ordinavit servientibus[164.3]
suis et familiaribus domesticis remunerationem condignam seu competentem
de bonis suis mobilibus juxta statum suorum [_sic_] ad summam tres
centum marcarum, ita quod quilibet generosus habeat duplicem ad
valentiam, et sic descendendo successive juxta statum eorum seu
exigentiam meritorum ministrorum suorum ac fidelium laborum, habita
tamen consideratione ad certos servientes[164.4] circa personam suam
attendentes diebus et noctibus in laboribus, angustiis et vigiliis, tam
in sanitate quam in infirmitate, circa præservationem corporis sui ac
sanitatem celerius obtinendum. Item, legavit cuilibet ordini Fratrum
religiosorum et domorum Mendicantium, tam in villa Magnæ Jernemouth quam
in civitate Norwici, pro recommendatione animæ suæ, summam competentem
secundum discretionem executorum suorum limitandum, cum nihil in proprio
habeant unde sustentari valeant nisi de caritate et elemosina devotorum
Christianorum. Residuum vero omnium bonorum suorum mobilium legata sua
excedentium, ac catallorum suorum vivorum et mortuorum, ac debita
singula quæ sibi debeantur, dedit et legavit executoribus suis
infrascriptis juxta modum, formam et potestatem eisdem per eum superius
limitatam, specificatam et ascriptam, ut ipsi eisdem modo et forma, per
inde omni pondere discretionis et sani consilii, ea distribuant pro
salute animæ suæ inter maxime debiles et pauperes, claudos et cæcos, ac
alios impotentes in eorum lectis decumbentes, se et suos sustentare
commode non valentes; habita consideratione speciali ad pauperes de
consanguinitate et affinitate sua intimos et propinquos, et præsertim in
locis ubi quondam possessiones, prædia, redditus et sua dominia fuerunt
situata, et præsertim in villis et locis ubi habent, seu aliquis ad usum
suum habet, dominia, maneria, terras, tenementa, et etiam ad
emendationem pauperum ecclesiarum villarum prædictarum, viarum turpium
et pontium communium reparationem, et in aliis piis elemosinariis usibus
et caritatis operibus, specialiter in comitatibus Norfolk’ et Suffolk’;
et quod circa funeralia et legata sua ac elemosinas supradictas primo
anno post decessum suum mille marcæ seu mille libræ disponantur, et
annuatim postea quingentæ libræ, triginta tres libræ, sex solidi et octo
denarii, quousque bona sua mobilia et pecuniæ de venditione terrarum ac
bonorum suorum vendendorum provenientia modo et forma prædictis plenarie
disponantur, sicut coram Deo in die extremo Examinis voluerint
respondere; et ad hoc eos exhortabatur in Domino Jesu Christo taliter
pro[165.1] ipso singula fideliter peragere vellent cum pro eis in casu
consimili faceret juxta conscientiam, rationem, et justitiam. Et
prædicti testamenti ac ultimæ voluntatis suæ suos executores ad
exequendum, disponendum et ministrandum modo et forma per eum inferius
limitatis et subscriptis, constituit, ordinavit, fecit et elegit
Willelmum Wintoniensem episcopum; Johannem, Dominum de Beauchamp;
Nicholaum, abbatem de Langle; Johannem Stokes, legum doctorem; Fratrem
Johannem Brakley, doctorem theologiæ; Willelmum Yelverton, unum
justiciariorum Domini Regis; Johannem Paston, armigerum; Henricum
Filongley, armigerum; Dominum Thomam Howes, presbyterum; et Willelmum
Worcester; quos modum et formam executionis et administrationis bonorum
suorum per executores suos fiend’ sic limitavit, voluit, disposuit, et
modificavit; videlicet, quod prædicti Johannes Paston et Thomas Howes
solum et ante alios executores prædictos subeant et habeant
administrationem et dispositionem omnium bonorum mobilium, catallorum ac
denariorum ex venditione omnium terrarum et tenementorum suorum
vendendorum et proficuorum eorundem terrarum et tenementorum
provenientum, ut ipsi duo soli ea disponant pro salute animæ suæ, et
quod alii executores supradicti abstineant se ab omni administratione
dictorum bonorum suorum, nisi pro modo, forma, causa, loco, et tempore
quibus per ipsos Johannem Paston et Thomam Howes ad eorem juramenta pro
dicta administratione fuerint evocati pariter et rogati; et quod nullus
dictorum aliorum executorum suorum sine consensu et voluntate ac
advisamento dictorum Johannes Paston et Thomæ Howes capiat aliquid seu
distribuat de bonis suis mobilibus et catallis prædictis, nec
venditionem eorundem neque terrarum nec tenementorum prædictorum faciat,
nec aliqua sibi debita recipiat, neque aliquos creditores suos quovis
modo acquiet et, neque, prædictis Johanne Paston et Thoma Howes
viventibus et administrare bona sua volentibus, aliquis alius executorum
prædictorum administrationem bonorum suscipiat suorum, sed quod quantum
dicti alii sui executores ad [_sic_] eorem singuli prædict’ Johanni
Paston et Thomæ Howes in quibuscunque egibilibus [_sic_] quæ hujusmodi
testamentum et ultimam voluntatem concernentibus, favorabiliter
assistant et succurrant cum per eosdem fuerint ad hoc requisiti. Voluit
tamen quod si alter prædictorum Johannis et Thomæ recusaverit onus
administrationis bonorum hujusmodi subire, vel ante administrationem
functam obierit, quod tunc ille dictorum duorum executorum suorum
administrare volens eligat unum de executoribus prædictis sibi
associandis quem putaverit in hiis sibi magis idoneum, et ita voluit
fieri de omnibus aliis executoribus præscriptis; videlicet, quod uno
moriente vel deficiente de duobus, alter loco ipsius ad electionem
administrationem incumbent’ substituatur et assumatur. Si autem ambo
executores prædicti onus recusaverint subire administrationis prædictæ,
vel ambo executores administrationem incumbentes moriantur antequam
substituantur executores alii, voluit quod tunc illi duo executores
viventes prædictam administrationem subeant et habeant quos major pars
executorum viventium sui testamenti duxerit eligendos, et quod illi duo
administrationem subeuntes ad dictos Dominum Episcopum et Dominum de
Beauchamp, Nicolaum Abbatem de Langley, Johannem Stokes, Fratrem
Johannem Bracley, Willelmum Yelverton, Henricum Filongley, et Willelmum
Worcester recursum habeant pro eorum consilio et advisamento obtinendo
in causis arduis et materiis requisitis. Supervisores vero dicti
testamenti reverendissimum in Christo patrem et dominum, Dominum Thomam
Dei gratia Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum, Walterum Episcopum Norwicensem,
Magistrum Robertum Popy clericum, et Hugonem Fenn, Domini Regis
auditorem, ordinavit et constituit, et voluit quod dicti duo executores
onus administrationis subeuntes remunerarentur secundum merita laborum
suorum et diligentiam in præmissis expediendis juxta discretionem dicti
Domini Episcopi Wintoniensis et Magistri Johannis Stokes, seu majoris
partis aliorum executorum viventium. Supervisores vero prædicti et
cæteri executores remunerarentur secundum merita laborum suorum per
discretionem duorum executorum dictæ administrationi incumbentium. Et
voluit quod si quis prædictorum per eum superius nominatorum dictos
Johannem Paston et Thomam Howes in officio suo hujusmodi seu circa
administrationem bonorum ejusdem defuncti quoquomodo impediverit,
turbaverit, vexaverit, molestaverit, vel inquietaverit, aut aliquid
prædictorum facere præsumpserit vel conatus fuerit, ab administratione
bonorum suorum omnino removeatur, et si quid præmissorum ante
susceptionem administrationis hujusmodi attemptaverit, ipsum ad
administrationem hujusmodi nullatenus admitti voluit et declaravit.
Datum anno Domini, mense, die, loco supradictis.

    [Footnote 163.1: From a modern copy among the MSS. at Narford,
    in the possession of Andrew Fountaine, Esq. The original of this
    document has not been met with, and the copy from which it is
    printed is unfortunately very corrupt; but no other text is
    obtainable. The more obvious inaccuracies have been corrected,
    but some obscurities remain, on which the reader may exercise
    his own judgment. For a knowledge of this document I am indebted
    to Mr. Tyssen Amhurst, of Didlington Hall, Brandon, to whom it
    was lent by the owner.]

    [Footnote 163.2: Omitted in MS.]

    [Footnote 164.1: restum, MS.]

    [Footnote 164.2: proficiant, MS.]

    [Footnote 164.3: finentibus, MS.]

    [Footnote 164.4: finentes, MS.]

    [Footnote 165.1: per, MS.]


388

INVENTORY OF SIR JOHN FASTOLF’S GOODS[166.1]

[Sidenote: 1459]

Memorandum that here aftir foloweth an inventarye of the gold and silver
in coyne and plate, and othir godes and catelles that sumtyme were Sir
John Fastolf, Knyght, whiche the said Sir John Fastolf gaf to John
Paston, Squier, and Thomas Howys, clerk, of trust and confidence, that
the same godes shuld the more saufly be kept to the use of the said Sir
John duryng his lif, and aftir his decesse to be disposed in satisfiyng
of the duetees and dettes to God and Holy Chirche, and to alle othir,
and in fulfillyng and execucion of his legate last wille and testament
without eny defraudyng of the said Holy Chirche or of eny creditours or
persones.

    [Footnote 166.1: [From Add. Charter 17,247, B.M.] The MS. from
    which this document is printed is a roll which appears to have
    been at one time in the possession of Blomefield, the historian
    of Norfolk. At the end is the following note in his
    handwriting:-- ‘March 7, 1743.--A true coppy of this roll given
    to Sr. Andr. Fountain, Kt., by me, Fra. Blomefield.’]


  First, in goold and silver, founden in th’abbey of Seynt Benet
    aftir the decesse of the said Sir John Fastolf, m^{l}m^l iiij^xx
    xiij_li._ iij_s._ iiij_d._
  Item, founden atte Castre, lxj_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._
  Item, receyved atte Bentlee by the handes of William Barker in money
    by hym receyved of John Heryngton, xx_li._
  Item, receyved atte London, CCCClxix_li._

        Summa M^{l}M^{l}DCxliij_li._ x_s._ in coyne.

  First, two peces of golde, weiyng xlviij. unces.
  Item, two ewers of golde, weiyng xxvij. unces.
  Item, j. flaget of silver, weiyng xxxviij. unces.
  Item, ij. prikettys of silver, weiyng xxvij. unces et di.

        Summa of golde, lxxv. unces, and of silver, lv. unces.

  Item, iij. chargeours of silver, weiyng vij^xx iij. unces.
  Item, xij. platers of silver, weiyng ix^xx ix. unces.
  Item, xij. disshes of silver, weiyng vij^xx viij. unces.
  Item, xij. sausers of silver, weiyng iiij^xx xv. unces.

        Summa v^c lxxv. unces.

  Item, xij. flat peces bolyond in the bothom, weiyng viij^xx ix.
    unces.
  Item, vj. bolles with oon coverecle [_lid_] of silver, the egges
    gilt, my maister helmet enameled in the myddes, weiyng viij^xx
    iiij. unces.
  Item, a candilstik, a priket and ij. sokettys of silver, weiyng
    xvij. unces.
  Item, ij. potell pottes of silver wrethyn, the verges gilt with
    braunches enameled, with j. tree in the lyddys, weiyng vj^xx xij.
    unces.
  Item, ij. galon pottes of silver wrethyn, the verges gilt, enameled
    in the lyddes with iij. floures, weiyng xj^xx ix. unces.
  Item, j. roste iron with vij. staves and j. foldyng stele of silver,
    weiyng lxxiij. unces.
  Item, ij. flagons of silver, with gilt verges, and the cheynes
    enameled in the myddes, with j. hoke, weiyng ix^xx unces.

        Summa, ix^c lxiiij. unces.

  Item, a saltsaler like a bastell [_a bastille or small tower_], alle
    gilt with roses, weiyng lxxvij. unces.
  Item, a paire of basyns, alle gylt, with an antelope in the myddes,
    weiyng xj^xx unces.
  Item, ij. ewers, gilt, pounsed with floures and braunches, weiyng
    xxxix. unces.
  Item, j. spice plate, well gilt like a double rose, my maister
    helmet in the myddes, with rede roses of my maisters armes,
    weiyng v^xx x. unces.
  Item, ij. galon pottes, all gilt, enameled in the crownes with
    violet floures, weiyng x^xx xiij. unces.
  Item, vj. bolles, with oon coveracle gilt, with my maisters helmet
    enamelled in the myddes, weiyng viij^xx vj. unces.
  Item, j. stondyng cuppe, all gilt, with a coveracle, with my
    maisters helmet enamyled in the myddes, weiyng xlj. unces.
  Item, another cuppe of the same facione, all gilt, weiyng xlij.
    unces.
  Item, iiij. cuppes, gilt like founteyns, with j. columbyne floure
    enameled in the myddes, weiyng iiij^xx xvj. unces.

        Summa, DCCCClxv. unces.

  Item, j. grete flagon, with stuf theryn, weiyng xvij^xx xj. unces.

        Summa, CCClj. unces.

  Item, vj. platers, weiyng vij^xx unces.
  Item, xiiij. disshes, weiyng ix^xx unces.
  Item, xij. peces of dyvers sortes, weiyng vij^xx xiij. unces.
  Item, ij. grete galon pottes, playn, with gilt verges, my maisters
    helmet in the kever, weiyng xij^xx xij. unces.
  Item, j. paire basyns, the verges gilt, Harlyngs[168.1] armes in the
    bottom, weiyng v^xx xv. unces.
  Item, ij. quart potts, with gilt verges, with the same armes in the
    lydde, weiyng lxx. unces.
  Item, ij. ewers, the oon demi gilt, and the othir the bordures gilt,
    weiyng lj. unces.
  Item, j. spice plate demi gilt, my maisters terget enamyled in the
    myddes, weiyng lxxj. unces.

        Summa, DCCCCCxxxij. unces.

  Item, j. stondyng cuppe gilt, with j. kever, with j. rose in the
    toppe, weiyng xl. unces.
  Item, anothir cuppe of the same facion, gilt, weiyng xlj. unces.

        Summa, iiij^xx j. unces.

  Item, iij. grete chargeours, weiyng vij^xx ij. unces.
  Item, xij. platers, weiyng xj^xx xij. unces.
  Item, xij. disshes, weiyng ix^xx viij. unces.
  Item, xj. sausers, weiyng lxxvj. unces.

        Summa, DCxxxviij. unces.

  Item, j. paire basyns, with gilt verges and j. rose, with my
    maisters helmet enameled and gilt in the myddes, weiyng viij^xx
    vj. unces.
  Item, ij. ewers, gilt and enameled in like wise, weiyng lxxv. unces.
  Item, xij. flatte peces, pounsed in the bottom, the verges gilt
    sortely, weiyng vij^xx xvj. unces.
  Item, j. spiceplate demi gilt, wrethyn, weiyng lxxij. unces.
  Item, vj. bolles, with oon kever, the verges gilt, my maisters
    helmet in the myddes, weiyng viij^xx iiij. unces.
  Item, ij. grete pottes, eche of a galon, wrethyn the verges of bothe
    gilt with popy leves, with j. tre levedroses in the lidde,
    enameled, weiyng xj^xx xvj. unces.
  Item, ij. potelers, with gilt verges, enameled in the liddes, weiyng
    iiij^xx ix. unces.
  Item, ij. flagons, with gilt verges, and the cheyne enameled in the
    myddes, weiyng viij^xx j. unces.
  Item, j. candelstik, with j. priket and ij. soketts, weiyng xvij.
    unces.

        Summa, xj^c xxxvj. unces.

  Item, j. saltsaler, with j. kever, well gilt, with many wyndowes,
    weiyng iiij^xx vj. unces.
  Item, vj. bolles, all gilt, with j. kever and j. rose in the toppe,
    eche enameled in the bottom with my maisters helmet, weiyng
    viij^xx vj. unces.
  Item, ij. galon pottes, gilt playn, anameled in the lyddes with my
    maisters target, weiyng vij^xx xiiij. unces.
  Item, j. stondyng cuppe, pounsed with floures, well gilt, weiyng
    xlij. unces.
  Item, j. gilt cuppe, stondyng covered, pounsed with j. rose in the
    toppe, weiyng xlvij. unces.
  Item, vj. gobelettes, wele gilt, with j. columbyne floure, weiyng
    vij^xx vj. unces.

        Summa, DCxlj. unces.

    [Footnote 168.1: Sir Robert Harling of East Harling, in Norfolk,
    was a companion in arms of Fastolf, and was killed at Paris in
    1435.]


_Chapell._

  Item, vij. prikettes, with gilt verges, weiyng iiij^xx vj. unces.
  Item, ij. stondyng candilstikkes, with gilt verges, weiyng iiij^xx
    j. unces.
  Item, j. ship, with gilt verges, weiyng ix. unces.
  Item, j. box for syngyng brede,[169.1] weiyng iiij. unces.
  Item, j. haly water stop, with j. sprenkill and ij. cruettes, weiyng
    xij. unces.

        Summa, C iiij^xx xij. unces.

  Item, j. brode pryket, all gilt, weiyng xlv. unces.
  Item, j. paire basyns, all gilt, enameled in the bottom with roses,
    weiyng xl. unces.
  Item, j. pyx, demi gilt, weiyng xxx. unces.
  Item, j. crosse, all gilt, weiyng xlj. unces.
  Item, j. ewer, all gilt, weiyng xvij. unces.
  Item, j. chalice, alle gilt, weiyng xxvij. unces.
  Item, j. lesser chalice, all gilt, weiyng xiiij. unces.
  Item, ij. roses over gilt, weiyng xv. unces et di.
  Item, j. ymage of Seynt Michell, weiyng viij^xx x. unces.
  Item, j. ymage of oure Lady and hir Childe in hir armes, weiyng
    v^{xx} x. unces.

        Summa, D^{c}xxix et di unces.

  Item, j. grete flagon, weiyng xviij^xx viij. unces.
  Item, j. almesse disshe, weiyng vj^xx xij. unces.

        Summa, D^c unces.

  Item, j. sensour of silver, and gilt, weiyng xl. unces.
  Item, j. ship, weiyng xviij. unces.
  Item, j. pece with j. kever, weiyng xx. unces.
  Item, j. gobelet, gilt, weiyng xj. unces.
  Item, j. stondyng cup, with j. kever, weiyng xij. unces.

        Summa, Cj. unces.

  Item, iij. grete chargeours, of oon sorte, weiyng xj^xx xviij.
    unces.
  Item, j. chaufer, to sette upon a table for hote water, weiyng
    iiij^xx xiij. unces.
  Item, iiij. holowe basyns, wherof oon is bolyons, weiyng all x^xx
    xiij. unces.
  Item, iij. botelles, of oon sorte, weiyng vij^xx xiiij. unces.
  Item, vj. grete peces, of oon sorte, weiyng v^xx xvij. unces.
  Item, xij. peces, all of oon sorte, weiyng xj^xx xiiij. unces.
  Item, iij. smale peces, weiyng xxv. unces.
  Item, j. grete bolle, with j. kever, weiyng lxij. unces.
  Item, iij. gobelettes, pounsed, weiyng xiiij. unces et di.
  Item, j. powder box, and j. kever to j. cup, weiyng xxij. unces.
  Item, ij. basyns, the verges gilt with popy leves, enameled with my
    maisters helmet in the bottom, weiyng viij^xx ix. unces.
  Item, ij. ewers, gilt, enameled in the same wise, weiyng iiij^xx
    unces.
  Item, iiij. ewers, of the olde facion, weiyng lxxvij. unces.

        Summa, xv^c xxij. unc’ et di.

  Item, j. litill flat pece, gilt, with j. kever, weiyng xxvij. unces.
  Item, j. stondyng pece, all gilte, with j. kever, weiyng xxxviij.
    unces.
  Item, j. litill stondyng pece, gilt, with j. kever, weiyng xxj.
    unces et di.

        Summa, iiij^xx vj. unc’ et di.

    [Footnote 169.1: The round cakes or wafers intended for
    consecration in the Eucharist.]

  [[Item, j. brode pryket, all gilt, weiyng xlv. unces.
    _final . missing or invisible_]]


_Apud Sanctum Benedictum._

  Item, ij. basyns, with gilt verges, and my maisters helmet in the
    botom, with ij. ewers, with gilt verges, and my maisters helme
    on the lyddes, weiyng togider CCxxxj. unces.
  Item, iiij. prikettes, with gilt verges, weiyng xxxj. unces.
  Item, ij. lesser prikettes, weiyng v. unces.
  Item, j. basyn and j. ewer, with my maisters armes in the botom,
    weiyng lxiij. unces.
  Item, ij. litill ewers, of ij. sortes, weiyng xxiiij. unces.
  Item, j. spiceplate, with gilt verges, weiyng xliiij. unces.
  Item, ij. galons, with gilt verges, with my maisters armes in the
    liddes, weiyng iiij^xx xvj. unces.
  Item, ij. potellers, of oon sorte, weiyng iiij^xx iiij. unces.
  Item, ij. othir potellers, of oon sorte, weiyng iiij^xx xiij. unces.
  Item, j. potell potte, of anothir sorte, weiyng xxxv. unces.
  Item, ij. quartelettes, of dyvers sortes, weiyng xlviij. unces.
  Item, j. litill botell, with j. cheyne and j. stopell, weiyng
    xxxviij. unces.
  Item, j. brode priket, with gilt verges, weiyng xxiiij. unces.
  Item, ij. candilstikkes, ij. prykettes, and iiij. sokettes, weiyng
    xxxvij. unces.
  Item, vj. gobelettes, of dyvers sortes, weiyng xxviij. unces.
  Item, xiiij. peces, of dyvers sortes, weiyng vj^xx xv. unces.
  Item, j. old pece, with j. kever and j. knop, weiyng xxxij. unces.
  Item, ij. chargeours, of oon sorte, weiyng lxxviij. unces.
  Item, vj. platers, of oon sorte, weiyng vij^xx vij. unces.
  Item, xviij. disshes, of dyvers sortes, weiyng x^xx xvj. unces.
  Item, vj. sawsers, of oon sorte, weiyng xxviij. unces.

        Summa, xv^c xvij. unces.

  Item, j. saltsaler, alle gilt, with j. kever, weiyng xxxvij. unces.
  Item, j. pese, with j. kever, all gilt, with j. knop, weiyng xxxj.
    unces.
  Item, j. playne pece, gilt, with j. kever, weiyng xxvj. unces.
  Item, j. litill pece, gilt, with j. kever, weiyng xviij. unces.

        Summa, v^xx xij. unces.

  Item, j. chargeour, weiyng xlv. unces.
  Item, viij. platers, weiyng ix^xx xj. unces.
  Item, viij. disshes, weiyng vj^xx v. unces.
  Item, viij. saucers, weiyng xlix. unces.
  Item, j. potell potte, with gilt verges, enameled in the top with
    violet leves, weiyng xlix. unces.

        Summa, CCCC iiij^xx iij. unces.

  Item, j. stondyng cup, with j. kever, all gilt, weiyng xxxviij.
    unces.
  Item, j. founteyn, all gilt, with j. columbyne floure in the bottom,
    weiyng xxiij. unces.

        Summa, lxj. unces.

  Item, ij. saltsalers, weiyng xxxix. unces.
  Item, j. candilstik, with ij. sokettes, weiyng xxj. unces.
  Item, iiij. flat peces, pounsed in the bottom, weiyng xl. unces.
  Item, ij. gobelettes, pounsed, weiyng ix. unces.
  Item, xiij. spones, wherof oon is gilt, weiyng xvij. unces.
  Item, j. ewer, with j. knop, weiyng xiij. unces.
  Item, ij. potellers, with my maisters armes on the liddes, weiyng
    lxxji. unces.
  Item, j. potell potte, with braunches on the lidde enamelid, weiyng
    xlix. unces.
  Item, iij. pottes, enameled with j. garlond, weiyng v^xx vij. unces.
  Item, j. quart pot, weiyng xxix. unces.
  Item, j. grete chargeour, weiyng lxxix. unces.
  Item, iij. lesser chargeours, weiyng v^xx xj. unces.
  Item, v. platers, of oon sorte, weiyng v^xx xv. unces.
  Item, xij. disshes, of oon sorte, weiyng x^xx ix. unces.
  Item, ix. sausers, of oon sorte, weiyng lxiij. unces.

        Summa, M^l iiij^x xij. unces.

  Item, j. gobelet, gilt, with j. columbyne in the bottom, weiyng
    xxiiij. unces.
  Item, j. stondyng cup, with j. kever, weiyng xxxv. unces.

        Summa, lix. unces.

  [[Summa, M^l iiij^x xij. unces.
    _final . missing or invisible; all numbers are as shown_]]


_Castre._

  Item, ij. prykettys, with gilt verges, weiyng xvij. unces.
  Item, ij. cruettes, oon lakkyng a lydde, weiyng viij. unces.
  Item, j. litill crosse, with j. fote, all gilt, weiyng vij. unces.
  Item, j. sakeryng bell, weiyng xj. unces.
  Item, j. chalice, weiyng xviij. unces.
  Item, j. saltsaler, weiyng v. unces.
  Item, j. paxbrede,[172.1] weiyng     [172.2]unces.
  Item, j. grete saltsaler, with j. kever, weiyng xxvij. unces.
  Item, j. playn basyn, with j. ewer, weiyng liij. unces.
  Item, ij. flat peces, of oon sorte, weiyng xxij. unces.
  Item, xvij. spones, of ij. sortes, weiyng xviij. unces.
  Item, iiij. platers, weiyng iiij^xx xiiij. unces.
  Item, vj. disshes, weiyng iiij^xx xiiij. unces.
  Item, iiij. sausers, weiyng xviij. unces.
  Item, j. candilstik, withoute sokettes, weiyng xviij. unces.

        Summa, CCCCx. unces.


_M^d of xlvj. unces gold and ij^ml. Dxxv. unces of silver plate taken
from Bermondesey._

[Sidenote: _Sold by John Yong of London._]

  {In primis, a peson[173.1] of gold, it fayleth v. balles,
    weiyng xxiij. unces gold.
  {Item, j. paire basons, beyng[173.2] bothe weiyng v^xx ij. unces.
  {Item, j. paire ewers, beyng[173.2] bothe weiyng xlv. unces.
  {Item, j. paire of newe flagons, cheyned, everyche weiyng
    lxxiiij. unces--vij^xx xiij. unces.
  {Item, iiij. platers, parcell of ix. platers not sortely, weiyng
    in all x^xx ix. unces; so iche weieth xxiij. unces. Soo the
    weight of the same iiij. platers, iiij^xx xij. unces.
  {Item, xij. disshes, weiyng in all ix^xx ix. unces.
  {Item, xij. sausers, weiyng in all iiij^xx xvij. unces.

        Summa unciarum argenti, DClxxiij. unc‘, et de auro, xxiij. unc’.

  Item, j. cup of golde, with an ewer, weiyng xxiij. unces.
  Item, ij. spiceplates, weiyng bothe iiij^xx xij. unces.
  Item, ij. olde chargeours, of oon sorte, weiyng iiij^xx viij. unces.
  Item, j. grete plater, weiyng xxxviij. unces.
  Item, v. olde disshes, weiyng in alle lxxvj. unces.
  Item, v. sausers, weiyng xxix. unces.
  Item, ij. quart pottes, weiyng liiij. unces.
  Item, ix. platers, weiyng xvj^xx iij. unces.
  Item, a flat pece, playne, of silver, weiyng xvj. unces.
  Item, a quart pot, of silver, with gilt verges, weiyng xxvj. unces.
  Item, an holowe basyn, of silver, weiyng xxviij. unces.

        Summa unciarum de auro, xxiij. unc‘; et de argento,
          DCClxx. unc’.

  Item, ij. stondyng cuppes, gilt, of oon sorte, iche weiyng xxiiij.
    unces--lxviij. unces.
  Item, vj. gobelettes, uncovered, weiyng xxiij. unces et di.
  Item, j. layer, weiyng xxiiij. unces.
  Item, j. saltsaler, gilt, weiyng xxxiiij. unces.
  Item, ij. lesse chargeours, weiyng lxx. unces.
  Item, v. platers, not sortely, parcell of ix. platers, weiyng in all
    x^xx ix. unces; so iche plater weyeth by estymacion xxiij. unces.
    So the weight of v. platers, Cxv. unces.

        Summa, CCCxxxiiij. unces di.

  Item, j. saltsaler, gilt, with a cover, weiyng xxxj. unces.
  Item, iiij. peces, gilt, with ij. coveres, weiyng lxxiiij. unces.
  Item, vj. Parys cuppes, of silver, of the Monethes, with lowe fete,
    the bordures gilt, weiyng iiij^xx x. unces.
  Item, j. white stondyng cuppe, with a cover of silver, weiyng xij.
    unces di.
  Item, j. knoppe, for a covere, gilt, weiyng j. unce.
  Item, j. flagon, of silver and gilt, accordyng with the olde
    inventarie, weiyng x^xx xviij unces.
  Item, anothir flagon, of the same sorte and of the same weight, x^xx
    xviij. unces.

        Summa, DCxliiij. unces di.

  Item, j. paire of olde flagons, iij. pyntes, fayleth j. stopell,
    weiyng iiij^xx x. unces.
  Item, j. grete sawser, weiyng vj. unces di.
  Item, ij. olde cruettes, weiyng vj. unces.

    [Footnote 172.1: A small tablet with a representation of the
    Crucifixion on it, presented to be kissed during the mass.]

    [Footnote 172.2: Blank in MS.]

    [Footnote 173.1: An instrument in the form of a staff, with
    balls or crockets, used for weighing, before scales were
    employed for that purpose.]

    [Footnote 173.2: The word ‘beyng’ in these two places seems to
    have been altered to ‘weyng,’ which was unnecessary.]

  [[Item, ij. cruettes, oon lakkyng a lydde, weiyng viij. unces.
    _text has “weiyhg”_]]

  [[Item, j. paire ewers  _period (full stop) invisible_]]


389

SIR JOHN FASTOLF’S WARDROBE[174.1]

_Memorandum._

That the last day of Octobre, the      yere of the reyne of King Henri
the Sixt, Sir John Fastolf, Knyght, hath lefte in his warderope at
Castre, this stuffe of clothys, and othir harnays that followith, that
is to wete:--

    [Footnote 174.1: [From Archæologia, xxi. 252.] This roll and the
    preceding are both printed in the Archæologia from transcripts
    made by Blomefield, the Norfolk historian, for his friend Sir
    Andrew Fountaine. The original of this second roll we have not
    met with.]


_Togæ remanenciæ hoc tempore in Garderoba Domini._

  First, a goune of clothe of golde, with side slevis, sirples wise.
  Item, j. nothir gowne of clothe of golde, with streyght slevys, and
    lynyd withe blak clothe.
  Item, halfe a gowne of red felwett.
  Item, j. gowne of blewe felwett upon felwet longe furrid withe
    martyrs, and perfold[174.2] of the same, slevys sengle.
  C. Item, j. gowne, clothe of grene, of iij. yerds.
  Item, j. side scarlet gownys, not lynyd.
  Item, j. rede gowne, of my Lorde Coromale[174.3] is lyverey, lyned.
  Item, j. chymere[174.4] cloke of blewe satayne, lynyd with blake
    silke.
  Item, iij. quarters of scarlet for a gowne, di. quarter of the same.
  Item, j. broken gowne of sangweyne, graynyd with the slevys.
  Item, j. gowne of Frenche russet, lynyd with blak clothe.
  Item, j. chemer of blak, lynyd with blak bokerame.
  Item, j. gowne of blak, lynyd with blak lynyng.
  Item, iij. quarters of a russet gowne with ought slevys.
  Item, j. jagged huke[175.1] of blakke sengle, and di. of the same.

    [Footnote 174.2: Trimmed. The word is more commonly written
    ‘purfled.’]

    [Footnote 174.3: Cromwell.]

    [Footnote 174.4: The _chammer_ or _shamew_ was a gown cut in the
    middle. --_See_ Strutt’s _Dress and Habits of the People of
    England_, ii. 359.]

    [Footnote 175.1: A kind of mantle. --_See_ Strutt’s _Dress and
    Habits_, ii. 363.]


U.

_Tunicæ Remanentes ibidem._

  Item, j. jakket of blewe felwett, lynyd in the body with smale lynen
    clothe, and the slevys withe blanket.
  Item, j. jakket of russet felwet, lynyd with blanket clothe.
  Item, j. jakket of red felwet, the ventis bounde with red lether.
  Item, j. jakket of blakke felwet upon felwet, lynyd with smale lynen
    cloth.
  Item, j. jaket, the bret and slevys of blak felvet, and the remanent
    of russet fustian.
  Item, ij. jakketts of russet felwet, the one lynyd with blanket,
    t’other with lynen clothe.
  Item, ij. jakketts of chamletts.
  Item, j. jakket of sateyne fugre.[175.2]
  Item, j. dowblettis of red felwet uppon felwet.
  Item, j. jakket of blak felwet, the body lynyd with blanket and the
    slevys with blak clothe.
  Item, j. dowbelet of rede felwet, lynyd with lynen clothe.
  Item, ij. jakketts of derys lether, with j. coler of blak felwet.
  Item, j. dowbelet of white lynen clothe.
  Item, j. pettecote of lynen clothe stoffyd with flokys.
  Item, j. petticote of lynen clothe, withought slyves.
  Item, ij. payre hosyn of blakke keyrse.
  Item, iij. payre bounden with lether.
  Item, j. payre of blake hosyn, vampayed with lether.
  Item, ij. payre of scarlet hosyn.

    [Footnote 175.2: Figured or branched satin.]


U

V

_Capucia et Capellæ._

  Item, j. russet hode, with owgt a typpet, of satyn russet.
  Item, j. hode of blakke felwet, with a typpet, halfe damask and
    halfe felwet, y jaggyd.
  Item, j. hode of depe grene felwet, jakgyd uppon the rolle.
  Item, j. hode of russet felwet, with a typpet, half of the same and
    half of blewe felwet, lynyd with the same of damaske.
  Item, j. hood of depe grene felwet, the typpet blake and grene
    felwet.
  Item, j. hood of russet felwet withougt a typpet.
  Item, j. hode of damaske russet, with j. typpet, fastyd with a lase
    of silke.
  Item, j. rydyng hode of rede felwet with iiij. jaggys.
  Item, j. hode of skarlet, with a rolle of purpill felwet, bordered
    with the same felwet.
  Item, j. hode of blake satayne, the rolle of blake felwet.
  Item, j. of purpill felwet, with owten rolle and typpet.
  Item, j. hode of russet felwet, the typpet lynyd with russet silke.
  Item, j. typpet, halfe russet and halfe blake felwet, with j. jagge.
  Item, j. rydynghoode of blakalyere, lynyd with the same.
  Item, j. rydyng hoode of blakke felwet, i-lynyd with blakke clothe.
  Item, j. hatte of bever, lynyd withe damaske gilt, girdell, bokkell,
    and penaunt, with iiij. barrys of the same.
  Item, j. gret rollyd cappe of sangweyn, greyned.
  Item, ij. skarlet hoodys.
  Item, iiij. hodys of sangweyn, graynyd.
  Item, ij. hodys of perce blewe. Item, ij. hodys blakalyre.
  Item, j. knitte cappe. Item, j. unsette poke.
  Item, ij. poyntys of a hood of skarlot.
  Item, j. blake rydyng hoode, sengle. Item, ij. strawen hattis.
  Item, j. blewe hoode of the Garter.
  Item, j. gowne of my ladys, sengle.


_Aliæ res necessariæ ibidem._

  Inprimis, j. canope of greene silke, borderyd with rede.
  Item, iij. trapuris, with iij. clothis of the same sute.
  Item, ij. old cheses plis [_chasubles_] of rede.
  Item, ij. pokkettis stuffyd and embraudyd with white rosys after his
    devyce, of rede with crossis leten with silver.
  Item, j. pece of scarlot, embraudit in the myddell, containing in
    length iij. yerds and di.
  Item, j. pece of blewe, contaynyng in length iij. quarters, and in
    brede v. quarters.
  Item, j. pece of skarlot for trappars for horsys, with rede crossis
    and rosys.
  Item, ij. stripis of the same trappuris sutly.
  Item, j. pece of Seynt George leveray, for j. hode.
  Item, j. ball of coper gilt, embrauded rechely with j. skogen
    [_scutcheon_] hongyng therbi.
  Item, ij. pencellis of his armys.
  Item, ij. yerds and j. quarter of white damaske.
  Item, j. pece of white felwet ij. yerdis longe.
  Item, j. pece of rede satayne, brauden [_embroidered_] with _Me
    faunt fere_.
  Item, ij. strypes of the same.
  Item, ij. cote armours of silke, aftir his own armys.
  Item, j. cote armour of whyte silke of Seynt George.
  Item, ij. pecys of clothe of golde of tyssent.
  Item, j. pece of blak kersey with rosys, and embraudit with _Me
    faunt fere_.
  Item, ij. stripis of the same sute.
  Item, ij. peces of blewe canvas of xlij. yerds.
  Item, j. pece of linnen cloth, steyned.
  Item, j. pece of grene wurstet xxx. yards longe.
  Item, iiij. clokys of murry[177.1] derke.
  Item, j. bollok haftyd dager, harnesyd wyth sylver,[177.2] and
    j. chape[177.3] thertoo.
  Item, j. lytyll schort armyng dager, withe j. gilt schape.
  Item, iij. payre tablys of cipris, being in casys of lether.
  Item, j. parre tablys of G., enrayed withowght, and here men in
    baggys longyng thertoo.

    [Footnote 177.1: Dark or brownish red.]

    [Footnote 177.2: Silver twisted round the haft.]

    [Footnote 177.3: The schape or chape was the ferule of the
    scabbard.--Dr. Meyrick.]


E.

  Imprimis, v. pellowes of grene silke.
  Item, j. pellow of silk the growund white wyth lyllys of blewe.
  Item, ij. pellowes of rede felwet and the growund of ham blakke.
  Item, v. pellowys of rede felwet.
  Item, ij. pellowys of rede felwet beten upon satayne.
  Item, j. littill pellow of grene sike, full wythin of lavendre.
  Item, j. pellow of purpyll silke and golde.
  Item, ij. pellowes of blew silke, with a schelde.
  Item, v. large carpettys.

  Imprimis, j. longe pillowe of fustian.
  Item, iij. brode pillowes of fustyan.
  Item, ij. pillowys of narwer sorte and more schorter, of fustyan.
  Item, j. longe pellow of lynen clothe.
  Item, j. pellow of a lasse sorte.
  Item, j. brode pyllow of lynen clothe.
  Item, ij. pillowes of lynen clothe of a lasser assyse.
  Item, viij. pelowes of lynen clothe off a lasser assyse.
  Item, v. of the lest assyse.

  In primis, j. cover of grene silke to a bedde, lynyd with blewe silke.
  Item, j. close bedde of palle grene and whyte, with levys of golde.
  Item, j. covyr of the same.
  Item, j. covyr of rede silke lynyd with bokerame.
  Item, j. cover of white clothe, fyne and well-wrought, purpeynte
    [_pourpointé or stitched_] wyse.
  Item, j. cover of raynis, wrowght with golde of damaske.
  Item, j. donge [_mattress or feather bed_] of purle sylke.
  Item, j. seler of white lynen clothe.
  Item, j. testur of the same. Item, iij. curtaynys sutely.
  Item, iij. cartaynyes of lynen clothe.
  Item, iij. blankettis of fustian.

  [[Item, iij. blankettis of fustian.
    _final . missing or invisible_]]


_Clothis of Arras and of Tapstre warke._

  Inprimis, j. clothe of arras, clyped the Schipherds clothe.[178.1]
  Item, j. of the Assumpsion of Oure Lady.
  Item, j. newe banker of arras, with a bere holdyng j. spere in the
    middys of the clothe.
  Item, j. tester of arras with ij. gentlewomen and ij. gentlemen, and
    one holdyng an hawke in his honde.
  Item, j. clothe with iiij. gentle women.
  Item, j. testour of arras with a lady crouned and a grete rolle
    aboughte her hede, the first letter N.
  Item, j. clothe of ix. conquerouris.
  Item, j. cover for a bedde, of newe arras, and a gentlewoman beyng
    ther in the corner with a whelp in hir honde and an Awnus Day
    abought hir nec.
  Item, a seler of arras frangyd with silke, red, grene, and white.
  Item, j. testir of the same, red, grene, and white.
  Item, j. testur frangyd with grene silke. Item, j. seler of the
    same.
  Item, j. clothe for the nether hall, of arras, with a geyaunt in the
    myddell, beryng a legge of a bere in his honde.
  Item, j. clothe of arras for the dese [_daïs_] in the same halle,
    with j. wodewose [_a savage_] and j. chylde in his armys.
  Item, j. clothe of the sege of Faleys for the west side of the
    halle.
  Item, j. clothe of arras with iij. archowrys on scheting
    [_shooting_] a doke in the water with a cross bowe.
  Item, j. clothe of arras withe a gentlewoman harpyng by j. castell
    in myddys of the clothe.
  Item, j. cover of arras for a bedde, with a mane drawyng water in
    the myddel of the clothe ought of a welle.
  Item, j. lytell tester of arras, whith j. man and a woman in the
    myddyll.
  Item, j. banker[178.2] of arras with a man schetyng at j. blode
    hownde.
  Item, j. clothe of arras with a lady crouned, and j. rolle abought
    her hedde with A. N., lynyd with gray canvas.
  Item, j. clothe of arras with a condyte in the myddill.
  Item, j. clothe of arras, with a gentlewoman holding j. lace of
    silke, and j. gentlewoman a hauke.
  Item, ij. clothis portrayed full of popelers.
  Item, j. testyr of blewe tapistry warke with viij. braunchys.
  Item, j. blewe hallyng[178.3] of the same sute.
  Item, j. rede clothe of v. yerds v. dim. of lenthe.
  Item, j. banker of rede, with iij. white rosys and the armys of
    Fastolf.
  Item, j. nothyr clothe of rede, with v. roses sutly.
  Item, j. hallyng of blewe worstet, contayning in lenthe xiij. yerds,
    and in bredthe iiij. yerds.
  Item, j. hallyng with men drawen in derke grene worsted.
  Item, ij. pecys of whyte worsted, bothe of one lenthe.
  Item, j. hallyng of depe grene, contayning in lenthe xj. yerds, and
    in bredthe ij. yerds and one halfe.
  Item, j. hallyng of the same sute, lenthe, and brede.
  Item, j. tester of grene and whyte, wyth braunchis sutely.

    [Footnote 178.1: Probably representing the Adoration of the
    Shepherds.]

    [Footnote 178.2: Covering for a bench.]

    [Footnote 178.3: Hanging for a hall.]


F.

_Clothis of Arras._

  Item, ij. clothis of arras for the chamboure over the nether halle,
    of huntyng and of haukyng.
  Item, iij. clothis of grene and whyte, withe braunchis sutely to the
    other wreten before.
  Item, a coveryng of a bedde of aras, withe hontyng of the bore,
    a man in blewe, with a jagged hoode, white and rede.


G.

_Canvas in the Warderop and fyne Lynen Clothe of dyvers sortes._

  First ix. berys for fetherbeddys.
  Item, iiij. transomers.
  Item, j. pece of lynen clothe, countyng lenthe and brede iiij^{xx}.
    ellys, and the tone ende kit and nought enselyd and the other ende
    hole.
  Item, j. pece of lynen clothe, yerde brode, contaynyng xiiij. yerds
    and more, and not sealed.
  Item, j. pece of grete lynen clothe, yerde brode, of xxij. yerds.
  Item, j. pece of yerde brode, xxiv. yerds iij. quarters, pro
    Willelmo Schipdam.
  Item, j. pece of a yerde and a halfe quarter brode, of xxv. yerds
    and iij. quarters, pro Willelmo Schypdam.
  Item, j. pece of yerde brode, of xij. yerds and j. quarter.
  Item, j. pece of fyne lynen clothe, yerd brode, of lvj. yerdys of
    lenthe.
  Item, j. pece of grete clothe, yerde brode, of lvij. yerds.
  Item, j. pece of grete clothe of xxiiij. yerds.
  Item, j. pece of clothe leke of xxviij. yerds.
  Item, j. pece of clothe of xxxvij. yerds et dim.
  Item, j. pece of grete clothe of xxij. yerdys per Willm. Schypdham.
  Item, j. pece of clothe lyke of xxxij. yerds and j. quarter.
  Item, j. pece of lyke clothe of xxxvj. yerds, per Willm. Schypdam.
  Item, j. pece of clothe of xxxiij. yerds and j. quarter, per Willm.
    Schypdam.
  Item, j. pece of xxvij. yerds j. quarter. Item, j. pece of x. yerds
    dim.
  Item, j. pece of viij. yerds. Item, j. pece of xxviij. yerds iij.
    quarters.
  Item, j. pece of xix. yerds dim. Item, j. pece of xxij. yerds
    j. quarter.
  Item, j. pece of xiij. yerds j. quarter. Item, j. pece of xxiij.
    yerds.
  Item, j. pece of xxvij. yerds j. quarter. Item, j. pece of xxx.
    yerds dim.
  Item, j. pece of xxxij. yerds dim. Item, j. pece of xlj. yerds and
    j. quarter.
  Item, j. pece of xxxj. yerds dim. Item, j. pece of xviij. yerds iij.
    quarters.
  Item, j. pece of xiij. yerds. Item, j. pece of xiiij. yerds.
  Item, j. pece of xlv. yerds. Item, j. pece of viii. yerds dim.
  Item, j. pece of xiij. yerds dim. Item, j. pece of xxij. yerds
    j. quarter.
  Item, j. pece of xxxix. yerds.
  Item, j. pece of xxxiij. yerds j. quarter of beter clothe.
  Item, ij. rollys of lynen clothe, both not moten. Item, lx. yerds of
    clothe.
  Item, j. pece of Seland clothe, with dyvers sealys at the endys.

        Summa totalis, xl. peces.

  Summa totalis istius folij ultra ij. rolles conc’ lx. virg’ et in
    pece sigillat’ cum Domini secreto sigillo uti in fine paginæ,
    ml. xxxvij. virg. ij. quart. dim. per C. que re.

        Manent, cum tribus pecijs restitutis.


H.

_Adhuc in Garderoba in domo Superiori._

  Item, iij. grete brasse pottys of Frenche makyng.
  Item, j. grete chafron of brasse. Item, ij. chafernes of a lase
    sorte.
  Item, iiij. chafernes of the French gyse for sewys. Item, j. panne.
  Item, j. litell potte of brasse. Item, ij. chamber basons of pewter.
  Item, iiij. chargeourys. Item, vj. platowres. Item, vj. sawsers of
    pewter.
  Item, iiij. candylstykkeys of my mayster is armys und my ladyes,
    copper and gilt.
  Item, j. fountayne of latayne to sette in pottys of wine.
  Item, ij. hangyng candylstykkes. Item, ij. maundys [_baskets_].
  Item, j. basket of wykers. Item, xxj. bowys.
  Item, viij. schefe arrowys of swanne.


_Camera ultra Buttellarium pro extraneis._

  Item, j. fedder bedde. Item, j. bolster. Item, j. pillowe.
  Item, ij. blankettys. Item, j. payre of schetys.
  Item, j. purpeynt of white. Item, j. seloure. Item, j. testoure.
  Item, ij. curtaynys of the same sute. Item, j. cobbord clothe of the
    same.


_Magna Camera ultra Aulam Estevalem._

  In primis, j. fetherbedde. Item, j. bolster. Item, j. seler.
  Item, j. tester, withe one gentlewoman in grene, taking a mallard in
    hir hondes.
  Item, j. coveryng, with j. geyaunt smytyng a wilde bore with a
    spere.
  Item, iij. courtaynes of grene silke.
  Item, j. clothe of arras, of the Schipherds.


_The White Chambour next the Gret Chaumbur, sumtyme Nicholas Bokkeyng is
Chaumbre._

  In primis, j. fedder bedde. Item, j. bolster. Item, j. pyllowe
    of doun.
  Item, ij. blankettys bon.
  Item, j. payre of schetys, every schete iiij. schete iiij. webbes.
  Item, j. coveryng of whyte lynen clothe. Item, j. purpoynt.
  Item, j. tester. Item, j. seler. Item, iij. curtaynys of whyte.
  Item, j. fedder bedde. Item, j. bolster. Item, ij. blankettys.
  Item, iij. payre of schetys. Item, ij. coverlettes of grene warke.
  Item, j. cobbord clothe.


_The Chaumboure, sumtyme for Stephen Scrope, hangyng clothys portrayed
with the Schipherds._

  Item, j. federbedde. Item, j. bolster.
  Item, ij. fustian blanketts, every of hem vj. webbys.
  Item, j. pyllowye of downe. Item, j. pyllowe of lavendre.
  Item, j. cover of apres [_ypres ?_], lynyd with lynen clothe.
  Item, j. tester and j. seler of the same. Item, iij. curtaynes of
    rede saye.
  Item, j. clothe hangyng of Schovelers.
  Item, j. rede curtayne o saye for the chayre.
  Item, iiij. cosschonys of rede say. Item, j. cobbord clothe.
  Item, j. rynnyng bedde with a materas.
  Item, j. bolster. Item, ij. blankettis. Item, j. payre of schetys.
  Item, j. coverlet of yellow clothe.


_Raffman is Chambour._

  Item, j. fedder bedde. Item, j. bolster. Item, j. blanket.
  Item, j. payre of schetys. Item, j. redde panne of kinyng skynnys.
  Item, j. testour. Item, j. selour of rede saye.
  Item, j. hangyng clothe of popelers. Item, ij. tapettis with
    clowdys.
  Item, j. coveryng of grene saye. Item, j. coverlet of other warke.


_The Yeomen is Chambur for Straungers._

  In primis, iij. fether beddys. Item, iij. bolsterys. Item, j. materas.
  Item, v. blankettys. Item, iij. payre of schetys.
  Item, j. coverlet of grene warke.
  Item, ij. coverynges of white, grene, and blewe.
  Item, ij. hangyng clothys of the same.


_The White hangyd Chambre next Inglose is Chamboure._

  In primis, j. feddebedde. Item, j. bolster. Item, ij. blankettys.
  Item, j. payre of schetys. Item, j. pillowe of downe.
  Item, j. purpoynt white hangyd. Item, j. hangyd bedde.
  Item, j. selere. Item, j. testoure. Item, iij. curtaynys of white.
  Item, j. curtayne of the same.


_Inglose Chambre._

  In primis, j. fedder bedde. Item, j. bolster.
  Item, ij. blanketts of fustian, everyche of them vj. webbes.
  Item, j. peyre of schetys, every schete iij. webbys. Item, j. hed
    schete.
  Item, j. pillowe of downe. Item, j. pillowe of lavendre.
  Item, j. covering of aras. Item, j. testoure.
  Item, j. seleure of the same. Item, j. pane furryd with menevere.
  Item, iij. courtaynys of rede saye. Item, v. clothes of tapserey
    warke.
  Item, j. bankere clothe of the same. Item, j. cusschen of redde
    silke.
  Item, iiij. of rede saye. Item, j. cobbordclothe. Item, j. paylette.
  Item, j. bolster. Item, j. blanket. Item, j. payre of schetys.
  Item, j. coverlyte. Item, j. grene carpette.


_The White hangyd Chambour next the Warderobe._

  In primis j. fedderbedde. Item, j. bolster. Item, ij. blankettys.
  Item, j. payre of schettys. Item, j. hed schete. Item, j. pillow of
    downe.
  Item, j. pillow of lavendre.
  Item, j. purpoynt white, with a scuchon after an horse wyse, visure
    and braunchis of grene.
  Item, j. selour. Item, j. testour. Item, iij. curtaynys of lynen
    clothe.


_Cole and Watkyn is Chamboure that was for the two auditourys._

  Item, ij. materasse. Item, ij. blankettys. Item, ij. schetys.
  Item, j. bolster. Item, j. coverlet of white warke withe burdys.
  Item, j. testour of red saye. Item, j. seler of canvas.


_The Porter is Chambour._

  In primis, j. fedder bedde. Item, j. bolster. Item, j. payre
    of schetys.
  Item, j. blankett. Item, j. coveryng cloth.
  Item, j. curtayne of rede saye.


_The Chambour agenest the Porter is Chamboure._

  In primis, j. fedder bedde. Item, j. bolster. Item, j. payre
    of schetys.
  Item, j. payre of blankettys. Item, ij. coverlettys of grene and
    yolowe.
  Item, j. seler of blewe panes and white. Item, ij. pecys of saye.


_The Chamber over the Draught Brigge._

  In primis, j. fedder bed, covered withe gray canvas. Item,
    j. bolster.
  Item, ij. blankettys, j. payre of schettys.
  Item, j. rede pane furryd withe connyngs.
  Item, j. testour, and j. selour of rede saye with _Me faunt fere_.


_Schipdam is Chambre._

  In primis, j. fedderbedde. Ijem, ij. blangettis. Item, ij. schetys.
  Item, j. bolster.
  Item, j. coverlet of white rosys, at every corner iiij., and one in
    the myddell.
  Item, j. seler of rede say.
  Item, j. testour of rede say, lynyd wythe canvas. Item, j. chayre.
  Item, j. pece of rede say for accomptyng borde.
  Item, iiij. cosschonys rede say. Item, j. aundiren. Item,
    j. firepanne.
  Item, j. payre of tongus. Item, iij. formys. Item, j. junyd stole.

  [[Ijem, ij. blangettis.  _text unchanged: error for “Item”?_]]


_The Inner Chaumbour over the Gatis._

  In primis, j. federbedde. Item, j. bolster. Item, ij. blankettes.
  Item, j. gardevyaunt [_meat safe_]. Item, ij. cosschonys of blewe
    say.
  Item, j. junyd stole.


_The Myddell Chambour._

  In primis, j. feder bedde. Item, j. materas. Item, j. quylt.
  Item, ij. coverletts of rede say. Item, j. testour withe a selour.
  Item, ij. courtaynys of rede say. Item, j. testoure of the same.
  Item, j. payre of tongys.


_Camera Bokkyng in le Basecourte._

  In primis, j. fedderbedde. Item, j. bolster.
  Item, ij. payre of schetys. Item, ij. blankettys.
  Item, j. coverlete of popelers, lynyd with whyte lynnyng clothe.
  Item, j. selour. Item, j. testour of rede saye.


_The Coke is Chambour._

  Item, j. feder bedde. Item, j. bolster. Item, ij. schetys.
  Item, j. redde coverlyte of rosys and blood houndys hedys.


_Feraufe [or Fitzrauf] is Chambre._

  Item, j. fedderbedde. Item, j. bolster. Item. j. payre of schetys.
  Item, ij. blankettys. Item, j. coverlyte. Item, j. testour.
  Item, j. selour of blewe clowded.


_Thomas Fastolff Chamboure._

  Item, j. fedderbed. Item, j. bolster. Item, j. payre of schetys.
  Item, ij. blankettis. Item, j. rede coverlet.
  Item, j. coveryng of worstet. Item, j. testour.
  Item, j. selour of rede say, withe the armys of Fastolf.


_The Bedde in the grete Stabull._

  Item, j. materas. Item, j. payre of schetys.
  Item, j. coverlyt of blewe and rede.


_The Bedde in the Sumer Stabull._

  Item, j. materas. Item, j. payre of schetys.
  Item, j. coverlyte of blewe and rede.


_The Gardinares Chambre._

  In primis, j. bolster. Item, j. materas. Item, j. payre of schetys.
  Item, ij. blankettys. Item, j. coverlet of blewe.
  Item, j. nother of better blewe. Item, j. materas. Item, j. bolster.
  Item, j. carpet. Item, j. coveryng of grene say.
  Item, j. coveryng of popelerys. Item, j. selour of blewe.


_My Maister is Chambre and the withe draughte withe the Stable._

  In primis, j. fedderbedde. Item, j. donge of fyne blewe.
  Item, j. bolster. Item, ij. blankettys of fustians.
  Item, j. payre of schetis. Item, j. purpeynt.
  Item, j. hangyd bedde of arras. Item, j. testour. Item, j. selour.
  Item, j. coveryng.
  Item, iij. curtaynes of grene worsted.
  Item, j. bankeur of tapestre warke.
  Item, iiij. peces hangyng of grene worsted.
  Item, j. banker hangyng tapestry worke. Item, j. cobbord clothe.
  Item, ij. staundyng aundyris. Item, j. feddefflok.
  Item, j. chafern of laten. Item, j. payre of tongys.
  Item, j. payre of bellewes. Item, j. litell paylet. Item,
    ij. blankettys.
  Item, j. payre of schetys. Item, j. coverlet.
  Item, vj. white cosschynes. Item, ij. lytell bellys.
  Item, j. foldyng table. Item, j. longe chayre. Item, j. grene
    chayre.
  Item, j. hangyng candylstyk of laton.


_In Camera and Warda nuper pertinentibus Dominæ Mylcentiæ Fastolf._

  In primis, j. fedder bedde. Item, j. bolster. Item, j. materas.
  Item, j. quelte. Item, smale pyllowes of downe.
  Item, j. hongyd bedde of fyne whyte. Item, ij. smale payletts.
  Item, j. rede coverlet. Item, j. leddre pyllewe. Item, j. basyn.
  Item, j. ewer. Item, ij. pottys.
  Item, ij. lyttyll ewers of blew glasses, powdered withe golde.


_The Chambure there Margaret Hodessone laye._

  Item, j. fedderbedde. Item, j. bolster. Item, ij. fustians.
  Item, j. chayre withe j. pece of palle white and grene.


_The utmost Chambur nexte Winter Halle._

  Item, j. fedder bedde. Item, j. bolster.
  Item, j. coveryng of grene worsted. Item, ij. staundyng aundeirys.
  Item, j. hangyng candylstyk of laton.
  Item, j. cobbord clothe. Item, j. rede chayre.


_The White Draught Chamber for Lewys and William Worcester._

  In primis, j. fedder bedde. Item, j. donge. Item, j. bolster.
  Item, j. hangyd bedde. Item, j. testour.
  Item, j. selour of rede worsted, i-hangyd with clothe of pale,
    blake, white, and grene. Item, j. arstellawe.


G.

  In primis, ij. pecys of satayne after the fassion of a dowblet to
    were under gownes.
  Item, viij. quarters of silk, the slevys of the same rolled to
    gedder for jakketts.
  Item, j. jakke of blakke lynen clothe stuffyd with mayle.
  Item, vj. jakkes stuffyd with horne.
  Item, j. jakke of blake clothe lyned with canvas mayled.
  Item, xxiiij. cappes, stuffed withe horne, and sum withe mayle.
  Item, vj. payre glovys of mayle, of schepys skynne, and of doos.
  Item, iij. grete crosbowes of stele, with one grete dowble wyndas
    ther too.
  Item, j. coffyre, full of quarrellys of a smale sorte.
  Item, xij. quarrellis of grete sorte, feddered with brasse.
  Item, vj. payre curassis. Item, j. payre of breggandires.
  Item, iij. harburyones of l’Milayne.
  Item, v. ventayletts for bassenetts. Item, vj. peces of mayle.
  Item, j. garbrasse. Item, j. polleson. Item, vj. payre grevys.
  Item, iiij. payre thyes. Item, xj. bassenetts. Item, j. payre
    coschewes.
  Item, j. payre bregandines, helyd with rede felwet. Item, j. spere.
  Item, ij. bassenetts. Item, ij. saletts withe ij. visers.
  Item, viij. saletts, white, withe oute vesoure. Item, v. payre
    vambras.
  Item, iij. spere heddys. Item, j. swerde with a gyld chape.
  Item, j. prikkyng hat, covered withe blake felwet.
  Item, ij. tarcellys on hym be hynde. Item, iij. gonnes, called
    serpentins.
  Item, ij. white payre of brigaundiris. Item, ij. payre hosyn of blak
    kersey.
  Item, payre bounde wyth lether. Item, ij. payre of skarlat.
  Item, j. payre of blake vampayed withe lether.
  Item, ij. jakketts of russet felwet. Item, ij. aundyrys, grete, of
    one sorte.
  Item, ij. lasse, of anothyr sorte. Item, iij. lesser aundiris.
  Item, xi. aunderis for lecchen. Item, j. iren spitte.
  Item, ix. barrys of iren for curtaynes.
  Item, ij. chaynes for the draught brigge.


_Magna Aula._

  xj. crosbowes whereof iij. of stele, and v. wyndas. Item,
    j. borespere.
  Item, vj. wifles. Item, j. rede pavys. Item, j. target.
  Item, xxj. speris. Item, j. launce gay. Item, iij. pecys of rede
    worsted.
  Item, j. grene chayre. Item, j. red chayre.
  Item, j. pece of rede worsted in the toure parloure.
  Item, j. banker of tapestry worke.
  Item, j. nothir of tapestry warke newe, in the hall wendewe.
  Item, vij. cosschenys of tapestre.


_Aula Yemalis._

  Item, j. clothe of arras, of the Morysch daunce.
  Item, ij. chayrys fraungyd. Item, j. rede chayre di. dos (?).
  Item, di. dosn. of tapestrye warke. Item, j. banker of aras.
  Item, ij. andyris stondyng.


_Celar._

  In the seler, certayn vessell whiche John Ouresby is chargid withe
    by an endenture, wherof the copy is annexed to this lese.
  Item, ij. pypes of rede wyne.


_The Bottre._

  Item, ij. kervyng knyvys.
  Item, iij. kneyves in a schethe, the haftys of every, withe naylys
    gilt.
  Item, j. payre galon bottels of one sorte.
  Item, j. payre of potell botellys of one sorte.
  Item, j. nother potell bottell. Item, j. payre quartletts of one
    sorte.
  Item, iiij. galon pottis of lether. Item, iij. pottelers of lether.
  Item, j. trencher knyfe. Item, j. grete tankard.
  Item, ij. grete and hoge bottelis. Item, xiiij. candylstykkys of
    laton.
  Item, certayn pecys of napre, accordyng to a bylle endentyd annexed
    to this lese.
  Item, j. quartelet for wine.

  In primis, iij. chargeres argenti de parvo sorte. Item, v. platers
    argenti.
  Item, xij. dissches argenti unius sortis.
  Item, viij. dissches argenti minoris sortis.
  Item, xj. sawseris argenti unius sortis.
  Item, iij. crateras argenti, quarum, j. data Margaretæ Hoddsone.
  Item, iij. covertorijs argenti enamelid and borage floures in les
    botimes.
  Item, vj. chacyd pecys gilte bi the bordurys, with the towche of
    Paryce.
  Item, ij. pottis argenti potlers, percell gilte and enameled with
    violetts and dayseys.
  Item, ij. pottis of sylver, of the facion of goods enamelyd on the
    toppys withe hys armys.
  Item, j. quarteler argenti, percel gift withe j. chase a bought of
    rosys and levys.
  Item, j. rounde salt seler, gylt and covered with a wrethe toppe
    with this wordys wreten, _Me faunt fere_, a bowght.
  Item, j. salt seler, pacell of the same fassion sengle.
  Item, ij. salt selers of sylver, playne and smale with a dowble rose
    graven withe armys.
  Item, j. basyn of sylver, percell gylte, with a dowble rose, his
    armis enamelid in the bottom be with his helme and his crest.


_Liberat’ London’ cum Domino._

  Item, j. nother bacyn, white, of the same facion, enamilid with his
    armys in the bottom.
  Item, ij. ewars ther withe.
  Item, j. lytyll sylver bacyn playne, with j. flat ewer.
  Item, j. goboleit chaced, the bordours gilt.
  Item, xvj. sponys of sylver, withe knappys gylt lyke perle.
  Item, j. candylstyk of sylver, percell gylt, dowble nosyd.
  Item, j. rounde basyn argenti cum, j. ewer argenti playn.
  Item, ij. grete bacyns of sylver, the bourdour is gylt and wretyn
    abought, _Me faunt fere_.
  Item, ij. ewers accordyng ther to. Item, j. lytyll stert panne of
    sylver.
  Item, ij. disschys of sylver founden in my lady is chambre.
  Item, ij. smale pecys.
  Item, j. saltseler boliouned inwarde, covered and gylt.
  Item, j. stondyng coppe gylte, with j. knappe in maner like perle.
  Item, ij. playn borde clothys for my maister is table, counte
    ix. yerds in lengthe.
  Item, ij. playne clothis for my maisters table, ece counte
    vj. yerds.
  Item, vj. napkyns playn.
  Item, iiij. tewelles playn warke, eche cont’ in lenthe ij. yerds,
    dim’.
  Item, iiij. playne clothis for the hall, eche of vj. yerds.
  Item, ij. wasschyng tewellys of warke, eche of x. yerds.
  Item, j. pocter (?). Item, j. overpayn of Raynes.

  [[Item, j. overpayn of Raynes.
    _final . missing or invisible_]]


_Capella._

  Inprimis, ij. antyfeners. Item, j. legande of hoole servyce.
  Item, ij. myssayles, the one noted and closyd wyth sylver, and the
    other not noted.
  Item, j. sauter claspyd with sylver, and my mayster is armys and my
    ladyes ther uppon.
  Item, j. mortellege covered withe white ledes.
  Item, j. vestement covered withe crownes gilt in the myddes, with
    all the apparayle.
  Item, j. vestement hole of redde damaske warke.
  Item, j. vestement of blak clothe of golde, with the hole ornaments.
  Item, j. auter clothe, withe a frontell of white damaske, the
    Trynete in the myddys.
  Item, j. vestement of tunekell. Item, j. cope of white damaske,
    withe the ornaments.
  Item, j. awbe. Item, j. stole.
  Item, j. favon, encheked white and blewe. Item, j. auter clothe.
  Item, ij. curtaynes of white sylke, withe a frontell of the same,
    with fauchouns of golde.
  Item, j. vestement of divers colurys, withe a crosse of golde to the
    bakke, iiij. birdys quartelye.
  Item, j. crosse of sylver and gylt, with oure Lady and Seynt John.
  Item, j. chales sylver and gylt. Item, j. pax brede.
  Item, j. crucyfyxe, thereon withe oure Lady and Seynt John enamelyd,
    and full of flour delys.
  Item, ij. candylstykkys of sylver, the borduris gylt.
  Item, ij. cruettys of sylver, percell gylt.
  Item, iij. pyllowes stondyng on the autre off rede felwet withe
    flowrys enbrawderid.
  Item, ij. carpettis. Item, iiij. cosschenys of grene worstede.
  Item, j. chayre in the closet of Fraunce, fregid.
  Item, j. cosschon of redde worsted. Item, j. sakeryng bell of
    sylver.


_Pistrina._

  Item, j. bulter. Item, j. ranell. Item, ij. payre wafer irens.
  Item, ij. basketts. Item, j. seve. Item, j. payre trayes cum
    j. coler.
  Item, j. materas. Item, j. blanket. Item, j. payre of chetis.
  Item, j. coverlyte.


_Brewhousee._

  Item, xij. ledys. Item, j. mesynfate [_mashing tub_]. Item,
    j. yelfate [_ale vat_].
  Item, viij. kelers, &c.


_Coquena._

  Item, j. gret bras pote. Item, vj. cours pottys of brasse.
  Item, iiij. lytyll brasse pottis. Item, iiij. grete brasse pottis.
  Item, iij. pike pannys of brasse.
  Item, ij. ladels and ij. skymers of brasse.
  Item, j. caudron, j. dytyn panne of brasse, j. droppyng panne.
  Item, j. gredyren, iiij. rakkys, iij. cobardys, iij. trevitts.
  Item, j. fryeyng panne, j. sclyse.
  Item, ij. grete square spittys, ij. square spittys cocnos.
  Item, ij. lytyll brocchys rounde, j. sars of brasse.
  Item, j. brasyn morter cum j. pestell, j. grate, j. sarche of tre.
  Item, j. flessche hoke, ij. potte hokys, j. payr tongys.
  Item, j. dressyng knyfe, j. fyre schowle, ij. treys, j. streynour.
  Item, j. venegre botell.


_Larderia._

  Item, iij. grete standere pannes, j. bochers axe.
  Item, ij. saltyng tubbes. Item, viij. lynges. Item, iiij.
    mulwellfyche.
  Item, j. barell, dim. alec. alb. di.
  Item, j. barrell. anguill., unde car. cc. anguill.
  Item, j. ferkyn anguill. hoole. Item, j. barrell.
  Item, j. busschell salt albi. Item, j. quart, alb. sal.

  [[Item, j. quart, alb. sal.  _text has “alb sal.”_]]


390

FASTOLF’S COLLEGE[189.1]

Ultima exitacio domini Johannis Fastolf ad concludendum festinanter cum
Johanne Paston fuit quod vicecomes Bemond, Dux Somerset, comes Warwyk,
voluerunt emere, et quod intendebat quod executores sui desiderabant
vendere et non stabilire colegium; quod totaliter fuit contra
intencionem sui dicti Johannis Fastolf; et considerabat quod certum
medium pro licencia Regis et dominorum non providebatur, et sic tota
fundatio colegii pendebat in dubiis; et ideo ad intencionem suam
perimplendam desideravit dictum barganium fieri cum Johanne Paston,
sperans ipsum in mera voluntate perficiendi dictum colegium et ibidem
manere ne in manibus dominorum veniat.

Item, plures consiliarii sui dixerunt quod licet fundaret regulos seu
presbiteros, aut eicientur per clamia falsa aut compellantur adherere
dominis pro manutinencia, qui ibidem ad costus colegii permanerent et
morarent[ur] et colegium destruerent; et hac de causa consessit eos
ditari in pencionibus certis ad modum cantariæ Heylysdon, sic quod
dictus Johannes haberet ad custus proprios conservacionem (?) terrarum
erga querentes et clamatores; et ne executores diversi propter
contrarietates et dissimulaciones se favores----[190.1]

Item, considerabat quod ubi monechy et canonesi [_monachi et canonici_]
haberent terras seu tenementa ad magnam [_sic_] valorem, scilicet m^l.
[1000] vel ij. m^l. [2000 _sc. librarum_], tam singulares monachi et
canoneci tantum per se resiperent [_reciperent_] xl_s._ per annum et
prandium, et quod abbas, officiarii et extraequitatores expenderent
residuum in mundanis et riotis; et ideo ordinavit dotacionem prædictam
in annuetatibus.

Et quod non fuit intencio dicti Johannis Fastolf in convencione prædicta
mortificare CCC. marcas terræ, quia prima convencio Johannis Paston est
solvere v. m^l. [5000] marcas in tribus annis et fundare colegium quod
in intencione dicti Johannis Fastolf constaret m^l. [1000] libr., et
semper dedit Johanni Paston mancionem suam in manerio et tota terra
[_sic_] in Northefolk et Southefolk assessa ad v. C. [500] marcas
annuatim, tunc Johannes Paston emeret revercionem CC. marcarum terræ quæ
valet iiij.[190.2] m^l. [4000] marcas ad suam propriam adventuram pro
vj. m^l. v. C. [6500] marcis.

Item, pro tranquillita[te] et pace tempore vitæ, ita ut non perturbetur
per servos hospicii, ballivos, firmarios seu attornatos placitorum.

Item quod abbas de Sente Bede[191.1] potuit resistere fundationi,
intentione ut tunc (?) remaneat sibi et suis.

  _Endorsed:_-- ‘Causa festinæ barganiæ inter Fastolf et Paston.’

    [Footnote 189.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This paper is a very
    rough draft, full of errors in grammar and spelling. Additions
    have been made to the text here and there in the handwriting of
    John Paston. It was evidently written after Sir John Fastolf’s
    death, possibly several years later.]

    [Footnote 190.1: _Sic_--the sentence left unfinished.]

    [Footnote 190.2: The figures ‘iiij.’ are blurred.]

    [Footnote 191.1: Apparently St. Benet’s is intended.]


391

WILLIAM PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[191.2]

_To my Maistr Jon Paston in Norffolk._

[Sidenote: 1459 / NOV. 12]

Rythe will belovyd broder, I recomand me to zow, sertefyeng zow that on
Fryday last was in the mornyng, Wurceter and I wer come to London be
viij. of the clok, and we spak with my Lord Chanceler,[191.3] and I fund
hym well disposyd in all thyng, and ze schall fynd hym ryth profytabyll
to zow, &c. And he desyred me to wrythe zow a letter in hys name, and
put trust in zow in gaderyng of the good togeder, and pray zow to do so
and have all his good owthe of every place of his, and his awne place,
qwer so ever they wer, and ley it secretly wer as ze thowth best at zowr
assynement, and tyll that he speke with zow hym selff, and he seyd ye
schuld have all lawfull favor. I purpose to ryde to him this day ffor
wryttis of _diem clawsit extremum_,[191.4] and I sopose ze schall have a
letter sent from hym selff to zow.

As for the good of Powlis, it is safe j now [_enough_]; and this day we
have grant to have the good owthe of Barmundsey with owthe avyse of any
man, sawyng Worseter, Plomer, and I my selff, and no body schall know of
it but we thre.

My Lord[191.5] Treasorer[191.6] spekyth fayr, but zet many avyse me to
put no trust in hym. Ther is laboryd many menys to intytill the Kyng in
his good. Sothewell[191.7] is Eschetor, and he is rythe good and well
disposyd. My Lord of Exsater[192.1] cleymyth tytill in myn master plase,
with the aportynancys in Sothewerk, and veryly had purposyd to have
entrid; and his consayll wer with us, and spak with Wurseter and me. And
now afterward they have sent us word that they wold meve my Lord to sue
be menys of the lawe, &c. I have spoke with my Lord of Canterbury and
Master Jon Stokys, and I fynd hem rythe will disposyd bothe, &c.

Item, to morow ar the nexst day ze schall have a noder letter, for be
that tyme we schall know mor than we do now.

My Lord Chanceler wold that my master schuld be beryed wurchyply, and C.
mark almes done for hym; but this day I schall holly know his enthent.
Master Jon Stokys hathe the same consaythe and almes gevyng. Harry
Fenyngley is not in this towne, ner the Lord Bechamp.

Item, we have gethe men of the speretuall law with haldyn with us, qwat
casse some ever hap. We have Master Robert Kenthe, but in any wyse have
all the good ther to gedyr, and tary for no lettyng, thow ze schuld do
it be day a lythe [_daylight_] opynly, for it is myn Lord Chanceler
ffull in thenthe that ze schuld do so.

As for Wyllyam Worceter, he trustythe veryly ze wold do for hym and for
his avaylle, in reson; and I dowthe nott and he may veryly and
feythefully understand zow so disposyd to hym ward, ze schall fynd hym
feythefull to zow in leke wysse. I understand by hym he will never have
oder master butt his old master; and to myn consaythe it were pete butt
iff he schull stand in suche casse be myn master that he schuld never
nede servyce, conserying [_considering_] how myn master trustyd hym, and
the long zers that he hathe be with hym in, and many schrew jornay for
his sake, &c.

I wrythe zow no mor, be cawse ze schall [have] a noder letter wretyn to
morow. Wretyn at Lundon the xij. day of Novembr, in hast, be

  WILLYAM PASTON.

    [Footnote 191.2: [From Fenn, iii. 352.] This letter gives an
    account of the steps taken by William Paston in behalf of his
    brother, who was Sir John Fastolf’s principal executor, to
    secure the goods of the deceased knight immediately after his
    death.]

    [Footnote 191.3: William of Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester.]

    [Footnote 191.4: _See_ vol. ii. p. 16, Note 1.]

    [Footnote 191.5: The left-hand copy in Fenn reads ‘brod,’ which
    seems to be a misprint.]

    [Footnote 191.6: James Butler, Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond.
    Beheaded in 1461.--F.]

    [Footnote 191.7: Richard Southwell.]

    [Footnote 192.1: Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter.]

  [[WILLIAM PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[191.2] _footnote tag missing_]]


392

SIR JOHN FASTOLF AND JOHN PASTON[193.1]

[Sidenote: 1459 / NOV. 26]

Memorandum, that I Robert Fytzrawff, Esquyer, recorde that I, beyng in
my Master Fastolff chambre, lenyng upon the gret bedde, at suche tyme as
John Paston, Esquyer, Master John Brackeley, Master Clement Felmyngham,
weere in comonycacion with my seid master of dyvers gret maters towchyng
his will, and serten appoyntmentes a twyx my seid master and the seid
John Paston, in the weke next be ffor my seid master dissesid, I hard my
seid master and the seid John Paston appoynte and conclude that the seid
John Paston shulde take upon hym the rwle of my masters howsold and of
all his lyflod in Norffolk and Suffolk duryng his lyve; and aftir his
dissese the seid John Paston shulde do ffounde a colage at Caster of
vij. monkes or prestis, and pay iiij. m^l. mark of money be yeres to my
seid masteres executoris, at eche payment viij^c. marke, till the seid
som wer paid; and that the seid John Paston shulde have all the lyvelode
that was my seid masters in Norffolk and Suffolk to hym and to his
heyres in fee. And aftir this seid mater rehersed my seid master seide
these wordes, ‘Cosyne, I pray you and requere you, lete this be settled
in all hast withowte tarying, for this is my very last wille.’ Also be
it knowe to all men that I had knowlege of this bargayne dyverse tymes
halfe-yere past, and how my seid Master Fastolff and the seid John
Paston wer nye at a conclucion of the seid maters a quarter of a yere be
fore this last bargayne was made.

Wrete at Caster the xxvj. day of Novembre the xxxviij. yere of Kyng
Herry the Sexte. In witnesse wherof, I have syngnyd this bull with myn
own hand and sette to my seale.

  ROBT. FETZRAWFF.

    [Footnote 193.1: [From a Bodl. MS.]]


393

BISHOP WAYNFLETE’S ADVICE[194.1]

Be it remembred that forasmoch as Sir John Fastolf late decesed, of
grete affeccion, hath put me yn trust to be one of hys executors, and
seth hyt ys desyryd me to know my disposicion hereynne, myne advyse is
this, that fyrst an inventorie be made holye of hys godes and catell yn
all places, and thayt they be leyd yn sure waard by your discrecions,
tille the executors, or the moste part of tho that he put hys grete
trust uppon, speke wyth me and make declaracion to me of hys laste
wille, to the accomplyshment whereoff I wolle be speciall gode Lord.

Ferthymore, as touchyng hys buryeng and month ys mynde[194.2] kepyng,
that it be don worshyplye, accordyng to hys degree and for the helth of
hys soule, and that almesse be yeven yn mass seyng, and to pore peple to
the some of a hundred mrcks tille that othyrwyse we speke to geder; and
I can agree ryzt well that hys servaunts haf theyr rewardes be tymes
accordyng to hys wylle, to th’entent that they may be better disposed
and to pray for the wellfare of hys soule, takyng avyse of a lerned man
yn spirituell lawe, for no charge of administracion till the executors
com to ghedr, or the moste part that hys trust was most uppon, to tak
the administracion.

  W. WINTON.

    [Footnote 194.1: [From Fenn, iii. 358.]]

    [Footnote 194.2: A monthly celebration in memory of a deceased
    person, when prayers were said and alms offered for the good of
    his soul.]


394

ABSTRACT[194.3]

ROBERT SPANY OF POSSEWYKE TO THE WIFE OF JOHN PASTON, ESQUIRE

[Sidenote: Between 1459 and 1466]

Begs her influence with her husband and Sir T. Howes, executors of Sir
J. Fastolf, for reparation of a wrong done by Sir John, who refused to
ratify a purchase made by the writer from his surveyor, Sir John
Kyrteling, of a place and lands in Tunstale, sometime called Wrightes of
Smalbergh, without receiving 10 marks over what was bargained.

  [This letter must have been written between the death of Fastolf in
  1459 and that of Paston in 1466.]

    [Footnote 194.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


395

FRIAR BRACKLEY TO JOHN PASTON[195.1]

_Carissimo suo magistro, Johanni Paston, armigero._

_Jesus, Maria, &c._

[Sidenote: 1459]

Ryte reverent mayster and most trusty frend in erthe, as lowly as I kan
or may, I recomaunde me, &c. Syr, in feyth I was sore aferd that ze had
a gret lettyng that ze come not on Wednysday to met, &c. Be myn feythe,
and ze had be here, ze schuld haf had ryte good chere, &c., and hafe
faryd ryte wele after zour pleser, &c., with more, &c.

Sir John Tatirshall is at one with Heydon, &c., and Lord Skalys hathe
made a lofeday[195.2] with the prior and Heydon in alle materys except
the matere of Snoryng, &c. And the seyd pryor spake maysterly to the
jurrorys, &c., and told hem and [_i.e._ if] they had dred God and hurt
of here sowlys, they wold haf some instruccyon of the one party as wele
as of the other. But they were so bold they were not aferd, for they
fownde no bonys to sey in her verdyte, as T. T.[196.1] and J. H.[196.2]
wold, &c.

A lewde [_i.e._ illiterate] doctor of Ludgate prechid on Soneday
fowrtenyte at Powlys, chargyng the peple that no man schuld preyen for
these Lords traytorys,[196.3] &c.; and he had lytyl thank, as he was
worthy, &c. And for hyse lewd demenyng his brethir arn had in the lesse
favour at London, &c. Doctor Pynchebek and Doctor Westhawe, grete
prechowrys and parsonys at London, bene now late made monkys of
Charterows at Schene, one at the on place and an other at the other
place, &c.

The Chaunceler[196.4] is not good to these Lords, &c., for he feryth the
Erle of Marche wyl cleyme by inheritans the Erldam of Ha
. . . . .[196.5] &c., of which mater I herd gret speche in Somercede
schyre, &c. Wyndham, Heydon, Todynham, Blake, W. Chambirleyn, Wentworth,
have late commyssyonys to take for tretorys and send to the next gayl
all personys fawtorys and weelwyllerys to the seyd Lords, &c. Mayster
Radclyff and ze haf none of commyssyonys directid to zow, &c., for ze
bene holdyn favorabil, &c. Wyndham and Heydon bene namyd here causerys
of the commyssyonys, &c.

On Moneday last at Crowmere was the ore and the bokys of regystre of the
amrelte takyn a wey from my Lord Scalys men be a gret multitude of my
Lord Rossys, &c. The Lord Skalys is to my Lord Prince,[196.6] &c., to
wayte on hym, &c. He seyth, per Deum Sanctum, as we sey here, he schal
be amrel or he schal ly there by, &c. Be my feyth, here is a coysy werd
[_unsettled world_]. Walsham of Chauncery, that never made lesyng, told
me that Bokkyng was with my Lord Chaunceler this terme, but I askyd not
how many tymys, &c.

As I haf wrytyn to zow oftyn byfor this, _Facite vobis amicos de mammona
iniquitatis_, quia de facto. T. T., J. H., et J. W. [_J. Wyndham_] cum
ceteris Magistri Fastolf fallacibus famulis magnam gerunt ad vos
invidiam, quod excelleritis eos in bonis, &c., Judas non dormit, &c.
_Noli zelare facientes iniquitatem, quoniam tanquam fenum velociter
arescent et quemadmodum olera herbarum cito per Dei gratiam decident._
Ideo sic in Psalmo: _Spera in Domino et fac bonitatem et pasceris in
divitiis ejus et delectare in Domino, et dabit tibi petitiones cordis
tui_.[197.1] Et aliter: _Jacta cogitatum tuum in Domino et ipse te
enutriet_.[197.2] _Utinam_, inquit Apostolus, _abscindantur qui vos
conturbant_,[197.3] &c. Et alibi: _Cavete vos a malis et importunis
hominibus_.[197.4] Precor ergo Deum qui vos et me creavit et suo
pretioso sanguine nos redemit, vos vestros et vestra gratiose conservet
in prosperis et gratiosius dirigat in agendis.

Scriptum Walsham, feria quarta[197.5] in nocte cum magna festinatione,
&c. Utinam iste mundus malignus transiret et concupiscentia ejus.

  Vester ad vota promptissimus,

  Frater J. BRACKLEY,

  _Minorum minimus_.

    [Footnote 195.1: [From Fenn, iii. 346.] This letter belongs to
    the latter part of the year 1459. After the dispersion of the
    Duke of York’s army near Ludlow in October of that year,
    commissions were granted to various persons to arrest and punish
    his adherents. Even as early as the 14th of October, Lord Rivers
    and others were commissioned to seize their lands and goods in
    different counties (see _Patent Roll_, 38 Hen. VI., p. 1, m. 12,
    _in dorso_). But this letter, we are inclined to think, was
    written about six or seven weeks later, for it will be seen by
    the next that Bocking, who is here stated to have been with my
    Lord Chancellor ‘this term,’ must have been in attendance on him
    before the 7th December, and therefore, we may presume, during
    Michaelmas term, which ended on the 28th November. It is,
    however, difficult to judge, from the very slender allusion to
    Sir John Fastolf, whether this letter was written before or
    after the old knight’s death. Brackley here speaks of having
    been quite recently in Somersetshire, which is not unlikely to
    have been in the middle of October, when the Earls of March,
    Warwick, and Salisbury withdrew into the West. Brackley, as will
    be seen, was a great partisan of these Lords, and may very well
    have accompanied them; but not long before Fastolf’s death he
    appears to have been at Norwich.]

    [Footnote 195.2: Love days were days appointed for the
    settlement of disputes by arbitration.]

    [Footnote 196.1: Sir Thomas Tuddenham.]

    [Footnote 196.2: John Heydon.]

    [Footnote 196.3: Meaning the Earls of March, Warwick, and
    Salisbury.]

    [Footnote 196.4: William Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester.]

    [Footnote 196.5: The original letter is here defective.--F.]

    [Footnote 196.6: Edward, Prince of Wales.]

    [Footnote 197.1: Psalm xxxvi. (or xxxvii.) 1-4.]

    [Footnote 197.2: Psalm liv. (or lv.) 22.]

    [Footnote 197.3: Gal. v. 12.]

    [Footnote 197.4: 2 Thess. iii. 2.]

    [Footnote 197.5: ‘Feria quarta’ means Wednesday.]


396

JOHN BOCKING TO YELVERTON, PASTON, AND FILONGLEY[197.6]

_To my right worshipful maistris, William Yelverton, Justice, John
Paston, and Herre Filongley, and to eche of them._

[Sidenote: 1459 / DEC. 7]

Right worshepful Sers, I recomaunde me to yow. And like it yow to wete,
that my Lord Chaunceller[197.7] is right good and tendre Lord in all
your materes, and soo wil contynue, and my Lord Tresorier[197.8] in like
wise; which bothen have answerid Wyndham, not aldermoste to hise plesir,
becaus of his noiseful langage, seyng [_saying_] how he myght have noo
lawe, and that my Lord Chaunceller was not made executor but for
meigntenaunce,[197.9] with many othir woordis noo thing profitable ner
furtheryng his entents. As for ony particular materes, the parlament as
yet abideth upon the grete materes of atteyndre and forfetur;[198.1] and
soo there be many and diverse particuler billes put inne, but noon
redde, ner touchyng us, as nygh as we can herken; to whiche Playter and
I attenden daily, trustyng on my Lords aboveseid, my Lord Privy
Seall,[198.2] and other good Lords, and many also of your acquayntance
and owres, that and ony thing be, we shall sone have knowlege.

The Chief Justice[198.3] is right herty, and seith ful wel and kyndely
of my maistr, whom Jesu for his mercy pardonne, and have yow in His
blessid governaunce.

Writen at Coventre the morwne after Seint Nicholas.[198.4]

And as to money, I delyvered unto the Under-tresorier[198.5] a lettre
from Maister Filongley, and I fonde hym right wele disposid to doo that
may please yow in all our materes; and take noo money of hym as yette,
for we have noo nede to spend ony sumes as yette, ner with Gods grace
shall not have. I come to this town of Coventre suche day sevenyght as
the parlement byganne; and as for suche things as I coude herken aftyr,
I sende to William Worcetre a grete bille of tidings to shewe yow and
all.

Yesterday in the mornyng come inne th’erle of Pembroke[198.6] with a
good felechip; and the Duchesse of York[198.7] come yestereven late, as
the bringer here of shall more pleinly declare yow, to whom ye like to
gif credence. The Bushop of Excester[198.8] and the Lord Grey
Ruthyn[198.9] have declarid them ful worshipfuly to the Kings grete
plesir. Playter and I writen you a lettre by Norffolk, yoman for the
Kyngs mouth.

  Your

  JOHN BOKKING.

_The following list of those of the Duke of York’s party who were
attainted by Parliament was found by Fenn pinned to the above letter:_--

  The Duc of York.
  Therle of Marche.
  Therle of Rutland.
  Therle of Warrwyk.
  Therle of Salusbury.
  The Lord Powys.
  The Lord Clynton.
  The Countesse of Sarr.
  Sir Thomas Nevyle.
  Sir John Nevyle.
  Sir Thomas Haryngton.
  Sir Thomas o Parre.
  Sir John Conyers.
  Sir John Wenlok.
  Sir William Oldhall.
  Edward Bourghcier, sq.
  A brother of his.
  Thomas Vaughan.
  Thomas Colte.
  Thomas Clay.
  John Denham.
  Thomas Moryng.
  John Oter.
  Maistr Ric Fisher.
  Hastyngs and other that as yet we can not know the names, &c.

  As for the Lord Powys, he come inne, and hadde grace as for his lyf,
  but as for hise gods the forfeture passid.

    [Footnote 197.6: [From Fenn, i. 178.] This letter was written at
    Coventry during the Parliament which sat there in 1459, when the
    Duke of York and his adherents were attainted.]

    [Footnote 197.7: William Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester.]

    [Footnote 197.8: James, Earl of Wiltshire, was made Treasurer of
    England on the 30th October 1458.--_Patent Roll_, 37 Hen. VI.,
    p. 1, m. 21.]

    [Footnote 197.9: _See_ vol. ii. p. 167, Note 3.]

    [Footnote 198.1: Against the Duke of York and his adherents.]

    [Footnote 198.2: Lawrence Booth.]

    [Footnote 198.3: Sir John Fortescue.]

    [Footnote 198.4: St. Nicholas’ Day is the 6th December.]

    [Footnote 198.5: ‘Undertresouer’ in Fenn must, I think, be a
    misprint.]

    [Footnote 198.6: Jasper Tudor. --_See_ vol. ii. p. 298, Note 1.]

    [Footnote 198.7: Cecily, daughter of Ralph Nevill, Earl of
    Westmoreland.]

    [Footnote 198.8: George Nevill, son of Richard, Earl of
    Salisbury, brother of Richard, Earl of Warwick. He was
    afterwards Archbishop of York.]

    [Footnote 198.9: Edmund, Lord Grey of Ruthin, afterwards created
    Earl of Kent.]


397

SIR PHILIP WENTWORTH’S PETITION[199.1]

[Sidenote: 1459 / NOV. or DEC.]

Mekely besechith Phelip Wentworth, Knyght, that where the warde and
mariage of Thomas, sone and heire of John Fastolf, late of Cowhaugh in
the [county] of Suffolk, squyer, and of the lond of the same John,
belonged to the Kyng of rigth, and among other by reason of the nonnage
of the sayd heir, the maner of Bradwell in the said counte was sesed in
to his handes by vertu of an enquest take a fore his Eschetour of the
seid counte. The whiche offices[199.2] John Fastolf, Knyght, and other
tented to traverse, and by that meane had the sayd maner to ferme,
accordyng to the statute in that case made, and it was founden and
jugement yoven for the Kyng in the said traverse by the labour of the
said Phelipp, which, the xviij. day of Novembre, the yer of the regne of
the Kyng the xxvj.,[200.1] bougth of Marmaduke Lampney, than Tresorer of
Englond, the said ward and mariage for an C. marc, as it appereth in the
Kynges receyte, be syde all other costes and charges that the said
Phelipp hath don uppon the same, as weel in fyndyng of the Kyngges title
of the said ward, as in the meyntenauns of all other sewtes dependyng
uppon the same, to the costes of the said Sir Phelypp more than D. marc.
And the said John Fastolf, Knyght, was adjuged in the Kynges eschequer
to pay an C.ix_li._ xiij_s._ viij_d._ _ob._ for the issuez and profites
which he had take of the londes of the same warde. And where the Kyngges
lettres patentes be entred in the remembrauns on the Tresorer parte in
the said eschequyer in this fourme:

Rex omnibus ad quos, &c., salutem. Sciatis quod per manucaptionem Thomæ
West de London armigeri, et Willelmi Barker de Norwico gentilman,
commisimus Johanni Paston armigero et Thomæ Howes clerico custodiam
omnium terrarum et tenementorum cum pertinentiis quæ fuerunt Johannis
Fastolf de Cowhaugh in com Suffolk armigeri die quo obiit et quæ per
mortem ejusdem Johannis Fastolf ac ratione minoris ætatis Thomæ, filii
et hæredis dicti Johannis Fastolf, ad manus nostras devenerunt et in
manibus nostris ad huc existunt; habendam a tempore mortis præfati
Johannis Fastolf usque ad plenam ætatem dicti hæredis, una cum maritagio
ejusdem hæredis, absque disparagatione; et si de hærede illo humanitus
contingat antequam ad plenam ætatem suam pervenerit, hærede illo infra
ætatem existente non maritato, tunc dicti Johannes Paston et Thomas
Howes habeant custodiam et maritagium hujusmodi hæredis, simul cum
custodia omnium terrarum et tenementorum prædictorum; et sic de hærede
in hæredem quousque aliquis hæres hæredum prædictorum ad plenam ætatem
suam pervenerit: Reddendo nobis prout concordari poterit cum Thesaurario
nostro Angliæ citra festum Paschæ proximo futuro, ac sustentando domos
clausuras et ædificia, necnon supportando alia onera dictis terris et
tenementis cum pertinentiis spectantia sive aliquo modo incumbentia quam
diu custodiam habuerint supradictam, ac inveniendo dicto hæredi
compententem sustentationem suam: Eo quod expressa mentio de vero valore
annuo præmissorum in præsentibus minime facta existit, aut aliquo
statuto, actu sive ordinacione in contrarium edito sive proviso non
obstante. Proviso semper quod si aliquis alius plus dare voluerit de
incremento per annum pro custodia et maritagio prædictis, quod tunc
prædicti Johannes Paston et Thomas Howys tantum pro eisdem solvere
teneantur si custodiam et maritagium habere voluerint supradictam. In
cujus &c. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium vj^to die Junij anno H. vj^ti
xxxij^{do}.

And after that an accorde is entred in the sayd Eschequer in thys
forme:--_In Hillarii record’, anno xxxvj^to Regis H. vj^ti ex parte
Remembr’ Thesaurarii:_

Et modo, xx. die Februarii hoc termino, prædicti Johannes Paston et
Thomas Howys venerunt hic in propriis personis suis et optulerunt se ad
concordandum cum Thesaurario Angliæ pro custodia omnium terrarum et
tenementorum, una cum maritagio ejusdem hæredis. Et super hoc
concordatum est inter Johannem Comitem Wigorniæ, Thesaurario Angliæ et
præfatos Johannem Paston et Thomam Howys quod ipsi solvent domino Regi
pro custodia omnium terrarum et tenementorum prædictorum, videlicet a
tempore mortis præfati Johannis Fastolf usque ad plenam ætatem dicti
hæredis ac maritagium ejusdem hæredis, decem marcas tantum; de quibus
quidem x. marcis consideratum est per Barones quod prædicti Johannes
Paston et Thomas Howys et manucaptores sui prædicti pro custodia et
maritagio prædictis erga Regem onerentur prætextu Regis literarum
patentium et concordiæ predictorum ac aliorum præmissorum.

So by the sayd lettres patentez and the sayd accorde the sayd John
Paston and Thomas Howys schuld have the sayd C.ix_li._ xiij_s._ viij_d._
_ob._ and the sayd ward and mariage, the whiche is worthe CC_li._, for
the sayd x. marc only. And also, for as moche as the sayd Tresorer
recordeth in the Kyngges High Court of Parlement begonne at Westminster
the ix. day of Jule the yer of the Kyngges noble regne xxxiij., that he
made never no suche accord wyth the sayd John Paston and Thomas Howys of
the sayd ward, the whiche mater is of record in the Kyngges chauncerye
certefyed by the sayd Erle of Worceter, as weell as by other his lettres
to dyvers persones directed, sealed with his signet, wretyn and signet
with hys owen hand, as plenerly dooth appere: Where for plese it your
gret wysdams, the premisses considered, to pray the Kyng oure soverayn
Lord, that, by the advys and assent of his Lordes spirituelx and
temperelx, and by you hys comunes in the present parlement assembled,
stablysshed and inacted that the sayd entre of accord and jugement
theruppon be anulled and of non effect. And the sayd Phelyppe schall
pray to God for you, &c.

    [Footnote 199.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This petition was
    presented to the Parliament which sat at Coventry in 1459, and
    received the Royal assent. It has already been printed in the
    _Rolls of Parl._, v. 371.]

    [Footnote 199.2: An inquisition taken before an escheator, by
    virtue of his office, was frequently called an office.]

    [Footnote 200.1: A.D. 1447.]

  [[was adjuged in the Kynges eschequer to pay an C.ix_li._ xiij_s._
viij_d._
    _period (full stop) after _li._ invisible_]]


398

ABSTRACT[202.1]

G. SPERLYNG TO JOHN PASTON

[Sidenote: 1460 / JAN. 6]

Paston was misinformed as to what Sperlyng said of his late
master’s[202.2] will. What he said was that about Hallowmas was
twelvemonth he was about eight weeks with his said master, who one day
examined him about the conveyance of his lands, and said there was no
man of worship in Norfolk had so many auditors as he, yet he could never
get the certainty how his livelode was disposed; but he had found a
means to be quiet, ‘whereof,’ he said, ‘I am as glad as a man had geve
me 1000 mark,’ by granting his cousin Paston all his livelode in Norfolk
and Suffolk, on condition he should amortise sufficient lands to
maintain a master and six secular priests at Castre. Paston was to take
the risk of any counter claim and trouble hereafter, etc.

Norwich, Epiphany Day.

  [The date of this letter must be 1460, as it is after Fastolf’s
  death, and speaks of a conversation the writer had with him about
  the management of his lands a twelvemonth before Hallowmas preceding
  the date of the letter. At Hallowmas 1459 Sir John was dying, and
  quite unable to support any conversation for want of breath, so that
  the reference must be to Hallowmas 1458.]

    [Footnote 202.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 202.2: Sir John Fastolf.]


399

WILLIAM BOTONER TO JOHN BERNEY[203.1]

_To the ryght worshypfull Sir, John Berneye, Scuier, at Castre beyng._

[Sidenote: 1460 / JAN.]

Ryght wohypfull Sir, I recommaund me to yow.[203.2] . . . . . . . As for
tydyngs here, I sende som of hend wreten to you and othyrs how the Lord
Ryvers,[203.3] Sir Antonye, hys son, and othyrs hafe wonne Calix[203.4]
be a feble assault made at Sandwich by Denham,[203.5] Squyer, with the
nombre of viij^c. men, on Twyesday betwene iiij. and v. at cloks yn the
mornyng. But my Lady Duchesse[203.6] ys stille ayen receved yn Kent. The
Duke of York ys at Debylyn [_Dublin_], strengthed with hys Erles and
homagers, as ye shall see by a bille. God sende the Kyng victorie of hys
ennemyes, and rest and pease among hys Lordes.

I am rygt gretly hevyed for my pore wyfe, for the sorow she takyth, and
most leefe hyr and hyr contree. Y shall nothing take from hyr more then
a litell spendyng money, tille better may bee. And the Blessed Trinite
kepe and sende you helth.

Wret at London hastly, the Monday after I departed from you, 1459, x.

  Your,

  W. BOTONER, called WYRCESTER.

    [Footnote 203.1: [From Fenn, i. 182.] The date of this letter is
    ascertained partly by the reference in the suppressed passage to
    Sir John Fastolf’s interment, and partly by the allusion to the
    capture of Rivers and his son by John Denham. Compare the letter
    following.]

    [Footnote 203.2: ‘Here,’ says Fenn, ‘follow complaints against
    Frere Brakle, etc., concerning Sir John Fastolf’s interment,
    affairs, etc.’]

    [Footnote 203.3: Richard Widville, Lord Rivers, afterwards
    created an Earl by King Edward IV., who married his daughter
    Elizabeth.]

    [Footnote 203.4: This must be a sneer. The truth, as recorded by
    Botoner himself in his annals, was that John Denham and others
    secretly sailed from Calais, and surprised Sandwich, where they
    took Lord Rivers and his son Anthony prisoners, and carried them
    back to Calais.]

    [Footnote 203.5: John Denham or Dynham, afterwards Lord Dynham.]

    [Footnote 203.6: Cecily, Duchess of York.]

  [[Ryght wohypfull Sir  _text unchanged: error for “worshypfull”?_]]


400

WILLIAM PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[204.1]

_To his right worshipfull brother, John Paston, be this lettre
delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1460 / JAN. 28]

After dewe recomendacion had, please you to wete that we cam to London
uppon the Tewysday by none, nexst aftr our departour fro Norwich, and
sent our men to inquyre after my Lord Chaunceler,[204.2] and Maister
John Stokys, and Malmesbury.

And as for my Lord Chaunceler, he was departed fro London, and was redyn
to the Kyng ij. dayes er we were come to London; and as we understand he
hasted hym to the Kyng by cause of my Lord Ryvers[204.3] takyng at
Sandwyche, &c.[204.4] . . . . . . . .

As for tydyngs, my Lord Ryvers was brougth to Caleys, and by for the
Lords with viij^xx. [_eight score_] torches, and there my Lord of
Salesbury reheted [_rated_] hym, callyng hym knaves son, that he schuld
be so rude to calle hym and these other Lords traytors, for they schall
be found the Kyngs treue liege men, whan he schuld be found a traytour,
&c. And my Lord of Warrewyk rehetyd hym, and seyd that his fader was but
a squyer, and broute up with Kyng Herry the V^te, and sethen hymself
made by maryage, and also made Lord, and that it was not his parte to
have swyche langage of Lords, beyng of the Kyngs blood. And my Lord of
Marche reheted hym in lyke wyse. And Sir Antony[204.5] was reheted for
his langage of all iij. Lords in lyke wyse.

Item, the Kyng cometh to London ward, and, as it is seyd, rereth the
pepyll as he come; but it is certayn ther be comyssyons made in to
dyvers schyres that every man be redy in his best aray to com whan the
Kyng send for hem.

Item, my Lord Roos is com fro Gynes.

No more, but we pray to Jesu have you in his most mercyfull kepyng.
Amen.

Wretyn at London, the Munday next after Seynt Powle day.[205.1]

  Yowr broder,

  WILLIAM PASTON.

    [Footnote 204.1: [From Fenn, i. 186.] This letter, like the
    last, refers to the capture of Lord Rivers and his son at
    Sandwich, an incident dated by William Worcester in his annals
    shortly after the Christmas of 1459, which probably means just
    after the New Year.]

    [Footnote 204.2: William de Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester.]

    [Footnote 204.3: _See_ p. 203, Note 3.]

    [Footnote 204.4: ‘Then follows,’ says Fenn, ‘a long account of
    private business, which is here omitted.’]

    [Footnote 204.5: Sir Anthony Widville, afterwards Lord Scales
    and Earl Rivers.]

    [Footnote 205.1: The Feast of the Conversion of St. Paul is on
    the 25th of January.]


401

WILLIAM BOTONER TO ----[205.2]

[Sidenote: 1460 / FEB. 7]

A very frende at nede experience will schewe be deede, as wele as be
autorite of Aristotle in the Etiques that he made of moralite. Also by
the famous Reamayn Tullius in his litell booke _De Amicicia_; thangyng
you for olde contynued frendschip stidffastely grounded, as I wele
[_qu._ feel?] be your letter of a goode disposicion made, as it
appereth. Where as it schewith to the understandyng of suche as you
write uppon that I schulde, be crafty councell of some men sodenly have
departed in to these parties, &c., and that I straunched me from sertein
persones to moche, &c.; as for the furste, it schalbe to openly knowe
that I departed not hedre be councell of suche persons as they ymagyne,
for in trowthe no creature levyng, when I departed from Norwich, knewe
of it, saffe one that hath and evermore schal be next of my knowlege in
viagis makyng, alle be it I will not alwey disclose the cause. I herde
sey sith I come to London theye weche ye dempte to be of my councell
thanne where at Wolsyngham or Thepala (?) when I departed. I have wrete
the cauce to hym that of nature schulde be my beste frende, that for as
much I had labored as weele as W. Paston do my maister frendes,
chevised, and leyd money content out of his purse to the some of C_li._,
and more for cloothe and other thynges for my seide maister entencion,
promyttyng payment be fore Cristemesse, or right soone aftir, or to be
at London, and acquytyng me that I put me my dever. And be cause my
maister attorneys in that parties toke not to herte to make the
payementes here so hastely as they ded there, I had no comffortable
answere of spedyng the seid paymentes here. And also I was not put in
truste a mong the seid attorneys there to yeve on peny for my maister
sowle, but I paid it of myn owne purse befoore; nother in trust ne
favour to geve an almesse gowne, but that I praid for it as a straunger
schulde doo, alle be it myn autorite is as grete as theris, and rather
more as I tolde you. And also my Lorde of Canturebury and Maister John
Stookes, his juge, had geve autorite to ministre to a certein somme till
the testament were proved. And these preseidents consedred wolde
discorage any man to a bide but a litel amonges hem that so straunged
hem self from me and mistrusted me, be thut any cauce ye knowe wele how
that my maister man servauntes were put in gretter truste and
familiarite to handell, geve, and telle out of the bagghes my maister
money bothe at Seint Benetts and in Norwich in divers places by grete
summes and litell. And ye as other my maister servauntes and I that
helped gete my maister goode and brynge it togedre were straunged, and
as it semyd by there demenyng mistrusted to oure grete vilanye and
rebuke, wheche muste be answerd the causes why, and we declared [i.e.
_exculpated_], and so shal I make it for my pore person, and for my
maister sowle heele. It is not soilied (?) knowen that I was one of the
cheeffe that kepte bothe my Maister Paston and myn oncle[206.1] in my
maister favour and truste, and if I wolde have labored the contrary, by
my sowle--that is the grettest othe that I may swere of my silff--they
had never be nygh my maister in that case they stonde nowe. And if they
woll labour to damage or hendre me, all the worlde woll mysreporte of
hem and litel truste hem, nowther they schal not have wurschip nor
profight bi it. I wolde be to them as lowyng and as wele willyng as I
gan, so I fynde cause, and other I wolnot be to my fadre, and he weere a
liffe. I requere you a[n]swere for me as I wolde and have do for you
whan som of hem have seid ful nakedly of you, and suche as ye deeme hafe
mysereported causeles of me, I pray you that they see my letter as weele
as my frendes. My maister also (God yelded is sowle) graunted to me a
liffelode accordyng to my degre, that I, my wiffe, and my childre,
schulde have cause to prey for hym. My wiffes uncle[207.1] was present
in his chapell at Castre as wele as my wiffe, and comaunded her oncle to
chese the londe. This is trowthe be the blissed Sacrament that I
receyved at Pasch [_i.e._ Easter]. And because I demaunded my right and
dwte of my Maister Paston, he is not plesed. I have lost more thanne x.
mark worthe londe in my maister servyce, by God, and not [_unless_] I be
releved, alle the worlde schal knowe it elles that I have to gret wrong.
Wolde God I kowde plese bothe Maister Paston and my oncle in reson, who
preserve you.

Wrete hastely the vij. day of Feveryere.

  Your,

  W. BOTONER, _dit_ Wurcester.

    [Footnote 205.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The MS. of this letter
    is not an original, but a copy in the handwriting of John
    Paston. It appears to be written on the cover of a letter from
    his wife, addressed on the back, ‘To my ryght wurschipfull
    husbond, John Paston, be this delyvered in haste.’ The date must
    be 1460, as it is clearly not long after the death of Sir John
    Fastolf; and as the writer speaks of having recently left
    Norwich, it was probably not many days or weeks after No. 399.]

    [Footnote 206.1: Botoner’s wife, whose Christian name was
    Margaret, was a niece of Thomas Howes, parson of Blofield. He
    therefore calls Howes his uncle.]

    [Footnote 207.1: _See_ Note on last page.]


402

W. LOMNER TO JOHN PASTON[208.1]

_To the right worchipfull and reverent and myn good mayster Paston,
Squyere, be this taken._

[Sidenote: 1460 / APRIL 6]

My ryght worchipfull mayster, I recomaunde me to yow, besechyng yow to
hold me excusyd that I awaytyd noon otherwyse opon yow and my mastras at
my comyng from Norwich; for yn good feyth I was soo seke that I hadde
moche labour to come home, and sythen that tyme I have hadde my parte,
&c. And, Sere, as for Berney, he begynnyth to falle ought of the popell
conceyte faster than ever he fell yn, for serteyn causez, &c. I shalle
telle yow yn haste. But, Sere, blyssyd be God, as for yow, your love
yncresith amonge hem, and so I prey God it mot, for and I herde the
contrarie, ye shuld sone have wetyng. The under-shrefe dotht Mortoft
favour, and lete hym goo yn Norwich as hym lyst, and al the contre
abought me sey right evyll of hym for a mayntenor of the Kynges enime;
for there ben an C. [_hundred_] purposid to ride to the Kyng for hym,
and he come neer this contre, for they sey thow he hadde never doo with
his handes he hath seid a now to die. I have warend the under-shreffe
ther of, &c. Sere, forther, I am yn bildyng of a pore hous. I truste God
that ye shulle take your loggyng ther yn here after whan ye come to your
lordshippis on tho partes. And I durste be soo bolde on your maystershep
to aske of yow xij. copill of oken sparris, I wold hertilly prey yow not
to have them, but ther they may be for bore beste, and that is at a yard
of yourz yn Saxthorpe, callid Barkerz. I have eshe but noon oke, but
litell now comyth the fellyng ther of, &c. And me semyth ye myght take
mony for wood ther that stant and seryth and doth no good but harme, and
with yn fewe yeres ye shulnot wete where it is become, &c. Also ther be
serteyn materz betwyn soom of your tenuantez and me. I abide your comyng
and doo not [_naught ?_] at the reverens of yow; they be knowelle yn the
contre. And God have yow yn his kepyng.

Wretyn on Palme Sunday.

  Be your servaunt,

  W. LOMNER.

    [Footnote 208.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The date of this
    letter must be after the death of Sir John Fastolf, and before
    John Paston had gone to take possession of his lands in Norfolk.
    Saxthorpe was one of Fastolf’s manors which so came to him. The
    year may therefore be presumed to be 1460.]


403

FRIAR BRACKLEY TO [WILLIAM PASTON][209.1]

[Sidenote: 1460 / [before Easter]]

Jesu mercy, Marie help, cum Sanctis omnibus, trewe menyng executorys
ffro fals terrauntes and alle tribulacyonys. Amen. Ryte reverent Sire,
&c., W. Y.[209.2] Judex and hise wyf were here with here meny and here
hors in our ladyes place, &c. on Saterday at evyn, and yedyn hens on
Monday after none, whan summe had drunkyn malvyseye and tyre,[209.3] &c.
And I prechid on the Sonday byfore hem, not warnyd tyl after mete. And
than for lak of M. Vergeant, or our wardeyn Barnard, I sodeynly seyd the
sermon. And byfore I had ryte ovyr and soleyn chere of hem bothe, &c.;
but after the sermon he seyd opely to the prior, heryng myche folk in
the chirch, ‘I haf herd hym oftyn here and ellys where, but
[this][209.4] is the best that ever I herd hym sey,’ &c., and at evyn
drank to me, and made me good chere, half on the splene, &c.

But on Moneday, whan he had ny etyn and drunkyn a now, he gan to rollyn
hym in hise relatyvis, and we eldyd hym, as many men thowtyn, ryte
ongayly in hise gere, &c.; hise wyf begynnyng the communicacyon with
rite a sootyr (?) chere. And he heeld on so sore he cowd not cese, &c.
tyl he went to his hors, &c. And the pryor demenyd hym gentylly in hise
talkyng. And there was not forgetyn non unkyndnesse of my Mayster J. P.,
zour brother, of sleyn [_slaying_] of hise man Wormegey, and of mariage
of hise dowghtyr, whiche now schal solempnely be maryed to
Conerys,[210.1] a knytes sone, &c. And now last at Seynt Benettes, where
he so worschipful a justise and as kunnyng in lawe as ever was zour
fadyr, &c. as alle men knowyn, &c. And zour brother J. P. brokyn owt be
occasyon of zour langage, and takyn wytnesse of Malmysbury, a man of my
Lord of Caunterbury, whiche hath spokyn with the seyd justise the last
terme in Westmyster Halle. And there he seyd more tymes than one, ‘Sire,
this the fyrst tyme that ever I spake with zour Lordschip, &c.’ And
sythe after ze weryn at Seynt Benettys forseyd, ze komyn not gentylly
but ryte malicyously disposid to myn Lady Felbrygg, and dede your devoyr
to haf put hym out of hir conceyt, and it wolde not be, &c. And what
vyolens my Mayster J. P., germanus vester, dede to W. Wayt,[210.2] &c.
up on hise owne grownd at Musshold, &c. And after al these materys, bare
me on hand[210.3] that I had seyd to on of the worthiest of the schyre
that the seyd justise be gan the brekyng at Seynt Benettes; for I
suppose I seyd thus to my Lord Fyz Water, _alias_ my Mayster Radclyff,
to whos in I went to, and zaf hym a potel of swete wyne, he demaundyng
me of that brekyng, &c., as I remembre me, and suppose I seyd, ‘W. Y.,
justise, began to myn knowlache and understondyng.’ Whan he seyd so
fumowsly, ‘Who so ever sey that of me, he lyeth falsly in hise hede,
&c.’ And my Mayster Radclyff rode forthe with owt of towne to Dokkyng
and Brumham, and with hym rode W. Y., sone to the justise. And yf the
seyd Radclyff teld this to W. Y., I wote never. And yf he dede I
merveyle sore. But and al go to al, as is like to go, I may not sey nay,
but I trow I seyd so. Radclyf and ze bene grete frendes. I wold ze wold
lat hym knowe the trowth, &c.

This mater mevyd the justisis wyf, and than he be gan hise mater more
boldly, seying to me be fore the pryour and miche pepyl, that it was
told hym the same day that I seyd, as for the brekyng, the justise
began. ‘Forsothe’ seyd I, ‘whan I came into the chambre there, the fyrst
word I hard was this, that ze seyd to my mayster J. P., “Who that ever
seyth so, I sey he lyeth falsly in hise hede,” &c.’ ‘Ya,’ quod the
justise, ‘ze schuld haf told what mevyd me to sey so to hym.’ And I seyd
I cowde not tellyn that I not herd, &c. Et Judex-- ‘Ze schuld haf
examyned the mater,’ &c. And I seyd, ‘Sire, it longyd not to me to
examyne the mater, for I knew wele I schuld not be juge in the mater,
and alonly to a juge it longyth to sene and stodyen illam Sacræ
Scripturæ clausulam, whiche holy Job seyd, _Causam quam nesciebam
diligentissime investigabam_.’

And than, ‘No,’ seyth he hardyly, ‘ze schal not be juge, but yf ze had
owt me as good wil as ze dede and do to Paston, ze wold than have sergyd
the cause of my gret greef, why I seyd as I seyd, &c. But I haf sey the
day, ze lovyd me beter than hym, for he yaf zow never cause of love as I
haf done,’ &c. ‘Sire,’ I sey, ‘he hath yovyn me cause swyche as I am
behold to hym for,’ &c. ‘Ya,’ seyth he, ‘ze schal bere wytnesse, &c.,
and the other Mayster Clement and W. Schipdham.’ Cui ego-- ‘As for the
wytnesse I schal bere, I schal say and writyn as I knowe,’ &c. Cui
ille-- ’I made hise testament,[211.1] and I knowe,’ &c. Cui ego-- ‘I saw
nevir testament of your makyng; and as for on testament that he made,
and I knowe bothe the writer and maker, after hise wyl and intent, ze
stonde stille there in as ze dede than,’ &c. Et tunc gavisus est, &c. Et
ille-- ‘I knowe ze haf a gret hert, &c., but I ensure zow, the Lordes
above at London arn infoormyd of zow, and they schal delyn with zow wele
anow.’ Cui ego-- ‘He or they that hafe infoormyd the Lordes wele of me,
I am behold to hem; and yf they be otherwyse infoormyd, I schal do as
wele as I may. But be myn trowthe I schal not be aferd to sey as I knowe
for none Lord of this lond, if I may go saf and come, quod non credo,
per Deum, propter evidencias multas,’ &c. Tunc prior-- ‘Domine, non
expedit nec rationi seu veræ conscientiæ congruit, quod vos contendatis
cum Magistro Paston, vel ipse vobiscum, pro bonis defuncti, quæ solum
sua et non vestra sunt. Miror valde,’ inquit, ‘cum prioribus temporibus
tam magni fuistis amici, et non sic modo, quare valde doleo.’ Cui
Judex-- ‘There is no man besy to bryng us to gyder, &c., so that I kan
wele thynk it were lytil maysteri.’ But in feyth I knowe wele the Juge,
W. Wayte his mawment [_i.e._ puppet], hise boy Yimmys, with here hevedy
and fumows langage, have and dayly do uttyr lewd and schrewd dalyauns,
&c.

I sent zow bode of dyvers thinges be M. Roger Palle, and I haf no
answer, &c. I schuld go to Castre, and a man of my Lordes Norfolk told
here he came fro London, and there he had commonly voysid that the Duke
of Norfolk schuld be the Kynges comaundement kepe hise Esterne at Castre
for safe gard of the cuntre ayens Warwyk and other swich of the Kinges
enmyes whiche may lytely be lyklynesse aryve at Waxham, &c. My mayster
zour brother, J. P., ne ye, ne M. T. Howys, ne I may not esily be brokyd
in the Jugys conscyens, &c. Sir Jon Tatirshales man spake with yow at
London, and than ye seyd to hym to hafe comyn in your owne persone to
our Lady or this tyme, whiche was cause of myn abidyng here, &c.
I schal, be the grace of Jesu, be at Castre on Soneday next, &c. W. W.,
J. B., junior, Colinus Gallicus, et T. Upton multum, ut suppono, fuerunt
assidui ad informationem malam dandam dominis diversis hujus regni
contra vestrum germanum J. P., M. T. Howes, me, etc.; sed confido in
vobis quod vos confiditis in Christo Jesu et Sanctis omnibus, qui vos
vestros et vestra dirigat in agendis. Recommendetis me, si placeat,
Magistro meo Johanni P., uxori, et matri, cum filiis suis nepotibus
vestris, et Thomae Playtere vestro dilecto amico. Et quare vobis jam
scribo et non vestro germane J. P. alias scietis, etc.

  Vester orator continuus,

  F. J. B., Minorum minimus.

    [Footnote 209.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] From what is said of
    the expectation of a descent of Warwick upon the coast, it
    appears that this letter was written in the spring of 1460.]

    [Footnote 209.2: William Yelverton.]

    [Footnote 209.3: Tier; a bitter drink or liquor.--Halliwell.]

    [Footnote 209.4: Omission in MS.]

    [Footnote 210.1: John, son of Sir Robert Conyers, knight,
    married Eleanor, daughter of William Yelverton, Justice of the
    King’s Bench.--Blomefield, i. 483.]

    [Footnote 210.2: Judge Yelverton’s clerk, the writer of No. 142.
    _See_ vol. ii. p. 174, Note 3.]

    [Footnote 210.3: _See_ vol. ii. p. 110, Note 1.]

    [Footnote 211.1: This seems to refer to the will of Sir John
    Fastolf, though he is not named.]


404

FRIAR BRACKLEY TO JOHN PASTON[213.1]

[Sidenote: 1460]

Jhesus Maria, &c.,--Reverende domine et præ omnibus mortalibus
amantissime. Super omnia omnino oblivioni non tradenda faciatis ut
W. P.[213.2] germanus cum sua ac vestra prudenti industria sagaciter et
secrete informet H. Fylongley de W. W.[213.3] Hibernico ac Colino
Gallico, qui suo malicioso proposito confederati sunt, adversusque
dominum et magistrum suum militem defunctum et executores ejus ad
dampnificandos eos et bona defuncti per ostensionem literarum secretarum
olim dicto militi missarum, ex confidentia speciali, sicut solito more
amicus amico solet scribere. Si hæc enim proditoria condicio esset
insinuata per H. Fylongley vel per me, forsan Domino Comite Wilschirie,
idem fallax et deceptorius Colinus Gallicus non esset cum dicto comite
tam magnus et intimus cum dicto domino, sicut credit se esse unum de
suis secretioribus, vel cum Regina per laborem sui germani ad magistrum
Ormond ut ipsum faciat introduci ad favorem et servicium Reginæ. Si
habueritis amicos circa Reginam, cito poteritis Colinum frustrare suo a
proposito. Si W. P. vester germanus posset per subtilia media adquirere
et adquiri facere casketum C. Gallici ac casketum W. W. Hibernici,
audiretis et videretis aliqua non laude sed fraude plena, &c. Mitte
sapientem et nihil ei dicas, &c. Prudenti viro pauca scribenda pro
presenti propono quia scio vos ex paucis plura colligere et ex præambulo
plura concludere. Item, propheta clamat, ‘Nolite confidere in verbum
mendacii,’[213.4] &c., et secundum eundem prophetam, ‘Non est
confidendum super baculum arundineum confractum,’[213.5] &c., et est
commune et vulgare dictum: ‘A man schuld not trusty on a broke swerd, ne
on a fool, ne on a chyld, ne on a dobyl man, ne on a drunke man,’ &c.,
thow that he were an amewse and a notarye be W. W. Hibernicus he schal
knowe al, and be hym Colyn and Spirlyng the same knowe schal, &c., Hoc
ideo dicite W. P., Cavete, &c., quia, Deo teste, bona fide et conscia
non ficta, hæc suprascripta sunt in toto vera, &c. Feria secunda ad
minus in prandio vos videbo, &c. Scriptum festinissime infra quarterium
horæ, præsentis latore nimis sponsalium causa festinante. Recommendo vos
vestros et vestra Deo.

  vester totus prius notus,

  Frater J. B. Minorum minimus.

    [Footnote 213.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 161.] This letter is
    evidently holograph. The date might be at the very end of the
    year 1459, after the death of Fastolf and after the attainder of
    the Yorkists at Coventry; but is more probably in the early part
    of 1460, between January and May. Indeed, though the language is
    mysterious, its substance is probably not unconnected with that
    of the preceding letter.]

    [Footnote 213.2: William Paston, son of the judge.]

    [Footnote 213.3: The initials ‘W. W.’ suggest the name of
    William Worcester; but he was not an Irishman, and before this
    letter was discovered he was believed to be Brackley’s ‘Colinus
    Gallicus,’ who, however, is here mentioned as a different
    person.]

    [Footnote 213.4: Jerem. vii. 4.]

    [Footnote 213.5: Referring apparently to Isaiah xxxvi. 6--not
    ‘the same prophet.’]


405

ANONYMOUS TO H. B. OF LINCOLN[214.1]

_To my good Maister, H. B. of Lincoln._

[Sidenote: 1460 / APRIL 9]

Right worchepful sir, after my recommendation, like you to wete I wold
yisterday have spoken with you if ye had be allone at good leiser, for
my aquytaile to God and to you, and for the wele of my maister, God
pardon hym. I have many thynges to remembre you if ye wol. Wherof
diverse specialtes that I wold sey, I may not write. For I meved you at
your chamber wyndow at Lammes homward from London some thynges of my
good wil, and me thought ye toke it gretely to displeisur; the which
caused me to sey the lesse of thynges that had be worchepfull to have be
doon. But, Sir, as I remembred you late at Norwich of the variaunce by
twix the worchepfull man and you, for Goddes love and your most ease,
folwe the meanes of his good wil by help of holsom gentilmen, and also
the feithfull love of other that grucchen to you warde, as I fele moche
thof thei speke litil therof to you, rettyng in you singuler fastnesse
ageyns kyndenesse and reson; for with love and unyte ye shal do moost
good for oure maister to your worchep. And with the contrary many mysse
dispenses as han be and thanne moche lette in doyng of good dedis to the
causers perill and slawnder God hath sent you wysdham grete that telleth
you the best is to drede God. A man shal never have love of God nor love
nor drede of good men for myskepyng of moche good thof it wer his owen,
for it is dampnable; but wher it is truly delt with and godly disposed,
thanne folwith bothe grete meryte and worchep. Pety it is that mo more
is do for hym. At the gate is nowther mete, drynke nor money, _ut
dicitur_, no man wele spekyng thof thacte above be not do necessary
almesse to the nedy that peynen wold and myght be do dayly. And, Sir, be
ware what ye talke to som men of the lordes your coexecutours, and what
is spent for the man, and what he was worth. Thei reporten you
unfavorabely and withoute credence, as men seyn, and some I have herd.
Also your entretyng and other for you with them that have entres with
you for to have your entent sped, is tolde oute whow, and your iournay
to lorde Beauchamp to Cambrig is taken as men like, and your associacion
is seid made by your witt to your purpos. As somme fer of and grete that
may nor peraventur wiln not medle, somme ye wold thei left, somme havyng
no conduyt, somme no stomak, and somme glosours and witnesses for lucre;
this is not my seyyng, I have often herd it. Therfor to have such a post
as the seid man is that ye be in variaunce; so he do wele, as I fully
beleve, he shuld help you to bere moche, and cause eschuyng of moche of
this noyse. This variaunce grew of mater of noght and japes; the soner
may be accorde. And thynke not, Sir, that any persone hath stered me
herto; for by the good Lorde I trist to receyve this holy tyme it is my
owen steryng and good hert to you warde, for that I her and see, and
moost of your wele willers, in eschuyng of inconvenyentz as right many
talke must ensue to you ward. For I fonde you pleyn at Cristemesse, and
I toke you that ye loved me, wher to fore, withoute cause truly, to my
seid maister moch ye hyndred me, as parte he tolde me, and thanne I
praied you in that your good maistership and amendement, and sith I have
be pleyn and wol be. And I require you as ye arn a gentilman, kepe thees
maters secrete by twix God, you and me; for by Almyghty Jhesu of me
knoweth this non erthely creatur, nor shal knowe. Other thynges been
that sounden not wele, but as I fele your wisdham take me in this, so
herafter I wil demene me with you in maters. I am urke of variaunces,
for parties waxen wrooth if men hold not with there oppynyons whan thei
in angre trotte over fer by yon hem self. I may not come by you to
London ward, I trow I must by Suffolk; elles I had not writen this. Oure
Blissed Lorde have you in His governaunce and be your conduytour to His
pleisur, Amen. This Wednesday, ix. day Aprill.

As ye arn a veray gentilman, be my true confessour as I am youres and
take me as I mene, thof my termes been not discreet. Brenne this scrowe
or kepe it pryvy, as ye like and I beseche you, if ye wil trist me, wil
me pleyn, &c.--Your owen, &c., to my power.

    [Footnote 214.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 143.] This letter is
    mysterious, but seems to have some bearing on Sir John Fastolf’s
    will, and may be assigned with tolerable certainty to the year
    1460, as the 9th April, the day it was dated, was a Wednesday,
    and one expression in it shows that it was written immediately
    before Easter, which in that year fell on the 13th April.]


406

WILLIAM PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[216.1]

_To hys rythe wurchyp[full] broder, Jon Paston, [dwell]yng at Castre._

[Sidenote: 1460 / MAY 2]

Broder, I comand me to zow, certhefieng zow that Playter is redyn to
Lundon ward this day abowthe ij. afternone. And he taryed here, and
schulde abedyn styll till he had had an horse that Master Thomas Howys
schuld have lent hym. And so I thowthe he schuld have taried to long;
and so he hathe bowthe on off myn hors. And iff it nede, he schall send
zow word be his man fro Lundon how he felythe the disposycyon off men
ther, &c.; and he schall send his man hom be Newmarket wey. And I have
infurmyd hym acording after the ententhe of zowr letter.

I spak this day with Bokkyng. He had but few wurdes, but I felt be hym
he was rythe evyll disposyd to the parson and zow, but coverthe langgage
he had. I wene he be assentid to the fyndyng of this offyce[217.1] takyn
at Bokynham, and Recheman schall bryng zow the namys of the men that mad
the verdythe on Soneday nexst comyng. I pray send to myn broder Clements
fermor of Somerton for money for my broder Clement, for to have sent to
hym to Lundon. I schuld have done it qwan I was at Caster; myn moder
desyryd me, and I sent a letter after to the parson, and prayed hym to
receve it, &c.

Item, I prayd the parson to wrythe a letter in his name to myn suster
Ponyngges,[217.2] as ze and I comunyd onys togeder, cownsellyng her to
take good avyse befor sche sold her wood at Wrenham; and he schuld knowe
ther by weder Ponyngges wer in Kent ar nat, &c. I understond that this
Bokkyng and Worceter have grett trust in ther awne lewd consaythe, wathe
some ever it menythe, &c. Bokkyng told me this day that he stood as well
in consaythe with myn Maister Fastolff iii. days befor he dyed as any
man in Englond. I sayd I soposyd nay, ner iij. zere before he dyed.
I told hym that I had hard dyveres talkynges of hym as men sayd, qweche
I soposyd schuld nat easly be browthe a bowthe, and he swore that he
talkyd never with no man in no mater that schuld be a zen zow, &c. It is
he that makythe William Wurceter so froward as he is.

I wold ze had a witnesse of Roberd Ingglows, thow he wittnessyd no more
but that myn master had his witthe, becawse he was so lathe with myn
master Fastolff. Worceter sayd at Castre it schuld be nessessary for zow
to have good witnesse, as he saythe it schuld go streythe with zow
wytheowt zowr witnesse were rythe sofycyent. Myn cosyn Berney can tell
zow, &c.

Item, remenbre to make the parson to make an instrument up on his
sayyng. I funde hym rythe good qwan I spak with hym at Caster; and
remembre the newe evydens.

Item, Arblaster and I spakk togeder. I felle hym rythe feythefully
disposyd to zow ward, and he schall mow do myche good and he go to
Lundon, for he can labore will a monge Lordes. He and I comunyd to geder
of myn Lord Awbre;[218.1] lethe hym tell zow qwat it was, for he will
speke with zow to morow. It is full nessessary to mak zow strong be lord
chep, and be oder menys. Myn Lord Awbry hathe weddit the Duke of
Bokyngham dowter,[218.2] and he was lathe with Master Fastolff be fore
he dyed, and he is gret with the Qwene.

God have zow in His kepeng. Wretyn at Norwyche the secund day of May.

  Be zowr broder,

  W. PASTON.

Omnya pro pecunya facta sunt.

    [Footnote 216.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The date of this
    letter is certainly in the year 1460, for it was written after
    the death of Sir John Fastolf, and before the deposition of
    Henry VI., Margaret of Anjou being still spoken of as ‘the
    Queen.’]

    [Footnote 217.1: _See_ p. 199, Note 2.]

    [Footnote 217.2: Elizabeth Paston, now wife of Robert Poynings.]

    [Footnote 218.1: Aubrey de Vere, son of the Earl of Oxford, who
    suffered death, with his father, in February 1462.]

    [Footnote 218.2: Anne, eldest daughter of Humphry, Duke of
    Buckingham.]


407

THE ABBOT OF LANGLEY TO JOHN STOKES[218.3]

_To the ryght worchepfull Sere, Mayster John Stokes._

[Sidenote: 1460 / MAY 8]

Ryght worshypfull Sere, I recomaund me to yow; and for asmyche as it is
informyd me that it was appoynted that alle the executors of the
worshepfull knyght, Sere John Fastolf, whos soule God asoyle, shuld be
at London as on Monday next comyng, of wheche executors I am namyd for
on, as I ondyrstond; wherfore, in as myche as ye be ordenary and on of
the same executors, I prey yow tendre my laboure, withoute my comyng, be
youre dyscrecion, myght be more profyt to the dede; for I conseyve it
shuld be but charge to the dede, and lytell avayleable, consyderyng that
John Paston, Squyere, and Thomas Howys, parson of Blofeeld, schall come
up at this time, wheche were[218.4] the persones above all other that
the seyd Sere John Fastolf put in hys most sengulere love and trust, and
wold they shuld have the kepyng and dysposicion of hys goods, as wele in
hys lyve as after hys deseas, to dyspose for the well of hys soule; and
that non other namyd hys executors, but only they tweyn, shuld have ony
kepyng or dysposyng of ony part of hese goods duryng ther lyves; and
that alle other namyd executors shuld supporte them and geve them to the
seyd John Paston and Thomas Howys here good avyse in performyng of hys
desyre in that behalve. Wherfor that it lekyth yow in ony thyng ye
desyre me to do in thys cause or matere to geve yowre feyth and credence
to the seyd John Paston and Thomas Howys; and so desyred me the seyd
Knyght feythefully to do, that knowyth God, whom I be seke preserve yow
from alle adversyte.

Wretyn in the Abbey of Langeley, the viij. day of the monyth of May, the
yeere of oure Lord m^{l.}cccc.lx.

  Youre preest,

  ABBOT OF LANGELEY.[219.1]

    [Footnote 218.3: [From Fenn, iii. 398.]]

    [Footnote 218.4: This word is omitted in the literal transcript
    in Fenn.]

    [Footnote 219.1: His name was Nicholas.]


408

JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON[219.2]

_To my trusty cosyn, Margaret Paston, at Norwich, be this
delyvered._[219.3]

[Sidenote: 1460 / JUNE 19]

I recomaunde me to you, letyng you witte that I sent a letter to John
Russe and Richard Kalle that thei, by th’advyse of Watkyn Shipdam and
William Barker shuld send me word of whom alle the maneres, londes, and
tenementes that were Sir John Fastolffes wern holde, preyng you that ye
wold do them spede them in that matier; and if my feodaryes, whiche lye
in the tye of my gret cofyr, may ought wisse therin, lete them se it.

Item, I wolde that William Barker shulde send me a copye of the olde
traverse of Tychewell and Beyton. And lete Richard Kalle spede hym
hidderward, and come by Snaylwel, and take suyche mony as may be getyn
there, and that he suffre not the mony that the tenauntes owe to come in
the fermours handes.

Item, that he come by Cambrigge and bryng with hym Maister Brakkeles
licence from the provynciall of the Grey Freres. I prey you recomaunde
me to my modir.

Wretyn at London the Thursday next to fore Middesomer.

  JOHN PASTON.

    [Footnote 219.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter appears to
    have been written the year after Fastolf’s death.]

    [Footnote 219.3: Below this address is written, in another hand,
    ‘To Richard Calle, at Caster, be this deliverid in hast.’]


409

FRIAR BRACKLEY TO JOHN PASTON[220.1]

_Venerabili armigero, Johanni Paston seniori, detur hæc litera._

[Sidenote: 1460 / JULY 6]

Honoris superni amorisque interni indissolubile vinculum tam venerabili
viro in Christo condignum, præcordialissime magister ac amice
singularis, non solum quales debeo sed quales valeo vobis refero grates
cordiales pro vestris beneficiis quampluribus michi multiformiter
exhibitis, pro quibus omnibus recompenset vos Altissimus. Honorabilis
domine, causa motiva præsentis scripturæ est hæc. Ex magno cordis
affectu audire desidero de vestra expeditione prospera in materia
concernente testamentum et voluntatem venerabilis viri J. F.[220.2]
militis per Ricardum Calle vel Johannem Pampyng, vestros fideles
servientes; quod si fieri non possit per relationem latoris præsentium,
michi certificare dignemini. Cujus verbis audienciam credulam præbere
curetis, sicut et michi dare velletis si vobiscum personaliter
interessem. Scire insuper dignetur vestra caritas quod iste frater,
præsentium lator, est meus spiritualis filius, eo quod in ordinem per me
indutus et professus et ad gradum sacerdotii promotus, jam per biennum
continuum, fuit socius et servitor meus satis solaciosus in tempore meæ
gravissimæ infirmitatis, in laboribus et vigiliis continuis, tam diurnis
quam nocturnis, quorum occasione a suo libro et studio fuit
multiformiter impeditus; sicque ad suos amicos non potuit habere
recursum ad sui victus et vestitus adquirendum subsidium. Cui si placet
intuitu caritatis elemosinam per vos graciose collatam Willelmo nepoti
meo ingratissimo, utinam non infidelissimo, latori prædicto dare
curetis, qui vobis suam indigenciam fideliter explanabit et dicti
nepotis viciosa demerita certissime declarabit. Unum enim scitote, si
frater prædictus circa meam personam non fuisset multiformiter solicitus
ego pluries fuissem mortuus. Spero enim per Dei graciam circa festum ad
Vincula Petri vestram graciosam visitare presenciam, et de dicti fratris
gratitudinem clariorem dare noticiam. Cui propter Deum ad mei cordis
multiforme solacium dicti beneficii ne denegetis suffragium, sicud in
vobis gero confidenciam singularem. Non plura pro præsenti vobis offero
calamo digna, sed vos, vestros et vestra defendat Trinitas alma, Quæ vos
graciose conservet in prosperis et graciosissimis dirigat in agendis.
Scriptum Donewici, in vigilia Translacionis Sancti Thomæ Martiris.

Vester ad vota promptissimus ac orator pauperculus.

  FRATER J. B., Minorum minimus.

    [Footnote 220.1: [Add MS. 34,888, f. 147.] This is a letter of
    Friar Brackley, apparently written the year after Fastolf’s
    death. It is in a large and regular handwriting, different from
    some of his other letters.]

    [Footnote 220.2: Sir John Fastolf.]

  [[quod si fieri non possit  _text has “qood”_]]


410

THE YORKIST LORDS TO THE AUTHORITIES IN NORFOLK[221.1]

_The Erlys of Marche, Warwyke, and Salysbury._

[Sidenote: 1460 / JULY 23]

Ryght welbeloved, we grete you wele; and wher, for the tendre love that
we have to the concervacion of the Kyngs peas, lawes, and justice in
this his realme of Englonde, we have comaunded the Kyngs peeple in his
name, be oure letters and diverse writyngs, that no man shulde robbe or
dispoile Sir Thomas Todenham, Knyght, John Heyden, John Wyndham, Herry
Todenham, and John Andrws, and other weche have sued to us for oure
seide letters; we, wolyng to eschewe that any person shulde have colour
be oure seide letters to noyse us, or any of us, that the seide Sir
Thomas, John Heyden, John Wyndham, Herry, and John Andrws, or any other
of suspecte fame, be accorded with us, or any of us, for suche wrongs as
they, or any of ham, have do to us, our servaunts and tenants or
wellwellers, or that we shulde hafe hem in tendrenesse or favour to
discorage trewe people to swe a yen hem be the lawe; We therfore notyfie
to yow, as we woll that it be notyfid to all people, that we, ne noon of
us, intende not to favour or tendre hem, or any other of suspecte fame,
but rather to corecte suche be the lawe, for we made our seid letters
soly for kepyng of the pease and justice, and not for favour of suspecte
condicione. And the Holy Trynyte kepe yow.

Wreten at London the xxiij^ti. day of Jule.

To all Meyers, Sceryves, Balyfys, Constables, and all the Kynges
Offecers and Ministres in Norffolk, and eche on of hem.

    [Footnote 221.1: [From Fenn, iii. 244.] This manifesto must have
    been issued in July 1460, after the battle of Northampton, when
    the King was in the hands of the confederate Lords. It certainly
    was not, as Fenn supposes, in 1455, after the battle of St.
    Albans, when the Earl of March was only thirteen years old and
    the Duke of York, his father, was made Protector. York had not
    come over from Ireland in July 1460, and is consequently not
    named in this document.]


411

ABSTRACT[222.1]

THE KING TO JOHN NEDHAM AND THOMAS LITILTON, JUSTICES OF THE COUNTY
PALATINE OF LANCASTER

[Sidenote: 1460(?) / JULY 26]

Desires them to show favour to the defendants in an appeal of robbery
sued before them out of malice by Thomas Bury against John Berney of
Redham, Norf., Junior, Esq., John Paston of Norwich, Esq., John Berney
of Redham, Norf., Senior, Esq., John Hevenyngham, of Norwich, Esq., and
Christopher Norwich of Brundehale. They are to receive no writ returned
in the name of the Sheriff of Norfolk touching that matter except by the
hands of the sheriff himself, or of John Bernarde his under-sheriff.

London, 26 July.

II. Another letter, similar in substance, in which no justices’ names
are given.

  [These documents cannot be later than 1460, as the younger John
  Berney died in July of that year (see next letter). But as Judge
  Littleton was only made a King’s Serjeant in 1455, they cannot be
  many years earlier, and they are not unlikely to be of the year 1460
  itself.]

    [Footnote 222.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


412

JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON[223.1]

_To my wurschipfull coysyn, Margaret Paston, be this delyvered in
haste._

[Sidenote: 1460 / JULY 28]

I recomaunde me unto you, letyng you witte that your unkyll, John
Berney, is deed, whoos soule God have mercy; desyryng you to sende for
Thomas Holler,[223.2] and enquere of hym wher his goode is, and what he
is wurthe, and that he take goode eede to all suche goods as he had
bothe meveable and on mevable; for I undre stande that he is wurthe in
money v^c. [500] marke, and in plate to the valwe of other v^c. marke,
beside other goods. Wherfor I wolde ye schulde not lete hym wete of his
dissese unto the tyme that ye had enquered of the seide Thomas Holler of
all suche maters as be a bovyn wreten, and whan he hathe enformed you
therof, than lete hym wete verely that he is deede, desiryng hym that no
man come on to his place at Redham but hym selfe, unto the tyme that I
come.

Item, I lete you witte that gret parte of his goode is at William
Taverners, as I undrestande. Thomas Holler woll telle you justely the
trouthe as I suppose, and deseyre hym on my behalfe that he doo soo, and
ther is writyng therof; and telle Thomas Holler that I and he be
executours named, and therfore lete hym take heede that the goods be
kept saffe, and that nobody knowe wher it shall lie but ye and Thomas
Holler. And Thomas Holler, as your unkyll tolde me, is prevy wher all
his goode lithe and all his writyng, and so I wol that ye be prevy to
the same for casualte of deethe, and ye too shal be his executours for
me as longe as ye doo trewly, as I trowe verely ye woll.

Wreten at London, the xxviij^t. day of Jule.

I requer yow be of god cumfort and be not hevy, if ye wil do owth for
me.

  Yowr,

  JOHN PASTON.

    [Footnote 223.1: [From Fenn, iv. 36.] According to Fenn,
    Margaret Paston’s uncle, John Berney, second son of John Berney,
    Esq. of Reedham, died in July 1461, and he accordingly places
    this letter in that year. It is evident, however, that John
    Berney was dead at the date of Nos. 431 and 462, the former
    written in January 1461, the latter certainly not so late as the
    28th July in the same year, for Thomas Denys was murdered at the
    very beginning of the month. Indeed, it is clear that in No. 462
    Margaret Paston wishes to arrange about the approaching
    anniversary of her uncle’s death. John Berney must therefore
    have died in July 1460, although from the troubled character of
    the times his will (which is preserved in the Principal Registry
    at Somerset House), made on the 2nd June 1460 (Monday after the
    Feast of St. Petronilla the Virgin), was not proved till the 1st
    December 1461.]

    [Footnote 223.2: When Berney’s will was proved at Lambeth, 1st
    December 1461, administration was granted provisionally to
    Thomas Hooler, who was to send in accounts before the morrow of
    the Conversion of St. Paul (Jan. 26) following. Power was,
    however, reserved of committing administration to John Paston.
    But John Paston did not appear on the day, and left the
    undivided administration to Hooler.]

  [[written in January 1461 _text has “1561”_]]


413

ABSTRACT[224.1]

[Sidenote: 1460 / AUG. 1]

‘Soutwerk cum membris,’ No. 50 _a._-- ‘Inquisitio post mortem Johannis
Fastolf militis capta per eschaetorem Regis, ubi mentio fit quorundam
tenementorum, viz., the Berehouse, Boreshead, Hartshorne, et 2
molendinorum aquaticorum. Aug. 1, Hen. VI. 38.’

    [Footnote 224.1: [From MS. Index in Magd. Coll., Oxford.]]


414

ANONYMOUS TO YELVERTON AND PASTON[225.1]

_To the right worshipful Seres, my right welbeloved and trusted cosyns,
William Yelverton, Justice, and John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1460(?)]

Sir, please your right worshipfull maystership that Mayster Paston come
to London as on Thursdaye att none last past, and I trust verelye all
maters here were resonablye labored to his comyng, and now they shal be
better. Neverthelesse, I have ben mevid of tretye by dyvers personez
sith I came hidre, as wele for Tudenham, Wentworth, Heydon, and other at
this tyme not wel willed to yow and yourez, seyng that such money as is
spent a twix yowe is but wastfully expendid and to non use vertuouse.
I fele by theym they be not right corageous in theyr werkes, ner nought
wold if they myght have a resonable trete. I meve not this that ze shold
thenk that they had conquered me by noyans, but I do it to avertyse yow
for th’eschewyng of the importable costes that hath ben born by yow, and
yet lyke to bee, aswele in the elde maters hangyng as in newe at this
tyme to be grownded, if this werre shal rest and hold a twyx yowe, and
specially for the ease of hym that shalbe solicitour in the same. Ye
nede at this terme rather to have had thre solicitours than in any other
terme past this iij. yere, on concyderyng the maters hangyng, &c.; of
which please yow to send yowr gode advyse and wille yf ye thenk it to be
don, and els not, for this is but a mocion, &c.

    [Footnote 225.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is by an
    unknown writer, and very uncertain as to date. It shows that
    Tuddenham, Wentworth, and Heydon, all adherents of the House of
    Lancaster, were desirous of a compromise with Yelverton and
    Paston. The year 1460, some time after the battle of
    Northampton, is perhaps as likely a period as any.]


415

FRIAR BRACKLEY TO JOHN PASTON[226.1]

_To my Mayster Jon Pastone, Esqwyer, be this letter presented._

_Jesus, Maria, &c._

[Sidenote: 1460 / OCT.]

Ryte reverent Sire, after du recommendacion, we sey in this cuntre that
Heydon is for Barkschir in the Comon Hows. And the Lady of
Suffolk[226.2] hath sent up hyr sone[226.3] and hise wyf to my Lord of
York to aske grace for a schireve the next yer, Stapilton, Boleyn, or
Tyrel, qui absit. God send zow Ponyng, W. P., W. Rokewode, or Arblaster.
Ze haf myche to done; Jesu spede zow. Ze haf many good preyers, what of
the covent, cyte, and cuntre. God safe our good Lords, Warwik, alle hise
brether, Salisbury, &c., fro al fals covetyse and favour of extorcyon,
as they wil fle uttyr schame and confusyon. God save hem, and preserve
fro treson and poyson; lete hem be war her of for the pite of God; for
yf owt come to my Lord Warwik but good, far weel ze, far weel I, and al
our frends! for be the weye of my sowle, this lond wer uttirly on done,
as God forbede. Her [_their_] enmyes bostyn with good to come to her
favour; but God defende hem, and zeve hem grace to knowe her frends fro
her enmyes, and to cherisch and preferr her frends and lesse the myte of
alle her enmyes thorw owt the schiris of the lond. And [_i.e._ if] my
good Lord Warwik, with my Lord his brother Chaunceler[226.4] and my Lord
her fadyr[226.5] woldyn opposyn, as dede Danyel, Fortesku, Alisaunder,
Hody, Doctor Aleyn, Heydon, and Thorp, of the writyng made be hem at
Covyntre Parlement, they schuld answer wers than sub cino or sub privo
(?), and this generaly wold I sey at Powlys Cros, etc., and [_i.e._ if]
I schuld come there, &c. It is verifyed of hem, 1º Jeremiæ, 8º, _Vere
mendacium operatus est stilus mendax scribarum_, &c. And think of two
vers of zour Sawter, _Scribantur hæc in generatione altera_ (hujus
scilicet parliamenti) _et populus qui creabitur laudabit
Dominum_,[227.1] &c. _Deleantur etiam tales perversi scriptores de libro
viventium et cum justis non scribantur._[227.2] Et non plura, sed vos,
vestros et vestra conservet Jesus graciose in prosperis et graciosius
dirigat in agendis.

Ex Norwico, feria quarta,[227.3] nuncio festinante.

And I prey zow for Godds sake to be good mayster to Jon Lyster, &c. And
I prey zow think, in this Parlement, of the text of Holy Scripture,
_Quicunque fecerit contra legem Dei et contra legem Regis judicium fiet
de eo, vel in condemnationem substantiæ ejus, vel in carcerem, vel in
exilium, vel in mortem_ (Primo Esdræ, vij., et parti 2º Esdræ 8º).

    [Footnote 226.1: [From Fenn, iii. 382.] This letter appears to
    have been written just before the sitting of the Parliament of
    October 1460, of which John Paston was a member. Warwick’s
    brother was then Chancellor. No signature is attached to this
    letter in Fenn’s literal copy, although the name is appended to
    the modern transcript.]

    [Footnote 226.2: Alice, widow of William, Duke of Suffolk.]

    [Footnote 226.3: John de la Pole, second Duke of Suffolk. He
    married Elizabeth, the Duke of York’s daughter.]

    [Footnote 226.4: George Nevill, Bishop of Exeter.]

    [Footnote 226.5: Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury.]

    [Footnote 227.1: Psalm ci. (or cii.) 18.]

    [Footnote 227.2: Psalm lxviii. (or lxix.) 28.]

    [Footnote 227.3: ‘Feria quarta’ means Wednesday.]


416

FRIAR BRACKLEY TO [JOHN PASTON]

[Sidenote: 1460 / [OCT.]]

Jesus, Maria, &c. Reverende domine, si contingat ut sitis Londoniæ hoc
termino in principio parliamenti, hæc poteritis in secretis dicere
domino Warwik ac domino Cancellario, quomodo Johannes W.[227.4] apud
Felbrigg jacet cum manu forti contra pacem domini Regis et patriæ, qui
quantum valere potest est hostis publicus et inimicus capitalis domini
Regis et suorum fidelium dominorum utilitatem rei publicæ et
communitatem Angliæ diligentium, pro quo taliter esset modo indilate et
cum omni festinacione possibili providendum quod esset commissio directa
sub pœna ligeanciæ et pœna mortis et privatione bonorum vicecomiti,
domino M. Stapilton, domino W. Chambirleyn, W. Yelverton justiciario, W.
Calthorp, Johanni Twyre, Johanni Geney, T. Gurnay, Johanni Fyncham,
Johanni Yelverton Juniori, Edmundo Bokyngham, Johanni Gros, Johanni Dam,
Johanni Lomenour, Jacobo Arblaster, T. Denys, ut assistant sub pœna
prædicta sex primis militibus et armigeris ad excitandum populum de
patria pro domino T. T.,[227.5] J. H.,[227.6] P. Wentworthe,
J. A.,[227.7] T. Danyel, H. Hunton, J. Wode, W. Prentys, S. Gunnor, H.
Todynham, Joh. Wyndham, Palmere Ballivo de Costsey, T. Brygge, et suis
complicibus subito et secretiori modo capiendo et versus London
adducendo cum manu forti, et in Turri vel Newgate firmiter cum Thorp de
Scacario carcere collocando, &c. Et tunc eorum clientes et eis
adhærentes non possent, ymmo nec auderent, nocere populo patriæ bonæ
disposicionis. Certe si in hac parte fideliter laborare in effectu
volueritis, dominus Comes Warwic, et omnes sibi et suis benivoli essent
vobis multiformiter obligati, et tunc esset in Norffolchia mansio
concors et valde pacificus. Utinam bona voluntas vestra non sit in hac
materia pigra, &c.

2º. Item, quod Episcopus Norwicensis esset in curia Regis ad tempus, vel
in parliamento omnino, quia hic parvum bonum facit, nisi supportando
iniquos et paci patriæ contrarios; est enim satis dives ad comprestandum
pecunias Regi in necessitate sua. Ipse enim cum ducissa Suff. et aliis
personis prænominatis sunt Reginæ et principi maxime favorabiles cum
totis suis viribus; et ideo maxime expediens est parti Regis et comitis
Warwic subtrahere, diminuere, et pocius opprimere, vires omnium illorum
prædictorum eis et suis continue malignantium ex adverso, &c.

3º. Item, vos et vestri præmunire poteritis, si placeat, Doctores Kyrry
et Godard quomodo fama communis hic volat continue per Boreales et eorum
fautores quod Regina ac sui firmiter statuerunt unanimi decreto ipsos
doctores et me non solum morti ignominiose tradere sed etiam generaliter
omnes Fratres Minores citra flumen Trent commorantes interfici facere.
Sed Magister Vergeant cum socio qui in sermonibus Reginam cum principe
solempniter recommendat et in suis missis Reginam nominatim specificat
per instanciam Ducissæ Suff. erit cum socio privilegiatus ab hac
punicione.

4º. Item, bonum esset quod juvenis dux Suff. cum suis militibus et
armigeris uteretur suis calcaribus et jam probaretur in bello cui esset
fidelis, an caro vel piscis. Si T. T. cum suis prius recitatis essent
unde memorati in parliamento a dominis et communibus, non dubium quin
puniti essent causatores insurrectionis falsorum Regis contra Comitem
Warwic apud pontem Westmonasterii, &c.

5º. Item, memorari dignetur dominus Comes Warwic quomodo T. T., J. H.,
J. A., et H. T.,[228.1] J. W. et cæteri gravissime comminantur priorem
Wals’ [Walsingham], &c.

6º. Item, caveant Comes Marchiæ et Comes Warwic ne quovis modo sit inter
eos controversia, sed sint omnino unanimes et concordes, nec aliqua
cupiditas consiliariorum suorum faveat alicui eorum adversario propter
lucrum bonorum in finalem deperdicionem ipsorum et amicorum suorum.

7º. Item, fiat per decretum parliamenti diminutio juris peritorum ac
legis attornatorum Suff. et Norff. punicioque taxata singulorum
oppressorum, generosos ac eorum liberos, nativosque tenentes cotidie et
annuatim gravissime infestancium.

8º. Continue ac continue cordialiter cogitate ac scrutinio diligenti
sæpius revolvite quomodo inimici vestri et adversarii antiqui, spiritu
rancoris et invidiæ maliciose agitati, nituntur pro posse suo, et totis
viribus, vos, et vostros vobis benevolos funditus destruere et finaliter
deperdere, quod absit omnino; quare ex naturali legis dictamine potestis
et debetis vim vi volenter ac potenter reprimere ac repellere et eorum
maliciis inveteratis virili congressu rigorose resistere, quia minus
malim incomparabiliter videtur existere quod eorum obstinata malicia
potestate politica sit diminuta et quasi dejecta quam vos et vestri
affines, propinqui et amici essetis nimis depauperati, et quasi, quod
absit, finaliter abjecti.

    [Footnote 227.4: John Wyndham.]

    [Footnote 227.5: Sir Thomas Tuddenham.]

    [Footnote 227.6: John Heydon.]

    [Footnote 227.7: John Andrews. _See_ p. 222.]

    [Footnote 228.1: Henry Tuddenham.]

  [[Sidenote: 1460 / [OCT.] _closing bracket missing or invisible_]]

  [[propinqui et amici essetis nimis depauperati
    _text has “propinuqi”_]]


417

FRIAR BRACKLEY TO JOHN PASTON[229.1]

_Reverendo magistro meo et amico singulari Johanni Paston armigero
detur._

[Sidenote: 1460 / OCT. (?)]

Jhesus, Maria, Raphael, Johannes Baptista, Johannes Ewangelista,
Franciscus Guardianus, cum Sanctis omnibus, succurant mæstis in
tribulationibus. Amen. Præcordialissime domine et amice maxime
singularis, Omissis pro præsenti vestri gratitudinis beneficiis mihi
sæpius impensis, me humilime vestræ reverenciæ recommendo. Pensetis,
quæso, cum omni festinatione possibili instabilem virum, utinam
Hibernicum[229.2] non ingratissimum, cujus nacionis aliquales
proprietates sunt istæ:--animo sæva, vultu ferox, torva affatu,
versupellis moribus et inconstancia in omnibus bonis viis suis; qui
inter cætera magistro Clementi retulit quod expensæ annuales magistri
Johannis Fastolff, bonæ memoriæ, secundum fidelem compotum se extendunt
omni anno ad octingentas marcas in Norfolch et Suffolch, &c., et quod
idem miles vobiscum faciens pactum pro iiij. M^l, &c., fuit purus
fatuus; et quod idem vobis donatoriam literarum faciens fuit major
fatuus, &c., et quod idem Hibernicus scit deteriorare, et diminuere bona
militis ad summam viginti m^l marcarum, &c. Ob reverentiam Jhesu
Christi, cavete quod impediatur omnino a suscipiendo onus testamenti
quousque verum et integrum compotum reddiderit de defuncti bonis per eum
receptis tot annorum evolutis et transactis curriculis, &c. Item, quod
non vendat nec alienet maneria, terras, tenementa cum pertinentiis, nec
commutat jocalia nec evidenciales literas, nec pecunias per vestrum
germanum, W. P., et per ipsum receptas London, Bermondyseye, &c., cum
jam sciat de multis ubi sunt, &c. Videtur mihi, salvo saltem vestro
meliori judicio, quod de aliis personis et locis est cum omni celeritate
possibili prudenter providendum et politice, ne idem W. W. oculis luscus
et denigrato colore, in facie fuscus, sit cum W. Yelverton judice
confederatus, et per Ducem Exoniæ satis tiranizantem supportatus et per
suos complices, &c. Sapienti loquor; nam philosophorum princeps ait
‘Cave ab hiis quos natura signavit’; et metrice dicitur:

  ‘Nam fallax faciens mens, mores ac pariformes
  Concludunt mutuo quod sit quasi fraudis ymago.’

Dixi vobis quod non esset pro vobis nec vestris utile in W. W. aliquam
confidentiam gerere. Post vestrum didici recessum in 4^or nostri
collegii famulis duplicibus et falsis cum omni perfidia contra
voluntatem militis et ejus executores iniquitatis vinculo confederatis
et astrictis, scilicet Colino Gallico, coquinæ clerico, W. W., militis
secretario et W. Eton; nunc in promptuario propter Jhesum Christum
deleantur de libro vertuose et unanimiter viventium et a modo cum justis
nequaquam conscribantur, &c. Est vulgare proverbium ‘Accordyng to ryte
reson that to oftyn it is in ceson, that in trust is gret treson.’ Ideo
cavete quod Sapiens dicit ‘Qui cito credit, levis est corde.’[230.1] Et
audite scripturæ sacræ sententiam ‘A malo inquit consiliario serva
animam tuam,’[230.2] &c. Nam alibi Sapientis proclamat eloquium: ‘Non
est sapientia, non est prudentia, non est consilium contra
Dominum.’[230.3] Hæc ibi. In alienis negociis velox, nec vivax erit, qui
in propriis causis piger existit. Rogo attendite et menti imprimite
diligenter quod revolvite quomodo poteritis resistere homini tam
perverso noxam volenti et nocumentum executoribus inferre. Mens mea
particulam evangelii retinet: ‘Si in viridi ligno hoc faciunt in arido
quid fiet?’[230.4] Quasi diceret, si iste W. W. executorum ultimus et
merito novissimus et per vestram et magistri Thomæ Howes diligenciam
inscriptus tantam proterviam gerit, in hoc quasi exordio, quid in fine
maliciose sit facturus? Hoc penitus ignoro. Deo vos vestros et vestra
commendo et præsentem causam. Recommendetis me si placeat
recommendandis, &c. Scriptum festinanter, hora prima post prandium.
W. B., lator præsentis, intendit vobis si placeat humilime et verissime
servitorum. Ex Castre in die Sabbathi.

Vester ad vota promptissimus,

  FRATER J. B., Minorum minimus.

    [Footnote 229.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 158.] This letter appears
    to be holograph. If we are right that it was written just before
    No. 418, we may place it early in October 1460.]

    [Footnote 229.2: _See_ p. 213.]

    [Footnote 230.1: Eccles. xix. 4.]

    [Footnote 230.2: _Ibid._ xxxvii. 9 (8).]

    [Footnote 230.3: Prov. xxi. 30.]

    [Footnote 230.4: Luke xxiii. 31.]


418

FRIAR BRACKLEY TO JOHN PASTON[231.1]

_Venerando suo magistro, Johanni Paston._

_Jesus, &c._

[Sidenote: 1460]

Reverende domine, &c. Propter Deum caveatis a confidentia in illo nigro
Hibernico[231.2] oculis obliquo et lusco, qui utinam corde, ore et opere
non esset obliquior; qui heri misit literam Colino Gallico; de quibus
dicitur quod singuli caccant uno ano. Et parvus Adam hodie portavit (?)
magistro suo responsum. Idem enim luscus dicit vos esse cupidissimum,
quia multum afflixistis debitores patris vestri, persequendo eos cum
omni rigore, &c. Item dicit quod cum pater vester fuerit judex
ditissimus, quasi nihil fecistis pro eo in distribuendo elemosinam pro
anima ejus, et cum nihil feceritis pro patre vestro, quomodo pro
magistro Fastolf aliquid facietis? Item dicit ‘Utinam fuissem in morte
magistri mei, quia in me ultra omnes homines mundi maxime confisus est,’
&c. Item dicit quod in hora qua obiit magister suus, obviavit sibi unus
albus bubo, qui eodem tempore juxta unam ecclesiam continuo clamavit
mirabiliter et volavit sæpius iteratis vicibus sub equo suo inter tibias
equi sui &c. Item dixit cuidam fratri conventus mei, ‘Magister Brakle
accipit super se magnum regimen, &c., et certe, si pecunia legata in
ultima voluntate suis servientibus non fuerit in larga habundancia
distributa, erit ad magnum dedecus et verecundiam personæ meæ,’ &c.
Utinam caveritis ita bene de eo sicut ego cavebo, quia cum sit filius
Hibernicus, ego de eo semper minus curabo. Ipse vellet habere bona ex
parte sua, &c. Deo teste non fecit (?)[232.1] vos magistri sui, &c. Hæc
omnia et plura dixit idem miser magistro Clementi, a quo hæc omnia et
plura didici &c. Item dicit quod vos timetis adire locum parliament quia
non vultis præstare pecunias Regi nec Reginæ et aliis; et ideo pigritia
vestra in hoc passu erit bonis mortui satis nociva, &c. Ego tot et tanta
audivi de illo quod, per Deum, nunquam confidam in illo, &c.; est enim
miser multum malencolicus et in toto colericus, et, salva patientia
vestra, reddat compotum de singulis antequam capiat onus testamenti, &c.

Judex[232.2] cras venturus est, &c., et sicut se hic gerit vestra
caritas notitiam habebit, &c. Rogo detis mihi licentiam recedendi ad
conventum Norwici, ad mutandum vestimenta mea propter sudores, &c., et
ad studendum pro sermone, &c., ad honorem Dei, &c., qui vos vestros et
vestra salvet in sæcula. Amen.

  Vester orator,

  FRATER J. B.

_On the back:_--Item dixit magistro Clementi quod ipse non vult esse
Frere, veni mecum, nec canta secum, nec Dacok, nec facok, nec Frater,
lava pedes, &c. Item dicit vos instruxisse magistrum suum contra eum de
auferendo evidencias, &c., et ipse plures labores habuit pro eo quam vos
vel aliquis alius, &c. Custodite literam ultimo a me vobis missam, &c.
Utinam Upton et ipse essent extra locum, &c., quia hic fiunt
consumptiones maximæ, &c.

  _Endorsed in a 16th century hand:_-- A lettre much dispraising
  W. Wircester, from Doctor Brakley.

    [Footnote 231.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter appears by
    the contents to have been written about the beginning of the
    Parliament of 1460, to which it would seem Paston did not
    immediately repair to take his place, thus giving occasion to an
    insinuation that he did not wish to be called upon to vote money
    for the King and Queen.]

    [Footnote 231.2: _See_ p. 213.]

    [Footnote 232.1: The word is ‘ft’ in the MS. And to make sense
    of the passage, I must suppose another word to be omitted. ‘Non
    fecit vos _amicum_ magistri sui,’ _i.e._ he did not make you out
    to be any friend of his master.]

    [Footnote 232.2: William Yelverton.]


419

CHRISTOPHER HANSSON TO JOHN PASTON[233.1]

_To the right worshipfull Sir and Maister, John Paston, Escuier, at
Norwiche, be this delyvered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1460 / OCT. 12]

Right worschipfull Sir and Maister, I recomaund me un to you. Please you
to wete, the Monday after oure Lady Day[233.2] there come hider to my
maister ys place,[233.3] my Maister Bowser, Sir Harry Ratford, John
Clay, and the Harbyger of my Lord of Marche, desyryng that my Lady of
York[233.4] myght lye here untylle the comyng of my Lord of York and hir
tw sonnys, my Lorde George[233.5] and my Lorde Richard,[233.6] and my
Lady Margarete[233.7] hir dawztyr, whiche y graunt hem in youre name to
ly here untylle Mychelmas. And she had not ley here ij. dayes but sche
had tythyng of the londyng of my Lord at Chestre. The Tewesday next
after, my Lord sent for hir that sche shuld come to hym to Harford
[_Hereford_], and theder sche is gone. And sythe[233.8] y left here
bothe the sunys and the dowztyr, and the Lord of Marche comyth every day
to se them.

Item, my Lord of York hath dyvers straunge commissions fro the Kyng for
to sitte in dyvers townys comyng homward; that is for to sey, in Ludlow,
Schrrofysbury, Herford, Leycetre, Coventre, and in other dyvers townys,
to punych them by the fawtes to the Kyngs lawys.

As for tythyngs here, the Kyng is way at Eltham and at Grenewych to hunt
and to sport hym there, bydyng the Parlement, and the Quene and the
Prynce byth in Walys alway. And is with hir the Duc of Excestre and
other, with a fewe mayne, as men seythe here.

And the Duc of Somerset he is in Depe [_Dieppe_]; withe hym Maister John
Ormound, Wyttyngham, Andrew Trollyp, and other dyvers of the garyson of
Gyanys, under the Kyng of Fraunce safcondyte, and they seythe here, he
porpose hym to go to Walys to the Quene. And the Erle of
Wyltschyre[234.1] is stylle in pece at Otryght at the Frerys [_Friars_],
whiche is seyntwary.

Item, Colbyne ys come home to my maister is place, and seyth that, at
your departyng[234.2] ouzt of London, ze send hym word that he schuld
come hedder to the place, and be here un tylle your comyng a zene; and
so he is here it, and seith he wolle take no maister but be your avyce,
nether the leese [_nevertheless_] awaytythe uppon Maister Oldhall the
most parte at Redre[234.3] at his place.

Item, Maister Ponyngs hathe enteret on an two or iij. placys uppon the
Erle of Northomberlond, and he stondyth in good grace of the Kyng, my
Lord of Marche, my Lord Warwyk, and my Lord of Salysbury. Most parte of
the contre abought his lyflod hold aythe withe hym. And my maisteras
your sister[234.4] is not delyverd as yet; God yef hir god delyveraunce.

No more to you at this tyme, but and ze wolle comaund me any servyce y
may doo, it is redy. And Jesu have you in his blessid kepyng; and I
beseche you this letter may comaund me to my maisteras your moder, and
my maisteras your wyfe, and alle your houshold.

Wreten at London the xij. day of Octobre.

  Your owne Servaunt,

  CHRISTOFER HANSSON.

    [Footnote 233.1: [From Fenn, i. 198.] This letter must have been
    written in the year 1460, when the Duke of York came over from
    Ireland, his party having been victorious at the battle of
    Northampton, and gained possession of the King’s person.]

    [Footnote 233.2: The Nativity of Our Lady is on the 8th
    September. The Monday following was in this year the 15th.]

    [Footnote 233.3: Probably Sir John Fastolf’s place in
    Southwark.]

    [Footnote 233.4: Cecily, Duchess of York.]

    [Footnote 233.5: Afterwards Duke of Clarence.]

    [Footnote 233.6: Afterwards Richard III.]

    [Footnote 233.7: Afterwards Duchess of Burgundy.]

    [Footnote 233.8: The modern version in Fenn reads: ‘And she hath
    left here.’]

    [Footnote 234.1: James Butler, Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond.]

    [Footnote 234.2: Paston must have left London and gone to
    Norwich not long before the Parliament, which began on the 7th
    October; and, as we have already observed, he did not return in
    time for its commencement.]

    [Footnote 234.3: Redriff or Rotherhithe.]

    [Footnote 234.4: Elizabeth, wife of Robert Poynings. --_See_ No.
    406, p. 217.]


420

ABSTRACT[235.1]

ROBERT CALL TO [JOHN PASTON].

[Sidenote: 1460(?) / OCT. 17]

Has delivered the horse-litter to Robert Lynne according to his message.
Cannot get a farmer for Mauteby. Sends John Deye. He will not pass one
combe barley for an acre. He has fourteen acres ‘reasonably well dight
to sow on wheat.’ None will take the close at Mauteby at the price
agreed upon with Calle by Lynne and Robert Butler.

Caister, St. Luke’s Eve.

_P.S. on the back, unimportant._

  [From what is said in Margaret Paston’s letter of the 20th October
  following about the lands at Maultby being unlet, this may perhaps
  have been written in the same year three days earlier.]

    [Footnote 235.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


421

THOMAS PLAITER TO JOHN PASTON[235.2]

_To my rygth worchipfull and my good maister, John Paston, Esquyer, in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1460 / [OCT.]]

Rygth worchipfull and my most speciall synguler good maister, I recomend
me to you, besechyng your maistership not to be dysplesed with my long
taryans, and also to take it to no gref thou it were long or I wrot to
you; for in good feyth I wend my self with in sevenygth after Seynt
Feythesmesse[235.3] to have ben at London, and for asmoche as
Suthwell[235.4] desyred me to tarye for evydens gevyng, &c. I promysed
hym so to do and tarye tyll the Munday after Seynt Feythesmesse, or tyll
the Tewysday sevenyth after at the ferthest, and at tho dayes I hard no
word fro hym. And so uppon the Thursday after had I word that the
under-eschetour schuld sytte at Ocle[236.1] the Tewysday after Seynt
Luce;[236.2] and so I tarye as yette, and trust verely to be with you
the Saterday at the ferthest after Seynt Luce. Item, Sir, if my Maister
of the Rolles[236.3] be not come, I trust to God to com tydely i now, as
for the traversys; and if ye besi you to the innyng ther of or I com,
Richard Ley schall delyver hem you, if ye send to hym for it; for I left
hem with hym to gete hem in if he mygth, and promysed hym a reward for
his labour. Item, my maistres[236.4] and all folkes be heyll and mery,
blyssed be Jesu, ho have you in his blyssed governans and proteccion.

  By your,

  THOMAS PLAITER.

    [Footnote 235.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The writer of this
    excuses his delay in coming to London, as he had been asked to
    stay and give evidence before the under-escheator, who was to
    sit at Acle on Tuesday after St. Luke’s Day. This refers to the
    inquisition on the lands of Sir John Fastolf, which was taken at
    Acle on that day in 1460.]

    [Footnote 235.3: St. Faith’s Day is on the 6th of October.]

    [Footnote 235.4: Richard Southwell, Escheator of Norfolk.]

    [Footnote 236.1: Acle in Norfolk.]

    [Footnote 236.2: St. Luke’s Day is the 18th October. The Tuesday
    after it was the 21st in 1460.]

    [Footnote 236.3: Thomas de Kirkeby.]

    [Footnote 236.4: Margaret Paston.]


422

THOMAS PLAITER TO JOHN PASTON[236.5]

_To my maister, John Paston, Esquyer._

[Sidenote: 1460 / [OCT. 21]]

A[fter] my most speciall recomendacion, like your maisterchip wete that
the office[236.6] is taken at Ocle in lyke forme as Suthwell[236.7] can
schew you, for Fraunceys Costard hath sent it hym, and the jentylmen
that passed uppon the office wold fynd nor medyll nouther with the
tenurs nor ho is next here [_heir_]. Wherfor if ye wol have other wyse
found, Fraunceys Costard hath under take it, but it schal not be by
suche men of worchip [as] is yn this. Item, the under-chryf was at Ocle,
and ded and sayd to the jentylmen al that ever he cowde to the lette of
the matter. And as for Suffolk, I understand they have no warant, so I
tarye as yet what cas that ever falle. And if ye wold that I tarye not,
that it lyke you by the brynger her of to send me hasty wurd.

I send you the names of the jure here in.

  Your,

  THOMAS PLAITER.

_On a separate paper formerly enclosed in the preceding is the following
List:_--

_Jurati pro Domino Rege._[237.1]

  Willelmus Rokewood, armiger, jur’.
  Johannes Berney, armiger, jur’.
  Radulphus Lampytte, armiger, jur’.
  Johannes Byllyngford, armiger, jur’.
  [Jacobus Arblaster, armiger, jur’.][237.2]
  Willelmus Deymayne, armiger, jur’.
  Willelmus Dawbeney, armiger, jur’.
  Willelmus Julles, jur’.
  Christofre Norwiche, jur’.
  Thomas Holler, jur’.
  Johannes Berkyng, jur’.
  Robert Bryghtlede, jur’.
  Robertus Spany, jur’.
  Johannes Bernard, jur’.
  Rogerus Iryng, jur’.
  Robertus Townesende.
  Johannes Grygges de Ranworth, jur’.
  Robertus Regestre, jur’.
  Johannes Maunvyle, jur’.
  Willelmus Rysyng.
  Johannes Doke.
  Robertus Jekkes, jur’.
  Johannes Why[te].
  Henr[icus] . . . ratte.
  Car[ol]us Barker.
  Johannes Cappe.
  Thomas Paternoster.

    [Footnote 236.5: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter must have
    been written immediately after the taking of the inquisition
    referred to in the preceding. The list of the jury who took it
    is on a separate paper found apart from this letter, in which it
    was enclosed. The names of those indicated as sworn are
    identical with those on the official record (Inquisitions
    _post-mortem_, 38 and 39 Hen. VI., No. 48), but seven additional
    names are included, besides one that is struck out.]

    [Footnote 236.6: The inquisition. --_See_ p. 199, Note 2.]

    [Footnote 236.7: Richard Southwell. --_See_ p. 191.]

    [Footnote 237.1: This is a panel of the jury drawn up before the
    inquisition was taken. The heading and the word ‘jur’’ opposite
    the names of those sworn have been added afterwards.]

    [Footnote 237.2: This name is scored out with the pen.]


423

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[238.1]

_To my ryth worchepfull husbond, Jon Paston, be thys delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1460 / OCT. 21]

Ryth worchepfull husbonde, I recomand me to yow. Plesyth it yow to weet
that I receyvyd yowyr letter that ye sent me by Nycolas Colman on Sonday
last past. And as for the mater that ye desyiryd me to breke of to my
cosyn Rokwode, it fortunyd so that he came to me on Sonday to dyner sone
aftyr that I had yowyr letter; and when we had dynyd, I mevyd to hym
ther of in covert termys, as Playter shall informe yow eraftyr. And as I
thowt by hym, and so ded Playter also by the langwage that he had to us,
that he wold be as feythfull as he kowd or myte be to that good Lorde
that ye wrot of, and to yow also, in ony thynge that he kowde or myte do
in case wer that he wer set in offyse, so that he myth owte do; and ther
to he seyd he wolde be bownde in a m^l. _li._ [£1000] and he was so
myche worthe.

As for the todyr that ye desyiryd I scholde meve to of the same mater,
me semyth he is to yonge to take ony swhyche thyngys up on hym; and also
I knowe veryly that he scholl never love feythfully the todyr man that
ye desyiryd that he schuld do, for when he rem[em]bryth the tyme that is
paste, and ther for I spak not to hym ther of.

Thys day was holde a gret day at Okyll[238.2] befor the undyr schreve
and the undyr exchetor, for the mater of Syr Jon Fastolfys londys; and
ther was my cosyn Rookwod and my cosyn Jon Berney of Redham, and dyvers
odyr jentylmen and thryfty men of the contre; and the mater is well sped
aftyr your intent (blyssyd be God!) as ye schall have knowlage of in
hast.

I suppose Playter schall be with yow on Sonday or on Monday next comyng,
if he may. Ye have many good prayers of the poer pepyl that God schuld
sped yow at thys Parlement, for they leve in hope that ye schold helpe
to set a wey that they myte leve in better pese in thys contre thane
they have do befor, and that wollys schold be purveyd for, that they
schuld not go owt of thys lond as it hathe be suffryd to do be for, and
thane schall the poer pepyll more leve bettyr thane they have do by her
ocwpacion ther in.

Thomas Bone hathe salde all yowyr wole her for xx_d._ a stone, and goode
swerte fownd to yow ther for, to be payid a Myhellmas next comyng; and
it is solde ryth well aftyr that the wole was, for the moste part was
ryte febyll. Item, ther be bowt for yow iij. horse at Seynt Feythys
feyer, and all be trotterys, ryth fayir horse, God save hem, and they be
well kepyd. Item, your myllys at Heylysdon be late [_let_] for xij.
marke, and the myller to fynde the reparacion; and Rychard Calle hathe
let all yowyr londys at Caster; but as for Mawtby londys, they be not
let yet. Wylliam Whyte hathe payid me a geyne thys daye hys x._li._, and
I have mad hym a qwetans ther of, be cause I had not hys oblygacion.

Ther is gret talkyng in thys contre of the desyir of my Lorde of
York.[239.1] The pepyll reporte full worchepfully of my Lord of Warwyk.
They have no fer her but that he and othyr scholde schewe to gret favor
to hem that have be rewyllers of thys contre be for tyme.

I have done all yowyr erandys to Syr Thomas Howes that ye wrote to me
for. I ame rythe glade that ye have sped welle in yowyr materys be twyx
Syr Fylyp Wentworthe and yow, and so I pray God ye may do in all othyr
materys to hys plesans. As for the wrytyngys that ye desyirid that
Playter schulde sende yow, Rychard Call told me that they wer at Herry
Barborys, at the Tempyll gate.

The mayir[239.2] and the mayires sent hedyr her dynerys thys day, and
Jon Dame came with hem, and they dynyd her. I am beholde to hem, for
they have sent to me dyvers tymys sythe ye yed hense. The meyr seyth
that ther is no jentylman in Northefolk that he woll do more for than he
wole for yow, if it laye in hys poer to do for yow. J. Perse is stylle
in prisone, but he wolle not confese more thane he ded when ye wer at
home. Edmond Brome was with me, and tolde me that Perse sent for hym for
to come spek with hym, and he tolde me that he was with hym and examynyd
hym, but he wold not be a knowe to hym that he hade no knowlage wher no
goode was of hys masterys more thane he hade knowlageyd to yow. He tolde
me that he sent for hym to desyir hym to labor to yow and to me for hym
if ye had be at home; and he tolde me that he seyd to hym ayen that he
wold never labor for hym but [_unless_] he myth know that he wer trwe to
hys mastyr, thow it lay in hys power to do ryth myche for hym. I suppose
it schulde do none harme thow the seyd Perse wer remevyd ferther. I pray
to Gode yeve grace that the trowthe may be knowe, and that the dede may
have part of hys owne goode. And the blissyd Trinyte have yow in Hys
kepyng.

Wretyn in hast at Heylysden the Tuesday next aftyr Seynt Lwke.

  Be yowyrs,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 238.1: [From Fenn, iv. 194.] Reference is made in this
    letter, as in the preceding, to the holding of the inquisition
    on Sir John Fastolf’s lands at Acle, which was on Tuesday the
    21st October 1460, the day this letter was written.]

    [Footnote 238.2: Acle, in Norfolk.]

    [Footnote 239.1: The claim made by Richard, Duke of York, to the
    Crown in Parliament on the 17 October 1460.]

    [Footnote 239.2: John Gilbert, Mayor of Norwich.]


424

PIERS TO MARGARET PASTON[240.1]

_To myn right reverent and worchipphull Maisterez Paston, be this
delivered._

[Sidenote: 1460]

Right reverent and wurchippfull maisteres, I recomaunde me un to yow,
beseching yow of your good maisteresshipp to be myn good maisteres to
help wit your gracious woord un to myn right reverent and wurchipphull
maister and your to take of me, his pore presoner and your, suerte
queche I xall fynd to be bounde for me to brynge me un to all answere,
in to the tyme that myn maister and ze have dimisse me wit myn suerte.
And bescheche your good maistereschipp to prey myn mayster that he will
yeve yow lycense wit his wurchippfull counsaill and youre, in case that
myn maister may nout tarie, that ze in his absence may take myn seid
suerte. And if it please his heyghnesse and youre, that I may have
answere ayene be the bryngere of this, and here up I xall send for myn
suertes, queche I trust in Good xul be to your plesure. No more att this
tyme. I prey God evyr have yow in kepyng.

  Be your pore presonere,

  PIERS, sum tyme the servaunt of

  John of Berneye.

    [Footnote 240.1: This and the letter following appear to have
    been written by the prisoner spoken of in the end of Margaret
    Paston’s letter immediately preceding. We have accordingly
    placed them here as belonging to the same period, though from a
    subsequent letter (No. 462) we may rather surmise that this
    first of the two was written in 1461.]


425

PERSE TO SIR ROBERT ROKESBY[241.1]

_To my right worschipfull Sir, Robert Rokysby._

[Sidenote: 1460]

Ryght wurshipfull Sir, I recomaunde me to you, besechyng you, of your
goode mastership, that ye wol wechesafe to speeke to Richard Kowven that
he myght brynge me or sende me the money that is betwen hym and me in
all the haste that he maye, for in goode feythe I hadde never more neede
for to have help of my goode as I have at this tyme, for, Godwot, it
stonde right straunge with me; for the false chayler that kepeth me
entretethe me worse thanne it weere a dogge, for I am feterid worse
thanne ever I whas, and manacled in the hands by the daye and nyght, for
he is a feerde of me for brekyng a weye. He makethe false tales of me,
throw the means of a false qwene that was tendyng to a Frensheman that
is presoner to my Lord Roose,[241.2] and for be cause of that he bronde
me every day be John of Berney, that is goone to the tother
Lords;[242.1] but I truste to God oonys to qwite hys meede. And, Sir,
I thanke you mekel of that ye have doone for me or seide; and, Sir,
I shal deserve it a yenst yow, be the grace of God, for i’ feythe I am
be holden to you more thane to all men that ever I founde syn I cam in
preson.

No more to you at this tyme, but God have you in His kepyng.

  Be your servaunt and bedman,

  PERSE.

    [Footnote 241.1: [From Fenn, iii. 432.]]

    [Footnote 241.2: Thomas, Lord Roos. He fled to Scotland with
    Margaret of Anjou after the battle of Towton in 1461, and was
    beheaded at Newcastle after the battle of Hexham in 1464.]

    [Footnote 242.1: The Lords of the Duke of York’s party.]


426

FRIAR BRACKLEY TO JOHN PASTON[242.2]

_To the rite worshipful esqwyr, John Paston, be this presentid._

_Jesus, Maria, Johannes Baptista. Franciscus, cum Sanctis omnibus,
assistant vobis vestris in laboribus. Amen._

[Sidenote: 1460 / OCT. 24]

Worschipful and most interely bitrustid mayster and specyal frend, after
dute of al lowly recomendacyon, ze schal conceyve that I certefye zow
for trewthe. I comonyd late with a worschipful and a wele namyd, a good
thrifty man of this cuntre, whiche told me in secrete wyse that he herd
Doctor Aleyn seyn after the Parlement of Covintre[242.3] that yf the
Lords that tyme reynyng and now discessid myte haf standyn in governans,
that Fortesku the justise, Doctor Moreton, Jon Heydon, Thorp and he,
schuld be made for evir; and yf it turnyd to contrary wyse, it schuld
growe to her fynal confusyon and uttyr destruccyon; for why, the
parlyows [_perilous_] writing and the myschevous inditing was ymaginid,
contrivid, and utterly concludid by her most vengeable labour, &c., and
her most malicyows conspiracye ayens the innocent lords, knytis,
gentilis, and comonys, and alle her issu perpetuel, &c. And as I wrote
last to zour maysterschip the text of Jeremias cº 8º _Vere mendacium
operatus est stilus mendax scribarum_; it folwith in the same place,
_Confusi sunt sapientes, perterriti et capti sunt; verbum Domini
projecerunt, et sapientia nulla est in eis. Propterea dabo mulieres
eorum exteris; agros eorum hæredibus alienis, &c._ I wolde myn Lord
Chaunceler and my specyal Lord Erl, utinam Duke, of Warwyk, with al her
trewe affinyte, schuld remembre this text, which is Holy Scripture, &c.,
as I wold do by for the Kyng and hise Lords at the Cros;[243.1] for the
principil of this text hath be contynued in dayly experiens sithe bifore
the Parlement of Bury;[243.2] but the conclusyon of this text came never
zet to experiens, and that is gret rewthe. Consideret discretio vestra
singulorum annorum curricula, et percipietis tunc perplurima exempla de
dominorum fidelium atque communium morte satis injuriosa multiformiter
lamentanda discurrendo per singula. Ex paucis scit discretio vestra
perpendere plura, &c. Et ubi ego semel in ecclesia Pauli palam prædicavi
hunc textum, _Non credas inimico tuo in æternum_ (Ecc. 12º), et quidam
hujus regni doctor et episcopus, utinam non indignus, asseruit eundem
textum Scripturæ Sacræ non incorporatum, quid doctor Nicholaus de Lira
super eundem textum dicit, contra audietis, _Non credas, &c._, id est,
Nunquam credas ei quem probasti inimicum, &c. Sequitur in textu:--_Sicut
æramentum æruginat malicia illius_, id est, rubiginem odii servat
interius, licet contrarium ostendatur exterius. Ideo in textu
sequitur:--_Etsi humiliatus vadat corvus_ [_curvus_], tibi magnam
reverenciam exhibendo, _affirma, abice_ [_abjice_] _animum tuum ab illo,
nullo modo credendo ei, et custodi te ab illo. Non statuas illum penes
te_ (id est, ipsum tibi familiarem exhibendo); _ne conversus stet in
loco suo_ [should be _tuo_] te supplantando; _et in novissimo agnoscas
verba mea esse vera_, sed nimis tarde. Sequitur: _Quis miserebitur
incantatori a serpente percusso_, &c.; et qui comitatur cum viro iniquo
et obvolutus est in peccatis ejus? _Una hora tecum permanebit; si autem
declinaveris non supportabit. In labiis suis indulcat inimicus, et in
corde suo insidiatur, ut subvertat te in foveam. In oculis suis
lacrimatur inimicus, et si invenerit tempus non saciabitur sanguine. Si
incurrerint tibi mala [invenies] eum illic priorem_, &c. In finem rogo,
videte textum et postillatores super eodem, ex quibus potestis plane
considerare episcopum modernum aliquando Scripturam Sacram ignorare, &c.
Utinam dominorum fidelium provida discrecio amicorum dileccionem
sapienter sic pensaret quod inimicorum dileccionem nequaquam sic amaret,
ut inimicis mortalibus confidenciam exhiberet; quare ut prius sic
replico Jesu Sirach sanum et salubre consilium, _Non credas inimico tuo
in æternum_. Sapienti, non insipienti scribo. Plura habeo vestræ
reverentiæ scribere quæ jam non expedit calamo commendare. Uxor Johannis
Berney de Redham jam infra triduum peperit filium, &c. Magistra mea uxor
vestra sana est cum filiis vestris et filiabus ac tota familia.
Conventus noster inter cæteros habet statum vestrum specialissime
recommendatum in missis ac orationibus, consuetisque suffragiis; et cum
jam sitis in parliamento præsenti pro milite electo, uti vobis consulo
verbis Pauli Apostoli, _Labora sicut bonus miles Jesu Christi_;[244.1]
et alibi, Job utendo verbis, _Militia super terram est vita hominis_
(Job 7). _Viriliter igitur agite et confortetur cor vestrum quia
speratis in Domino_ (in Psalmo).[244.2] _Quis_, inquit Sapiens,
_speravit in Domino et confusus est, et permansit in mandatis Dei et
derelictus est?_[244.3] quasi diceret, nullus.

Ex Norwico feria sexta post festum Sancti Lucæ Evangelistæ.

  [_Not Signed._]

    [Footnote 242.2: [From Fenn, iii. 386.] This letter was clearly
    written after the battle of Northampton in 1460, by which the
    state of parties at the Parliament of Coventry in 1459 was
    exactly reversed.

    With regard to this and other letters of Dr. Brackley, the
    original editor, Sir John Fenn, has expressed a misgiving that
    he may in some instances have misread the contractions used in
    the Latin words. This was certainly the case in the present
    letter, in which misreadings have been corrected, and some
    passages supplied from the MS.]

    [Footnote 242.3: Held in December 1459.]

    [Footnote 243.1: Paul’s Cross.]

    [Footnote 243.2: In 1447.]

    [Footnote 244.1: 2 Tim. ii. 3.]

    [Footnote 244.2: Psalm xxx. (xxxi.) 24.]

    [Footnote 244.3: Eccles. ii. 11, 12 (v. 10 of our English
    version).]


427

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[245.1]

_To my ryth welbelovyd brodyr, Clement Paston, for to delyver to hys
brodyr Jon, in haste._

[Sidenote: 1460 / OCT. 29]

Ryth w[urshepfu]ll husbonde, I recomande me to yow. Plesyth yow to weet
that I receyvyd a lettyr on Seynt Symondys evyn and J[w]d, that came
frome Jon Paston,[245.2] in the wyche lettyr he wrot that ye desyryd
that I scholde do Jon Paston or Thomas P[layter] looke in the gret
standyng chyste in on of the gret canvas baggys whyche standyth ageyns
the lokk, for the copys of the fals inqwest of ofys that was fownde in
Northefolk, and for the kopy of the comyssyon that came to Jon Andrewys
and Fylpot and Heydon, and othyr thyngys towchynge the same mater,
I have do. Jon Paston sowte all iij. grete baggys in the seyd kofyr at
ryth good leyser, and he can non swhyche fynde. Plesyth it yow to
remembre ye sent me word in the fyrste lettyr that ye sent me, that ye
wolde that Playter scholde asent hem up to yow to London, and I schewyd
hym yowyr wryttyng howe that ye wrote to me ther in. I suppose be cawse
he purposyd to come up to London hym selve hastely, he sent yow none
answer ther of. Rychard Calle tolde me that alle swhyche thyngys were
lefte with Hery Barbore at the Tempyle Gate when the last terme was doo,
and soo I sent yow worde in a lettyr whyche was wretyn on the Twesday
next aftyr Seynt Looke,[245.3] and ther in was an answer of all the
fyrst lettyr that ye sent me. I sent itt yow by yonge Thomas Elys.
I sent yow anothyr lettyr by Playter, the whyche was wretyn on
Saterday[245.4] last past.

Item, I receyvyd a lettyr frome yow on Sonday,[245.5] of the wyche I
sent yow an answher of ma lettyr on Seynt Symondes Evyn and Jwde by
Edmunde Clere of Stokysby; and as sone as I hade the seyd lettyr on
Sonday, I sent to Syr Thomas Howes for the mater that ye desyryd that he
scholde inqwer of to Bokyng, and I sent a yene sethe to the seyd Syr
Thomas for to have knowlage of the same mater yestyrdaye, and I have non
answher of hym yet. He sent me worde he scholde do hys part there in,
but othyr answer have I none yet of hym. I sende yow in a canvase bage,
inselyd by Nycolas Colman, as many of Crystofyr Hansonys acomptys as Jon
Paston can fynde ther as [_where_] ye sent worde that they were. Rychard
Harbard recomawndyth hym to yow, and prayth yowe that ye wole wychesave
to remembre the lettyr that scholde be sent fro my Lorde of Warwyk to a
man of hys beyng at Lowystofete; and if it be not sent to hym, that it
plese yow to do purvey that it may be sent to hym in haste, if it maye
be, as to morow ther schall be keppyd a day at Bowunggey for Mastyr
Fastolfys londys be for the exchetore, and there schall be Wylliam
Barker and Rychard Call. Ye schall have knowlage in haste what schall be
do ther. And the blyssyd Trinite have yow in Hys kepyng.

Wretyn in haste at Norwyche on the Wednysday next aftyr Seynt Symond and
Jwde,

  Be yowyr

  M. P.

    [Footnote 245.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The date of this
    letter is ascertained by the statement at the end that, on the
    morrow, a ‘day’ was to be kept at Bungay for Fastolf’s lands.
    The inquisition on Fastolf’s lands in the county of Suffolk was
    held at Bungay on Thursday before All Saints, 39 Henry VI.,
    _i.e._ 30th October 1460.--(Inquisitions _post mortem_, 38 and
    39 Hen. VI., No. 48.)]

    [Footnote 245.2: The elder son of that name.]

    [Footnote 245.3: _See_ No. 423.]

    [Footnote 245.4: October 25th.]

    [Footnote 245.5: October 26th.]


428

SIR GEOFFREY BOLEYN TO JOHN PASTON, ESQ.[246.1]

_To my ryght wurschypfull Ser, John Paston, Esquyer._

[Sidenote: 1460(?) / DEC. 5]

Ryght wurschypfull Ser, after ryzth hertely recomendacion, lyke it yow
to wete that my Maister Fastolf, hoose sowle God asoyle, whan I bowth of
hym the maner of Blyclyng, consideryng the gret payment that I payed
therfor, and the yerly annuyte duryng his lyfe after his entent, was to
me gret charge; and the same tyme, in his place at Southwerk, by his
othe made on his primer ther, grauntted and promitted to me to have the
maner of Guton, with all the apportenaunce for a resonable pris afor ony
other man. And, Ser, as I understande ye be that person that my seid
maister, consideryng your gret wysdom, most trosted to have rewle and
dyreccion of his lyfelode and goodes,--and, Ser, trewly, yf I hed ben
nere unto yow, I wold have spoken to yow herof be for this tyme;
neverthelasse I wolde desyre and pray yow to schewe me yowr goode wyll
and favour in this by halve, wher inne ye schall dyscharge my seid
maistres sowle of his othe and promyse, and I schall do yow servyce in
that I can or maye to my power. And of yowr goode wyll and favour
herynne I pray yow to late me have wetyng, and I schall be redy to wayte
on yow at ony tyme and place wher ye wull assyne. And owr blysyd Lord
have yow in his kepyng.--Wret the v. day of Decembre.

  Be youer owyn,

  GEFFREY BOLEYN.[247.1]

    [Footnote 246.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter was
    probably written in the year 1460. It is evident some time had
    elapsed since Sir John Fastolf’s death, but as the subject was
    one which the writer wished to bring early before Paston’s
    notice, it is not likely that he allowed much more than a
    twelvemonth to pass by.]

    [Footnote 247.1: The subscription and signature only are in
    Boleyn’s hand.]


429

FRIAR BRACKLEY TO [JOHN PASTON][247.2]

[Sidenote: 1461(?) / JAN. (?)]

Jhesus help, Marye mercy, et Franciscus cum Sanctis subveniant defuncto
et suis in tribulationibus. Amen.

Præcordialissime in Jhesu Christo prædilecte, et omissis pro præsenti
singulis vestram amicabilem benevolentiam concernentibus, propter
quasdam materias mihi a fidedignis personis nuper relatas, &c.,
equitetis quam cito potestis secure pro corporis vestri conservatione.
Scitote quod commissionarius J. Heydon, vester ac meus capitalis
inimicus, Philippus Wentworth et J. Andrw malignantur maxime contra vos
et M. T. H.[248.1] et me et alios vestros. Et magister Clemens et ego
sequemur vos usque Colcestriam, ibidem expectando donec vos aliquem
nuncium de London illuc miseritis, et tunc ad vos veniemus cum duobus
vel tribus famulis nostro proposito necessariis, R. Botilere Matthaeo
Gowh vel Johanne Lore. Sumus nempe equestres pessimi, nec ascensum equi
seu descensum scientes, sed adjutorium ad minus duorum est nobis duobus
necessarium, &c. Certe si non esset aura tam contraria, et pluvialis
nimis, quare equitare est nobis omnino necessarium; aliter vere melius
profecissem pro me in itinere per ambulare quam per equitare.
W. Y.[248.2] judex cum omni consilio Johanni Heidon faciet contra vos et
me et M. T. H. quicquid potest; quare dicit Gregorius, ‘Minus jacula
feriunt quæ prævidentur.’ Si W. P., vester germanus, et T. Playtere, cum
associatis antecederent, plura percipere possent quæ jam non cognoscent,
&c., utinam velletis hoc instancia cordiali considerare in effectu.
Notate q. .[248.3] literam a me primo vobis scriptam de pigricia, &c.,
quanta mala proveniunt ex illa, &c., W. Rokewode est rogatus a W. Y.
judice ut faveat sibi et Tendale contra Wyndham armigerum pro manerio de
Felbrigge, cum pertinenciis, &c., et tunc scietur utrum J. H. favebit
Wyndham vel Judici, &c., cum ejus flatus olim calidus, olimque frigidus
existat, et aliquando nec calidus nec frigidus sed satis tepidus. Sed
oretis cum propheta, ‘Confundantur qui me persequuntur et non confundar
ego, paveant illi et non paveam ego; induc super eos diem affliccionis
et duplici contritione contere eos,’[248.4] domine Deus. Et Psalmista
ait ‘Averte mala inimicis meis et in veritate tua disperde illos’[248.5]
et sequentia. Et [super] inimicos meos despexit oculus meus. Valete in
Christo Jhesu. Scriptum festinantissime, feria vj^{a}. Recommendetis me
specialissime magistro T. H. et J. Berneye, &c.

  Vester ad vota,

  F. J. B.

    [Footnote 247.2: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 156.] This letter has no
    date, except that it was written on a Friday (_feria sexta_). It
    might, perhaps, be a little hazardous to date it Friday the 2nd
    January 1461, just after news of the defeat and death of the
    Duke of York reached Norfolk; but this date agrees well with the
    warning to John Paston to ride to London with all haste for his
    safety, which can hardly mean anything else than that the
    Lancastrian party, with their Norfolk supporters (several of
    whom, indeed, are expressly named here), were now sure to bear
    rule.]

    [Footnote 248.1: Magistrum Thomam Howys.]

    [Footnote 248.2: William Yelverton.]

    [Footnote 248.3: A contraction perhaps meant for _quandam_ and
    blurred. If so, it should have been struck out altogether; for
    the words _a me primo_ (which are an insertion in the margin)
    make the sense definite.]

    [Footnote 248.4: Jer. xvii. 18.]

    [Footnote 248.5: Ps. liii. (liv.) 5.]

  [[R. Botilere Matthaeo Gowh vel Johanne Lore
    _anomalous “ae” for “æ” unchanged_]]


430

CLEMENT PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[249.1]

_To hys rythe worchypfwll broder, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JAN. 23]

Rythe reverent and worchypfwl broder, I recomawnde to yow, certyfyyng
yow that yowr letter was delyveryd to me the xxiii. day of Januar
abowthe none seasson, and Rychard Calle rode in the mornyng, and therfor
I brak [_opened_] yowr letter, if ther wer any aftr mater; and I dede
Christofer Hauswan goo to my Lord of Cawnterbure[249.2] to tell him, as
yowr letter rehersyd, and my Lord seyd he hadde spokyn with yowr man
ther of the day be fore, and if the Byshop of Norwyche wod not doo so
mwche for him, he hys the les behold to him. Notwithstandyng, he sayd,
he wold save yow harmles agens John Yowng; but and ye do well remember
thys Lord have many maters to thynge on, and if it be forgeten, the harm
is yowrs, and also if the word [_world_] torn, John Yong will not doo at
hys prayer.

And my Lord Fitzwater[249.3] is ryden northewards, and it is sayd in my
Lord of Cawnterberys howse that he hethe takyn ij^c. [200] of Andrew
Troloppys[249.4] men. And as for Colt,[249.5] and Sir Jamys Strangwysse,
and Sir Thomas Pykeryng, they be takyn or ellys dede. The comyn voysse
is that they be de dede. Hopton[249.6] and Hastyngs[249.7] be with the
Erle of Marche, and wer no at the fewlde.[249.8] Wat word that ever he
have fro my Lords that be here, it is well doo, and best for yow, to see
that the contre be allweys redy to come bothe fote men and hors men,
qwen they be sent for; for I have herd seyde the ferthere Lords will be
here soner that men wen, I have arde sayde, er iij. weks to an ende; and
also that ye xwld come with more men, and clenlier arayed than anoder
man of yowr cwntre xwld, for it ly the more up on yowr worchyp, and
towcheythe yow more nere than odermen of that cwntre, and also ye be mor
had in favor with my Lords here. In this cwntre every man is well
wyllyng to goo with my Lords here, and I hope God xall helpe hem, for
the pepill in the northe robbe and styll, and ben apoyntyd to pill all
thys cwntre, and gyffe a way menys goods and lufflods in all the sowthe
cwntre, and that wyll ask a myscheffe. My Lords that ben here have as
moche as they may do to kep down all thys cwntre more than iiij. or v.
schers, for they wold be up on the men in northe, for it ys for the
welle of all the sowthe.

I pray yow recomawnde me to my moder, and that I prayed her of her
blyssyng. I pray yow exscwse me to her that I wryte her no letter, for
thys was y now a doo. I dare not pray yow to recomawnde me to my swster
yowr wyff, and the masenger I trow be so wysse he can not doyt. Ye mwst
pay him for hys labor, for he taryd all nyt in thys town for thys
letter.

Wrytyn the xxiij. day of Janware in haste, wan I was not well at hesse.
God have [you] in Hys keping.

  By CLEMENT PASTON,

  Yowr broder.

    [Footnote 249.1: [From Fenn, i. 202.] This letter appears to
    have been written after the battle of Wakefield, when the
    victorious army, led on by Margaret of Anjou, was marching
    southwards.]

    [Footnote 249.2: Archbishop Bourchier.]

    [Footnote 249.3: Sir John Radcliff of Attleborough, styled Lord
    Fitzwalter in right of his wife, only daughter and heiress of
    Walter Fitzwalter, seventh lord. This John was at the battle of
    Ferrybridge on the 29th March 1461, and died, probably of his
    wounds, on the 6th April following. --_See_ G. E. C.’s _Complete
    Peerage_.]

    [Footnote 249.4: Andrew Trollope, whose desertion of the Duke of
    York at Ludlow in 1459 caused the dispersion of the Yorkist
    leaders. He was killed at the battle of Towton in March 1461,
    fighting on the Lancastrian side.]

    [Footnote 249.5: Thomas Colt.--See _Rolls of Parliament_,
    v. 348.]

    [Footnote 249.6: Walter Hopton.--See _Rolls of Parliament_,
    v. 368.]

    [Footnote 249.7: William, son of Sir Leonard Hastings.--See
    _Rolls of Parliament_, _ib._]

    [Footnote 249.8: The battle of Wakefield.]


431

THE PRIOR OF BROMHOLM TO JOHN PASTON[250.1]

_Amicabili magistro nostro, Johanni Paston, armigero._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JAN. 31]

Ful reverend and worshipful, after all dewe reverence and
recommendacion, your pore Preste besecheth humble it plese your good
maystirship to understande be this simple bylle that on the Friday next
after the Feste of the Conversion of Seynt Poule laste paste I was at
your place at Castre to a tolde yow what answer I hadde of Sir Thomas
Howis, parson of Blofeld; and in as moche as ye wer not at hoom, I tolde
it to my mastras your wyfe; and God thanke her of her jentilnes, she
made me grete cher, and mor over a vysed me to sende yow a bille ther of
to Lundon. This was his answer, whan I had talked to hym as I cowde in
lyke wyse as ye averted me to do. He answered a geyn in these wordes,
‘Nere is my kyrtyl, but nerre [_nearer_] is my smok.’ And this was his
menyng that ye schulde be mor ner us and tender to us than he, and that
ye schulde rather owe us good wyl than he, and that we schulde labour
rather to yowr maystirship than to hym; and also that good that he had
to dispose he had be sette it, and of passel he tolde me he had
delyvered the Abbot of Langele fourescor li., wher of, as he seyd to me,
ye grutched and wer in maner displesed, not withstandyng ye seyd a geyn
to hym ye shulde geve as moche. And he seyd to me ye named the places
wher; and therfor he avysed me to labour effectualy to your good
maystirship, for ye mych [_might_] helpe us[251.1] wele. For he seyd ye
had moche good of the dede to dispose, what of your fader, God blisse
that sowle, what of Berney, and what now of his good Mayster Fastolfe.
And as for Sir John Fastolfe, on hoose soule Jesu have mercy! he seyd to
me ye had of his good four, four, and four mor than he in these same
termes with owte ony summe.

And after all oder talkyngs he tolde me he shulde be with yow at Lundon
hastyly, and that he wolde sey good worde to yow to releve our poor
place. Sir, I beseche bethe not displesed, for truly and I woste to have
your hevy maystership therfor, I had lever it had bene on thoght. And is
this that whan Sir Thomas Howes and ye be saunne at Lundon, we myght be
so in your good grace, that our place myght be broder to Langele, for
that shulde glade us mor than the commission that the Bysshop of Norwich
sente us on Thrusday laste paste to gader the dymes, for that is a
shrewde labour for us, a grete coste and a shrewe juparde.

Over mor that hy and myghty celestial Prince preserve yow body and
sowle, and sende yow coumforte of the Holy Goost wele to performe all
your hertis desir in all your materes to his plesaunce, and your
wurship, and solace to alle your welle wyllers.

Wretyn at Bromholm, on the Saturday next after the Feste of the
Conversion of Seynt Poule laste paste.

  From your Preste and Bedeman,

  JOHN, PRIOUR OF BROMHOLM.

    [Footnote 250.1: [From Fenn, iii. 404.] As executor to Sir John
    Fastolf, Paston must have taken possession of Caister soon after
    his death. The Duke of Norfolk, however, pretended a title to
    it, and, as we shall find hereafter, had dispossessed Paston by
    June 1461. This letter, dated on Saturday after the Feast of the
    Conversion of St. Paul, must therefore have been written in
    January 1461, as in 1460--the only other probable year--that
    feast (25th January) fell on Friday, and a letter written on
    Saturday after the feast would not have referred to the Friday
    after the same feast as a past date.]

    [Footnote 251.1: _us._ The word is _no_ in Fenn’s literal copy,
    which must be a misprint.]


432

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[252.1]

_A Lettre to J. Paston, ar., from his wife._[252.2]

[Sidenote: 1461 / MARCH 1]

Please it you to wytte that it is lete me witte by on that owith you
good wyll that there is leid awayte up on you in this cuntre, yf ye come
here at large, to bryng you to the presence of syyche a Lord in the
north as shall not be for your ease, but to jopardie of your lyf, or
gret and importable losse of your goods. And he that hath take up on hym
this enterprise now was undr-shireff to G. Sayntlowe. He hath gret
favour herto by the meanes of the sone of William Baxter that lyth
beryed in the Grey Freres; and, as it is reported, the seid sone hath
geve gret sylver to the Lords in the north to bryng the matier a bowte,
and now he and alle his olde felaweship put owt their fynnes, and arn
ryght flygge and mery, hopyng alle thyng is and shalbe as they wole have
it. Also it is tolde me that the fadr of the bastard in this cuntre seid
that now shuld this shire be made sewir for hym and his heires hens
forward, and for the Baxsteris heyres also, wherby I conceyve they
thynke that they have none enemy but you, &c.

Wherfor like it you to be the more war of your gydyng for your persones
saufgard, and also that ye be not to hasty to come in to this cuntre til
ye here the world more sewer. I trowe the berar of this shall telle more
by mowthe, as he shall be enfourmed of the rewell in this cuntre. God
have yow in His kepyng.

Wretyn in hast, the secund Sunday of Lent by candel light at evyn.

  By yours, &c.

  M.

    [Footnote 252.1: [From Fenn, iii. 412.] ‘This letter,’ says
    Fenn, ‘has no direction, and lest it should be opened, the paper
    which fastens the seal is, along the edge, marked with lines by
    a pen, which communicate with the latter (_qu._ with the
    _letter_?), by which means the receiver might easily have
    discovered any attempts to have opened it, as the lines would
    not then have exactly coincided again. On the back of it, but in
    a later hand, is written, “A lettre to J. Paston, ar., from his
    wife.”’

    Fenn considers, I think with great probability, that this letter
    was written ‘just before the important crisis that finished
    Henry’s reign, and placed Edward on the throne,’ when Margaret
    of Anjou was expected in London after winning the second battle
    of St. Albans. Giles Saint Loe was sheriff of Norfolk and
    Suffolk in 1458.]

    [Footnote 252.2: This title is taken from an endorsement in a
    later hand.]


433

JOHN DAVY TO JOHN PASTON[253.1]

_On to my Maystyr Pastone, be this lettre deliveryd._

Ryth wurchopful Sere, I recomaund me on to you. And iff it lyke you I
have spokyn with Bussard, and demaundyd hym iff he had ony evydens,
dedys, or copyis, or ony other evydens of ony place or off ony lyflod
that longget on to my mayster,[253.2] and seyth, Nay, be is feyth, and
be is trowthe, for, if he hadde, he wold send hem on to you with a good
wyl; for he seyth it xud don hym non ese. And, Ser, iff it plese you I
askyd hym if he knew ony evydens that he had delyveryd on to William
Wossetyr, bill, or deds, or ony other evydens that xuld longgyn on to
ony purchas or off ony lyfflod on to my maystrys, and he seyth, Nay
trewly; for he seyth the last tyme that he wrot on to William Wusseter,
it was be ffor myssomyr, and thanne he wrot a cronekyl of Jerewsalem,
and the jornes that my mayster dede whyl he was in Fraunce (that God on
his sowle have mercy!); and he seyth that this drow more than xx.
whazerys [20 _quires ?_] off paper, and the wrytyng delyveryd on to
William Wursseter, and non other, ne knowyth not off non other be is
feyth.

  Be your man,

  J. DAVY.

    [Footnote 253.1: [From Fenn, iv. 78.] This letter was written
    some time after the death of Sir John Fastolf--not unlikely, as
    Fenn imagines, in the reign of Edward IV.; but the exact date is
    immaterial.]

    [Footnote 253.2: Sir John Fastolf.]


434

THOMAS SHOTBOLT TO JOHN PASTON[254.1]

_To my worshipfull maister, Maister Paston of the Temple._

Worshipfull Sir, soo ye will send a polletik person to Ludgate in
secrete wise to comune with me, and lete hym not in no wise speke of you
to hove (?) youre good maistership, and a resonable remedy shall ease
you of a gret part that the criour cleymeth of you for Maister Fastolffs
detts of xiij. or xiiij. yere at the lest, and be that perave[ntu]re of
the hole _qui in uno est reus morbus [in omnibus] reus_ . . . . . . .
Sir, remembreth your worship if y doo to ease you, lete me not be
discoveryd, for ye knewe not your worship y wold not doo thus. What ever
ye have of me, ye may sey it is found in the stywardes boks, and y know
that ye have desired favour to have hym seese for your worship that
procur hym ageyns you; whoo so shall kom to me, he may kom in Maistre
Nevills name, for with hym have y a doo. As for your own servaunts,
y ferd me lest they be knowyn whethir it be servaunt or othir, send
knowleche of my reword and a bille under your seall or your own hands,
or bothe on your worship to have it close that y be not blamyd for that;
y shall telle you her after. Wretyn in Ludgate.

  Your servaunt and there prisoner,

  THOMAS SHOTBOLT.

    [Footnote 254.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] Beyond the evident
    fact that this letter was written between the death of Sir John
    Fastolf in 1459 and that of John Paston in 1466, there is not
    much clue to the date.]


435

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[255.1]

_To my ryth worcepful husbonde, John Paston._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Ryth reverent and worcepfful husbonde, I recomande me to yow, desyryng
hertely to here of yowre welle fare, thankyn yow for yowr letter and for
the thyngys that ye sent me ther with. And towchyn John Estegate, he com
nowdyr non sent hedyr nowt zyt; wer for I sopose I must borrowyn money
in schorte time but zyf [_unless_] ye come sone home; for I sopose I xal
non have of hym, so Godd helpe me. I have but iiij_s._ and I howhe nerr
as meche mony as com to the for seyd some. I have do yowr herrendys to
my modyr and my hunckyl and as for the feffeys of Stokysby, my hunckyll
syth that ther be no mo than he wrot to yow of that he knowit. And also
I hauwe delyvyrit the todyr thyng that ye sent me inselyd in the boxe as
ye comaundit me, and the man seyt, that I delyverid it to, that he wylle
nowt of the bargeyne that ye sent hym, but sweche thynggys be do or he
come ther that ye sent hym worde of, he seyth that he wold nowt be
noysyd with no sweche thyngis of that is, that it wer do in hesse tyme
for xx. marke. I sopose he xal send yow word in shorte time ho he wylle
do. I pray yow that ye wylle weche save to beyn for me swech lacys os I
send yow exsaumpyll of in this letter and j. pesse of blac lacys; as for
cappys that ye sent me for the chylderyn they be to lytyl for hem.
I pray yow bey hem feyner cappys and larger than tho wer. Also I pray
yow that ye wylle weche save to recomaunde me to my fadyr and my modyr
and tellyth heer that alle herr chyldyrryn ben in gode hele, blyssyd be
Godd. Heydonis wyffe had chyld on Sent Petyr day. I horde seyne that
herr husband wille nowt of her, nerr of her chyld that sche had last
nowdyr. I herd seyn that he seyd, zyf sche come in hesse precence to
make her exkewce that he xuld kyt of her nose to makyn her be know wat
sche is; and yf her chyld come in hesse presence, he seyd he wyld kyllyn
he wolle nowt be intretit to have her ayun in no wysse, os I herde seyn.
The Holy Trinite have yow in Hesse kepyn and send yow helth. Wretyn at
Geldiston on the Wedynisday nexte after Sent Thomas.

  Be yowris,

  M. PASTON.

    [Footnote 255.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 199.] The date of this
    letter is not clear, and we place it at the end of Henry VI.’s
    reign. It is probably much earlier.]


436

A WHITSUNDAY SERMON OF FRIAR BRACKLEY[256.1]

Frends, this holy tyme, as owr moder Holy Chirch maketh mension, the
Holy Gost came from hevyn, and lighted in the disciples of Crist,
inflamyng them with connyng, and strenghyng them with grace. And be
cause the doctrine and prechyng of them shuld go thurghought all the
werd, furst thei wer to be enfourmed and taught connyng, and to be
strenth with awdacide and grace, and than to be endewed and yovyn all
manner of langags that thei myght prechyn to all maner of naciones, so
that tho naciones that thei preched to myght understond them, and every
naciones his owyn tonge; and so thees Appostilles, after that thei wern
enspired with the Holy Gost, wher so ever thei preached, were ther never
so many naciones present, ich nacion thought that thei spokyn in ther
owyn langage--etenim illud loquebantur variis linguis Apostoli.

Frends, iij. thyngs be necessary in prechyng to hym that shall prechyn
thurgh the werd as the Appostell dede--that is to sey, connyng,
boldnesse, and langags. If thei had had connyng and none audacite, but
have fered to have preched, it shuld litill a profited, as we have
examplles dayly at Cambrige, exempli [gratia][256.2] de Clerico quis
studuit sermonem, &c. And if thei have bothyn connyng and audacite, and
have none eloquensye ner copiousnesse of langage, so that he preche that
his audiens is most excercised in, that thei may understand hym, elles
it profiteth not.

Therfor thes holy Appostill[es], be for thei shuld prechyn, furst thei
wer to be confirmed and strenghed. Our Lord strenghed them be under
nemyng,[257.1] enformyng, and helpyng, culpando ut in Evangelium
recumbentibus, &c. He strenghed them with his help and grace whan he
brethed in them, seyng ‘Accipite Spiritum Sanctum; et quorum remiseritis
peccata, remittuntur eis, et quorum retinueritis retenta sunt,’[257.2]
&c. He strenghed them also be his doctrine whan he seid ‘Petite et
accipietis; si quid petieritis Patrem in nomine meo, dabit
vobis.’[257.3] How that ye shuld prayn to God and askyn, I taught you on
Estern day. Therfor ye shall pray to God be good werkyng, right full
lebyring, and in good deds perseveryng.

Frends, ye owe for to ask of God that your joy may ben a full joy and
perfight; we may never have a full joy in this werd, wher as ever among
folwyth hevynesse. A man joyth sumtyme in gold and sylver, and in gret
substaunce of erdly gods, in bewte of women, but this joy is not
perfyght--but this joy is not stabill, but it is mutabill as a shadow;
for he that this joyth in the bewte of his wyffe, it may fortune to
morwyn he shall folwyn her to chirch up on a bere. But if ye wull knowyn
what is a full and a wery joy, truly forgevenesse of synne and
everlestyng blisse, wher as is never sikenesse, hunger, ner thurst, ner
no maner of disseas, but all welth, joy, and prosperite, &c. Ther be
iij. maner of joys, the on void, a nother half full, the thred is a full
joy. The furst is plente of werdly gods, the seconde is Gostly grace,
the threde is everlestyng blisse. The furst joy, that is affluens of
temporall gods, is called a veyn joy, for if a man wer set at a bord
with delicate mets and drynks, and he sey a cawdron boyllyng a forn hym
with pykke and bronston, in the which he shuld be throwyn naked as sone
as he had dyned; for he shuld joy mych in his deliciose mets, it shuld
be but a veyn joy.

Right so doth the joy of a covetouse man, if he sey what peyn his sowle
shuld suffre in helle for the myskepyn and getyn of his good, he shuld
not joy in his tresore, ut in Libro Decalogorum, ‘Quidam homo dives,’
&c.

Semiplenum gaudium est quando quis in præsenti gaudet et tunc cogitans
de futuris dolet, ut in quodam libro Græco, ‘Quidam Rex Græciæ,’ &c. Her
ye may se but half a joy; how [_who_] shuld joy in this werd, if he
remembred hym of the peynes of the toder werd? ‘Non glorietur fortis in
fortitudine sua, nec sapiens in sapientia sua, nec dives in divitiis
suis.’[258.1] De quibus dicitur, qui confidunt in multitudine divitiarum
suarum, quasi oves in inferno positi sunt.[258.2] ‘Qui gloriatur, in
Domino glorietur.’[258.3] Therfor lete us joy in hope of everlestyng joy
and blis. ‘Gaudete quia nomina vestra scripta sunt in cælo,’[258.4] ut
gaudium vestrum sit plenum. A full joy is in hevyn. Et in hoc apparet
quod magnum gaudium est in cælo, quoniam ibi est gaudium quod ‘oculus
non vidit, nec auris audivit, et in cor hominis non ascendit, quæ Deus
præparavit diligentibus,’[258.5] et ideo, fratres, variis linguis
loquens [precor] ut gaudium vestrum sit plenum, vel habeatis gaudium
sempiternum.

    [Footnote 256.1: [From Fenn, iii. 392.] The original MS. of this
    sermon was endorsed, of course in a much later hand than the
    document, ‘An ancient Whitsunday sermon preached by Frier
    Brackley (whose hand it is) in the Friers Minors Church, in
    Norwich.’ Of this and the remaining papers of Henry VI.’s time
    the dates are very uncertain.]

    [Footnote 256.2: Omitted in Fenn’s literal transcript.]

    [Footnote 257.1: _i.e._ reproving.]

    [Footnote 257.2: John xx. 22, 23.]

    [Footnote 257.3: John xvi. 23, 24.]

    [Footnote 258.1: Jer. ix. 23.]

    [Footnote 258.2: Psalm xlviii. (xlix.) 6, 14.]

    [Footnote 258.3: 1 Cor. i. 31.]

    [Footnote 258.4: Luke x. 20.]

    [Footnote 258.5: 1 Cor. ii. 9.]


437

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[258.6]

_To owre right Trusty and welbeloved John Paston_

Right Trusty and welbeloved we grete yow well. And where as it is not
unknowen to you that we wrot a bille to Maister Brakle, and yaf hym in
comaundement to delyver yow a bille indentyd of x. mark owyng to John of
Fen, as it apperith by a bille indentyd under the seall of Robert
Reppis, jentylman, wich by the will of John of Fen is due un to us, wher
of the sayd Robert shuld paye v. mark by his owne instaunce at Lammesse
next comyng; We pray yow that ye woll receyve the forsayd money for us
and delyver it un to Maister Brakle as we trust yow. Wretyn in owr manor
of Wevenho the xxv^ti. day of Julij.

    [Footnote 258.6: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 166.]]


438

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[259.1]

_To my right trusty and right welbeloved John Paston._

Right trusty and right welbeloved, I grete you wele. And I am enfourmed
that William Mathew of Norwich, Bocher, hath brought an accion of dette
agayn Nicholas Hert, a tenaunt of myn, berer hereof, and hath supposid
by his accyon that my said tenaunt shuld ow hym lxx_s._ for his hire of
tyme that he shuld a ben servaunt to my said tenaunt; wher it is said to
me for trouthe that he was aprentyce to my said tenaunt, and never
othrwise with holde but as aprentice, and owith no mony to haf of hym.
I send to yow my said tenaunt to gif yow clere informacyon of the mater,
and I pray you that ye wole calle the jurry before yow that arn
impanellid betwen thaym, and opne thaym the mater at large at myn
instaunce, and desire thaym to do as concyens wole, and to eschue
perjury. And the Trinite kepe yow. If ye take the mater in rule, I pray
therof, and wole be content.

Wretyn at Wevenho, the xxviij. day of Decembr.

  THE ERLE OF OXENFORD.

    [Footnote 259.1: [From Fenn, iii. 138.]]


439

SIR JOHN WINGFIELD TO JOHN PASTON[259.2]

_To my welbelovyd brother, John Paston, Squier._

Brother Paston, I recomaunde me unto you, praying you that ye take the
labour to speke with Thomas Ratclef of Frammesden for the delyveraunce
of part of an hous which lythe in his wode at Fraumesden, which hous the
owener hath caryed part therof to Orford, which so departed, the
remenant that remayneth ther in his wode schall do hym lytell good, and
yt schall hurte gretly the warkeman and the owener therof also, which is
my tenaunt, and [_i.e._ if] the hous schuld be set upon my ground.

I wright unto you in this be halfe, be cause I understood he woll be
moche avised by you, and yf he do ony thynge at my request, I schall do
as moche that schall plese hym; and also the pore man schall gef hym ij.
nobles or xx_s._ rather than fayle. I pray you be as good a mene for hym
as ye may in this be halfe, as my verry trust is in you, and I schal be
redy at all tymes to doo that may be to your plesur. I trust to Jesu,
who have you in His kepyng, and sende you joy of all your ladyes.

Wretyn at Lederyngham, the Tewesday in Whisson weke.

  Your brother and frende,

  WYNGEFELD J.

    [Footnote 259.2: [From Fenn, iii. 140.]]


440

[JOHN PASTON?] TO [RICHARD] SOUTHWELL[260.1]

Brother Suthwell, I comand me to yow, sertifiing yow that, on Thursday
be the morwe, I spak with my cosine Wichingham at London, where he lete
me wet of the letter sent to Lee, wherby I conseyve the stedfast
godlordship and ladiship of my Lord and my Lady[260.2] in this mater,
&c., whech gevith cause to all her servaunts to trost verily in them and
to do hem trew servise. I lete yow wete that the seid Wychyngham, when I
departid from hym, had knowleche that Jane Boys shuld that nyght be come
to London, and he put in a bylle to the Lordis for to have delyverauns
of hyr and to have hese adversarys arestid. And this nyght at Norwiche
was told me newe tydyngges that she shuld on Thursday after my departyng
a be before the Lordis and there asaide untrewly of her selff, as the
berer hereof shal informe yow if ye know it not before; of wheche
tydyngges, if they be trew, I am sory for her sake, and also I fere that
her frendys schuld sewe the more feyntely, wheche Godde defende. For her
seyng untrewly of her selff may hurt the mater in no man but her selff;
and thow she wol mescheve her selff, it wer gret pete but if the mater
were laborid forth, not for her sake, but for the worchepe of the
estatys and other that have laboryd therin, and in ponyshing of the gret
oryble dede. Wherfore I send yow dyvers articlis in a bill closid herin,
wheche preve that she was raveshid ayens hyr wel, what so ever she sey.

   *   *   *

Thes be provis that Jane Boys was ravischig [_sic_] ageyn her wil, and
not ber awn assent.

One is that she, the tyme of her takyng, whan she was set upon her hors,
she revyled Lancasterother[261.1] and callid hym knave and wept, and
kryid owte upon hym pitewly to her, and seid as shrewdly to hym as coud
come to her mende, and fel doune of her hors unto that she was bound,
and callid him fals t[r]aytor that browth her the rabbettes.

Item, whan she was bounde she callid upon her modyer, wheche folwyd her
as far as she myght on her feet, and whan the seid Jane sey she myght
goo no ferther, she kryid to her modyer and seid that what so ever fel
of her, she shuld never be weddyd to that knave, to deye for it.

Item, be the weye, at Shraggarys hous in Kokely Cley, and at
Brychehamwell, and in all other places wher she myght see any people,
she kryid owte upon hym, and lete people wete whos dowtyr she was, and
how she was raveshid ayens her wyll, desyeryng the people to folwe her
and reskew her.

Item, Lancasterotherys prest of the Egle in Lyncolne shire, wheche
shroff her, seid that she told hym in confession that she wold never be
weddyd to hym, to deye for it; and the same prest seid he wold not wedde
hem togedyr for M{^l.}_li._

Item, she sent divers tokenes of massage to Sothwell be Robert Inglose,
wheche previth welle at that tyme she lovyd not Lancasterother.

Item, a man of the master of Carbrokes come dyvers tymes in the weke
before she was raveshid to Wychynghams hous, and inquerid of her mayde
whedyr her mastras was insuerid to Sothwell or nay, the wheche prevyth
well that Lancasterother was not sure of her godwill ne knew not of her
counseyl, for if he had, he ne nedid not to have sent no spyes.

Whech seen, I avyse yow to move my Lord and my Lady to do in this mater
as affettualy as they have do before, for this mater touchyth hem,
consideryng that they have begonne; and dowt not, what so ever falle of
the woman, well or evel, my Lord and my Lady shal have worchep of the
mater if it be wel laborid, and also ye shall have avayl therof and the
advers parte chall gret trobil.

Also it were necessarie that Wychyngham were sent to and cofortyd in
hese seute, and that he avysid hym of seche articlis and preves of the
mater as I have sent to yow and put hem in writing, but not to disclose
non tho preves to non creature unto that tyme that it fortune the mater
to be tried be enquest, or other wyse take end, but avyse hym for to
seye to the Lords and all      (?) in generall termes that what so ever
Lancasterother or hese douter seyn nowh, it shal be wel prevyd she was
reveshid ayens her wyll; and let him desire of the Lordis that his
dowter mith be in his kepyng, and at large fro Lancasterother un tylle
the mater were duly examynd. I wold this mater sped the bety[r] be cause
my Lady spoke so feythefully to me therin, and that mevyth me to wryte
to yow this long symple lettyr of myn intent. [262.1][Also wher ye be
informyd that vj. men of Osbern Monforthes shuld a be at the seid
raveshing, I certifie yow verily it was not soo; for Osbern Mondeford
wol do in the mater all that ever he can or may to help to punisse the
doer, and desirith to know the grownd of that tale, of whech I pray send
me word if and what ye will ellis.] God kepe yow.

Wret at Norwich the Soneday nex before the fest of Sent Margret.

Item, [if] she had be of hes assent affter the time she was in hes
possescion in Lynkoln shire, hit had be bett--[262.2]

    [Footnote 260.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is printed
    from a corrected draft in a hand which may be that of Margaret
    Paston, writing in her husband’s name. The beginning may perhaps
    refer to the impending marriage of Richard Southwell with Amy,
    daughter of Sir Edmund Wichingham, which took place, according
    to Blomefield (x. 274), about the beginning of Edward IV.’s
    reign. From the mention made of Osbert Mundford, however, the
    letter cannot be later than 1460. The ravishment of Jane Boys,
    as here related, corresponds so closely with that of Dame Joan
    Beaumont, of which notice will be found in the _Rolls of Parl._,
    v. 269, that we might almost surmise the same person is spoken
    of; but this can hardly be.]

    [Footnote 260.2: Probably the Duke and Duchess of Norfolk.]

    [Footnote 261.1: According to Blomefield (viii. 299) Joan
    (or Jane), one of the four daughters of Edmund de Wichingham,
    married, first, Robert Longstrather, and afterwards Robert Boys
    of Honing, in Norfolk.]

    [Footnote 262.1: This passage is crossed out in the MS.]

    [Footnote 262.2: Sentence left incomplete.]


441-448

ABSTRACTS[263.1]

The following letters and papers cannot be referred to any certain date,
though probably of the reign of Henry VI. Being of very little interest,
they are noticed as briefly as possible merely for the sake of
completeness.

    [Footnote 263.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


441.-- W., Bishop of Norwich, to William Yelverton, steward of his
lands, and John Intwode, his surveyor. --Desires them to inquire at
Bacton into the demand made by Richard Blake in a bill enclosed, and
minister to him as right and law will. --London, 8 Nov.


442.-- Memoranda of John Berney against Simon Corbrygg, who obtained
lands by a charter forged by Broke, a scrivener, late owner of Weggs,
and has injured Berney for eight years past or more in the possession of
the manor of Cleyhall.


443.-- William Jenney to John Paston, Esq. --Has been shown by his
neighbour, Robert Tylyard, a piece of evidence of certain ‘lyfelode’ he
has in Whetacre, by which it appears that Lord Wellys should have no
ward of the same, unless he can produce contrary evidence. As Paston is
of my Lord’s council, and has the rule of his ‘lyflode’ in this country,
desires he will write to him that the matter be indifferently
seen. --Theberton, 13 Dec.


444.-- J. Burton to Margaret Paston. --Sends hogsheads of wine by
Plumton the carter, etc. Desires her to send the money to ‘dawn’ William
Dallyng. --Dated, ‘Wednesday after I parted from you.’


445.-- W. Cotyng[263.2] to Margaret Paston. --Has received to-day £9:0:2
from Simon Miller, her farmer at Tichwell, for Midsummer payment. Sends
it by Roger, servant of the Parson of Thorp. Simon has paid five
shillings for finding a man to the King for Tichwell, and but for me you
would have paid a mark. Charges for repairs. As for your lining cloth,
my brother is still beyond the sea. --Brankaster, 31 July.

    [Footnote 263.2: He was rector of Swainsthorp, to which he was
    presented by William Paston and John Dam in 1444, and which he
    exchanged for the living of Tichwell in 1450. --Blomefield,
    v. 63.]


446.-- ---- to ----. --My father and I bought the reversion of Olton,
etc., of Ralph Lampet and Alexander Kyngyston. They have now made a new
sale of it to William Jenney without giving notice to me or my father.
We ask your mediation with Jenney, whom we trusted most.


447.-- Eliz. C[lere] to John Paston. --Concerning a pasture in the town
of N. overgrown with whins. Wants advice as to the conditions of the
right of pasturage. Your mother prays you to think on Horwellebery.
--25 May.


448.-- Memoranda to inquire:-- (1) If William Cofe were enfeoffed in
Rothnall Hall? (2) If Tylerd knew William Cofe of Northcofe[264.1]
before the day of his death two years, one year, half a year, or a
quarter, etc.; what seal he used? (3) If Tylerd were not about him, to
common with Gernyngham and such as were about him. (4) Item, in case it
can be understood that he made none estate, ‘than lete Wodesyde goo to
Robert Prymer in his owyn name, saying that John P. (Paston) is his good
mayster in hys mater,’ etc.

    [Footnote 264.1: William Cove of North Cove, Suffolk. --_See_
    Suckling’s _Hist. of Suffolk_, i. 48.]




THE PASTON LETTERS

_Edward IV_




449

JOHN PASTON THE YOUNGEST TO ----[265.1]

[Sidenote: 1461]

I recomand me to yow, and lete yow wete that notwythstandyng tydinggs
come down, as ye know, that pepill shuld not come up tyll thei were sent
fore, but to be redy at all tymes; this notwithstandyng, most pepill owt
of this cuntre have take wages, seying thei woll goo up to London; but
thei have no capteyn, ner rewler assigned be the commissioners to awayte
upon, and so thei stragyll abowte be them self, and be lyklynes are not
like to come at London half of them. And men that come from London sey,
there have not passid Thetford, not passyng CCCC.; and yet the townes
and the cuntere that have waged hem shall thynk thei be discharged, and
therfore if this Lords above wayte aftyr more pepill in this cuntre, be
lyklynes it woll not be easy to get with owt a newe comission and
warnyng. And yet it woll be thought ryght straunge of hem that have
waged pepill to wage any more, for every towne hath waged and sent
firth, and are redy to send forth, as many as thei ded whan the Kyng
sent for hem be fore the feld at Lodlowe;[266.1] and thei that ar not
go, be goyng in the same forme.

Item, ther was shrewd rewle toward in this cuntre, for ther was a
certeyn person forth wyth after the jurney at Wakefeld, gadered felaship
to have mo[r]dered John Damme, as is seyd; and also ther is at the
Castell of Rysing, and in other ij. plases, made gret gaderyng of
pepill, and hyryng of harneys, and it is wele undyrstand they be not to
the Kyng ward, but rather the contrary, and for to robbe. Wherfore my
fadyr is in a dowte, whedir he shall send my brother up or not, for he
wold have his owne men abowte hym, if nede were here; but
notwythstandyng, he wyll send up Dawbeney, his spere and bowes with hym,
as Stapilton and Calthrop or other men of worship of this cuntre agree
to doo. Wherfore demene yow in doyng of yowr erandes ther aftyr, and if
ye shall bryng any masage from the Lords, take writyng, for Darcorts
massage is not verely beleved be cause he browt no wrytyng.

Item, this cuntre wold fayne take these fals shrewes that are of an
oppynion contrary to the Kyng and his Counsell, if they had no auctorite
from the Kyng to do so.

Item, my brother is redy[n] to Yarmowth for to lette brybers that wold a
robbed a ship undyr color of my Lord of Warwyk, and longe nothyng to hem
ward.

    [Footnote 265.1: [From Fenn, i. 226.] According to Fenn, this
    letter is in the original ‘without either date, name, or
    direction,’ the contents only proving it to have been written by
    ‘one of John Paston’s sons.’ Nevertheless, in a very misleading
    way, the signature ‘John Paston’ is inserted at the foot of the
    right-hand copy, with a reference to a facsimile of the
    signature of John Paston the youngest. There is every
    appearance, however, that John Paston the youngest really was
    the writer, and that the date is, as Fenn supposes, just after
    the accession of Edward IV.]

    [Footnote 266.1: The battle of Mortimer’s Cross, near Ludlow,
    gained by Edward IV. before he was king, on the 3rd February
    1461.]


450

W. PASTON AND THOMAS PLAYTERS TO JOHN PASTON[266.2]

_To my maister, John Paston, in hast._

[Sidenote: 1461 / APRIL 4]

Please you to knowe and wete of suche tydyngs as my Lady of York hath by
a lettre of credens, under the signe manuel of oure Soverayn Lord King
Edward, whiche lettre cam un to oure sayd Lady this same day, Esterne
Evyn,[267.1] at xj. clok, and was sene and red by me, William Paston.

Fyrst, oure Soverayn Lord hath wonne the feld,[267.2] and uppon the
Munday[267.3] next after Palmesunday, he was resseved in to York with
gret solempnyte and processyons. And the Mair and Comons of the said
cite mad ther menys to have grace be Lord Montagu[267.4] and Lord
Barenars,[267.5] whiche be for the Kyngs coming in to the said cite
desyred hym of grace for the said cite, whiche graunted hem grace. On
the Kyngs parte is slayn Lord Fitz Water, and Lord Scrop sore hurt; John
Stafford, Horne of Kent ben ded; and Umfrey Stafford, William Hastyngs
mad knyghts with other; Blont is knygth, &c.

Un the contrary part is ded Lord Clyfford, Lord Nevyle, Lord Welles,
Lord Wyllouby, Antony Lord Scales, Lord Harry, and be supposyng the Erle
of Northumberland, Andrew Trollop, with many other gentyll and comons to
the nomber of xx.^ml. [20,000].

Item, Kyng Harry, the Qwen, the Prince, Duke of Somerset, Duke of
Exeter, Lord Roos, be fledde in to Scotteland, and they be chased and
folwed, &c. We send no er [_no sooner_] un to you be cause we had non
certynges tyl now; for un to this day London was as sory cite as myght.
And because Spordauns had no certeyn tydyngs, we thought ye schuld take
them a worthe tyl more certayn.

Item, Thorp Waterfeld is yeldyn, as Spordauns can telle you. And Jesu
spede you. We pray you that this tydyngs my moder may knowe.

  Be your Broder,

  W. PASTON.

  T. PLAYTERS.

  ‘On a piece of paper pinned to the above letter,’ says Fenn, ‘is a
  list of the names of the noblemen and knights, and the number of
  soldiers slain at the above battle of Towton, as follow:--’

  Comes Northumbriæ.
  Comes Devon.
  Dominus de Beamunde.
  Dominus de Clifford.
  Dominus de Nevyll.
  Dominus de Dacre.
  Dominus Henricus de Bokyngham.
  Dominus de Well[es].
  Dominus de Scales Antony Revers.
  Dominus de Wellugby.
  Dominus de Malley Radulfus Bigot Miles.

  Millites.

  Sir Rauff Gray.
  Sir Ric. Jeney.
  Sir Harry Bekingham.
  Sir Andrew Trollop.
  With xxviij.^ml. [28,000] nomberd by Harralds.

    [Footnote 266.2: [From Fenn, i. 216.] The date of this letter is
    sufficiently apparent from the contents.]

    [Footnote 267.1: 4th April.]

    [Footnote 267.2: The battle of Towton, fought on Palm Sunday,
    the 29th March 1461.]

    [Footnote 267.3: 30th March.]

    [Footnote 267.4: John Nevill, Lord Montague, brother of the Earl
    of Warwick.]

    [Footnote 267.5: Sir John Bourchier, Lord Berners.]


451

THOMAS PLAYTERS TO MASTER JOHN PASTON[268.1]

_To my maister, John Paston, Esquyer._

[Sidenote: 1461 / APRIL 18]

Please your Maisterchep to wete, that I have spokyn with Essex, in the
matter that ye wete of, and fynd him be his talkyng wel dysposed, not
withstandyng he woll not falle to no conclusyon to engrose up the mater,
tyll the chef baron[268.2] be com to London, and that he be mad privy to
the mater, which we loke after this same secund Saterday[268.3] after
Esterne; and as for Notyngham he is not yet comyn to London.

Item, as for tydyng, it is noysed and told for trouth of men of worchip,
and other, that the Erle of Wylchyr is taken, Doctor Morton,[269.1] and
Doctor Makerell, and be brougth to the kyng at York. Maister William
also spak with a man that sey hem.

Item, sir, I herd of Sir John Borceter and Christofer Hanson, that Herry
the sext is in a place in York schire is calle Coroumbr; suche a name it
hath, or muche lyke. And there is sege leyde abowte, and dyvers squyers
of the Erle of Northumbrelands, and gadered them to geder, a v. or
vj.^ml. [_five or six thousand_] men, to byger [_bicker_] with the sege,
that in the mene while Herry the sexte myght have ben stole a way at a
lytyll posterne on the bak syde; at whiche byker ben slayn iij.^ml.
[3000] men of the North. Sir Robert of Ocle and Conyrs leyth the sege on
our syde, and thei it is that have do this acte. Sum say the Qwen,
Somerset and the Prince schuld be there. Item, it is talked now for
trouthe, the Erle of Northumberland is ded. Item, the Erle of Devenshire
is ded justely.[269.2] Item, my Lord Chaunceler is to York. Item, the
King and the Lords com not here before Whitsontyde, as it is sayde.
Item, sir, sone uppon the chef baron comyng I schall send you a lettre,
with Godds grace, who preserve you, and have you in His blyssed kepyng.

  Your,

  THOMAS PLAYTERS.

At Cokermouthe was the Erle of Wylchire taken, and these other Doctors.
Item, som men talke Lord Wellys, Lord Wyllouby, and Skales ben on lyve.
Item, Sir Robert Veer is slayn in Cornewayll, as it is tok for trouthe.

    [Footnote 268.1: [From Fenn, i. 222.] This letter relates mainly
    to occurrences just after the battle of Towton in April 1461.]

    [Footnote 268.2: Peter Arderne.]

    [Footnote 268.3: 18th April in 1461.]

    [Footnote 269.1: Afterwards Cardinal, the Minister of Henry
    VII.]

    [Footnote 269.2: He was beheaded at York after the battle of
    Towton.]


452

THOMAS PLAYTERS TO JOHN PASTON[270.1]

_To my rigth reverent and worchipfull John Paston, Esquyer, or to my
maytres his wyf._

[Sidenote: 1461 / MAY]

After my most special recommendacion, lyke your maisterchip wete that
the mater for you and my maistrez, your moder, ayens Powtrell and
Tanfeld hath ben called uppon as dylygently and as hastely this terme as
it mygth be; and al way dayes yeven hem by the Court to answer, and than
thei toke smale excepcions, and trifeled forth the Court, and al wey
excused them by cause the bylle is long, and his councell had no leysur
to se it. And they prayed heryng of the testament of my maister your
fader,[270.2] and therof made a nother mater, and argued it to putte hem
fro it, be cause they had emparled to us by fore; and than Hyllyngworth
to dryve it over this terme, allegged varians be twyx the bille and the
testament that John Damme was named in the testament John Dawme, in
whiche cas now the Court must have sigth of the said testament. Where
fore ye must send it up the begynnyng of the next terme, or elles we
schall have no sped in the mater. And therfor, Maistres, if my maister
be not cum hom, and ye have not the sayd testament in your kepyng, that
than it plese you to speke un to my maistres, your moder in lawe,[270.3]
for the seyd testament, that I mygth redely have it here, and that it be
sealed in a box, and sent to me, and I schall kepe it safe, with Godds
grace.

And as for tytyngs, in good feyth we have non, seve the Erle of
Wylchir[271.1] is hed is sette on London Brigge.

Mayster William is reden hom to my Maistrs Ponyngs; and as for Maister
Ponyngs hymself, sche letteth as thow sche wyst not where he were.
A gentylman that kam fro York told me my maister was heyl and mery, and
rode to mete the Kyng comyng fro Mydlam Castell.

Berwyk[271.2] is full of Scottys, and we loke be lyklyhod after anoyther
batayll now be twyx Skotts and us.

And I pray Jesu have you in His blyssed kepyng.

  Your,

  THOMAS PLAYTER.

    [Footnote 270.1: [From Fenn, iv. 2.] The reference to the Earl
    of Wiltshire’s head having been set on London Bridge shows this
    letter to have been written not very long after the battle of
    Towton. The exact date is probably about the beginning of May,
    as it appears, by the Privy Seal dates in the Record Office,
    that Edward IV. was at Middleham on the 6th of that month on his
    way southwards, having gone on to Durham and Newcastle after the
    victory.]

    [Footnote 270.2: William Paston, the Judge, who died in 1444.]

    [Footnote 270.3: Agnes Paston, the widow of the Judge.]

    [Footnote 271.1: James Butler, Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond.]

    [Footnote 271.2: Henry VI. and his Queen after the battle
    escaped to Berwick, and from thence retired to Edinburgh.--F.]


453

JOHN SMYTH TO JOHN PASTON, SENIOR[271.3]

_To hys worschepfull mayster, John Paston the Eldest, Esquier._

[Sidenote: 1461 / MAY 10]

Ryght worschepfull and my synguler mayster, I recomaunde me to you. If
it plese your maysterschepe to wete, the cause of my wryghtyng is thys.
I have understande be comunyng with othyr credybell men that many and
the more part of the feffeys of the landys late Sir John Fastolf, and
also thei that pretende to ben executores of the seyd Sir John, purpose
them to sell to my Lord of Suffolk, thow he recuver not be tayle, or to
othyr myghty lordys, a gret part of the landys of the seyd Sir John, to
the entent that ye schal not have them; upon wech sale thei wole make
astate and entre and put you to your accion, and thow ye recuver in the
lawe, as I am enformyd, ye schall recuver of hard and but a part, the
qwech schuld be dere of the sute. Qwer it semyth to me, yt wer
necessarye to you to se remedy for thys mater, and eyther putt it in
award or elles that my Lord of Wa[rwick], the qwech is your good Lord,
may meve that the Kyng, or hym sylf, or my Lord Chawmbyrleyn or sum
othyr wytty me[n], may take a rewle betwexe you and your adversaryes;
for yf ye may not holde the forseyd landys ther schal growe [great]
losse bothe to the dede and to you, and men schal putt you in defawte
therof; your frendys schal be sory. It is [better to] bere a lyttell
losse than a gret rebuke. Your mater hangyth longe in the audyens. Yf ye
hadde ther your entent your ad[versaries should] cese the rather.
I beleve veryly yf ye do your part to have pees, God of Hys gret grace
schal graunte it to you, the q[wech give] you the speryte of wysdam to
gyde you on to Hys pleser. Amen.

We desyre to se your maysterschep in Norffolk; your pr[esens] there be
necessarye.

From Norwych the x. day of May.

  Your clerk,

  [JOHN] SMYTH.

    [Footnote 271.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter was
    evidently written in the beginning of Edward IV.’s reign; and as
    it appears by No. 458 that Paston had already been dispossessed
    of Caister, not indeed by the Duke of Suffolk, but by the Duke
    of Norfolk, as early as the 5th June 1461, we may presume that
    this letter, dated in May, belongs to that year. The margin of
    the letter is slightly mutilated, but the words which are lost
    are obvious, and have been supplied in brackets.]


454

THOMAS DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[272.1]

_To my maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1461]

I lowly recomaund me to your maistership, thankyng you as a pouer man
may do his maister for soccuryng my wyf, which I wete wele is wo begone;
praying you for love of our Lord Jhesu Criste to take no displesir
though I not sent ne wrote to you herbeforn in this troble that I haf.
For parde ye may conceyve that I was besy j nogh to shifft my self til
now. Truly the noise cam sodeynly and I was withynne the walles of your
Cite, God sauf the governour therof, for he was besy to trappe me, more
besy than he wole be a know, _et per fenestram in sporta dimissus sum
per murum, et sic effugi manus ejus_; but he shal abye, by God, if I
lyf, for serchyng myn house. And, Sir, as for the fals noise, sauf your
reverence, that he leyth on me and on tweyn servauntz of myn, he lyeth
falsly, your reverence savid; for I may haf an C. persones notable and
thrifty, whan tyme comyth, that wole prove and make good by every meane,
that my servauntz, which he nameth, wer that same our at Brisle which is
thens more than xvj. myle, and that the same our and the same day and a
greet space bothe beforn and afftir. But ever I besech your maistership
of contynuaunce, and that ye like to do my wif help and comfort in hir
dissese; for if she wer not, God knowith, I shuld soone shyfft. And
truly I haf no thought ne sorwe but for hir. Wherfore I beseche you
lowly for His love that all socourith and susteyneth to be good maister
and comfort to her. It shal not be long to but that I shall send to hir
to labour hir to other place, as for ony thyng touchyng me ellis but
that. I pray you also, if the boy that is hurt dey, to meve your
tenauntz in that hundrid wher he was bete to do for me and myn; ellis
can I not desire ne write at this tyme for lak of remembraunce, for I am
not yet myn own man. Besechyng yow alwey of good maistership, for
Almyghty God knowith that the mater was falsly begunne on me and usurie
it is and acursid, so wold our Lord I never had knowyn it; but sith I
delid therwith I myght never reche it to handle the mater to trouth or
reson. Wherfore I am compellid to do therwith unresonably. But, gentill
Sir, socour my wif, and be not displesid with me, and than shal I do
wele with Goddis mercy, Who Almyghty preserve yow for His mercy. Wretyn
onavised, &c.

I pray you socour my wif, for she is wedow yet for me, and shal be til
more is done, sith I se that neyther plee, trety ne werre may make my
peas; for I leve hir undir your proteccion til I write to hir to go
thens, which shal be hastily, I suppose, praying you to be alwey hir
good maister, for I purpose not to se hir of a while, though she remeve.
Wrete with sorwfull hert, &c.

  Yours,

  DENYES.

    [Footnote 272.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 175.] The date of this
    letter is probably a little earlier than that of the next
    (No. 455).]


455

THOMAS DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[274.1]

_To my Maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1461 / MAY]

Right wurshipfull and myn especiall good maister, I recomaund me to yow
with all my service, besechyng you hertily, at the reverence of God, to
helpe me now in the grettest extremite that I cam at sith my greet
trobil with Ingham.[274.2] It is not oute of your remembraunce how Twyer
in Norff[olk] vexith me bothe by noise and serchyng myn house for me, so
that theer I can not be in quyete; and all that, I am verily acerteyned,
is by Heydens crafft. And heer in the Kyngs house annenst Howard,[274.3]
wher I had hopid to a’ relevid myself, I am supplanted and cast oute
from hym by a clamour of all his servaunts at onys, and ne wer oonly
that his disposicion acordyth not to my pouer conceyte, which maketh me
to gif lesse force, be cause I desire not to dele ther [_where_] bribery
is like to be usid, ellis by my trouth this unhappy unkyndenes wold I
trow a’ killed me. I pray yow, at the reverence of Jesu Criste, to
enfourme my Lord of Warwyk of me. Parde I haf do hym service; I was with
hym at Northampton, that all men knew; and now agayn at Seynt Albones,
that knowth James Ratcliff; and ther lost I xx_li._ wurth horse,
herneys, and mony, and was hurte in diverse places. I pray yow to gete
me his good Lordship, and that I may be toward hym in Norffolk in his
Courts holdyng, or ellis, if ony thyng he haf to do; and that ye wole
gete me a letter to Twyer to late me to sit in rest. For now if I made
any felaship agayn Twyer, I can haf no colour now the Shirref and I be
oute, so I must kepe me aparte, which I am lothe to do, be God, if I
myght better do.

I besech yow to send me your intent by the next man that come from yow.
I shuld a’ come to zow, but, so help me God, my purs may no ferther. The
Holy Trinite preserve yow.

Wretyn hastily at York, &c.

  Your to his power,

  DENYES.

    [Footnote 274.1: [From Fenn, iv. 10.] The writer of this letter
    speaks of having served with the Earl of Warwick at the battle
    of Northampton in July 1460, and again at the second battle of
    St. Albans in February 1461. We know from later letters that he
    was murdered in the beginning of July following. As he dates
    from York, and speaks of being ‘here in the King’s house,’ the
    date would appear to be about the 10th of May, on which day we
    find by the dates of the Privy Seals that Edward IV. was at
    York.]

    [Footnote 274.2: _See_ vol. ii. Nos. 238, 239.]

    [Footnote 274.3: Sir John Howard, who was sheriff of Norfolk
    this year.]


456

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[275.1]

_To owre right trusty and welbeloved John Paston._

TH’ERL OF OXENFORD.

[Sidenote: 1461 / MAY 31]

Right trusty and welbeloved, we grete yow well, and pray yow, as oure
trust is in yow, that if ye or any of yowre men here that Howard
purposith hym to make any aray at owre manor of Wynche, that ye woll
lete John Keche, owre kepere ther of, haue wetyng by tymes, for and he
have warnyng he will kepe it in to the tyme that we come thedir, with
the grace of God, wiche have yow in His kepyng. Wretyn in owre manor of
Wyvynho the last day of May.

  OXENFORD.

    [Footnote 275.1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 85.] The date of this letter
    may, with great probability, be attributed to the year 1461. It
    certainly cannot be later, as the writer was executed for high
    treason in February 1462. He was found to have been
    corresponding with Margaret of Anjou for the restoration of
    Henry VI., but the discovery must have been much later than May
    1461. Sir John Howard, who, for his services to the House of
    York, was afterwards made Duke of Norfolk, appears to have had
    great influence just after the accession of Edward IV., which he
    used in a very overbearing manner; and we have already seen, by
    the last letter, that the Earl of Oxford’s servant, Thomas
    Denyes, was at this very time suffering much persecution at his
    hands.]


457

THOMAS PLAYTER TO JOHN PASTON[276.1]

_To my right good maister, John Paston, in all hast._

[Sidenote: 1461]

After my most special recommendacion, please your maisterchip wete, the
Kyng, be cause of the sege a boute Carelylle, chaunged his day of
Coronacion to be upon the Sunday[276.2] nexst after Seynt John Baptyste,
so the’ntent to spede hym northward in all hast; and how be it, blyssed
be God, that he hath now good tydynggs, that Lord Mountagu hath broken
the sege, and slayn of Scotts vj.^ml. [6000] and ij. knyghes, whereof
Lord Cliffords brother is one, yet not wythstandyng he wol be crowned
the sayd Sunday. And John Jeney enformed me, and as I have verely lerned
sethen, ye ar inbylled to be made knygth at this Coronacion.[276.3]
Wheder ye have understandyng before hand, I wot not; but and it lyke you
to take the worchip uppon you, consyderyng the comfortable tytynggs
afore seyd, and for the gladnesse and plesour of al your welwyllers, and
to the pyne and dyscomfort of all your ille wyllers, it were tyme your
gere necessarye on that by halfe were purveyd fore, and also ye had nede
higth you to London, for as I conceyve the knygthes schuld be made uppon
the Saterday by for the Coronacion; and as moche as may be purveyed for
you in secrete wyse wythouten cost I schall by speke for you, if nede
be, ayens your comyng, in trust of the best; neverthelesse, if ye be
dysposed, ye had nede send a man by fore in all hast, that no thing be
to seke. William Calthorp is inbylled, and Yelvertoun is inbylled,
whiche caused Markham; because Yelverton loked to have ben chef juge,
and Markham thynketh to plese hym thus. And as for the mater ayens
Poutrell, we can no farther procede, tyl we have my maister your faders
testament. I sent my maistres a letter for it. No more, but I pray Al
myghty Jesu have you in His kepyng.

  Your,

  THOMAS PLAYTER.

    [Footnote 276.1: [From Fenn, i. 230.] It is evident from the
    contents that this letter was written some time before the
    coronation of Edward IV.]

    [Footnote 276.2: 28th June.]

    [Footnote 276.3: John Paston was not made knight at the
    coronation of Edward IV., but his eldest son was made knight,
    probably as a substitute for himself, within two years after.]


458

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON[277.1]

_To my right reverent worschipfull master, my Master John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JUNE 5]

Right reverent and worschipfull master, I lowly recomande me unto your
good masterschip. Plesith you to witte that I have ben at Framelyngham,
and spake Ric Sothwell to hafe hes advice in this mater; wherin he wolde
geve me but litell councell, and seide ze were straungely disposed, for
ye trusted no man, and had moche langage, weche the berer herof schal
enforme your masterschip.

And as for the letters, they were delivered my Lorde[277.2] at the
Logge, but I cowde not speke with hese Lordeschip. And suche tyme as
they were delyvered Fitz William whas there, weche is now keper of
Castre; and what tyme as my Lorde had sene the lettres, he comaunded hym
to avoide, and so he did. And thanne my Lorde sent for Sothwell. And in
the meene tyme my Lorde sent a man to me, and axed me where ye were, and
I tolde hem ye were with the Kyng; and so he sent me worde that an
answere schulde be made be Sothwel to the King, seyng that ii. or iij.
eyers [_heirs_] had ben with my Lorde, and shewed her [_i.e._ their]
evidence, and delyvered it to my Lorde, seyng they have had gret wrong,
besechyng my Lorde that it myght be reformed. Wherfor he comaunded me
that I shulde go hom, for other answer cowde I non have. So I aboude
uppon Sothwel to a’ know my Lordes answer to the Kyng; weche answere
Sothwel tolde me was, that he writeth to the Kyng that certeine points
in your lettres be untrew, and that he schal prove suche tyme as he
cometh befor the Kyng, besechyng the Kyng to take it to no displesur;
for he is advised to kepe it still unto the tyme that he hath spaken
with his Highnesse, for he trusteth to God to schewe suche evidence to
the Kyng and to the Lords, that he schulde have best right and titill
therto; and so he sent a man forthe to the Kyng this day. It were right
wele don ye awayted upon hes man comyng, that ye myght knowe the redy
entent of my Lordes writyng.

Berthelmew Elysse hathe ben with my Lorde, and made a relesse to my
Lord; and Sir Will Chamberleine was ther ij. dayes afore I come thirder,
I can thynke for the sam mater. And Thomas Fastolf whas there the same
tyme that I was ther; and as I am enformed, they have delyvered my Lorde
serteine evidence. Wherfore me semeth it were right wele don, savyng
your better advice, to com hom and sele up your evidence, and have hem
with you to London, to prove his titill noght. Ther be but ii. or iij.
men with in the place, and if ye thynke it best to do it, send word, and
I suppose a remedy schal be had.

Also I here no word of Master William, nor of the writts for the
Parlament. Also it is tolde here that Tudenham[278.1] and Heydon have a
pardon of the Kyng, and that they schal come up to London with the Lady
of Suffolk to the Coronacion. Also as for the letter that ye sent to
Thomas Wyngfeld, I have it still, for he is at London. Some men sey he
meved my Lord for to entre, and some sey Fitz William is in defaute. So
I can see ther is but fewe goode. Also my master Sir Thomas Howys schol
send a letter to the person ye wote of, for to deliver you the gere at
London the next week. My right wourschipfull and reverent master,
Almyghti God preserve you.

Wreten at Norweche, on the morwe after Corpus Christi Day.

  Your pore servant and bedman,

  R. C.

    [Footnote 277.1: [From Fenn, iv. 6.] The date of this letter,
    like that of the last, is shown by a reference to the
    approaching coronation of Edward IV.]

    [Footnote 277.2: The Duke of Norfolk, who appears by this time
    to have taken possession of Caister, and appointed a keeper for
    it.]

    [Footnote 278.1: Sir Thomas Tuddenham was beheaded in February
    following.]


459

ROBERT LETHUM TO JOHN PASTON[279.1]

_A tres reverent Sire, John Paston, Esquier, demouraunt ou lostell le
Roy soit d[onne]._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JUNE 19]

Right worshipfull sir, I recomaund me to you. And, sir, yesterday I
resceived of you a lettre from oure sovereign lord the Kyng directe to
John Fulman, dyvers othir, and me, by the quych, for certeyn causes that
meved hym, and for the well and save gard of his person and this his
realme, he desired we chuld fynd men for kepyng of the see. I said to
you that I hade beyn dyvers tymes spoled and robbed, as ye have herd,
and also gretely vexed and sued to me [_my_] unportab[l]e
[charges];[279.2] nevir the les, to my pouer, with my body and my gode,
I chall be redy to do hym servyce in resistyng his enmyse and rebelles.
Also I said I dwelled uppon the cost of the see here, and be langage hit
were more necessare to with hold men here than take men from hit. The
said the Kyng hade wreton to dyvers persones here quych hade promysed
men, queruppon I promysed a man, quych chall be redy at such tyme I have
knowelege quere the shippyng chall be, to waite uppon yow, or quane the
Kyng comaundes. I write to you of my promyse as ye comaund me, and pray
you I may have a copy of the said lettre. And I pray Godd kepe you.
Wrete at Plumsted on the Fest of Seynt Gervaise and Prothase.[279.3]

  Your,

  ROBT. LETHUM.

    [Footnote 279.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As we find by the last
    letter that John Paston was with the King in the beginning of
    June 1461, this may with great probability be attributed to the
    same year.]

    [Footnote 279.2: Omitted in MS.]

    [Footnote 279.3: 19th June.]


460

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[280.1]

_To my right worshipful maister, John Paston, at Heylesdon in Norfolk,
in hast._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JUNE 21]

After due recomendacion hadde; please it your Maistership to witte, that
as for Plaiter he shall excuse the writte of the parlement, &c. As
touchyng my maister Howard,[280.2] I cannot yet speke with hym, ne with
Moungomerye[280.3] nether. But as for the day of Coronacion of the Kyng,
it shall be certeynly the Moneday next after Mydsomer, and it is told me
that ye among other ar named to be made knyght atte Coronacion, &c.

Item, it is seid that the Coronacion do, the Kyng wole in to the north
part forthwith; and therfor shall not the parlement holde, but writtes
shall goo in to every shire to gyve them, that ar chosyn knyghtes of the
shire, day after Michelmesse; this is told me by suyche as arn right
credible. Maister Brakle shall preche at Poules on Sunday next comyng as
he tolde me, and he told me, that for cause Childermesse day[280.4] fal
on the Sunday, the Coronacion shall on the Moneday, &c.

Wretyn in hast at London, the Sunday next tofore Mydsomer,

  Your right pouere servant,

  JAMES GRESHAM.

    [Footnote 280.1: [From Fenn, i. 232.] Like Nos. 457 and 458,
    this letter refers to the approaching coronation of Edward
    IV.]

    [Footnote 280.2: Sir John Howard.]

    [Footnote 280.3: Sir Thomas Montgomery.]

    [Footnote 280.4: Childermas, or Holy Innocents’ Day, the 28th of
    December, fell on Sunday in the year 1460. The day of the week
    on which it fell used to be considered ominous or unlucky during
    the whole ensuing year. This superstition seems to have
    continued as late as the beginning of the eighteenth century,
    and is alluded to by Addison in the seventh number of the
    _Spectator_. It is not true, however, that Edward’s coronation
    was put off till Monday. It took place on the Sunday which had
    been originally appointed for it, but the processions and
    pageantry were deferred till next day. The following is the
    account of the matter given in a contemporary chronicle in the
    Cottonian MS., Vitellius, A. xvi:--

    ‘And upon the morn, Sunday, which was St. Peter’s Even, and the
    28th day of June, he was crowned at Westminster with great
    solemnity of bishops and other temporal lords. And upon the morn
    after, the King went crowned again in Westminster Abbey, in the
    worship of God and St. Peter. And upon the next morn he went
    also crowned in St. Paul’s in the worship of God and St. Paul;
    and there the angel came down and censed him. At which time was
    as great a multitude of people in Paul’s as ever was seen afore
    in any days.’]


461

CLEMENT PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[281.1]

_To my rythe worchypfull broder, John Paston, be thys delyveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JUNE 26]

Broder, I recomawnde me to zow, desyeryng to here of yowre welfare, the
qwyche I pray God mayntene. Plesse yow to wette that I have sent my
moder a letter for mony for my swster;[281.2] and if ze wyll agre that I
may have xx^{ti}_li._ [£20], I xall zeve zow acowmpts ther of, and ze
xall be payyd azen of the obligacyon that my moder hathe, or ellys I
xall take a swerte of my suster. I wysse obligacion mwste nedes be swyd,
and a doseyn accions more in her name, and sche doo well thys terme; and
it wyll be doo with in fowertenyut. The Cowntas of Northumberlond[281.3]
and Robarde Fenus[281.4] ocupie all her lond, and that is a gret
myscheffe. I prey zow spe[ke] to my moder her of, and lat me have a
awnswer within this sevenyut. Also, broder, Wyndham is come to town, and
he seyd to me he wyll goo gett hym a mayster, and me thowte by hym he
wold be in the Kynges servise, and he saythe that he wyll have Felbryg
azen or Myhelmes, or ther shal be v.^c. [500] heds broke ther fore.
Brodere, I pray zow delyver the mony that I xwld have in to swm prior of
swm abbey to swm mayster of swm colage to be delyveryd qwan I can espy
ony londe to be porchasyd. I pray zow send me word wyder ze wyll doo
thus or no. No more, but owre Lord have zow in Hys kepyng. Wrytyn on
Fryday nexst after Seynt John is day.

  By zour broder,

  CLEMENT PASTON.

    [Footnote 281.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] Elizabeth Paston, who,
    as we have seen (No. 374), had been married to Robert Poynings
    by the beginning of the year 1459, became his widow in 1461, her
    husband having been killed in the second battle of St. Albans on
    the 17th February. It would appear by this letter that she was
    immediately after dispossessed of her husband’s lands by
    Eleanor, Countess of Northumberland, who was Baroness Poynings
    in her own right.]

    [Footnote 281.2: Elizabeth Paston, now widow of Robert
    Poynings.]

    [Footnote 281.3: Eleanor, widow of Henry Percy, third Earl, who
    was slain at Towton in 1461.]

    [Footnote 281.4: Fenys.]


462

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[282.1]

_To my right worchepfull hosbond, John Paston, be this letter deliveryd
in hast._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JUNE]

Right worchepfull hosbond, I recommand me to you. Please you to wete
that thys day in the mornyng the parson of Snoryng came to Thomas Denys
and fechyd hym owt of hys hows, and beryth hym a hand,[282.2] that he
shuld a mad byllys agayns Twyer and hym, and hathe a leed hym ferthe
with hem. Hys wyf hathe no knowlege of it. Ferther more the seid parson
seythe that the seyd Thomas Denys shuld a take sowdyors owt of hys
felachep whan he went to Seynt Albons;[282.3] that hys a nother of hys
compleynts. Item, anothyr of hys compleynts ys, a beryth the seyd Thomas
a hand,[282.2] that he had awey a hors of John Coppyng of Bryslee, and a
nother of Kyng of Donham, the wyche hors were stole be the seyd ij.
personys. Wher for the seyd Thomas toke hem as a comyshaner and
delyveryd hem to the exchetor, Frances Costard, and one of them he bowt
of the seyd Fraunces. And the seyd parson hathe a wey the seyd hors, and
seyth that he wolle the seyd thevys shuld be recompenst be Thomas Denys.
Thys I am enformyd of all thesse maters be hys wyffe, and sche prayythe
yow in the reverence of God ye wolle be hyr good maister, and helpe that
hyr hosbond may have sume remedy be your labor in thys mater, [for she]
seythe syn that hyr hosbond ys the Kyngs offycer, that they owt to spar
hym the rather. But they that hathe hym take no . . . . . . told me that
they hope to have a newe chonge in hast.

Item, Pers that was with my unkyll Barney[283.1] sent you a l[etter]
. . . . . . er desyryng to have your good masterchep, and he woll fyynd
sufficient suerte[283.2] for hym for to com . . . . . . whan som ever ye
woll require hym. I’ good feyth it ys told me hys leggs ar all . . .
. . . [Send] me word, encas the suerte be sufficient, in what sum ye
woll have hem bownd for hy . . . . . . te in bayle. Item, it ys told me
that ther be many Freynche shyppys of se a geyns Yamothe, a[nd . . .
. . . t]hey woll do harme on the coste. I pray yow hertely that ye woll
send me word in hast howe that ye do with my [Lord] of Norffolk, and
with your adversaryys. Item, I have do purveyed in thys wareyn xj.^xx.
[_eleven score_] rabets and sent up be the berer herof. The blyssyd
Trinite have yow in Hys kepyng, and send yow the better of all your
adversariis, and good sped in all your maters. Wretyn in hast, the same
day that ye departyd hens.

Item, I pray yow that ye wolle remembre my unkyll Barneys mater tochyng
the executyng of his wylle, and how ye wolle that we be demenyd for
kepyng of hys yerday, and that it lekyth you to send me word be Mr. John
Smy[th].

    [Footnote 282.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter appears
    from internal evidence to have been written some time after the
    second battle of St. Albans, which was fought in February 1461,
    and before the murder of Thomas Denys in July following. But to
    all appearance it was not very long before the latter date. The
    MS. is mutilated, and a few words are lost in eight consecutive
    lines.]

    [Footnote 282.2: _i.e._ accuses him. _See_ vol. ii. p. 110,
    Note.]

    [Footnote 282.3: Thomas Denys was at the second battle of St.
    Albans in February 1461. _See_ No. 455.]

    [Footnote 283.1: John Berney.]

    [Footnote 283.2: _See_ Letter 424.]


463

THOMAS DENYES TO MARGARET PASTON[284.1]

_To my right noble and wurshipfull mastresse, my Mastresse Paston, or to
William Paston if she be absent._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JULY]

Right noble and wurshipfull mastresse, I recomaund me to yow with my
pouer servise. And for so moche as I here no thyng of my maister your
husbonds comyng hastly home,--and though he cam or come not, it were
expedient that the Kyng were infourmed of the demenyng of the
shire,--therfore I send to yow a testymonyall, which is made by a greet
assent of greet multitude of comons, to send to the Kyng. I pray you for
the good spede therof that in all hast possible ye like to send it to my
said maister, if he be with the Kyng; ellis fynde the meane to send it
to the Kyng, thogh my maister be thens; beside forthe that ye vouchsauf
to late diligent labour be made to a sufficient nombir to assele for my
Maister Paston allone, for if bothe holde not, I wolde oon helde.

I pray yow that it lyke you to send for my Maister William Paston, and
shew hym all thys, and that it were hastid; for on the adversaire parte
Judas slepith not.

Berney promised to a’ sent, but for our Lords love trust not that; for I
se his slouthe and sely labour, which is no labour. And I wold ful fayn
speke with yow, &c.

My maister your husbond wole peraventure blame us all, if this mater be
not applied; for he may not of reson do so largely heryn by his myght,
be cause he is elyted, as the Comons myght wisely do with help of his
favour, if it wer wisely wrought. If my Maister William Paston ride
hastly from a x. daies to London, I wole with hym, if he send me word.
The Holy Trinite preserve yow. Wretyn rudely in hast the Sunday, &c.

Men sey, send a wiseman on thy erand, and sey litell to hym, wherfor I
write brefly and litell.

  THOMAS DENYES.

    [Footnote 284.1: [From Fenn, iv. 18.] This letter speaks of the
    county of Norfolk as being in an unquiet state, and of John
    Paston as having been elected knight of the shire. It will be
    seen by No. 458 that writs for an election were expected as
    early as the 5th of June in 1461, and as I find that the writer
    of this letter was murdered on the 4th of July following, the
    date is probably about the very beginning of that month. From
    what is said at the beginning of the letter about Paston’s
    absence from home, it was evidently some time after the last,
    which was written on the very day of his departure.]


464

RICHARD CALL TO MARGARET PASTON[285.1]

_To my most reverent and worshipfull mastresse, my Mastresse Margaret
Paston, this be delyuered._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JULY 3]

Plesith it your mastresseship that my mastre[285.2] wolde that ye alowe
the berer hereof for hes costs, in asmoch as he come hether for that
matre, and for non other; but ye must lete Thomas Denys wif be prevy
therto, for my mastre wol that she bere the cost, for it is her matre;
and that ye make her goode cheere, and if ye wol have her hom to you for
a seacon, unto the tyme sche be out of her trouble, my mastre is agreed.
And if sche sende to my mastre for any matre, let her sende her owne man
upon her owne coste, thowe ye paye the money for a secon, unto the tyme
that sche may pay you a yein, mastre holdeth hym content. My right
wurshipful mastresse, Almyghti Jesu kepe you. Wreten at London the iij.
day of Jul.

  Your poore seruaunt and bedman,

  RIC. CALL.

  On the back of this letter is the following memorandum:--
  ‘Memorandum of j. comb whete, whereof was mad iiij.^xx. and x.
  [_fourscore and ten_] brown lovis and iiij.^xx. and xvj. white
  lovis, after vj. j.^d. price the . . . .’

    [Footnote 285.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter seems to
    have been written in 1461, just before Thomas Denys was
    murdered, in consequence of the occurrences mentioned in No.
    462.]

    [Footnote 285.2: John Paston.]


465

WILLIAM LOMNER TO JOHN PASTON[286.1]

_To the right worchipfull and my good maister John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JULY 6]

Ryght worchipfull and my good mayster I recomaunde me to yow. And, sir,
yf the Coronacion had be on Relik Sunday,[286.2] as it was apoyntyd,
I shuld have waytid on yow. And as for my Lord of Norffolks mene, I told
my mastres your wyfe, here disposission as I coude know, the wheche I
sopose she told yow, as I can espye some of his meny was grette cause of
T. D.[286.3] deth, &c. Also ye have knowlych how Fastolff[286.4] is com
yn to my Lord of Norffolks hous, for ij. causez, as I understande; on is
to enfors my Lords entre yn Castre be his cleym; an other is to helpe
his fader yn lawe[286.5] ayens Felbrigge, &c. For love of Good take good
awayte to your person, for the word [_world_] is right wilde, and have
be sythyn Heydonz sauffe gard was proclamyd at Walsyngham; for yn good
feyth I trow, but if [_i.e._ unless] he be ponysshid the countre wille
rise and doo moche harme, and also for the comyssion Sir Miles Stapilton
and Calthorp, that arn among the comunes ought of conseite and reputid
the Kyngs enmez, as the brenger of this bille can telle yow, to whom I
beseche yow to be good mayster, for he hath doo the Kyng good servyse as
ony pore man of our contre, and yet is he callid traitor be sweche as he
can telle yow, soportid be Roger Bolwer and Aleyn Roos, Heidonz owyn men
[chif constablez].[286.6] And it plese yow that John Yve and John Brigge
myght have your warentez for cheffe constable, &c., for they ocupye yn
Kyng Herris name. Forther, sire, I am gretly yn your danger and dette
for my pension, for it is told me ye have paied, and at your comyng I
shalle make amendez with your good maistreship, and suche servyse as
lith yn my pore powere is, and shalbe, redy at alle tymez with Godds
grace, how have yow yn His kepyng. Wretyn yn hast at Dallyng, on Sent
Thomas Even, &c.

  Be your Servaunt,

  L.

    [Footnote 286.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] From the reference to
    the coronation, it is quite evident that this letter must have
    been written in the first year of King Edward the Fourth.]

    [Footnote 286.2: 12th July in 1461.]

    [Footnote 286.3: Thomas Denys.]

    [Footnote 286.4: Thomas Fastolf of Cowhaw.]

    [Footnote 286.5: This would seem to be John Wyndham, but I find
    no mention of such a relationship between him and Fastolf.]

    [Footnote 286.6: Interlined.]


466

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[287.1]

_To my ryth worchepfull hosbond, John Paston, be thys deliverid in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JULY 9]

Right worchepful hosbond, I recommand me to yow. Please yow to wete that
I have spoke with Thomas Denys wyffe, and she recommand hyr to your good
masterchep, and she prayeth yow to be her good master, and prayet yow of
your good masterchep, that ye wolle geve her your advice howe to be
demenid for hyr person and hyr goodes. For as towchyng hyr owne person,
she dare not goo home to hyr owne place, for she is thret if that she
myght be take, she shuld be slayne or be put in ferfull place, in
shortyng of hyr lyve dayes, and so she standyth in gret hevynes, God her
helpe. Ferther more she is nowe put be her brother in Norwich with
Awbry, and she thynkyth the place is right conversaunt of pupyll for hyr
to abeyd in, for she kepyth hyr as close as she may for spyyng. Item, as
I went to Seynt Levenard ward, I spake with Maister John Salet, and
commonyd with hym of hyr, and me thowgt be hym that he howyth hyr ryght
good wylle. And than I haskyd hym howe she myght be demenyd with
hys[287.2] goodes and hyr. He cownseld me that she shuld get hyr a
trosty frend, that war a good, trewe, poor man, that had not moche to
lese, and wold be rewlyd after hyr, and to have a letter of
ministracion; and so I told hyr. Than she seyd she wold have hyr broder
advice therin. Item, she seyth ther be no mor feffes in hys londes but
ye and Rokwood, and she prayeth yow that it please yow to speke to
Rokwood that he make no relesse but be your advice, as she trostyth to
yowr good masterchep. Item, the last tyme that I spake with hyr she mad
suche a petows mone and seyd that she wost ner howe to do for mony, and
so I lent vj_s._ viij_d._ Item, I sent my cosyn Barney the bylle that
John Pampyng wrot be yowr commanddement to me, and he hath sent a letter
of hys entent to yow and to Rokwod therof, and also but if it please yow
to take better hed to hys mater than he can do hym self, I can thynk he
shall ellis fare the wors for i’ feyth he standyth daly in gret fere,
for the false contrary party ageyns hym. Item, at the reverence of God,
be ware howe ye ryd or go, for nowgty and evyll desposyd felacheps. I am
put en fere dayly for myn abydyng here, and cownsellyd be my moder and
be other good frendes, that I shuld not abeyd here but yf the world wher
in mor quiete than it is. God for hys merci send us a good world, and
send yow helthe in body and sowle, and good speed in all your maters.
Wreten in hast the Thursday next after Seynt Thomas.

  By your,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 287.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter clearly
    relates to the affairs of Thomas Denys’s wife, after the murder
    of her husband in 1461. John Paston and William Rokewood were
    trustees of his lands, and Margaret’s cousin, John Berney of
    Witchingham, it will be seen, wrote more than one letter to them
    about this time.]

    [Footnote 287.2: _i.e._ her husband’s.]


467

JOHN BERNEY TO JOHN PASTON AND WYLLIAM ROKEWODE[288.1]

_To the worshipfull John Paston and Wylliam Rokewode, Squyeris, and to
everych of them._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JULY 10]

Right worshipfull cosynes, I recummaund me to yow. And for as mech as I
am credybilly informyd how that Sir Myles Stapylton knyght with other
yll dysposed persones, defame and falsly noyse me in morderyng of Thomas
Denys the Crowner, and how that I intend to make insurexyones contrari
unto the law; and that the seyd Stapylton ferthermore noyseth me with
gret robries; in whech defamacyones and fals noysyngs the seyd
Stapylton, and in that his saying he is fals, that knowith God, &c. And
for my playn acquitayll, yf he or any substancyall gentylman wyll say
it, and avow it, I say to it contrari, and by lisens of the Kyng to make
it good as a gentylman. And in this my playn exskeus, I pray yow to opyn
it unto the Lords, that the seyd Stapylton, &c., makyn gret gaderyngs of
the Kyngs rebelyones, lying in wayte to morder me. And in that I may
make opyn proff. Wretyn in hast the x. day of July anno regni Regis E.
iiij. primo.

  JOHN BERNEYE.

Remembre to take a wryht to chese crowneres in Norffolk.

    [Footnote 288.1: [From Fenn, i. 236.]]


468

JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON[289.1]

_To my cosyn, Margaret Paston._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JULY 12]

I recomaund me to yow, letyng yow wete tha the Undershreve doughtyth hym
of John Berney; wherfore I pray yow bryng hem to gedyr, and set hem
acord, if ye can, so that the seyd Ondershreve be sure that he shall not
be hurt be hym, ner of hys cuntrymen. And eyf he woll not, lete hym
verely understonde that he shall be compellyd to fynd hym suerte of the
pes to agry in thys heed, and that shall nowther be profitabyll, ner
worchepful. And lete hym wete that there have be many compleynts of hym
be that knavyssh knyght, Sir Miles Stapilton, as I sent yow word before;
but he shall come to hys excuse wele inow, so he have a mannys hert, and
the seyd Stapylton shall ben ondyrstand as he ys, a fals shrewe. And he
and hys wyfe and other have blaveryd here of my kynred in
hedermoder;[290.1] but, be that tyme we have rekned of old dayes and
late dayes, myn shall be found more worchepfull thanne hys and hys
wyfes, or ellys I woll not for hys gilt gypcer.

Also telle the seyd Berney that the Shreve ys in a dought whedyr he
shall make a newe eleccion of knyghts of the shyre, be cause of hym and
Grey; where in it were bettyr for hym to have the Shreves good wyll.

Item, me thynkyth for quiete of the cuntre it were most worchepfull that
as wele Berney as Grey shuld get a record of all suche that myght spend
xl_s._ ayere, that were at the day of eleccon, whech of them that had
fewest to geve it up as reson wold. Wretyn at London, on Relyk Sonday.

Item, that ye send abought for sylver acordyng to the old bylle that I
sent yow from Lynne.

  JOHN PASTON.

    [Footnote 289.1: [From Fenn, iv. 20.] This letter and the next,
    which is an answer to it, are evidently of the same year as No.
    471. Relic Sunday (the third Sunday after Midsummer Day) was the
    12th July in 1461.]

    [Footnote 290.1: In hugger-mugger, _i.e._ clandestinely.]


469

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[290.2]

[Sidenote: 1461 / JULY 15]

I recomand me to yow. Please yow to wete that I have sent to my cosyn
Barney, acordyng to your desyr in the letter that ye deed wright on
Relec Sonday to me, wheropon he hathe wreten a letter to yow and anothyr
bylle to me, the wyche I send yow. He tolde the masanger that I sent to
hym that the Undershereve nedyth not to fer hym nor non of hys; for he
seyd, after the aleccion was doo, he spak with hym at the Grey Fryers,
and prayyd hym of hys good masterchep, and seyd to hym that he feryd no
man of bodely harme, but only Twyer and hys felachep.

Item, Sir John Tatersalle and the baly of Walsynsham and the constabyll
hathe take the parson of Snoryng and iiij. of hys men, and sete hem fast
in the stokkys on Monday at nyght; and, as it is seyd, they shuld be
carryyd up to the Kyng in hast. God defend yt but they be shastysyd as
the lawe wolle. Twyer and hys felachep beryth a gret wyght of Thomas
Denys dethe in this contry abowght Walsynham; and it is seyd ther yf
John Osberne hade owght hym as good wylle, as he deed befor that he was
acqueyntyd with Twyer, he shuld not adyyd [_have died_] for he myght
rewlyd al Walsynham as he had lyst, as it ys seyd.

Item, Will Lynys, that was with Master Fastolf, and swyche other as he
is with hym, goo fast abowght in the contr, and ber men a hand,[291.1]
prests and others, they be Skotts, and take brybys of hem and let hem
goo ageyn. He toke the last wek the parson of Freton, and but for my
cosyn Jarnyngham the younger,[291.2] ther wold a led hem forthe with
hem; and he told hem pleynly yf they mad any suche doyngs ther, but
[_i.e._ unless] they had the letter to schewe for hem, they shuld aley
on her bodyys. It wer welle do that they wer met with be tymys. It is
told me that the seyd Will reportyth of yow as shamfully as he can in
dyvers place. Jesu have yow in Hys kepyng. Wreten in hast, the Wednysday
after Relec Sonday.

Yf the Undershereve come home, I woll a say to do for hym as ye desyryd
me in your letter. As for mony, I have sent abowght, and I can get non
but xiij_s._ iiij_d._ syn ye went owght. I wolle do my parte to get mor
as hastely as ye may.

  By yowr,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 290.2: [From Fenn, iv. 24.] See note to preceding
    letter, p. 289, Note 1.]

    [Footnote 291.1: That is to say, make imputations against them.
    _See_ vol. ii. p. 110, Note 1.]

    [Footnote 291.2: John Jerningham, junior, son of John
    Jerningham, senior, of Somerleyton, Suffolk.]


470

JOHN BERNEY TO JOHN PASTON[291.3]

_To the worshipfull John Paston, and to my cosyn, Wylliam Rokewode,
Squyer, with my Lord of Cantyrburi._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JULY 16]

Right worshipfull sir, I recummaund me to yow, praying yow hertyli to
labour for that the Kyng may wryte unto me, gevyng me thankyng of the
good wyll and servyse that I haff doo unto hym, and in beyng with hym a
yens his adversaries and rebelyones, as well in the North, as in this
cuntre of Norffolk. And in that the Kyng shold please the Comynnes in
this cuntre; for they grudge and sey, how that the Kyng resayvith sych
of this cuntre, &c. as haff be his gret eanemyes, and opresseors of the
Comynes; and sych as haff assystyd his Hynes, be not rewardyt; and it is
to be consederyd, or ellys it wyll hurt, as me semyth by reason. And in
ayd of this chaungebyll rewle, it wer nessessary to move the good Lords
Spiretuall and Temperall, by the whech that myght be reformyd, &c. And
in cas that any of myn olde enemyes, Tudynham, Stapylton, and Heydon,
with theyr affenyte labur the Kyng and Lords unto my hurt, I am and
wylbe redy to come to my souverayn Lord for my exskeus, soo that I may
come saff for unlawfull hurt, purveyed by my seyd ennemyes. No more at
this tyme, but God preserve yow in gras. Wretyn at Wychyngham the xvj.
day in the moneth of July, anno regni Regis E. iiij^ti. primo.

  JOHN BERNEYE.

Please it yow to move this unto my Lords Cauntyrburi, Ely, Norwych, &c.

    [Footnote 291.3: [From Fenn, i. 238.]]


471

JOHN BERNEY TO JOHN PASTON[292.1]

_To the ryght worshipfull John Paston, Squyer, in hast._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JULY 17]

Sir, I recomaund me to zow, &c. And as for my playn dysposyssyon towards
the Undyrshrewe, I wyll hym no bodyli hurt, nor shal not be hurt by me
nor by noo man that I may rewle. But the Comynnes throw all the schyer
be movyd agayn hym, for cause of his lyght demeanyng towards them for
this elexsyon of knygtts of the shyer for the Parlement. And I suppose
yf that he wyll, he may be hastyli easyd as thus:--lat hym make notys
unto the seyd Comynnes that this theyr eleccyon shall stande, or ellys
lat hym purchas a new wryt, and lat hym make wrytyng unto them what day
they shall come, and they to make a new eleccyon acordyng unto the law.
And, sir, I pray zow, sey to hym that it is nott his oneste to lye upon
too many men, noysyng them rebyliones of Norff[olk], and Berney theyr c
. . . No more to zow at this tyme, but I naff sent zow ij. letteris
within this viij. dayes. Wretyn the xvij. day of July anno regni Regis
E. iiij^ti. 1^mo.

  JOHN BERNEY.

    [Footnote 292.1: [From Fenn, iv. 28.]]


472

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[293.1]

_To my worchepful hosbonde, Jon Pastun, this letter be delyvered in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JULY 18]

Ryth worchepful husbond, I recomawnd me to yow. Plesyt yow to wete that
I am desyrid be Sir John Tatersale to wryte to yow for a comyssion or a
noyr in termyner [_oyer and terminer_][293.2] for to be sent down in to
this cuntre to sit uppon the parson of Snoryng, and on soche as was
cause of Thomas Denyssys dethe, and for many and gret horebyl robryys;
and as for the costs ther of the cuntre wele pay therfor, for they be
sor aferd but [_i.e._ unless] the seyd dethe be chastysed, and the seyd
robryys, they ar aferde that mo folks xal be servyd in lyke wyse.

As for the prest and vj. of hese men that be takyn, they be delyveryt to
Twer [_Twyer_], and iiij. be with hem of the cuntreys cost, for to be
sent with to the Kyng; and yf they be browt up at the reverens of God,
do yowr parte that they schape not, but that they may have the jugement
of the lawe, and as they have deservyd, and be comytyt to prison, not to
departe tyl they be inqueryd of her forseyd robery be soche a comyssion
that ye can get, that the Keng and the Lords may hondyrstonde wat rewle
they have be of, not hondely for the moderys and the robbryys, but as
wele for the gret insurrexsin that they were lyke amade within the
shyre. The preests of Castyr they be streytely take hede at be Roberd
Harmerer and hoder, so that the seyde prestys may have no thyng out of
ther owne, ne of hodyr menys, but they be rassakyt, and the plase ys
watchyd bothe day and nyth. The prestys thynk ryth longe tyl they
tydynggs fro yow. At the reverens of God, be ware hou ye goo and ryde,
for that ys told me that ye thret of hem that be nowty felawys that
hathe be inclynyng to them, that hathe be your hold adversarys.

The blyssyd Trenyte have yow in hys kepyng. Wretyn in hast, the Saturday
nex be fore Sent Margarete.

  Be yours,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 293.1: [From Fenn, iv. 30.] The date of this letter is
    certain, as it refers to the murder of Thomas Denys.]

    [Footnote 293.2: _See_ vol. ii. p. 161, Note 3.]


473

GRANT FROM THE CROWN[294.1]

_Pro Johanne Paston._

[Sidenote: 1461 / JULY 27]

Rex omnibus ad quos &c. salutem. Cum Nos indebitati sumus Johanni Paston
armigero et Thomæ Hows clerico in septingentis marcis legalis monetæ
regni nostri Angliæ eisdem Johanni et Thomæ solvendis juxta formam
cujusdam billæ manu nostra signatæ cujus tenor sequitur in hæc verba:--

Edward, Kyng of Inglond and of Frauns, Lord of Irlond, recorde and
knoweleych that we have receyvyd of John Paston, Squyer, and Thomas
Hows, clerk, be the assent of oure trusty and welbelovyd cosyn Thomas
Archebysshop of Caunterbury, [and?] Mayster John Stokys, clerk, an
nowche of gold with a gret poynted diamaunt set upon a rose enamellid
white, and a nowche of gold in facion of a ragged staff with ij. ymages
of man and woman garnysshed with a ruby, a dyamaunt and a gret perle,
which were leyd to plegge by oure fader, whom Crist assoyle, to Sir John
Fastolff, knyght, for CCCC. xxxlvij_li._; and also an obligacion wherby
oure seid fader was bound to the seid Sir John Fastolff in an C. marc;
for which we graunt and promitt in the word of a kyng to pay to the seid
John Paston and Thomas Hows, clerk, or to her assignez, D.CC. mark of
lawfull money of Englond at days underwritte, that is to sey; att the
Fest of All Seyntes than next folowyng after the date of thys bille CC.
mark, and other CC. mark at the Fest of All Seyntis than next folowyng,
and other CC. mark at the Fest of All Seyntes than next folowyng, and an
C. mark at the Fest of All Seyntys thanne next folowyng. And also we
graunte that the seid John Paston and Thomas Hows shall have a signement
sufficient to hem aggreabill for the seid payment. And if it fortune
that the same John and Thomas be unpayd by the seid assignement of any
of the seid paymentis at any of the seid Festis, thanne we graunt upon
notice made to us therof by the same John or Thomas to pay hem or her
assignez that payment so behynd onpaid oute of oure cofirs withoute
delay. In witnesse werof we have signed this bill with oure hand the
xij. day of Jule the first yere of [our] reign.

Nos solutionem summæ illius præfatis Johanni et Thomæ fieri et haberi
volentes, ut tenemur, concessimus et per præsentes concedimus eisdem
Johanni Paston et Thomæ Hows septingentas marcas monetæ prædictæ
percipiendas modo et forma subsequentibus, videlicet, centum marcas inde
annuatim percipiendas de primis denariis provenientibus et crescentibus
de feodi firma civitatis nostræ Norwici et de omnibus aliis firmis,
exitibus, proficuis et reventionibus de eadem civitate provenientibus
per manus majoris, custodis, vicecomitum, civium seu ballivorum ejusdem
civitatis pro tempore existentium aut aliorum receptorum, firmariorum
seu appruatorum eorundem feodi firmarum, exituum, proficuorum et
reventionum dictæ civitatis pro tempore existentium, et centum marcas
inde annuatim percipiendas de firmis, redditibus, exitibus, proficuis et
aliis commoditatibus quibuscumque de comitatibus nostris Norff’ et Suff’
provenientibus per manus vicecomitum eorumdem comitatuum pro tempore
existentium quousque septingentæ marcæ eisdem Johanni Paston et Thomæ
Hows plenarie persolutæ fuerint. In cujus &c. Teste Rege apud
Westmonasterium, xxvij. die Julii.

  _Per ipsum Regem oretenus._

    [Footnote 294.1: [From _Patent Roll_, 1 Edw. IV., Part 3, No.
    13.]]


474

THOMAS PLAYTER TO JOHN PASTON[296.1]

_To maister John Paston Esquyer in hast._

[Sidenote: 1461 / AUG. 1 (?)]

Please your maistership wete that Danyell of Grayes In enfourmed me that
Kyng of Dounham whiche slewe Thomas Denys is arested and in hold at
Wysbyche and had ben delyvered nor had Fraunceys Costard a taken suerte
of pees of hym; and so he is kept in by non other meane but al onely by
suerte of pees. And as I felt by the said Danyell if he be craftyly
handeled he woll accuse many other; but Danyell is loth to name hem, but
I suppose he ment by Twyer and yet other mo, right sufficient, and
kalled of substans. Item, Haydon hath payed ccccc. marks and is
delivered. Item it is talked the parlement schal be proroged tyl the
iiij. day of Novembre and the kyng wol in to Scotland in al hast. Wretyn
in hast uppon the day of the Advencion.[296.2]

  Youris,

  THOMAS PLAITER.

    [Footnote 296.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 181.] The year in which
    this letter was written is certain, not only from the reference
    to the murder of Thomas Denys, which was in July 1461, but also
    from the mention of the prorogation of Parliament to the 4th of
    November.]

    [Footnote 296.2: Probably meaning the Feast of St. Peter ad
    Vincula (1st August).]


475

JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON[296.3]

_To my mastres Paston and Richard Calle._

[Sidenote: 1461 / AUG. 1]

First, that Richard Calle fynde the meane that a distresse may be taken
of such bestes as occupie the ground at Stratton, and that cleyme and
contynuauns be made of my possession in any wise, and that thei be not
suffrid to occupie withowt thei compoune with me; and that aftir the
distresse taken the undirshreve be spoke with all that he make no
replevyn with out agrement or apoyntement taken, that the right of the
lond may be undirstand.

ij. Item, I here sey the peple is disposed to be at the shire at Norwich
on Sen Lauerauns Day for th’affermyng of that thei have do afore, wherof
I hold me wele content if thei do it of her owne disposicion, but I woll
not be the cause of the labour of hem, ner bere no cost of hem at this
tyme, for be the lawe I am suer befor, but I am wel a payed it shall be
on han halyday for lettyng of the peples werk. I undirstand ther shall
be labour for a coroner that day, for ther is labour made to me for my
good wyll here, and I wyll nothyng graunt withowt the under shreves
assent, for he and I thought that Richard Bloumvyle were good to that
occupacion. Item, ye shall undirstand that the undirshreve was some what
flekeryng whill he was here, for he informyd the Kyng that the last
eleccion was not peasibill, but the peple was jakkyd and saletted, and
riottously disposid, and put hym in fere of his lyfe. Wherefore I gate
of hym the writte whech I send yow herwith, to that entent, thow any
fals shrewe wold labour, he shuld not be sure of the writ, and therfore
ye most se that the undirshreve have the writ at the day, in case the
peple be gadered, and thanne lete th’endentures be made up or er they
departe.

iij. Item, that ye remembyr Thomas Denys wyfe that her husbond had
divers billes of extorcion don be Heydon and other, whech that he told
me that his seid wyfe beryid whan the rumour was, so that thei were ny
roten. Bidde her loke hem up and take hem yow.

iiij. Item, as for the seyd distreynyng at Stratton, I wold that
Dawbeney and Thomas Bon shuld knowe the closes and the ground, that thei
myght attende ther to, that Richard were not lettyd of other
occupacions, and I wold this were do as sone as is possibill, or I come
home. Notwithstandyng, I trowe I shall come home or the shire, but I
woll nat it be knowe till the same day, for I will not come there with
owt I be sent fore be the peple to Heylisdonne. Notwithstandyng, and the
peple were wele avertised at that day, they shuld be the more redy to
shewe the oribyll extorcions and briberys that hath be do upon hem to
the Kyng at his comyng, desyring hym that he shuld not have in favor the
seyd extorcioners, but compelle hem to make amendes and sethe
[_satisfaction_] to the pore peple.

v. Item, that Berney and Richard Wright geve suche folkys warnyng as
wyll compleyne to be redy with her billes if thei list to have any
remedy.

vj. Item, that the maters ayens Sir Miles Stapilton may at Aylesham be
remembyrd.

vij. Also if ye can be any craft get a copy of the bille that Sir Miles
Stapilton hath of the corte rolles of Gemyngham, that ye fayle not, but
assay and do yowr devyr, for that shuld preve some men shamefully fals.
Master Brakle seyd he shuld a get oon of Freston. I wold he shuld assay,
or ellys peraventure Skypwith, or ellys Master Sloley; for if Stapilton
were boren in hande that he shuld be founde fals and ontrewe, and first
founder of that mater, he wold bothe shewe the bille and where he had
it.[298.1]

viij. Item, I wold the prestis of Caster were content for Midsomer term.

ix. Item, ther is a whith box with evidens of Stratton, in on of the
canvas baggis in the gret cofir, or in the spruse chest. Ric. Calle
knowith it well, and ther is a ded of feffement and a letter of atorne
mad of the seyd londs in Stratton to John Damm, W. Lomner, Ric. Calle,
and John Russe. I wold a new dede and letter of atorne were mad owth
theroff be the feffees of the same laund to Thome Grene,[298.2] Thome
Playter, the parson of Heylisdon, Jacobo Gloys, klerke,[298.3] Johanni
Pamping, and that the ded bere date nowh, and that it be selid at the
next shire; for than I suppose the seyd feffes will be ther if it may
not be don er that tyme. I wold have the seyd dedis leyd in a box, both
old and new, and left secretly at Ric. Thornis hows at Stratton, that
whan I com homwar I mygh fynd it ther, and mak seson [_seisin_] and stat
to be take whil I wer ther. Wret at London on Lammes Day.

    [Footnote 296.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is printed
    from a draft which is partly in John Paston’s own hand. The
    contents clearly refer to, first, the Norfolk election of 1461,
    which it was proposed to confirm by a new meeting of the
    electors at the shire-house; and secondly, the necessity of
    electing a new coroner after the murder of Thomas Denys. The
    date is therefore certain.]

    [Footnote 298.1: Between this and the next paragraph is the
    following sentence crossed out:-- ‘Item, I send yow a writ
    direct to the Meyer and Shreves of Norwich for to receyve of hem
    an C. [_hundred_] mark yerly for suche jowellys as the Kyng hath
    of me.’]

    [Footnote 298.2: This name is substituted for three others
    crossed out, viz. ‘John Grenefeld, Thomas Playter, Water
    Wrottisle, Squyer.’]

    [Footnote 298.3: Here occurs the name, ‘Christofere Grenacre,’
    crossed out.]


476

JOHN RUSSE TO JOHN PASTON[299.1]

_To my right worshypfull and reverent maistyr, John Paston, at Norwich._

[Sidenote: 1461 / AUG. 23]

Ryght worshypfull sir, and my right honourable maister, I recomaunde me
louly to you. And plese youre maistirshyp to wete that my Maister
Clement, youre brothyr, and Plater, wrot a letter to my mayster yore
sone[299.2] yistirday, the tenure of whych was how ye were entretyd
there. And as ye desyred me, so I enformyd hem the mater along, for they
wist not of it til I told hem; and they wrete the more pleynerly
inasmych as a worshypfull man rood the same day, and bare the letter to
my seyd maister youre sone.

The Lord Bourgcher is with the Kynge, and my Lord Warwyk still in the
North, &c.

Item, sir, thys day cam on John Waynflet from the Kyng streyt weye, and
he is of myn aqueyntaunce; and he teld me there was no voyse nor spekyng
aboute the Kyng of that mater; and I teld hym all the mater along hou ye
were intretyd, whych he wyll put in remembraunce in ony place that he
cometh in in Suffolk or Esex as he goth homward, for he owyth no good
wil to youre adversary. And the seyd Waynflet teld me that he knowyth
for serteyn that the Kyng cometh not to Northefolk til he hathe been
upon the Marchys of Walys, and so there is no serteynte of hyse comyng
thys many dayez. He teld me he lefte the Kyng with a smal felashyp
aboute hym.

And I enqueryd hym of the gyding of my maystyr yore sone, whiche he
comendyd gretly, and seyd that he stood well inconseyt, and dayly shuld
increse; and he was well in acqueyntaunce and be lovyd with jentilmen
aboute the Kyng. But he seyd ther shal no thyng hurte hym but youre
streytnesse of mony to hym, for withoute he have mony in hyse purse, so
as he may resonably spende among hem, ellys they wyll not sette by hem;
and there be jentilmen sones of lesse reputacion that hath mony more
lyberal x. tymez than he hath, and soo in that they seyd Waynflet seyd
it were full necessary for you to remembre, &c.

As for tydyngs here bee noon newe, &c. I truste I shal brynge you a
letter from my mayster your sone, or thanne I come, for whych I shal
rather thanne fayle abyde on day the lenger. And Jesu have you, my right
honourable maister, in Hyse mercyfull governaunce, and preserve you from
adversyte. Wretyn at London, on Seynt Bertylmewys Evyn.

I can speke with noo man but that thynke the gydyng of youre adversary
hath been in many causez ryght straunce, and as it is soposyd that he
shal undyrstonde at the Parlament; but for Gods sake have men inow
aboute yow, for ye undyrstonde is on manerly dysposecion.

  Your bedeman and servaunt,

  JOHN RUSSE.

    [Footnote 299.1: [From Fenn, iv. 42.] Edward IV. went into the
    Marches of Wales, as mentioned in this letter, in the autumn of
    1461. He was at Gloucester on the 11th September, and at Ludlow
    on the 21st, as appears by the dates of his privy seals. The
    matter mentioned in the postscript is doubtless Howard’s
    contention with Paston in the shire-house at Norwich, to which
    allusion is made in the letter following.]

    [Footnote 299.2: John Paston, the eldest son.]


477

JOHN PASTON, THE ELDEST SON, TO HIS FATHER[301.1]

_To my rythg reverent and worchypfoll fader, John Paston, Esquyer,
dwellyng in Heylysdon, be thys letter delyvered in haste._

[Sidenote: 1461 / AUG. 23]

Most reverent and worschepfull fadyr, I rekomawnd me hertyly, and
submytt me lowlely to your good faderhood, besechyng yow for cheryte of
yowr dayly blyssyng. I beseche yow to hold me ascewsyd that I sente to
yowe none erste no wrythgtyng, for I kowd not spede to myn intent the
maters that ye sent to me for. I have laboryd dayly my Lord of Essexe,
Treserer of Ynglond, to have mevyd the Kyng bothe of the maner [of]
Deddham and of the byll copye of the Corte Roll, everye mornyng ore he
went to the Kyng, and often tymys inqueryd of hym and he had mevyd the
Kyng in these matyers. He answeryd me naye, seyyng it was no tyme, and
seyd he wold it war osse fayne spedd os I myselfe, offed tymys de
layding me that in trouthe I thowt to have send yowe word that I felyd
by hym that he was not wyllyng to meve the Kyng ther in. Neverthe lesse
I lawberyd to hym contynually, and prayed Barronners hys man to remembyr
hym of it. I told offten tyms to my seyd Lord that I had a man teryyn in
town, that I schuld a sente to yow for othyr sundry maters, and he
teryid for no thyng but that I mythg send yowe by hym an answer of the
seyd matyers; othyr tyms besechyng hym to spede me in theys matyers for
thys cawse, that ye schulde thynke no defawte in me for remembryng in
the seyd maters.

And nowe of late, I, rememberyng hym of the same mater, inqueryd if he
had mevyd the Kyngs Hythgnes therin; and he answeryd me that he hadde
felte and mevyd the Kyng ther in, rehersyng the Kyngys answer therin;
how that, when he had mevyd the Kyng in the seyd maner of Dedham,
besechyng hym to be yowr good Lord ther in, konsyderyng the servyse and
trewe part that ye have done, and owthg to hym, and in espesyal the
rygth that ye have therto, he seyd he wold be your good Lord therin as
he wold be to the porest man in Inglond. He wold hold with yowe in yowr
rygth; and as for favor, he wyll nogth be under stand that he schal
schewe favor mor to one man then to anothyr, nowgth to on in Inglond.

And as for the bille copyd of the Cort Rolle, when he mevyd to him of
it, he smylyd and seyd that suche a bylle ther was, seyyng that ye wold
an oppressyd sundreys of yowr contremen of worchypfull men, and the for
he kepyd it styll. Never the lesse he seyd he schuld loke it uppe in
haste, and he schuld have it.

Baronners undertoke to me twyes ore thryes that he schuld so a’
remembred hys lord and master,[302.1] that I schuld au had it with inne
ij. or iij. dayes. He is often tyms absent, and therfor I have it nowthg
yyt; when I kan gete it, I schall send it yowe, and of the Kyngs mowth,
hys name that take it hym.

I scend you home Pekok a geyn. He is not for me. God send grace that he
may do yow good servyse, that be extymacion is not lykelye. Ye schall
have knowleche aftyrward how he hathe demenyd hym her with me. I wold,
savyng yowr dysplesure, that ye were delyvered of hym, for he schalle
never do yow profyte ner worchyp.

I suppose ye understand that the monye that I hadde of yowe att Londun
maye not indur with me tyll that the Kyng goo in to Walys an kome ageyn,
for I under stand it schall be long or he kome ageyn. Wher for I have
sent to Londun to myn onkyl Clement to gete an C_s._ of Christofyr
Hansom yowr servaunt, and sene [_send_] it me be my seyd servaunt, and
myn herneys with it, whyche I lefte at Lundun to make klene.

I beseche yowe not to be dysplesyd with it, for I kowd make non othyr
cheysaunce [_arrangement_] but I schuld a boruyed it of a strange man,
sum of my felawys, who I suppose schold not lyke yowe, and ye herd of it
a nothyr tyme. I ame in suerte wher as I schall have a nothyr maun in
the stede of Pekoke.

My Lord of Estsexe seythe he wyll do as myche for yowe as for any
esquyer in Inglond, and Beronners hys man telht me, seyy[n]g, ‘Yowr
fadyr is myche be holdyng to my Lord, for he lovyth hym well.’ Bernners
mevyd me ons, and seyd that ye must nedys do sum wate for my Lord and
hys, and I seyd I wost well that ye wold do for hym that laye in yowre
powar. And he seyd that ther was a lytyl mony be twyxe yowe and a
jantylman of Estsexe, callyd Dyrward, seyyng that ther is as myche be
wern [_between_] my seyd Lord and the seyd jantylman, of the wyche mony
he desieryth yowr part.

It is talkyd here how that ye and Howard schuld a’ strevyn togueder on
the scher daye, and on of Howards men schuld a’ strekyn yow twyess with
a dagere, and soo ye schuld a ben hurt but for a good dobelet that ye
hadde on at that tyme. Blyssyd be God that ye hadde it on. No mor I
wryth to yower good faderhod at thys tym, but All myghty God have yowe
in Hys kepyng, and sende yowe vyttorye of yowr elmyes [_enemies_], and
worschyp in cressyng to yowr lyvys end yn. Wrytyn at Lewys, on Seynt
Bertylmwes Eve.

  Be yowr servaunt and elder sone,

  JOHN PASTON.

    [Footnote 301.1: [From Fenn, iv. 46.] Allusion is made in this
    letter, as in the last, to Edward IV.’s going into Wales in
    1461. The writer appears to have been with the King, and
    expecting to accompany him on the journey. Edward was at Battle
    on the 21st August 1461, according to the dates of his privy
    seals.]

    [Footnote 302.1: Henry Bourchier, Earl of Essex.]


478

CLEMENT PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[303.1]

_To hys rythe reverent and worchypfwll broder, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1461 / AUG. 25]

Rythe reverent and worchypfwll broder, I recomawnde me to yowr good
broderhood, desieryng to herre of zour welfar and good prosperite, the
gwyche I pray God encresse to His pleswr and zowr herts hesse [_heart’s
ease_]; certyfyyng zow that I have spok with John Rwsse, and Playter
spok with him bothe, on Fryday be for Seynt Barthelmw. He tolde us of
Howards gydyng, gwyche mad us rythe sory tyl we herde the conclusion
that ze hadde non harme.

Also I understond by W. Pekok that my nevew hadde knowleche ther of also
up on Saterday nexst be for Seynt Barthelmwe, in the Kyngs howse. Not
with standyng, up on the same day Playter and I wryte letters on to him,
rehersyng al the mater, for cause if ther wer ony questionys mevyd to
hym ther of, that he xwlde telle the trowthe, in cas that the qwestions
wer mevyd by ony worchypfwll man, and namyd my Lord Bowcher,[304.1] for
my Lord Bowcher was with the Kyng at that tyme.

I fele by W. Pekok that my nevew is not zet verily aqweyntyd in the
Kyngs howse, nor with the officers of the Kyngs howse he is not takyn as
non of that howse; for the coks [_cooks_] be not charged to serve hym,
nor the sewer[304.2] to gyve hym no dyche, for the sewer wyll not tak no
men no dyschys till they be comawndyd by the cownterroller. Also he is
not aqweyntyd with no body but with Weks;[304.3] and Weks ad told hym
that he wold bryng hym to the Kyng, but he hathe not zet do soo. Wherfor
it were best for hym to tak hys leve and cum hom, til ze hadd spok with
swm body to helpe hym forthe, for he is not bold y now to put forthe hym
selfe. But than I consyderyd that if he xwld now cum hom, the Kyng wold
thyng [_think_] that wan he xwld doo hym ony servie som wer, that than
ze wold have hym hom, the qwyche xwld cause hym not to be hadde in
favor; and also men wold thynke that he wer put owte of servic. Also W.
Pekok tellythe me that his mony is spent, and not ryotesly, but wysly
and discretly, for the costs is gretter in the Kyngs howse qwen he
rydythe than ze wend it hadde be, as Wyllam Pekok can tell zow; and
therof wee must gett hym jC_s._ at the lest, as by Wyllam Pekoks seyyng,
and zet that will be to lytill, and I wot well we kan not get xl_d._ of
Christifyr Hanswm. So I xall be fayn to lend it hym of myn owne silver.
If I knew verily zour entent wer that he xwld cum hom, I wold send hym
non. Ther I wyll doo as me thynkithe ze xwld be best plesyd, and that me
thynkythe is to send him the silver. Ther for I pray zow hastely as ze
may send me azen v. mark, and the remnawnte, I trow, I xall get up on
Christofir Hanswm and Lwket. I pray zow send me it as hastely as ze may,
for I xall leve my selfe rythe bare; and I pray zow send me a letter how
ze woll that he xull be demenyd. Wrytyn on Twsday after Seynt
Barthelmwe, &c. Christus vos conservet!

  CLEMENT PASTON.

    [Footnote 303.1: [From Fenn, iv. 52.] The references to Howard’s
    conduct, and to John Paston the son being with the King, prove
    this letter to be of the year 1461. Compare the last paragraph
    of the letter immediately preceding with the first of this.]

    [Footnote 304.1: Henry, Viscount Bourchier, who had been created
    Earl of Essex on the 30th June preceding. The writer had
    forgotten his new dignity.]

    [Footnote 304.2: An officer who had the ordering of the dishes,
    etc.]

    [Footnote 304.3: John Wykes was an usher of the King’s chamber,
    and a friend and cousin of J. Paston’s.--F.]


479

LORD BEAUCHAMP TO SIR THOMAS HOWES[305.1]

_To myn welbeloved frende, Sir Thomas Howys, Parson of Blofeld._

[Sidenote: 1461 / AUG. 28]

Welbeloved frende, I grete you well. And for as muche as I understonde
that William Wurcester, late the servant unto Sir John Fastolf, Knyth,
whois soule God assoyle, ys not had in favour ne trust with my right
welbeloved frende, John Paston, nether with you, as he seyth, namely in
such maters and causes as concerneth the wylle and testament of the said
Sir John Fastolf; and as I am informed the said William purposeth hym to
go into his cuntre, for the whiche cause he hath desired me to wryte
unto you that ye wolde ben a special good frend unto hym, for his said
mastris sake, to have alle suche things as reason and consciens
requireth, and that ye wolde be meane unto Paston for hym in this mater
to schewe hym the more favour at thys tyme for this my writyng in doyng
of eny truble to hym, trusting that he wole demeane hym in suche wyse
that he shal have no cause unto hym, but to be his good master, as he
seyth. And yf ther be eny thing that I can do for you, I wole be right
glad to do it, and that knoweth Almyghty God, whiche have you in his
keping. Wretin at Grenewyche, the xxviij^th day of August.

  J. BEAUCHAMP.

    [Footnote 305.1: [From Fenn, iv. 96.] This letter was probably
    written in the year 1461, if not in the year preceding. The
    disputes about Fastolf’s will came before the Spiritual Court in
    the year 1465; but at the date of this letter they could not
    have proceeded very far.]


480

LORD HUNGERFORD AND ROBERT WHITYNGHAM TO MARGARET OF ANJOU[306.1]

_A la Reyne D’Engleterre [en] Escote._

[Sidenote: 1461 / AUG. 30]

Madam, please it yowr gode God, we have sith our comyng hider, writen to
your Highnes thryes. The last we sent by Bruges, to be sent to you by
the first vessell that went into Scotland; the oder ij. letters we sent
from Depe, the ton by the Carvell in the whiche we came, and the oder in
a noder vessell. But, ma dam, all was oon thyng in substance, of puttyng
you in knolege of the Kyng your uncles[306.2] deth, whom God assoyll,
and howe we sta[n]de arest [_arrested_], and doo yet; but on Tuysday
next we trust and understande, we shall up to the Kyng, your cosyn
germayn.[306.3] His Comyssaries, at the first of our tarrying, toke all
our letters and writyngs, and bere theym up to the Kyng, levyng my Lord
of Somerset in kepyng atte Castell of Arkes,[306.4] and my felowe
Whityngham and me, for we had sauff conduct, in the town of Depe, where
we ar yete. But on Tyysday next we understand, that it pleaseth the said
Kyngs Highnes that we shall come to hys presence, and ar charged to
bring us up, Monsieur de Cressell, nowe Baillyf of Canse, and Monsieur
de la Mot.

Ma dam, ferth [_fear_] you not, but be of gode comfort, and beware that
ye aventure not your person, ne my Lord the Prynce,[307.1] by the See,
till ye have oder word from us, in less than your person cannot be sure
there as ye ar, [and] that extreme necessite dryfe you thens; and for
God sake the Kyngs Highnes be advysed the same. For as we be enformed,
Th’erll of March[307.2] is into Wales by land, and hath sent his navy
thider by see; and, Ma dame, thynketh verily, we shall not soner be
delyvered, but that we woll come streght to you, withaut deth take us by
the wey, the which we trust he woll not, till we see the Kyng and you
peissible ayene in your Reame; the which we besech God soon to see, and
to send you that your Highnes desireth. Writen at Depe the xxx^ti dey of
August.

  Your true Subgettes and Liege men.

  HUNGERFORD.

  WHITYNGHAM.

_At the bottom of the Copy of the Letter is added:_--

These ar the names of those men that ar in Scotland with the Quene. The
Kyng Herry is at Kirkhowbre with iiij. men and a childe.

Quene Margaret is at Edenburgh and hir son.

The Lord Roos and his son.

  John Ormond.
  William Taylboys.
  Sir John Fortescu.
  Sir Thomas Fyndern.
  Waynesford of London.
  Thomas Thompson of Guynes.
  Thomas Brampton of Guynes.
  John Audeley of Guynes.
  Langheyn of Irland.
  Thomas Philip of G[i]ppeswich.
  Sir Edmund Hampden.
  Sir Henry Roos.
  John Courteney.
  Myrfyn of Kent.
  Dauson.
  Thomas Burnby.
  Borret of Sussex.
  Sir John Welpdalle.
  Mr. Roger Clerk, of London.
  John Retford, late Coubitt.
  Giles Senctlowe.
  John Hawt.

    [Footnote 306.1: [From Fenn, i. 246.] That this letter was
    written in the year 1461 is sufficiently evident from its
    contents. The MS. from which it was printed by Fenn was a copy
    in the handwriting of Henry Windsor, and was manifestly the
    enclosure referred to in his letter No. 483. It bore the same
    paper-mark as that letter.]

    [Footnote 306.2: Charles VII. of France. He died on the 22nd
    July 1461.]

    [Footnote 306.3: Lewis XI., son of Charles VII.]

    [Footnote 306.4: Arques, in Normandy, south of Dieppe.]

    [Footnote 307.1: Edward, son of Henry VI.]

    [Footnote 307.2: Edward IV., whom the Lancastrians did not yet
    recognise as king.]


481

JOHN PAMPYNG TO JOHN PASTON, SENIOR[308.1]

_To my right worshipfull master John Paston, the older, Squier._

[Sidenote: 1461 / SEPT. 6]

Please your mastirship to wete that I have be at Cotton, and spoke with
Edward Dale, and he told me that Yelverton and Jenney were there on
Friday,[308.2] and a toke distresse of xxvj. or more bullokks of the
seid Edwards in the Park, and drofe hem to a town therby; and a
neyghbore there undirstandyng the bests were Edward Dalis,[308.3] and
bond hym to pay the ferme, or ellis to bryng in the bests be a day. And
whan the seid Edward undirstod the takyng of the seid bests he went to
Yelverton and Jenney, and bond hym in an obligacon of x_li._, to pay hem
his ferme at Mighelmes; whech I told hym was not well do, for I told hym
ye had be abill to save hym harmeles. And because of discharge of his
neyghbour he seid he myght non other wise do. Nevirthelesse as for mony
thei get none of hym redely, ner of the tenaunts nowthyr, as he can
thynk yet. The seid Yelverton dyned on Friday at Cotton, and there
chargid the tenaunts thei shuld pay no mony but to hym, and hath
flaterid hem, and seith thei shall be restorid ayen of such wrongs as
thei have had be Sir Philip Wentworth and other for Master Fastolff; and
because of such tales, your tenaunts owe hym the bettir will. And I
purposid to have gon to Cotton and spoke with the tenaunts, and Edward
Dale told me he supposid thei wold be this day at Nakton. And because
[I desired][308.4] to speke with hem as ye comaundid me, I terid not but
rod to Ipwich to my bed, and there at the Sonne was the seid Yelverton
and Jenney and Thomas Fastolff; and myn ost told me, that the same aftir
none thei had be at Nakton, but what thei ded there I can not telle, and
whan I was undirstand your man, Hogon, Jenneys man, askyd suerte of pes
of me; and Jenney sent for an officer to have hed me to prison; and so
myn ost undirtoke for me that nyght. And this day in the mornyng I wente
to Sen Lauerauns Chirche; and there I spak to hem and told hem ye
merveylid that thei wold take any distresse or warne any of your
tenaunts that thei shuld pay yow no mony. And Yelverton seid ye had take
a distresse falsly and ontrewly of hym that ought yow no mony ner hem
nowther. And he seid he was infeffid as well as ye; and as for that I
told hym he wost odre [_knew the contrary_], and thow he were it was but
your use, and so I told hym that men were infeffid in his lond, and that
he shuld be servid the same withinne fewe dayes. And he seid he wost
well ye were not infeffid in his lond, and if ye toke upon yow to make
any trobill in his lond ye shall repente it. And also he seid that he
wold do in like wise in alle maners that were Sir John Fastolffs in
Norfolk as thei have begonne, and other langage as I shall telle yow.
And so I am with the gayler, with a clogge upon myn hele for suerte of
the pees; wherefore please your mastirship to send me your avise.

Item, John Andrews was with hem at Cotton, and thei have set a man of
the seid Andrews to kepe the plase.

Item, Wymondham, Debenham and Tympirle come to Yelverton this day at
masse and speke with hym; and I speke to Tymperle in your name that he
wold not comforte ner be with hem ayein in this mater; and he seid he
undirstod no such thyng, ner it was not his comyng hedir. Wretyn at
Ipwych the Sonday next before the Nativite of Owr Lady.

  Yowr servaunt,

  JOHN PAMPYNG.

  The back is covered with some rough memoranda in Richard Calle’s
  hand, of moneys received at different times of year by Richard
  Charlys, Thomas Howys, William Berton, baker, of Southwark, Ralph
  Lovel, John Prentyng, Richard Coomber, and John de Dorylot. Some of
  these payments are made through Dawbeney, John Paston, junior, and
  John Paston, senior (_per manus Johannis Paston Senioris_).

    [Footnote 308.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] In the letter of James
    Gloys, which follows (No. 482), will be found an allusion to a
    recent ‘revel done in Suffolk’ by Yelverton and Jenney. That the
    affair alluded to was the same which is described in this letter
    will appear beyond doubt if the reader will refer to Letter
    487.]

    [Footnote 308.2: 4th September.]

    [Footnote 308.3: Apparently the writer has omitted a word or
    more here.]

    [Footnote 308.4: Omitted in MS.]


482

JAMES GLOYS TO JOHN PASTON[310.1]

_To the right reverent and wurchepfull Sir, and my gode mayster, John
Paston, Esquyer._

[Sidenote: 1461 / SEPT. 24]

Right reverent and wurchepfull sir, I recomand me to your gode
maystershep, prayng you to wete that I was at Blakkes, and spake with
his wiffe; and she seth he was not at hame this iij. weks,--he ridith up
the countre to take accompts of balys [_bailiffs_],--and that this day
sevennyght he shuld have satyn in Caystr by you up on accounts, and fro
thens he shuld have redyn to Lynne, and that he shall be at home un
Monday at nyght next comyng. Wherfor I have left my heraund with her.
But she seth that he shall not mown comyn [_be able to come_] to you,
for my Lady[310.2] have sent for hym in gret hast, bothyn be a letter
and be a tokyn, to comyn to her as hastly as he may; notwithstandyng she
shall do the herand to hym.

As for Yelverton, I dede a gode fele to enquer of Yemmys Skynner whan
the seid Yelverton shuld go to London. He seid not this sevynnyght. He
cowde not tell what day till he had spokyn with his son. His sone shuld
come to hym or his master shuld ridyn. I shall enquer mor at Walsyngham.
And for Godds love be not to longe fro London, for men seyn ther, as I
have be [told], that my Lord of Glowcetir[310.3] shuld have Cayster, and
ther is gret noyse of this revell that was don in Suffolk be Yelverton
and Jeney; and your wele willers thynkyn that if thei myght prevayle in
this, thei wold attempt you in other. But seas ther pore and malyce, and
preserve you from all evill. And at the reverence of God lete sum
interposicion go a twix you and my mastres your moder or ye go to
London, and all that ye do shall spede the better; for she is set on
gret malyce, and every man that she spekith with knowith her hert, and
it is like to be a fowle noyse [over] all the countre with aught it be
sone sesid.

Also, sir, it is told me that my Lord of Norfolk is comyn to
Framlyngham, and that ye be gretly comendyd in his howshold. Therfor it
wer wele do, me semyth, that ye spake with hym. The Holy Trynyte kepe
you.

Wretyn at Norwich, the Thursday next after Sent Mathewe.

  Your pore prest,

  JAMES GLOYS.

    [Footnote 310.1: [From Fenn, iv. 58.] On the back of this letter
    is the following memorandum in a contemporaneous hand:-- ‘De
    Ric’o Calle pro ordio (_i.e._ hordeo) ibidem pro ij. annis
    terminatis ad Mic’ anno primo regni Regis E. iiij., xxvj_s._
    viij_d._’ This shows that the letter itself could not have been
    written later than 1461, and as there was no ‘Lord of
    Gloucester’ before that year, it could not have been earlier.]

    [Footnote 310.2: Alice, Duchess of Suffolk.]

    [Footnote 310.3: Richard, the King’s brother, afterwards Richard
    III.]


483

HENRY WYNDESORE TO JOHN PASTON[311.1]

_To my full worshipfull, speciall gode maister, John Paston, Squyer,
abidyng at Norwich._

[Sidenote: 1461 / OCT. 4]

Right worshipfull sir, and some tyme my moost speciall gode master,
I recommaunde me unto your gode maistership, with all my pour service,
if it may in any wise suffice; and farthermore, sir, I beseche you, nowe
beyng in your countre, where ye may deily call unto you my maister Sir
Thomas Howys, ones to remembre my pour mater, and by your discretions to
take such a direction theryn, and so to conclude, as may be to your
discharge and to my furtherance, accordyng to the will of hym that is
passed unto Gode, whose saull I pray Jesu pardone! for truly, sir, ther
was in hym no faute, but in me onely; yf it be not as I have remembred
your maistership affore thy[s] tyme. For truly, sir, I der say I shuld
have had as speciall and as gode a maister of you, as any pour man, as I
am, withyn England shuld have hadd of a worshipfull man, as ye ar, yf ye
had never medulled the godes of my maister F., and as moche ye wold have
done, and labored fore me, in my right, if it hadde byn in the handes of
any oder man than of your self anely. But, I truste in Gode, at your
next comyng to have an answere, such as I shalbe content with. And yf it
may be so, I am and shalbe your servaunt in that I can or may, that
knoith our Lord Jesu, whom I besech save and sende you a gode ende in
all your maters, to your pleiser and worship everlastyng. Amen. Writton
at London, iiij^to die Octobris.

As fore tidyngs, the Kyng wolbe at London withyn iij. deies next comyng;
and all the castelles and holdes in South Wales, and in North Wales, ar
gyfen and yelden up into the Kynges hand. And the Duc of Excestre[312.1]
and th’erle of Pembrok[312.2] ar floon and taken the mounteyns, and
dyvers Lordes with gret puissans ar after them; and the moost part of
gentilmen and men of worship ar comen yn to the Kyng, and have grace, of
all Wales.

The Duc of Somerset, the Lord Hungerford, Robert Whityngham, and oder
iiij. or v. Squyers are comen into Normandy out of Scotland, and as
yette they stand strete under arest; and as merchauntes that ar comen
late thens sey, they ar like to be demed and jugged prisoners. My Lord
Wenlok, Sir John Cley, and the Dean of Seynt Severyens, have abiden at
Cales thise iij. wikes, and yette ar there, abidyng a saufconduit, goyng
uppon an ambassate to the Frenshe Kyng; and Sir Wauter Blount, Tresorer
of Cales, with a grete feleship of souldeours of Cales, and many oder
men of the Marches, have leyn, and yette doo, at a seege afore the
Castell of Hampmes, by side Cales, and deily make gret werre, either
parte toother.

Item, I send unto you a copy of a letter that was taken uppon the see,
made by the Lord Hungerford and Whytyngham.

Item, we shall have a gret ambassate out of Scotland in all hast of
Lordes.

  At your comaundement, and Servaunt,

  HENRY WYNDESORE.

    [Footnote 311.1: [From Fenn, i. 240.] For the date of this
    letter, compare No. 480.]

    [Footnote 312.1: Henry Holland. He married Anne, sister of King
    Edward IV., but remained a steady Lancastrian, and was attainted
    this year in Parliament.]

    [Footnote 312.2: Jasper Tudor, half-brother of Henry VI.]


484

CLEMENT PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[313.1]

_To his right reverent and worshipfull broder, John Paston, Esquier, be
this delivered in great haste._

[Sidenote: 1461 / OCT. 11]

Brother, I recommende me to you. After all dewe recommendacions, &c.
Sir, it was tolde me by rythe a worshipfull man that loveth you rythe
well, and ye him, and ye sall knowe his name hereafter, but put all
things out of doubt he is such a man as will not lye: on the xj^th day
of October the Kinge said, ‘We have sent two privy sealys to Paston by
two yeomen of our chamber, and he disobeyeth them; but we will send him
anoder tomorrowe, and by Gods mercye, and if he come not then he sall
dye for it. We will make all oder men beware by him how they sall
disobey our writinge. A servant of our hath made a complainte of him.
I cannot thinke that he hath informed us all truely, yet not for that,
we will not suffer him to disobey our writinge; but sithen he disobeyeth
our writinge, we may beleve the better his gydinge is as we be
informed.’ And therwith he made a great avowe that if he [_ye_] come not
at the third commandement ye xulde dye therefore. This man that told me
this is as well learned a man as any is in England; and the same xj^th
day of October, he advised me to send a man to yow in all the hast that
might be to lett yow have knowlache, and that ye xulde not lett for none
excuse, but that ye xulde make the man good cheere and come as hastily
ye might to the Kinge, for he understandeth so much that the King will
keep his promise. Notwithstanding, by mine advice, if ye have his letter
or the messenger come to you, come to the Kinge wards or ye meet with
him, and when ye come ye must be suer of a great excuse. Also if ye doe
well, come right stronge, for Howards wife made her bost that if any of
her husbands men might come to yow ther yulde goe noe penny for your
life; and Howard hath with the Kinge a great fellowship.

This letter was written the same day that the Kinge said these words,
and the same day that it was told me, and that day was the xj^th day of
October as abovesaid; and on the next morning send I forth a man to yow
with this letter, and on the same day send the Kinge the third privye
seale to you. Also he that tolde me this seid that it were better for
yow to come up than to be fotte out of your house with streingth, and to
abide the Kings judgement therin, for he will take your contumacy to
great displeasure. Also, as I understand, the Duke of Norffolk hath made
a great complaint of yow to the King, and my Lord of Suffolk[314.1] and
Howard and Wyngfelde helpe well to every day and call upon the King
against yow. The Kinge is at this day at Grenewich, and ther will be
still till the Parliament beginne. Some say he will goe to Walsingham,
but Mr. Sotyll seid in the aulle in the Temple that he harde no worde of
any such pilgrimage. No more, &c. Written the xj^th day of October at
midnight.

My nevew John tolde me also that he supposed ther were out proclamacions
against yow, &c. the same day.

  By CLEMENT PASTON,

  your broder.

    [Footnote 313.1: This letter is reprinted from the _Norfolk
    Archæology_, vol. iv. p. 26, where it is edited from a
    transcript contained in a MS. genealogy of the Paston family
    drawn up by Sandford, author of the _Genealogical History of
    England_. The references to Howard’s animosity against Paston,
    and to an approaching Parliament, prove clearly that this letter
    is of the year 1461.]

    [Footnote 314.1: John de la Pole, son and heir of William, Duke
    of Suffolk, who was attainted in 1450, was not restored to the
    Dukedom till the 23rd of March 1463; but being in favour at
    court, and having married Edward IV.’s sister, he seems even at
    this time to have been popularly called ‘my Lord of Suffolk.’]


485

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON[315.1]

_To my ryght reverent and wurschipfull maystre, my mastre John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1461 / OCT. 13]

Plesith it your maystreschip to witte that Mr. John and I, with other
mo, have ben at Cotton on Friday[315.2] last passed, and there Jenney
had do warned the corte there to be the same Friday, and he was at Eye
at the cescions the Thorsday before; and on the Friday in the mornynge
he was comyng to Cotton to hoolde the corte there. And it fortuned we
had entred the place or he come; and he herd therof and turned bac a
yein to Oxon[315.3] to my Lorde of Norwiche, and there dyned with hym.
And my Lorde sent Mr. John Colleman to Cotton Halle to speke with you;
and at hes comyng he undrestode ye were not there, and if ye had, my
Lorde desired you to come and spoken with hym, and that my Lorde desired
to put your matre in a trety; in so moche that Mr. John Colleman tolde
to my master, John Paston, that diverse of your elmees [_enemies_] had
labored to my Lorde to have a trety if he cowde brynge it aboute, &c.
And as for the tenaunts they wolde not come at the place on to the tyme
that I sent for hem, for they sey pleynly they woll not have a do with
hem; and so the corte whas holden in your name, and the tenaunts ryght
weele plesed ther of, excepte Thurnberne and Agas, and as for any
socour, they have there ryght noone at all. And so Mr. John whas ther
Friday all day and Saterday tyll none; and than he toke hes horse with
xxx. men with hym and rode to Jeney place, and toke there xxxvj. heede
of nete, and brought hem in to Norfolk; and so whas I left still at
Cotton with xij. men with me, be cauce they reporte and we abode there
ij. dayes we schulde be pult out be the heeds. And so we a mode [?
_abode_] there v. dayes and kepte the place, and I walked aboute all the
lordeschippes and spake with all the fermours and tennaunts that longen
to the maner to undrestande her disposessyon and to receyve money of
hem; and I fynde [them] ryght weele disposed to you. And be cauce the
corte whas warned in ther name and not in youre, therfore they purvey no
money; but they have promysed me to pay no money to no man but to you,
so that ye woll safe hem harmeles; and I told hem ye wold safe hem
harmeles. They have apoynted with me to make redy her money withinne a
fornyght aftre Halowemesse, &c. I have receyved of the tenaunts that I
undrestod out [_owed_] you werst wyll viij. marc, &c. And as for Edward
Dalys money it is redy, so that your maistreschip woll se that he be not
hurt be hes obligacion. Ferthermore, plesit your maistreschip to sende
worde if they entre into the maner ayein, how we schall be rwled and
gidyd; for the tenaunts fere hem they wol entre whan we be gon, and than
wol they distreyne the tenaunts, for they sey there that my Lorde of
Cauntyrbury and other Lords woll relese to hem, notwithstandyng that I
have enformed hem other wice; wherfore, savyng your better advice, me
semethe it were ryght weele doo that ye had a letter of my Lorde of
Cauntirbury, and other to the tenaunts of Cotton that it is her wyll and
entent that ye schulde have the rwle and gouernaunce, and receyve the
money of that maner, and other that were Sir John Fastolff, on whom God
have mercy, for I dought not and suche a lettre came downe to the
tenaunts there schulde no man sey nay to it. Besechyng your maystreschyp
to have an answere of how we schall be gided and rwled, &c. Item, to
sende worde howe we schall doo with the geere that wee toke out at the
Wyght Freris, wether it schall be sent to you or nought. And Jesu
preserve you. Wreten at Norwiche upon Sein Edwards Day.

  Be your servaunt and bedman,

  RIC. CALLE.

  _Endorsed in a hand nearly contemporaneous:_ ‘Litter’ sirca anno
  (_sic_) E. 4 iij. vel iiij^{o.}’

    [Footnote 315.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] On comparing this
    letter with No. 481, no one will doubt that both were written in
    the same year.]

    [Footnote 315.2: 9th October.]

    [Footnote 315.3: Hoxne.]

  [[RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON[315.1]
    _footnote tag missing_]]


486

WILLIAM NAUNTON TO JOHN PASTON, SENIOR[317.1]

_To my Master Paston, the elder, be thys letter delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1461 / OCT.]

Ryght wurchypful sir, I recommend me to zour good masterchyp. The cause
qwy I wryth I let zour have knowlech of the mene that be in Cotton
Halle, how they be strangely dysposyd ageyns zow; for, as I here say,
they make revell there. They melt led and brek down zour bregg, and make
that no man go in to [the] place but on a ledder, and make them as
strong as they kan a geyns zow be the supportacion of Jeney and
Debenham, and hys sone; for they seye ther that Jeney hath sold the
lyflod on to Debynham, and that hys son the knyth shall dwell ther, and
ther forr they have warnyd a cort ageyns Munday, and now they ar a vysed
to kepyt on Saturday be forr Munday. Qwat they mene therby I wot never,
but as for the felechyp in the place that ys there now, and have be here
al thys weke, there ys no man of substans, as we here, and there have be
but vij. or viij. al thys wyke; but there wyll be a gret felechyp thys
nyth or to morwe up on Saturday, for than they wyl kepe the cort. And as
for Edward Dale, he dar not abyde wyl at horn, they thret hym so, be
cause he wyl send them no vytaly. And as for me self, Edward Dale dar
not let me wyll [_well_] be there for takyng in suspecyon. And jas for
the tenaunts, they be wel dysposyd except j. or ij., so that ze wyl
support them in hast, for they may nowt kepe of ther katel of the ground
long; and specyally they desyr to have zowr owne presens, and they wold
be of gret cownfort. No mor I wryth to zour, but the Holy Gost have zour
in kepyng. Wretyn on the Fryday after my departyng.

  Be your Servaunt,

  WYLLYAM NANTON.

    [Footnote 317.1: [From Fenn, iii. 414.] This letter corresponds
    so closely with the next in what is said about the occupants of
    Cotton Hall, that it is clear they were both written about the
    same time.]


487

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON, JUNIOR[318.1]

_To the right worschipfull sir and maistre, John Paston jun., esquyer._

[Sidenote: 1461 / OCT.]

Ryght worschipfull sir, I recomaunde me unto your mastreschip,
certifiyng you that Jenney and Yelverton hathe certified up in to the
Kynges Benche inssurrecions [and] congregacions a yenste me; wherupon
they have sente to the scheryff a writte chargyng hym in peyne of C_li._
to brynge me in to the Kyngs Benche the morwe after Sein Marteyn. And
this daye the seide Jenney hathe sent doune to the scheryff an other
writte called an _habeas corpus_ retornable _crastino Animarum_, weche
schalbe on Twesday next comyng be cauce they were in dought and in
greete feere that I schulde have ben aquytte of the inditement of
fellony now at this gayle delyverye. And also my maistre hathe sente an
other writte for me retornable at the seid _crastino Animarum_. And so I
am like to ride to London warde to morwe. And the scheryff wold make me
to fynde suerte that I schulde appere in the Kyngs Benche the seid daye;
and yet, that notwithstandyng, he wolde send me with strengthe of men as
a presoner; and if any thynge schall cauce me that I goo not up to
London, it schalbe be cauce I woll fynde no suerte; for in cas he wold
have suffred me to have gon up be my selfe at myn owne coste, I wolde
have founde hym suertee. And so at the makyng of this bille we were not
fully condesended hough we schulde doo. My mastre is in goode hele,
blissed be Godd, and dothe and schall doo ryght weele in alle hes
maters. Ther is an ongracious felaschip of hem and a fals. They have
sent for Fitzraff and Schipdam, be a citacion for the proffe of the
testement, and alle is but for to delay it; yet it were weele done ye
rode over to Fitzraff and felte hes disposicion how he woll be disposed,
and in like wice with Schipdam, for I have spoken with hem of that
matre, in cas that any citacion come doun for hem, how they wolde be
disposed, and I have founde the too straunchely disposed. God send us a
good scheryf thys yere, and thanne we schalle do weele inough, be the
grace of God.

And, sir, your man tolde me that ye desired to knowe the demenyng at
Cotton of the tenaunts and other. I lete you wete the moste parte of
alle the tenaunts have bene here with me for to see me, and they have
tolde me all the demenyng as it is undrewrete. Furst, as for the money
that they receyved there it drwe upon a xxiiij^ti _li._ and more silver,
for the tenaunts myght not cheese but they moste nedes paye, for they
distreyned on my Lords of Suffolk fee, my Lords of Norwich fee, and on
all men grounde, so that they myght not have her catell in reste, weche
cauced hem to paye her money. I knowe weele i nough who payed and wo
paied not. All the grete fermours have payed. And as for the kepyng of
the place ther be therin iiij. men, and on of Debenham men, called
Sokelyng, and hes wyff, and on Mannyng, a tenaunt, a fals knave; and
they have enforced them as stronke as they kan, and they have broken
doune the brigge and have leide a planke over, in cas that ye go theder
ye may not come at Dale is howce in no waie, for he have had meche
trouble for my mastre and for me; but and ye wolde gete my Lords meane
and pulle the knaves out be the heede, it were weele done. I purpose me
to com hom warde that same wey. Item, I lete you witte that the gayle
delyverye holdeth not this daye, and alle is doone be cauce of mee,
Jenney wolde not lete the clerke of peas come hether this daye for feere
that I schulde have been aquytte of the felonye, for in trouthe and tho
it had holden, I had founde the meane for to have ben quytte, for I whas
through with the scheryff and panel made aftyr myn avice; but though the
gayle delyver had holden, I cowde not have ben delyverd, becauce of thes
writtes that be come downe. Item, the scheryff hathe a grete losse that
this daye holdethe not, for ther schulde have ben quytte xl. men this
daye. Item, the scheryff tolde me that my maistre tolde hym that I whas
assent to my takyng at Scoolys, weche was to me ryght greete hevynes and
discomforture nough in my trouble. And God knoweth it was never my wylle
ner myn entent, as I mot be saved at the dredful day of Dome; for ther
is no man so sore hurte as I am be the takyng, bothe in losse, and also
in reprefe of myn owne persoune and of my frends, withoute that my
mastre be my good maistre, as I truste he wolle be, or elles I am
disseyved. He hathe my trewe servyce and shal have whylle that I leve,
what so ever his mastreschip do to me, but I can thynke he hathe be
enformed be myn elmyes [_enemies_] that wold make hym disp[l]esed with
me, and to be myn evy [_heavy_] mastre, but dissimulacion dothe muche
harme, &c. I reporte me, &c. No more to you at this tyme, but Jesu kepe
you, and send you as much fortune and grace as I wolde ye had, &c.
I beseche [you] to be my goode mastre as ye have be, for I never
deserved nor wol deserve the contrary.

  Your servaunt, RIC. CALLE,

  presoner.

    [Footnote 318.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter was
    written in a year in which the morrow of All Souls’ Day (_i.e._
    the 3rd November) fell on Tuesday. The Dominical letter of the
    year must therefore be D. This was the case in 1461, and no
    other year will suit a letter addressed to John Paston, junior.
    For if we go back there is no earlier year in which D was the
    Dominical letter till we come to 1450, when John Paston, junior,
    was only ten years old; and if we go forward the next is 1467,
    which was after John Paston the father’s death.]




  END OF VOLUME III


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