6)***


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         Volume VI, Part 1 (Letters, Chronological Table): see http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/42240
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      The Gairdner edition of the Paston Letters was printed in six
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      Note that the printed book used z to represent original yogh
      ȝ. This has not been changed for the e-text.]





This edition, published by arrangement with Messrs. ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE
AND COMPANY, LIMITED, is strictly limited to 650 copies for Great
Britain and America, of which only 600 sets are for sale, and are
numbered 1 to 600.

  No. 44.

  [[The number 44 is handwritten.]]


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *


              THE PASTON LETTERS

                A.D. 1422-1509


           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *


THE PASTON LETTERS
A.D. 1422-1509

New Complete Library Edition

Edited with Notes and an Introduction

By
JAMES GAIRDNER
of the Public Record Office

_VOLUME II_







London
Chatto & Windus

[Decoration]

Exeter
James G. Commin
1904

Edinburgh: T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty




THE PASTON LETTERS

_Early Documents_


Before entering upon the correspondence of the Paston family, in the
reign of Henry VI., we have thought it well to give the reader a brief
note of such deeds and charters of an earlier date as appear either to
have been preserved in the family, or to have any bearing on its
history. The following is a list of those we have been able to meet with
either in the originals or in other quarters, such as Blomefield’s
_History of Norfolk_, where notices are given of several documents,
which appear now to have got into unknown hands. The documents seen by
Blomefield, and those from the Paston and Dawson-Turner collections, now
in the British Museum, were probably all at one time part of the Paston
family muniments. The three Harleian charters seem to have been derived
from a different source.

  A Deed is cited by Blomefield (_Hist. Norf._ vi. 480), by which
  Anselm, Abbot of St. Benet’s, Hulme, and the Convent there, gave to
  Osbern, the priest (said by Blomefield to have been a son of Griffin
  de Thwait, the founder of the Paston family), the land of St.
  Benet’s of Paston (_terram Sancti Benedicti de Paston_), in fee, for
  half the farm of one _caruca_, as his ancestors used to pay for the
  same.

  Also a Deed of William the Abbot (who lived in King Stephen’s
  reign), granting to Richer de Pastun, son of Osbern, son of Griffin
  de Thwete, all the land that the Convent held in Pastun, with their
  men, and other pertinencies.

  Also a Deed of Covenant between Richer de Paston and Reginald the
  Abbot, and Convent of St. Benet’s, Holme, that when peace should be
  settled in England, and pleas held in the Court of our Lord the
  King, the said Richer would, at the request and at the expense of
  the Abbot, give him every security in Court to release the lands in
  Pastun.

  ‘Ralph de Paston was son, as I take it’ (says Blomefield) ‘of this
  Richer, and appears to have had two sons, Richard and Nicholas.

  ‘Richard, son of Ralph de Paston, by his deed, _sans_ date, granted
  to Geoffrey, son of Roger de Tweyt, lands in this town (Oxnead),
  paying 9d. per ann. for his homage and service, 40s. for a fine
  (_in gersumam_), and paying to him and his heirs on the feasts of
  St. Andrew, Candlemas, Pentecost, and St. Michael, on each feast,
  2s. _ob._ He sealed with one _lis_. Laurence de Reppes, William and
  John, his brother, William de Bradfield, &c., were witnesses.’
  --Blomefield, vi. 480-1.

  ‘There was also another branch of this family, of which was Wystan,
  or Wolstan, de Paston, which I take to be the lineal ancestor of Sir
  William Paston, the Judge, and the Earls of Yarmouth. This Wolstan
  lived in the reign of Henry II. and Richard I., and married, as is
  probable, a daughter of the Glanvilles, as appeared from an
  impalement of Paston and Glanville in the windows of Paston Hall in
  Paston. His son and heir styled himself Robert de Wyston and Robert
  de Paston; who, dying in or about 1242, was buried at Bromholm, and
  left Edmund de Paston. To this Edmund, son of Robert, son of Wolstan
  de Paston, Sir Richard de Paston gave the land in Paston which
  Robert, his father, held of him and Nicholas, his brother, by deed
  _sans_ date.’ --Blomefield, vi. 481.

  Undated Deed of Nicholaus filius Radulfi Diaconi de Paston, granting
  to Robert, son of Wistan de Paston, two parcels of land--one of them
  abutting on the lands of Eudo de Paston. Witnesses--Richard de
  Trunch; Will. Esprygy; Ralph de Reppes; Roger de Reppes; Richard,
  s. of Ralph de Baketon; John de Reppes; Roger, s. of Warin de Paston;
  Hugh, s. of Will. de Paston, &c.--Add. Charter 17,217, B.M. (Paston
  MSS.).

  Undated Deed of Richard, son of Ralph de Pastune, granting to
  Edmund, son of Robert Wistan de Pastune, lands in Pastune,
  &c.--(_Seal attached, in fine condition._)--Add. Charter 17,218,
  B.M. (Paston MSS.).

  Blomefield also mentions (vi. 481) that Nicholas, son of Ralph de
  Paston, gave lands to Robert, son of Wystan de Paston, by deed _sans
  date_. Witness, Roger de Repps.

  Undated Deed Poll, by which Richard, the son of Ralph, Deacon of
  Paston, grants to Edmund, the son of Robert Wiston of Paston,
  certain lands at Paston.--Add. Charter 14,810, B.M. (D. Turner’s
  Collection of Deeds relating to Norfolk).

  Richard, son of Ralph de Paston, according to Blomefield (xi. 24),
  gave 12_d._ a year rent in Paston to the Priory of Bromholm. This
  gift is also mentioned by Richard Taylor in his Index Monasticus of
  the Diocese of Norwich, p. 15, where the purpose of the endowment is
  said to be ‘to keep their books in repair.’

  Deed, cited by Blomefield (vi. 481), by Richard, son of John, son of
  Richard de Paston, granting to Richer Alunday and his heirs his
  native Alan de Tilney, with all his family, &c. (_cum tota
  sequela_), and 7 acres of land in Paston and Knapton, with
  messuages, &c., for 4 marks of silver _in gersumam_, and a rent of
  22_d._ a year.

  Undated Deed Poll, whereby William, the son of Robert Barrett,
  grants to Edmund, the son of Robert Whiston of Paston, certain lands
  in the Common Field of Paston.--Add. Charter 14,813, B.M.
  (D. Turner’s Coll.).

  Undated Indenture between Clement Parcerit of Gimmingham, and Cecil,
  his wife, and Edmund, the son of Robert de Paston, concerning lands
  in Paston Field.--Add. Charter 14,814, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.).

  Undated Deed Poll, by which Richard de Lessingham grants to William,
  son of Robert de Paston, certain lands in the Common Field of
  Paston.--Add. Charter 14,812 (D. Turner’s Coll.).

  Ancient Deed of Nich. Chancehose of Baketun granting to Edmund, fil.
  Roberti Wistan de Pastun, and his heirs, for 30_s._, a _tresroda_ of
  land in Pastun.--Add. Charter 17,219, B.M. (Paston MSS.).

  Undated Deed Poll, by which Richard, son of John de Paston, grants
  to Roger, his brother, certain lands in Paston Field.--Add. Charter
  14,811, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.).

  Undated Deed Poll, whereby Hugh, son of William de Pastun, grants to
  Walter, son of Edmund de Pastun, and his heirs, a _tresroda_ of land
  in the fields of Pastun, ‘inter terram quæ fuit Osberti Salr. (?),
  ex parte Austri, et terram quæ fuit Ricardi Chaumpeneys ex parte
  Aquilonis, et abuttat super forreram quæ fuit Roberti Carpentar’
  versus Orientem, et super liberam et terram ecclesiæ de Past’ versus
  Occidentem.’ --Add. Charter 2004, B.M.

  A.D. 1313, 16 Oct. ‘William de Paston obtains a pardon as an
  adherent of the Earl of Lancaster for his participation in the death
  of Gaveston, and the disturbances occasioned thereby.’ 16 Oct.,
  7 Edw. II.--Palgrave’s Parliamentary Writs, vol. ii. div. iii. p.
  1262.

  A.D. 1324, 22 Jan. Deed Poll, dated on Sunday after the Feast of St.
  Agnes, 17 Edward II., whereby Henry de Mundham, parson of Oxnead,
  and another, grant to William Hautayne and Alice, his wife,
  a certain messuage and premises in Oxnead.--Add. Charter 14,804,
  B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.).

  A.D. 1324, 19 Feb. Quit-Claim by Edmund, son of Robert de Neketone,
  to Robert de Paston, Tabernarius, of lands in the fields without the
  West Gate of Bury St. Edmund’s. Sunday after St. Valentine’s Day,
  17 Edw. II. Seal attached.--Harl. Charter 54 A. 31, B.M.

  A.D. 1329, 24 Dec. Deed Poll of Margery, daughter of Robert de
  Neketon, granting to Robert de Paston lands in the fields of St.
  Edmund’s. St. Edmund’s Bury, Sunday, Christmas Eve, 3 Edw.
  III.--Harl. Charter 54 A. 32, B.M.

  A.D. 1330. Petition to Parliament 4 Edw. III. of John de Claveryng,
  complaining that John Payne of Dunwich, Constantine de Paston,
  Austin Fitzwilliam, and others of Dunwich, took by force and arms
  five ships and a boat belonging to him, at Wallerswyke, and goods to
  the value of £300, after having beat, shipwrecked, and imprisoned
  (_baterent, naufrerent, et enprisonerent_) the said John’s servants.
  The king’s answer: ‘Eyt en Chauncellerie oyer et terminer pur le
  horibilite du trespas, devant covenables justices.’ --Rolls of Parl.
  ii. 33.

  A.D. 1333, 29 April. Deed Poll, dated Thursday next before the Feast
  of the Invention of the Holy Cross, 7 Edward III., whereby Alice,
  widow of William Hautayne, grants to Henry de Colby and others a
  messuage, with the appurtenances in Oxnead.--Add. Charter 14,805,
  B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.).

  A.D. 1341, 28 Aug. Deed Poll of Robert de Paston granting to William
  de Bradeleghe and William Child, Chaplains, lands in the fields of
  St. Edmund’s Bury, without the West Gate at Stanywerp, &c. St.
  Edmund’s Bury, Tuesday after St. Bartholomew, 15 Edw. III.--Harl.
  Charter 54 F. 37, B.M.

  A.D. 1341. Indenture of 15 Edw. III. between John de Knapeton,
  rector of Freugges, and Clement de Paston and Will. his son.--Add.
  Charter 17,221, B.M. (Paston MSS.).

  A.D. 1361. Charter of Sir Rob. de Mauteby to the Prior of St.
  Olave’s, Herlyngflet, 35 Edw. III.--Add. Charter 17,222 (Paston
  MSS.), B.M.

  Notes of Proceedings in Outlawry of the time of Edward III. Judgment
  by Sir John Hody, mentioned in a more modern hand.--Paston MSS.,
  B.M.

  A.D. 1382, 5 Oct. Deed Poll, dated on Sunday next after the Feast of
  St. Michael, 6 Richard II., by which Robert de Paston grants to John
  Gant certain lands in Paston field.--Add. Charter 14,817, B.M.
  (D. Turner’s Coll.).

  A.D. 1404, 1 Oct. Deed by which Mary, Lady Mortimer, mother of Sir
  John Fastolf, grants to her said son her manors of Caister and
  Caister Hall, together with her manor of Repps and the advowson of
  the free Chapel of St. John, within the said manor of Caister, to
  hold to him and his heirs for ever. 1 Oct., 6 Henry IV.--Add.
  Charter 14,597, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.).




THE PASTON LETTERS

_Henry V_




1

HENRY V.’S CONQUESTS IN FRANCE[5.1]

[Sidenote: 1417-9]

These be the names of Townes, Castell, Citees, and Abbeys that the [King
did][5-2] gete in his secund viage:--

  The Town of Cane and the Castell.
  The Town of Valeis [_Falaise_] and the Castell.
  The Town of Argenton and the Castell.
  The Town of Bayeux and the Castell.
  The Town of Alawnsom and the Castell.
  The Town of Frezsne le Vicont and the Castell.
  The Town of Seint Savers de Vive and the Castell.
  The Town of Seint Jakes de Beueron and the Castell.
  The Town of Seint Jakes de Burvam and the Castell.
  The Town of Seint Low and the Castell.
  The Town of Valence and the Castell.
  The Cytee of Averense and the Castell.
  The Cytee of Sees.
  The Cytee of Leseaux.
  The Cytee of Everose.
  The Town of Louerse.
  The Town of Counsheux.
  The Town of Vire.
  The Town of Karentine.
  The Town of Chyrbourgh and the Castell.
  The Town of Vernoile and ij. Castell.
  The Town of Morteyn and the Castell.
  The Town of Powntlarche and the Castell.
  The Town of Esey and the Castell.
  The Town of Dounfrount and the Castell.
  The Town of Pountedomer and the Castell.
  The Town of Turve and the Castell.
  The Town of Costaunce and the Castell.
  The Cytee of Roon and the Castell.
  The Town of Galion and the Castell.
  The Town of Galdebek [_Caudebec_].
  The Town of Mustirvilers.
  The Town of Depe.
  The Town of Ve and the Castell.
  The Town of Vernoile suz Seyne and the Castell.
  The Town of Mawnt and the Castell.
  The Castell of Towk.
  The Castell of Morvile.
  The Castell of Overs in Awge.
  The Abbey of Seint Savers suz Deve.
  The Abbey of Seint Peers suz Dive.
  The Abbey of Seint Stevenis of Cane.
  The Bole Abbey of Cane.
  The Castell of Cursy.
  The Castell of Gundy.
  The Castell of Nevylebeke.
  The Castell of Vermus.
  The Castell of Garcy.
  The Castell of Oo [_Eu_].
  The Castell of Vileine.
  The Castell of Egyll.
  The Castell of Regyll.
  The Castell of Curton.
  The Castell of Fagernon.
  The Castell of Chamberexs.
  The Castell of Ryveers.
  The Castell of Bewmanill.
  The Castell of Bewmalyn.
  The Castell of Harecourt.
  The Abbey of Behelwyn.
  The Castell of Parlevesque.
  The Castell of Semper.
  The Castell of Tracy.
  The Castell of Tylly.
  The Castell of Groby.
  The Castell of Carsell.
  The Castell of Hommbe.
  The Castell of Seynt Denise.
  The Castell of Bonvile.
  The Castell of Grennevile.
  The Castell of Perers.
  The Castell of Seint Gilerinz.
  The Castell of Bewmound.
  The Castell of Asse la Rebole.
  The Castell of Tanny.
  The Castell of Antony.
  The Castell of Balon.
  The Castell of Mountfort.
  The Castell of Tovey.
  The Castell of Lowdon.
  The Castell of Noaus.
  The Castell of Seynt Romains in Plaine.
  The Castell of Daungell.
  The Castell of Peschere.
  The Castell of Bolore.
  The Castell of Keshank.
  The Castell of Turre.
  The Castell of Seint Imains.
  The Castell of Seint Germains.
  The Castell of Bomstapyll.
  The Castell of Croile.
  The Castell of Bakuile.
  The Castell of Bellacombyr.
  The Castell of Douyle.
  The Castell of Likone.
  The Castell of Ankyrvile.
  The Abbey of Seint Katerinz.

These er the gates names of Roon, and how the lordys lay in sege, and to
fore what gate, and also the derth of vitailes withyn the forseyd Cytee
of Roon.

_Le Port Causches._ To fore thys gate, lay my Lord of Clarense[8.1] vnto
riversyde of Seyne with mykyl of hys howsold and a grete market; and
then fro that gate upward lay my Lord of Urmound,[8.2] my maistre
Corwayle[8.3] with the Lord Talbotts meyne. _Le Port de Castell._ At
thys gate my Lord Marchall,[8.4] the Lord of Haryngton. _Le Port de
Bewvoisyn._ At thys gate lay my Lord of Excester. _Le Port de
Vowdelagate._ To fore thys gate lay the Lord Roos, the Lord Wylleby, the
Lord Fyhew,[8.5] Sir John Gray, and Sir William Porter. _Le Port Seint
Yllare._ To fore thys gate lay the kyng and my Lord of Glowcestyr. _Le
Port de Martynvile._ To fore thys lay my Lord of Warwyk and Sir Phelip
Leche. _Le Port debut de Pount._ To fore thys gate lay my Lord of
Huntyngdon, my Lord of Sawlisbyry, my maistre Nevile, and my mayster
Umphirvile. _Le Port de Vicount._ Thys ys the chefe Watergate of the
town, and at thys gate cometh in al maner marchawndys and vitailes.

Furthyrmore as towchyng to the derth of vytayles withyn this forseyd
Cytee, j. [_one_] Buschell of Whete was worth v. scutys, j. lofe j.
frank, j. dog j. frank, j. kat ij_s._ sterlinges, j. rat vj_d._
sterlinges. And as towchyng all other vitailes, it was spendit or that
we com in to the Cytee.

  Urbis Rotomagi Wulstano captio claret,
  Quam Rex Henricus Quintus sexto capit anno.

    [Footnote 5.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 5.2: Parchment mutilated.]

    [Footnote 8.1: Thomas, Duke of Clarence, the King’s brother.]

    [Footnote 8.2: James Butler, Earl of Ormond.]

    [Footnote 8.3: Sir John Cornwall, afterwards Lord Fanhope.]

    [Footnote 8.4: John Mowbray, Earl Marshal, afterwards Duke of
    Norfolk.]

    [Footnote 8.5: Fitz-Hugh.]


2

AMYE BOWET TO ----[9.1]

[Sidenote: 1417-9]

Trescher et mon tresfiable amy je vous salue tressouvent de tout mon
cuer, desirant pur savoir et oier bons noveles de vous, et que vous
soiez en prosperitee. Et, mon tresfiable amy, vous face assavoir que
monsieur mon baron covient sey apparailler et ordenyier envers le Roy
ore en y ceste proschein viage en la presence oue le Duc de Excestre,
pur la quelle luy covient faire graundes expenses entour son arraie en
salvacion de son honour, lequel je vorreie faire ma diligence pur saluer
et encrescer a mon poair, come je suy graundement tenuz; et vous estez
la persone en la quelle je plus graundement maffie devaunt aucune altre
ore vivant. Pur quey je vous emprie tresespecialment de trestout mon
cuer que vous please pur faire a tant pur moy quant a ore pur moy faire
chevyceance de xl. marcz come pur voie dapprompt ore en y ceste nostre
graunde busoigne, promittant de certeyne que sereez bien et loialment
repaiez a aucune jour reisoignable que vous veuilliez assigner; et si
vous ne osez pleignement affier en y ceste ma promys pur peril quent
purra avenir en temps avenir, vous auerez tiel seuretee come vous
veuillez deviser. Trescher et mon tresfiable amy, pluisours a vous nay
escrier au present, mays que vous veuillez doner foie et credence a une
gentile feme portour dycestes. Et pri al Saint Espirit qil vous ait touz
jours en sa tressaintisme garde. Escript en haste a Wrentham, le
xxviii^me jour de Mars.

  AMYE BOWET.

  On the back is written in a different hand:--

    ‘Thomas Lente et Matillda uxor mea petunt de Galfrido Somerton
  xiij_s._ iiij_d._ quos Willelmus Lyster et dicta Matillda, circa
  xxiiij. annos elapsos quum ipsi levaverunt finem de tenementis in
  Castre inter ipsos et Walterum Gase; et dicit quod dicta Matillda
  quando ipsa examinata fuit per Justiciarios apud Jernemuth qui
  sedebant super Rayes (?) in ecclesia Fratrum Carmelitarum, dictus
  Justiciarius dedit dictos xiii_s._ iiii_d._ quos ipse habere
  debuisset pro labore suo dictæ Matilldæ, et dictus Galfridus dictos
  xiii_s._ iiii_d._ posuit in loculo suo proprio et nullatenus illos
  dictæ Matilldæ solvit: et ad festyngong per iiii. annos elapsos le
  boteler apud Somerton audivit quod dictus Galfridus promisit dictæ
  Matilldæ et dicto Thomæ tunc viro suo dictos xiii_s._ iiii_d._’

    [Footnote 9.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 141.] This letter appears to
    be of a very early date. If its contents refer, as seems
    probable, to the preparations for Henry V.’s expedition in
    France, it is of the year 1417, and so earlier than No. 1;
    which, however, it may follow as bearing on the same subject.]

  [[lequel je vorreie faire  _error for “vorroie”?_]]


3

[THE PARSON OF EDINGTHORPE] TO WILLIAM SEWARDBY[10.1]

_A mon trescher et honure sieur, William Sewardby._

[Sidenote: 1417-9?]

Trescher et honure sieur, jeo me recomaund a vous si tresentierement de
t . . . . . . . . . . . doyere et de savore bonez novells de vous et de
vostre entiere estat et souereyn . . . . . . . tres bonz de vous auore
et savore com vous mesmes lez sauera meltz devisere ou . . . . . . et si
de moy le vostre. Vous plese savore, a la fesaunce de cestez j’estoy en
bon saunte. [Et quant a] vostre boys de denz le boys de Baketon vous
plese savore que le Prieur de Bromholm est (?) [nostre] parochen, et
nous ade prie pur avore vostre dit boys dissevere et departie a son boys
issint . . . . boys que est parcel a vostre boys pur lour profit et
saunz damage de vostre dit boys, mes Richa[rd] . . . . . . . disseveryng
fere saunz vostre volunte ou autre maundement de vous, come le portour
de . . . . . . . ment que jeo ne puis ore escrire. Et touchant vostre
manere illuques si longuement com . . . . . . . maynez de dit priour,
vous, ne null de voz bien voliauncez y aueroyent nulle conyschaun[ce]
. . . de vostre manere as autrez de lours seigneuries, et ensi vous et
vostrez serrount en temps avenir . . . . . . . que vous les tenez en voz
maynez proprez et sure tiele colour si vous plese Richard Causton . . .
. . . . et payr omez a vous si taunt come le priour avaundit fet a
termes et jours par vous assign[ez] . . . . . . pur avore par voz
tenauntz lez ditz terez, rentz et tenementz, boys et autres comoditez
. . . . . . . disseverez et departez. Et vous covyent avore i. seneschal
pur tenire vostres courtez iluque[s] . . . . . . . de dit priour ne en
son daungere, mes tiel homme que nad null dom de eux et tiele . . .
. . . vous luy voliez bien rewardere pur son travail. Trescher et
honoure sieur, de ceste matere et de . . . . . . . par le portour de
cestz, et nous ferrouns nostre powere et diligence de lez accomplere a
vostre . . . . . . . Sieur, jeo prie a Dieux quil vous doyne tresbon vie
et long honour et souereyn joye de . . . . . . . A Edythorp juxta
Bromholm, le primer jour de Jul’.

    [Footnote 10.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 142.] This letter appears
    also to be of a very early, but quite an uncertain date. It is
    unfortunately mutilated, some words being lost on every line on
    the right hand side of the MS.]


4

ABSTRACT[11.1]

[Sidenote: 1420 / 24 MARCH]

Marriage Settlement of William Paston, dated the Eve of the Annunciation
of the Virgin, 8 Henry V.--It is agreed between Sir Edmund Berre, Kt.,
on the one part, and William Paston of Paston on the other, that the
latter shall marry Agnes, daughter of the said Sir Edmund, and that his
trustees of the manor of Oxenede, Norf., shall demise the same to the
said William and Agnes, and the heirs of their bodies, &c. Also Sir
Edmund’s trustees, either of the manor of Estodenham, co. Norf., or of
the manor of Hollewellebury, Herts, at the option of William Paston,
shall deliver one or other manor to the said William and Agnes, and the
heirs of their bodies, &c. If Estodenham be chosen, Paston is to make to
Sir Edm. and his wife Alice an estate for life, either in the manors of
Marlingford, Norf., and Stanstede, Suff., or in the manors of Elghe and
Willyngham, Suff., &c.


5

ABSTRACT[11.2]

[Sidenote: 1422]

Inspeximus of a Deed of Thos. Pecke, clk., dated 10 Hen. V., granting
the reversion of the manors of Breydeston, Caston, &c., then held by Sir
John Carbonell and Margery, his wife, to Sir Rob. Brewys, John
Fitz-Rauff, and others.--(_See_ Blomefield’s _Norfolk_, ii. 285.)

    [Footnote 11.1: [Add. Charter 17,225, B.M.]]

    [Footnote 11.2: [Add. Charter 17,243.]]




THE PASTON LETTERS

_Henry VI_




6

INFORMATION AGAINST WALTER ASLAK[12.1]

[Sidenote: 1424]

Be it remembred that where, on the nyght next biforne the feste of the
Circumcision of owre Lord Jesu, the [second][12.2] yeer of the regne of
Kyng Henry the Sexte, certeyns maffaisours, felons, and brekeres of the
kynges peas vnknowyn, to the noumbre of iiij^xx [_four score_] and more
by estimacion, of malice and imaginacion forne thowght felonowsly, the
dwellyng place of John Grys of Wyghton, in Wyghton, in the shyre of
Norffolk, brokyn, and with carpenteres axes the yates and the dores of
the seyd place hewen, and the seyd John Grys, and hys sone, and a
servaunt man of hese by here bodyes tokyn, and fro the seyd dwellyng
place by the space of a myle to a payre gawles ledden, there hem for to
have hangyd; and by cause hem fayled ropes convenient to here felonowse
purpos, the seyd John Grys, hese sone, and hys man there felonowsely
slowen and mordered in the most orrible wyse that ever was herd spoken
of in that cuntre. Wher up on Walter Aslak, purposyng and imaginyng to
putte William Paston in drede and intollerable fere to be slayn and
mordered in the seyd forme with force and ageyn the kinges peas, on the
shyre day of Norffolk, halden at Norwiche, the xxviij day of August, in
the seyd secunde yeer, beyng there thanne a grete congregacion of poeple
by cause of the seyd shyre, in hese owne persone, and by Richard
Kyllynworth, that tyme hese servaunt, to the seyd William Paston swiche
and so many manaces of deth and dismembryng maden and puttyn by certeyns
Englische billes rymed in partye, and up on the yates of the Priorie of
the Trinite chirche of Norwiche, and on the yates of the chyrche of the
Freres Menures of Norwiche, and the yates of the same Cite called
Nedeham yates and Westewyk yates, and in othre places wyth inne the seyd
Cite by the seyd Walter and Richard sette, makyng mension and berying
this undyrstondyng that the seyd William, and hese clerkes, and
servauntes schuld be slayn and mordered in lyke forme as the seyd John
Grys in the seyd forme was slayne and mordered: conteyning also these
too words in Latyn, _et cetera_, by which wordes communely it was
undyrstandyn that the forgeers and makers of the seyd billes imagyned to
the seyd William, hese clerkes and servauntes, more malice and harm than
in the seyd billes was expressed. Wherfore the seyd William, hese seyd
clerkes and servauntz, by longe tyme aftyr were in gret and intolerable
drede and fere by the sayd maffaisours and felons to be slayn and
mordered. Wherfore the seyd William, hese clerkes and servauntes, ne
durst not at here fredom nothyr goon ne ryde.

Wher up on the seyd William, for hese owyn persone, affermyd a pleynt of
trespas ageyn the seyd Walter and Richard, processe contynued ther up on
til the seyd Walter and Richard were founden gilty of the seyd trespas
by an iniquisicion ther of takyn in dwe and lawefull forme, by whiche
inquisicion the damages of the seyd William for the seyd trespas were
taxed to cxx^li [£120]. Aftyr which pleynte affermyd, and to fore ony
plee up on the seyd pleynt pleded, the seyd Walter and William, by
Thomas Erpyngham, Knyght, a myghty and a gret supportour of the seyd
Walter in alle these matiers and circumstaunces ther of ageyn the seyd
William, were induced to trete in the same matier in the forme that
folwith: That is to seyne, that the seyd William schuld sue forth the
seyd pleynt and the execucion ther of at hese owne will, and the seyd
Walter schuld defende hym self in the seyd pleynt at hese owne will,
except that he schuld no benefice take by noon proteccion, ne wrytte of
_corpus cum causa_, ne of no lordes lettres up on the seyd sute. And
what so ever fortunyd in the seyd pleynt, the proces, execucion, or the
sute ther of, the seyd Walter and William schuld stonde and obeye to the
ordinaunce of certeyns persones by the seyd William and Walter
arbitratores that tyme named, if thei myghten accordyn, and ellys of
anoonpier also that same tyme named, of alle the seyd trespas, pleynt,
and sute, and alle the circumstaunces ther of, so that the seyd
arbitrement and ordinaunce of the seyd arbitratores, or ellys of the
seyd nounpier, were made withinne xl. dayes next folwyng aftyr the
jugement geven in the seyd pleynt.

And aftyrward, the Thursday next biforn Pentecost, the thrydde yeer of
the regne of the seyd kyng, at London, in the presence of the right
excellent, high and myghty prynce, the Duc de Gloucestre,[14.1] and by
hese commaundement, atte sute and instaunce of the seyd Thomas
Erpyngham, it was accordyd bytwen the seyd William and Walter that thei
schuld stande and obeye to the ordinaunce and award of alle the seyed
matiers of twenye of these iiij. persones, William Phelip, Knyght, Henry
Inglose, Knyght, Oliver Groos, and Thomas Derham, chosen on the partye
of the seyd William Paston, and tweyne of those iiij. persones, Symond
Felbrygge, Knyght, Bryan Stapilton, Knyght, Roberd Clyfton, Knyght, and
John of Berneye of Redeham, chosen on the partie of the seyd Water, and
elles the decree and jugement of a nounpier to be chosen by the same
arbitrores. The whiche William Phelip, Bryan Stapilton, Roberd Clyfton,
Oliver Groos, John of Berneye, and Thomas Derham, takyng up on hem the
charge of the makyng of the seyd award and ordinaunce by the assent of
the seyd Thomas Erpyngham, the Fryday next aftyr the feste of the
Assumpcion of Owre Lady, in the seyd thrydde yeer, at Norwiche, tokyn
ensurans of the seyd William and Walter by here fayth and here trowthez
to stande and obeye to here ordinaunce of alle the seyd matiers, and the
same day biforne noon, maden here full ordinaunce and arbitrement of
alle the same matiers in the chyrche of the Greye Freyrys at Norwich;
and aftyrward, up on the same award and ordinaunce mad, hadden a
communicacion ther of with the seyd Thomas Erpyngham; and aftyr the same
communicacion, the same day aftyr noon, the same ordinaunce and award
wretyn was red byforn the seyd arbitrores and the seyd Walter and
William, and examyned, agreed, and assented, and by the seales of the
same vj. arbitrores and the seyd Walter and William, was affermed and
ensealed and left in the handes of the seyd Sir Bryan, saveliche to be
kept in playne remembraunce of the seyd award and ordinaunce; the whiche
award and ordinaunce the seyd William was at all tymes redy to obeye and
performe, on to the seyd feste of Michelmesse, that the seyd Walter to
holde or performe the seyd award pleynly refused.

And where the seyd Walter, by jugement of the Chaunceller of Inglond,
the xvj. day of Jull’ the seyd thrydde yeer, was remytted to the kynges
prison at Norwich by cause of the seyd sute, the seyd Walter yede at
large owt of warde fro the seyd xvj. day of Jull’ to the seyd day of the
makyng of the seyd arbitrement and award, and fro that day in to
Michelmesse thanne next aftyr; the seyd William that meene tyme evermore
supposyng that the seyd Walter wolde have holde and performyd the sayd
ordinaunce, arbitrement, and award. And at the comyng of the right high
and myghty prynce the Duc of Norfolk fro his Castell of Framyngham to
the Cetie of Norwyche, aftyr the seyd day of the makyng of this
arbitrement and ordinaunce, and to fore the feste of Michelmesse than
next folwyng, the seyd Walter by hese sotill and ungoodly enformacion
caused the seyd Duke to be hevy lord to the seyd William. Where the seyd
William the tyme of the seyd enformacion was with Sir John Jermy,
Knyght, and othre of the counseill of the seyd Duk of Norffolk in hys
lordshipes in Norffolk and Suffolk, thanne to hym falle [_fallen_] by
the deth of the right worthy and noble lady hys modyr, occupied abowte
the dwe service of wryttes of _diem clausit extremum_[16.1] aftyr the
deth of the seyd lady. And where as the seyd William Paston, by
assignement and commaundement of the seyd Duk of Norffolk, at hese fyrst
passage over the see in to Normandye, in the kynges tyme Henry the
Fyfte, was the Styward of the seyd Duc of Norffolk, of alle hese
lordshipes in Norffolk and Suffolk fro hys seyd passage un to the seyd
feste of Michelmesse; [And[16.2] over that as sergeaunt of lawe, thow he
be unworthy, withholdyn with the seyd Duc of Norffolk alle the tyme that
he was sergeaunt bifore the same feste of Michelmesse. And all be it
that the fees and the wages of the seyd William for hys seyd service
unpayed draweth a gret some to hys pouere degree, if the seyd Duk of
Norffolk lyked, of hys noble and plentifous grace, to graunte to the
seyd William, in right, ony part of the favour of hese good lordship,
the seyd William wolde evere be hys pouere and trewe bedeman, and evere
in hys herte thenke alle hys seyd service, and alle the service that
ever he dede to the seyd [Duke] of Norfolk, plentefeousely weell
rewarded.[16.3]]

And where the seyd Walter, the tyme of the seyd trespas and of the seyd
bylles makyng ne long to fore, ne never aftyr biforn the seyd comyng of
the seyd Duc of Norffolk to Norwich, ne no tyme hangyng the seyd sute,
ne the tyme of makyng of the said arbitrement and ordinaunce, never was
servaunt to the seyd Duc of Norffolk at fees, ne at wages, ne wythhaldyn
in hese service, ne to hym sued to be supported by hese high Lordship in
this seyd matier, to the knowleche of the seyd William, ne to no commune
knowleche, in the shyres of Norffolk, Suffolk, ne Norwiche; the sute
that the seyd Walter made for supportacion in this seyd matier was be
the meene of the seyd Thomas Erpyngham to the seyd Duk of Gloucestre, by
whose reule and commaundemente the seyd arbitrement and award was mad in
the forme aforn seyd. And not with stondying the seyd trespas and
grevaunce by the seyd Walter doon the seyd William, ne that the seyd
William ne is not satisfied of the seyd cxx^li., ne no peny therof,
and hath absteyned hym of al maner of execucion, sewyng of godes or
catelles, that by force of the seyd processe, or ony othyr, he myght
have had ageyn the seyd Walter or hese borwes [_sureties_], ne that the
seyd William hath suffred the seyd Walter to gon at large by long tyme
whan he myght have had hys body in warde in lawfull forme: The seyd
Walter, be billes in the too last parlementz holden at Westminster and
at Leycestre, and at divers tymes in divers other maneres hath noysed
and skaundered the seyd William ungoodly and othyr wyse than othyr
[_either_] gentilnesse or trowthe wolde; and, overmore, caused the seyd
William orribly to be manassed of hys deth, betyng and dismembryng of
hys persone by certeyns servauntz of the Lordes Fitz Wauter and othre
persones, and by ferefull and overe felle lettres and sondes. Wherfore
the seyd William, nothyr hese frendes, ne hese servauntz in hys
companye, at here fredam sithen the seyd parlement at Leycestre durſt
not, ne yet ne dar not rydyn ne goo abowte swyche occupacion as he arn
used and disposed, to here grete and unportable drede and vexacion in
here spirites, and gret harme and damage and losse of here pouere
goodes.

[Overmore,[17.1] the seyd Walter hath sued, and yet rigorously suethe a
wrytte of _decies tantum_[17.2] ageyns x. persones of the seyd
Inquisicion and ij. of the servauntz of the seyd William and iiij. othre
persones; supposyng by hese seyd sute hem to have taken of the seyd
William in hys seyd syte lxij^li [£62] and more of moneye. The whiche
sute of _decies tantum_ the seyd Walter, betwyx God and hym, knewith
verraly is untrewe. And also the seyd Walter hath sued, and yet persuyth
Adam Aubre, on of the seyd Inquisicion in the court of the said Duc of
Norffolk of hys manoir of Fornsete, by cause and occasion of the seyd
matiers, in whiche sute in the seyd court it is proceded ageyn the seyd
Adam in other maner thanne othyr lawe, conscience, or good fayth
wolde.[18.1]]

Overmore the seyd William, atte commaundement of the seyd Duc of
Norffolk, hath submytted hym to stonde to the ordinaunce of divers
persones of alle the seyd matiers: ones at Leyceetre, the Wednesday next
biforn Palm Soneday, the iiij. yeer of the regne of the syd kyng;
anothyr tyme at Reed clyf in Aprill the same iiij. yeer, aftyr the forme
of certeyns billes endented ther of made. The whiche submission, with
alle the circumstaunces ther of, the seyd William hath be at alle tymes
redy to obeye. The cause why the seyd Walter, by the seyd Englishe
bylles, and in othyr forme, putte and sette the seyd William, and hys
seyd clerkes and servauntz, in drede and fere intollerable to be slayn
and mordered, and to hem trespaced in the forme aforn seyd, was onely
for as moche as the seyd William was with the prior of Norwiche of
counseille in hese trewe defence ageyn the entent of the seyd Walter in
a sute that he made ageyn the seyd priour of a voweson of the chyrche of
Sprouston in the counte of Norffolk, wher to the seyd Walter hath nothyr
title suffisaunt ne right in no maner wyse by ony matier by hym declared
byforn thys tyme.

This scrowe is mad only for the informacion of the worthy and
worshipfull lordes the arbitrores; savyng evere to the maker the
benefice reasonably to adde and amenuse, his ignoraunce in swiche
occupation and defaute of leyser also tendrely considered.

    [Footnote 12.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This paper refers to
    proceedings as late as the fourth year of Henry VI., and
    therefore cannot be earlier than 1426; but as it mainly relates
    to outrages committed in the second year of Henry VI., _i.e._
    1424, we have arranged it under that year.]

    [Footnote 12.2: This word is omitted in the MS.]

    [Footnote 14.1: Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, Protector of
    England.]

    [Footnote 16.1: These were writs issued on the death of a tenant
    _in capite_ of the Crown, and directed to the escheators in the
    different counties in which his lands lay, directing them to
    inquire by jury what lands he held, and of what value, and who
    was his nearest heir, and what was the heir’s age.]

    [Footnote 16.2: Over this word is written ‘va,’ the first
    syllable of _vacat_, showing that the passage is cancelled.]

    [Footnote 16.3: Here is written ‘cat.’ --_See_ Note 2.]

    [Footnote 17.1: Here is written ‘va.’ --_See_ p. 16, Note 2.]

    [Footnote 17.2: A writ against a juror who had been bribed, by
    which the prosecutor could recover from him ten times the amount
    of the bribe, dividing the proceeds with the King.]

    [Footnote 18.1: Here is written ‘cat.’ --_See_ p. 16, Note 2, and
    p. 17, Note 1.]

  [[anoonpier also that same tyme named
    _error for “a noonpier” with space?_]]

  [[othyr wyse than othyr [_either_] gentilnesse or trowthe wolde
    _bracketed gloss printed in roman (non-italic) type_]]

  [[the seyd parlement at Leycestre durſt not
    _anomalous long s in original_]]

  [[ones at Leyceetre  _text unchanged: error for “Leycestre”?_]]


7

WILLIAM PASTON TO JOHN STAYNFORD[19.1]

_To my weel beloved John Staynford of Furnyvales Inne_.

[Sidenote: 1425]

The instruccion to comune of to John Robynson of Carleton bysyde Snayth.

To enquerre and wyte whether the stoon may be sawed or nought. Whether
it wille chippe or chynne or affraye with frost or weder or water.

Also that every pece of the stoon be iij. foote longe, and that xv.
tunne tyght of the stoon be every stoon weel bedded into the walle and a
foote thikke that it ryse in heighte a foote in the walle; and x. stones
of the stoan must be ii. foote broad, and at the lest a foote and an
half thikke. A stoon wil drawe the wighte of a pipe, as I suppose; the
gret stones and nought the smallere stones shuld be sawed, so that every
pece sawed shud holde the seid lengthe of iij. foote, and the seid brede
of ij. foote, and to be, after it is sawed, half a fote or lesse on
thikkenesse, and thenne the brode sawed stones shulde evere stond in the
werk betwen the seid weel bedded stonys that shuld ryse but a fote in
the walle and ben ankered iche of hem with other; and this werk shal be
strong j nowe, as werkmen seyn, and drawe but litill cariage. I wold
have swiche stoan a xx^ti tunne tight caried to Moneslee[19.2] in
Norffolk between Crowmere and Bromholm, and but a myle from Bromholm.

To reporte plein answere of this bylle writen and how sone I myght have
the seid stone caried to Monesle aforn seid, and for what price.

This werk is for a . . .

W. PASTON.

  On the back is written, also in the Judge’s hand:--

  ‘Sount due a mon sieur Will. Bardolf de ses gages en les lyueres a
  . . . de mon tres honneure seigneur le Count de Warrwick, capitayn
  illeoqes, iusques al iiij.^e jour de febr. lan de Roy Henri Sysme
  tierce, ccccxiii_li._ xvj_s._ x_d._ q^a.’

  Below this is written in Fenn’s hand: ‘14 Feb^y 3 H. 7. 1487’
  --a great misreading of the date.

    [Footnote 19.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 213.] This letter appears
    from the postscript to be of the year 1425, as Bardolf’s wages,
    due on the 4th February in that year, had not yet been paid.]

    [Footnote 19.2: Mundesley.]


8

NICHOLAS PRIOR OF BROMHOLM TO WILLIAM PASTON[20.1]

_A Will’ Paston soit donne._

[Sidenote: 1425 / JULY 5]

Dere Syre and weel be loved, I grete yow weel, and do yow to wetyn that
Dawn John Pastone was atte Norwiche on Munday last passed, and dede
settyn on Cryste Chyrche gates divers litteres, a lytyl tyme, and ij.
copiis wheche stondyn ther yet, for somounnyn me to the curt of Rome.
And we supposyn to have hym at Bromholm, or sum man in hys name wyth
inne a lytyl tyme; for dawn Robert of Yorke was atte Norwiche be
sendynge of my lady of Murlee, and spak wythe hym in hyre hous on Munday
afornseyd, and ther he told the forseyd dawn Robert that he wolde nedys
ben Priour of Bromholm, to levyn and deyin ther upon. Also he seyde, as
for the composissioun of Bromholm, he hadde do sherchyd att Clunye; and
ther inne he standyth clere as he seythe; and as for provisyoun, he
seyde he hadde spokyn wyth the Chaunceler and the chef Justyse and
Ascam, and thei demptyne hym clere as ther inne, and he seyth; and other
dowte is ther none inne be hys tale. And after this the forseyd dawn
John askyd obedience of the forseyd dawne Robert in my ladyis presens,
and dawn Robert seyde agayne he xulde noghte done that atte that tyme,
but he badde hym provyn owt hys purpos as for the composissioun and
provisioun to an hende, and than he wolde do hys dever to hym; and thus
he departyd. Where for, yif ony thing may be don whyl ye arn now atte
Londone for oure helpe and his lettyng, gode Syre, helpythe atte this
tyme if it maybe godely, we be seche yow. Dawn Thomas of Cane was atte
my lord of Norwiche for helpe in this matier, and he seyde he was
inhibytyd and alle hys clerkes be the curt of Rome in this matier, and
he seyde by yowre advys, yif it lyke yow, wryttes may ben taken agens
hym, and that is best remedye ther inne; j. [_one_] wrytte is _ne
ingrediatur manu forti_. The Holy Trinite have yow in governaunce.
Wretyn atte Bromholm the v. day of July,

  _per_ NICH. PRIOREM DE BROMHOLM.

    [Footnote 20.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 1.] This letter is
    evidently of the year 1425. Comp. No. 10.]


9

ABSTRACT[21.1]

[Sidenote: 1425 / SEPT. 24]

Bill witnessing a concord made 24 Sept. 4 Hen. VI. between John
Kertelyng, clerk, general attorney to Sir John Fastolf, on the one part,
and Richard Boson, Esq., on the other, viz.: That Fastolf shall have in
fee-simple the manor of the said Richard in Castre called Bosons of the
gift of the said Richard before Easter next, and that the said Richard
shall have Fastolf’s manor in Titeleshale called Peekhalle, in
fee-simple, of the gift of Fastolf, paying to Fastolf £60 within the
next four years.

    [Footnote 21.1: [From a Bodl. MS.]]


10

WILLIAM PASTON TO ----[21.2]

[Sidenote: 1425 / NOV. 5]

Right worthy and worshepefull Sir, I recommaunde me to yow, and thank
yow for the good, trew, and diligent labour ye have hadde for the matier
betwen the Priour of Bromholme[21.3] and his commoigne[21.4] apostata,
Johne Wortes, that namythe hym self Paston, and affermith hym untrewely
to be my cousyn. [I have many pouere men of my kyn, but so fals, and so
pouere,--but he was nevere of my kyn.][22.1] God defende that any of my
saide kyn shuld be of swyche governaunce as he is of! Maister John
Ixworthe told me that he hadde lettres fro a frende of yowres in the
courtt of Rome, that is of the seyd prioures counseill in this mater as
ye be, whos name I knowe nought, specifyeng that the seyd John Wortes
adversarius prioris desperat in causa et concordiam quærit. It is told
me sithen that the seyd John Wortes is in the cite of Rome, sacred a
bysshop of Irland, videlicet episcopus Corcagensis, wherby it is seyd
here that his pretense of his title to the priourie of Bromholme is
adnulled, and voide in your lawe. The seyd John Wortes, and a contreman
of myne in the seyd court, Maister John Urry, have sent me lettres,
wherof I sende yow copies and a trewe instruccion of the seyd matier
closed with this bille, the whiche lettres and the matier ther of me
semyth mervaillous and straunge. A prest of Norffolk, that spak with yow
in Julie or August last passed, told me that he yede with yow to the
cardinales hous, Trikaricensis,[22.2] to espie if any swyche processe
were sued ageyn me as the seyd lettres specifien, and that ye told the
same prest at alle tymes ther was than no swiche processe sued, ne had;
the whiche relacion I trust and beleve bettre than the seyd lettres.
I have, by advys of counseill, in makyng a procuracie _ad agendum,
defendendum, provocandum, et appellandum_ to yow and the seyd Maister
John Urry and the Wynsalaw (?) de Swysto; and also a general appelle,
the engrossyng of wyche the messager of this bill myght nought abide;
the whiche procuracie and appelle I shal sende to yowr persone,
tantummodo [cum pecuniis],[22.3] with moneye onward, on trust. My will
is, ye have the chief governaunce of this matier, and that this article
be counseille [_i.e._, secret]; wher upon I prey yow hertily to be
saddely avysed in these matiers, and, as nede is, so to governe hem by
your wysdom, that the seyd prioures estat and honeste, and myn also, to
yowr worshepe be saved; and that, in alle haste resonable, ye lyke to
sende me redes lettres of alle the seyd matier, and the circumstances
ther of, and who ye wil I be governed in this mater. I was nevere
somouned, ne never hadde tydynges of this matier but by seyd lettres and
other fleyng tales that I heve herd sithen, ne nevere hadde to do more
with the seyd John Wortes than is specified in the seyd instruccion. Al
myghty God have yow in His governaunce. Writen at London, the v. day of
Novembre.

  Yowre frend unknowen.[23.1]

  _A Instruccion and Information of the verray trewe matier betwen the
  Priour and the Covent of Bromholm and the seyd John and me, as I am
  enformed, and as I knowe touchant my persone and the_[23.2] ----.

[Sidenote: Ista litera missa non fuit.]

Right worthy and worshepefull Sir, I recomaunde to yow, preyeng yow to
wite that I have resceyved yowr goodly lettres makyng mencion that Sir
John Paston,[23.3] ut asserit, hath optyned me condempnyd to hym in
CCC[vij.][23.4] marcz and C._s._; and that the same John, atte
reverence of your right worthy persone, hathe cesed of his sute of
certeins processes ageyns me up on the seyd condempnacion, takyng
continuance[23.5] of the same matier unto Cristemasse next comyng; by
which lettres ye conseille me to make ende with the seyd John, ne
deterius inde contingat. I [s]end yow, closed with this bille,
[the][23.6] copie of un frendly lettre that the seyd John hathe sent to
me late, touchant the same matier. The seyd priour hath sent also to
yow, and to Mayster William Swan, whiche longe hathe be his procurator,
a procuracie for my person, and v. marcz of moneye onward. Wher up, in
the seyd prioures name, and in myn own also, I prey yow hertily to sette
al these matieres in continuaunce un to yowr comyng in to Ingeland; and
because ye arn here beneficed, owr cuntreman, and of worshepe and
cunnyng worthyly endowed, the seyd priour and his brether, and I also,
willen gladdely in these matieres be treted by yow; and if this mesure
be accepted, and we may have knowyng here ther of, it shall cause the
attemptacion of diverses matieres a geyn summe frendes of the seyd John
to cese. And if this continuance be refused, I prey yow, with al my
power, that of your wysdom and good discrecion ye wille, in the seyd
prioures name, and myn, defenden the seyd sutes, and alle other that the
seyd Johne sueth ageyn the seyd priour and me, in your best maner, and
to be of owr counseill in these matieres; and as ye lyke resonablely to
write to us, so we wil be governed in yowre rewarde, and al other
circumstaunces of the same matieres.[24.1] I conceyve by your seyd
lettres that the grece of the matier conteigned in the same ye have of
the informacion and assercion of the seyd John, and as he hath enformed
yow, I wot weel ye trewely writen; but I hope and trust verrayly the
matier of his informacion is untrewe [for he hathe no cause to swe to
me, ne I was nevre somouned ne cited].[24.2] The priour of Bromholm sued
ageyn the seyd John and other in Ingeland a wryt of _præmunire facias_,
and I was therin of the same prioures counseill as the lawe of Ingelond
and myn office willen, and more I have nought hadde to do with the seyd
Johne, and I can nought beleve that in this cas the same Johne myght by
your lawe any swich sute have ageyn me as your lettre specifieth. Also
William, the prest specified in yowr [letter],[24.3] told me that he,
after that ye told hym of this matier, lyke as yewrce (?), he comuned
with Maister William Swan, and he told the seyd prest ther no processe
in the courte ageyn me in no maner ----.[24.4]

  The above two documents are from a corrected draft, written on one
  side of a broad sheet of paper. On the other side is a long Latin
  pleading, also much corrected, relative to the Abbey of Bermondsey;
  prefixed to which are the following words, in the same hand as the
  preceding letters:--

  ‘Sir, do writen ij. copies of this note in papier, wyde writen, and
  gete a copie of the writte in the Eschekyr ageyn.’

  The pleading referred to is in a different hand, and begins as
  follows:--

  ‘Et prædictus abbas dicit quod ipse de præmissis domino Regi
  compotum reddere non debet; quia dicit quod diu ante erectionem,
  fundationem sive erectionem prioratus de Bermundeseye qui nunc
  erectus est in prædictam Abbatiam, Willielmus Rufus filius Willelmi
  Conquestoris nuper Rex Angliæ fuit seisitus de manerio de
  Bermundeseye,’ etc.

    [Footnote 21.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter, being
    dated in November, was probably written before Nos. 11 and 12
    which follow, though evidently very near them in point of date.
    The chief evidence of the time when they all must have been
    written will be seen in No. 12.]

    [Footnote 21.3: Who this Prior was we cannot say, the list of
    the Priors of Bromholm being very defective. Blomefield says,
    that a Prior John has been met with in the 11th of Edward III.,
    and Robert, in the 14th of Henry VI.--that is to say, in 1435 or
    1436, just ninety-nine years later. Nothing is known of the
    Priors between these dates, even by the latest editors of
    Dugdale.]

    [Footnote 21.4: ‘Commoigne,’ i.e. brother monk. The writer also
    calls him _apostata_, _i.e._ a monk who has run away and
    renounced his order.]

    [Footnote 22.1: These words occur in the draft, but are crossed
    out.]

    [Footnote 22.2: Thomas Brancaccio, Cardinal Bishop of Tricarico.
    He was made a cardinal by his uncle, Pope John XXIII., and is
    said to have been a man of very bad morals.]

    [Footnote 22.3: Interlined, and afterwards erased.]

    [Footnote 23.1: Above these words, and in the place where the
    signature might have been expected, occur these names, one above
    another--
      ‘Thomas Abbas de Leyston, in Com’ Suff.
      ‘Ricardus Fremelyngham, concanonichus ibidem.’
    They do not, however, appear to be connected with the letter.
    The following words are also scrawled between this letter and
    the next:-- ‘N. persona ecclesiæ de Testerton in Com’ Norff.
    Gees Cuttyng. Joh’ persona ecclesiæ de Yermuth (?), Alicia
    Gosloth (?).’]

    [Footnote 23.2: _Sic._]

    [Footnote 23.3: The title ‘Sir’ was at this time commonly
    prefixed to a priest’s name.]

    [Footnote 23.4: The ‘vij.’ is struck out.]

    [Footnote 23.5: Contiañce, MS. here and after.]

    [Footnote 23.6: Struck out.]

    [Footnote 24.1: Here occur the following words, crossed
    out:-- ‘Ferthermore, touchant my persone, I mervaille that the
    seyd ---- Ferthermore.’]

    [Footnote 24.2: Struck out.]

    [Footnote 24.3: Omitted in MS.]

    [Footnote 24.4: The draft here ends abruptly.]

  [[fuit seisitus de manerio  _text has “d emanerio”_]]


11

JOHN PASTON _ALIAS_ WORTES[25.1]

_Venerables et discretes persones les courtesans demorans en l’ostel
du Templebar en la cité de Londres, Mes treschiers et treshonnourés
seigneurs et amis._

[Sidenote: 1426]

Treschiers et treshonnourés seigneurs et grans amis, toutte
recommendation premise, plaisir vous soit de scavoir que je vous notifie
et avertich pour le present que Wilhelmus Paston le Sargant est
denunciés escommuniés, que plus plainement poes perchevoir per
Instrument que vous envoye. Et pour tant, mez treschiers seigneurs, que
je disire moult le salut de votre ames et l’onneur de cascun de vous,
comme faire le doy, affin que vous u [_ou_] aucun de vous n’ayes aucune
conversation u participation auvecquels le dit Wilhelmus, car il est
aggrevés a cloquettes sonans, et tant que pour faire cesser en touttes
eglises leur il voldroit aler. Mais jou qui suy homme d’eglise et sur
touttes choses desire et convoite l’onneur et le bien dou Royaulme, car
gy suy tenus, je ne envoye point pour le present les dittes aggravances,
ne ossi voillans faire si grand mal que poroye jusquels a che que j’aray
certaines novelles et responses comment li dis Wilhelmes se voldra
ordonner en mes affaires, car nous avons en le loy que nuls os
excumeniés ne puet et ne doit estre admis devant juge quelcunque. Mes
treschiers seigneurs, se aucune chose vo plaise que faire puisse, mande
le me et le feray de bon cuer. E le sancte Dieuls qui vous ait tous et
cascun de vous en sa sancte garde. Et osy, mes treschiers et
treshonourés seigneurs, plaise vous scavoir que encelle meyme cause li
dis Wilhelmes est redevaules et enquews envers moy, par sentence
diffinitive que j’ay obtenu pour moy, en mille deuls cens et trente
ducas, et que li dis Wilhelmes ne puet yestre jamays absols sy non qu’il
soit d’acort auvecquels moy. Escript a en la ville de Bruges le xxiij^e
jour de Jenvier.

  JOHANNES PASTON,[26.1] en temps passé Priour
  de Broholm, et pour le present evesquels
  de Corkagen, le tout vostre.

    [Footnote 25.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] William Paston, who is
    here spoken of as a Serjeant, attained that degree in 1421, and
    was made Judge of the Common Pleas in 1429. But a closer
    approximation to the date of this letter may be made by
    comparing it with that which follows, which is certainly much
    about the same time.]

    [Footnote 26.1: William Paston, as appears by Nos. 12 and 14
    following, disputed this writer’s right to call himself Paston,
    and asserted that his real name was Wortes. It is curious that
    neither in the list of the Bishops of Cork, nor in that of the
    Priors of Bromholm, is the name either of Paston or Wortes to be
    met with.]


12

WILLIAM PASTON TO WILLIAM WORSTED AND OTHERS[26.2]

_A mez treshonnourés Meistres Will’m Worstede, John Longham, et Meistre
Piers Shelton soit donné._

[Sidenote: 1426 / MARCH 1]

Right worthy and worshepefull sires and maistres, I recomand me to yow,
and thank yow with al my herte, of the gret tendrenesse ye lyke to have
of the salvacion of my symple honeste, preying yow evermore of your good
continuance. I have, after the advys of your lettre, doon dewely
examyned the instrument by the wysest I coude fynde here, and in
especial by on Maister Robert Sutton,[27.1] a courtezane of the Court of
Rome, the which is the chief and most chier man with my Lord of
Gloucestre, and his matier in the said court for my lady, his
wyff;[27.2] and here aunswere is that al this processe, though it were
in dede preceded as the instrument specifieth, is not suffisant in the
lawe of Holy Cherche, and that hem semyth, by the sight of the
instrument and by the defautes [that] ye espied in the same and other,
and in maner by the knowelech of the notarie, that the processe, in gret
part ther of, is fal[se and un]trewe. I have taken advys of Maister
Robert Bruus, chauncellor with my Lord of Cantirbury,[27.3] and Maister
Nicholl Billesdon,[27.4] cha[uncellor] of my Lord of Wynchestre,[27.5]
and Maister John Blodwelle,[27.6] a weel lerned man holden, and a
suffisant courtezan of the seyd court, and all these acorden to the seyd
Maister Robert Sutton. Nought with stondyng that I herde nevere of this
matier no maner lykly ne credible evidence unto that I sey your lettre
and the instrument, yet I made an appell and a procuracie, and also a
provocacion, at London, longe biforn Cristemasse, by the a[dvys] of
Maister David Aprys, Maister Symond Kempston, and Maister James Cole,
and sent al this, with an instruccion of al the matier, w[ith] my
procuratours to Rome by your frere, my Maister Suppriour, and geff hym
gold that he was content: and, evermore, nowe here by advys I make this
day a newe appelle and a newe procuracion, and upon this alle the seyd
worthy men here seyn and informe me pleynly I have no maner cause in
lawe ne in conscience to drede aught in this matier. Myn
adversarie[27.7] is become Bysshop of Cork in Irland, and ther arn ij.
other persones provided to the same bysshopriche yet lyvyng, beforn my
seyd adversarie; and by this acceptacion of this bysshopriche, he hath
pryved hym self of the title that he claymed in Bromholm, and so
adnulled the ground of his processe ageyn me, and also the tyme of his
grevaunce pretendid, and the tyme of his sute he was _apostata_, and I
trowe is yet, and so unable to sue any swich processe. I purpose me to
come homward be London, to lerne more in this matier, if I may. I prey
the Holy Trinite, lord of your cherche and of alle the werld, delyvere
me of my iij. adversaries, of this cursed bysshop for Bromholm, Aslak
for Sprouston,[28.1] and Julian Herberd for Thornham. I have nought
trespassed ageyn noon of these iij., God knowing, and yet I am foule and
noysyngly vexed with hem, to my gret unease, and al for my lordes and
frendes matieres, and nought for myn owyn. I wot not whether it were
best in any sermon or other audience, in your cherche or elles where, to
declare aught of this matier in stoppyng of the noyse that renneth in
this case. I submitte me and alle this matier to your good discrecion;
and evere gremercy God, and ye, who ever have yow and me in His gracious
governance. I suppose to see yow on Palm Sunday. Writen at Leycestre,
the Friday the thredde wyke of Lente.

Alle the seyd lerned men telle me trewely ther is nother perill ne
doubte in the takyng doun of the instrument and the bille to no
creature. Which instrument and bille I send yow ageyn by the berare of
this, which I prey you to kepe as pryve as ye may.

  Yowr man,

  W. PASTON.

I have preyed my Maister Hammond to write yow tydyngges, and smale (?)
lesynges among.

    [Footnote 26.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] About the year 1425 the
    question of the validity of the Duke of Gloucester’s marriage
    with Jacqueline of Hainault was before the Court of Rome. This
    letter must have been written in the spring of the year
    following, when Parliament was sitting at Leicester. The
    original is slightly mutilated at the edge in one place.]

    [Footnote 27.1: Prebendary of Lincoln, 1435-9. Died 1439.]

    [Footnote 27.2: Jacqueline of Hainault, whom Humphrey, Duke of
    Gloucester, married, pretending that her former marriage with
    John, Duke of Brabant, was void by consanguinity. The question
    which of the two marriages was valid was at this time before the
    Pope.]

    [Footnote 27.3: Archbishop Chicheley.]

    [Footnote 27.4: Dean of Salisbury, 1435-41. Died 1441.]

    [Footnote 27.5: Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, afterwards
    Cardinal.]

    [Footnote 27.6: LL.D. Prebendary of Hereford about 1433, and of
    Lichfield 1432-43.]

    [Footnote 27.7: John Paston or Wortes, the writer of the
    preceding letter.]

    [Footnote 28.1: A lordship in Sprouston was acquired by John
    Aslake of Bromholm in 14 Richard II., and seems to have
    continued some time in that family. Blomefield notes that a
    Walter Aslake, Esq. of Sprouston, had a protection in the 10th
    of Henry VI., being in France in the retinue of John, Duke of
    Bedford (Blomefield’s _Norfolk_, x. 462). Probably this was the
    same Walter Aslak mentioned in No. 6 preceding. --_See_ p. 18.]


13

ABSTRACTS[29.1]

[Sidenote: 1426]

(1) _Capias_ against William Stayard of Great Yarmouth, late lieutenant
of Thomas Chaucer,[29.2] chief butler of Henry V., for debts to the
Crown.

(2) Release by William Steyard of Great Yarmouth, to Elizabeth, widow of
John Rothenhale, Knight, of all personal actions against her as her
husband’s executor. 7 April, 4 Hen. VI.


14

ABSTRACT[29.3]

JOHN PASTON _alias_ WORTES.

[Sidenote: 1426 / DEC. 1]

i. Draft writ to the Sheriff of Norwich to attach and bring before the
Council John Paston _alias_ Wortes and others for violation of the
statutes of Provisors 25 Edw. III. and 16 Ric. II., on the complaint of
John Brundale, prior of Bromholm that although he, Brundale, was
canonically elected prior, the said Paston or Wortes had crossed the sea
without royal license, obtained a provision of the said priory in the
Court of Rome, and got himself installed as prior, and the other
expelled. Also the said John Paston or Wortes, and John Gees,
a Carmelite friar of Norwich, Edmund Alderford, late of Norwich, clerk,
Barth. Waryn, parson of Trunche, William Cuttyng of Worsted, clerk, John
Gees of Crowemer, merchant, and Ralph Gunton of Norwich, scrivener,
received the said instruments at Bakton, and put them into
execution.--Dated 1 Dec.

ii. On the back of the preceding is another draft writ of the same date
against the same parties for endeavouring to draw the prior out of the
kingdom by a suit in the Court of Rome.

The paper is endorsed--’S. (?) Billæ vis. Veneris prox. post diem
antedictum (?) Anno H. vj. v^to, et non necessario festinant’. Iterum
supervidendum.’

  _Endorsed in a later hand_-- ‘Towchynge Sir John Fastolffes landes
  in Norffolk and Surrye.’

    [Footnote 29.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 29.2: He is believed to have been son of Geoffrey
    Chaucer, the famous poet, and his daughter Alice married William
    De la Pole, at this time Earl, afterwards Duke, of Suffolk.]

    [Footnote 29.3: [From a Bodl. MS.]]

  [[Barth. Waryn, parson of Trunche  _text has “Barth,” with , for ._]]


15

ABSTRACT[30.1]

---- ---- TO WILLIAM PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1426(?)]

‘Dear and well-beloved Cousin.’ --Is in good health, but ill at ease,
being informed that she is in debt to Steyard for my lord’s debt, whose
soul God assoil, £7 and a pipe of wine. Knew nothing of it in my lord’s
life, except of 2 pipes for herself, and one for her mother-in-law, of
which she has paid 20s. Since my Lord’s death, Steyard has never asked
her for it. ‘For which time, as I was at Jernemouth abiding in the Frere
Carmes the time of the pestilence, his wife came unto me,’ asking the
writer to be good lady to him; and he asked no more then than the above
3 pipes. He asked no more last harvest when he was sick and like to die,
when John of Berneye was present. Thinks, therefore, his asking is
untrue. My Lord would have made me or some of his council privy to such
a debt. Hopes Paston, whom my Lord made one of his feoffees, will see
‘that ye and I be discharged anemps the King as for the debt of
Steyard.’ --Dated Castre, the day after the Conversion of St. Paul.
Addressed, ‘A mon tres cher et bien ame cousin, Will’m Paston soit
donné.’

  [This letter is endorsed in another hand, ‘W. Paston, j. feoffatorum
  et executorum Johannis Rothnale per lit’ Cz. (?)’ It seems,
  therefore, to have been written by the Lady Elizabeth, widow of Sir
  John Rothenhale, whose name occurs in No. 13 in connection with
  William Steyard of Great Yarmouth. She was the daughter of Sir
  Philip Branch, Kt., and had been previously married to John Clere of
  Ormesby. She died at Caister, the place from which this letter is
  dated, in 1440; and by her will, which was dated at Caister, 16th
  October 1438, she bequeathed all her goods at Ormesby to her son
  Robert Clere, and all her goods at Horning Hall, in Caister, to her
  son Edmund. --_See_ Blomefield’s _Norfolk_, iv. 35, vi. 392, xi.
  210.]

    [Footnote 30.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

  [[whose name occurs in No. 13
      _corrected by editor from “No. 8”_]]


16

ABSTRACT[30.2]

[Sidenote: 1426-7]

Depositions on the ---- day of ----, 5 Hen. VI., by Richard Wyoth,
executor of Margery, daughter and heir of Edmund Bakon, touching the
manor of Gressam which Bakon purchased, _temp._ Edw III. After the death
of two brothers, Margery became sole possessor, and gave it to Wyoth and
other executors to perform her will, with proviso that Philip Vache and
Eliz., his wife, should have it during their lives, but that the
reversion of it should be sold, giving William, son of Robert Moleyns,
the first option of purchase. It was accordingly offered to him, but he
refused to buy. On the death of said Eliz., however, he bought the manor
for 420 marks, and held it two years, when Wyoth re-entered because part
of the purchase-money was unpaid. W. Moleyns’s wife, however, induced
him to accept security from Thos. Fawkoner, merchant of London, whose
daughter the said William agreed that his son should marry, when he came
of age; and it was arranged that meanwhile Fawkoner and Wyoth should be
jointly enfeoffed of the manor, which was to be given in jointure, if
the marriage took effect. The marriage did not take effect, and Fawkoner
re-entered upon the manor according to the enfeoffment, but paid Wyoth
nothing, till Thos. Chawsers,[31.1] Esq., a kinsman of the said Margery,
made him understand that Wyoth might enter on his own portion, and had
even a prior right to himself. At length Fawkoner sold his right to
Chaucers and Wyoth, and released the manor on security for the payment.
Wyoth then said he should have little advantage by the bargain, except
in having easy days of payment; ‘et quod dictus Thomas Chaucers, pro
bona voluntate quod (_sic_) erga dictum Willelmum Paston gessit,
episcopum Londoni de emptione ejusdem manerii per longum tempus
dilatavit, intentione ut idem Willelmus illud emeret si voluerit.’


17

ABSTRACT[31.2]

RAUF, Parson of Cressyngham, to WILLIAM PASTON, Justice.

[Sidenote: 1427-43]

Is he to deliver to John Halleman Paston’s evidences belonging to the
manor of Wodhalle in Pagrave, and under what form? Hopes to see him at
Norwich, on Tuesday or Wednesday after Michaelmas-day. Cressingham,
20 Sept.

On the back are written, in William Paston’s hand, some notes of a case
touching ‘Frater Kensale.’

  [Ralph Wolman _alias_ Harple was incumbent of Cressingham from 1427
  to 1460; but this letter could not have been written later than
  1443, as William Paston died in August of the following year.]

    [Footnote 30.2: _Ibid._]

    [Footnote 31.1: _See_ Note 2 on page 29. _See also_ Blomefield,
    viii. 127.]

    [Footnote 31.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


18

ABSTRACT[31.3]

Mutilated Letter in French, from JOHN VAUX, Parson of Edythorp, to ----.

[Sidenote: 1426]

Only the right-hand half of the letter remains. Names mentioned--Richard
de Causton, William Coule. Date lost.

  [John Vaux was Rector of Edingthorp in Norfolk, in 1388. His
  successor was John Prentys, who was presented to the living in 1429
  by the feoffees of the duchy of Lancaster.--Blomefield, xi. 29.]

    [Footnote 31.3: _Ibid._]


19

ABSTRACT[32.1]

[Sidenote: 1426 / DEC. 7]

‘A grant of the Monastery of Bury to make William Paston, justice,
brother of the Chapter-House.’ Day of St. Ambrose 1429.

  [The description is taken from an endorsement. The document itself
  is printed in Yates’s _Bury St. Edmunds_, p. 156.]

    [Footnote 32.1: [Add. Charter 17,226, B.M.]]


20

WILLIAM PASTON TO THE VICAR OF THE ABBOT OF CLUGNY[32.2]

[Sidenote: 1430(?)]

My ryghte worthy and worshopeful lord, I recomaunde me to yow. And for
as meche [as I] conseyve verrayly that ye arn Vicar general in Inggelond
of the worthy Prelate, the Abbot of Clunie, and have hys power in many
grete articles, and mong other in profession of monkes in Inggelond of
the seyd ordere. And in my cuntre, but a myle fro the place where I was
born, is the poure hous of Bromholm of the same ordre, in wheche arn
divers vertuous yongge men, monkes clad and unprofessyd, that have
abedyn there. . . . Abbyte ix. or x. yeer; and be lenger delaye of here
profession, many inconvenientez arne lyke to falle. And also the priour
of . . . hath resigned in to your worthy handes by certeins notables and
resonables causes, as it apperyth by an instrument, and a symple lettre
under the comune seal of the seyd hous of Bromholm, which the berare of
this hath redy to shewe yow, wher up on I prey yow wyt al my herte, and
as I evere may do yow service, that it lyke to your grace to graunte of
your charite, by yowr worthy lettres to the priour of Thetford in
Norfolk, of the seyde ordre of Clunye, autorite and power as your
ministre and depute to professe in dwe forme the seyd monkes of Bromholm
unprofessed. And that it lyke yow evermore to accepte and admitte the
seyd resygnacion by your seyd autoritie and power, wyth the favour of
your good lordshepe in comfort and consolacion of your pouere prestes,
the monkes of the seyd hous of Bromholm, and there up to graunte your
worthy lettres, wittenessyng the same acceptacion and admyssion of the
seyd resignacion, and al your seyd lettres to delyvere to my clerke, to
wham I prey yow to gyve feith and credence touchant this matier, and to
delivere it hym in alle the hast resonable. And I am your man, and evere
will be by the grace of God, which evere have yow in his kepyng. Writen
at Norwich the     [33.1] of Aprill.

  Yowres,

  WILL. PASTON.

    [Footnote 32.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is printed
    from a rough draft written on paper, corrected in William
    Paston’s own hand, and scribbled over, after his fashion, with
    numerous other drafts and jottings on both sides. Some of these
    occur upside down between the lines of this letter. At the head
    of the memoranda on the back are the words, ‘In parliamento,
    anno H. vj. viijº.’ from which we may infer the date to be at
    least as early.]

    [Footnote 33.1: Blank in MS.]


21

ABSTRACT[33.2]

[Sidenote: 1429-30]

A Memorandum, dated 8 Henry VI., that Sir Simon Felbrigge, William
Paston, &c., recovered certain land in Edithorp, Bakton, and
Northwalsham, against Richard, Abbot of St. Benet’s, Hulme, John Roys,
and others.

    [Footnote 33.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


22

ABSTRACT[33.3]

ROBERT, LORD OF WILLUGHBY AND BEAUMESNIL, TO WILLIAM PASTON, ESQ.

[Sidenote: 1431 / JAN. 8]

Notifying that he has granted to Sir William Oldhall and Margaret, our
sister, his wife, for moneys which Oldhall has lent and paid for him at
need, an annuity of 120 marks on lands in Norfolk and Suffolk, in which
ye (William Paston, Esq.) stand enfeoffed, to our behoof. Pont de
l’Arche, 8 Jan. 1430, 9 Hen. VI.--_Signed. Fine seal, mutilated._

    [Footnote 33.3: [Add. Charter 17,227, B.M.]]


23

ABSTRACT[34.1]

[Sidenote: 1432 / MAY 1]

Deed Poll, whereby Robert York, Prior of the church of St. Andrew of
Broomholme, and the Convent of the same place, grant to Sir Simon
Felbrygg, Knt., William Paston of Paston, and others, certain lands in
Bacton Wood, &c., 1 May, 10 Henry VI. (_Fragment of seal._)

    [Footnote 34.1: [Add. Charter 14,313, B.M. (Dr. Turner’s
    Coll.)]]


24

EDUCATION OF HENRY VI[34.2]

_Articles de Monsr. de Warrewyk[34.3] touchant le bon regime du Roy,
etc._[34.4]

[Sidenote: 1432 / NOV. 9]

For the goode reule, demesnyng and seuretee of the Kynges persone, and
draught of him to vertue and connyng, and eschuyng of eny thing that
mighte yeve empeschement or let therto, or cause eny charge, defaulte,
or blame to be leyd upon the Erle of Warrewyk at eny tyme withouten his
desert, he, considering that perill and besinesse of his charge aboute
the Kinges persone groweth so that that auctoritee and power yeven to
him before suffiseth him nought without more therto, desireth therfor
thees thinges that folowen.

Furst, that considering that the charge of the reule, demesnyng, and
governance, and also of nourture of the Kinges persone resteth upon the
said Erle whiles it shal like the king, and the perille, daunger, and
blame if eny lak or defaulte, were in eny of thees, the whiche lak or
defaulte mighte be caused by ungodely or unvertuous men, if eny suche
were aboute his persone; he desireth therfore, for the goode of the
King, and for his owne seuretee, to have power and auctoritee to name,
ordeigne, and assigne, and for cause that shal be thought to him
resonable to remoeve thoo that [shal] be aboute the Kinges persone, of
what estate or condicion that thei be, not entending to comprehende in
this desir the Stuard, Chamberlein, Tresoror, Contrerollor, ne Sergeantz
of offices, save suche as serve aboute the Kinges persone and for his
mouth.

_Responsio._ As toward the namyng, ordeignance, and assignacion
beforesaid, it is agreed, so that he take in noon of the iiij. knightes
ne squyers for the body without th’advis of my Lord of Bedford,[35.1]
him being in England, and him being out, of my Lord of Gloucestre[35.2]
and of the remenant of the Kinges Counsail.

   *   *   *

Item, the said Erle desireth that where he shal have eny persone in his
discrecion suspect of mysgovernance, and not behoveful nor expedient to
be aboute the King, except th’estates of the hous, that he may putte hem
from excercise and occupacion of the Kinges service till that he shal
mowe have speche with my Lordes of Bedford or of Gloucestre, and with
the other Lordes of the Kinges Counsaile, to that ende that, the
defaulte of eny suche persone knowen unto him, shal mowe ordeigne
therupon as theim shel thenke expedient and behoveful.

_Responsio._ It is agreed as it is desired.

   *   *   *

Item, the said Erle desireth that, for sikenesse and other causes
necessaries and resonables, he may, by warnyng to my Lordes of Bedford
or Gloucestre and the Kinges Counsail, be and stande freely descharged
of the saide occupacion and besinesse about the Kinges persone, under
the favour and goode grace of the King, my Lordes of Bedford and
Gloucestre, and other Lordes of the Kinges Counsail.

_Responsio._ It is agreed as it is desired.

   *   *   *

Item, that considering howe, blessed be God, the King is growen in
yeers, in stature of his persone, and also in conceite and knouleche of
his hiegh and royalle auctoritee and estat, the whiche naturelly causen
him, and from day to day as he groweth shul causen him, more and more to
grucche with chastising, and to lothe it, so that it may resonably be
doubted leste he wol conceive ayeins the said Erle, or eny other that
wol take upon him to chastise him for his defaultes, displesir, or
indignacion therfore, the whiche, without due assistence, is not easy to
be born: It like, therfore, to my Lord of Gloucestre, and to alle the
Lordes of the Kinges Counsail, to promitte to the said Erle, and assure
him, that thei shul fermely and trewely assisten him in the excercise of
the charge and occupacion that he hathe aboute the Kinges persone,
namely in chastising of him for his defaultes, and supporte the said
Erle therinne; and if the King at eny tyme wol conceyve for that cause
indignacion ayeins the said Erle, my said Lord of Gloucestre, and
Lordes, shul do alle her [_i.e._ their] trewe diligence and power to
remoeve the King therfro.

_Responsio._ It is agreed as it is desired.

   *   *   *

Item, the said Erle desireth that for asmuche as it shal be necessarie
to remoeve the Kinges persone at diverse tymes into sundry places, as
the cases mowe require, that he may have power and auctoritee to remoeve
the King, by his discrecion, into what place him thenketh necessarie for
the helthe of his body and seuretee of his persone.

_Responsio._ It is agreed as it is desired.

   *   *   *

Item, sith the said Erle hath take upon him the governance of the Kinges
persone, he desireth that alle th’estates, officers, and servantz of the
Kinges hous, of what estate and condicion thei be, have special
commandement and charge yeven by my Lordes of Bedford and Gloucestre,
and by the Lordes of the Kinges Counsail, that in alle manere thinges
seyn and advised by the said Erles descrecion, that is, for the Kinges
estate, worship, helthe, and profit, by his commandement and
ordeignance, thei be attendant and obeissant in accomplisshing therof.

_Responsio._ It is agreed as it is desired.

   *   *   *

Item, for asmuche as the said Erle hath knouleche that in speche that
hath be had unto the King at part and in prive, not hering the said Erle
nor eny of the knightes set aboute his persone, nor assigned by the said
Erle, he hath be stured by summe from his lernyng, and spoken to of
diverse materes not behovefull, the seid Erle doubting the harme that
mighte falle to the King, and the inconvenientz that mighte ensue of
suche speche at part if it were suffred, desireth that in al speche to
be had with the King, he or oon of the iiij. knightes, or sum persone to
be assigned by the said Erle, be present and prive to it.

_Responsio_. This article is agreed, excepting suche persones as for
nieghnesse of blood, and for their estate, owe of reson to be suffred to
speke with the King.

   *   *   *

Item, to th’entent that it may be knowen to the King that it procedeth
of th’assent, advis, and agreement of my Lord of Gloucestre, and alle my
Lordes of the Kinges Counsail, that the King be chastised for his
defaultes or trespasses, and that for awe therof he forbere the more to
do mys, and entende the more besily to vertu and to lernyng, the said
Erle desireth that my Lord of Gloucestre, and my said other Lords of the
Counsail, or great part of hem, that is to say, the Chanceller and
Tresorer, and of everych estate in the Counsail, spirituell and
temporell, summe come to the Kinges presence, and there to make to be
declared to him theire agreement in that behalve.

_Responsio._ Whan the King cometh next to London, all his Counsail shal
come to his presence, and there this shal be declared to him.

   *   *   *

Item, the said Erle, that all his dayes hath, aboven alle other erthely
thinges, desired, and ever shal, to kepe his trouthe and worship
unblemysshed and unhurt, and maye not for all that lette malicious and
untrewe men to make informacions of his persone, suche as thei may not,
ne dare not, stand by, ne be not trewe, besecheth therfore my Lord of
Gloucestre, and alle my said Lords of the Counsail, that if thei, or eny
of hem, have be enformed of eny thing that may be or soune to his charge
or defaulte, and namely in his occupacion and reule aboute the Kinges
persone, that the said Erle may have knowleche therof, to th’entent that
he may answer therto, and not dwelle in hevy or synistre conceit or
opinion, withoute his desert and without answere.

_Responsio._ It is agreed.

                                      CROMWELL.

    H. GLOUCESTRE.

            J. EBOR.      P. ELIEN.

  W. LINCOLN.    J. BATHON., Canc.    J. ROFFEN.

            SUFFOLK.      H. STAFFORD.

    J. HUNTYNGTON.

  The foregoing document is written on a skin of parchment docqueted
  with the words printed in italics at the head. The following
  memorandum is also endorsed-- ‘xxixº die Novembris anno undecimo
  apud Westm. lecti fuerunt præsentes articuli coram dominis infra et
  subscribentibus et ad eosdem Responsiones dabantur secundum quod
  infra patet, præsentibus dominis infrascriptis.’ There are also
  other endorsements, but of a later date.

    [Footnote 34.2: [Add. Charter 17,228, B.M.]]

    [Footnote 34.3: Richard de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, who died
    in 1439.]

    [Footnote 34.4: This title is taken from a contemporary
    endorsement.]

    [Footnote 35.1: John, Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, the
    King’s uncle, brother of the late King Henry V.]

    [Footnote 35.2: Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, Protector of
    England, another uncle of the King, being the youngest brother
    of Henry V. He was called ‘the Good Duke Humphrey.’]


25

DALLING’S PETITION[38.1]

[Sidenote: 1433(?)]

  Prefixed to this document in Fenn is the following title:--
  ‘A Petition to the Commons of England against Sir William Paston,
  Knight, a Judge of the Common Pleas, by William Dalling.’ This
  heading, however, has been taken from a more modern endorsement. No
  contemporaneous document, so far as I am aware, gives Judge Paston
  the designation of knight, or speaks of him as Sir William. In this
  petition itself he is called simply William Paston, one of the
  Justices; and although his name occurs frequently on the Patent
  Rolls, in commissions of the peace, of gaol delivery, and the like,
  down to the year of his death, the word ‘miles’ is never appended to
  it.

The original commencement of this document has been crossed out. It was
in these words:--

  Plesit to the righte sage and wyse Communes of this present
  Parlement, that wher every Justice of the Kyng is sworne that he
  shulde not take no fees ne reward for to be of councell with noo
  man, but oonly wyth our Soverayne Lorde the Kyng, and therto thei be
  swore. And ther is oon Will’ Paston, one of the Justice of our
  Soverayne Lorde in the Comene Place, taketh fees and rewarde.

  On the back of the original document is written, in a hand of the
  time, ‘Falsa billa Will’i Dalling, ad Parliamentum tempore quo Henr.
  Grey fuit vicecomes ante annum terciodecimum Regis Henr. vj^{ti}.’
  Henry Grey was sheriff of Norfolk in 1430, and again in 1433-4. The
  Parliament referred to must either have been that of 8 Hen. VI.
  (1429-30) or that of 12 Hen. VI. (1433), which sat till 21st
  December. Probably the latter.

[Sidenote: 1434(?)]

Plese it to Commines of the present Parlement, that William Paston, on
of the Justice of oure Saverayne Lorde Kyng, takyth diverse fees and
rewardes of diverses persones withinne the shir of Norffolk and Suffolk,
and is with holde with every matere in the sayde contrees, that is for
to sey:--Of the Toune of Yernemuth, 1_s._ yerly; of the Abot of Seyn
Benetys. xxvj_s._ viij_d._; of the Prior of Seyn Feithes, xx_s._; ‘and
of my Lady Rothenhale,[39.1] xx_s_’; and of the Prior of Norwich, x_s._;
and of the Prior of Penteney, xx_s._; and of the Toun of Lenn, xl_s._;
and of the Prior of Walsyngham, xx_s._; and of Katherine Shelton,[39.2]
x. mrc. ayeins the Kyng for to be of hir councell for to destroye the
right of the Kyng and of his warde, that is for to sey, Raf,[39.3] soon
and eyer of John Shelton.

    [Footnote 38.1: [From Fenn, iii. 14.]]

    [Footnote 39.1: This sentence in the original has a line drawn
    over it. She was a widow of Sir John Rothenhale, Knight, and
    dying at Caister, by Yarmouth, in 1440, was buried in Norwich
    Cathedral.--F. _See_ Nos. 13 and 15, _ante_.]

    [Footnote 39.2: Catharine, widow of William Shelton, Esq., and
    daughter of Simon Barret, was grandmother to Ralph, and died in
    1456.--F.]

    [Footnote 39.3: Sir Ralph Shelton, Knight, son and heir of John
    Shelton, Esq., was born in 1430. He married Margaret, daughter
    of Robert Clere, Esq. of Ormesby, and was High Sheriff of
    Norfolk.--F.]


26

ABSTRACT[39.4]

[Sidenote: 1435 / SEPT. 26]

Lease made at Castre, on Monday before Michaelmas 14 Henry VI., by
Geoffrey Walle, surveyor of the manors of Sir John Fastolf, to John
Rakesond, son of Geoffrey Rakesond of Ormesby, of a messuage of
Fastolf’s in Ormesby, called Reppes Place, etc.

    [Footnote 39.4: [Phillipps MS., 9,735, No. 264.]]


27

ABSTRACT[40.1]

[Sidenote: 1435 / SEPT. 30]

A _vidimus_ or official attestation of two indentures relative to the
custody of the castle of Le Mans between Sir John Fastolf, governor of
Anjou and Maine, and captain of Le Mans under the Duke of Bedford, and
Matthew Goth [Gough] and Thomas Gower as his lieutenants. The first
indenture is for the quarter from 1st October to 31st December 1434,
the second for the three quarters following, to 30th September 1435.
A retinue is to be maintained of twenty-four lances and the ‘archiers de
la personne dudit Mathieu,’ viz., sixty mounted and fourteen on foot,
and 222 archers besides. Mounted archers to have 12_d._ a day, etc.

The document is authenticated by the _garde du scel des obligations de
la Viconté de Rouen_, on the 8th March 1448 (i.e. 1449).


28

NOTE[40.2]

[Sidenote: 1432-5]

Building accounts of William Granere, master of the works at Caistre in
11, 12, and 13 Henry VI.

    [Footnote 40.1: [Add. Charter 17,237, B.M.]]

    [Footnote 40.2: [Add. Charters 17,229-31, B.M.]]


29

JOHN GYNE TO JOHN PASTON[40.3]

_To the worthy and worshipful sir and my good maister, John Paston of
Trynyte hall in Cambrigge_

[Sidenote: 1435-6]

Right worthy and worshipfull sir, and my good maister, I comaund me to
yow. Like it yow to witte that on the Soneday next after the Ascencion
of oure Lord, in the high weye betwex Cambrigge and the Bekyntre toward
Newmarket, I fonde a purs with money ther inne. Th’entent of this my
symple lettre is this, that it please to your good Maistership by weye
of charite, and of your gentilnesse, to witte if ony of youre knowleche
or ony other, swich as yow semeth best in your discrecion, have lost
swich a purs, and, the toknes ther of told, he shal have it ageyn, what
that ever he be, by the grace of oure Lord, Who ever have yow in his
blissed kepyng. Wretyn at Sneylewell the Moneday next after the seid
Soneday. By youre pover servaunt,

  JOHN GYN.

    [Footnote 40.3: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 4.] Fenn has written on the
    MS. of this letter the date ‘_circa_ 1435-6,’ which, I agree
    with him, must have been about the time that it was written.]


30

WILLIAM PASTON TO LORD ----[41.1]

[Sidenote: 1436]

Paston recomaund hym to youre good lordeship, willyng with all his herte
to doo yow servise to his symple power. And as touching the maner of
Walsham he seyth that at your comaundement he wille be redy to shewe yow
and preve that the seid maner and all the vesture and crop therof this
yeer by trewe title in lawe and conscience is his owen trewly, bowth and
in gret party payed for, and that John Roys never hadde non estate in
the seid maner, but oonly occupied it by suffraunce of the seid Paston
and other feffes in the seid maner, and that be bargayn of the seid
maner th’estate that the seid Roys shuld have hadde in the seid maner
and in stoor therof shul have be condicionel to be voide and nought for
defaute of payement, and that the seid John Roys ne kept not his dayes
of the payementz, &c.; and that the seid William Paston, in the lyve of
the seid John Roys, for defaute of payment entred in the seid maner with
the seid the crop and the vesture of this yeer therof than therupon, and
that the seid John Roys never at noo tyme payed to the seid John Baxtere
sith the seid bargeyn, nother for the seid bargeyn ne for the dette he
aught to hym, more thaune an C. and xl. marcz, wherof he borwed ageyn of
the seid John Baxtere xl_li._; and over that he oweth and beforn the
seid bargeyn aught by his obligacion to the seid John Baxtere, of trew
dette of mony borwed, other xl_li._, and hath hadde and taken the
profitz of the seid maner by iij. hool yer before his deth to the value
of xxx_li._ and more, and that he receyved in his said bargayn of the
seid John Baxtere xl. marcz worth of stoor; the which iiii^{xx}li. of
dette and xxx_li._ of the profitz of the seid maner, and xl. marcz worth
of stoor, maketh the somme of Cxxxvi_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._ Wherof,
thogh the lawe wille it not, were abated, if conscience required it,
Cxl. marcz payed by the seid John Roys and x_li._ for the value of the
seid crop, over the value of the verray ferme of the seid maner for this
yeer, yet remanyneth dwe to the executoures of the seid John Baxter
liij_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._, and all the title and interesse of the seid
John Roys his heyres and assignes in the seid maner lawfully and in
conscience extincted and adnulled. Wher upon the said Paston lowly
besecheth your good lordeship that if it may be preved this mater be
trew that ye wille not be displesed thogh he desire to have his fre
disposicion of the seid maner.

  On the back of this letter are the following memoranda:--

  ‘Hæc billa . . . . . . [testatur][42.1] quod Johannes Baxtere
  vendidit Johanni Roys mesuagium suum [vocatum][42.1] Walccham place,
  cum toto stauro ibidem vivo et mortuo in Bryanes, cum omnibus aliis
  terris et tenementis suis, liberis et nativis, cum pertinentiis, ex
  parte occidentali ecclesiæ North Walsham, et molendinum ventriticum
  et mesuagium nuper Rogeri atte Hille, cum omnibus redditibus et
  servitiis pertinentibus dictis mesuagio et tenemento ubicumque
  fuerint in comitatu Norffolk, pro iijC. marcis et l. marcis; unde
  dictus Johannes Roys solvit dicto Johanni Baxtere die Jovis proximo
  ante festum Apostolorum Simonis et Judæ anno regni regis Henrici VI.
  xij., C. m., et habet diem solvendi residuum, videlicet ad festum
  Nativitatis Domini et festum sancti Michaelis proximo futurum xl.
  marcas annuatim, quousque dictæ CCC. marcæ et l. marcæ plenarie
  persolvantur. Datum die Jovis prædicto. Hæc prædicta de manu Thomæ
  Whitewelle.’

  Then after two further imperfect entries relating to the same
  matter:--

  ‘Memorandum, quod licet esset concordatum quod W. Roys haberet
  barganium, &c., quod, ut credo, non ita erit, tunc in festo
  Nativitatis Domini anno regni regis Henrici VI. xvº debentur
  executoribus de eodem barganio C. marcæ præter et ultra Cxl. marcas
  per Johannem Roys in vita sua solutas et xl_li._ de antiquo per
  dictum Johannem Roys Johanni Baxter debitas, videlicet per
  obligacionem suam xxxv_li._ inde, et ex mutua sua obligacione v_li._
  de Perey Noble (?), ut patet per papirum dicti Baxter, et ultra
  xl_li._ per dictum Johannem Baxter post dictum barganium dicti
  Johanni Roys per obligacionem . . . ejusdem Johannis Roys præstitas.
  Memorandum eciam quod dictus Johannes Roys nec uxor ejus unquam
  protulerunt aliquem denarium solvendum dictis . . . dicti Johannis
  Baxter nec Willelmo Paston post mortem dicti Baxter. Set circa
  Nativitatem Domini anno regni dicti regis xiiijº et in quadragesima
  tunc proximo sequente uxor dicti Roys apud Paston dixit quod habuit
  xx. marcas paratas ad solvendum. Et sic dixit Johannes Roys tempore
  quo Domina Skales fuit apud Paston, videlicet ix. die Januarii dicto
  anno xiiijº et sic omnibus temporibus quibus dictus J. Roys et uxor
  ejus ut prædicitur dixerunt quod habuerunt xx. marcas paratas ad
  solvendum semper fuerunt arretro xl_li._ absque dictis xl_li._ novi
  debiti et xl_li._ antiqui debiti.’

    [Footnote 41.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 140.]]

    [Footnote 42.1: Mutilated.]


31

NOTE

[Sidenote: 1436 / MAY 19]

Fenn mentions an indenture, dated 19th May 1436, 14 Henry VI., and
signed by the Earl (afterwards Duke) of Suffolk, from which he has given
a facsimile of Suffolk’s signature. See vol. i. p. 36.--The original of
this indenture I have not met with.


32

ABSTRACT[43.1]

[Sidenote: 1438 / AUG. 18]

Sir H. Inglose notifies his agreement with John Topy of Wyndham, jun.,
in an action for trespass done to him at Stalham. Dilhams, Monday after
the Assumption of Our Lady, 16 Henry VI.

    [Footnote 43.1: [Add. Charter 17,232, B.M.]]


33

JOHN WILLOUGHBY TO LORD BEAUMONT[44.1]

_To my ryght noble and ryght [dra]dde lord, my Lord Beaumont._

[Sidenote: 1432-40]

Ryght wursshipfull sire, my ryghte noble, and ryghte dradde lorde, after
dyw recommendacion to yowr reverens, please hit yow to know that yowr
lordesship luste to empointe me to abyde yowr noble avys touching the
landis of Latemer, which my Lorde Latemer holdith ate this day. My lord,
I muste, and owe of dywte, abyde yowre empoyntement, and shall; how be
hit I have be confortid to complaine me to my lordis and yow of the
grete wronge that I have. But, sir, y have soe verray truste one yowre
lordesship that I refuse all counsaille, abyding yowre empointemente and
rewell, as my diwte is to doo; byseching yow, my lord, to remembre yow
and compasse of yowre servaunt, and that ye lust of yowr grace to comyne
with my Lord of Salisbury, and to fele him in the mater, and as ye fele
him, hit please yowre lordesship I may have knowlege; and whate yowre
pore bedman may do to yowre plesire, I ame redy ate yowre comaundement
ate all howris, which knowith God, Hoe have yow, my ryghte noble lord,
in His blessid gouvernauns.

Write ate Broke, the v. day of Marche.

  Your pore bedman and servant,

  JOHN WYLUGHBY.

    [Footnote 44.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The writer of this
    letter was the father of Robert, first Lord Willoughby de Broke,
    who afterwards laid claim to the barony of Latimer, as being
    descended from Elizabeth, sister and sole heir of John Nevill,
    fifth Lord Latimer, who died in 1430. He was, however,
    unsuccessful, as the title had been revived in 1432 by a writ of
    summons to George Nevill, a son of Ralph, first Earl of
    Westmoreland. This George died in 1469, and was succeeded by his
    grandson, Richard Neville, then an infant of two years old, who
    had summons to Parliament as Lord Latimer in 1492. The Lord
    Latimer here spoken of seems to be George Nevill, and it is
    probable that the letter was written between 1432 and 1440, as
    John, Lord Beaumont, was created Viscount in the latter year,
    while he is not so addressed here.]


34

AGNES PASTON TO WILLIAM PASTON[45.1]

_To my worshepefull housbond, W. Paston, be this letter takyn_

[Sidenote: 1440(?)]

Dere housbond, I recomaunde me to yow, &c. Blessyd be God I sende yow
gode tydynggs of the comyng, and the brynggyn hoom, of the
gentylwomman[45.2] that ye wetyn of fro Redham, this same nyght,
acordyng to poyntmen [_appointment_] that ye made ther for yowr self.

And as for the furste aqweyntaunce be twhen John Paston[45.3] and the
seyde gentylwomman, she made hym gentil cher in gyntyl wise, and seyde,
he was verrayly your son. And so I hope ther shall nede no gret trete be
twyxe hym.

The parson of Stocton[45.4] toold me, yif ye wolde byin her a goune,
here moder wolde yeve ther to a godely furre. The goune nedyth for to be
had; and of colour it wolde be a godely blew, or erlys a bryghte
sangueyn.

I prey yow do byen for me ij. pypys of gold.[45.5] Your stewes[45.6] do
weel.

The Holy Trinite have you in governaunce.

Wretyn at Paston, in hast, the Wednesday next after _Deus qui
errantibus_,[45.7] for defaute of a good secretarye. Yowres,

  AGN. PASTON.

    [Footnote 45.1: [From Fenn, i. 2.] This letter must have been
    written some little time before the marriage of John Paston and
    Margaret Mauteby, which seems to have been about 1440.]

    [Footnote 45.2: Margaret, daughter and heir of John Mauteby,
    shortly afterwards married to John Paston, Esq.]

    [Footnote 45.3: Son of William and Agnes Paston.]

    [Footnote 45.4: Laurence Baldware was rector of Stockton ‘about
    1440.’ --Blomefield, viii. 49.]

    [Footnote 45.5: Gold thread on pipes or rolls, for needlework or
    embroidery.--F.]

    [Footnote 45.6: Ponds to keep fish alive for present use.--F.]

    [Footnote 45.7: The Collect for the Third Sunday after Easter.]


35

ABSTRACT[46.1]

[Sidenote: About 1440]

Draft Lease by Sir Simon Felbrygge; Oliver Groos, Esq.; John Berney of
Redham, Esq.; William Paston of Paston; Thomas Stodhagh; Roger Taillour
of Stafford Bernyngham; and Thomas Newport of Runham, executors of
Robert Mawteby and John his son, to Margery, widow of the said John, of
‘two parts of manors, &c.’ and the reversion, &c., which they lately
held along with Sir Miles Stapleton, Sir William Argenten, Sir John
Hevenyngham, Sir John Carbonell, Sir William Calthorpe, John Boys, Esq.,
and William Caston, Esq., now deceased, by deed of Robert Mawteby. The
remainder, after Margery’s death, is to go to Margaret, daughter of the
said John and Margery, and the heirs of her body; then to Peter Mauteby,
son of Robert and uncle of Margaret; then to Alianora, widow of Robert;
then to Alianora, widow of William Calthorp and sister of Robert
Mawteby, with reversion to the trustees to fulfil the will.

  [This paper is addressed to John Berney of Reedham, and appears, by
  an endorsement, to have been transmitted along with a letter of
  William Paston. The date is fixed by the contents within pretty
  narrow limits, for it is after the death of John Boys, Esq., which
  was in August 1439 (Inquis. _post mortem_, 18 Hen. VI., No. 2), and
  before that of Sir Simon Felbrigg in 1442 (Inquis. _p. m._, 21 Hen.
  VI., No. 33). It is easy to see, in fact, that the document had
  something to do with the marriage settlement of John Paston and
  Margaret Mauteby, which was about 1440.]


36

ROBERT REPPS TO JOHN PASTON[46.2]

_A mon tresreverent et treshonerable Maister John Paston soit doné._

[Sidenote: 1440 / NOV. 1]

Salvete, &c. Tytyngs, the Duk of Orlyawnce[46.3] hath made his oath upon
the Sacrement, and usyd it, never for to bere armes ayenst Englond,
in the presence of the Kyng and all the Lordes, except my Lord of
Gloucestre.[46.4] And proving my seyde Lord of Gloucestre agreyd never
to hys delyveraunce, qwan the masse began he toke his barge, &c.

God yef grace the seide Lord of Orlyaunce be trewe, for this same weke
shall he to ward Fraunce.

Also Freynchmen and Pykardes, a gret nowmbre, kome to Arfleet,[47.1] for
to arescuyd [_have rescued_] it; and our Lordes wyth here smal pusaunce
manly bytte [_beat_] them, and pytte hem to flyte, and, blyssyd be our
Lord, have take the seide cite of Arflet; the qwych is a great juell to
all Englond, and in especiall to our cuntre.

Moreover there is j. [_i.e._ one] kome in to Englond, a Knyght out of
Spayne, wyth a kercheff of plesaunce i wrapped aboute hys arme; the
qwych Knyght wyl renne a cours wyth a sharpe spere for his sovereyn lady
sake; qwom other [_either_] Sir Richard Wodvyle[47.2] or Sir Christofore
Talbot[47.3] shall delyver, to the wyrchip of Englond and of hem selff,
be Goddes grace.

Ferthermore, ye be remembryd that an esquyer of Suffolk, callyd John
Lyston, recoveryd _in assisa novæ disseisinæ_[47.4] vij^c [700] marc in
damages ayenst Sir Robert Wyngfeld, &c. In avoydyng of the payement of
the seid vij. c. marc, the seide Sir Robert Wyngfeld sotylly hath
outlaywed the seide John Lyston in Notyngham shir, be the vertue of qwch
outlagare, all maner of chattell to the seide John Lyston apperteynyng,
arn acruwyd on to the Kyng, &c. And anon as the seide utlagare was
certyfyed, my Lord Tresorer[47.5] graunted the seid vij. c. marc to my
Lord of Norffolk, for the arrerag of hys sowde [_pay_] qwyl he was in
Scotland; and, acordyng to this assignement forseide, taylles
[_tallies_] delyvered. And my Lord of Norffolk hath relesyd the same
vij. c. marc to Sir Robert Wyngfeld. And here is greet hevyng an shovyng
be my Lord of Suffolk and all his counsell for to aspye hough this mater
kam aboute, &c.

Sir, I beseche recomende me on to my mastres your modyr, to my mastres
your wyff, and to my mastres your suster, _et omnibus alijs quorum
interest_, &c.

Sir, I pray you, wyth all myn hert, hold me excusyd that I wryte thus
homly and briefly on to you, for truly convenable space suffycyd me
nowt.

No more atte this tyme, butte the Trynyte have you in proteccion, &c.;
and qwan your leysyr is, resorte ageyn on to your college, the Inner
Temple, for ther ben many qwych sor desyr your presence, Welles and
othyr, &c.

Wretyn in le fest de touts Seynts, entre Messe et Mateyns, _calamo
festinante_, &c.

  Yours,

  ROB. REPPES.

    [Footnote 46.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 46.2: [From Fenn, i. 4.] This letter was written in
    1440, the year of the release of the Duke of Orleans.]

    [Footnote 46.3: Charles, Duke of Orleans, who was taken prisoner
    at the battle of Agincourt in 1415, and had never since been
    released.]

    [Footnote 46.4: Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, uncle of the King,
    and before this time Protector.]

    [Footnote 47.1: Harfleur.]

    [Footnote 47.2: Afterwards Earl Rivers, father of Elizabeth,
    Queen of Edward IV.]

    [Footnote 47.3: Third son of John, the famous Earl of
    Shrewsbury.]

    [Footnote 47.4: _i.e._, in an assize of novel disseisin--an
    ancient law process.]

    [Footnote 47.5: Ralph, Lord Cromwell.]


37

ABSTRACT[48.1]

---- ---- TO FRIAR BRACKLEY (?).

[Sidenote: About 1440 (?)]

Touching a suit of Reynold Rowse against William Burgeys. This suit was
instituted originally for 5_s._ 4_d._ of rent; but when Rouse found he
could not prevail by right, he maliciously sued the other for trespass
in having fished his water, and driven him away by force. He afterwards
got him arrested for treachery upon an obligation (_i.e._, a bond).
Burgeys complained to Justice Paston, who counselled him not to plead;
‘For zyf thu do, he seyd, thu xalte hafe the werse, be thi case never so
trewe, for he is feid with my Lord of [N]orthfolke, and mech he is of he
[_sic_] counsel; and also, thu canst no man of lawe in Northfolke ne in
Sowthfolke to be with the azens hym; and, for [s]othe no more myth I
qwan I had a ple azens hym; and therfor myn counsel is, that thu make an
end qwat so ever the pay, for he xal elles on do the and brynge the to
nowte.’

  [This letter is mutilated, and in part defaced. It is addressed on
  the back-- ‘Be this take to Mayster Brele (?) of the Greye Freres.’
  Although the name seems to be written Brele, it was probably
  intended for Friar Brackley of Norwich, of whom we have several
  letters of a later period. The date must be between the year 1429,
  when William Paston was made a judge, and 1444, when he died; and as
  the name of Reginald Rows occurs in Blomefield (_Hist. of Norfolk_,
  ix. 441) ‘about 1440,’ this letter will probably not be far out of
  its true place if inserted in that year.]

    [Footnote 48.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


38

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[49.1]

_To my worshepfull husbond, John Paston, abidyng at Petyrhous in
Cambrigg._

[Sidenote: After 1440]

Ryth reverent and worsepful husbon, I recomawnde me to zow with alle myn
sympyl herte, and prey zow to wete that there come up xi. hundyr Flemyns
at Waxham, quereof wer takyn, and kylte, and dronchyn [_drowned_] viij.
hundryte. And thei had nowte a be, ze xul a be atte home this
Qwesontyde, and I suppose that ze xul be atte home er owte long be.

I thanke yow hertely for my lettyr, for I hadde none of zow syn I spooke
with zow last of for the matyr of Jon Mariot; the qwest passyd nowte of
that day, for my Lorde of Norfolke was in towne for Wedyrbys
matyr,[49.2] qwer for he wolde nowt latyd pase off, for further (?) of I
kowe [_know_?] Fynch ne Bylbys makethe no purwyans for hys gode.

No mor I wryte to zow atte this tyme, but the Holy Trenyte hawe zow in
kepyng. Wretyn in Norweche, on Trenyte Sune day.

  Yowr,

  MARKARYTE PASTON.

    [Footnote 49.1: [From Fenn, iii. 18.] The date of this letter is
    uncertain. From the fact of John Paston’s residence at Peter
    House in Cambridge, it would appear, as Fenn remarks, to have
    been written early in his married life, and we know that he was
    married as early as 1440.]

    [Footnote 49.2: Probably Thomas Wetherby, who was Mayor of
    Norwich in 1432-3, is referred to. He took offence at the
    Aldermen and Commons of the city for not naming the person he
    wished as his successor, and for some years afterwards showed
    his hostility by instigating prosecutions against the city,
    causing their attorneys to abandon their pleas, and so forth.]


39

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO HENRY INGLOSE AND JOHN BERNEY[50.1]

_To my ryght wel belovyd cosyns, Herry Inglese and Johan Berney,
Escuiers._

[Sidenote: After 1440 (?)]

Ryght wel belovyd cosyns, I comaund me to yow. And please you to hafe in
knoulege that at whyche tyme ye were delyvered out of pryson by the
moyen of ij. prysonners that y delyvered yow, whyche, as ye know wel,
one was Burd Vynollys and the other Johan de Seint Johan dit Dolot, and
in lyke wyse I boughte anothyr prysonner clepyt Johan Villers for the
delyveraunce of Mautbye[50.2] Sqwyer, whyche mater ye knowythe welle.
And for as moche as my wrytynges that makyth mencion of that
delyveraunce of the said Mautbye be not in my warde, y pray you that ye
wolle undre your seelys certyffye me the trouthe how the said Mautbye
was delyveryd by my moyen. Y hafe found a cedule that makyth mencion of
that prysonner, of whyche I sende you a double, to be better avertysed
of the mater. And therfor, as my trust ys yn yow that ye sende me your
gode remembraunce in as goodly haste as ye may. And our Lord kepe you.
Wryt at Londone the v. day of November.

  JOHN FASTOLF, _Chevalier_.

    [Footnote 50.1: [MS. in Pembroke College, Cambridge.] The date
    of this letter is quite uncertain; but as Fastolf is believed to
    have returned from abroad about 1440, we presume it was not
    earlier than that year.]]

    [Footnote 50.2: No doubt John Mauteby, son-in-law of John Berney
    and father of Margaret Paston. _See_ Blomefield’s _Norfolk_, xi.
    228.]

  [[Herry Inglese  _text unchanged: normal spelling is “Inglose”_]]


40

ABSTRACT[50.3]

[Sidenote: 1441 / MAY 7]

Letters Patent, dated 7th May 19 Henry VI., by which Richard, Duke of
York, Earl of March, etc., lieutenant and governor of France, grants to
his beloved councillor, Sir John Fastolf, an annuity of £20.

    [Footnote 50.3: [Add. Charter 14,598, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.)]]


41

ABSTRACT[51.1]

[Sidenote: 1441 / OCT. 14]

Sir Thomas Keryell, lieutenant of Calais, notifies that his servant,
John à Bekkes, mariner, master of his ship _Bonaventure_, has sold it to
Sir John Fastolf, and that he agrees to the sale. Calais, 14th October
1441. Signed ‘R. Wenlok.’ (_Fine seal, mutilated._)

    [Footnote 51.1: [Add. Charter 17,233, B.M.]]


42

NOTE

[Sidenote: 1442]

A proviso occurs for William Paston and Robert and Esmond Clere in an
Act of Parliament 20 Henry VI., securing to them certain copyhold lands
with two mansions thereon in Paston and Edithorp, Norfolk, held by the
feoffees of the duchy of Lancaster, in exchange for other lands, called
Charterhold, with two mansions thereon, in the same places.--_Rolls of
Parliament_, v. 59.


43

ABSTRACT[51.2]

JOHN AND MARGARET PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1442 / APRIL 15]

Indenture tripartite, whereby Sir Simon Felbrigge, Oliver Groos, Esq.,
and William Paston, feoffees of Robert Mauteby, Esq., deceased, at the
request of Margaret, wife of John Paston, daughter and heir of John
Mauteby, son and heir of said Robert, and in consideration that the said
John Paston and Margaret now have issue a son, John, whereby John Paston
the father is by the law of England, for term of his life of the
inheritance of his said wife, ---- grant and confirm to the said John
Paston the manors of Mauteby, Sparham, Basyngham, Westbekham, Matelask,
and Briston, the manor of Salle called Kirkehalle, and the manor called
Fleghalle in Wynterton, Somerton, Ormesby, Martham, Horseye,
Waxstonesham, and Pallyng, and 100_s._ rent in Castre by Norwich and
Merkeshale, Norfolk; and the manor of Freton in Suffolk; with certain
reversions on the death of Eleanor, wife of Thomas Chambre, Esq.,
formerly wife of the said Robert Mauteby, Margery, wife of Ralph
Garneys, Esq., mother of the said Margaret, formerly wife of John
Mauteby, and of Edward Mauteby, Esq., and Thomas Mauteby, Esq., sons of
the said Robert. To hold to the said John Paston, with remainder to
Margaret and the heirs of her body; with contingent remainders in tail
to Edw. Mauteby, Thomas Mauteby, &c.

  Dated Mauteby, 15 April, 20 Hen. VI.

    [Footnote 51.2: [From a Bodl. MS.]]


44

ABSTRACT[52.1]

[Sidenote: 1442 / APRIL 20]

Grant by John, Duke of Norfolk, to William Berdewell, Esq., of an
annuity of 10 marks out of Stonham, Suffolk. Framlingham, 20th April 20
Henry VI.

    [Footnote 52.1: [Add. Charter 17,234, B.M.]]


45

ABSTRACT[52.2]

ELEANOR CHAMBRE TO WILLIAM PASTON.

[Sidenote: About 1442]

Thanks him for what he did for her at Sparham at their last interview.
He then expected to have more leisure to attend to her affairs at London
after this Hallowmass, when he would ordain that she should have lawful
estate for life in the partition made ‘betwixt you and me, to for such
that was there for my husband and for me at that time.’ Begs him to do
it now, and deliver it to her brother, John Chambre, or her servant,
John Coke, the bearer. Sends the deed of annuity under her husband’s
signet and hers, which she must pay to Paston’s children.

Welouby, Sunday after St. Martin.

  [Alianore, widow of Robert Mauteby, Esq., remarried Thomas Chambers,
  Esq., lord of Sparham in her right, in 20 Henry VI. Her son, John
  Mauteby, was the father of Margaret, wife of John Paston. --_See_
  Blomefield, xi. 228.]

    [Footnote 52.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


46

DEPOSITION AGAINST JOHN HAWTEYN[52.3]

[Sidenote: 1443 / SEPT. 8]

Primo suggessit Sanctissimo Papæ mentiendo quod coactus et constrictus
[fuisset] metu parentum ordinem[52.4] intrare; secundo quod in
insufficienti et prohibita ætate et in eodem ordine invite esset
professus; Et tertio, quod ita fuerat invallatus et inclusus in ordinis
arctitudine ut sibi tempus opportunum exeundi acquirere nequiret. Contra
quæ sic depono, non per ficta et fantastice ymaginata, sed per visa et
audita a fide dignis denunciata. Et primo, contra primum articulum,
viz., quod metu parentum etc. quia, ut asserunt fide media quam plures
fide digni quorum nomina perlongum esset enarrare, quod alter parentum,
suple pater, neci submersionis suffocatus fuerat in Themisia diu
antequam ordinem ingressus est prænotatus Johannes; ergo, dissonum
videtur quod metu parentum ingressus est, sed tantum alterius parentis.
Secundo, contra secundum articulum, scilicet quod ex insufficienti etc.,
quia per vere visa et audita a fide dignis personis contra illud
testimonium perhibere volentibus verum est asserere quod xiiij^cim
annorum fuerat ætatis antequam indutus esset; quod sic evidet, quia
natus erat in Swapham Markett, in loco qui Delgate dicitur, ubi parentes
ejus commorabantur, quando primo intraverant villam antedictam pro
annuali stipendio dato Thomæ Delgate, cujus erat ipsa mansio, et istud
ad testimonium Adæ Ram, Roberti Sergaunte, Agnetis Ymay commatris[53.1]
sæpedicti Johannis Hawteyn et Katerinæ Gannok, uxoris compatris[53.1]
Johannis Hawteyn prædicti, viz. Johannis Gannok qui obiit anno Domini
mccccxxxiiijº. Istis transactis, parentes dicti Johannis, viz. Haymundus
Hawteyn, pater ejus, et Claricia Hawteyn mater ejus, conjunctim emerunt
mansionem in eadem villa, viz. Swapham Markett, a Martino Waron anno
regni Regis Ricardi Secundi post conquestum xxijº, quod datum, suple
Regis Ricardi, præcessit nativitas Johannis Hawteyn in Delgate per
testimonia præallegata. De facili ergo, probatur quod sit ætatis annorum
xliiijºr ad minus, enumerando a xxijº anno regni Regis Ricardi Secundi
post conquestum usque ad annum xxj^m Henrici Sexti.

   *   *   *

Omnia in hac cedula quo ad Hawteyn dicta fuerunt Jacobo Gresham viijº
die Septembris anno Regis Henrici vj^ti xxijº, prout scribuntur. Frater
Johannes Alburugh dicit quod hoc medio intravit Johannes Hawteyn in
ordinem. Circa xij. annum ætatis suæ missus fuit London’ essend’ cum
quodam Thoma Brown modo apprenticii; quod actum fuit, quodque sibi non
bene complacuit, et cucurrit ad Fratres et dixit quod fuit nepos
Alburugh, et ea de causa Reverendus Magister Walden[54.1] interrogavit
eum si vellet esse frater, et dixit quod vellet et humiliter rogavit ex
caritate. Et veraciter scit quod fuit ætatis xiiij. annorum et amplius
tempore professionis suæ et moram traxit ibidem per iij. vel iiij.
annos. Et postea fuit apud Maldon per duos annos, et ab illo loco exiit.
Deinde captus et Norwico incarceratus per dimidium annum. Et postea in
domo de Blakney per iiijºr annos mansit, et ibidem fuit terminarius et
hospes; et cucurrit ab inde cum vestibus officii de domo hospicii
furtive et cepit librum (?) Alburugh avunculi sui et canciavit illum
apud Aylesham pro iiij. marcis et dimidia, quas dictus Alburugh solvit
pro libro rehabendo.

Et addidit idem Johannes Hawteyn vel Alburugh frater et avunculus dicti
Johannis Hawteyn quod Johannes Hawteyn apostata fuit natus apud Swafham
Market circa iiij. annum post transitum patris sui a Scheryngton usque
Swafham. Et dicit quod Robertus frater ejus fuit pluris ætatis quam
Johannes fuit per iiijºr annos, et dictus Robertus fuit natus apud
Scherynton.

Et serviens Daubeney dicit quod Hamond Hawteyn transivit a Scheryngton
usque Swafham tempore quo Thomas Erpyngham custodivit Regem R. in Turre
London.[54.2]

Stephanus Plattyng de Aylesham pro vero dicit quod ad Festum
Purificationis Beatæ Mariæ anno regni Regis Henrici vj^ti xxjº elapsi
fuerunt xxviijº anni postquam ipse primo habitavit in dicta villa de
Aylesham; quo tempore Claricia quæ fuit uxor Hamonis Hawteyn fuit vidua
et commorans in messuagium nunc Johannis Draper de Aylesham, et postea
nupta fuit Petro Fysch, cæco, qui insimul vixerunt vj. vel vij. annos,
et post obitum dicti Petri dicta Claricia cepit in virum Willelmum
Punyant de Aylesham. Et ad dictum festum Purificationis Beatæ Mariæ
dicto anno xxjº dicti Ponyant et Claricia insimul in matrimonio
cohabitaverunt per xxij. annos. Hoc de Pounyant cum Claricia affirmant.
Et dicit idem Ponyant quod frater Johannes Hawteyn professus fuit post
matrimonium inter ipsum et præfatam Clariciam et quod ipse ad ultimum
exitum suum de ordine prædicto dimisit capam suam in domo dicti Ponyant
apud Aylesham.

Willelmus Barbour dicit quod quo ad nativitatem Johannis Hawteyn penitus
ignorat, sed dicit quod habet quendam (_sic_) filiam ætatis xliiijºr
annorum, et ultra vel circa, et dicit quod Johannes Hawteyn est talis
ætatis. Et dicit quod Tiphania soror Hawteyn est manens in villa ultra
London vocata Hawehunte, sed in quo comitatu ignorat.

  This paper is endorsed, ‘Hauteyn, Oxened.’

    [Footnote 52.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 52.4: The Order of Carmelites. --_See_ Note 1 on page
    54.]

    [Footnote 53.1: _Compater_ and _commater_ (in French _compère_
    and _commère_) correspond in meaning to the old English word
    _gossip_, _i.e._ god-sib, or related in baptism--generally
    applied to godfathers and godmothers.]

    [Footnote 54.1: The celebrated Thomas Netter of Walden,
    provincial of the Carmelite order in England; a great opponent
    of Wycliffe.]

    [Footnote 54.2: Richard II. was committed to the Tower in 1399,
    just before his formal resignation of the crown.]


47

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[55.1]

_To my rygth worchepful husbond, John Paston, dwellyng in the Inner
Temple at London, in hast._

[Sidenote: 1443 / SEPT. 28]

Ryth worchipful hosbon, I recomande me to yow, desyryng hertely to her
of yowr wilfar, thanckyng God of yowr a mendyng of the grete dysese that
ye have hade; and I thancke yow for the letter that ye sent me, for be
my trowthe my moder and I wer nowth in hertys es fro the tyme that we
woste of yowr sekenesse, tyl we woste verely of your a mendyng. My moder
be hestyd a nodyr ymmage of wax of the weytte of yow to oyer Lady of
Walsyngham, and sche sent iiij. nobelys to the iiij. Orderys of Frerys
at Norweche to pray for yow, and I have be hestyd to gon on pylgreymmays
to Walsingham, and to Sent Levenardys[55.2] for yow; be my trowth I had
never so hevy a sesyn as I had from the tyme that I woste of yowr
sekenesse tyl I woste of yowr a mendyng, and zyth myn hert is in no
grete esse, ne nowth xal be, tyl I wott that ze ben very hal. Your
fader[56.1] and myn was dysday sevenyth [_this day se’nnight_] at
Bekelys for a matyr of the Pryor of Bromholme, and he lay at Gerlyston
that nyth, and was ther tyl it was ix. of the cloke, and the toder day.
And I sentte thedyr for a goune, and my moder seyde that I xulde have
dan [_then_], tyl I had be ther a non, and so thei cowde non gete.

My fader Garneyss[56.2] senttee me worde that he xulde ben her the nexch
weke, and my emme [_uncle_] also, and pleyn hem her with herr hawkys,
and thei xulde have me hom with hem; and so God help me, I xal exscusse
me of myn goyng dedyr yf I may, for I sopose that I xal redelyer have
tydyngys from yow herr dan I xulde have ther. I xal sende my modyr a
tokyn that sche toke me, for I sopose the time is cum that I xulde
sendeth her, yf I kepe the be hest that I have made; I sopose I have
tolde yow wat it was. I pray yow hertely that [ye] wol wochesaf to sende
me a letter as hastely as ze may, yf wryhyn be non dysesse to yow, and
that ye wollen wochesaf to sende me worde quowe your sor dott. Yf I
mythe have had my wylle, I xulde a seyne yow er dystyme; I wolde ye wern
at hom, yf it wer your ese, and your sor myth ben as wyl lokyth to her
as it tys ther ze ben, now lever dan a goune zow [_though_] it wer of
scarlette. I pray yow yf your sor be hol, and so that ze may indur to
ryde, wan my fader com to London, that ze wol askyn leve, and com hom
wan the hors xul be sentte hom a zeyn, for I hope ze xulde be kepte as
tenderly herr as ze ben at London. I may non leyser have to do wrytyn
half a quarter so meche as I xulde sey [_say_] to yow yf I myth speke
with yow. I xall sende yow a nothyr letter as hastely as I may. I thanke
yow that ze wolde wochesaffe to remember my gyrdyl, and that ze wolde
wryte to me at the tyme, for I sopose that wrytyng was non esse for yow.
All myth God have yow in his kepyn, and sende yow helth. Wretyn at
Oxenede, in ryth grete hast, on Sent Mikyllys Evyn.

  Yorys,

  M. PASTON.

My modyr grette yow wel, and sendyth yow Goddys blyssyng and hers; and
sche prayeth yow, and I pray yow also, that ye be wel dyetyd of mete and
drynke, for that is the grettest helpe that ye may have now to your
helthe ward. Your sone[57.1] faryth wel, blyssyd be God.

    [Footnote 55.1: [From Fenn, iii. 20.] This letter was written
    after the birth of John Paston’s eldest son, who was born in
    1442, and cannot be later than 1443, as William Paston, who is
    mentioned, died in August of the year following.]

    [Footnote 55.2: St. Leonard’s Priory, Norwich.]

    [Footnote 56.1: William Paston.]

    [Footnote 56.2: Perhaps her godfather. The family of Garneys
    were Lords of Gelderstone, the place called by Margaret Paston
    Gerlyston, a few lines above.]

    [Footnote 57.1: Almost certainly his eldest son, John,
    afterwards Sir John Paston.]

  [[yf wryhyn be non dysesse to yow
    _text unchanged: error for “wrytyn”?_]]


48

ABSTRACT[57.2]

LAND IN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1443 / OCT. 17]

Warrant to Sir Roger Frenles, Knight, Chief Steward of the Duchy lands
in Norfolk and other counties, and Sir Thomas Tudenham, particular
Steward of the lordship and manor of Gymyngham, to demise (_dimittere et
tradere_) to the undertenants (_bassis tenentibus_) specified in an act
of Parliament, certain charterhold land in Paston and Edithorp granted
to the King by William Paston, Robert Clere, and Edmund Clere in
exchange for certain parcels of copyhold land, in accordance with an act
of the last Parliament holden at Westminster. The copyhold land granted
to them consisted of 36½ acres 9 perches 1½ qr. of a perch and 1 pekke
of land, pasture, heath, and marsh, with two houses built on certain
parcels thereof, with ¼ of a rood of waste land [not belonging to the
Duchy?] in Paston; and it was given in recompense for 36½ acres 26½
perches and half a quarter of a perch, half a ‘pekke’ and one ‘naylle’
of land, pasture, and heath, called ‘Chartrehold,’ with two houses built
on certain parcels thereof, in Paston and Edithorp, which are to be
annexed to the Duchy. These parcels are specified in an inquisition
dated 18 May 18 Hen. VI., remaining in the treasury of the Duchy, which
was taken by virtue of letters of the Cardinal to Lord Bardolf and
others.

  17 Oct. 22 Hen. VI.

    [Footnote 57.2: [From the Chancery Roll of the Duchy of
    Lancaster, 22 Hen. VI., Y. 2 c., No. 79.]]


49

WILLIAM PASTON AND WILLIAM JOYE[58.1]

[Sidenote: 1444]

Hec sunt hostilmenta et vutensilia domus, bona et catalla, que Willelmus
Paston, in indentura presentibus annexa nominatus, tradidit et dimisit
Willelmo Joye in eadem indentura nominato, secundum formam ejusdem
indenture, ex communi assensu eorundem Willelmi et Willelmi, per
Robertum Gynne, Johannem Albon de Paston et alios appreciata, assignata
et specificata, modo subsequenti, videlicet: tres equi precii quinque
marcarum; quatuor vacce, quelibet precii vij_s._ vj_d._; una juvenca
brendyt precii v_s._; unus tauriculus, precii iiij_s._; una juvencula
dowet precii iij_s._; due sues, quelibet precii iij_s._ iiij_d._; tres
porculi, quilibet precii xvj_d._; tres porcelli, quilibet precii
xij_d._; quatuor alii porcelli, quilibet precii viij_d._; una carecta,
precii vj_s._ viij_d._; apparatus carette, videlicet una sella, unum par
des stroppys; duo paria dez trayses, precii ij_s._; due caruce cum les
hokys et stappilles; unum par rotarum; due herpice, precii v_s._;
quatuor paria dez trayses ad aratrum, precii viij_d._; due furse fimose,
precii vj_d._; una vanga, precii iij_d._; unus tribulus, precii iij_d._

Hec sunt blada et alia hostilmenta et utensilia domus, bona et catalla,
per predictum Willelmum Paston predicto Willelmo Joye secundum formam
dicte indenture similiter dimissa et non appreciata, videlicet: sex
quarteria frumenti; xxv. quarteria ordei; viij. quarteria avenarum;
quidam tassus pisarum in fine australi antique grangie messuagii
predicti, qui est altitudinis iij. virgarum et iij. quarteriorum unius
virge, et quidam alius tassus vescarum in boriali fine ejusdem grangie,
altitudinis iij. virgarum et j. quarterii unius virge; qui quidem duo
tassi fuerunt vesture xij. acrarum et dimidii, et dimidii rode terre;
iij. vasa vocata Kelerys; j. Gilyngsat; iiij. stondes pro servitio; j.
stonde in coquina; ij. patelle cum ligaminibus ferreis; j. parva patella
cum ligamine ferreo; j. magna olla ennea [_ænea_]; alia olla ennea
minor; j. parva olla ennea; j. tabula; j. par des trostelles; j. longum
hostium jacens in boteria; j. par des trestelles, j. trow, ij. bolles,
j. morter, j. thede, j. temse, j. mashsterell, j. tankard cum ligamine
ferreo; j. bultyngpoke, j. magna trow pro farina, cista pro farina, j.
fleshoke, j. tripes ferreum, j. veru ferreum; j. aunderun, j. par de
tongys, j. lach’gres ennua, j. seturis, j. magnum lavacrum pendens, j.
kynderkyn, ij. soos leeke, j. par de belwes, j. magnum planke super
mensam coquine hargour; iij. perapsides; iij. disci; iij. sauserys de
pewter; iij. perapsides; iij. disci; j. magnus discus, vj. sissorn, iij.
ciphi de ligno, j. chayer; duo longa scanna, j. scannum mediocre
longitudinis; ij. scanna vocata buffet stoles; ij. bankar; j. gladius,
ij. ferra vocata aplates; j. chirne; j. chyrnyng staf; j. curta falx; j.
candelabrum ferreum; j. parvum salerium; j. beryngsceppes, unum par dez
pepyrquens, ij. uteri, j. cadus cum vergous; j. parva cista in boteria;
j. selura supra servisiam; j. metesetell; j. pykforke; iij. longa
bordclothis; j. towayll, j. san . . . et j. walet pro autumpno; j.
lucerna; ij. vomeri et ij. cultri que ponderant xvij. li. et dim.; j.
carectula, Anglice, a carre; j. sunvectorium (?); ij. novi rowintrees et
j. curtum lignum in le carthows; ij. veteres bige; j. par rotarum
ferratarum; ij. kemell cum hopys ferreis; j. frena, j. pelvis; viij.
sacci; iiij. longa ligna fraxinora in pistrina; j. fetyrlok.

  _In dorso_--

    Summa catall’ infrascriptorum et appreciat’, v_li._ 19_s._ 8_d._
    Summa granorum infrascriptorum ultra persas (?) et vesias,
        iiij_li._ xviij_s._ iiij_d._
      Quarterium frumenti ad iiij_s._, quarterium ordei ij_s._
        iiij_d._, et querterium avenarum ad ij_s._
    Item, vestura xij. acrarum et di., et di. rod. pisarum et vescar’.
    Item, dicta vestura piseii et vescar. ad l_s._, lacr’ ad iiij_s._
        de xij. acr’ et di. rod. non lax.

  Summa totalis, xiiij_li._ viij_s._

    [Footnote 58.1: [From Douce Charters in Bibl. Bodl., No. 18.]]


50

OXNEAD AND FRIAR HAWTEYN[60.1]

[Sidenote: 1443-9]

This day at x. of the clok Edmund Paston and the parson of Oxened went
owth of the Manor doun to Wantown Gapp, for thei herd tydynges that the
freyr[60.2] was comyng; and with the seyd frier came John Cates and on
Whalter Herman of Wheytte, and Wylliam Yemmys of Burgh, the frieres man.
And Edmund Paston seyd to John Cates Welcome, and he askyd hem what
here[60.3] cause was in commyng. The Frier seyd he cam for to speke with
the gode lady, and Edmund seyd that he shuld speke with her. At this
tyme sche was so ocupied he myth not speke with her. And he seyd that he
shuld assay; and he cam redyng fro Wantown Gappe to the grete Cate; and
there he lyted and knokkyd on the gate; and we folwyd as yarn as we
myth; and ther was with in John Jaallere and John Edmundes, and asked
the friere what he wold; and he seyd that he wuld comyn inne for to
speke with the gode ladi of the hows. And thei seyd nay, he shuld not
come in. And than cam on Edmund Paston and the parson, and asked hym
what was cause of his comyng at this tyme. And he seyd for to entre in
the maner of Oxened, the which his fader was possessid of and his
auncestres from kyng Edward the thred on to Colbys tyme, and that he had
fownd a tayll ther of in the kynges bokes. And than Edmund Paston
answeryd hym and seyd that it wher best declaryng of his evydence in
Westminster hall. And he seyd a geyn, so he shuld whan he myth. And he
seyd to hem that come with hym, ‘Serys, I chargge yow ber record how
that I am kept owth with stronge hand, and may not take poscession.’ And
evyn forth with he presyd to the gate ward to a leyd hand on the gate.
And than the seyd Edmund put hym fro the gate and seyd, ‘Ne wer for
reverence of thy lord and myn, and thow leyst any hand on the gate I
xall sey thye hert blod or thow myn.’ And than the seyd frier seyd
scornfully that he myth thanke his mayster. And than the seyd Edmund
seyd that he myth sey his lord ryght wele; and than he stowpyd doun and
toke up herd and delivered to his man, seying to hem that come with hym,
‘I charge yow all of the kynges behalffe ye bere record that I take here
poscession of myn inheritance.’ And Edmund seyd that this takyng of
poscession skylled nowgt. And than the friere seyd that sen he myth not
have it nowe, he shuld come a geyn a nothir tyme. Edmund is rede forth
to Heydon. It was told us this afternon that ther wer iij. men come fro
Skeyton and mette with the frier in the feld and spoke with hym a gode
while, and than redyn the same wey that they come.

    [Footnote 60.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 19.] This paper, like No.
    63, which also refers to Friar Hauteyn’s claim to Oxnead, can be
    assigned to no definite year; but its date must be before the
    death of Edmund Paston in 1449. It is indorsed in a later hand:
    ‘A Frier came to take possession of the mannor of Oxned.’]

    [Footnote 60.2: John Hauteyn.]

    [Footnote 60.3: _here_ (or _her_) for _their_.]

  [[fro Wantown Gappe to the grete Cate
    _text unchanged: error for “Gate”?_]]


51

JAMES GRESHAM TO WILLIAM PASTON[61.1]

_To my right worthy and worshepfull Lord, William Paston, Justice, in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1444 / JAN. 29]

Please it your good Lordship to wete that the Chief Justice of the
Kynggs Benche[61.2] recomaundeth hym to yow, and is right sory of the
matier that is cause of your noun comyng hedir, but he wole do al that
he can or may for yow. He hath hadde a cyetica [sciatica] that hath
letted hym a gret while to ride, and dar not yet come on non horses bak,
and ther for he hath spoke to the Lordes of the Conseill, and enformed
hem of your sekenesse and his also, that he may not ride at these next
assizes to Estgrynsted; and though thoe assizes discontynue _puer noun
venue dez Justicez_, he hopeth to be excused and ye also. And as for the
remenant of the assizes, he shall purvey to be ther by water. And
Almyghty Jesu make yow heyle and strong.

Wretyn right simply the Wednesseday next to fore ye Fest of the
Purificacion of Our Lady at London.

  By your most symple servaunt,

  JAMYS GRESHAM.

    [Footnote 61.1: [From Fenn, iii. 26.] ‘From a memorandum,’ says
    Fenn, ‘on the back of this letter, dated in April 1444, it is
    probable that it was written on the 30th of January 1443.’ Did
    Fenn mean the 30th of January 1443-4? In the side-note
    immediately below the letter, he dates it in his usual exact
    manner, ‘Wednesday, 30th of January 1443, 22 H. vi.’ But
    unfortunately there is an error here. January in the 22d year of
    Henry VI., means January 1444 according to the modern
    computation, or 1443 in the style formerly in use, by which the
    year was reckoned from the 25th of March. But the 30th of
    January was a Wednesday in 1443, only according to the modern
    computation of the year,--that is to say, it was a Wednesday in
    the year 1442-3, not in 1443-4. I imagine, however, that the
    ‘30th of January’ should have been ‘29th of January,’ and that
    Fenn really meant 1443-4, corresponding with the 22nd year of
    Henry VI.; for the memorandum to which he refers is a draft
    agreement, dated on Passion Sunday, 22 Hen. VI., A.D. 1444.]

    [Footnote 61.2: The celebrated Sir John Fortescue.]


52

JOHN GYNEY TO WILLIAM PASTON[62.1]

_To the worthy and worshipfull Sir and good Lord and Maister, William
Paston, on of the Justices of oure Sovereign Lord, of his Commone Benche
at Westminster._

[Sidenote: Not later than 1444]

Right worthy and worshipfull Sir, and my good Lord and Maister,
I recomaund me to yow. And where as ye, by your lettre direct to my
Lady, your wyf, wold that my seid Lady shuld have Robert Tebald and me
to geder, as sone as she myght, and the evidences which the seid Robert
receyved of yow at your last beyng at Norwich, and that I shuld amende
the defautes therinne, and that that doon there shuld of Baxteres Place
of Honyng be taken estate to yow and to other, as your seid lettre
requireth: Prey and beseche yow to witte that, on the Friday next after
your departyng fro Paston, Thomas Walysh and William Burgh, in his owen
persone, and the seid Thomas by William Inges and William Walsyngham,
his attornies, by his lettre under his seal, where [_were_] at Honyng,
and delyvred to my Lady Scarlet seson [_seisin_] in the seid place, and
Colbyes and Donnynges in Walsham. And the seid Thomas Walyssh, as the
seid Tebald told me, wold not enseale the seid lettre of attornie til
the parson of Ingeworth come to hym therfore, and required hym to don
it. Wychyngham in his owen persone in the nyght next beforn the seid
Friday, as the seid Tebald infourmeth me, come to the same Tebaldes
hows, and desired hym to enseale acquytaunce, as he seid, and the same
Robert refused to don it.

Nertheless, whether it were acquytaunce or were not, the same Robert kan
not seye, for he myght noo sight have there of. And the seid Wychyngham
the same nyght rood to John Willyot, and desired of hym the same, and
refused also to don it. What is the best to be don in this matier my
seid Lady, your wyf, kan not thynke with owt your advis and counseile.
Wherfore as touchyng the takyng of th’estate to yow and other, as in
your seid lettre is conteigned, is yet right nought doon.

The Holy Trinite have yow in his blissed kepyng. Wretyn at North
Walsham, the Thursday next after the Purificacion of oure Lady.

My seid Lady, your wyf, preyeth yow to be remembred of here grene gynger
of almondes for Lente, and of the leche of Orwelde, for here seknes
encreseth dayly upon here, whereof she is sore a ferd.

  By youre servunt,

  JOHN GYNEY.

    [Footnote 62.1: [From Fenn, iii. 28.] There is nothing to be
    said of the date of this letter, except that it is not later
    than 1444, when William Paston died.]


53

ABSTRACT[63.1]

[Sidenote: 1444 / MARCH 15]

Indenture between the Prior and Convent of the Monastery of St. Andrew,
Bromholme, impropriators of the Church of St. Margaret, Paston, and John
Partrik, vicar of the said church, of the first part, William Paston of
Paston, of the second part, and Edmund Palmer of Wytton, of the third
part, relative to lands in Baketon and Wytton, and containing amongst
other things a grant by the Prior and Convent to the said John Partrik,
at the instance of the said William Paston, in consideration of which
masses, called _certeynes_, are to be performed every Friday for the
souls of William Paston and Agnes his wife, and the obit of Clement
Paston, William’s father, is to kept yearly on St. Botolph’s day (17th
June). Dated 15th March 22 Henry VI. Confirmed by Walter, Bishop of
Norwich, and John, the Prior of the Cathedral of Norwich, and the
chapter of that church, 11th and 21st March 1446[-7].

    [Footnote 63.1: [Add. Charter 14,571, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.)]]

  [[Confirmed by Walter  _text has “Comfirmed”_]]


54

ABSTRACT[64.1]

JOHN MARYOT TO WILLIAM PASTON, Justice.

[Sidenote: Before 1444]

Is ready to fulfil the indentures of Becham made by W. P. with his late
mother, if W. P. will send ‘the indenture of our part,’ that Maryot may
know the terms and his own title. Will make no bargain else.--Crowmer,
Monday after Our Lady’s Nativity.

    [Footnote 64.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This and the following
    letter are quite uncertain in point of date, except that they
    were of course written before the death of William Paston, to
    whom they were addressed.]


55

ABSTRACT[64.2]

WILLIAM WOTTON DE PAGRAVE TO JUSTICE PASTON.

Sends his wife to him to explain some business about lands in Lytyl
Pagrave, of which a woman of Sporle has already spoken to him; also
touching some land at Castleacre.--_On parchment._

    [Footnote 64.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


56

---- ---- TO JOHN PASTON[64.3]

[Sidenote: 1444]

Righte reverent and my most worshipful maister, I recomaund me to yow.
Please it yow to wite that I sende yow a copie of a verdite take before
my maister Roberd Clere by vertu of a writ _diem clausit
extremum_,[64.4] whiche writ I sende yow also with this, of whiche
verdite the wordis arn as it folwith:--

_Inquisicio capta apud Wynterton, secundo die Novembris anno regni Regis
Henrici vj^ti post conquestum vicesimo tertio, coram Roberto Clere
escaetore domini Regis in com. Norfolk et Suffolk, virtute brevis domini
Regis sibi directi et presenti Inquisitioni consuti, per sacramentum
Johannis Berkyng, Nicholai Pikeryng, Johannis Chapell, Johannis Jekkys,
Willelmi Stiwardson, Roberti Hosele, Johannis Topy, Johannis Wacy,
Johannis Rychers, Thomæ Broun, Walteri Heylok, Willelmi Stotevyle, Thomæ
Mason, Roberti Marche, Johannis Kechon, legalium et proborum hominum in
hac parte pro domino Rege juratorum: Qui dicunt super sacramentum suum
quod Willelmus Paston nominatus in dicto brevi nulla terras et tenementa
tenuit de domino Rege in capite die quo obiit in comitatu predicto. Et
quod obiit quarto decimo die mensis Augusti, anno regni domini Regis
predicti xxij. Et quod Johannes Paston filius ipsius Willelmi est hæres
ejus propinquior, et ætatis xxiij. annorum._

Ther is founde more of other thyngges be the same verdite touchyng other
matieris, whiche he will not certifie yet. And for as moche as my
maister Clere wetyth well that the seid verdite touchyng my maister your
fader, hoes soule God assoyle, must have other maner of makyng thanne he
kan make, he recomaundith hym to my maistres your moder, and yow also;
and prey yow that ye will do it make as effectuel and availeabill for
the wel of my maister your fader and yow as ye kan, and sele it with
your seall, or what seall ellys ye will, in his name, and sealle it also
with as many of other seales as ther be jerores, and delyvere it to
William Bondes, his depute, to delyvere into the Chauncelre. And if
William Bondes be fro London or this may be redy, thanne purveye ye for
the speed of this matier in youre best wise; and what so ever ye do, or
sey, or write, or seale, or avouche in this matier in my maister Cleris
name, he shall avowe it, and [_i.e._ if] it shulde coste hym gret parte
of his good.

Sir, ther is noon enquerre take in Suffolk, for as moche as my maister
your fader helde no londe ther but be my maistres your moder; but if ye
will that he shall inquere ther as sone as he may wete it, it shall be
doo; and if this forseide verdite may serve for bothe, he is right glad
therof. He tolde me that he seide to the jurores, whiche have sealed her
verdite: ‘Seris, I wot well this verdite after my makyng is not
effectuel in lawe, and therfore may happe it shall be makid newe at
London, and ellys peraventure I shulde be amercied in the Kyngges
Courte; and therfore I truste yow, and [_i.e._ if] it be newe mad and
newe sealed, ye will avowe it.’ And thei seide with a good herte ya;
these wordes wern seide _in secreta confessione_ to v. or vj. of the
reuleris of the seide jurre whiche he kan truste righte well. He preyith
yow to holde hym excused that he writyth not to yow for this matier, for
he is ocupied in other wise. He badde me write in this fourme to yow,
which he supposith ye will beleve, and he knoweth alle this writyng, and
is well concented and agreed therto. Sir, ther arn xv. jurores abowe to
certifie ye, as many as ye will: but lete these men that be tottid be
certified, for thei be the rewleris and t . . . . he spk (?) &c. Sir,
atte reverence of God, if I shall make ony purvyaunce in this cuntre for
my maistres comyng hom, lete me have reson[able] warnyng, and so God me
helpe, and I shall do my dever. I here no tydyngges of Thom’ yet. My
maistres Garneys, your moder, . . . . . .[66.1] Berney, and my maisteris
your sonys and my maister your brother arn heyle and mery, and recommend
hem to yow. And I beseche your [mastership][66.1] that this sympil
skrowe may recomaund me to my reverant and worshipful maistres, your
moder. And I prey our Lord of his . . . . . .[66.1] bothe moche worship
and wilfare, and graunte me to do and labour that is to your bothenerys
pleaser.[66.2]

Writen the Saterday next. . . . . . .[66.3]

  This letter appears to have been used as a wrapper for others. It is
  endorsed, ‘Literæ diversorum directæ J. Paston receptæ apud London
  per diversos annos ante festum Michaelis anno xxxiiij Hen. VI.
  Literæ Fastolff pro Costid (?). Literæ W. Wayt pro tempore suæ
  tribulationis. Literæ Windham.’

    [Footnote 64.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is without
    a signature or address, and who the writer was does not appear.
    It was evidently written soon after the taking of the
    inquisition on the death of William Paston, the Judge, the date
    of which is given in the extract as 2nd November 23 Henry VI.,
    _i.e._ 1444.]

    [Footnote 64.4: _See_ p. 16, Note 1.]

    [Footnote 66.1: Mutilated.]

    [Footnote 66.2: _I.e._, that which is to the pleasure of you
    both (?).]

    [Footnote 66.3: A little mutilated at bottom.]

  [[quarto decimo die mensis Augusti  _printed “dccimo”_]]


[[In the following letter, interlineations (Footnotes 67-2, 68-1) are
shown in brackets [ ] immediately after the original word.]]

57

WILL OF EDMUND NORMAN[67.1]

[Sidenote: 1444 / DEC. 6]

In Dei nomine, amen. Ego Edmundus Norman de Fylby, compos mentis, die
Dominica in festo sancti Nicholai Episcopi, anno domini M^lmo iiij^c xl.
iiij.^to, condo testamentum meum in hunc mundum (_sic_). In primis do et
lego animam meam Deo Patri, &c., corpusque meum sepeliendum in ecclesia
sancti Petri de Crowmere. Item, summo altari ecclesiæ prædictæ xl_d._
[vjs. viijd.[67.2]] Item, emendacioni ejusdem ecclesiæ xl_d._ [vjs.
viijd.[67.2]] Item, summo altari ecclesiæ de Fylby xl_d._ Item,
emendationi ecclesiæ de Fylby prædictæ vel fenestræ de novo faciendæ et
intrando in parte boriali ecclesiæ prædictæ in fine occidentali, x.
marcas. Item, Edmondo, capellano sancti Johannis Baptistæ in eadem
ecclesia, xl_d._ Item, volo quod omnes feoffati in terris et tenementis
remittant jus suum Edmundo Clere armigero, magistro meo, ut ipse vendat
et disponat cum aliis executoribus meis pro salute animæ meæ, et patris,
matris, et omnium quibuscumque teneor. Item, cuilibet ordini fratrum de
Jernemoth, vj_s._ viii_d._ Item, fratribus ordinis Minorum de Walsyngham
vj_s._ viii_d._ Item, lego Willelmo Bondis omnia bona mea existentia in
hospicio meo London’, [de Clifforde] videlicet lectum et indumenta mea.
Item, lego Roberto Baketon et uxori ejus, firmario meo in Fylby, omnia
utencilia mea infra mansionem meam ibidem præter lectum plumale postea
legatum. Item, Edmundo filio dicti Roberti, filiolo meo, xl_s._ Item,
filiabus ejusdem Roberti, Elizabethæ et Margaretæ, cuilibet xx_s._ Item,
Edmundo filio Roberti Norman de Ormesby, vj_s._ viii_d._ Item, Ricardo
Kemp, xxvj_s._ viij_d._ Item, Johanni Grave, sonam meam deargent’.[67.3]
Item, Nicholao Pekeryng de Fylby, meum optimum lectum plumale infra
mansionem meam apud Fylby. Item, Johanni Spencer de Crowmere, xx_s._
Item, uxori Johannis Couche, pro labore et diligentia suis circa me dum
infirmabar, vj_s._ viij_d._ Item, Edmundo Bataly capellano vj_s._
viii_d._ [xxs. [68.1]] Item, lego Thomæ Stalham et uxori ejus meum
lectum plumale apud Norwicum. Item, die obitus mei ad exequias, cuilibet
capellano iiij_d._ et clerico, j_d._ Item, ad distribuendum inter
pauperes die sepulturæ, xl_d._ Residuum vero bonorum meorum non
legatorum do et lego executoribus meis, quos ordino et constituto
Edmundum Clere, armigerum, Magistrum meum Robertum Clere, Willelmum
Bondes, Nicholaum Pekeryng, Magistrum Johannem Semecrofte et Ricardum
Kemp, ut ipsi disponant pro salute animæ meæ.

[68.2]Et lego dicto Edmundo Clere pro labore suo x_li._ si vult. Et
Roberto Clere C_s._, et similiter cuilibet aliorum executorum xl_s._

Item, lego Pers. de Crowmere iij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, volo quod in fenestra ecclesiæ de Fylby tres[68.3] ymagines,
videlicet, una ymago sancti Edmundi, alter[a] Sancti Johannis Baptistæ,
alia Sanctæ Mariæ, et ibidem fiat scriptio:--_Orate pro animabus
Johannis Norman seniori, Margaretæ uxoris ejus, et Edmundi filii
prædicti_ et tale armo (_sic_). [_Here follows a sketch of a shield,
the upper part marked as silver and the lower black, with the word
_‘Katerwole’_ (?) upon it._]

    [Footnote 67.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 10.]]

    [Footnote 67.2: Interlineations by another hand.]

    [Footnote 67.3: Here occurs an illegible interlineation, in
    which only ‘xs.’ is visible.]

    [Footnote 68.1: Interlineations by another hand.]

    [Footnote 68.2: What follows is in a different hand, apparently
    the same as that of the interlineations noticed above.]

    [Footnote 68.3: Corrected from ‘quatuor.’]


58

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK TO JOHN PASTON[68.4]

_To our right trusti and welbelovid John Paston, Squier. The Duc of
Norff._

[Sidenote: Before 1444 (?)]

Trusti and right welbelovid, we grete you weel, lating you witte that
for the trust that as weel we, as the heires of Edmund Swathyng, have
unto you, we have appointed you to be one of the makeres up
indifferently of the evydences betwix us and the seide heires. Wherfor
we pray you hertily, that ye wil yeve attendaunce at such day and place
as ye and our right trusti and welbelovid frende William Yelverton, with
oure welbelovid servaunt Jenney, shal mow attende to the making up of
the seide evidencez; and we shal send summe of our servauntz to awayte
upon you for your reward and costis, that ye shal be pleasid with by the
grace of God, who have you ever in his keping.

Wreten undir our signet in oure Castel of Framlyngham,

  the xviij. day of ----.

  { JOHN[69.1] } NORFF.
  { MOWBRAY.   }

    [Footnote 68.4: [From Fenn, i. 10.] Fenn thinks this letter must
    have been written before 1444, when Yelverton was made a judge.
    This is, doubtless, most probable. There is, however, an Edmund
    Swathing, Esq., mentioned by Blomefield (_Hist. of Norfolk_,
    viii. 42) as alive in 1446, and if it be his executors who are
    referred to, the date would appear to be later.]

    [Footnote 69.1: The name ‘John Mowbray’ is represented by a
    curious monogram, in which every letter both of the Christian
    and the surname can be traced.]


59

JOHN PASTON’S PETITION[69.2]

_To the Kyng our Soverayn Lord._

[Sidenote: After 1444]

Ples your Hyghnes of your abundante grace, an consyderacion of the
servys and plesure that your Hyghnes knowyth to yow don by William
Paston, late one of your judgys, and old servaunt to that nobyll Prinse
your fadyr, to graunte onto John Paston, Esquyer, sonn and heyir of the
seyd Wylliam, your lettrys patents under the seel of yowr Duche of
Lancastre, being in the keping of Thomas Chesham, aftyr affecte of note
folowyng; and he schall pray to God for yow.

   *   *   *

Rex, etc. Sciatis, quod de gracia nostra speciali et ex mero motu
nostro, ac pro bono et laudabyli servicio quod dilectus et fidelis nobis
Willelmus Paston, nuper unus Justiciariorum nostrorum, defunctus, nobis
in vita sua inpendydit, consessimus et hac presenti carta nostra
confirmavimus, in quantum in nobis est, Johanni Paston armigero, filio
et heredi dicti Willelmi, viginti tria mesuagia, quingintas triginta et
iiij. acras pasture, bruere et marissy in villis de Paston, Edythorp, et
Bakton, in comitatu nostro Norff. quas diversi tenentes nostri ibidem de
nobis separatim native tenent ad voluntatem nostram per virgam sive
copiam et per serta redditus et servissia, nativa annualia inde nobis
reddend., que ad valorem novem librarum annuatim exeunt vel infra.
Concessimus eciam eidem Johanni curiam lete, seu visus franciplegii
nostri, in villis de Paston et Edithorp predictis, que est annui valoris
viij. solidorum per estimacionem; ad quatuor libratas, quatuor solidatas
et octo denariatas redditus. Redditum octo boschellorum avenarum et
trium caponum cum pertinentiis in villis predictis, ac in villis Wytton
et Easewyk in comitatu predicto, percipiendum anuatim de omnibus et
singulis liberys tenentibus nostris ibidem pro tenementis suis qui de
nobis separatim tenent in eisdem villis, una cum fidelitatibus et aliis
serviciis eorundem tenentium et eorum cujuslibet, de, seu pro,
tenementis illis et eorum qualibet parcella nobis debitis sive
pertinentibus. Concessimus etiam eidem Johanni et heredibus suis
officium parcarie ac costidie[70.1] parci nostri de Grymygham in com.
nostro predicto, una cum proficuo agistamenti bestiarum ejusdem parci
pro vadiis suis pro officio predicto annuatim percipiend: salvis no . .
et hodierna sufficienti pastura ferarum nostrarum ibidem ut tempore
nostro prius usitatum fuit; quod quidem proficuum agistamenti ad valorem
x. marcarum extendit per annum. Habenda, tenenda et percipienda predicta
messuagia, terram, pasturam, brueram, mariscum, curiam lete, et visus
franciplegii, redditus, et servissia, officium et agistament’ proficu’
cum pertinentiis, prefato Johanni et heredibus suis de nobis et
heredibus nostris, per fidelitatem et redditum unius rose rubie ad
Festum Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptiste annuatim nobis solvendum,
si petatur, pro omnibus serviciis, exaccionibus et demandis. Eo quod
messuagia, terra, pastura, bruera, mariscus, curia lete, redditus,
servicia predicta, officium et agistament’ profic’, valorem supra
specificatum excedant, vel valorem illum non attingant, aut aliquo actu,
restriccione seu mandato facto, edito aut proviso non obstante. Volumus
etiam et assignavimus quod omnes illi qui per nos seu ad usum nostrum,
jus, titulum, seu statum in premissis, seu aliquo premissorum habuerunt
seu habent, nobis antehac non relaxatum, jus, titulum et statum illa
prefato Johanni et heredibus suis dimittent et relaxent. In cujus . . .

    [Footnote 69.2: [From Tanner MS. 95, f. 82.] This is a draft in
    the handwriting of William Worcester, very illegible from the
    number of the corrections, and also from the ink being very much
    faded. Of its date I cannot tell except that it was clearly
    written in the reign of Henry VI. and after the death of Judge
    Paston in 1444.]

    [Footnote 70.1: _Sic_, _pro_ custodiæ.]


60

CATHERINE, DUCHESS OF NORFOLK, TO JOHN PASTON[71.1]

_To our right trusty and hertily welbeloved John Paston, Squier._

  {_Kateryn, Duchesse_}
  {_of Norff._        }

[Sidenote: After 1444 (?)]

Right trusty and entierly welbeloved, we grete you wel hertily as we
kan. And for as moche as we purpose with grace of Jesu to be at London
within bryff tyme, we pray you that your place ther may be redy for us,
for we wole sende our stuff thedir to for [_tofore_, _i.e._ before] our
comyng; and siche agrement as we toke with you for the same, we shall
duely performe yt with the myght of Jesu, who haff you in his blissed
keping.

  Wretyn at Eppeworth, ij^de day of Octobre.

    [Footnote 71.1: [From Fenn, iii. 16.] The writer of this letter
    was the widow of John Mowbray, second Duke of Norfolk, who died
    in 1432. After the Duke’s death, she married again no less than
    three times; and Fenn thinks this letter, which is dated from
    Epworth in Lincolnshire, a seat of the Duke of Norfolk’s, was
    probably written during her first widowhood. It must be
    remarked, however, that in 1432 John Paston was only twelve
    years old at the utmost, so that this letter could hardly have
    been written till at least ten years after. It is, besides,
    hardly probable that John Paston would have been addressed as
    the owner of a ‘place’ in London, before his father’s death in
    1444. The exact year, however, is quite uncertain.]


61

ABSTRACT[72.1]

ROBERT, LORD WYLUGHBY [of Eresby], TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: Between 1444 and 1451]

Desires him to favour Reginald Balden who ‘hath ado with you for certain
lyflode which was his father’s, wherein your father was enfeoffed.’
Boston, 16th December.

  [The date of this letter is probably after the death of William
  Paston in 1444, and cannot be later than 1451, as the writer died on
  St. James’s day (25th July) 1452.]

    [Footnote 72.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


62

AGNES PASTON TO EDMUND PASTON[72.2]

_To Edmond Paston of Clyffordis Inn, in London, be this Lettre take._

[Sidenote: 1445 / FEB. 4]

To myn welbelovid sone, I grete yow wel, and avyse yow to thynkk onis of
the daie of youre fadris counseyle to lerne the lawe, for he seyde manie
tymis that ho so ever schuld dwelle at Paston, schulde have nede to
conne defende hym selfe.

The Vikare[72.3] of Paston and yowre fadre,[72.4] in Lenttyn last was,
wher [_were_] thorwe and acordidde, and doolis[72.5] sette howe broode
the weye schulde ben,[72.6] and nowe he hath pullid uppe the doolis, and
seithe he wolle makyn a dyche fro the corner of his walle, ryght over
the weye to the newe diche of the grete cloose. And there is a man in
Truntche, hyzht Palmer to, that hadde of yowre fadre certein londe in
Truntche over vij. yere or viij. yere agoone for corn, and trewli hathe
paide all the yers; and now he hathe suffrid the corne to ben with sette
for viij_s._ of rentte to Gymmyngham, wich yowre fadre paide nevere.
Geffreie axid Palmere why the rentte was notte axid in myn husbonddis
tyme; and Palmere seyde, for he was a grete man, and a wyse man of the
law, and that was the cawse men wolde not axe hym the rentte.

I sende yow the namis of the men that kaste down the pittis, that was
Gynnis Close, wretyn in a bille closid in this lettre.

I sendde yow not this lettre to make yow wery of Paston; for I leve in
hoope, and ye wolle lern that they schulle be made werye of her werke,
for in good feyth I dar welseyne it was yowr fadris laste wille to have
do ryzht wel to that plase, and that can I schewe of good profe, thowe
men wolde seye naye. God make yow ryzht a good man, and sende Goddis
blessyng and myn.

Wrettyn in haste, at Norwich, the Thorsdaie aftir Candelmasse daie.

Wetith of yowre brothere John now manie gystis [_joists_] wolle serve
the parler and the chapelle at Paston, and what lenghthe they moste be,
and what brede and thykknesse thei moste be; for yowre fadris wille was,
as I weene veryli, that thei schuld be ix. enchis on wey, and vij.
another weye. And porveythe therfor that thei mow be squarid there, and
sentte hedre, for here can non soche be hadde in this conttre. And seye
to yowre brothir John it weer wel don to thinkke on Stansted
Chirche;[73.1] and I praye yow to sende me tydynggs[73.2] from be yond
see, for here thei arn a ferde to telle soche as be reportid.

  By yowr Modre,

  AUGNEIS PASTON.

    [Footnote 72.2: [From Fenn, iii. 32.] This letter must have been
    written in February 1445, as it appears from the contents that
    William Paston was dead, but had been alive in the preceding
    Lent.]

    [Footnote 72.3: John Partrick of Swathfield was Vicar of Paston,
    from 1442 to 1447.--F.]

    [Footnote 72.4: William Paston, the Judge.]

    [Footnote 72.5: Landmarks. ‘Dolestones’ are still spoken of in
    Norfolk in this sense. --_See_ Latham’s Edition of Johnson’s
    _Dictionary_.]

    [Footnote 72.6: On the 6th July 1443 a licence was granted to
    William Paston to enclose a portion of the highway at Paston,
    and another at Oxnead, on his making two other highways in place
    thereof.--_Patent Roll_, 21 Henry VI. p. 1, m. 10.]

    [Footnote 73.1: Stansted Church in Suffolk.--Dame Agnes had
    possessions in that parish.--F.]

    [Footnote 73.2: These tidings relate to our foreign
    transactions, the giving up of Maine, Truces, &c. &c. on the
    King’s marriage, which had taken place in November.--F.]


63

JOHN HAWTEYN TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY[74.1]

_To the most reverent Fader in God the Archebisshop of Caunterbury,
Chanceler of Englond._

[Sidenote: 1444-9]

Besecheth mekely zour gracious Lordship, zour owne servant and oratour
John Hauteyn, chapeleyn, that wher he hath dyvers seutees and accions in
lawe to be sewed a zent A., that was the wife of W. Paston, of the maner
of Oxenedes, in the countee of Northfolk; and for as meche as zour seid
besecher can gete no counsell of men of court to be with hym in the seid
matiers, by cause that the seid W. P. was one of the Kynges Justices,
and John P., son and heir to the seid W. P., is al so a mon of court;
that hit plese zour good Lordship to assigne, and most streytly to
comaund John Heydon,[74.2] Thomas Lyttylton,[74.3] and John Oelston to
be of counsell with zour seid besecher in the seid matiers, and oder
that he hath to do azenst the seid Anneys and oder; and zour said
besecher shal contente hem well for their labour. And that this be doo
in the reverence of God, and wey of charite.

  JOHN HAUTEYN, Chapeleyn.

    [Footnote 74.1: [From Fenn, iii. 36.] This is a petition
    addressed to John Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury, as
    Chancellor, after the death of William Paston in 1444. Stafford
    was made Archbishop in 1443. His appointment as Chancellor was
    even earlier, and he held the office till the 31st of January
    1450.]

    [Footnote 74.2: A lawyer and recorder of Norwich.--F.]

    [Footnote 74.3: Afterwards the famous Judge Lyttelton.--F.]


64

SIR ROGER CHAMBERLAIN TO AGNES PASTON[75.1]

_To my right worchepfull Cosyn, Agnes Paston._

[Sidenote: After 1444]

Right worchepfull cosyn, I comand me to you. And as for the mater that
ye sent to me fore, touchyng the maner callid Walshams, in Walsham, the
trouth is, youre husbond soldyt to my moder upon condition that she
shuld never sel it but to youre sones, John or William; and for the
suerte of the seid condition, youre seid husbond, as I conseyve, ded the
seid maner be charged with a gret annuyte upon the same condition, or
the tyme that my seid moder toke estate, of the whech I suppose ye shall
fynde sufficiant evydens, if ye serge youre evydences therfor. And I be
seche almyty God kepe you.

Wretyn at Geddyng, the xv. day of September.

  Your Cosyn,

  SIR ROGER CHAMBERLEYN.

    [Footnote 75.1: [From Fenn, iii. 38.] Nothing can be said as to
    the date of this letter, except that it is evidently after the
    death of William Paston.]


65

THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM TO THE VISCOUNT BEAUMONT[75.2]

_To the right worshipful, and with all myn herte right entirely belovid
brother, the Viscounte Beaumont._

[Sidenote: Between 1442 and 1455]

Right worshipful, and with all myn herte right entierly beloved brother,
I recomaunde me to you, thenking right hertili youre good brotherhode
for your gode and gentill letters, the whiche it hath liked you to sende
unto me nowe late; and like it you to knowe I perseeve by the tenor of
the seid lettre, your gode desire of certein dubete that I owe unto you.
In gode faith, brother, it is so with me at this tyme, I have but easy
stuffe of money withinne me, for so meche as the seison of the yer is
not yet growen, so that I may not plese youre seide gode brotherhode,
as God knoweth my will and entent were to do, and I had it.

Nevertheless, and it like you, I sende you, bi my sonne Stafford,[76.1]
an obligacion wherof, of late tyme, I have rescevid part of the dubete
therinne comprisid; the residue of whiche I prai you to resceve bi the
seid obligacion, and that I may have an acquitance therof, and to yeve
credence unto my seid sonne in such thing as he shall say unto your gode
brotherhode on my behalve.

Right worshipfull, and with all myn herte right entirely belovid
brother, I beseche the blissed Trinite, preserve you in honor and
prosperite.

Writen at my Castell of Makestok,[76.2] the xvij. day of Marche.

  Yowre trew and fethfull broder,

  H. BUKINGHAM.

    [Footnote 75.2: [From Fenn, i. 16.] There appear to be no means
    of ascertaining the exact year when this letter was written; but
    as the writer was created Duke of Buckingham on the 14th
    September 1441, and his son, the Earl of Stafford, was killed at
    the battle of St. Albans on the 22nd May 1455, the date must lie
    between these two limits.]

    [Footnote 76.1: Humphrey, Earl of Stafford, the Duke’s eldest
    son, who was slain at St. Albans in 1455.]

    [Footnote 76.2: In Warwickshire.]


66

WILLIAM YELVERTON TO JOHN PASTON[76.3]

_To my ryght wurchepfull cosyn, John Paston, Esquier._

[Sidenote: Between 1444 and 1460]

Right worchepful cosyn, I recomaunde me to yow, thankyng yow as hertyly
as I kan for my selff, &c., and specially for that ye do so moche for
Oure Ladyes hous at Walsyngham, which I trust veryly ye do the rather
for the grete love that ye deme I have therto; for trewly if I be drawe
to any worchep or wellfare, and discharge of myn enmyes daunger,
I ascryve it unto Our Lady.

Preyng yow therfore that ye woln ben as frendly to Our Ladyes hous as I
wote well ye have alwey ben, and in especyall now, that I myght have of
yow the report certeynly be your letter of that, that Naunton your cosyn
informyd yow, and told yow be mouth of all maters towchyng Oure Ladyes
hous of Walsyngham.

For me thynkyth be that I have herde be Oure Ladys prest of Walsyngham,
if I understode weel that mater, that it shuld do moch to the gode spede
of the mater; and dought yow not our Lady shall quyte it yow and here
poer priour here aftyr, as he may, &c.

Preying yow also, cosyn, and avysyng for the ease of us both, and of our
frendes, and of many other, that ye be at London be tymes this terme,
and if we spede well now, all well all this yere aftir; for I knowe
veryly ther was nevyr made gretter labour thanne shall be made now, and
therfore I pray to Our Lady, help us, and her blissid Sone, which have
you in His holy kepyng.

Wreten at your poer place of Bayfeld, on Sent Fraunces day,[77.1] in
hast.

  Your cosyn,

  WILLIAM YELVERTON, Justis.

    [Footnote 76.3: [From Fenn, i. 20.] The date of this letter is
    not earlier than 1444, when William Yelverton was appointed a
    Justice of the King’s Bench; and, as Fenn remarks, it is
    probably not later than 1460, when he was made a Knight of the
    Bath, otherwise he would have signed himself Knight as well as
    Justice.]

    [Footnote 77.1: St. Francis’ day is the 4th of October.]


67

ABSTRACT[77.2]

[Sidenote: 1446 / OCT. 30]

Indenture, dated 30 Oct. 25 Henry VI., by which Agnes Paston grants a
lease to John Downing, miller, and others, of the mill called Woodmill,
in Paston.

    [Footnote 77.2: [Add. Charter 14,819, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.)]]


68

THE BAILIFF AND JURATS OF JERSEY TO VISCOUNT BEAUMONT[78.1]

_A nos treshonorés et nobles Signours Visconte Beaumont, Connestable
d’Engleterre et Seigneur de Sudele, grant mestre de hostel de nostre
Souverayn Seigneur le Roy d’Engleterre et France._

[Sidenote: 1447]

Treshonorablez et noblez seigneurs, nous nous recommandons tant que
faire le povons a voz honnorablez seignouriez. Et vous plese savoir que
le samedy xv^me jour du moys de Aprille nous avons receu unez lettrez
patentes de nostre Souverain Seigneur le Roy d’Engleterre et de France,
contenant comme il vous a donné la guarde dez islez de Jersey et
Guernesey durant le non aage de l’er de mon Seigneur de Warwyk, et unez
aultrez lettrez a nous directes de par vous, presentées de par voz
servitours John Morin et Robert Haxby. Et pour cause que eulx n’avoyent
point de procuracions, ou feisions difficultey, et non obstant a voz
ditz servitours a estey delivrée et baillie la pocession de la dicte
isle de Jersey, et ont juré et promis par lours serementz de guarder le
loys et coustumez et anciens usagez de la dicte isle, et nous envoier
lettrez soubz lez seaulx de voz armez, comme voz promettez tenir en
fermete ce que eulx ont promis, et de ce nous ont bailly plege Sire John
Bernard, cappitaine desdictez islez, quer aultrement nous ne lez eussons
point receus, comme il apparest par le certificat a eulx par nous donné,
quer tous lez seigneurs, guardes, cappitaines, juges, et aultrez
officers de audevant de cez hourez ont estey juréz a nous lois,
coustumez et anciens usagez, lez queilz ont estey guardéz et seront en
tempz advenir avecquez l’aide de Dieu, qui vous ayt en sa sainte guarde.

Escript en Jersey le xvij^me jour du moys de Aprill.

  De par lez vostrez le Bailiff [et]
  Jurés de l’Isle de Gersy.

    [Footnote 78.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The custody of the
    islands of Jersey and Guernsey, &c., during the minority of Ann,
    daughter and heir of Henry de Beauchamp, Duke of Warwick, was
    granted in 25 Henry VI. to John, Viscount Beaumont, and Sir
    Ralph Butler, Lord Sudley. --_See_ Dugdale’s _Baronage_, ii. 54.]

  [[nous nous recommandons
    _printed “recommandous” (the doubled “nous” is not an error)_]]


69

EDMUND PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[79.1]

_Tradatur Johanni Paston, of the Inner In in the Temple, att London._

[Sidenote: 1447(?)]

Ryth worschipfull brothir, I recomaund me to yow, &c. I preye write to
myn modre of your owne hed as for to consell her howh that sche kepe her
prevye, and tell no body ryth nowth of her counsell; for sche woll tell
persones many of her counsell this day, and to morwe sche woll sey be
Goddis faste that the same men ben false. I have seen parte of the
evydence, and the maner[79.2] hath be pourchasid be parcell, and certeyn
feffement mad of the avowson, and certeyn pecis of lond enterlessant the
maner; and I wote well ye have on collaterall rellesse wyth a warente of
on of the wyffys of Hauteyn[79.3] of all the holl maner.

Steward, the chiffe constable, told me he was enpanellyd up on the
assise be twex yow and Frauncesse; he axyd me counsell what he myght do
ther inne, for he told me it was take in Sir Thomas Tudham name. He wold
fayne be chalengyd. I concellyd him swere the trewthe of the issue that
he shall be swore to, and thanne he nedyd never to drede hym of noon
atteynte. I yave him this counsell, and noon othir. He enqueryd me of
the rewle of myn master Danyell[80.1] and myn Lord of Suffolke,[80.2]
and askyd wheche I thowte schuld rewle in this schere; and I seyd bothe,
as I trowh, and he that survyvyth to hold be the vertue of the survyvyr,
and he to thanke his frendes, and to aquite his enmyys. So I fele by him
he wold forsake his master, and gette him a newh yf he wyste he schuld
rewle; and so wene I meche of all the contre is so disposyd. The holy
Trenyte kepe yow.

Wrete at Norwiche, on the Wednysday after Seynt Peter[80.3] in hast.

  Your Brother,

  E. PASTON.

    [Footnote 79.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] From the conversation
    here reported touching the anticipated ascendancy of Daniel and
    the Marquis, afterwards Duke, of Suffolk, this letter may be
    referred to the year 1447. In April of the year following, the
    influence of Suffolk was paramount, and Daniel was said to be
    out of favour, as will be seen by Letter 75 following.]

    [Footnote 79.2: The manor of Oxnead. --_See_ Blomefield, vi.
    478.]

    [Footnote 79.3: Probably Robert, father of John Hauteyn, the
    friar.]

    [Footnote 80.1: Thomas Daniel.]

    [Footnote 80.2: William de la Pole, at this time Marquis,
    afterwards Duke, of Suffolk.]

    [Footnote 80.3: St. Peter’s day is the 29th June.]

  [[att London  _printed “Lonaon” (recurring error with italic “d”)_]]


70

ABSTRACT[80.4]

[Sidenote: 1447 / SEPT. 3]

Deed by which William Pope, perpetual Vicar of Paston, confirms to
Agnes, widow of William Paston, and John Bakton, their estate in a piece
of land, particularly described; and also binds himself to celebrate
mass every Friday for the souls of said William and Agnes, &c. &c.,
exhort his parishioners to put up prayers for them every Sunday, called
‘certeynys,’ and celebrate William Paston’s obit on the 13th August.

  Dated at Paston, 3rd September 26 Henry VI.

    [Footnote 80.4: [Add. Charter 17,235, B.M. (Paston MSS.)]]


71

ABSTRACTS[80.5]

[Sidenote: 1447 / OCT. 21, 26]

21 Oct., at London.--Letter from Fastolf to Thomas Howys and John Grene,
desiring them to procure information about one Robert Eccles, cousin and
heir to John Eccles, whom the counsel for the prior of Hickling propose
to call to give evidence about the rent of 25 marks.

1447, [26 Oct.] ‘Thursday byfore S. Symond and Jude,’ 26 Hen. VI. at
Castre. Long letter from Thomas Howys in reply to the preceding, with
the results of searches made in the Bishop’s registry for wills of the
Eccles family, with particulars about various members of the family,
etc.

  [For these abstracts I am indebted to Mr. Macray, and also for those
  immediately following, which are from the same source.]

    [Footnote 80.5: [From MSS. Hickling, 130, 140, in Magd. Coll.,
    Oxf.]]


72

ABSTRACTS[81.1]

THE PRIOR OF HICKLING.

_Hickling 71._

[14 . . ] At Westminster.

_Letter_ [on paper, in English] from two counsel, _William Wangeford_
and _William Jenney_, to Sir John Fastolf, giving their opinion on his
claim against the prior of Hickling. Sir John cannot recover the £20
forfeit, because the condition of the obligation only extended to the
heirs of Sir Hugh Clifford, and not to his assigns, and Sir John is only
an assign; but the rent of 25 marks is sure to him, and he can recover
it, if denied by the prior, by process of law; they will consult with
justices and serjeants whether he can recover it by distraint.

_Hickling 74._

[14 . . ] Friday in the 2nd week after Easter at Lenne.

_Letter_, [in English, on paper] from _Henry Notyngham_ to Sir Henry
Barton, Alderman of London. Has counselled with Paston, and finds him
more friendly and ready to help in Barton’s matter than ever before;
supposes that the cause is, that the prior that was obstinate is dead,
and another appointed, who Paston trusts will be more easy to stir.
Desires that Paston may be thanked. Sends a letter which he desires
‘a child of zours’ may carry to Mistress Jenkin Leventhorpe the younger;
and ask at my lord’s inn of Doreham or of Ratclyff or some other which
he may think best, if he (_i.e._ my Lord of Durham) shall be at this
Parliament. Send to Thomelin Grys, spicer at Norwich, some ‘loder,’ as
soon as he can goodly buy it, which comes each week to Rossamez Inn in
St. Laurence’s Lane.

_Hickling 75._

[14 . . ] 14 Apr., at Norwich.

_Letter_, [in English, on paper] from _H[enry] Notyngham_ to Sir Henry
Barton, alderman of London. Delivered Paston the copy of the deeds;
shewed his letter to the prior and convent, but gained nothing; they
said they would please Barton full fain, but all their counsel are full
against their binding themselves by any such confirmation; they were
bound to the former owner and his heirs, but not to his assigns. Advises
him to get good counsel, and thinks nothing can be done unless he gets
Paston’s assent and grant to help the matter.

_Hickling 89._

[1450 _or_ 1451?] 18 Aug. Norwich.

_Letter_ [in English, on paper] _from_ ‘_W. [Hart], Bisshope of
Norwich_,’ to Sir John Fastolf. Has put himself greatly in his devoir to
put an end to the controversy between Fastolf and the house of Hykelyng,
and has been so importunate that Lord Scales has advised him not to
meddle in the matter, because he is taken as a suspect person; if he
could do him more profit, he would not spare labour or cost, on account
of Fastolf’s towardness and gentleness to condescend unto right and
reasonable mean, the which he conceives not in the other party. Had
hoped his good and devout purpose towards the place of St. Bennett’s
would have grown to some good conclusion; was there the Sunday before
St. Laurence’s Day, and greatly rejoiced at such work and cost as he has
done there. Heartily desires him to come here to the air of his natural
birth, where he will find my Lord of Norfolk and such attendance as the
Bishop and other gentles of the country may do, ready unto him at all
times; his coming would be to his health and heart’s ease, and the cause
of much peace in the country.

  Small seal, fastened _on_ the letter; a stag; a straw round it.

  _Hickling 104._

[   ]

_Letter_, [in English, on paper] from _Lord Scales_ to Sir John Fastolf,
asking him to withdraw an outlawry which has been issued against John
Dowebegyng, servant of the former, for a debt of £100 due to Fastolf by
Thomas Danyell, Esq., for which Dowebegyng had become bound.

Signed by Lord Scales, who adds a postscript in his own hand that
Fastolf has been as faithful and kind to him since he came into England
as he was in France, and that there is no one of his estate for whom he
would do so much.

  Small seal, on the paper, with a straw round it.

    [Footnote 81.1: [From MSS. in Magd. Coll., Oxf.]]

  [[The empty brackets after “Hickling 104” are in the original.]]


73

ABSTRACT[82.1]

[Sidenote: 1447 / NOV. 29]

Indenture, dated St. Andrew’s Eve, 26 Henry VI., between Agnes Paston
and Waryn Baxter, the former agreeing that Baxter shall have, at the
will of the lord of the manor of Knapton, the lands, &c. that were
Richard Redys [Rede’s], with reservations.

    [Footnote 82.1: [Add. Charter 17,236, B.M. (Paston MSS.)]]


74

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[83.1]

_To my right worshipfull mayster, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1448 / MARCH 11]

Worthy and worshipful sir, and my right good maister, I recomaund me to
yow. And do yow wete that this nyght at soper I was with my maistresse
your wyff at my maistresse Cleres, and blissed be God thei fare weel and
hopyn that [you[83.2]] shall sende themme good tidyng of your matier,
Whanne ye knowe the certeynte therof, &c. And my maistresse your modir
come thedir and fareth well and sendeth yow Goddis blissyng and heris,
and she bad me write to yow that she hath verey knowelage by a trewe and
trusty man, whos name she shall telle yow by mouthe atte your next
metyng, that ther was purposed a gret meyne of a wondir gaderyng of
shipmen abowte Conorhithe for to have come to Oxened, and putte me owt
there in a wers wyse thanne ye were put owt at Gresham; and this was
purposed for to have ben at Oxened and a ryfled and put in the
preest[83.3] there, but this purpose helde not, for thei were
countermandet, by what mene I can not knowe yeet. And[83.4] it is do hir
to wete that thei be purposed to be at Ox[n]ede a bowt midlent, and I am
promitted that I shall have ii. days warnyng by a good freend. And
therfor she prayeth yow that ye aspie besily if the preest come into
thir countre or noght. For if ought shall be doo I trowe the Frere wole
be there atte doyng. And if ye can aspie that he come hider, send my
maistresse word as hastily as ye may, and of your avyse and of all other
thyngges as ye seme, &c. And God have yow in his kepyng. Wretyn at ix.
on the clokke at evyn the noneday (_sic_) nex to fore Sent Gregory day
in hast.

My brother Bekke and his felawship shall telle yow more by mowthe thanne
I can telle yow now.

  Your servaunt,

  J. GRESHAM.

    [Footnote 83.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 178.] St. Gregory’s Day is
    doubtless that of St. Gregory the Pope (12 March), and this
    letter may be referred with certainty to the year 1448, just
    after Paston’s first expulsion from Gresham. The Monday before
    St. Gregory’s Day in that year would be the very day preceding.]

    [Footnote 83.2: Omitted in MS.]

    [Footnote 83.3: Friar John Hawteyn.]

    [Footnote 83.4: ‘and’ repeated in MS.]


75

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[84.1]

_To my ryth wyrchypful hwsbond, Jon Paston, be this lettyr delyveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1448 / APRIL]

Ryth wyrchypful hwsbond, I recomawnd me to zw, desyryng hertyly to heryn
of zour wel fare, praying zw to wete that I was with my Lady
Morley[84.2] on the Satyrday next after that ze departyd from hens, and
told here qhat answer that ze had of Jon Butt, and sche toke it ryth
straw[n]gely, and seyd that sche had told zw, and schewyd zw i now
[_enough_], qher by ze myth have knowleche that the releve owt [_ought_]
to ben payd to her. And sche seyd sche wyst wel that ze delay it forthe,
that sche xuld nowth have that longyth to her ryth. And sche told me hw
it was payd in Thomas Chawmbers tym, qhan her dowther Hastyngs[84.3] was
weddyd; and sche seyd sythyn that ze wyl make none end with her, sche
wyl sew therfore as law wyl.

I conseyvyd be here that sche had cwnsel to labore azens zw therin
withyn ryth schort tym. And than I prayd her that sche wuld vwche save
nowth to labowr azens zw in this mater tyl ze kom hom; and sche seyd
nay, be her feyth, sche wuld no more days zeve [_give_] zw therin. Sche
seyd sche had sett zw so many days to a kord with her, and ze had broke
them, that sche was ryth wery therof; and sche seyd sche was but a
woman, sche must don be her cownseyl, and her cwnseyle had avysyd her,
so sche seyd sche wyld do. Than I prayd her azyn that sche wuld teryn
[_tarry_] tyl ze kom hom, and I seyd I trostyd veryly that ze wuld don
qhan ze kom hom, as itt longeth to zw to don; and if ze myth have very
knowleche that sche awyth of ryth for to have itt, I seyd I wyst wel
that ze wuld pay it with ryth gode wyl, and told her that ze had sergyd
to a fownd wrytyng therof, and ze kwd non fynd in non wyse. And sche
sayd sche wyst wele there was wrytyng therof inow, and sche hath wrytyng
therof hw Syr Robert of Mawthby, and Sir Jon, and my grawnsyre, and
dyverse other of myn awncesterys payd it, and seyd nevyre nay therto.
And in no wyse I kwd not geyn no grawnth of her to sesyn tyl ze kom hom;
and sche bad me that I xuld don an erand to my moder, and qhan I kam
hom, I dede myn erand to her. And sche axyd me if I had spokyn to my
lady of this forseyd mater, and I told her hw I had do, and qhat answer
I had; and sche seyd sche xuld gon to my Lady Morles on the nexst day,
and sche xuld speken to her therof, and a say to getyn grawnt of her to
sesyn of the forsayd mater tyl that ze kom hom. And truly my moder dede
her dever ryth feythfully therin, as my cosyn Clare[85.1] xal tellyn zw
qhan that he speketh with zow; and sche gete grawnt of my seyd lady that
there xuld nowth ben don azens zw therin, and ze wold acordyn with her,
and don as ze owyn to do be twyx this tym and Trinyte Sunday.

Laueraw[n]ce Rede of Mawthhy recommawndeth hym to zu, and prayt zw that
ze wyl vwchesave to leten hym byn [_buy_] of zw the ferm barly that ze
xuld have of hym, and if ze wyl laten hym have it to a resonabyl pris,
he wyl have it with ryth a gode wyl; and he prayit zw if ze wyl that he
have it, that ze wyl owche save [_vouchsafe_] to send hym word at qhat
pris he xuld have the kowmb as hastyly as ze may, and ellys he must be
purvayd in other plase.

As twchyng other tydyngs, I sopose Jon of Dam xal send zw word in a
letter. As it is told me veryly, Heydon xal not kom at London this term.

It is seyd in this contre that Danyell[86.1] is owth of the Kyngs gode
grase, and he xal dwn and all hys mene, and all that ben hys wele
wyllers; there xal no man ben so hardy to don nether seyn azens my Lord
of Sowthfolk,[86.2] nere non that longeth to hym; and all that have don
and seyd azens hym, they xul sore repent hem. Kateryn Walsam xal be
weddyd on the Munday nexst after Trinyte Sonday, as it is told me, to
the galaunte with the grete chene; and there is purvayd for her meche
gode aray of gwnys, gyrdelys, and atyrys, and meche other gode aray, and
he hathe purcheysyd a gret purcheys of v. mark be zer to zevyn her to
her joynture.

I am aferd that Jon of Sparham is so schyttyl wyttyd, that he wyl sett
hys gode to morgage to Heydon, or to sum other of ywre gode frendys, but
if [_i.e._ unless] I can hold hym inne the better, ere ze kom hom. He
hath ben arestyd sythyn that ye went, and hath had moche sorw at the
sewte of mayster Joh Stoks of London for x. mark that Sparham owt to
hym; and in gode feyth he hath had so moche sorow and hevynesse that he
wyst nowth qhat he myth don. I fell hym so disposyd that he wold asold
and asett to morgage all that he hath, he had nowth rowth to qhom, so
that he myth an had mony to an holpyn hym self wyth; and I entretyd hym
so, thatt I sopose he wyll nother sellyn ner sett to morgage, nother
catel ner other gode of hese, tyl he speke with zw. He soposeth that al
that is don to hym is att the request of the Parson of Sparham and
Knatylsale. I sopose it is almas to comfort hym, for in gode feyth he is
ryth hevy, and hys wyf al so. He is nowth nw under arest, he hath payd
hys feys, and goth at large; he was arestyd att Sparham, of on of
Knatysales men.

Hodge Feke told me thatt Sym Schepherd is styl with Wylly,[86.3] and if
ze wyl I xal purvey that he xal be browth hom er ze kom hom. It is told
me that he that kept zour schep was owth lawyd on Munday at the swth of
Sir Thomas Todynham, and if it be so, ze arn nowth lyk to kepe hym
longe. And as twchyng that that ze badeyn me spekyn for to Bakton, he
seyth he is wel avysyd that sche seyd sche wuld never have to don with
all, ner he kan not pek that sche seyd sche hath non ryth to have it,
and he wyl say lyche as he hath herd her seyd; and if sche speke to hym
therof, he wyll rather hold with zw than with her. I pray ye that ze wyl
vwche save to send me word hw ze spede in zour matter twchyng Gressam,
and hw Danyel is in grace. Harry Goneld hath browth to me xl_s._ of
Gressam syn ze zede, and he seyth I xal have more or Qhythson tyd, if he
may pyk it up.

I sopose Jamys Gressam hath told zw of other thyngs that I have sped syn
ze zedyn hens. If I her any strawnge tydyngs in this contre, I xall send
zw word. I pray zw that I may ben recommawndyd to my Lord Danyel.

The Holy Trynyte have zw in hys kepyng, and send zw helth and gode spede
in al zour maters twchyng zour ryth.

Wretyn at Norwyche, on the Wedenys day nexst after thatt ze partyd hens.

  Yors,

  MARGARETE PASTON.

    [Footnote 84.1: [From Fenn, iii. 54.] The date of this letter is
    fixed by an endorsement in these words, ‘Literæ termino Paschæ
    anno xxvj.,’ showing that it was written in Easter term, in the
    26th year of Henry VI. Easter term in that year lasted from the
    10th of April to the 6th of May.]

    [Footnote 84.2: Isabel, widow of Thomas, Lord Morley, who died
    in 1435. She was the daughter of Michael de la Pole, Earl of
    Suffolk. Fenn confounds her with the widow of the Lord Morley
    who died in 1417, who was a daughter of Edward, Lord Dispencer,
    and had previously married Sir Hugh Hastings. But this lady died
    about 1426 (Blomefield, ii. 440), and cannot be the lady
    mentioned in the text.]

    [Footnote 84.3: Ann, married to John Hastyngs. --_See_
    Blomefield, ii. 430.]

    [Footnote 85.1: Probably William, eldest son of Robert Clere of
    Ormesby, who died in 1446. --_See_ Blomefield, vi. 336.]

    [Footnote 86.1: Thomas Daniel.]

    [Footnote 86.2: _See_ p. 80, note 2.]

    [Footnote 86.3: William Paston, son of the Judge (?).]

  [[Laueraw[n]ce Rede of Mawthhy
    _text unchanged: error for “Mawthby”?_]]

  [[mayster Joh Stoks of London
    _text unchanged: error for “Joh.” or “Jon”?_]]


76

LORD SCALES TO THOMAS GNATESHALE[87.1]

_To Thomas Gnateshale._

[Sidenote: Date uncertain]

Thomas Gnateshale, I wul ze wite it was oute of my remembrance that
Paston hade pout in my determinacion the discort betwene you and hym.
I was the more favourable to your entent, but in so mych as I had
forgete that beforesaid, I praye you that ye suffre the cornes in mene
hand til that I have determined the matier betwene you too be the advis
of lerned men whech han knowelich in such causses, the which thing I wul
do in as short tyme as may, wherof ze shal have knowelich.

Writen at Myddelton, the xiiij. day of August.

  THE LORD SCALES.

    [Footnote 87.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The person to whom this
    is addressed is probably the same ‘Knatysale’ mentioned in the
    preceding letter, and as it contains no evidence of any definite
    date, we think best to insert it here.]


77

ABSTRACT[88.1]

MARGARET PASTON TO HER HUSBAND (_not addressed_).

[Sidenote: 1448 / MAY 19]

On Friday last, the Parson of Oxened ‘being at messe in one Parossh
Chirche, evyn at levacion of the sakeryng, Jamys Gloys had been in the
town, and come homeward by Wymondam’s gate,’ when he was attacked by
Wymondham who had two of his men with him, and driven into ‘my mother’s
place’ for refuge. With the noise of this, my mother and I came out of
the church from the sakeryng, and Wymondham ‘called my mother and me
strong whores, and said, ye Pastons and all her kin were . . . . . . .
yngham said he lied, knave and churl as he was.’ After noon my mother
and I reported this to the Prior of Norwich, who sent for Wymondham;
and Pagrave came with us. While Wymondham was with the Prior, and we at
home, Gloys was assaulted again in the street, ‘as he stood in the Lady
Hastyngs’ chamber,’ by Thomas Hawys, one of Wymondham’s men. This last
assault the Parson of Oxened saw. Sends Gloys to her husband for fear of
further trouble. The Lady Morle ‘would have the benefice of her
obligacion,’ as her counsel tells her it is forfeit, and she would not
have the relief till she have your homage. The Lord Moleyns’ man is
collecting the rent at Gresham ‘a great pace,’ as James Gresham will
report to you.

  Trinity Sunday, at even.

  Further statement about the assault added in a different hand
  (qu. Agnes Paston’s?).

  [From the fact of Lord Molyns being in possession of Gresham, and
  collecting rents there, it is clear that the date of this letter is
  1448. This date also agrees with what is said in Letter 75 about a
  relief claimed by Lady Morley.]

    [Footnote 88.1: [From Phillipps MS. 9735, No. 256.]]


78

JOHN NORTHWOOD TO JOHN, VISCOUNT BEAUMONT[88.2]

_To my worschypful and reverent Lord, John, Vicont Beaumont._

[Sidenote: 1448 / MAY 28]

Rygth worschypfull, and my reverent and most spesiall Lord, y recomaund
me un to yowr good grace in the most humble and lowly wyse that y canne
or may, desyryng to her of your prosperite and well fare [as to
my][88.3] most syngeler joy and spesiall comfort.

And gyf hyt plees your Hygnes, as towchyng the soden aventuer that fell
latly at Coventre, plees hyt your Lordshyp to her that, on Corpus
Christi Even[89.1] last passed, be twene viij. and ix. of the clok at
a[fternon],[89.2] Syr Umfrey Stafford[89.3] had browth my mayster Syr
James of Urmond[89.4] towa[r]d hys yn [_inn_] from my Lady of
Shrewesb[ery,[89.5] and][89.2] reterned from hym toward hys yn, he met
with Syr Robert Harcourt[89.6] comyng from hys moder towards hys yn, and
pass[ed Syr][89.2] Umfrey; and Richard, hys son, came somewhat be hynd,
and when they met to gyder, they fell in handes togyder, and [Sir
Robert][89.2] smot hym a grette st[r]oke on the hed with hys sord, and
Richard with hys dagger hastely went toward hym. And as he stombled, on
of Harcourts men smot hym in the bak with a knyfe; men wotte not ho hyt
was reddely. Hys fader hard noys, and rode toward hem, and hys men ronne
befor hym thyder ward; and in the goyng downe of hys hors, on, he wotte
not ho, be hynd hym smot hym on the hede with a nege tole, men know not
with us with what wepone, that he fell downe; and hys son fell downe be
fore hym as good as dede. And all thys was don, as men sey, in a Pater
Noster wyle. And forth with Syr Umfrey Stafford men foloed after, and
slew ij. men of Harcowrttus, on Swynerton, and Bradshawe, and mo ben
hurt; sum ben gonne, and sum be in pryson in the jayll at Coventre.

And before the coroner of Coventre, up on the sygth of the bodyes, ther
ben endited, as prynsipall for the deth of Richard Stafford, Syr Robert
Harcourt and the ij. men that ben dede. And for the ij. men of Harcourts
that ben dede, ther ben endited ij. men of Syr Umfrey as prynsipall. And
as gytte ther hath ben no thyng fownden before the Justice of the Pees
of Coventre of thys riot, be caws the shreffe of Warwyk shyre is
dede,[90.1] and they may not sytt in to the tyme ther be a new shreve.

And all thys myschef fell be cawse of a nold debate that was be twene
heme for takyng of a dystres, as hyt is told.

And All mygthty Jesu preserve yowr hye astat, my spesiall Lord, and send
yow long lyve and good hele.

Wryten at Coventre on Tewusday next after Corpus Christi day, &c.

  Be yowr own pore Servant,

  JOHN NORTHWOD.

    [Footnote 88.2: [From Fenn, i. 12.] The date of this letter will
    appear by a foot-note.]

    [Footnote 88.3: The bracketed words are noted by Fenn as
    ‘imperfect in the original, the paper being chafed.’]

    [Footnote 89.1: 22nd May.]

    [Footnote 89.2: The bracketed words are noted by Fenn as
    ‘imperfect in the original, the paper being chafed.’]

    [Footnote 89.3: Killed in an engagement with Jack Cade in June
    1450.]

    [Footnote 89.4: Probably Sir James Butler, son and heir-apparent
    of James, fourth Earl of Ormond, who in 1449 was created Earl of
    Wiltshire.]

    [Footnote 89.5: Wife of John Talbot, the famous Earl of
    Shrewsbury.]

    [Footnote 89.6: He signalised himself in the wars of Henry VI.
    and Edward IV., was a Knight of the Garter, and in November
    1470, 10 Edward IV., was slain by the Staffords, perhaps in
    revenge for this murder of Richard Stafford.--F.]

    [Footnote 90.1: Thomas Porter was sheriff of the counties of
    Warwick and Leicester in 26 Henry VI., and died in his year of
    office on Monday after Corpus Christi day (27th May 1448), the
    day before this letter was written.--Inquisition _post mortem_,
    27 Henry VI., No. 13.]


79

LORD MOLYNS TO THE BISHOP OF WINCHESTER[90.2]

_To the worschypful Fader yn God, and my ryth gode Lord, the Bysshop of
Wynchestyr.[90.3]_

[Sidenote: 1448 / JUNE 13]

Worschypful Fader yn God, and my rythe gode Lord, as hertely as y canne,
y recomaund me to your gode Lordschyp; to the wyche plese hyt to wyt
that y have resayvyd your lettre, by the wyche y oundyrstond the dayely
sute to your Lordschyp as of Pastun, as for the mater betwyx hym and me,
wer yn also y fele that he ys wyllyd that comynycasyon and trete schold
be had betwyxt hys counsayle and myne, now at Mydsomer; to the wyche, my
Lord, y am at the reverens of your Lordschyp wel agreyd, and have send
to my counsayle at Loundon, aftyr the seyng of thys your last letter,
as for the trete by twyxt hym and me, and that they schold yeve ful
attendauns to the end of the mater by twne the sayde Pastun and me, as
thow y were present with hem.

And, my Lord, hyt were to grete a thyng, and hyte laye yn my power, but
y wold do at the reverens of your Lordschyp, yn las than hyt schold hurt
me to gretly, wyche y wote wel your Lordschyp wol nevyr desyr.

And God for hys mercy have you, rythe worschypful Fadyr yn God, and my
rythe gode Lord, yn hys blessyd kepyng.

Wrytyn with my noune chaunsery hand, yn hast, the xiij. daye of June,
at Teffaunt.

  Vere hartely your,

  MOLYNS.

    [Footnote 90.2: [From Fenn, i. 190.] It appears, by John
    Paston’s petition presented to Parliament two years later, that
    after he had been dispossessed of Gresham by Lord Molyns in
    February 1448, communications passed between his counsel and
    that of Lord Molyns on the subject until Michaelmas following.
    This letter must refer to the first overtures.]

    [Footnote 90.3: The celebrated William of Waynflete.]


80

ANONYMOUS TO JOHN PASTON[91.1]

[Sidenote: 1448]

[Illustration]

Worchepeful mayster I recomend me to yow: and I pray yow to wete I was
at Katefeld in Cobbes place for to se the armes as ye comaunded me, and
the feld is gold wyth iii. bukkeles of sylver mad on the wyse as it is
her, wyth floweris of sylver on the bukkelis mad of iiij. lyke a
trewlove. Also, syr, I have spoke to a fryer that is conversaunt at
Wykelwode wyth Randolffis dowter and he hath behestid me for to gete me
Randolffis armes of hese dowter Wyltones wyf; but I have not yet spoke
wyth the frier a yen. Also I pray yow to wete that I was at Mauteby and
ye have there CC. combz of malt if ye wyl gef for xiiii_d._ a combz in
the comes and xxi. for xx. ye shal have redy mony, as I suppose, for
Pykeryng sellyth for xi_d._ and xii_d._ the lest that hath, as the
parson of Mauteby tellyth me. And the parson and I have do throche your
qwete for it was ete wyth myse to petowsly for to se; and if it plese
yow I pray yow that ye wyl send me word qwhedyr ye wyl selle your malt
and your qhete aftyr the pryse of the countre or (?) it shal be purveyid
for to kepe it til ye may sett. And I have spoke to Lawrauns Reede for
the ferme; but he wyl not take it, as I conseyve, til he speke wyth yow.
I suppos for to a made a covienaunt wyth hym, but he hath no sewerte
yet, and the londis shal not be in your handis til myhelmes as he
seyeth; ther for he is the mor terying, &c. I beseche all myti Jhesu
spede yow and kepe yow.

  [_Not signed._]

  On the back are some names of families in a contemporary hand, and
  five shields of arms tricked in a modern hand, the latter being
  apparently the armorial bearings of ancestors of the Earl of
  Yarmouth, to whom there is a letter addressed by ‘Wm. Smyth’ upon
  this subject at f. 146 of the MS.

    [Footnote 91.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 143.] This letter is
    neither signed nor addressed, but there is no doubt the person
    for whom it was intended was John Paston the eldest, who
    possessed property at Mautby in right of his wife. The reference
    to Laurence Reede seems further to show that it is of the year
    1448. See p. 85.]


81

JAMES GLOYS TO JOHN PASTON[92.1]

_To my Ryght Wurchepfull master John Paston be this deliuered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1448 / DEC. 3]

Right reverent and wurchepfull sir, I recommande me to yow, desyryng to
here of yowr welfare, the which gracyows God contynually preserve and
kepe to yowr gostly hele and bodily welfare; praying yow to wete that as
for the broke sylver that my mastres wend for to a sent yow whan she
dede wryte her letter, ther is none in your forcer; she supposyd that ye
left it at Norwiche in yowr cofere, wher of ye have the key. Also my
mastres yowr moder grete yow wele, and pray yow to send her word how she
shall do with Edward of Whode of Paston; for she dede seys his corn on
the lond the last hervest, and he led it a wey after that it whas seysyd
with awth licens and leve of here or any of here offyceris. Item, my
mastres yowr syster recommand her hertly to yow, and pray yow that and
ye wold wochesaff to speke to my master Edmund, and pray hym if that he
hath bowth here ger that she sent to hym fore, that he wold send it her
home; in cas that[93.1] he have not bowth it, that he wold be it and
sent it here in all the hast that he may goodly. Forthermore if it plese
yow to her of my master Berney, he was at Gresham with my mastres on the
Tuysday next after Halwemasday, the same day that we dystreynyd Jamys
Rokkysson, and I had mette a litill a fore with Pertrych, and he thrett
me, and sayd that we shuld not long kepe the dystresse, and there for my
mastres dede us don on owr jakkys and owr salettis. My master Berney cam
in and the parson of Oxened with hym and sey us in owre jakkis, and he
wexe as pale as any herd and wold right fayn a ben thens. So my mastres
dede hym dyne, and whill thei wher at dynar Herry Collys told my mastres
openly among us all that the same tyme that Pertrych entryd a geyn up on
yow, his master was at Causton to yow ward, and there it was told hym
that Pertrych had putt yow owth and all your men, and that ye and my
mastres wher redyn a geyn to Norwhich, and all your howshold, and that
causyd hym that he cam no forther that tyme; and my Master Berney
confermyd all this and seyd that it was so. Whan thei had etyn he had
mych hast to a be thens, so my mastres desyryd and prayd hym that he
wold come a geyn or aght long; and so with mych praying he be hest her
if he mythe. And Herry Collys stode ther bysyde and seyd to my felachep,
‘What shuld my master do here,’ quod he, ‘lete yowr master send after
his kynnysmen at Mautby, for thei have nowth that thei mawn lese.’ And
so thei redyn her wey. And with in a sevenygt after my master Berney
sent Davy to my mastres, and prayd my mastres that she wold hold his
master excusyd, for he had hurt his owyn hors that he rode up on; and he
dede Davy sadillyn an oder hors; and he stode by and made water whill he
sadyllyd hym, and as Davy shuld a kyrt the hors, he slenkyd behynd and
toke his master on the hepe suyche a stroke that never man may trust hym
after, and brake his hepe. And he had sent Herry Collys to Norwhich for
medycynys, so he must ryde hom the same nygt; for his master had no man
at home. So my mastres was rygth sory, and wend that it had be trowth,
but I know wele that it was not so. It happyd that I rod the next day to
Norwhich, and I rood in to my mastres your moder, and she dede aske me
after my master Berney, and I told here how he was hurt. And she askyd
the parson of Oxened if he wer hurt, and he seyd nay; for Davy lay with
hym the same nygt a fore and told hym that he was heyll and mery, and
prayd hym that he wold be with hym the Sonday next after; and so Davy
lay the same nygt after that he had told my mastres the tale with the
parson of Oxened. I beseche yow of yowre gode masterchep that ye wold
not do wreythe this letter, for and my mastres knew that I sent yow
suyche a letter I were never abyll to loke up on her, nor to abyde in
her heysyte. My mastres yowr moder hath sent yow ij. letteris; she hath
in dosyd hem to my master Edmunde, and she wuld wete if ye had hem or
nawth. The Holy Trynyte have yow in kepyng. Wrytyne at Norwhich on Sent
Clementis evyn. In hast.

  Your servaunt,

  JAMIS GLOYS.

    [Footnote 92.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 57.] This letter bears upon
    the dispute about Gresham, and is probably of the year 1448, for
    it is to be presumed that Edmund Paston died shortly after the
    date of his nuncupative will, 21st March 1449.]

    [Footnote 93.1: The word ‘that’ is repeated in the MS. by
    inadvertence.]

  [[she hath in dosyd hem to my master Edmunde
    _text unchanged: error for “in closyd” or “in dorsyd”?_]]


82

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[94.1]

_To my ryght worchippfull hosbond, John Paston, be this delyveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1449(?) / JAN. 31]

Right worchipfull hosbond, I recommand me to yow, praying yow to wete
that I have receyved your letter this day that ye sent me be Yelvertonys
man. As for your signette, I fond itt uppon your bord the same day that
ye went hens, and I send it yow be Richrad Heberd, bringer herof. As for
your eronds that ye wrete to me fore, Richard Charles is owte abough
your eronds abowte Gresham, and for his awyn maters also, and I suppose
he komyth not hom tyll it be Tesday or Weddenesday next komyng; and
alssone as he komyth hom, he shall go abowte your eronds that ye wrete
to me fore.

I sent yow a letter wreten on Tesday last past, whiche, as I suppose,
Roger Ormesby delyveryd yow. I toke it to Alson Pertryche. She rod with
Clyppysbys wyff to London.

I pray yow if ye have an other sone that you woll lete it be named
Herry, in remembrans of your brother Herry;[95.1] also I pray yow that
ye woll send me dats and synamun as hastyly as ye may. I have speke with
John Damme of that ye bad me sey to hem to sey to Thomas Note, and he
sey he was wel payd that ye seyd and thowgh therin as ye dede. Ner’les I
bad hym that he shuld sey to the seyd Thomas therin as it wer of hymself
with owte your avys or any others; and he seyd he shuld so, and that it
shuld be purveyd for this next weke at the ferthest. The blyssed Trinyte
have yow in his kepyng.

Wretyn att Norwyche, in hast, the Fryday next befor Candelmesse day.

  Be your gronyng wyff,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 94.1: [From Fenn, iii. 408.] Fenn thinks this was
    written about 1460, but I do not see on what evidence. From the
    reference to Gresham, I should rather suppose it belongs to
    1449. By the subscription, it would appear that the writer was
    very near the time of lying in; but we cannot tell the exact
    date of the birth of any of her children. Lord Molyns
    dispossessed John Paston of the lordship of Gresham on the 17th
    of February 1448. After repeated remonstrances on the subject to
    no purpose, Paston went and took up his quarters there again on
    the 6th October 1449, and succeeded in keeping possession till
    the 28th January 1450, when the place was attacked, in his
    absence, by Lord Molyns’ men, who undermined the walls, and
    drove out Paston’s wife. The ‘errands about Gresham’ probably
    refer to the time of Lord Molyns’ first occupation.]

    [Footnote 95.1: No notice is taken elsewhere of John Paston
    having a brother named Harry.]


83

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[95.2]

[Sidenote: 1449 / FEB. 28]

Begs him not to be displeased though she be out of the place he left her
in; for she heard such tidings that she durst not abide there. Divers of
my Lord Moleyns’ men said if they might get her they would steal her and
keep her in the castle; ‘and than they said they would that ye should
fetch me out. They said it should be but a little heartburning to you.’
After that I could have no rest till I was here. I did not venture out
of the place till I was ready to ride, and no one knew an hour before
but the good wife, whom I told that I was coming here to get gear made
for me and the children. I beg you will keep secret the cause of my
coming away till I see you. I spoke with your mother on my way hither,
who offered to let me abide in her place if you wished me to stay in
Norwich, and to give me such gear as she could spare till you can be
purveyed of a place of your own. Let me know what to do. I should be
sorry to dwell so near Grassam as I did, till the matter between you and
the Lord Moleyns is settled. Barow said there was no better evidence in
England than Lord M. had of Gressam. I said I supposed they were such as
William Hasard spoke of, the seals of which were not yet cold, and that
you had evidence with seals 200 years older. Do not on any account trust
Lord Moleyns and his men, or eat or drink with them, though they speak
ever so fair. Roger Foke of Sparham dare not leave his house for the
suit Heydon and Wyndham have against him. Watkin Shipdam wishes you to
speak to Sir J. Fastolf about the harness you had of him, etc.

  Norwich, Friday after Pulver Wednesday.

    [Footnote 95.2: This abstract was made from one of the Roydon
    Hall MSS. shown to the Editor in 1875. Since that date he has
    not seen the original.]

  [[the harness you had of him, etc.  _final . missing or invisible_]]


84

ROBERT, PRIOR OF BROMHOLM, TO JOHN PASTON[96.1]

_To my Sovereyn, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1449(?) / MARCH 5]

I recomend me hertily, thankyng yow for the tydings, and the good awysse
that ze sent me be the Parson of Thorpe;[96.2] latyng zow wittin that
the Byschope of the todir syde of the see sent laate to me a man, the
qwych wuld abydin uppon my leyser, for to an had me ovyr wyt hym to the
seyd Byschope, and so forth to the Courte.[96.3] So the seyd man and I
arryn a poynted that he schal comyn ageyn a purpose fro the Byschope, to
be my gyde ovyr the see, and so I purpose me fully forthe a noon aftir
this Estryn. I mak me evyre day fulli redy as privyli as I can, be
sekyng zow, as I trost on zow, and as I am zour trow bede man, as labor
for me her that I mythe haf a wyrte of passagche directid un[to] swyche
men as zow thyng that schyd best yife me my schargche.

The best takyng of schepynge is at Yernemuthe er Kyrley, or som othir
place in Norfolk syde. I schal haf favour he now [_enough_] wyt ther
seergiours [_searchers_]; bod all my goode spede and all my wel lythe in
you heer, for ther on I trost fully.

Som cownsel me to haf a letter of exschawnge, thow it wer bode of xl_s._
er lees, bod I comitte all my best in this matir to zour wysdam, and
qwat at evyr ze pay in this matir, I schal truly at owr metyng repay
ageyn to zow. Bod for Godds love purvey for my sped her, for ell
[_else_] I lees all my purvyans, and ther too I schyd jaape[97.1] the
Byschope man, and caus hym to com in to Yngland, and lees all his
labour. For Goddis love, send me down this wyrte, er ell bryng it wyt
zow, that I mythe haf fro zow a letter of tydings and comforthe; for I
had nevyr verray need of zour labor til now, bod my hert hangithe in
gret langor.

All my brethir wenyth that I schyd no forthir goo than to the Byschope,
and undir that colour schal I weel go forthe to the Courte. I haf gret
stody til I haf tydings fro zow. Avyr mor All mythi Good haf zow in
kepyng, bodi and soule.

Writtin in hast, the Wednesday in the fyrst week of clen Lent.[97.2]

  Your Orator,

  ROBT., P. OF B.

I sent zow a letter, bod I hade non answer ageyn.

    [Footnote 96.1: [From Fenn, iii. 80.] There is no distinct clue
    to the date of this letter; but Fenn throws out a conjecture
    which, in default of any better guide, may be accepted as not
    improbable, that ‘the Bishop of the other side of the sea’ was
    Walter Lyhert, Bishop of Norwich, who in the beginning of 1449
    must have been in Savoy, having been sent thither by the King to
    persuade the anti-pope Felix V. to renounce his claim to
    Nicholas V. for the peace of the Church. This Felix actually did
    in the beginning of this year, and Wharton considers Bishop
    Lyhert to have been the cause of his doing so (Angl. Sac. i.
    418). Fenn, however, dates this letter 1450, on the supposition
    that the Bishop would have been still abroad in the beginning of
    that year, which is a mistake, as his name appears in the Rolls
    of Parliament as a trier of petitions as early as February.]

    [Footnote 96.2: Robert Rogers was parson of Thorpe from 1445 to
    1476.]

    [Footnote 96.3: Court of Rome.]

    [Footnote 97.1: Deceive.]

    [Footnote 97.2: The first week in Clean Lent means the first
    _entire_ week in Lent beginning on a Sunday.]


85

NUNCUPATIVE WILL OF EDMUND PASTON[98.1]

[Sidenote: 1449 / MARCH 21]

Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos præsens scriptum pervenerit, Nos,
Willelmus May, Magister Novi Templi, London’, Johannes Bakton gentilman,
Thomas Parker, civis et cissor Londoni, et Johannes Osbern, salutem in
Domino sempiternam. Sciatis quod xxj. die Martij Anno Domini
mccccxlviij.[98.2] Edmundus Paston de comitatu Norff., armiger, in bona
memoria ac sana mente existens, languens in extremis, in nostra
præsentia, condidit et declaravit testamentum suum nuncupativum in hunc
modum:--In primis, legavit animam suam Deo Omnipotenti, Beatæ Mariæ
Virgini et omnibus Sanctis, corpusque suum ad sepeliendum in ecclesia
Templi prædicti, sive in ecclesia Fratrum Carmelitarum London’ [ad
electionem sui confessoris[98.3]]. Item dictus Edmundus, pro eo quod
noluit circa bona sive negocia temporalia mentem sive animam suam
affligere seu occupare, set ad æternam felicitatem se præparare, dedit,
legavit ac commisit omnia bona et catalla sua prædilecto fratri suo
Johanni Paston, ex magna confidencia in ipso habita ut ea disponeret pro
bono animæ suæ, prout melius videret Deo placere ac animæ suæ prodesse.
Et dictum Johannem Paston ordinavit et constituit executorem suum. In
cujus rei testimonum præsentibus sigilla nostra apposuimus.

  _Endorsed_--Copia ultimæ voluntatis Edmundi Paston.

  _Endorsed in a later hand_--Testamentum Edmundi Paston secundi filii
  Willelmi Paston Justiciarii.

    [Footnote 98.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 98.2: This is 1449 according to the modern
    computation, which begins the year on the 1st of January instead
    of the 25th March.]

    [Footnote 98.3: These words are erased.]


86

LORD MOLYNS TO THE TENANTS OF GRESHAM[99.1]

_To my trusty and wel belovyd, the Vycary and Tenaunts of my Lordschepe
of Gressham._

[Sidenote: 1449 / MARCH 24]

Trusty and welbeloved frendys, I grete yowe well, and putte yowe all
owte of doute for all that ye have doon for me; and the money that ye
pay to my welbeloved servaunt, John Partrich, I will be your warant as
for your discharge, and save yowe harmeles ayenst all thoo that wold
greve yowe, to my power. And, as hertly as I can, I thanke yow of the
gud wyl ye have had, and have, toward me. And as to the tytyll of rigth
that I have to the Lordship of Gressam schal with in short tyme be
knoweyn, and be the lawe so determynyd, that ye schall all be glad that
hathe ought me youre gud wyll therin.

And All Myghty God kepe yow; and, be His grace, I schall be with yowe
son aftyr the Parlement es endyd.

Wrytten atte London, on Oure Lady evyn last past.

  R. H., LORD MOLYNS.

    [Footnote 99.1: [From Fenn, i. 192.] Lord Molyns took possession
    of Gresham, as already shown--see page 94, note 1,--on the 17th
    of February 1448; but the reference to Parliament as sitting at
    the date of this letter proves it to belong either to 1449 or
    1450. The latter date, however, is not very probable.]


87

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[99.2]

_To my rytz wurschipful Mayster, Jon Paston, be this delyverid in hast,
dwelling in the Inner Tempill._

[Sidenote: 1449 / APRIL 2]

Rytz wurschipful hosbond, I recommawnd me to zu, praying zu to wete that
my kosyn Cler[99.3] dynyd with me this day; and sche told me that Heydon
was with her yister evyn late, and he told her that he had a letter from
the Lord Moleynys, and schewyd her the same letter, praying hym that he
wold seyn to his frends and wele willerres in this contre that he
thanketh hem of her godewill, and for that thei have done for hym; and
also praying Heydon that he wold sey to Rychard Ernold of Crowmer that
he was sory and evyl payd that his men maden the afray up on hym, for he
seyd it was not be his will that his men xuld make afray on noman in
this contre with owth rytz grett cause. And as for that was don to zu if
it mytz ben prevyd that he had don otherwise to zu than rytz wold as for
the mevabyl godis, ze xuld ben content, so that ze xuld have cawse to
kon hym thank; and he prayd Heydon in the letter that it xuld ben
reportid in this kontre that he wold don so, if he had don otherwyse
than he owth to don.

The frere[100.1] that cleymyth Oxned was in this town zastyrday and this
day, and was ledgid att Beris, and this afternon he rod, but qhedder I
wote not. He seyd pleynly in this town that he xal have Oxnede, and that
he hath my lord of Suffolkes[100.2] good lordschip, and he wol ben his
good lord in that mater. There was a persone warnyd my moder with in
this to days that sche xuld ben ware, for thei seyd pleynly sche was lyk
to ben servyd as ze were servyd at Gressam with in rytz schort tyme.
Also the Lord Moleyns wrott in his forseyd letter that he wold mytyly,
with his body and with his godis, stand be all tho that had ben his
frends and his wel willers in the mater towching Gressam, and preyd
Heydon that he wold sey to them that thei xuld not ben aferd in non
wyse, for that was don it xuld ben abedyn by.

My moder prayith zu that ze wil send my brother Willyam to Kawmbrege
anomynale[100.3] and abok of sofystre of my brother Emundes[100.4], the
qheche my seyd brother be hestid my moder the last tyme he spak with
her, that he xuld asent [_should have sent_] to my brother Willyam.
The blisseful Trinyte have zu in his keping.

Wretyn at Norwyche in hast, on the Wodenysday next be for Palm Sonday.

  Zowres,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 99.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The date of this letter
    is evidently both after Paston’s expulsion from Gresham by Lord
    Molyns in February 1448, and after the death of Edmund Paston in
    1449. It cannot, however, be so late as 1450, else Hauteyn would
    not have expected to obtain possession of Oxnead through the
    Duke of Suffolk’s influence.]

    [Footnote 99.3: Elizabeth, widow of Robert Clere of Ormesby.]

    [Footnote 100.1: John Hawteyn. --_See_ Nos. 46 and 50.]

    [Footnote 100.2: William De la Pole, Duke of Suffolk.]

    [Footnote 100.3: A _nominale_.]

    [Footnote 100.4: Edmund Paston, who must have died very shortly
    after declaring his will on the 21st of March 1449.]


88

[MARGARET PASTON] TO [JOHN PASTON][101.1]

[Sidenote: 1449(?)]

Ryt wurchipful hwsbond, I recomawnd me to zu, and prey zw to gete som
crosse bowis, and wyndacs[101.2] to bynd them with, and quarrels;[101.3]
for zour hwsis her ben so low that ther may non man schet owt with no
long bowe, thow we hadde never so moche nede.

I sopose ze xuld have seche thyngs of Ser Jon Fastolf, if ze wold send
to hym; and also I wold ze xuld gete ij. or iij. schort pelleaxis to
kepe with doris, and als many jakkys, and ye may.

Partryche[101.4] and his felaschep arn sor aferyd that ze wold entren
azen up on them, and they have made grete ordynaw[n]ce with inne the
hwse, as it is told me. They have made barris to barre the dorys crosse
weyse, and they have made wykets on every quarter of the hwse to schote
owte atte, bothe with bowys and with hand gunnys; and the holys that ben
made forr hand gunnys, they ben scarse kne hey fro the plawncher
[_floor_], and of soche holis ben made fyve. There can non man schete
owt at them with no hand bowys.

Purry felle in felaschepe with Willyum Hasard at Querles, and told hym
that he wold com and drynk with Partryche and with hym, and he seyd he
xuld ben welcome, and after none he went thedder for to aspye qhat they
dedyn, and qhat felachep they hadde with them; and qhan he com thedder,
the dors were fast sperid [_fastened_], and there wer non folks with hem
but Maryoth, and Capron and hys wyf, and Querles wyf, a[n]d another man
in ablac (?) zede sum qhate haltyng, I sopose be his words that it was
Norfolk of Gemyngham; and the seyd Purry aspyde alle this forseyd
thyngs. And Marioth and his felaschep had meche grette langage that xall
ben told zw qhen ze kom hom.

I pray zw that ze wyl vowche save to don bye for me j. li. [1 _lb._] of
almands and j. li. of sugyr, and that ze wille do byen sume frese to
maken of zour child is gwnys; ze xall have best chepe and best choyse of
Hayis wyf, as it is told me. And that ze wyld bye a zerd of brode clothe
of blac for an hode fore me of xliiij^_d._ or iiij^_s._ a zerd, for ther
is nether gode cloth ner god fryse in this twn. As for the child is
gwnys, and I have them, I wel do hem maken.

The Trynyte have zw in his keping, and send zw gode spede i[n] alle zour
materis.

    [Footnote 101.1: [From Fenn, iii. 314.] ‘The direction of this
    curious letter,’ says Fenn, ‘is obliterated, but it is plainly
    from Margaret Paston to her husband; and the paper is likewise
    so completely filled with writing, that she has not even either
    subscribed or dated it, but by the mentioning of Sir John
    Fastolf it must have been written before 1459.’ It appears to us
    most probably to belong to the year 1449, when Paston was making
    preparations to re-enter Gresham, which he actually did in
    October of that year.]

    [Footnote 101.2: Windacs are what we now call grappling irons,
    with which the bow-string is drawn home.--F.]

    [Footnote 101.3: Properly _quarreaux_. They were square pyramids
    of iron shot out of crossbows.--Grose’s _Milit. Antiq._ i. 149.]

    [Footnote 101.4: John Partrich, one of Lord Molyns’s retainers.]


89

WILLIAM COTYNG TO JOHN PASTON[102.1]

_To the right reverent sir my most worshipful maister, my maister John
Paston._

[Sidenote: About 1449 / APRIL]

Right reverent and my most worshipful maister, I recomaund me to yow.
Please it yow to wete that the man whiche I wolde have hadde to a be
youre fermour at Snaillewelle hath tolde me that he will not therof,
and this he makith his excuse; he seythe that he shall dwelle with his
wyffes fader and fynden hym for his good as longe as he levyth and he
will no forther medill in the werde. I fele well by hym that he hath
inquered of the maner, for he coude telle me well that olde Briggeman
aught my maister, your fader, whom God assoile, moche good, and how that
he hadde al that was ther whanne Briggeman was ded; and that this
Briggeman owith yow moche good at this tyme. I answered therto, as for
olde Briggeman, I seide that it was his will that my maister shulde have
his good, be cause he was a bonde man and hadde no childer. And as for
this Briggeman, I seide that he hath bought a faire place sithe he was
your fermour, and payed therfor; but for this I kan not turne hym.
Wherfor, and it like yow to sende to me a bille of the value of the
maner, I shall inquere if any other may happe to be gete, and sende yow
worde therof; and in this and what ye will comaunde me ellys I shall do
my parte by the grace of our Lord, Who ever have yow in His kepyng.
Amen. Writen at Cambrigge the Sunday nexte before the fest of Seynt
George.

My maister your brother[103.1] recomaundeth hym to yow, as me semyth he
is in right febill hele. he will not telle me qwy, save he seyth he
compleyned onys and hadde no remedy, and therfor he seythe he shall
suffer for a seoson. Forsothe I suppose he is not intreted as he aught
to be.

  Your servaunt and bedeman,

  W. COTYNG.

    [Footnote 102.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 164.] This letter must
    have been written about the year 1449, when William Paston, son
    of the Judge, was a student at Cambridge.]

    [Footnote 103.1: William Paston.]

  [[he will not telle me qwy  _lower-case “he” in original_]]


90

ROBERT WENYNGTON TO THOMAS DANIEL[103.2]

_To my Reverend Mayster, Thomas Danyell, Squier for the Kyngs Body, be
thys letter delyverd in haste._

[Sidenote: 1449 / MAY 25]

Most reverend mayster, I recomaund me on to yowr graceus maystreschup,
ever deseryng to her of yowr wurschupfull ustate, the whyche All myghte
God mayntayne hyt, and encrese hyt on to hys plesans: Plesyng yow to
know of my wellfare, and of all yowr men, at the makyng of thys letter,
we wer in gode hele of body i blessyd be God.

Mo over, mayster, I send yow word, by Rauly Pykeryng, of all maters, the
whyche I be seche yow yeve hym credens, as he wyll enforme yow of all;
so, sur, I beseche yow, in the reverens of God, that ye wyll enforme owr
Soverayn Lord the Kyng of all maters that I send yow in thys letter,
lyke as I have send a letter to my Lord Chaunseler and to all my Lordys
by the sayd Pykeryng; the whyche letter I beseche yow that ye take and
delyver to my Lord and all my Lordys by yowr awne handys, and lete the
sayd Pykeryng declare all thyngs as he hath sayn and knoweth.

Furst, I send yow word that when we went to see, we toke ij. schyppys of
Brast comyng owte of Flaundrys; and then after, ther ys made a grete
armyng in Brytayne to mete with me and my felyschyp, that ys to say, the
grete schyp of Brast, the grete schyp of the Morleys, the grete schyp of
Vanng, with other viij. schyppis, bargys, and balyngers, to the number
of iij. m^li [3000] men; and so we lay in the see to me[te] with them.

And then we mette with a flotte of a c. [_a hundred_] grete schyppys of
Pruse, Lubycke, Campe, Rastocke, Holond, Selond, and Flandres, betwyte
Garnyse [_Guernsey_] and Portland; and then I cam abord the Admirall,
and bade them stryke in the Kyngys name of Englond, and they bade me
skyte in the Kyngs name of Englond; and then I and my feleschyp sayd,
but [_unless_] he wyll streke don the sayle, that I wyld over sayle ham
by the grace of God, and God wyll send me wynd and wether; and dey bade
me do my wurst, by cause I had so fewe schyppys and so smale, that they
scornyd with me. And as God wuld, on Fryday last was, we had a gode
wynd, and then we armyd to the number of ij. m^l. [2000] men in my
felyschyp, and made us redy for to over sayle them; and then they
lonchyd a bote, and sette up a stondert of truesse, and com and spake
with me. And ther they were yolded all the hundret schyppys to go with
me in what port that me lust and my felawys; but they faothe with me the
day before, and schotte atte us a j. m^l. [1000] gonnys, and
quarell[105.1] owte of number, and have slayn meny of my felyschyp, and
meymyd all soo. Wherfor me thyngkyt that they haye forfett bothe schypps
and godys at our Soverayn Lord the Kyngys wyll. Besechyng yow that ye do
yowr parte in thys mater, for thys I have wrytyn to my Lord
Chaunseler[105.2] and all my Lordys of the Kyngys Counsell; and so I
have brofte them, all the c. [_hundred_] shyppys, within Wyght, in spyte
of them all.

And ye myght gete leve of owr Soverayn Lord the Kyng to com hydder, hyt
schall turne yow to grete wurschup and profett, to helpe make owr a
poyntement in the Kyngs name, for ye sawe never suche a syght of
schyppys take in to Englond this c. wynter; for we ly armyd nyght and
day to kepe them, in to the tyme that we have tydengs of our Soverayn
and hys counsell. For truly they have do harme to me, and to my
feleschyp, and to yowr schyppys more [than] ij. m^l. li.[105.3] worth
harme; and therfor I am avesyd, and all my feleschyp, to droune them and
slee them, withoute that we hafe tydyngs from owr Soverayn the Kyng and
hys counsell. And therfor, in the reverens of God, come ye yowr self,
and ye schall have a grete avayle and wurschup of yowr comyng to see a
suche syght, for I der well sey that I have her at this tyme all the
cheff schyppys of Duchelond, Holond, Selond, and Flaundrys, and now hyt
wer tyme for to trete for a fynell pese as for that partyes.

I writ no more to yow at this tyme, but All myghty Jesus have yow in hys
kepyng. I writ in hast, within Wyght, on Soneday at nyght after the
Ascencion of owr Lord.

  By yowr owne Servant,

  ROBT. WENYNGTON.

    [Footnote 103.2: [From Fenn, i. 208.] On the 3rd April 1449
    royal letters were issued in favour of Robert Wynnyngtone of
    Devonshire, who was bound by indenture to do the King service on
    the sea ‘for the cleansing of the same, and rebuking of the
    robbers and pirates thereof, which daily do all the noisance
    they can.’ --Stevenson’s _Letters and Papers illustrative of the
    Wars of the English in France_, i. 489.]

    [Footnote 105.1: _See_ p. 101, Note 3.]

    [Footnote 105.2: John Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury.]

    [Footnote 105.3: Fenn says the reading of the original is
    indistinct, and he could not determine whether £2000 or £3000
    was meant.]


91

WILLIAM PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[106.1]

_To myn most reverent and [w]urchepful broder, Jon Paston._

[Sidenote: About 1449]

To myn most reverent and wurchepful brodur, I recummend me hartely to
zow, desiryng speciali to hare of zowre wellefare and prosperite, qweche
Almyty God contenu to zowre gosteli hele and bodili welfare. And if it
plase zowre goode broderod to here of myn wellefare, at the makyng of
this bylle I was in good hele. And if it leke zowre good broderod to
remembre the letter that I sent to zow of the noyse that was telde of
zow, that ze schuld a be on of the capetayns of the ryserse in Norfolk,
and how that j. scholere of Cambryg, qweche is parsone of Welle, schuld
an utteryd ferthere to zowr grete schalndyr [_slander_]; besechyng zow
to undyrstond that the seyde parsone of Welle was sone [after?][106.2]
that tyme at Lundon, were he harde sey of j. swyr of ij. c. marc be zere
[_of one squire of 200 marks by year_] that ze and Master Thomas Wellys
wolde sewe the seyd Parsone Welle for zowre schalndyr; and the seyde
parsone come to Cambryg sothyn, and hathe pekyd a qwarell to on Mastyr
Recheforthe, a knythys sone of Norforfolke,[106.3] and seyd to
Rychechefor[106.3] that he had because that ze schuld sewe hym; and the
seyd Parsone Welle thretyd Rycheferthe that wat some ever that ze causyd
Parson Welle to lese be zowre sewtes, that Rycheferthe schul lese the
same to the Parson of Welle. Werefor this jeltylmon Rycheforthe taketh
grete thowt, and pray me to wrythe to zow that ze wulde sese zowre suthe
tylle the tyme that ze wulde asyne that I mythe speke wythe zow, and
odyr sundry have speke with zow of the same mater; for yt ware pithe
that Rycheforthe chuld have ony hurthe thereby. I beseche zow holde me
excusyd, thow I wryt no better to zow at thys tyme, for in good feyth I
had no leysere. The brynggar of thys letter can telle zow the same. God
have zow in hys kepyng. Wretyn at Cambryg, on Fryday [sa]nyth[107.1]
nexste before Mydsommer Evyn.

In case ze come ba come [_back home?_] be Cambryg, I schal telle zow mo
of it. I am sory I may wrythe no bettyr at this tyme, but I trust ze
wylle [have] paciens.

  Be zowre pore Broder,

  W. PASTON.

    [Footnote 106.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As it appears from
    Margaret Paston’s letter of the 2nd April 1449 that William
    Paston was a student at Cambridge in that year, the date of this
    must be about the same period.]

    [Footnote 106.2: Word omitted.]

    [Footnote 106.3: So in MS.]

    [Footnote 107.1: This is written ‘sanyth’ but there is a stroke
    through the _a_, which was perhaps intended to have been carried
    through the _s_ also.]


92

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON[107.2]

_To the Worshypful Sir, and my ryght well beloved cosen, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1449(?) / JULY 10]

Worshypfull and ryghte welbelovyd cosyn, I comaund me to you. Please you
to here that the Pryore and Convent of Norwyche have wythhalden certeyn
rent for landes that they halden of me wythinne my maner of Haylysdon,
and the ij. tapers of wax of ij. lbs. wyght, by the space of xviij.
yere, that mountyth xxj_s._[107.3] valued in money. And the lordes of
the seyd maner beyng before me, and y yn my tyme, have been seised and
possessed of the seyd rent. Prayng you to speke wyth the Pryore, or
comaundyng me unto hym. And that ye lyke to move hym to make me payment
as his dewtee ys, so as y have no cause to gowe further, and to do as
justice requyreth. He hahyth xxx. acres lande or more by the seyd rent,
and whyht ought to pay me othyr rent more by myn evidense. More over y
pray you, cosen, that I may speke with you or [_before_] y ryde, and
that on Thursday by the ferthest; and then y shall tell you tydyngs off
the Parlement, and that ye fayle not, as my trust ys yn you. I pray God
have you in Hys guidance.

  Wreten at Castor, the x. day off Julie 1449[108.1].

  Your Cosen,

  JOHN FASTOLFE.

    [Footnote 107.2: [From Palmer’s _Foundacion and Antiquitye of
    Great Yermouthe_, p. 61.]]

    [Footnote 107.3: ‘xxj.o,’ as printed by Palmer, but the ‘o’ no
    doubt should be ‘_s._’]

    [Footnote 108.1: So the date is given in the book from which
    this letter is copied, but the year is certainly wrong, as the
    writer did not go to reside at Caister till 1454. The date
    indeed would have been suspicious apart from this, as the mode
    of dating is quite unusual in these letters. Probably in the
    original MS. (which the Editor has not seen) ‘1449’ was inserted
    after ‘Julie’ in a later hand.]


93

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[108.2]

_To John Paston be this letter delyveryd._

[Sidenote: Not after 1449]

Soon, I grete zow wel with Goddis blyssyng and myn, and I latte zow
wette that my cosyn Cler[108.3] wrytted to me that sche spake with
Schrowpe[108.4] after that he had byen with me at Norwyche, and tolde
her what cher that I had made hym, and he seyde to her he lyked wel by
the cher I made hym.

He had swyche wordys to my cosyn Cler that lesse than ze made hym good
cher, and zaf hym wordys of conforth at London, he wolde no mor speke of
the matyr.

My cosyn Cler thynkyth that it were a foly to forsake hym lesse than ze
knew of on owdyr as good or better; and I have assayde zowr
suster,[108.5] and I fonde her never so wylly to noon as sche is to hym,
zyf it be so that his londe stande cleer.

I sent zow a letter by Brawnton for sylke, and for this matyr befor my
cosyn Cler wrote to me, the qwyche was wrytten on the Wednysday nexzt
aftyr Mydsomer day.

Sir Harry Ynglows is ryzth besy a bowt Schrowpe for one of his dozthers.

I prey zow, for zette nozth to brynge me my mony fro Horwelbery, as ze
com fro London, edyr all or a grete parte. The dew dette was at
Crystemesse last paste, no thynge a lowyd, vij_li._ xiiij_s._ viij_d._,
and at this Mydsomer it is v_li._ more; and thow I a low hym all his
askyng, it is but xxvj_s._ vj_d._ less, but I am nozth so avysyth zytt.
As for the Frer,[109.1] he hath byen at Sent Benetts, and at Norwyche,
and made grete bowste of the sewte that he hath azens me, and bowzthe
many boxes, to what intent I wett never. It is wel doen to be war at
London, in drede gyf he bryng ony syse at Sent Margarets tyme.

I kan no more, but Almyzty God be owr good lorde, who have zow ever in
kepyng. Wryten at Oxnede in grete hast, on the Satyr next aftyr
Mydsomer.

  By yowr Modyr,

  A. P.

    [Footnote 108.2: [From Fenn, iii. 202.] This letter is dated by
    Fenn 1454, with some others relating to matches proposed for
    Elizabeth Paston; but the date of this cannot be later than
    1451, as Sir Harry Inglos died that year. Moreover, it cannot be
    either 1451 or 1450, as ‘the Saturday next after Midsummer’ when
    this letter is dated, preceded ‘the Wednesday next after
    Midsummer day’ in both these years. Thus 1449 is the latest
    possible date.]

    [Footnote 108.3: Elizabeth, widow of Robert Clere of Ormesby,
    Esq.]

    [Footnote 108.4: Stephen Scrope, a son of Sir John Fastolf’s
    wife by a former husband.]

    [Footnote 108.5: Elizabeth Paston.]

    [Footnote 109.1: John Hawteyn. --_See_ Nos. 46, 50, and 63.]


94

ELIZABETH CLERE TO JOHN PASTON[109.2]

_To my Cosyn, John Paston, be thys letter delivered._

[Sidenote: Not after 1449]

Trusty and weel be loved cosyn, I comaunde me to zow, desyryng to here
of zowre weelfare and good spede in zowre matere, the qwech I prey God
send zow to his plesaunce and to zoure hertys ease.

Cosyn, I lete zow wete that Scrope[109.3] hath be in this cuntre to se
my cosyn zoure sustyr, and he hath spoken with my cosyn zoure moder, and
sche desyreth of hym that he schuld schewe zow the endentures mad be
twen the knyght that hath his dowter and hym, whethir that Skrop, if he
were maried and fortuned to have children, if tho children schuld
enheryte his lond, or his dowter, the wheche is maried.

Cosyn, for this cause take gode hede to his endentures, for he is glad
to schewe zow hem, or whom ze wol a sygne with zow; and he seith to me
he is the last in the tayle of his lyflode, the qweche is CCCL. marke
and better, as Watkyn Shipdam seith, for he hath take a compt of his
liflode dyvers tymes; and Scrop seith to me if he be maried, and have a
sone an eyre, his dowter that is maried schal have of his liflode L.
marke and no more; and therfore, cosyn, me semeth he were good for my
cosyn zowre sustyr, with[out] that ye myght gete her a bettyr. And if ze
can gete a better, I wold avyse zow to labour it in as schort tyme as ze
may goodly, for sche was never in so gret sorow as sche is now a dayes,
for sche may not speke with no man, ho so ever come, ne not may se ne
speke with my man, ne with servauntes of hir moderys but that sche
bereth hire an hand[110.1] otherwyse than she menyth. And sche hath sen
Esterne the most part be betyn onys in the weke or twyes, and som tyme
twyes on o day, and hir hed broken in to or thre places. Wherfor, cosyn,
sche hath sent to me by Frere Newton in gret counsell, and preyeth me
that I wold send to zow a letter of hir hevynes, and prey yow to be hir
good brothyr, as hir trost is in zow; and sche seith, if ze may se be
his evydences that his childern and hire may enheryten, and sche to have
resonable joynture, sche hath herd so mech of his birth and his
condicions, that and ze will sche will have hym, whethyr that hir moder
wil or wil not, not withstandyng it is tolde hir his persone is symple,
for sche seyth men shull have the more deyute of hire if sche rewle hire
to hym as sche awte to do.

Cosyn, it is told me ther is a goodly man in yowre Inne, of the qweche
the fadyr deyed litte, and if ze thynk that he were better for hir than
Scroop, it wold be laboured, and yif Scroop a goodly answere that he be
not put of tyl ze be sure of a bettyr; for he seid whan he was with me,
but if [_i.e._ unless] he have som counfortable answer of zow, he wil no
more laboure in this mater, be cause he myght not se my cosyn zoure
sustyr, and he seyth he myght a see hire and sche had be bettyr than she
is; and that causeth hym to demyr that hir moder was not weel willyng,
and so have I sent my cosyn zowre moder word. Wherfore, cosyn, thynk on
this mateer, for sorow oftyn tyme causeth women to be set hem otherwyse
than thei schuld do, and if sche where in that case, I wot weel ze wold
be sory. Cosyn, I prey zow brenne this letter, that zoure men ne non
other man se it; for and my cosyn zowre moder knew that I had sent yow
this letter, sche shuld never love me. No more I wrighte to zow at this
tyme, but Holy Gost have zow in kepyng. Wretyn in hast, on Seynt Peterys
day,[111.1] be candel lyght.

  Be youre Cosyn,

  ELIZABETH CLERE.

    [Footnote 109.2: [From Fenn, iii. 204.] This letter appears from
    the contents to be of the same year as the preceding.]

    [Footnote 109.3: Stephen Scrope. --_See_ p. 108, Note 4.]

    [Footnote 110.1: To bear one on hand, means to assert or
    insinuate something to a person.]

    [Footnote 111.1: June 29.]


95

JOHN DAMME TO JOHN PASTON[111.2]

_To my ryght worshepfull master John Paston at London in the Inner
Temple._

[Sidenote: 1449 / NOV. 30]

Plese it your good maistershep to knowe that my maisteresse your wyff
recomaundeth here to yow and fareth well, blyssed be God, and all your
menye faren well also and recomaunde hem to yaw, &c. I was with my lord
of Oxenford and dede myn erand, and I found his good lordshep well
disposed towardys yow, for he seid if he were sent to for to come to,
&c., if it kepe faire weder he wold not tarye, and if it reygned he wold
not spare. More over I spak with Pertrych as touchyng the letter sent to
my lord Moleyns; he seyth that he was privy to the wrytyng and wele a
vowe it by record of xx. persons, but he wold name to me no persone; and
so he and I accorded not fully. And I bad hym remembre hym that he myght
not abyde there if ye wold have hym owt. And he seid he knewe well that.
But he seid, if ye put heem out, ye shuld be put owt sone after a geyn.
And I seyd if it happe it so thei shuld not longer reste there. And
Mariot stod by and seyd that were no merveyll whill thei were but ij.
men, but it shuld not be best so. And I seyd that I lete them wete it
shuld be so if ye wold, thow they made all the strenght which they coude
make. And ther to Mariot seyd stately, that myght not be performed; and
more langage ther was, to long to wryte at this leyser. Pertrych and his
felaw bere gret visage and kepe gret junkeryes and dyneres, and seyn
that my lord Moleynes hath wrytyn pleynly to hem that he is lord there
and well be, and shall be, and ye not to have it; but I trust to Goddes
ryghtwysenes of better purvyaunce. Lyke it yow to remembre what Heydon
doth and mayde by colour of justice of the pees, beyng of my lordes
councell and not your good frend nor weell wyller, and to comon with
your sad councell what ye must suffre by the lawe, and where inne ye may
resiste. On Sunday last passed Gunore and Mariot and John Davy and other
dyned with Pertrych, &c.; and after eveson [_evensong_] Gonore spake to
my maisteresse that she shuld make here men to leue here wyfeles and
here jackes; and she answered that thei purposed to hurte no man of here
owyn sykyng; but for it was seid that she shuld be plukkyd owt of here
howse, she were loth to suffre that; and therfore she sayde thei shuld
goo soo til ye come hom. And he seid stately, but if thei left here aray
it shuld be plukked from them. I trust he must have a better warant,
from his stately langage, or ells he shall not have it from hem esily.
All this I remitte to your good remembraunce with Goddes help, to Whom I
pray to gyde your ryght to his worshep and your hertes desire.

  Wrytyn at Sustede on Seynt Andrewe day, &c.

  Yowres,

  J. DAMME.

Were but well, as me semyth, that ye myght ordeygne now a fetys jacke
defensable for your self, for there con they do best and best chep, &c.

    [Footnote 111.2: [Add. 34,888, f. 32.] This letter was evidently
    written in 1449, after John Paston had re-entered Gresham, and
    his wife was keeping it for him. See No. 88.]


96

JAMES GRESHAM TO [JOHN PASTON][113.1]

[Sidenote: 1449(?) / OCT. 16]

‘The King is now into the Marches of Wales, as it is said, to the intent
he may be near the country if my Lord of Buckingham, which is
commissioner now in Wales for divers offences done there to the Crown,
would sue to have his commission to be enlarged, if he were repyned.’ It
is not known when the King will be in London again, but he is expected
here at the beginning of the Parliament. I have your writs of error, but
can see nothing wrong. Thos. Denys asked me why you did not follow his
suggestion about the removing of the strength at Gresham, and thinks it
should be done yet. Francis Costard is not yet well at ease, for his
_venire facias_ between Will. Prentys and him and Hen. Halman comes in
very inopportunely. You had better come hither as soon as possible and
get the favor of the sheriff that shall be next year.

  London, 16 Oct.

    [Footnote 113.1: This abstract was made from one of the Roydon
    Hall MSS. shown to the Editor in 1875. Since that date he has
    not seen the original.]


97

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN FASTOLF AND JOHN KIRTELING[113.2]

_To my ryght tristy and welbelovede Cosin and Frende, John Fastolf,
and Sir John Kirtelinge, Parson of Arkesay._

[Sidenote: 1449 / OCT. 31]

Trusty and welbeloved frendz, y grete yow wel. And for as moche as y
have appointed with my sone, Stephen Scrope, lyke as y sende yow the
appointement writen hereafter in this letter, the whiche appointement y
woll ye fulfylle be the avys of my counsel in that at longeth to my
party, like as hit ys writen.

Thys ys the appointement made be twene Sir John Fastolf, Knight, and
Stephen Scrope, Squier, in the maner as here after hit ys writen:--

Fyrst, for as moche as the mariage of the saide Stephen Scrope was
solde[114.1] to Sir William Gascoyng, the Chefe Justice of Englonde, for
v^c. [500] marke, with the whiche mariage was deliverd in hande to the
sayde Gascoyng the maner of Wyghton on the Wolde, in Yorke schyre, with
the apertenance of the saide maner; and whan the sayde Gascoyng hade
hym, he wolde have solde hym agayn, or maried the saide Stephen Scrope
ther [_where_] he schulde have byn despareiged: wherefore, at the
request of the sayde Scrope and hys frendes, the saide Fastolf boght the
ma[ri]age of the saide Scrope of the saide Sir William Gascoyng for v^c.
marke, wherby the saide Fastolf hath mariage of the saide Stephen
Scrope, or elles to have the saide somme of v^c. marke that he payde for
hym, like as hit ys above sayde.

Item, for as moche as the sayde Stephen Scrope ys comyn to the saide
Fastolf, sayinge that he hath fownde wey to be maried at his lyst, and
also for his worschippe and profyt, so that the saide Fastolf woll
consent therto, that ys to say, to Fauconeris doughter of London, that
Sir Reynalde Cobham[114.2] had weddid.

Item, for as hit ys the saide Fastolf ys wille to forther and helpe the
saide Scrope in any wize ther he may be fortherede, the sayde Fastolf
consenteth that the sayde Scrope marie hym to the Fauconeris doughter,
with that that the sayde Fauconer gyf to the sayde Fastolf the saide
somme of v^c. marke, the whiche he payde for the saide Scrope.

Item, yf that the sayde Stephen Scrope pay or do pay the somme afore
sayde of v^c. marke sterling, than the sayde Sir John Fastolf and Dame
Mylicent,[114.3] his wyf, schall make astate of the said maner of
Wyghton on the Wolde in Yorke schyre, with the apertenaunce of the sayde
maner, to the saide Stephen Scrope and to the woman, the whiche schalbe
his wyf, and to here eyres of here bodyes begete be twix hem two.

Item, yef the sayde Stephen dye with oute eyre of his body begeten, than
the sayde maner of Wyghton, after the descece of the saide hys wyf,
schall retourne agayne to the sayde Fastolf and Dame Mylicent, his wyf,
and to the eyres of the sayde Mylicent.

Item, yf so be that the sayde Fauconer wilnot pay the sayde somme of
v^c. marke, bot peraventure wolde gyf a lesse somme, then the sayde
Fastolf wyl deliver to the mariage of the saide Scrope certayn londe,
havynge rewarde to the somme that the sayde Fauconer wil gyf, havyng
rewarde to the afferrant of xl. pounde worthe land and v^c. mark of
golde.

Item, if that the sayde Fauconer wilnot gyf no somme of golde for the
sayde mariage, the sayde Fastolf wyl take the mariage of the childe that
ys eyre to the forsaide Sir Reynolde Cobham, and that the sayde Scrope
forto conferme the estat hys moder has made to the saide Fastolf, yf so
be that the consel of the saide Fastolf se by thaire avys that hit be
for to do, and that the said mariage may be [as] moche worth to the said
Fastolf as v^c. mark.

Item, ze sende me be Raufm[an an] answare o[f] the letters that y sende
yow, that I may have ve[ray] knolage how that hit standys with me ther
in al maner of thynges, and that I [h]ave an answare of every article
that y wrote to yow.

Item, for as moche as that I am bonden for my Lord Scales[115.1] to my
Lord Cardnale[115.2] in v^c. mark, the qu[ech] somme he kan not fynd no
way to pay hit, on lese then that he sel a parcel of his land; quer fore
he sendis ower a man of his called Pessemerche, with whom I wil that ze
spek, and se be zore avis whech of the places of my said Lord Scales
that standis most cler to be solde; and if the place that is beside
W[a]lsyngham stand cler, I have hit lever then the tother; and therfore
I pray [z]ow that ze make apointement with the said Pesemerche in the
best wise that ze may, athir of the ton place or the tother, and or ze
let take hit after xx. zere, havyn[g] rewarde to the verray val[u]
therof, and as ze don send me worde be the next massager.

Item, my Lord of Hungerford[116.1] has writen to me for to have the
warde of Robert Monpyns[on]is sone, wher of I am agreed that he schal
[have] hit like as I has wretyn to hym in a letter, of the whech I send
zow a cope closed here in: wher fore I pray zow to enquere of the verray
valu of the land that Monpynson haldis of me, and sendis me word in
hast; for my said Lord Hungerford sais in his letter that hit is worth
bot xl_s._ a zere aboufe the rentis, as ze may se the letter that he
sent me, the q[uec]h I send zow be my son Scrope. And I pray zow to
demene zow to my said Lord as eesely as ze may in this mater and al
other that I have to do with hym, as ze may se be the cope aforesaid.
And or (_sic_) have zow in his kepyng. Wretyn at Roan (?)[116.2] the
last day of October.

  J. FASTOLFE.

  _Endorsed_ Appunctuamentum factum pro Stephano Scroope anno xxviijº
  Regis H. vj. ad maritandum.

    [Footnote 113.2: [From the Castlecombe MSS. in the B.M., Add.
    MS. 28,212, No. 21.] According to the endorsement, this letter
    should have been written in the year 1449; but the reader will
    see by the footnotes that there are grounds for doubting the
    accuracy of this date.]

    [Footnote 114.1: The marriage of wards in those days used to be
    sold to men of property, who would compel them to marry their
    own sons or daughters, or whatever other persons suited them.
    The only restriction to this right was, that the ward might, on
    coming of age, have an action against his guardian in case of
    _disparagement_, that is to say, if he was married beneath his
    station.]

    [Footnote 114.2: Sir Reginald Cobham of Sterborough, in Surrey,
    who died in 1446. He was the father of the notorious Eleanor
    Cobham, the mistress, and afterwards wife, of Humphrey, Duke of
    Gloucester.--Brayley’s _Hist. of Surrey_, iv. 159.]

    [Footnote 114.3: Milicent, wife of Sir John Fastolf, is known to
    have been alive in the 24th year of Henry VI. (1446). William
    Worcester says the allowance for her chamber was paid until that
    date; but as he says nothing more, it has been supposed she did
    not live longer. Mr. Poulett Scrope also believes her to have
    died in 1446, on the authority of a contemporary MS., which says
    she and Fastolf lived together thirty-eight years.--_Hist.
    Castlecombe_, 263.]

    [Footnote 115.1: Thomas de Scales, 8th Lord.]

    [Footnote 115.2: John Kemp, Archbishop of York, afterwards of
    Canterbury; or, if this document be some years earlier, Cardinal
    Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester.]

    [Footnote 116.1: Walter, 1st Lord Hungerford, died in August
    1449, and was succeeded in the title by his son Robert.]

    [Footnote 116.2: The name is a little indistinct from the decay
    of the paper, but the first and last letters are clear, and it
    is scarcely possible to doubt that Rouen was the place here
    intended. Yet if this be so, the letter must be much earlier
    than the date assigned to it in the endorsement.]


98

RICHARD, EARL OF WARWICK, TO SIR THOMAS TODENHAM[117.1]

_To owr ryght trusty and welbelovyd Frend, Ser Thomas Todenham._

[Sidenote: 1449(?) / NOV. 2]

Ryght trusty and welbelovyd frend, we grete you well, hertely desyryng
to here of yowr welfare, which we pray God preserve to yowr herts desyr;
and yf yt please yow to here of owr welfare, we wer in goud hale atte
the makyng of this lettre, praying you hertely that ye wyll consider owr
message, which owr Chapleyn Mayster Robert Hoppton shall enforme you of.
For as God knowyth we have gret besynesse dayly, and has had here by for
this tyme. Wherfor we pray you to consyder the purchas that we have made
wyth one John Swyffhcotte, Squier of Lyncolnshyr, of lxxx. and viij_li._
by yer, whereuppon we must pay the last payment the Moneday nexte after
Seynt Martyn’ day, which sum ys CCCC. and lviij_li._; wherfor we pray
you wyth all owr herte that ye wyll lend us x_li._, or twenty, or whet
the seyd Maister Robert wants of hys payment, as we may do for you in
tym for to com; and we shall send yt you ageyn afor Newyers day wyth the
grace of God, as we ar trew knyght. For there is nonne in your cuntre
that we myght wryght to for trust so well as unto you; for, as we be
enformyd, ye be owr well wyller, and so we pray you of goud
contynuaunce.

Wherfore we pray you that ye consyder our entent of this mony, as ye
wyll that we do for you in tym to com, as God knowyth, who have you in
hys kepyng.

Wreten atte London, on All Salwyn [_All Souls’_] day, wyth inne owr
loggyng in the Grey Freys [_Friars_] wyth inne Newgate.

  RIC., ERLE WARWYKE.[117.2]

    [Footnote 117.1: [From Fenn, i. 84.] Richard Nevill, Earl of
    Warwick, afterwards famous as the ‘King-maker,’ succeeded to the
    title in 1449, and this letter is not unlikely to have been
    written in that very year. Certainly it is not many years later.
    In 1449 and 1450 Warwick was probably in London to attend the
    Parliament.]

    [Footnote 117.2: ‘The seal of this letter’ says Fenn, ‘is of red
    wax, on which is the Bear and Ragged Staff, the badge of this
    nobleman, with his motto,--the whole very fair and curious, and
    around it is a braid of twine.’]


99

ABSTRACT[118.1]

[Sidenote: 1449 / DEC. 11]

Copy of a Grant from the Crown to John Bray for services against the
King’s enemies. Caen, 11th December 14[4]9, 28 Henry VI.

  [This document is very mutilated and decayed. It is written in
  French, the spelling of which is very peculiar, and is probably a
  bad copy by some one who did not know the language.]

    [Footnote 118.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


100

WILLIAM TAILBOYS TO VISCOUNT BEAUMONT[118.2]

_To my right honorabull and right wurshipful Lord, my Lord Viscont
Beaument._

[Sidenote: Before 1450]

Right honorabull and my right wurshipfull Lord, I recomaund me unto your
gode Lordship with all my service, evermore desireng to here of your
prosperitie and welfare, the which I pray God encres and contynue to his
plesur, and after your oone herts desire; thankyng you of the gode
Lordship that ye have shewed me at all tymes, beseching you alway of
gode contynuance.

Plesid your gode Lordship to be remembred how afore this tyme Hugh
Wythom hath said he wold be in rest and peese with me, and not to
maligne agayn me otherwise than lawe and right wold; that
notwithstandyng, upon Munday last past, he and iij. men with him come
unto a servaunt hous of myn in Boston, cald William Shirref, and there,
as he sete at his werke, stroke him upon the hede and in the body with a
dagger, and wondet him sore, and pulled him out of his hous, and set him
in prison without any cause resonabull, or without writ, or any other
processe shewid unto him; and that me semes longs not for him to do, bot
as he says he is endited, and as your gode Lordship knawes wele, I and
all my servaunts are in like wise; bot and any man shuld have done hit,
it longs either to the shirref or to your baliff as I conceyve, and
other cause he had non to him as fer as I kan knawe, bot awnly for the
malissiousness that he hath unto me, ne I kan think non other bot it is
so. And now yistre nyght my Lord Welles[119.1] come to Boston with
iiij^xx [_four score_] horses, and in the mornyng foloyng toke hym out
of prison, saying afore all peepll, ‘Fals thefe, you shall be hanged,
and as mony of thy maistre men as may be goten’ --as your servaunt John
Abbot kan report unto your gode Lordship,--and hath taken him away with
him to Tatessall, what to do with him I kan not say, bot as I suppose to
have him to Lincoln Castell: wherfor I besech your gode Lordship in this
matier to be my gode Lord, and it please your gode Lordship to write a
letter to the kepere of the Castell of Lincoln, that it liked him to
deliver him out of prison undre a sufficient seurety had for him, for
and thai may kepe him still be this meyne, thai may take all the
servaunts that I have, and so I may do agayn in like wise.

And also, as I am enformed, without he be had out of prison in hast,
it will be right gravewis to him to heile of his hurt, he is so sore
streken; and if there be any service that your gode Lordship will
comaund me to do in any cuntre, plesid you to send me word, and it shal
be done to my power with the grace of God, which have you, my right
honorabull and wurshipfull Lord, alway in his blessid kepyng. Writen at
Kyme,[119.2] upon Wednesday next after our Ladi day the
Assumpcion.[119.3]

Also plesid your gode lordship to wit, after this letter was made, there
come a man fro Tatessall into my fenne, which owght me gode will, and be
cause he wold not be holden suspect, he speke with wemen which were
mylkand kyne, and bad theme goo to a preest of myn to Dokdike, and bid
him fast goo gif me warnyng how that my Lord Wilughby,[120.1] my Lord
Cromwell,[120.2] and my Lord Welles[120.3] proposid theme to set a
sessions, and hang the said William Shirref, and thai myght bryng ther
entent abowte; and so, as I and your servaunt John Abbot stode to geder,
the prest come and gaf me warnyng herof, which I trust for my worship
your gode Lordship wold not shuld happen, for it wer to me the grettest
shame that myght falle; bot and it plese your gode Lordship to write to
all your servaunts in this cuntre, that thai will be redy upon a day
warnyng to come when I send theme word, I trust to God thai shal not
hang him agayn the lawe, bot I, with help of your gode Lordship, shall
be abull to let hit.

  By your Servaunt,

  WILLIAM TAILBOYS.[120.4]

    [Footnote 118.2: [From Fenn, iii. 282.] This letter is dated by
    Fenn between 1455 and 1460, but cannot be later than the former
    of these years, as Lord Cromwell died in the beginning of 1456.
    It seems, further, beyond a doubt that the Lord Willoughby,
    mentioned along with him, was Robert, Lord Willoughby of Eresby,
    who was connected by marriage both with Lord Cromwell and with
    Lord Welles; and if so the date cannot be later than 1451, as
    this Lord Willoughby died in July 1452. Indeed, I have very
    little doubt it is before 1450, as both Tailboys and Beaumont
    were of the Duke of Suffolk’s party, and it is not likely that
    the former would have ventured to complain of his powerful
    neighbours, Lords Willoughby, Cromwell, and Welles after the
    Duke’s fall, especially as we know that in the beginning of 1450
    he was in prison for an attempt to murder Lord Cromwell.]

    [Footnote 119.1: Leo, Lord Welles.]

    [Footnote 119.2: In Lincolnshire, between Tattershall and
    Sleaford.]

    [Footnote 119.3: 15th August.]

    [Footnote 120.1: Robert, Lord Willoughby of Eresby, who married
    Maud Stephen, a niece of Lord Cromwell.]

    [Footnote 120.2: Ralph, Lord Cromwell.]

    [Footnote 120.3: Leo, Lord Welles, whose son Richard married
    Joan, a daughter of Robert, Lord Willoughby of Eresby.]

    [Footnote 120.4: William, afterwards Sir William, Tailboys of
    South Kyme, in Lincolnshire, who was attainted under Edward IV.
    as an adherent of the House of Lancaster. His family was
    afterwards ennobled as Barons Talboys. He is most unfavourably
    mentioned in the impeachment of the Duke of Suffolk, of whom he
    appears to have been a great adherent, and is accused of having
    made an attempt to murder Lord Cromwell in the Star Chamber at
    Westminster, on the 28th November 1449.--See _Rolls of
    Parliament_, v. 181-200.]


101

IMPEACHMENT OF THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK[120.5]

_To the King oure Soverayn Lord._

[Sidenote: 1450 / FEB. 7]

Sheweth and piteuously compleyneth youre humble trewe obeisantes Comunes
of this youre nobile reaume, in this youre present Parlement, by your
high autorite assembled for the seurte of your moste high and royall
persone, and the welfar of this your nobile reaume, and of your trewe
liege peple of the same, that William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, late
of Ewelme, in the counte of Oxenford, falsly and treyterously hath
ymagined, compassed, purposid, forethought, done, and commytted divers
high, grete, heynous, and horrible treasons ayenst your most roiale
persone, youre corones of your raumes of England and Fraunce, your
duchiee of Guyan and Normandie, and youre holde enheritaunce of your
countee of Anjoye and Mayne, the estate and dignite of the same, and the
universall wele and prosperite of all your trewe subgettes of raumes,
[duchies] and counte in maner and in forme ensewyng.

First, the seid Duke the xxti day of Juyll the xxv. yere[121.1] of youre
blissid regne, in youre citee of London, in the parich of Sepulcr, in
the ward of Faringdon infra, ymagynyng and purposing falsly and
treyterously to distroy your moste roiall persone, and this your seid
realme, thenne and ther trayterously excited, councelled, provoked,
and comforted the Erle of Donas[121.2] [bastard][121.3] of Orliaunce,
Bertrande, Lord Pressigny, Maister William Cusinet,[121.4] enemys to you
Soverayne Lord, and other your enemeys, subgettes and ambassiators to
Charles,[121.5] calling hem selfe king of Fraunce, your grettys
adversarie and enemey, to meve, councell, ster, and provoke the same
Charles to come in to this your realme, to leve, reise, and make open
werr ayenst you, Soverayne Lord, and alle this your reaume with a grete
puissaunce and arme to distroy your most roiall persone, and your trewe
subgettes of the same realme, to the entente to make John, sone of the
same Duke, [King] of this your seid realme, and to depose you of your
heigh regalie therof; the same Duke of Suffolk havyng thenne of your
graunte the ward and mariage of Margarete, doughter and heire to John,
the late Duke of Somerset, purposing here to marey to heis said sonne,
presuming and pretendyng her to be nexte enheritable to the Corone of
this your realme, for lak of issue of you Soverayn Lord, in
accomplishement of heis seid traytours purpose and entent, wheroppon the
same Duke of Suffolk, sith the tyme of heis areste, hath do the seid
Margarete to be maried to heis seid sonne.

Item, the seid Duke of Suffolk being most trostid with you, and prevyest
of your councell of fullong tyme, prepensing that your seid grete
enemeye and adversarie Charles schuld conquerr and gete be power and
myght your seid realme of Fraunce, duchies, and countee, the xx^ti day
of January the xvij. yer[122.1] of your regne, at Westminster, in the
shir of Middlesex, and divers othir tymes and places within your seid
realme of Engeland, falsly, trayterously, by sotel menes and
ymaginacyons, for grete corrupcion of good, taking of money, and other
excessyf promises to him made by Charles, Duke of Orliaunce,[122.2] your
enemye, councelled and stered of hym selfe only, your heighnesse to
enlarge and deliver out of prison the same Duke of Orliaunce, enemye to
you Soveren Lord, and to the most victorious noble prince of blyssid
memory, the king youre fadir, whom God assoile! takyn be hem prisonere,
to th’entent that the seid Charles, calling hym self king of Fraunce,
schuld recover, gete, and have be false conqueste, and other desayvabile
menes ayenst you, your heirz and successors, your seid realme of
Fraunce, duches and counte, be the wyle, subtill councell, might, and
ayde of the seid Duke of Orliaunce.

Notwithstanding that be the late wylle and ordinaunce of your seid
fadir, for divers thingis moveyng his grete wysdome, contrary ther of
was avysed and declared, by wiche councell and stering only of the seid
Duke of Suffolk the seid Duke of Orliaunce was soverd [_suffered_] at
his liberte to departe of this youre realme to the partee of Fraunce.

Afore wich departer the first day of May the seid xvij. yerr[122.1] of
your regne, at London, in the parich of Sent Martyne, in the ward of
Farindon infra, the same Duke of Suffolk, trayterously adherent to the
seid Charles, calling hym selfe kyng of Fraunce, then and ther falsly
and trayterously counseiled, coumforted, stered, and provoked the seid
Duke of Orlyaunce to excite and moeve the same Charles, calling hym
selfe kyng of Fraunce, your grete enemeye and adversarie, to make and
reyse open werr ayenst you in your seid realme of Fraunce and duchie of
Normandy, to conquer, and to opteyn falsly be force, myght, and other
menes ayenst you, your heiriz and successours, your seid realme of
Fraunce and duche of Normandy, Uppon wich adherence, councell, and
counfort of the seid Duke of Suffolk, the seid Charles calling hym selfe
kyng, hath made open werr a yenst you in your seid realme of Fraunce,
and hath it attrochid unto hym, and the most party of your duchie of
Normandy, and takyn prisonyrs the ful nobile Lordys and coragyouse
Knytys, the Erle of Schrouesbery[123.1] and the Lord Faconberge,[123.2]
with many othir nobles and people of your trewe leiges, to ther likly
fynall ondoing, your gretest disheritaunce, and oure grete lamentable
losse that ever comen a fore this to you, or ony of your ful noble
progenitors, or to your trewe subgettes.

Item, wher the seid Duke of Suffolk late was on of your ambassitours
with othir to youre seid adversarie Charles, calling hem self kyng of
Fraunce, he, above heis instruccion and power to hym be you committyng,
promised to Reyner,[123.3] King of Cesile, and Charles Daungers,[123.4]
heis brothir, your grete enemeys, the deliveraunce of Maunce and Mayne,
without the assent andvyse or knowyng of other your seid ambassitours
with him thenne accompanyd; and theroppon after heis comyng in to this
realme from the same ambassiate, in performing of heis seid promyse, he
falsly and trayterously, for grette rewardes and lucre of good to hym
yeven by your enemes, caused the said Reyner and Charles Daungers to
have deliveraunce of Maunce and Mayne aforeseid, to your over grete
disheritaunce and loss irreparable, enforsing and enrychyng of your seid
enemes, and grettest mene of the losse of your seid duche of Normandye;
and so was the seid Duke of Suffolk falsly and trayterously adherent,
aidant, and confortant to your grete enemeys and adversaries.

Item, the seid Duke of Suffolk being reteyned with you in your wages of
werr in your seid realme of Fraunche and duchie of Normandye, and therby
strostid be you and alle your councellers to knowe the privite of your
councell ther, and the purviaunce of your armes, the defence and keping
of your townes, forteresses, and places, sieges, purveaunce, and
ordinaunce of werr in the same parties for you to be mad, knowyng all
[such] privite, and being adherent to your seid grete enemeye, calling
hem self kyng of Fraunce, hath eften and many divers tymes falsly and
trayterously discoverd and openned to hym, and to heis capytaynes and
conductors of heis werr, your enemes, the privite, ordinaunce, and
provision of your seid councell, purveaunces of armes, defence keping,
townes, forteresses, places, syeges, and ordinaunce, werby your grete
adversarie and enemeys have geton and takyn, be the menes of this is
treason and falshode, ful many lordchepes, townnes, casteles, fortesses,
and places within your seid realme of Fraunce and duchie of Normandie,
and letted your capitaynes of your werres to conquer, keppe, and acheve
your rithfull enheritaunce ther.

Item, the seid Duke of Suffolk beyng of your grete Privey Councell, and
with you best trostid, knowyng the secrenesse therof and of this your
realme, the xvj. day of Juyll the xxv^ti yerr[124.1] of your regne,
at London, in the parich of Sent Laueraunce Pulteney, in the ward of
Sandewyke [_Candewyke_] Strette, and at othir divers tymes and places,
falsly and trayterously beyng adherent and aidant to the seid Charles,
calling hem selfe king of Fraunce, your grete enemeys, the seid xvj.
day, and in the parich of Sent Laurence aforeseid, openned, declarid,
and discovered to the seid Erle of Danas, Bastard of Orlyaunce,
Bertrand, Lord Presigni, Maister William Cosinet, your enemeys,
subgettes, ambassiatours and conncellours to the seid Charles, calling
hem self king of Fraunce, the privitees of your councell, aswell of this
your realme for the comyn wele of the same, as for the governauns and
ordinaunce for the conquest, conservacion, saufgard, tuycyon of your
seid realme of Fraunche and duchie of Normandy; [whereby the great part
of your said realm of France and duchy of Normandy][125.1] at that tyme
being in your in handys, as [_should be_, is] be the seid Charles,
calling hem selfe kyng of Fraunce, and [his] armes goton and takyn out
of your handes.

Item, suth the matier first moeved of the convencyon of trewes and pees
by twenne you and your seid grette enemeye Charlys, callyng hem selfe
kyng of Fraunche, wheroppon by grete diberacyon ye, by the advyse of
your Councell, have send many solempne ambassatours to the same Charles
for the god of pees to be hadde be twyn you and this your realme, and
your subjettes in your realme of Fraunche, duchie of Normandye, and
othir places under your obeysauns, and the same Charles and heis
subgettes, the seid Duke of Suffolk being next and grettest of your
Councell, havyng knowlach of the power and auctorite comytted to alle
your ambassiatours send in this be half, hath deseyvabely and
trayterously by heis lettres and messages discovered and opened to your
seid grete enemeye Charlys, calling hym self kyng of Fraunce, alle
ynstrucciouns and informaciouns yeven to your seid ambassatours afore
their comyng in to Fraunce, werby the effectuale concord and trewes that
schuld have folowed of suche ambassiat by tywnne both the seid realmes
and subgettes, have take non effectualle conclusyon, but by his fals,
fraudelent, traiterous werkes, dedes, and deceyvable yma gynacyons, your
grete enheritaunce, seygnyouries, lordshippis, townes, castell,
forteresses, and possessions in your seid realme of Fraunche and duchie
of Normandye, by cause of heis false messages, sendyngs, and wrytyngys
have be takyn by reft, and gotten fro you be your seid enemeys.

In proof of the wich treson the seid Duke of Suffolk, sittyng in your
Councell in the Stere Chambre, in your pales of Westminster, seid and
declarid openly be for the Lordis of your Councell ther being, that he
had his place in the Councell hows of the French kyng as he had ther,
and was ther as wel strostid as he was here, and couth remeve from the
seid French kynge the prevyest man of heis Councell yf he wold.

Item, whan in this your roialme ful oftyn tymes provicyon hath be mad
for divers armes to be sent in to your seid realme of Fraunche, duches
of Normandy and Gyand, the seid Duke of Suffolk, by the instaunce and
meenes mad to hym be your seid enemeys and adversareys for grette
outeragyous yeftes and rewardes of them takyn, trayterously hath
restrayned, and utterly lettyd the passage of such armees in favour and
supporte of your seid enemeys.

Item, the seid Duke of Suffolk, as your ambassatours by twene you and
Charles, callyng hym self kyng of Fraunche, in fortefyeng of hem and
enchresing of his myght, hath not comprised in trewes, taken in your
party the Kyng of Arregon,[126.1] your old allye and frend, nother the
Duke of Breten,[126.2] but sufferd and causid the seid Duke of Bretayne
to be compremysid of the party of the seid Charles as his subget,
frende, and allye, wherby ye have ben estraunged from the god loffe and
assistence of the seid King of Arregon, and therby and be othir on trewe
and falce conjectours of the seid Duke of Suffolk, the seid Duke of
Breteyn is become your enemeye; and Gyles[126.3] of Breten, his brothir,
the wiche is, and of long tyme hath ben, your trewe and welvylled man
and servaunt, put in gret dures of pricon, and likely to be potte to the
dethe or distroid for his trewe feith and welle that he hath to you.

And of alle tresons and offensys in alle theis seid arteculys specyfied
and conteyned, we your seid Comens accuse and empeche the seid William
de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, and pray that this be enacte in this your
High Courte of Parlement, and theroppon to precede in this your High
Courte of Parlement, as the mater and caas aforseid requireth for the
surete and welfar of your most roiale person, and savacyon of this your
realme, &c.

    [Footnote 120.5: [From Fenn, iii. 62.] These are the articles of
    impeachment exhibited against the Duke of Suffolk, as printed by
    Fenn from a contemporaneous copy among the Paston MSS., endorsed
    ‘Coumpleyntys ayens the Dewke of Suffolk.’ Another copy will be
    found in the _Rolls of Parliament_, v. 177. The day of the
    Duke’s impeachment was the 7th February 1450.]

    [Footnote 121.1: A.D. 1447.]

    [Footnote 121.2: John, Count of Dunois, one of the most renowned
    warriors of the times. He was a grandson of Charles V. of
    France, a natural son of Louis, Duke of Orleans, and
    half-brother of Charles, Duke of Orleans, who was prisoner in
    England.]

    [Footnote 121.3: Blank in Fenn.]

    [Footnote 121.4: Cousinot.]

    [Footnote 121.5: Charles VII.]

    [Footnote 122.1: A.D. 1439.]

    [Footnote 122.2: Charles, Duke of Orleans. --_See_ p. 46, Note
    3.]

    [Footnote 123.1: John Talbot, first Earl of Shrewsbury, the
    great hero of the French wars, slain at Castillon in 1453.]

    [Footnote 123.2: William Nevill, Lord Fauconberg.]

    [Footnote 123.3: René, Duke of Anjou, father of Queen Margaret.]

    [Footnote 123.4: Charles of Anjou, Count of Maine.]

    [Footnote 124.1: A.D. 1447.]

    [Footnote 125.1: These words are omitted in Fenn, and are
    supplied from the _Rolls of Parliament_.]

    [Footnote 126.1: Alfonso V., King of Arragon.]

    [Footnote 126.2: Francis I., Duke of Brittany.]

    [Footnote 126.3: Giles of Brittany, the duke’s brother, who was
    murdered in April 1450, after having been kept four years in
    prison by the duke.]

  [[your duchiee of Guyan and Normandie ... your countee of Anjoye
  and Mayne  _text unchanged (correct if “Guyenne and Normandy” and
  “Anjou and Maine” were each a single unit)_]]


102

JOHN PASTON’S PETITION[127.1]

_To the Kyng, oure Soverayn Lord, and to the right wyse and discrete
Lordis, assemblyd in this present Parlement._

[Sidenote: 1450]

Besechith mekly your homble liege man, John Paston, that where he, and
oder enfeffed to his use, have be pecybily poscessyd of the maner of
Gresham, within the counte of Norffolk, xx. yere and more, til the xvij.
day of Februarij, the yere of your nobill regne xxvi.,[127.2] that
Robert Hungerford, Knyght, the Lord Molyns, entred in to the seyd maner;
and how be it that the seyd John Paston, after the seid entre, sued to
the seid Lord Molyns and his councell, in the most louly maner that he
cowde, dayly fro tyme of the seid entre on to the fest of Mihelmes than
next folwyng, duryng which tyme divers communicasyons were had betwix
the councell of the seid Lord and the councell of your besecher. And for
asmych as in the seid communicasions no titill of right at any tyme was
shewed for the seid Lord but that was fully and clerly answeryd, so that
the seid Lords councell remitted your seid besecher to sewe to the seid
Lord for his finall and rightfull answer. And after sute mad to the seid
Lord be your seid besecher, as well at Salysbery as in other places to
his gret coust, and non answer had but delays, which causyd your seid
besecher the vj. day of Octobre last past to inhabite hym in a mansion
with in the seid town, kepyng stille there his poscession, on tille the
xxviij. day of Januarij last past, the seid Lord sent to the seid
mansion a riotous peple, to the nombre of a thowsand persones, with
blanket bendes[128.1] of a sute as riseres ageyn your pees, arrayd in
maner of werre, with curesse, brigaunders, jakks, salettes, gleyfes,
bowes, arows, pavyse,[128.2] gonnes, pannys with fier and teynes
brennyng therein, long cromes[128.3] to drawe doun howsis, ladders,
pikoys, with which thei myned down the walles, and long trees with which
thei broke up yates and dores, and so came in to the seid mansion, the
wiff of your besecher at that tyme beyng ther in, and xij. persones with
her; the which persones thei dreve oute of the seide mansion, and myned
down the walle of the chambre wher in the wiff of your seid besecher
was, and bare here oute at the yates, and cutte a sondre the postes of
the howses and lete them falle, and broke up all the chambres and
coferes within the seid mansion, and rifelyd, and in maner of robery
bare awey all the stuffe, aray, and money that your seyd besecher and
his servauntes had ther, on to the valew of cc_li._ [£200], and part
therof sold, and part ther of yaffe, and the remenaunt thei departed
among them, to the grete and outrageous hurt of your seid besecher,
sayng openly, that if thei myght have found ther yowr seid besecher and
on John Damme,[128.4] which is of councell with hym, and divers oder of
the servauntes of your seid besecher, thei shuld have died. And yet
divers of the seid mysdoeres and ryotous peple onknowyn, contrary to
your lawes, dayly kepe the seid maner with force, and lyne [_i.e._ lien,
lie] in wayte of divers of the frendis, tenauntes, and servauntes of
your seid besecher, and grevously vexe and trobill hem in divers wise,
and seke hem in her howsis, ransakyng and serchyng her shevys and strawe
in her bernes and other places with bore speris, swerdis, and
gesernys,[128.5] as it semyth, to sle hem if thei myght have found hem;
and summe have bete and left for ded, so that thei, for doute of here
lyves, dare not go home to here houses, ner occupy here husbondry, to
the gret hurte, fere, and drede, aswele of your seid besechere as of his
seid frendis, tenauntes, and servauntes. And also, thei compelle pore
tenauntes of the seid maner, now within ther daunger, ageyn ther wille,
to take feyned pleyntes in the courtes of the hundred ther ageyn the
seid frendis, tenauntes, and servauntes of your seid besecher, whiche
dare not apere to answere for fere of bodily harme, ne can gete no
copiis of the seid pleyntes to remedi them be the lawe, because he that
kepyth the seid courtis is of covyn with the seid misdoers, and was on
of the seid ryseres, which be coloure of the seid pleyntes grevously
amercy the seid frendes, tenauntes, and servauntes of your seid
besecher, to the[ir] outrageous and importabille hurte.

Please it your hynesse, consideryng that if this gret insurreccyon,
ryottis, and wrongis, and dayly continuans ther of so heynosly don a
geyn your crowne, dignite and peas, shuld not be your hye myght be duly
punysshed, it shall gefe grett boldnesse to them, and alle other
mysdoers to make congregacyons and conventicles riottously, on abille to
be seysed, to the subversyon and finall distruccyon of your liege peple
and lawes: And also, how that your seid besecher is not abille to sue
the commone lawe in redressyng of this heynos wrong, for the gret myght
and alyaunce of the seid Lord: And also, that your seid besecher canne
have non accyon be your lawe ageyn the seid riotous peple for the godis
and catellis be hem so riottously and wrongfully take and bore awey,
because the seid peple be onknowe, aswelle here names as here persones,
on to hym;--To purvey, be the avyse of the Lordis spirituall and
temporall assembled in this present Parlement, that your seid besechere
may be restoryd to the seid godis and catellis thus riottously take
away; and that the seid Lord Molyns have suche comaundment that your
seid besecher be not thus with force, in maner of werre, hold oute of
his seide maner, contrary to alle your statutes mad ageyn suych
forcibille entrees and holdyngs; and that the seid Lord Molyns and his
servauntes be sette in suche a rewle, that your seid besechere, his
frendis, tenauntes, and servauntes, may be sure and saffe from hurt of
here persones, and pesibly ocupy here londs and tenements under your
lawes with oute oppressyoun or onrightfull vexasioun of any of hem; and
that the seid riseres and causeres therof may be punysshed, that other
may eschewe to make any suche rysyng in this your lond of peas in tyme
comyng. And he shalle pray to God for yowe.

    [Footnote 127.1: [Add. Charter 17,240, B.M.] The date of this
    petition must be during the sitting of Parliament, in the
    beginning of the year 1450. The first expulsion of John Paston
    from Gresham is here clearly dated in February 1448. The
    ‘October last’ in which he re-entered might, so far as appears
    in this petition, have been in the same year, but the letters
    referring to this dispute in 1449 compel us to put it a
    twelvemonth later.]

    [Footnote 127.2: A.D. 1448.]

    [Footnote 128.1: Bands of white woollen cloth?]

    [Footnote 128.2: Pavises were large shields.]

    [Footnote 128.3: Crome is a Norfolk word, signifying a staff
    with a crook at the end of it.]

    [Footnote 128.4: This person was returned to Parliament for
    Norwich in October 1450.]

    [Footnote 128.5: Battle-axes.]


103

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[130.1]

_To my rytz wurchipful mayster, Jon Paston, be this delyvered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / FEB. 21]

Ryt wurchipful hosband, I recommawnd me to zu, desyryng hertyly to heryn
of zour wele fare, preying zu to weten that I commawndyd Herry Goneld to
gon to Gunnore to have copys of the pleyntes in the hundrede, and
Gunnore was not at home; but the seyd Herry spake with his clerk, and he
told hym pleynly he wost wele his mayster wuld not late hym have no
copys, thow he wor at home, tyl the nexst hundred; qher for I send zou
that byl that was wownd abowt the relefys. Custans, Mak, and Kentyng
wold adysavowyd here swtes rytz fayn the last hundred, as I herd sayn of
rytz thryfty men; but the Lord Moleynys men thrett hem that bothe they
xuld ben betyn and lesen here hows and lond and alle here goods, but if
[_unless_] they wold avow it; and after that Osborn was gon,
Hasard[130.2] intretyd Kentyng and Mak to avow the swtys after that they
hadde disavowyd itt, and zave hem mony to zef to the clerkes to entren
azen the pleyntes. But if[130.3] ze seke a remedy in hast for to remeve
itt, I soppose they wyl distreyn for the mersymentes er the nexst
hundred.

As for Mak, he gate respyt that he xuld not sew tyl the nexst hundred.
As for Herry Goneld, he was dystreynyd zysterday for rent and ferm, and
he must pay it to morue, xxij_s._, or elles lesyn his dystresse. They
gadder mony fast of all the tenawntes. All the tenawntes ben chargyd to
pay al her rent and ferm be Fastyngong Sonday.[131.1] It ys told me that
the Lord Moleynys xuld kepe his Fastyngong att Jon Wynters plase.

The seid Lordes men haddyn a letter on Thursday last past; qhat tydyngs
they hadde I wote nott; but on the nexst moruenyng be tymys Thomas
Bampton, a man of the Lord Moleynys, rod with a letter to his lord, and
they that ben at Gressam waytyn after an answer of the letter in hast.
Barow, and Hegon, and all the Lord Moleynys men that wer at Gressam qhan
ze departyd hens bene there styll, save Bampton, and in his stede is kom
another; and I here sey thei xul abyd here styll tyl her lord kom
. . . .[131.2] to Barow as ze komawndyd me to weten quhatt the cawse was
that thei thrett men . . . .[131.2] Goneld and other of zour servawnts
and wele willers to zow, the qheche wer namyd to hym that were
thrett. . . . .[131.2] [s]wore pleynly that they were never thrett; but
I know veryly the contrary, for of his owyn felaschep lay[d] in awayt
sondery dayis and nytis abowt Gunnelds, Purrys, and Bekks plasis, and
som of them zedyn in to Bekks and Purrys [ho]usys, bothen in the hallys
and the bernys, and askyd qher thei were, and thei were answeryd that
they were owth; and thei seydyn azen that they xuld meten with hem
another tyme. And be dyvers other thyngs I know, if thei mytz aben kawt,
other [_either_] they xuld aben slayn or sor hurt.

I sent Kateryn on this forseyd masage, for I kowd geten no man to do it,
and sent with her Jamys Halman and Herry Holt; and sche desyryd of Barow
to have an answer of her masage, and if these forseyd men mytz levyn in
pese for hem, and seyd ther xuld elles ben purveyd other remedy for hem.
And he made her grett chere, and hem that wer ther with her, and seyd
that he desyryd for to spekyn with me, if it xuld ben non displesans to
me; and Kateryn seyd to hym that sche supposyd that I desyryd not to
speken with hym. And he seyd he xuld com forby this plase on huntyng
after non, and ther xuld no mor com with hym but Hegon and on of his
owyn men; and than he wold bryng seche an answere as xuld plese me. And
after none they come hydder, and sent in to me to weten if thei mytz
speken with me, and praying that thei mytz speken with me, and they
abedyn styl with owtz the zatys; and I kam owth to hem, and spak with
hem with owt, and prayid hem that thei wold hold me exkusyd that I
browth hem not in to the plase. I seyd in as meche as thei wer nott wele
wyllyng to the gode man of the plase, I wold not take it up on me to
bryng hem in to the jantylwoman. They seyd I dede the best, and than we
welk forthe, and desyryd an answer of hem for that I hadde sent to hem
for. Thei sayd to me thei had browtz me seche an answer as thei hopyd
xuld plese me, and told me how thei had comownd with all her felaschep
of soche materis as I had sent to hem fore, and that thei durst under
take that ther xud no man ben hurt of hem thatt wer rehersyd, ner no man
that longeth to zu, nother for hem ner non of her felaschep, and that
they answeryd me be her trowthis. Never lese I trest not to her promese,
in as meche as I fend hem ontrew in other thyngs.

I conseyvyd wele be hem that they wer wery of that thei haden don. Barow
swor to me be his trowth that he had lever than xl_s._, and xl. that his
lord had not comawndyd hym to com to Gressam; and he seyd he was rytz
sory hidderward, in as meche as he had knowleche of zw before, he was
rytz sory of that that was don. I seyd to hym that he xuld have
compascion on zu and other that wer disseysyd of her lyvelode, in as
meche as he had ben dissesyd hym self; and he seyd he was so, and told
me that he had sewyd to my Lord of Suffolk dyvers tymys, and wold don
tyl he may gete his gode azen. I seyd to hym that ze had sewyd to my
Lord Moleynys dyvers tymys for the maner of Gressam syth ze wer
dissesyd, and ze cowd never gete no resonabyl answer of hym; and ther
fore ze entred azen, as ye hopid that was for the best. And he seyd he
xuld never blame my Lord of Suffolk for the entre in his lyvelode, for
he seyd my seyd lord was sett ther up on be the informacion of a fals
schrew; and I seyd to hym in lyke wyse is the matier be twyx the Lord
Moleynys and zu. I told hym I wost wele he sett never ther upon be no
tytyl of rytz that he hadde to the maner of Gressam, but only be the
informacion of a fals schrew.[133.1] I rehersyd no name, but me thowt be
hem that thei wost ho I ment. Meche other langage we hadde, qhyche xuld
taken long leysyr in wrytyng. I rehersyd to hem that it xuld abe seyd
thatt I xuld not longe dwell so ner hem as I dewe and they for swer it,
as thei do other thyngs more that it was never seyd, and meche thyngs
that I know veryly was seyd.

I here seyn that ze and Jon of Damme ben sore thrett alway, and seyn
thow ze ben at London, ze xul ben met with ther as wele as thow ze were
her; and ther for I pray zu hertyly be ware how ze walk ther, and have a
gode felaschep with zu qhan ze xul walk owt. The Lord Moleynys hathe a
cumpany of brothell with hym that rekk not qhat they don, and seche ar
most for to drede. Thei that ben at Gressam seyn that they have not don
so moche hurte to zu as thei were commawndyd to don. Rabert Lauerawns is
wele amendyd, and I hope xall recure. He seyth pleynly he wyl compleyn
of his hurt, and I soppose Bek wyl compleyn also, as he hath cause. Bek
and Purry dare not abyd att hom tyl thei here other tydyngs. I wold not
Jon of Damme xuld com hom tyl the cuntre be storyd otherwyse than it is.
I pray Godde grawnt that it mot sone ben otherwyse than it is. I pray zu
hertyly that ze wil send me word how ze don, and how ze spede in zour
materis, for be my trowth I kan not ben wel att ese in my hert, ner not
xal ben tyl I here tydynges how ze don. The most part of zour stuff that
was at Gressam is sold, and zovyn away. Barow and his felaw spak to me
in the most plesawnt wyse, and me semyth be hem thei wold fayn plese me.
Thei seyd thei wold do me servyse and plesans, if it lay in her powres
to don owth for me, save only in that that longeth to her lordes rytz.
I seyd to hem, as for seche servys as they had do to zw and to me,
I desyr no mor that thei xuld do nother to zw ner to me. Thei seyd I myt
an had of them att Gressham qhat I hadde desyryd of hem, and had as
moche as I desyryd. I seyd, nay; if I mytz an had my desyr, I xuld
nother a departid owth of the place, ner from the stuff that was ther
in. Thei seyd, as for the stuff it was but esy. I seyd ze wold not a
zoven the stuff that was in the place qhan thei com in, not for C_li._
Thei seyd the stuff that thei sey [saw] ther was skars worth xx_li._ As
for zour moder and myn, sche faryth wel, blissid be God, and she had no
tydynges but gode zett, blissid be God. The blissyd Trynyte have zou in
his kepyng, and send zou hele, and gode spede in al your maters. Wretyn
at Sustede,[134.1] on the Satyrday next after Seynt Valentynys day.

Here dare no man seyn a gode wurd for zu in this cuntre, Godde amend it.

  Yowres,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 130.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] From an allusion in
    the latter part of this letter, it is evident that it was
    written in 1450, after Margaret had been driven out of Gresham,
    as mentioned in John Paston’s petition, No. 102 preceding.]

    [Footnote 130.2: William Hasard. --_See_ Letter No. 88.]

    [Footnote 130.3: But if, _i.e._ unless.]

    [Footnote 131.1: Fastyngong was a popular name for Shrovetide.
    Fastingong Sunday I believe to have been the Sunday _after_
    Shrove Tuesday, which would be the 22nd of February in 1450.]

    [Footnote 131.2: Mutilated.]

    [Footnote 133.1: John Heydon, Esq. of Baconsthorpe, appears to
    have been the person referred to. --_See_ No. 135 following.]

    [Footnote 134.1: Sustead was John Damme’s place (_see_
    Blomefield, viii. 168). It is in the immediate neighbourhood of
    Gresham.]


104

ABSTRACT[134.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS, CLERK, WILLIAM COLE, AND WATKYN
SHIPDAM.

[Sidenote: 1450 / MARCH 7]

The beginning of this letter, which is more than half lost by
mutilation, speaks of ‘a bill in the Parliament of the extortions done
[to me]’ from the 17th year [of Henry VI.] hitherto. The rest seems to
be partly memoranda of things to be entered in this ‘bill,’ viz. of
sheep distrained at Drayton, of a matter of trespass between Lady
Bardolf and Fastolf, of ‘Chevers mater in Blyclyng,’ of an unpaid
annuity at Hiklyng, of decays at Tichewell, etc. They are to learn from
Nich. Bokkyng, to whom the £100 for Busshop was paid. Thinks two men
should occupy Castre and Wynterton which Broun holds alone. It is too
much for one to occupy well; ‘and in the same wise at Heylesden and
Drayton.’ Let me know what Lampet has done in my matter, and if you find
him friendly. Both my ships have arrived in safety, thank God.

London, 7 March 28 Henry VI.

  _Signed._

    [Footnote 134.2: [MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 225.]]


105

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[135.1]

_To John Paston, dwellyn in the Inder In of the Tempyll, att London,
be thys letter delyverd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MARCH 11]

Son, I grete yow, and send yow Godds blyssyng, and myn; and as for my
doughtyr your wyfe, che faryt well, blyssyd be God, as a woman in hyr
plyte may do, and all your sonys and doughtrys.

And for as meche as ye will send me no tydyngs, I send yow seche as ben
in thys contre. Rychard Lynsted cam thys day fro Paston, and letyt me
wete that on Saturday last past Dravale, halfe brother to Waryn Harman,
was takyn with enemyis, walkyn be the se syde, and have hym forthe with
hem; and they tokyn ij. pylgremys, a man and a woman, and they robbyd
the woman, and lete hyr gon, and ledde the man to the see, and whan they
knew he was a pylgreme, they geffe hym monei, and sett hym ageyn on the
lond. And they have thys weke takyn iiij. vesselys of [_i.e._ off]
Wyntyrton; and Happysborough and Ecles men ben sore aferd for takyn of
mo [_i.e._ more (?)], for ther ben x. grete vesselys of the enemyis; God
yeue grace that the see may be better kepte than it is now, or ellys it
chall ben a perlyous dwellyng be the se cost.

I pray yow grete well your brethyrne, and sey hem that I send hem Goddis
blyssyn and myn; and sey William that if Jenett Lauton be not payd for
the krymson cort wheche Alson Crane wrote to hyr for in hyr owyn name,
that than he pay hyr, and see Alson Cranys name strekyn owt of hyr boke,
for che seithe che wyll aske no man the money butt Alson Crane. And I
pray yow that ye wyll remembr the letter that I sent yow last, and God
be with yow.

Wretyn att Norwyche, the Wedenesday next before Sent Gregory.

  AUGNES PASTON.

    [Footnote 135.1: [From Fenn, iii. 304.] Fenn assigns this letter
    to the year 1458, but not very confidently. The similarity of
    its contents, in part, to those of the letter immediately
    following, appears to me to render the year 1450 the more
    probable date.]


106

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[136.1]

_To my rytz worchypful maystyr, Jon Paston, be this delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MARCH 12]

Rytz worchipful hosbond, I recomawnd me to yow, desyring hertyly to her
of zour wellfar, &c.[136.2] . . . . Wyllyam Rutt, the whiche is with Sir
Jon Hevenyngham, kom hom from London zesterday, and he seyd pleynly to
his master, and to many other folks, that the Duke of Suffolk is
pardonyd, and hath his men azen waytyng up on hym, and is rytz wel at
ese and mery, and is in the Kyngs gode grase, and in the gode conseyt of
all the Lords, as well as ever he was.

Ther ben many enemys azens Yermowth and Crowmer, and have don moche
harm, and taken many Englysch men, and put hem in grett distresse, and
grettely rawnsommyd hem; and the seyd enmys been so bold that they kom
up to the lond, and pleyn hem on Caster Sonds, and in other plases, as
homely as they were Englysch men. Folks ben rytz sore afred that they
wel don moche harm this somer, but if [_i.e._ unless] ther be made rytz
grett purvyans azens hem.

Other tydyngs know I non at this tym. The blysseful Trinyte have zow in
his kepyng.

Wryten at Norwyche, on Seynt Gregorys day.

  Yowrs,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 136.1: [From Fenn, i. 28.] The reference to the Duke
    of Suffolk’s pardon proves this letter to have been written in
    the year 1450.]

    [Footnote 136.2: Here Fenn has omitted a passage, relating, as
    he says, to some common business about Paston’s farms and
    tenants.]


107

ABSTRACT[137.1]

SIR JO. FASTOLF TO SIR THOS. HOWYS, PARSON OF CASTLCOMBE, WILL. COKE,
AND WATKIN SHYPDAM.

[Sidenote: 1450 / APRIL 16]

Bids ‘Sir Parson’ send in all haste ‘the utmost knowledge of all
grievances’ done to him by John Heydon this thirteen years. You have
sent me the costs of the pleas, but not declared particularly how often
I have been wrongfully distrained by the enforcing of the said Heydon.
‘I took never plea in the matter because the world was alway set after
his rule, and as I would have engrossed up [_upon_] my bill.’

London, 16 April 28 Henry VI.

Search the accounts of Drayton Heylesdon, &c., these thirteen years.

    [Footnote 137.1: [From a modern copy by Blomefield on the
    fly-leaf of a Letter addressed to him. Headed, ‘Gave this
    original letter of Sir John’s to Sir Andrew Fountain.’
    --MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 229.]]


108

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[137.2]

_To my right trusty and right enterly welbeloved frend, John Paston,
Squier._

[Sidenote: 1450 / APRIL 22]

Right t[r]usty and enterly welbeloved frend, I grete you welle, and wyll
ze wite that a man of Osberd Monford hath declared me how the said
Osberd is infourmed that Danyelle shuld be pourposed to enter in the
place of Braystone. And as fer as I can undirstande, Danyelle is come in
to this cuntre, for none other cause but for to have suche as the Kyng
hath gifen hym in Rysyng, which lieth not in me ner in none of the
Kynges subgectes to go ageyns hise graunte and plesaunce. And in cas the
said Danyelle wold enter upon the said Osberd otherwise than lawe wold,
seyng the said Osberd is my tenaunt and homager, it is my part to holde
with hym rather than with Danyelle in hise right, which I wylle do to my
pouer. And as zet I can not apperceyve that Danyelle wylle labore in any
maters in this cuntre; and if he wylle be of good governance, I am wel
paied. And in cas that he wold do wrong to the lesse gentilman in the
chirre, it shal not lye in hise pouer be the grace of God. He letethe me
wite that he wylle be wel governed in tyme commyng.

Right trusty and enterly wel beloved frend, I pray God have you in hise
governance. Writen at Midelton, the xxij. day of Aprille.

  SCALES.

    [Footnote 137.2: [Douce MSS. 393, f. 100.] It appears by a
    paper, which will be found further on (No. 119), that Daniel
    entered the manor of Braydeston or Brayston during the
    Parliament which was held at Leicester in the spring of 1450.
    This letter must have been written at that time.]


109

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[138.1]

_To my right trusty and welbeloved frende, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and welbeloved frend, I grete you hertly wel, and wul ye
wite that Wotton is ever creyng and callyng upon me to write un to you
for hise londe; wherfore at the reverence of Good, consideryng the
symplenesse of hem all, I pray you that ye put hem at a certen, and lete
hem all that they aught to have of right, for thaire creyng cause men to
thinke ye do hem grete wrong, which I wote wel ye wold be sory to do.

Oure Lord have you in hise governance. Writen at Midelton, the xvj. day
of October.

  Youre frende,

  SCALES.

    [Footnote 138.1: [From Fenn, iii. 364.] This and the six letters
    following, all but one of which are, like the last, written by
    Lord Scales to John Paston, are placed here merely for
    convenience, the years in which they were written being quite
    uncertain, though probably not very far apart. The one letter
    among them of which Lord Scales is not the writer, is inserted
    in abstract on account of its bearing on that which immediately
    precedes it.]


110

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[138.2]

_To my right trusty and enterly welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and enterly welbeloved frend, I grete you welle; and for as
mych as there is vareaunce betwene William Wotton and hise moder and the
fermour there, wherfore I pray you that ze wyll [fynde][138.3] a weye
accordyng to right for to put hem in rest and pees. For in as mych as
they be yo[ur] tenantes, ze aught to have the reule of them before any
other, praying you to do youre part to put hem oute of trouble.

I pray God have you in hise governance. Writen at Midelton, the xiij.
day of Aprille.

  Youre frend,

  THE LORD SCALES.

    [Footnote 138.2: [Douce MS. 393, f. 99.]]

    [Footnote 138.3: Mutilated.]


111

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[139.1]

_To my ryght trusti and wel beloved frend, John Paston, Sqyer._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and wel beloved frend, I comande me to you, and for certain
maters that I have for to do, for the which ma[ters I] sende unto you a
squier of myne called Elyngham; praying you to gefe hym faythful
credence of that he shall declare you on myne behalfe as for this tyme.
God have you in Hise keping. Writene at Midleton, the xviij. day of
Julle.

  Yowre frend,

  SCALES.

    [Footnote 139.1: [MS. in Pembroke College, Cambridge.] This
    letter evidently was written in the same year as the next, but
    there is no evidence what that year was. Below the signature is
    a note in a modern hand erroneously identifying the writer with
    Anthony Woodville, Lord Scales. He was certainly Thomas, Lord
    Scales, of Henry VI.’s time.]


112

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[139.2]

_To [my] right trusty and welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and welbeloved frend, I grete you welle; and as touchyng
the mater that Elyngham and ze comuned to giders of the last tyme he was
with you, I pray you that ze wylle assigne such a day as you liketh
best, so that it be with inne this viij. dayes, and sende me worde what
day ze wylle be here be the bringer herof.

I pray God have you in governance. Writen at Midelton, the iij. day of
August.

  Youre frend,

  SCALES.

    [Footnote 139.2: [Douce MS., f. 101.]]


113

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[140.1]

_To my right trusty and welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and welbeloved frend, I grete you wel; and for as myche as
there is certayn vareaunce betwene Elizabeth Clere and a servaunt of
myne, called William Stiwa[r]desson, prayng you feithfully that ze wylle
labore and intrete the said Elizabeth to such appointement as the
brynger of this letter shal informe you of, and do your trewe dilligence
in this mater, as ze wyll I do for you in any thyng ze may have ado in
this cuntre, whiche I will do with al my herte.

Oure Lord have yow in hise keping. Writen at Myddelton, the last day of
August.

  SCALES.

    [Footnote 140.1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 102.]]


114

ABSTRACT[140.2]

ELIZABETH CLERE TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Stywardesson came to her on Easter even to church, and made a very
humble submission. He at first denied having slandered her, or said that
he was beaten, only that he was sore afraid; but at last acknowledged he
had untruly charged her men with coming into his place with force and
arms, and that he was beaten, for which his master took an action
against her. Called her tenants to bear witness to his recantation. Said
she would give him no answer now but by advice of her friends, and his
master must leave his maintenance. Promised him an answer on Saturday in
Easter week. He told another man that Heidon promised his master it
should be put in award by Palm Sunday; ‘for he is double both to him and
to me, and so is William Geney and mo of my counsel.’ He is willing to
make a release. His barn which his men entered to distrain, he says, is
frank, and he may give the rent when he pleases. Wishes Paston’s advice
what answer to make.--Easter Monday.

    [Footnote 140.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


115

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[141.1]

_To my right trusty and wel be loved frend, Jhon Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and wel beloved frend, I grete you wel, thankyng you
hertely for the gentilnes and good wylle I have founde in you at alle
tymes. And for as myche as I and other stonde feffed in the landes of
Thomas Canon, which is in vareaunce betwene you and hym, if ye wylle do
so myche as for your part chese ij. lerned menn and the said Canon shal
chese other ij., they to juge this mater as they shal seme of right and
resoun. And if so be that the said Canon wylle not do so, I wylle not
lete you to suye hym after the forme of the Kynges lawe. And if ze
thinke it to many lerned men, take ze one, and he another; and if they
may not accorde, ze and I to be umpere, for we stande bothe in like cas.
And we shal make a good ende be the grace of oure Lord, which have you
in hise governance.

Writen at Midelton, the ix. day of Octobre.

  Zowr frend,

  SCALES.

    [Footnote 141.1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 103.]]


116

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[141.2]

_To my right trusty and welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and welbeloved frende, I grete you hertly well, praying you
that ye wyll sende me a coppie of the awarde that was made be you and my
cousyn Sir Miles[141.3] betwex my cousyn Bryan Stapylton and Elizabeth
Clere, and that ze wyll sende me the said awarde be the bringer herof.
I pray God have you in governance.

Writen at Midelton, the ix. day of Novembre.

  SCALES.

    [Footnote 141.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

    [Footnote 141.3: Sir Miles Stapleton.]


117

THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK TO HIS SON[142.1]

_The copie of a notable Lettre, written by the Duke of Suffolk to his
Sonne,[142.2] giving hym therein very good counseil.[142.3]_

[Sidenote: 1450 / APRIL 30]

My dere and only welbeloved sone, I beseche oure Lord in Heven, the
Maker of alle the world, to blesse you, and to sende you ever grace to
love hym, and to drede hym; to the which, as ferre as a fader may charge
his child, I both charge you, and prei you to sette alle spirites and
wittes to do, and to knowe his holy lawes and comaundments, by the which
ye shall with his grete mercy passe alle the grete tempestes and
troubles of this wrecched world. And that also, wetyngly, ye do no thyng
for love nor drede of any erthely creature that shuld displese hym. And
there as any freelte maketh you to falle, be secheth hys mercy soone to
calle you to hym agen with repentaunce, satisfaccion, and contricion of
youre herte never more in will to offend hym.

Secondly, next hym, above alle erthely thyng, to be trewe liege man in
hert, in wille, in thought, in dede, unto the Kyng oure alder most high
and dredde sovereygne Lord, to whom bothe ye and I been so moche bounde
to; chargyng you, as fader can and may, rather to die than to be the
contrarye, or to knowe any thyng that were ayenste the welfare or
prosperite of his most riall person, but that as ferre as your body and
lyf may strecthe, ye lyve and die to defende it, and to lete his
highnesse have knowlache thereof in alle the haste ye can.

Thirdly, in the same wyse, I charge you, my dere sone, alwey, as ye be
bounden by the commaundement of God to do, to love, to worshepe youre
lady and moder, and also that ye obey alwey hyr commaundements, and to
beleve hyr councelles and advises in alle youre werks, the which dredeth
not, but shall be best and trewest to you. And yef any other body wold
stere you to the contrarie, to flee the councell in any wyse, for ye
shall fynde it nought and evyll.

Forthe[rmore],[143.1] as ferre as fader may and can, I charge you in any
wyse to flee the company and councel of proude men, of coveitowse men,
and of flateryng men, the more especially and myghtily to withstonde
hem, and not to drawe, ne to medle with hem, with all youre myght and
power. And to drawe to you and to your comp[any good][143.1] and
vertuowse men, and such as ben of good conversacion, and of trouthe, and
be them shal ye never be deseyved, ner repente you off. [Moreover never
follow][143.1] youre owne witte in no wyse, but in alle youre werkes,
of suche folks as I write of above, axeth youre advise a[nd
counse]l;[143.1] and doyng thus, with the mercy of God, ye shall do
right well, and lyve in right moche worship, and grete herts rest and
ease. And I wyll be to you as good lord and fader as my hert can thynke.

And last of alle, as hertily and as lovyngly as ever fader blessed his
child in erthe, I yeve you the blessyng of oure Lord and of me, which of
his infynite mercy encrece you in alle vertu and good lyvyng. And that
youre blood may by his grace from kynrede to kynrede multeplye in this
erthe to hys servise, in such wyse as after the departyng fro this
wreched world here, ye and thei may glorefye hym eternally amongs his
aungelys in hevyn.

Wreten of myn hand,

The day of my departyng fro this land.[143.2]

  Your trewe and lovyng fader,

  SUFFOLK.

    [Footnote 142.1: [From Fenn, i. 32.] The date of this letter is
    sufficiently clear from the last words of it.]

    [Footnote 142.2: John de la Pole, who succeeded him as Duke of
    Suffolk.]

    [Footnote 142.3: This heading looks as if copied by Fenn from an
    endorsement, which is probably not quite contemporaneous.]

    [Footnote 143.1: These words in brackets were chafed and
    illegible in the original MS.]

    [Footnote 143.2: According to William Worcester, the Duke
    embarked on Thursday, the 30th April.]


118

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[144.1]

_To owre Ryght trusty and right welbeloved Frend, Johan Paston,
Esquier._

The Erle of Oxenford.

[Sidenote: 1450(?) / APRIL 30]

Right tristy and welbeloved frend, we grete you right hertily well. And
for asmuche as we be enformed that on [_one_] Thomas Kecham, a servaunt
of owre right welbeloved brothir, Sir Richard de Veer, knyght, hath to
done with Sir Henry Inglose knyght in a certeyn matier in wich youre
good maisterschep may cause his singuler ease and a vaile as anenst the
said knyght, as Thomas Kecham hath enformed us; We pray you hertily
that, at the reverence of us and this oure writyng, ye woll take the
labour upon you to speke unto the said Sir Henry, conceyving a mene and
the weye of an ende to be had be twix thaym of right, causyng the said
knyght to sease of hese malice and wrongful suette as a nenst the said
Thomas. And ferthermore we pray you to see that the said knyght take no
benefeys ne prevayle not as a nenst the Gaoyler of the Castell of
Norwich for the suerte of the said Thomas Kecham, as we verily trust ye
will; in wich feithfully doyng we shall kun you hertily thanke. And
right trusty and welbeloved, the Trynitie have yow in Hese kepyng.
Wreton at oure Manour of Wevenhoo, the last day of Aprill.

  Below the text of this letter is written in another hand, ‘Smalwode
  Sparhawk.’

    [Footnote 144.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 164.] This letter cannot
    be later than 1451, as Sir Henry Inglose died in June of that
    year. The date may be about 1450, like that of some other
    letters of the Earl of Oxford.]

  [[we shall kun you hertily thanke
    _text unchanged (expected editorial gloss)_]]


119

ABSTRACT[145.1]

[Sidenote: 1450-2]

A paper of memoranda in William Worcester’s handwriting, of which the
principal contents are as follows:--

A commission of _oyer_ and _terminer_, dated 1 August 28 Henry VI.--A
session at Swaffham, on Thursday after the Exaltation of the Holy Cross,
29 Henry VI. (17 September 1450).--A note of six other sessions:--1. At
Norwich before the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Oxford and Yelverton,
Tuesday after St. Mathias’ day, 29 Henry VI. (2 March 1451); 2. At
Norwich, before Oxford and Yelverton, Monday after St. Martin in Winter,
29 Henry VI. (16 November 1450); 3. At Norwich, before Oxford and
Yelverton, Wednesday after the Conception of St. Mary (15 December),
continued seven days; 4. At Lynn, before Oxford, Scales, and Yelverton,
Tuesday after Epiphany (13 January); 5. At Norwich, before John Prysot
and Yelverton, Thursday in Easter week, 29 Henry VI. (29 April 1451);
6. At Walsingham, before Scales and Prysot, Monday _in crastino clausi
Paschæ_ (3 May 1451).

‘Parliamentum apud Leyseter ---- anno xxviijº.--Durante illo Parliamento
intravit T. Daniell manerium de Braydeston.--Will’us, Dux Suff’ obiit
tertio die Maii anno xxviijº Regis Henry VI^{ti}.--Jak Cade, proditor
de Kent, fugit de le Blakheth xxij. die Junii anno xxviij. H. VI.,
[     ] Julii mense decapitatus fuit.--Injuria Plumbsted post hoc (?)’
--Mundford and Heydon entered Braysto[ne] on the eve of the Nativity of
St. Mary anno 29 (7 September 1450). Thomas Danyell entered Braydeston
a second time, 30 Henry VI.

Between Mich. 30 and 31 Henry VI. (1451 and 1452) Norfolk, Oxford,
Scales, and a great number of others were at Norwich holding sessions.
The same year ‘John P.’ was with John, Earl of Oxford, at Whevenho on
the Nativity of St. Mary (8 September). The same year, before all these
things, Thomas Danyell was married at Framlyngham.

‘Testimonium Commissionariorum et cognitio Milonis Stapulton quo ad
impanellationem juratorum.

‘Item, testimonium concilii quoad mutationem actionum in indictamentis
et recordum apparet et declaratio Johannis Geney facta Thomæ Gurney.

‘Item, testimonium concilii et Thomæ Grene quoad absenciam Johannis
Porter. Et testimonium hominum de Bliclyng. Item, missio pro Johanne
Porter pro pecunia et placito proprio. (Memorandum, quando Porter fuit
juratus, J. Andru fuit extractus de indictamento.)

‘Item, testimonium juratorum de non procuratione. Et indictamentum
Johannis Andrew in Suff. causa fugationis ejus.

‘Item, antiquum debat’ supposit’ inter Andrews et Porter erat pro
districtione capta de Johanne Andrews apud Weston pro debito domini
Bardolf; pro qua causa idem Johannes Andrews implacitare vellet dictum
Johannem Porter ad terminum (?) nisi pro dicto domino Bardolf; sic
dictus Andrews continuavit maliciam suam erga prædictum Johannem Porter,
et e contra quod et malicia Heydon erat causa conspiracionis per
ipsum. . . .’

  [As this document is a key to the dates of several of the letters
  during the years 1450 to 1452, we have thought it best to insert it
  in the beginning of the period to which it refers, instead of the
  date at which it may be supposed to have been written.]

    [Footnote 145.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


120

WILLIAM LOMNER TO JOHN PASTON[146.1]

_To my ryght worchipfull John Paston, at Norwich._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MAY 5]

Ryght worchipfull sir, I recomaunde me to yow, and am right sory of that
I shalle sey, and have soo wesshe this litel bille with sorwfulle terys,
that on ethes ye shalle reede it.

As on Monday[146.2] nexte after May day there come tydyngs to London,
that on Thorsday[146.3] before the Duke of Suffolk come unto the costes
of Kent full nere Dower with his ij. shepes and a litel spynner; the
qweche spynner he sente with certeyn letters to certeyn of his trustid
men unto Caleys warde, to knowe howe he shuld be resceyvyd; and with hym
mette a shippe callyd Nicolas of the Towre, with other shippis waytyng
on hym, and by hem that were in the spyner, the maister of the Nicolas
hadde knowlich of the dukes comyng. And whanne he espyed the dukes
shepis, he sent forthe his bote to wete what they were, and the duke hym
selfe spakke to hem, and seyd, he was be the Kyngs comaundement sent to
Caleys ward, &c.

And they seyd he most speke with here master. And soo he, with ij. or
iij. of his men, wente forth with hem yn here bote to the Nicolas; and
whanne he come, the master badde hym, ‘Welcom, Traitor,’ as men sey; and
forther the maister desyryd to wete yf the shepmen woldde holde with the
duke, and they sent word they wold not yn noo wyse; and soo he was on
the Nicolas tyl Saturday[146.4] next folwyng.

Soom sey he wrotte moche thenke [_thing_] to be delyverd to the Kynge,
but thet is not verily knowe. He hadde hes confessor with hym, &c.

And some sey he was arreyned yn the sheppe on here maner upon the
appechementes and fonde gylty, &c.

Also he asked the name of the sheppe, and whanne he knew it, he
remembred Stacy that seid, if he myght eschape the daunger of the Towr,
he should be saffe; and thanne his herte faylyd hym, for he thowghte he
was desseyvyd, and yn the syght of all his men he was drawyn ought of
the grete shippe yn to the bote; and there was an exe, and a stoke, and
oon of the lewdeste of the shippe badde hym ley down his hedde, and he
should be fair ferd wyth, and dye on a swerd; and toke a rusty swerd,
and smotte of his hedde withyn halfe a doseyn strokes, and toke awey his
gown of russet, and his dobelette of velvet mayled, and leyde his body
on the sonds of Dover; and some sey his hedde was sette oon a pole by
it, and hes men sette on the londe be grette circumstaunce and preye.
And the shreve of Kent doth weche the body, and sent his under shreve to
the juges to wete what to doo, and also to the Kenge whatte shalbe doo.

Forther I wotte nott, but this fer (?) is that yf the proces be
erroneous, lete his concell reverse it, &c.

Also for alle your other maters they slepe, and the freer[147.1] also,
&c.

Sir Thomas Keriel[147.2] is take prisoner, and alle the legge harneyse,
and abowte iij. m^l. [3000] Englishe men slayn.

Mathew Gooth[147.3] with xv^c. [1500] fledde, and savyd hym selffe and
hem; and Peris Brusy was cheffe capteyn, and hadde x. m^l. Frenshe men
and more, &c.

I prey yow lete my mastras your moder knowe these tydyngis, and God have
yow all yn his kepyn.

I prey yow this bille may recomaunde me to my mastrases your moder and
wyfe, &c.

James Gresham hath wretyn to John of Dam, and recomaundith hym, &c.

Wretyn yn gret hast at London, the v. day of May, &c.

  By yowr wyfe.[148.1]

  W. L.

    [Footnote 146.1: [From Fenn, i. 38.] The date of this letter is
    perfectly determined by the events to which it relates.]

    [Footnote 146.2: 4th May.]

    [Footnote 146.3: 30th April.]

    [Footnote 146.4: 2nd May.]

    [Footnote 147.1: An allusion to Friar Hauteyn’s suit or Oxnead.]

    [Footnote 147.2: Sent to France to carry succours to the Duke of
    Somerset, but defeated and taken prisoner at the battle of
    Fourmigni, 15th April 1450.]

    [Footnote 147.3: Matthew Gough, a celebrated captain in the
    French war.]

    [Footnote 148.1: This singular subscription Fenn believes to
    have been owing to a momentary forgetfulness on the part of the
    writer, William Lomner, who had been in the habit of acting as
    Margaret Paston’s secretary in writing to her husband.]


121

JOHN CRANE TO JOHN PASTON[148.2]

_To my right worshupfull cosygne, John Paston of Norwyche, Squyer._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MAY 6]

Right worshupfull sir, I recomaunde me unto yow in the most goodly wyse
that y can; and forasmuche as ye desired of me to sende yow worde of
dyvers matirs here, whiche been opened in the Parliament openly, I sende
yow of them suche as I can.

First moost especiall, that for verray trowthe upon Saterday[148.3] that
last was, the Duke of Suffolk was taken in the see, and there he was
byheded, and his body with the appurtenaunce sette at lande at Dover,
and alle the folks that he haad with hym were sette to lande, and haad
noon harme.

Also the Kyng hath sumwhat graanted to have the resumpsion agayne in
summe, but nat in alle, &c.

Also yef ye purpose to come hydre to put up your bylles, ye may come now
in a good tyme; for now every man that hath any, they put theme now
inne, and so may ye, yif ye come with Godds grace to your pleasur.

Ferthermore, upon the iiij^th day of this monthe, the Erle of
Devenesshire[148.4] come hydre with iij^c. [300] men wel byseen, &c.

And upon the morow after my Lord of Warrewyke[148.5] with iiij^c. [400]
and moo, &c.

Also, as hyt ys noysed here Calys shal be byseged withynne this vij.
dayes, &c.

God save the Kyng, and sende us pees, &c.

Other tithyngs be ther noon here, but Almyghty God have yow in his
kepyng.

Writen at Leycestre, the vj. day of May.

  Your cosigne,

  JOHN CRANE.[149.1]

    [Footnote 148.2: [From Fenn, i. 44.] The date of this letter, as
    of the preceding, is clearly proved by internal evidence.]

    [Footnote 148.3: 2nd May.]

    [Footnote 148.4: Thomas Courtenay.]

    [Footnote 148.5: Richard Nevill. --_See_ Letter 98.]

    [Footnote 149.1: Probably John Crane of Woodnorton, of whom
    there are some notices in Blomefield (_Hist. Norf._ viii. 313,
    316; x. 282).]


122

ABSTRACT[149.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOS. HOWYS, Parson of Castlecombe, ‘being at
Castre.’

[Sidenote: 1450 / MAY 7]

Begs him to solicit the expedition of the matters of which he wrote
since Easter.--Debts of Thos. Symmys for rents and sale of wools not yet
paid to F. in Dedham.--As for the matter of Rydlyngfold and Hykele,
‘seth it ys soo the world is changed gretely over it was, y pray you,
and charge you, parson, labour ye to my frendz Lampet and others’ to get
a copy of their evidences; for ‘howbeit the said prioress say that her
evidence be in the Duke of Suffolk’s keeping or his counsel,’ she had a
book in which all the evidence is copied. The thing would have been sped
long ere this, if ‘my Lord Norwich[’s] Chancellor’ or Master Pope, had
labored as they promised. For God’s sake send me a good answer. ‘If an
inordinate book be made, remembering the deliverance’ of cloths, &c.
into F.’s wardrobe, let the indentures be engrossed. Wonders Howys
cannot furnish him with a full account of the damages sustained by F.
and his tenants these ten or twelve years past. He has only sent a
declaration of costs in defending some of them. Get a letter of Nich.
Bokkyng of the £100 to whom it was paid.

London, 7 May 28 Henry VI.

  _Signed._

    [Footnote 149.2: [MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 223.]]

  [[_footnote marker misprinted as 1_]]


123

THOMAS DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[150.1]

_To my maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MAY 13]

I recomaund me unto your good maistership; and as for tidings, Arblaster
come home to my Lord[150.2] on Munday, at sopertyme; and my Maister
Danyell[150.3] is Styward of the Duche of Lancastre by yonde Trent,
and Arblastr seith he hath made me his undirstyward.

And as for the Chamberleynship of Inglond, the Lord Beamond[150.4] hath
it, and the Lord Rivers[150.5] Constable of Inglond.

As for the Duche on this side Trent, Sir Thomas Tudenham had a joynte
patent with the Duke of Suffolk,[150.6] which, if it be resumed, Sir
Thomas Stanley hath a bille redy endossed therof.

My lord wole not to Leicestre.[150.7] My Maister Danyell desireth yow
thedir. I shall ride thiderward on Friday by tymes.

Wretyn in hast at Wynche,[150.8] the xiij. day of May.

I pray yow to thynk upon my mater to my mastresse your wyf, for my
mastresse Anne, for in good feith I haf fully conquered my lady sith ye
went, so that I haf hir promisse to be my good lady, and that she shall
help me by the feith of hir body.

  Your servant,

  DENYES.

    [Footnote 150.1: [From Fenn, i. 162.] This letter, which Fenn
    vaguely assigned to the latter part of the reign of Henry VI.,
    may be pretty safely attributed to the year 1450. The mention of
    Lord Rivers and the Duke of Suffolk could not have been earlier
    than 1449, as the one was only created lord, and the other duke
    in 1448, and at a later date than the 13th of May. The reference
    to the Duke of Suffolk again is not likely to have been long
    after his decease. Further, there is a strong presumption, from
    Monday being spoken of as a past date, and Friday as a future,
    that the letter was written on a Wednesday. Had it been on a
    Tuesday or Thursday, Monday would have been spoken of as
    ‘yesterday’ or Friday as ‘to-morrow.’ Now, the 13th of May was a
    Wednesday in 1450. The changes in officers of state mentioned in
    this letter are, therefore, those consequent on the fall of the
    Duke of Suffolk. There is, besides, as will be seen by a
    foot-note, an allusion to the Parliament at Leicester.]

    [Footnote 150.2: John de Vere, 12th Earl of Oxford.]

    [Footnote 150.3: Thomas Daniel. --_See_ p. 80.]

    [Footnote 150.4: John, Viscount Beaumont.]

    [Footnote 150.5: Richard Woodville, created Baron Rivers 29th
    May 1448; afterwards earl.]

    [Footnote 150.6: William de la Pole. --_See_ p. 80, Note 2.]

    [Footnote 150.7: Parliament was sitting at Leicester in May
    1450.]

    [Footnote 150.8: A seat of the Earl of Oxford, near King’s Lynn,
    in Norfolk.]


124

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[151.1]

_To our right trusty and intierly welbeloved John Paston, Esquyer._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and right intierly welbeloved, we grete you hertly wele.
And it is so, as ye know wele your self, we haf and long tyme haf had
the service of Thomas Denyes, by continuance wherof we wend to haf had
his attendaunce at our lust; and nevertheless we haf so strictly
examynid his demenyng that we fele and pleynly conceyve that the love
and effeccion which he hath to a gentilwoman not ferre from yow, and
which ye be privy to, as we suppose, causith hym alwey to desire toward
your cuntre, rather than toward suych ocupacion as is behovefull to us.
We write therfore to yow, prayng yow hertly as ye love us, that it like
you to do that labour at our instaunce be suych men [_mean_] as your
wisdom can seme, to meve that gentilwoman in our behalf for the wele of
this mater, undirtakyng for us that we wole shew our bounte to thaym
bothe, if it plese hir that this mater take effect, so that be reason
she shall haf cause to take it in gree. And if the comyng thider of our
persone self shuld be to plesir of hir, we wole not leve our labour in
that: wherfore we pray you that ye wole do your part heryn, as ye wole
we do for yow in tyme comyng, and that ye se us in hast. The Holy
Trinite kepe yow. Wretyn at Wevenho, the xvij. day of May.

  The Erle of Oxenford.

  OXENFORD.

    [Footnote 151.1: [From Fenn, iii. 360.] This letter cannot well
    be of the same year as the last, but is probably not many years
    earlier, and certainly not many years later. The reasons against
    its being of the same year are--first, that it seems to be
    implied in the letter preceding that the Earl of Oxford was at
    Winch, near Lynn, in Norfolk, on the 13th May 1450, which makes
    it improbable that he would be at Wivenhoe in Essex four days
    after; and, secondly, that he is not likely to have offered to
    go into Norfolk (especially after having just come out of
    Norfolk) on a matter touching the private affairs of one of his
    own adherents, when he declined to go to the Parliament at
    Leicester.]


125

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS[152.1]

_To my trusty and welbelovyd frende, Sir Thomas Howys, Parson of
Castellcombe._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MAY 27]

Trusty and welbelovyd frende, I grete you well.[152.2] . . . . And I
pray you sende me word who darre be so hardy to keck agen you in my
ryght. And sey hem on my half that they shall be qwyt as ferre as law
and reson wolle. And yff they wolle not dredde, ne obey that, then they
shall be quyt by Blackberd or Whyteberd; that ys to sey, by God or the
Devyll. And therfor I charge yow, send me word whethyr such as hafe be
myne adversaries before thys tyme, contynew still yn her wylfullnesse,
&c.

Item, I hyre oft tymys manye straunge rapports of the gouvernaunce of my
place at Castre and othyr plasys, as yn my chatell approvyng,[152.3] yn
my wynys, the kepyng of my wardrobe and clothys, the avaylle[152.4] of
my conyes at Haylysdon, &c., and approwement[152.3] of my londys;
praying you hertly as my full trust ys yn you to help reforme it, and
that ye suffre no vityouse man at my place of Castre abyde, but well
gouverned and diligent, as ye woll aunswer to it.

Allmyghty God kepe you. Wryt at London, xxvij. day of Maij anno xxviijº
regni Regis Henrici VI.

  JOHN FASTOLF, Kt.

    [Footnote 152.1: [From Fenn, i. 52.]]

    [Footnote 152.2: Here, says Fenn, follow some orders respecting
    his affairs at Caister.]

    [Footnote 152.3: Approving lands or chattels meant turning them
    to profit, and in the former case commonly implied increasing
    the rents.]

    [Footnote 152.4: Use or profit.]


126

J. PAYN TO JOHN PASTON[153.1]

_To my ryght honurabyll maister, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1450 (written in 1465)]

Ryght honurabyll and my ryght enterly bylovyd maister, I recomaunde me
un to yow, with al maner of due reverence, in the moste louly wyse as we
ought to do, evermor desyryng to here of your worshipfull state,
prosperite, and welfar; the which I beseke God of his aboundant grace
encrece and mayntene to his moste plesaunce, and to your hartis dssyre.

Pleasyth it your gode and gracios maistershipp tendyrly to consedir the
grete losses and hurts that your por peticioner haeth, and haeth jhad
evyr seth the comons of Kent come to the Blakheth,[153.2] and that is at
xv. yer passed, whereas my maister Syr John Fastolf, Knyght, that is
youre testator,[153.3] commandyt your besecher to take a man, and ij. of
the beste orsse that wer in his stabyll, with hym to ryde to the comens
of Kent, to gete the articles that they come for. And so I dyd; and al
so sone as I come to the Blakheth, the capteyn[153.4] made the comens to
take me. And for the savacion of my maisters horse, I made my fellowe to
ryde a wey with the ij. horses; and I was brought forth with befor the
capteyn of Kent. And the capteyn demaundit me what was my cause of
comyng thedyr, and why that I made my fellowe to stele a wey with the
horse. And I seyd that I come thedyr to chere with my wyves brethren,
and other that were my alys and gossippes of myn that were present
there. And than was there oone there, and seid to the capteyn that I was
one of Syr John Fastolfes men, and the ij. horse were Syr John
Fastolfes; and then the capteyn lete cry treson upon me thorought all
the felde, and brought me at iiij. partes of the feld with a harrawd of
the Duke of Exetter[154.1] before me in the dukes cote of armes, makyng
iiij. _Oyes_ at iiij. partes of the feld; proclaymyng opynly by the seid
harrawd that I was sent thedyr for to espy theyre pusaunce, and theyre
abyllyments of werr, fro the grettyst traytor that was in Yngelond or in
Fraunce, as the seyd capteyn made proclaymacion at that tyme, fro oone
Syr John Fastolf, Knyght, the whech mynnysshed all the garrisons of
Normaundy, and Manns, and Mayn, the whech was the cause of the lesyng of
all the Kyngs tytyll and ryght of an herytaunce that he had by yonde
see. And morovyr he seid that the seid Sir John Fastolf had furnysshyd
his plase[154.2] with the olde sawdyors of Normaundy and abyllyments of
werr, to destroy the comens of Kent whan that they come to Southewerk;
and therfor he seyd playnly that I shulde lese my hede.

And so furthewith I was taken, and led to the capteyns tent, and j. ax
and j. blok was brought forth to have smetyn of myn hede; and than my
maister Ponyngs, your brodyr,[154.3] with other of my frendes, come and
lettyd the capteyn, and seyd pleynly that there shulde dye a C. or ij.
[_a hundred or two_], that in case be that I dyed; and so by that meane
my lyf was savyd at that tyme. And than I was sworen to the capteyn, and
to the comens, that I shulde go to Southewerk, and aray me in the best
wyse that I coude, and come ageyn to hem to helpe hem; and so I gote
th’articles, and brought hem to my maister, and that cost me more emongs
the comens that day than xxvij_s._

Wherupon I come to my maister Fastolf, and brought hym th’articles, and
enformed hym of all the mater, and counseyled hym to put a wey all his
abyllyments of werr and the olde sawdiors; and so he dyd, and went
hymself to the Tour, and all his meyny with hym but Betts and j. [_i.e._
one] Mathew Brayn; and had not I ben, the comens wolde have brennyd his
plase and all his tennuryes, wher thorough it cost me of my noune propr
godes at that tyme more than vj. merks in mate and drynke; and nought
withstondyng the capteyn that same tyme lete take me atte Whyte Harte in
Suthewerk, and there comandyt Lovelase to dispoyle me oute of myn aray,
and so he dyd. And there he toke a fyn gowne of muster dewyllers[155.1]
furryd with fyn bevers, and j. peyr of Bregandyrns[155.2] kevert with
blew fellewet [_velvet_] and gylt naile, with legharneyse, the vallew of
the gown and the bregardyns viij_li._

Item, the capteyn sent certeyn of his meyny to my chamber in your rents,
and there breke up my chest, and toke awey j. obligacion of myn that was
due unto me of xxxvj_li._ by a prest of Poules, and j. nother obligacion
of j. knyght of x_li._, and my purse with v. ryngs of golde, and
xvij_s._ vj_d._ of golde and sylver; and j. herneyse [_harness_]
complete of the touche of Milleyn;[155.3] and j. gowne of fyn
perse[155.4] blewe furryd with martens; and ij. gounes, one furryd with
bogey,[155.5] and j. nother lyned with fryse;[155.6] and ther wolde have
smetyn of myn hede, whan that they had dyspoyled me atte White Hart. And
there my Maister Ponyngs and my frends savyd me, and so I was put up
tyll at nyght that the batayle was at London Brygge;[155.7] and than
atte nyght the capteyn put me oute into the batayle atte Brygge, and
there I was woundyt, and hurt nere hand to deth; and there I was vj.
oures in the batayle, and myght nevyr come oute therof; and iiij. tymes
before that tyme I was caryd abought thorought Kent and Sousex, and ther
they wolde have smetyn of my hede.

And in Kent there as my wyfe dwellyd, they toke awey all oure godes
mevabyll that we had, and there wolde have hongyd my wyfe and v. of my
chyldren, and lefte her no more gode but her kyrtyll and her smook. And
a none aftyr that hurlyng, the Bysshop Roffe[156.1] apechyd me to the
Quene, and so I was arestyd by the Quenes commaundment in to the
Marchalsy, and there was in rygt grete durasse, and fere of myn lyf, and
was thretenyd to have ben hongyd, drawen, and quarteryd; and so wold
have made me to have pechyd my Maister Fastolf of treson. And by cause
that I wolde not, they had me up to Westminster, and there wolde have
sent me to the gole house at Wyndsor; but my wyves and j. coseyn of myn
noune that were yomen of the Croune, they went to the Kyng, and got
grase and j. chartyr of pardon.

  Per le vostre,

  J. PAYN.

    [Footnote 153.1: [From Fenn, i. 54.] This letter was actually
    written in the year 1465; but as the circumstances to which it
    relates belong to the year 1450, and are connected with the
    memorable insurrection of Jack Cade, we have thought it right,
    as Fenn did, to place it under the earlier year.]

    [Footnote 153.2: Jack Cade and his followers encamped on
    Blackheath on the 11th June 1450, and again from the 29th of
    June to the 1st July. Payn refers to the latter occasion.]

    [Footnote 153.3: Sir John Fastolf (who is dead at the date of
    this letter) left Paston his executor, as will be seen
    hereafter.]

    [Footnote 153.4: Jack Cade.]

    [Footnote 154.1: Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter. During the civil
    war which followed, he adhered to the House of Lancaster, though
    he married Edward IV.’s sister. His herald had probably been
    seized by Cade’s followers, and pressed into their service.]

    [Footnote 154.2: Sir John Fastolf had a residence in Southwark.]

    [Footnote 154.3: Robert Poynings, who, some years before this
    letter was written, had married Elizabeth, the sister of John
    Paston, was sword-bearer and carver to Cade, and was accused of
    creating disturbances on more than one occasion afterwards.
    He was slain at the second battle of St. Albans on the 17th Feb.
    1461.]

    [Footnote 155.1: ‘A kind of mixed grey woollen cloth, which
    continued in use to Elizabeth’s reign.’ --Halliwell.]

    [Footnote 155.2: A brigandine was a coat of leather or quilted
    linen, with small iron plates sewed on. --_See_ Grose’s _Antient
    Armour_. The back and breast of this coat were sometimes made
    separately, and called a pair.--Meyrick.]

    [Footnote 155.3: Milan was famous for its manufacture of arms
    and armour.]

    [Footnote 155.4: ‘Skye or bluish grey. There was a kind of cloth
    so called.’ --Halliwell.]

    [Footnote 155.5: Budge fur.]

    [Footnote 155.6: ‘Frieze. A coarse narrow cloth, formerly much
    in use’ -- Halliwell.]

    [Footnote 155.7: The battle on London Bridge was on the 5th
    July.]

    [Footnote 156.1: Fenn gives this name ‘Rosse’ with two long s’s,
    but translates it Rochester, from which I presume it was written
    ‘Roffe’ for _Roffensis_. The Bishop of Rochester’s name was John
    Lowe.]

  [[Footnote 154.3: He was slain...
    _final sentence added by editor in Errata; see also note 135.1
    in Volume III._]]


127

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[156.2]

_To my right worshipfull [mai]ster John Paston at Wynchestre be this
delyuered._

[Sidenote: 1450 / JULY 3]

After al due recomendacion had, I recomaunde me to yow and prey yow to
wete that Heydon seweth in his accion a geynst Osebern x. _tales_
retournable xv^a. Johannis. _Ideo mittetur vel loquatur Vicecomiti
Norffolk_, &c. And I suppose that as for Costardis accions thei wole
have _nisi prius_, &c. As touchyng the matier of Oxened the frere[156.3]
leveth his delagacie a abideth up on our plee of profession by as meche
as we sey that long to fore the writte purchaced he was professed a
frere and sey not and yet is professed, &c. And Sotyll and other of your
counseill thynk the law is on our syde. Brampton brought me a lettre and
a clowt sowed clos with thynggis therin, and a letter endorsed to yow
from my maistresse your moder, whiche I sende yow with this. The lord
Moleyns man brought ij. writtes to the Shirrefis depute of Norfolk, oon
a geynst yow, myn eme[157.1] and James Gloys _quare clausum suum apud
Gresham fregerunt_, &c., the othir writte a geynst yow and J. Gloys
_quare vi et armis in hominis et servientes ipsius apud Gresham insultum
fecerunt_, &c. And whanne the seid lord Moleyns man delyvered these
wrettys, Lomnour stode be side and aspied it. And thanne the seid man
desired to have ageyn the writtis, and toke hem a geyn; and whanne he
had theym he seid they shuld not come in their handes a vii. nyght
after. And so he kepeth theym stille. And Caly and Yates also have
promysed me that ther shall no writte be retourned a geyn yow but that
ye shall have copies ther of at reasonable tyme to make your avantage as
the law wole, &c., to caste your esson[157.2] or suyche other, &c. Sir,
I prey God yeld yow for your letter ye sent me by Lethom, whiche I
receyved yistereuyn right late. Wherby I hope and conceyve that ye be in
good cas for your maner of Gr[esham], for truly I was right weel
comforted therof. As touchyng Skyner and his borwys the attachementes
may not be wretyn but by the recordes of the reconysance, and alle the
recordes of Chauncerye be at Wynchestre. _Ideo_, &c. I prey God be your
good speed in all your matiers, Amen. Wretyn in hast at London the
Friday next after seint Petir day.

  Your servant,

  J. GRESHAM.

    [Footnote 156.2: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 73.] The legal
    proceedings mentioned in this letter show that the year is the
    same as that of Gresham’s other letter immediately following
    (No. 128).]

    [Footnote 156.3: John Hauteyn.]

    [Footnote 157.1: ‘eme,’ _i.e._ uncle.]

    [Footnote 157.2: _Essoin_, a legal expression, meaning an excuse
    admitted for non-appearance in Court.]


128

JAMES GRESHAM TO MASTER WHITE[158.1]

_To my Maister Whyte, Esquyer, with my Lord Cardynall,[158.2] for to
take to John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1450 / JULY 8]

After al due recomendacion, I recomaund me to yow, and do yow wete that
this same Wednesseday I receyved your lettre whiche was wretyn on
Saterday last passed, wherby ye willed me to send yow worde of your
matiers, &c. As touchyng the frere,[158.3] he abydeth in lawe up on our
plee of profession, like as I sent yow word by wrytyng, whiche I sent
yow in a box with other stuf by a man of the Archedeken of Rychemond.
I endorsed it thus, ‘To William Plumstede, with my Lord of
Winchestre,[158.4] or to John Paston.’

We shuld have amendet our plee of profession, but thanne your counseyll
fereth he wolde take an issue that he is not professed, and that
shuld[158.5] be tried by the certificat of the Dean of Poulys, _sede
vacante_; and therfore we abide in lawe, and wole not amende our plee.
The day of th’assises in Norffolk is _die Veneris proximo post Festum
Nativitatis Beatæ Mariæ apud Norwicum_, and Costards _nisi prius_ is
take owt ageynst that day, and Prentis _nisi prius_ ageynst Halman also.

As touchyng the sute ageyns Osebern and Foke, he hath geve day xv.
Johannis with x. _tales_, as I have wretyn to yow to fore this tyme;
and I suppose that he wole have a _nisi prius_ of the same atte seid
assises. As touchynge the fyn in the Kyngs Benche for Osebern and Foke,
the fyne were cessed this terme, but I hadde no leyser to talke with
Croxton ther of yet, &c. Your bedfelawe seigh bothe my other writynge
and this, and he recomaundeth hym to yow, and shuld have wretyn to yow,
if he had not be prevy to my writyng. Ye ar meche hold to hym, for he is
diligent for yow, &c.

As touchyng Drewe Barantyn, I myght not yet speke with hym, &c.
_Circumspecte agatis_, and be war of lordis promysses, for it is tolde
me in counseil ther is a writte of forcyble entre[159.1] in framyng
ageynst yow.

Almyghty God be your gyde. Wretyn in hast with inne an hour after the
resceyte of your lettre, at Wesminster, the Wednesseday next after Seint
Thomas day.[159.2]

  Yours JAMES GRE.

    [Footnote 158.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter appears
    to have been written in the year 1450, when Gresham was in
    London looking after John Paston’s interests in various
    lawsuits. Mr. White, to whom it is directed for the purpose of
    being conveyed to Paston, was a servant of Cardinal Kemp, who
    had been made Lord Chancellor in the beginning of the year. It
    is evident from other letters that John Paston took counsel of
    the Lord Chancellor’s servant in his causes.]

    [Footnote 158.2: Cardinal Kemp.]

    [Footnote 158.3: John Hawteyn. --_See_ Nos. 46 and 63.]

    [Footnote 158.4: William of Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester.]

    [Footnote 158.5: The word ‘it’ is interlined in the original
    after ‘shuld,’ but is clearly superfluous.]

    [Footnote 159.1: For Gresham?]

    [Footnote 159.2: The translation of St. Thomas was on the 3rd
    July.]

  [[die Veneris proximo  _text has “aie” (Italic a for d)_]]


129

ABSTRACT[159.3]

JAMES GRESHAM TO [JOHN PASTON?].

[Sidenote: About 1450]

Inquiry made as to the injury of Sporle wood for lack of hedging. The
three years’ growth of the wood availeth no man. The farmers now cannot
sell it the better, so it must be either to your hurt or Halman’s. Hopes
the wastes at Cressingham will be amended. Your tenants are treated
unfairly about the Sheriff’s turn by those of the Prior of Norwich and
John Coo. Can get no money, for Fulchier hopes he is not so far in
arrear as you think. Halman can get no money; his corns are so cheap he
will not sell, but he hopes to make purveyance at Michaelmas.

Calybut says he never asked the Vicar of Sporle to be bound for him.
They will meet with me at Gressenhale on St. Bartholomew’s day and seal
the other part, so that they have notice from you at Swaffham Market,
Saturday next before.

_Accounts of Sneylewell, Cressingham, and Sparham on the back._

  [We have placed this letter after the preceding as being probably
  not many years apart from it in date, if not the very same year. The
  name of Halman occurs in both, and also in a letter of the Vicar of
  Sporle, which will be found a little further on.]

    [Footnote 159.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


130

ABSTRACT[160.1]

SIR J. FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS, Parson of Castlecombe, at Caister.

[Sidenote: 1450 / AUG. 8]

Has sent home letters by John Bedford. Sends by the bearer Thomas Medew
eight writs of ‘green wax’[160.2] for certain processes he has in
Norfolk, with a _distringas_ for Sir John Shypton, which he must get
served with the advice of Thomas Grene and other of Fastolf’s trusty
friends. The inquest must be certified of the truth and Shypton’s
falsehood proved. Will give his testimonial, when needful, ‘that I never
sealed none such quittance.’ Let Greene correct the roll of articles I
send by Bedford. I hear you have omitted several of the extortions done
to me (_in margin_, ‘eyer and determiner’). London, 8 August 28
Henry VI.

Let Master Doket have a copy of the evidence of Rydlyngfeeld.

‘Item, purvey me at the leest v. doseyn long bowes, with shot longyng
thertoo. And purveyeth also quarell[160.3] hedys to be made ther, for
the price ys derer heer then ther; and let no langage be had of
ordenances makyng.’

  _Signed._

    [Footnote 160.1: [MS. Phillipps, 9735, f. 224.]]

    [Footnote 160.2: Writs under the seal of the Court of Exchequer,
    which was of green wax, directing the sheriff of a county to
    levy certain fines.]

    [Footnote 160.3: _See_ page 101, Note 3.]


131

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[160.4]

_To my right especiall maister, John Paston,[160.5] in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / AUG. 19]

Ryght worthy worshipfull sir, and myn especiall maister, I recomaund
me to yow, and pray yow wete that I was [yesterdaye atte][160.6]
. . . .[160.6] my lord Chauncellers[160.7] hous, and there I spake with
White; and he tolde me that he hadde the letter that ye sewed for from
. . . . . . . .[161.1] directed to the Lord Moleyns of that substance
that ye hadde sued to hym for an especiall assise[161.2] and an _oier_
and _determiner_,[161.3] [and][161.1] . . . . .[161.1] that he shuld
comaunde his men beyng at Gresham to departe thens, and that the
profitez thereof shuld be receyved by an endifferent [person][161.1]
. .[161.1] saufly to be kepte til the right were determyned be twen yow
and my Lord M., &c., whiche letter White sente forthe [by][161.1] a man
of my Lord Chaunceller to the Lord Moleyns. And he sent his answer in
writyng of this substance, that it shuld not like my Lord Chaunceller
to graunte assise, &c., for als moche as the Lord M. hadde sore be
laboured in his cuntre to peas and stille the poeple[161.4] there to
restreyngne them from rysyng, and so he was dayly laboured there abowt
in the Kynggs servyce, and that considered, he trustid veryly that there
shuld non assise be graunted to your entent. And he seid forther in his
answer, if he myght attende to be in Norffolk, and leve the necessary
servyce that he dede to the Kyng now in Wyltshire, he wolde be but weel
pleased that ye hadde your assise; for he knewe his title and his
evydence so good for his part, that he durst weel putte it in my Lord
Chaunceller, and in what juge he wolde calle to hym. And wher my Lord
Chaunceller desired hym to avoyde his men from Gresham, he trustid that
my Lord wolde not desire that, by cause he hadde his possession, and
that it was his wyffs ryght, and so hym thought it a geynst reason that
he shuld a voide utterly his possession.

This same Moneday goth my Lord Chaunceller and my Lord of Buk[161.5]
into Kent to sytte up on an _oier_ and _determyner_[161.6] at
Rorchestre; and Whyte told me that there is wretyn an generall _oier_
and _determyner_ to be in Norffolk, and what ther[fore][162.1] and for
the Lord Moleyns writyng, hym semyth it is not to your avayll to sewe
for an especiall assise, ne for an _oier_ and _determyner_.

Whan I come hiddirward, I mette with my Lord of Norffolk betwen Berkewey
and Baburgham homward, and whethir he shall come agayn hiddir or noght I
wot not, but I trowe rather yes thanne nay; for it is seid that alle the
Lords be sent for to be here on Moneday or Tuysday next comyng for a
counseyll.

The Chief Justice[162.2] is not here, ne noon other Justice, except
Danvers[162.3] is now made Juge of the Comune Place, and is forth into
Kent with the Lords, &c.

Al this tofore was wretyn on the Moneday next after our Lady day. And
this same Wednesseday was it told that Shirburgh[162.4] is goon, and we
have not now a foote of londe in Normandie, and men arn ferd that Calese
wole be beseged hastily, &c.

Pynchamour shall telle yow by mowthe more thanne I have leyser to write
now to yow. I wrot to myn em’[162.5] that there were ix. or x. m^l.
[_nine or ten thousand_] men up in Wiltshire, and I hadde it of the
report of Whittocks mede; but I trowe it is not so, for here is now
littel speche therof; ner the lesse, if I here more, I shall sende yow
worde her after by sum loders that come to Seynt Bertilmews
[fayre].[162.1]

Wretyn in hast at London, the Wednesseday next after our Lady day, &c.

  Your own symple servaunt,

  JAMES GR.

    [Footnote 160.4: [From Fenn, iii. 86.] The date of this letter
    is ascertained by the news contained in the last paragraph of
    the fall of Cherbourg, besides other internal evidence.]

    [Footnote 160.5: ‘After John Paston had received this letter,’
    says Fenn, ‘it seems as if he had sent it to my Lord Oxford, for
    on the back of it, in John Paston’s handwriting, is the
    following direction: “To the rith worspfull and my rith speciall
    lord, my Lord of Oxenford.”’]

    [Footnote 160.6: These passages, in which the text is broken by
    brackets or dots, are indicated by Fenn as illegible in the
    original.]

    [Footnote 160.7: John Kemp, Cardinal Archbishop of York,
    afterwards of Canterbury.]

    [Footnote 161.1: These passages, in which the text is broken by
    brackets or dots, are indicated by Fenn as illegible in the
    original.]

    [Footnote 161.2: A writ directed to the sheriff for recovery of
    possession of things immoveable, whereof yourself or ancestors
    have been disseised.--F.]

    [Footnote 161.3: Is a commission especially granted to certain
    persons for the hearing and determining of causes, and was
    formerly only in use upon some sudden outrage or insurrection in
    any place.--F.]

    [Footnote 161.4: These disturbances among the people were the
    remains of Cade’s rebellion, which had been lately
    suppressed.--F.]

    [Footnote 161.5: Humphrey Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, fell in
    the battle of Northampton in July 1460.--F.]

    [Footnote 161.6: These commissions of _oyer_ and _determiner_
    were to try those who had been concerned in the late rebellion
    under Cade.--F.]

    [Footnote 162.1: _See_ Note 1, p. 161.]

    [Footnote 162.2: John Hody was at this time Chief Justice of the
    King’s Bench.--F.]

    [Footnote 162.3: Robert Danvers became a Judge of the Common
    Pleas 14th of August 1450.--F.]

    [Footnote 162.4: Cherbourg surrendered to the French on the 12th
    August 1450. --_See_ Stevenson’s _Reductio Normanniæ_, p. 367.]

    [Footnote 162.5: ‘Quære this abbreviated word,’ says Fenn. It is
    probably _eme_, meaning uncle.]


132

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[163.1]

_To my right trusty and intierly welbeloved John Paston, Squyer._

[Sidenote: 1450(?) / AUG. 21]

Right trusty and intierly welbeloved, I grete yow wele, and wole and
pray you that ye dispose your self to be with my Lord of Norffolk in al
hast goodly, to that intent that where it was desired by dyvers
gentilmen of this shire[163.2] that I shuld my self a be with his
Lordship at Framyngham, to excuse me to his Lordship; for truly I haf
suych writyn to my said Lord for myn excuse, which writyng I send to yow
by Thomas Denyes, to whome I pray you to gif credens. And the Trinite
kepe yow. Wretyn at Bury Seynt Edmond, the xxj. day of August.

I pray you to speke with Sir Miles Stapilton and Brewes, and to delyver
to thaym my lettres, wherof I send you copies, and make Brewes to send
over a man to me with th’entent of my Lord of Norffolk, and with
th’effect of your deligens, with a more credible message than Brewes ded
to my wif; for I had never a wers jurney for a jape in my lif, ne a
lewder, as ye shal wele conceyve.

  OXENFORD.

    [Footnote 163.1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 88.] From the similarity of
    the contents of this and the two following letters, it is
    evident that they belong to the same year; and the mention of
    Thomas Denyes, from whom the Earl of Oxford was afterwards
    estranged, proves that it must have been before 1454. In the
    summer of 1450, there was disaffection in Norfolk, which led to
    the issuing of a special commission of _oyer and terminer_ in
    September. These three letters may, therefore, have belonged to
    that year.]

    [Footnote 163.2: ‘This shire’ should be Suffolk, as the Earl
    dates from Bury St. Edmunds, but I should think Norfolk was
    intended, which the Earl had probably just left on his way up to
    London. Compare next number.]


133

THE EARL OF OXFORD (?) TO SIR MILES STAPLETON AND THOMAS BREWES[164.1]

_To my ryght trusti and wyth all myn hert intyerly welbelovyd Sir Mylys
Stapelton, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1450(?) / AUG. 21]

Ryght trusty and wyth all myn hert entierly welbelovyd, I grete yow
wele, and wol that ye wete that a gentelman of your ally haghe [_hath_]
ben wyth me, at whos instans and steryng and by hese good avyes I wold
ful fayne amet [_have met_] wyth yow at Framyngham; but I may no lenger
abyde here for the strayte comaundment that I have to be wyth the Kyng.
Wherfore I pray yow to comown wyth Brews and Paston, and to put in
artycles be ther avyses and be your wysdom the indisposicion of the
people of this counte, and what were most necesary to be desierid of the
Kyng and of my Lordis of the Councell for the restreynte of ther
mourmour and the peas, and to sende it me be the brynger herof, to whom
I pray yow gef credens. And the Holy Ternyte kepe yow. Wretyn at Wynche,
the xxj. day of August.

_To my ryght trusty and entierly welbelovyd Thomas Brewes, Squyer._

Ryght trusty and intyerly welbelovid, I grete yow wele. And for as
mouche as ye were with my wyf at Wynche in the name and behalve of the
substaunce of the gentelys of this shyer, and cause my wyf to wryte to
me for to turne agayn into Norffolk, be wheche wrytyng, and be your
report it semyd to me that a gret asemble had be purposid wythin the
counte heer. I therfore sayd unto yow, wolyng and mevyng yow aftyr your
trowth, and as ye know, that ye do put in artycles the indisposicion of
the people, and what your avyce is to be do for the restreynyng of the
same; and this articles I pray yow set to your seal, and cause other
gentelmen with wham ye have comonyng set ther seales, for this is
necessary, and that I may schew it to the Kyng and to my Lordis of hese
Councell, and that I fayle not here of for your honeste and myn excuse.
And the Ternyte kepe yow. Wreten at Wynche, the xxj. day of August.

    [Footnote 164.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The two letters
    following are from contemporaneous copies written on the same
    paper. Being dated the same day as the preceding letter of the
    Earl of Oxford, and addressed to the two persons named in the
    postscript, we should have every reason to suppose they are the
    copies there mentioned, were it not for the circumstance that
    the Earl of Oxford’s seat at Wynche, near Lynn, in Norfolk, must
    have been a good day’s journey from Bury St. Edmunds. The
    internal evidence, however, is in other respects so strong that
    we have no doubt at all upon the subject. The difficulty as to
    the date may be accounted for by supposing that these two
    letters were really written at Wynche the day before, but that
    the date 21st August was filled in by the Earl at Bury St.
    Edmunds at the time he despatched his letter of the same date to
    John Paston.]


134

[THE EARL OF OXFORD TO THE DUKE OF NORFOLK][165.1]

[Sidenote: 1450 / [AUG.]]

Ryght high and myghty Prynce and my right good Lord, I recomaunde me un
to youre good Lordshep. And for asmouch as I am enformed [that] certeyn
notable knyghtis and squyers of this counte dispose thaym self to be
with youre Lordshep in hasty tyme at Fram[yngham], theer to have
comonyngs with youre good Lordshep for the sad rule and governaunce of
this counte, wych standyth ryght . . . . . indisposyd, God amend it;
for qwych sad rule and governaunce to be had I wold full fayn a ben with
your good [Lordship]. But for asmouch as the Kynge hath geve to me
straitly in charge to be with hys Highnesse at Westminstre on
Saterda[y]. . . . . . [I must] departe towards London. Therfore therof I
beseche your good Lordship that ye vouchesaf to comon with the seyd
k[nyghtes and squyers] as with your feytfull servaunts; and I trost to
God to se youre good Lordship at Framyngham as I shall . . . . . And yf
your Lordshep seme necessary that I now beynge at Westminster shall any
thynge laboure or des[ire for the rule] and governaunce of the counte
forsayd, or for reformacion of suche wronge as the peples herts most
agrugge as . . . . . . . . lyke that I meve to the Kynge and the Lordes
of the Counceyll, so wyll I meve, and none otherwyse as . . . . . . . .
Wheryn I beseche your grace to know your entente by the brynger her of.
And my service is redy to your Lords[hip] . . . . . mercy who kepe who
kepe[166.1] nebbey (?) for hese grace.

    [Footnote 165.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This would seem by
    internal evidence to be the letter of excuse written by Oxford
    to the Duke of Norfolk, which the Earl mentions in his letter to
    John Paston of the 21st August. The original from which it is
    taken is a copy without signature or address, and mutilated in
    the margin.]

    [Footnote 166.1: So in MS.]


135

JOHN PASTON AND LORD MOLEYNS[166.2]

_Un to the right reverent fadir in God and my right gracioux Lord, the
Cardinal Archebisshop of York, Prymat and Chaunceller of Inglond._

[Sidenote: 1450(?)]

Besecheth mekely John Paston that where Robert Hungerford, Knyght, Lord
Molens, and Alianore, his wyff, late with force and strength, and grete
multitude of riottous peple, to the noumbre of a thousand persones and
mo, gadered by th’excitacion and procuryng of John Heydon[166.3] a yenst
the Kynggs pees, in riotous maner entred up on your seid besecher and
othir enfeoffed to his use in the manoir of Gresham with
th’appurtenaunces in the shire of Norffolk; whiche riotous peple brake,
dispoiled, and drew doun the place of your seid besecher in the seid
toun, and drafe out his wiff and servauntes there beyng, and ryfled,
took, and bare awey alle the goodes and catalx that your seid besecher
and his servauntes hadde there to the value of cc_li._ [£200] and more;
and the seid manoir, after the seid riottous entre, kept with strong
hande in manere of werre, as weel ayenst your seid besecher and his
feffees, as ayenst oon of the Kyngges justicez of the pees in the seid
shire, that come thedir to execute the statutes ordeigned and provyded
ayenst suche forcible entrees and kepyng of possessions with force,
as it appiereth by recorde of the seid justice certifyed in to the
Chauncerie; and yet the seid Lord Molens the same manoir kepith with
force and strengthe ayenst the fourme of the seid statutes: Please it
your reverent Faderhood and gracioux Lordship, these premisses
considered, to graunte on to your seid besecher for his feffees by hym
to be named a special assise[167.1] ayenst the seid Lord Molens,
Alianore, and John Heidon, and othir to be named by your seid besecher,
and also an oyer and determyner[167.2] ayenst the seid Lord Molens, John
Heidon, and othir of the seid riotous peple in like fourme to be named,
to enquere, here and determyn all trespaces, extorcions, riottes,
forcible entrees, mayntenaunces,[167.3] champerties,[167.4]
embraceries,[167.5] offenses, and mesprisions[167.6] by hem or ony of
hem doen, als weel atte sute of our sovereign Lord the Kyng, as of your
seid besecher and his seid feffees, and every of hem, or of ony othir of
the Kyngges lieges: atte reverence of God, and in weye of charite.

    [Footnote 166.2: [Add. Charter 17,239, B.M.] This is a bill
    addressed to Cardinal Kemp as Lord Chancellor, to which
    reference will be found to be made in the succeeding letter.
    Kemp was appointed Lord Chancellor on the 31st January 1450. The
    acts here complained of were therefore those connected with
    Paston’s second expulsion from Gresham.]

    [Footnote 166.3: John Heydon, Esq. of Baconsthorpe, a lawyer,
    who was recorder of Norwich from 1431 to 1433, and sheriff in
    1431-2.]

    [Footnote 167.1: _See_ p. 161, Note 2.]

    [Footnote 167.2: _See_ p. 161, Note 3.]

    [Footnote 167.3: Unlawful support given to a disputant by one
    not concerned in the cause.]

    [Footnote 167.4: Bargains made with litigants for a share in
    what may be gained by the suit.]

    [Footnote 167.5: Attempts to corrupt juries.]

    [Footnote 167.6: Treason or felony committed by oversight or
    wilful neglect of a duty.]


136

JOHN PASTON TO JAMES GRESHAM[168.1]

_The copie of the letter of J. P._

[Sidenote: 1450 / SEPT. 4]

James Gresham, I prey yow laboure forth to have answer of my bille for
myn especial assise, and the oyer and termyner,[168.2] accordyng to my
seid bille that I delyvered to my Lord Chaunceler,[168.3] letyng hym
wete that his Lordship conceyved the graunt of suyche a special matier
myght cause a rumour in the cuntre. Owt of dowte the cuntre is not so
disposed, for it is desired ageyn suche persones as the c[untre] wolde
were ponysshid; and if they be not ponysshid to refourme that they have
do amysse, by liklynesse the cuntre wole rise up on th[em]. Men talke
that a general oier and termyner is graunted to the Duke of Norfolk, my
Lord of Ely, the Erll of Oxenford, the Lord Scales, Sir John Fastolf,
Sir Thomas Fulthorp, and William Yelverton, and men be right glad
therof. Yet that notwithstondyng, laboure ye forth for me. F[or] in a
general oyer and termyner a _supersedeas_ may dassh al, and so shall not
in a special. And also if the justicez come at my request, they shall
sytte als long as I wole, and so shall thei not by the generall. And as
for commyssioners in myn, &c., Sir John Fastolf must be pleyntyf als
weel as I my self, and so he may not be commyssioner; and as for alle
the remenant, I can thynke them indifferent inow in the matier, except
my Lord Scales, whos wyff is aunte to the Lady Moleyns.

And as for that the Lord Moleyns hath wretyn that he dar put the matier
in awarde of my Lord Chaunceler, and in what juge he wole take to hym,
&c. (which offre as I suppose shall be tolde to yow for to make yow to
cesse your labour), thanne lete that be answerid, and my Lord
Chaunceller enfourmed thus: The matier was in trete by th’assent of the
Lord Moleyns a twene his counseil and myn, whiche assembled at London
xvj. dyvers dayes, and for the more part there was a sergeant and vj.
or vij. thrifty apprentisez; at whiche tyme the Lord Moleyns title was
shewed, and clerly answerid, in so meche that his own counseil seide
they cowde no forther in the matier, desiryng me to ride to Salesbury to
the Lord Moleyns, promyttyng of their part that thei wolde moeve the
Lord Moleyns, so that thei trusted I shuld have myn entent or I come
thens; of whiche title and answer I send yow a copie that hath be put in
to the Parlement, the Lord Moleyns being there present, whereto he cowde
not sey nay. Also by fore this tyme I have agreed to put it in ij.
juges, so thei wolde determyne by our evydences the right, moevyng
nother partie to yeve other by ony mene, but only the right determyned,
he to be fully recompensed that hath right. Whereto he wold not agree,
but alle tymes wolde that thoe juges shulde entrete the parties as they
myght be drawe to by offre and profre to my conceyte as men bye hors.
Whiche matiers considerid, my counseil hath alwey conceyved that the
tretees he offred hath be to non othir entent but to delaye the matier,
or ellis to entrete me to relese my damages, for title hath he non. And
he knowith weel the title shall never better be undirstond thanne it
hath be by his counseil and myn atte seid comunycacions. And also my
Lord Chaunceler undirstond that the Lord Moleyns men toke and bar away
more than cc_li._ [£200] worth of my goodes and catalles. Wherof I
delyvered hym a bylle of every parcell, wherto al the world knoweth he
canne make no title. And if he were disposed to do right, my counseil
thynketh he shuld restore that, for therfor nedith nowthir comunycacion
nor trete. And with owt he wole restore that, I trowe no man can thynk
that his trete is to no good purpose.

I preye yow hertily laboure ye so to my Lord Chaunceller that owther he
wole graunte me my desire, or ellis that he wole denye it. And lete me
have answer from yow in wrytyng how ye spede. If my Lord Chaunceler hath
lost my bille that I delyvered hym, wherof I sende yowe a copie, that
thanne ye put up to hym an othir of the same, takyng a copie to your
self.

Recomand me to my cosyn William Whyte,[170.1] and prey hym to gyf yow
his help in this, and lete hym be prevye to this letter. And lete hym
w[ete] that my cosyn his suster hath childe, a doughter. Wretyn at
Norwich, the iiij. day of Septembre.

Dyverse men of my freendis avyse me to entre in to the maner of Gresham
by force of my writte of restitution, whiche I wole not do by cause the
maner is so decayed by the Lord Moleyns occupacion, that where it was
worth to me l. marks clerly by yeer, I cowde not now make it worth
xx_li._; for whiche hurt, and for othir hurtis, by this special assise I
trust to have remedye.

    [Footnote 168.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] It is evident that
    this letter was written partly in answer to Gresham’s of the
    19th August 1450. The year is therefore the same. The letter is
    printed from a copy in Gresham’s handwriting.]

    [Footnote 168.2: _See_ p. 161, Note 3.]

    [Footnote 168.3: Cardinal Kemp. --_See_ last No.]

    [Footnote 170.1: Cardinal Kemp’s servant. --_See_ No. 128.]


137

ABSTRACT[170.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS, THOMAS GRENE, AND WATKYN SHYPDAM.

[Sidenote: 1450 / SEPT. 7]

Has no word from them of the correction and engrossing of the damages
done to him by divers men in Norfolk, of part of which he sent a roll to
them at Castre a month ago. Sends John Bokkyng for an answer. Was often
damaged by the Duke of Suffolk’s officers in Lodylond, both by undue
amerciaments and distraining cattle at Cotton, and by the officers of
Cossey, of which there should be remembrances at Castre. Wrote also that
they should see the Bishop of Norwich about the letter left with him
concerning the award of Dedham. Is particularly anxious to know what
they have done about Rydlyngfeld, &c.

  London, 7 Sept. 29 Hen. VI.

  _Signed._

    [Footnote 170.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 245.]]


138

ABSTRACT[171.1]

_Sir John Fastolf to Sir Thomas Howys_, at Castre, or at Pokethorp in
Norwich, or at Haylydon Manor.

[Sidenote: 1450 / SEPT. 15]

Has received his letter by Thomas Fastolf touching his diligence about
the recovery of the letter with the Bishop of Norwich, and of the
evidences of Rydlyngfeld, with a copy of a certain indenture which F.
has already sealed. Has no answer of the correction of the articles F.
sent home to him two months ago. As my Lord of Norfolk is at Norwich to
sit upon the oyer and terminer, you must labor to shew forth my
grievances. Nothing can be done till after Michaelmas about the _venire
facias_ for the jury of Sybton. Has written this week by the Parson of
Estharlyng to Berney, who, he hears, has been shewing favor to his
adversaries. Refers him further to John Bokkyng, who is now in Norfolk.

  London, 15 Sept. 29 Hen. VI.

    [Footnote 171.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 253.]]


139

HENRY VI. TO JOHN PASTON[171.2]

_To oure trusty and welbeloved John Paston, Squier._

By the King.

[Sidenote: 1450 / SEPT. 18]

Trusty and welbeloved, for asmuche as oure right trusty and welbeloved
the Lord Moleyns is by our special desire and comaundement waitting upon
us, and now for divers consideracions moeving us, we purpose to sende
hym in to certaine places for to execute oure commaundement, for the
whiche he ne may be attendant to be in oure countees of Northfolk and
Suffolk at the time of oure Commissioners sitting upon oure commission
of oier determiner within the same oure counties: We therfore desire and
praye that considering his attendance upon us, and that he must applie
hym to execute oure commaundement, ye wol respite as for any thing
attempting ayenst hym as for any matiers that ye have to do or seye
ayenst hym, or any other of his servants, welwillers, or tenaunts, by
cause of hym, unto tyme he shal mowe be present to ansuere there unto;
wherein ye shall ministere unto us cause of pleasure, and over that,
deserve of us right good thanke. Yeven under oure signet at oure Palois
of Westmynster, the xviij. day of September.

    [Footnote 171.2: [From Fenn, iii. 362.] The bearing of this
    letter upon the contents of Nos. 135 and 136 proves it to be of
    the same year.]


140

ABSTRACT[172.1]

THE VICAR OF SPORLE TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1450(?) / SEPT. 29]

Reports the disposition of ‘my master,’ the Provost. Francis Costard
brought his evidence to my master’s presence, where it was examined. He
wondered what title you would claim to the land. I said, men said it was
once free till it was soiled by a bondman. He gave more weight to the
evidence of John Aleyn and Nicholas Waterman. Aleyn says he was steward
of the manor, in Garleke’s days, forty years, and never knew it claimed
for bond ground; and the said Nicholas says it was he who moved your
father to buy the manor. Many others have set their seals to corroborate
this. Asked him to be good unto Henry Halman, who was amerced in his
court for chastising a servant of his, a bondman of yours. My master
asked mockingly if a man might not beat his own wife.

Sporle, Michaelmas morning.

  [This letter would seem to belong to the same year as No. 128, in
  which ‘Costard’s _nisi prius_’ and an action against Halman are
  referred to. No. 129 also mentions Halman and the writer of this
  letter.]

    [Footnote 172.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]


141

THOMAS DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[173.1]

_To my maister Paston in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / OCT. 4]

Right worshipfull and my right good maister, I recomaund me to you. And
like you wete that it is now . . . . I haf for Danyels sake put my self
withynne the maner of Rydon; and her is with me a kynnesman [of] my
mastres your wifes, John Bendyssh. And as yestirday cam John Wodehous
with a xij. hors to Geyt[on]; on the othre side cometh Fitz William with
xx. hors; and on the third parte, oon Hoberd of Midelton hath redy a xx.
felaws; and on the fourth parte, stant the toune of Lynne redy with
Herry Wodehous; and thei all be gon thedir this nyght. This day folwyng
cometh to thaym Herry Tudenham, William Narburgh, Thomas Trusbut, Thomas
Kervile, and Shuldham servauntez, Salesbury and William Owayn. It is so
that of my lorde[173.2] gete I no socour, and lever I had to dy than gif
up the place sith I am ther yn. And I wene if thei gete the place upon
me ther helpith my lif no pardon. Wherfore I lowly beseche yow, maister
Paston, advertise in your wisdom that this was the first porpose of
Tudenham and Heydon whils thei regned, to gete this place; and to that
intent thei brought hider the lord Roos, which now is full simpely
thought on with my maister that I serve. And ye wete wele that I have
most encountred the entent of Tudenham and Heydon of ony pouer man on
lyve; And if I be lost or put to an ungoodly rebuke heryn my service is
the lesse of valu to you that be gentils of the shire. Wherfore I
requyre your maistership to come hider in your persone with suych as ye
seme not to that intent to take party in the mater, but to that intent
to help to set peas in the shire, and to stire my lord for his honour.
For yisterday my lord sent to Lynne and made a cry to be made that he
wold be named in the writ of the statute of Northampton, and that cry
hath caused the common pople of the toun of Lynne to stere the more.
Neverthelesse all the substaunce of the toun is in peas and peasid by
the wisdam of the Meir theer, but not for than sum of thaym come with
Harry Wodehous, so that I deme he hath a vj^xx. persones in all on all
sides. I beseche you to send me hider sum socour beside forth, with John
Osbern and John Lister with thaym, and come ye aftir a parte by your
good wisdome soukyng (_sic_) their demenynges, and send me your advyse.
Wretyn the nyght of the Sunday a forn seynt Feithesday.

  Your servaunt,

  THOMAS DENYES.

This day I deme thei come beforn us. If ye help not now, Tudenham and
Heydon shal achieve in their desese the conquest that thei coude never
achieve in their prosperite.

    [Footnote 173.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 45.] This is evidently the
    same year as No. 142, in which William Wayte writes to Paston
    that Denyes ought to withdraw his garrison from Roydon. The MS.
    is slightly mutilated at the top in the right-hand corner.]

    [Footnote 173.2: The Earl of Oxford.]


142

WILLIAM WAYTE TO JOHN PASTON[174.1]

_To my mayster, John Paston, in ryght gret hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / OCT. 6]

Syr, and it plese, I was in my Lord of Yorks[174.2] howse, and I herde
meche thynge more thanne my mayster[174.3] wrytyth un to yow of; I herde
meche thynge in Fletestrede. But, Sir, my Lord was with the Kynge, and
he vesaged so the mater that alle the Kynges howshold was and is aferd
ryght sore; and my seyd Lord hayth putte a bille to the Kynge, and
desyryd meche thynge, qwych is meche after the Comouns desyre, and all
is up on justice, and to putte all thos that ben indyted under arest
with owte suerte or maynpryce, and to be tryed be lawe as lawe wyll;
in so meche that on Monday Sir William Oldhall was with the Kynge atte
Westminster more thanne to houres, and hadde of the Kynge good cher. And
the Kynge desyryd of Sir William Oldhall that he shuld speke to hese
cosyn York, that he wold be good Lord to John Penycock, and that my Lord
of York shuld wryte un to hese tenance that they wold suffyr Peny Cocks
officers go and gader up hys rents fermes with inne the seyd Dukes
lordsheps. And Sir William Oldhall answherd ayen to the Kynge, and
preyed hym to hold my Lord escusyd, for thow my Lord wrotte under hese
seale of hys armes hys tenantez wyll not obeyet; in someche that whanne
Sir Thomas Hoo mette with my Lord of Zork be yon Sent Albons, the
Western men felle upon hym, and wold a slayne hym, hadde [not?] Sir
William Oldhall abe [_have been_], and therfor wold the Westerne men
affalle up on the seyd Sir William, and akyllyd hym. And so he tolde the
Kynge.

Sir Borle Jonge and Josse labour sore for Heydon and Tudenham to Sir
Wilem Oldhall, and profyr more thanne to thowsand pownde for to have
hese good Lordshep; and therfor it is noon other remedye but late
Swhafham men be warned to mete with my seyd Lord on Fryday nest comyng
atte Pykenham on horssebak in the most goodly wyse, and putte sum bylle
un to my Lord of Sir Thomas Tudenham, Heydon, and Prentys, and crye owte
on hem, and that all the women of the same town be there also, and crye
owte on hem also, and calle hem extorcionners, and pray my Lord that he
wyll do sharp execucyons up on hem. And my mayster counceyll yow that ze
shuld meve the Meyer and all the Aldermen with all her Comoners to ryde
ayens my Lord, and that ther ben madde byllez, and putte them up to my
Lord, and late all the towne cry owte on Heydon, Todenham, Wyndham, and
Prentys, and of all here fals mayntenours, and telle my Lord how meche
hurte thei have don to the cetye, and late that be don in the most
lamentabyl wyse; for, Sir, but yf [_unless_] my Lord here sum fowle
tales of hem, and sum hyddows noys and crye, by my feyth thei arne ellys
lyke to come to grace. And therfor, Sir, remember yow of all these
maters.

Sir, also I spake with William Norwych, and asked hym after the Lord
Moleyns how he stod to my Lord ward; and he told me he was sor owte of
grace, and that my Lord of York lovyth hym nought. William Norwych tolde
me that he durste undertake for to brynge yow un to my Lord, and make
hym your ryght good Lord; and, Sir, my mayster counceyllyd yow that ze
shuld not spare, but gete yow hese good Lordshep.

Sir, be war of Heydon, for he wold destroyed yow be my feyth. The Lord
Scales and Sir William Oldhall arne made frendys.

Sir, labour ze for [to] be knyth of the shire, and speke to my Mayster
Stapulton[176.1] also that he be yt; Sir, all Swafham, and they be
warned, wyll zeve yow here voyses. Sir, speke with Thomas Denys, and
take hese good avys therin. Sir, speke to Denys that he avoyde hys
garyson atte Rydon, for there is non other remedy but deth for Danyell,
and for all thos that arne indyted. Sir, labour ze to the Meyer that
John Dam[176.2] or Will Jenney be burgeys for the cetye of Norwych,
telle them that he may be yt as well as Yonge is of Brystow, or the
Recordor is of London, and as the Recordour of Coventre is for the cite
of Coventre, and it so in many places in Ingland. Also, Sir, thynk on
Yernemouth that ze ordeyne that John Jenney, or Limnour, or sum good man
be burgeys for Yernemouth. Ordeyne ze that Jenneys mown ben in the
Parlement, for they kun seye well.

Sir, it wore wysdam that my Lord of Oxenford wayte on my Lord of Yorke.
In good feyth, good Sir, thynke on all these maters; meche more I hadde
to wryte on to yow, yf I kowde a remembryd me, but I hadde no leyser be
my fyth. Hold me escused of my lewde rude wrytyng. Late John Dam be ware
for the Lorde Moleyns; and, Sir, late the cetye be ware, for he wyll do
hem a velony, but yf he may have hese men; and, Sir, yf he come to
Norwych, look there be redy to wayte up on the Mayer a good fellawshep,
for it is seyd her that they arne but bestys.

Sir, my mayster bad me wryte un to yow that ze shuld store the Mayer and
alle the Alderman to crye on my Lord that they mown have justyce of
these men that be indyted, and that my Lorde wyll speke un to the Kynge
therof. And, Sir, in divers partes in the town there [_where_] my Lord
comyth, there wolde be ordeyned many porcions of Comeners to crye on my
Lord for justice of these men that arne indyted, and telle her nammes,
in speciall Todenham, Heydon, Wyndham, Prentys. Sir, I cende yow a copy
of the bylle[177.1] that my Lord of Yorke putte un to the Kynge; and,
Sir, late copyes go abowte the cetye i now, for the love of God, wy[c]he
have yow in hese kepyng.

Wretyn on Seynt Feyth daye, in hast.

  Be your Servaunt,

  W. WAYTE.

    [Footnote 174.1: [From Fenn, iii. 154.] This letter must have
    been written just after the Duke of York came over from Ireland
    in 1450, when he demanded that justice should be fairly
    administered against persons accused. A Parliament was summoned,
    which met on the 6th November, and Sir William Oldhall was
    chosen as Speaker.]

    [Footnote 174.2: Richard, Duke of York, afterwards Protector,
    the father of King Edward IV.]

    [Footnote 174.3: The writer was clerk to Judge Yelverton.]

    [Footnote 176.1: Sir Miles Stapleton.]

    [Footnote 176.2: John Dam actually was returned to Parliament
    for the city of Norwich in November 1450.]

    [Footnote 177.1: _See_ next No.]


143

RICHARD, DUKE OF YORK, TO KING HENRY VI[177.2]

_Richard, Duke of York, his Peticion to Kyng Henry for the punyshement
of Treytors, &c._

[Sidenote: 1450]

Please it your Hyghnes tendirly to consider the grett grutchyng and
romer that is universaly in this your reame of that justice is nouth
dewly ministred to such as trespas and offende a yens your lawes, and in
special of them that ben endited of treson, and other beyng openly
noysed of the same; wherfore for gret inconveniens that have fallen, and
grett is lyke to fallen her after in your seid reame, which God defende,
but if [_unless_] be your Hyghnesse provysion convenable be mad for dew
reformacion and punyshment in this behalf; Wherfore I, your humble suget
and lyge man, Richard, Duke of York, willyng as effectually as I kan,
and desiryng suerte and prosperite of your most roiall person, and
welfare of this your noble reame, councel and advertyse your excellent,
for the conversacion [_conservation_] of good tranquillite and pesable
rewle among all trew sogetts, for to ordeyn and provyde that dewe
justice be had a yenst all such that ben so endited or openly so noysed:
wher inne I offre, and wol put me in devour for to execute your
comaundements in thes premises of such offenders, and redresse of the
seid mysrewlers to my myth and power. And for the hasty execucion herof,
lyke it your Hyghnes to dresse your letteres of prevy seale and writts
to your officers and ministres to do take, and areste all soch persons
so noysed or endited, of what astatte, degre, or condicion so ever thei
be, and them to comytte to your Tour of London, or to other your
prisons, there to abyde with outen bayle or maynprice on to the tyme
that they be utterly tryed and declared, after the cours of your lawe.

    [Footnote 177.2: [From Fenn, i. 64.] The MS. from which this was
    printed by Fenn was doubtless the copy of my Lord of York’s
    ‘bill’ which William Wayte sent to John Paston, as mentioned in
    the end of the last letter.]


144

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS AND WILLIAM BARKER[178.1]

_To my ryght trusty freende, Sir Thomas Howys, Parson of Castellcombe,
beyng at Castre, and William Barker, in haste, at Castre Yn, by
Jermuth._

[Sidenote: 1450 / OCT. 15]

Ryght trusty and welbelovyd freende, I grete you well. And as for Hygham
place to be sold, as ye avysen me to bye it at the some of C. mark or
wythynne, and reserve yn the said payment myne oune dewtee, and pay the
remenant in wolle to the said Hygham credytes as your lettre makyth
mencion; I hafe undrestand that William Jenney shall be her thys wek,
and I shall veele hym how neere it may be sold; for yff the wydow wolle
sylle it after xiiij. yeer or xv. yeere that it may be leten, sendyth me
utterly word, for I wolle not melle of it ellys thus avysed. And sende
ye me word how mech more yn value yn a stoon shall I syle my wolle, and
how [much?] anothyr chapman wole gefe me for the place when I hafe
bought it; but after xiiij. yeer I wold by the place.

Wretyn at London, the xv. day of October anno xxix. regni Regis Henrici
VI.

  J. FASTOLF.

    [Footnote 178.1: [From Fenn, iii. 92.]]


145

ANONYMOUS TO JOHN PASTON[179.1]

_To my cosyn, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1450 / OCT. (?)]

I recomawnde me un to yow the best wyse I kan. Whanne I cam to Ware,
ther herd I furst tydynges that the Lord Moleyns shuld come in to
Norfolk in hast with grette pupyll, and, as on of hys men seyd ther,
with the vij^xx [_sevenscore_]. Also a man of the Lady Morles[179.2] cam
thedyr owte of Wyllshire ther thanne, and seyd that the seyd Lord was
comyng thedyrward with grette pupyll. And atte London a man of hys hedde
large langage, and seyd that my Lord shuld come to Norffolk, and do
meche thyng agayns hem that hadde do indite hym and hys men, and also
for the personyng of hys men atte Norwych. This is sopposyd verely to be
Heydons werke that wyll sette hym verely to do the utterest ayens yow
and John Dam in the werst wyse that he can. Ze have both lordshep and
frendshep in your countre, and also good inow to reciste hym yf he wyll
do yow wronge, and peraventur that shuld brynge thys matier nyer and
ende thanne it is now. Whedder it be to done or not, I remitte that to
youre counceyll.

Also, my Lord[179.3] shall be atte Walsyngham on Sonday nest comynge,
a from thens he shall go to Norwych. For any thynge in the werd
[_world_] meve my Lord of Oxenford and my cosyn Sir Miles Stapulton that
they awayte up on my seyd Lord in the most wurchepfull wyse that they
kun, and do hym as good attendaunce and plesaunce as they mown. And ye
do the same also; and that the cyte of Norwych mete with hym in the best
wyse also; and also that they and ze also cherse and wirchep well Sir
William Oldhalle. And ther be good informacion made ayens T. T. and
H.,[180.1] for they wyll spend m^l. m^l. _li._ [£2000] for to come in
ther, and that were petye. Spende sum what of your good now, and gette
yow lordshep and frendshep ther, _quia ibi pendet tota lex et prophetæ_.
And send som man to aspye of the governaunce, and of the comyng of the
Lord Moleyns, and take hed to your self. And byd John Dam be war of hym
self. Sum men suppose that my Lord of York cherse not meche the seyd
Lord Moleyns. And send sum men hedyr often to London that mown he them
here and brynge yow tydynges. And I pray God spede yow in alle youre
werkes.

  Youre Cosyn,

  NAMELES ATTE THIS TYME.

  _Endorsed:_ Literæ Fastolff, Yelverton, circa le oyrdeterminer.
  --Memorandum de billa actus justic’ apud Walsingham.

    [Footnote 179.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The tone of this
    letter so closely resembles that of William Wayte of the 6th
    October 1450, especially in its warnings to Paston and John
    Damme, and in the information it contains as to Lord Moleyns not
    being in favour with the Duke of York, that it may be safely
    inferred to have been written about the same period.]

    [Footnote 179.2: _See_ page 84, Note 2.]

    [Footnote 179.3: Probably the Duke of York.]

    [Footnote 180.1: Thomas Tuddenham and Heydon.]


146

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[180.2]

_To my worshipfull Maister Paston, at Norwich, in haste, be this
delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1450 / [OCT.]]

Please it yow to wete that I come to London the Wednesseday at even late
next after my departyng from yow, and it was told me that my Maister
Calthorp hadde writyng fro my Lord of York to awayte on hym at his
comyng in to Norffolk to be oon of his men, and that no gentilman of
Norffolk had writyng to awayte on hym but he; and sum folke wene that it
is to th’entent that he shuld bo outhir shiref or knyght of the shire,
to the fortheryng of othir folks, &c.

The Kyng is remevid from Westminster, summe men sey to Fysshwick,[181.1]
and summe sey to Bristowe. And it is seid that he hath do wretyn to alle
his men that be in the chekroll[181.2] to awayte on hym atte Parlement
in their best aray; why, no man can telle. Heydon[181.3] was with my
Maister Yelverton,[181.4] and desired hym to see the recordes of his
endytementz, and axed of hym if he were indited of felonye; and my
Maister Yelverton told hym it was. And thereto H. seide ‘Sir, ye wole
recorde that I was never thef;’ and he seid he trowed right weel that he
cowde telle why he took Plumpsteds goods, and othir words whiche were
long to write. And my Maister Y. seid to hym he cowde not knowe the
laborer of th’endytement, and H. seid ageyn he knewe weel the laborer
thereof; and my Maister Y. conceyte is H. ment yow. Wherfor he advyseth
yow that in onywyse ye make Plumpsted to take apell accordyng; for if he
so do, thanne is H. barred of his conspirace, and also of his damages,
though that he be nonnsewed therin, or though it be afterward
discontynued, &c., and ellis are ye in jopardy of a conspirace, for H.
hopeth to have the world better to his entent thanne it is nowe. For it
is told me that rather thanne he shuld fayle of a shiref this yeer
comyng for his entent, he wole spende m^{l.}_li._ [£1000].

This communicacion be twene them was on Moneday last passed, and on
Tewisday last passed H. mette with Maister Markham,[181.5] and he tolde
H. his part how that he levid ungoodly in puttyng awey of his wyff, and
kept an other, &c.; and therwith he turned pale colour, and seid he
lyved not but as God was pleased with, ne dede no wrong to no person.
And therupon Maister Markham reherced how he demened hym a genst men of
Court, and named yow and Genneye; and H. seid, as touchyng the peple
that rifled yow, and the doyng thereof, he was not privy therto, for he
was that tyme here at London; and as touchyng the Lord Moleyns title, H.
enforced gretly, and seid his title was better thanne yours.

Yisterday was my Maister Yelverton at dyner with my Maister
Fastolf,[182.1] and there among other thei were avysed that my Maister
F. shall write to my Lord of Norffolk that he certifie the Kyng and his
Counseill how the cuntre of N. and S. [_Norfolk and Suffolk_] stonde
right wildely, withowt a mene may be that justice be hadde, whiche wole
not be but if a man of gret byrthe and lyflod there be shiref thes yer
comyng, to lede the peple in most peas; and therto thei named Maister
Stapilton,[182.2] if it wole happe, &c. Also that my Lord Norffolk shall
certifie the Kyng and his Counseill that but if the day of the oyer and
termyner stonde, it wole be full harde, by cause the peple is so wylde.

Also that alle knyghtes and escuyers of the same cuntre shuld certifie
the same, for summe of H. part have boosted that all . . . . at Norwich
shuld not be worth an haughe. _Ideo_, &c.

Item, Prentise is now in the Mydle Inne, and Dynne . . . . .

Almyghty God have yow in his kepyng. Wretyn the Thursday next after my
departyng. . . . .

  Your,

  J. GRESHAM.

    [Footnote 180.2: [From Fenn, iii. 94.] This letter, though it
    has no date except of the day of the week, must have been
    written about October 1450, after the Duke of York had come over
    from Ireland, and before the elections for the Parliament which
    met in November, and the appointment of sheriffs in the
    different counties for the ensuing year. The references to the
    affair of Lord Moleyns and to the indictment of Heydon cannot
    belong to a later year.]

    [Footnote 181.1: In Lancashire, now in the suburbs of Preston.]

    [Footnote 181.2: The check-roll is a roll or book, containing
    the names of such persons as are attendants, and in pay to the
    King, or other great men, as their household servants, &c.--F.]

    [Footnote 181.3: _See_ page 166, Note 3.]

    [Footnote 181.4: William Yelverton, a Justice of the King’s
    Bench.]

    [Footnote 181.5: John Markham, one of the Judges of the King’s
    Bench, who became Chief Justice in 1461.]

    [Footnote 182.1: Sir John Fastolf.]

    [Footnote 182.2: Sir Miles Stapleton.]

  [[he shuld bo outhir shiref or knyght
    _text unchanged: error for “be”?_]]


147

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[183.1]

_To my worshipfull maister, John Paston, Escuyr, dwellynge att Norwich,
in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450]

After that myn letter was wretyn, I spak with Maister Yelverton, and
tolde hym the substance of my letter to yow. And he bad me write to yow
that as touchyng the matier of my Lord of Oxeford, he shall lette the
awardyng and th’entre therof als long as he may; and he demyth veryly
that H. Wodehous coude never have take up on his knowelage to have
called up on the matier with owt counseil and enformacion of Heydon, and
it were weel do that my Lord of Oxeford knewe it.

Item, Maister Yelverton told me that the Lord Moleyns was enfourmed that
he and alle his men wern endited of felonye in Norffolk, whiche caused
hym and his to be right wroth toward my maister and yow. And Maister
Yelverton hath tolde a man of the Kyngges Benche called Styrop, whiche
is a man of the Lord Moleyns, the trouth that nothir he ner noon of his
is endited, and Stirop is now in to Wiltshire, and shall telle it to the
Lord M.; for that shall squage weel his hete of wrethe. And as touchyng
Germyn,[183.2] if he be Shiref, William Genney wole undirtake for hym
that he shall and wole be ruled weel inow, &c.

    [Footnote 183.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is
    anonymous, but is in the handwriting of James Gresham. It must
    have been written in the autumn of the year 1450, while Lord
    Molyns was in Wiltshire, and when the nomination of John Jermyn
    as Sheriff of Norfolk was expected, but had not yet been decided
    on, or at least not known to the writer. It was therefore
    certainly written after the preceding number, though the latter
    is probably not the letter to which it was intended to serve as
    a postscript.]

    [Footnote 183.2: John Jermyn was actually appointed Sheriff in
    the end of the year 1450.]


148

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK TO JOHN PASTON[184.1]

_To oure trusti and welbelovid John Paston, Squier._

_The Duc of Norffolk._

[Sidenote: 1450(?) / OCT. 16]

Right trusti and welbelovid, we grete you well. And forasmoche as oure
unkill of York and we have fully appoynted and agreed of such ij.
persones for to be knightes of shire of Norffolk as oure said unkill and
we thinke convenient and necessarie for the welfare of the said shire,
we therfor pray you, in oure said unkill name and oures bothe, as ye
list to stonde in the favour of oure good Lordshipp, that ye make no
laboure contrarie to oure desire. And God have you in his keping.

Wreten at Bury Seynt Edmondis, the xvj. day of Octobr.

    [Footnote 184.1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 92.] This letter and that
    which follows clearly refer to the same matter. The time of year
    and the part taken by the Duke of York in the election are
    circumstances which in themselves create a pretty strong
    presumption in favour of the year 1450. And this presumption
    almost becomes a certainty, when we observe that the date of
    this letter--16th October--was a Friday in that year; for the
    meeting of York and Norfolk is stated in the next letter to have
    been on a Thursday and Friday, and this letter would doubtless
    have been written as soon as a decision had been come to between
    the two Lords.]


149

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[184.2]

_To owr welbeloved John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1450 / OCT. 18]

Right welbeloved, I grete yow well. And as towchyng for tydyngs, I can
none, savyng that my Lord of Norffolk met with my Lord of York at Bury
on Thursday, and there were to gedre til Friday, ix. of the clokke, and
than they departed. And there a gentilman of my Lord of York toke unto a
yeman of myn, John Deye, a tokene and a sedell of my Lords entent, whom
he wold have knyghtts of the shyre, and I sende you a sedell closed of
their names in this same lettre, wherfore me thynkith wel do to performe
my Lords entent.

Wretyn the xviijº day of Octobr, at Wynche.

  OXENFORD.

  _Com. Norff’_, {Sir William Chambirlayn.[185.1]}
                 {Henry Grey.                }

    [Footnote 184.2: [From Fenn, i. 98.] For evidence of date, see
    note to preceding letter.]

    [Footnote 185.1: The names actually returned by the Sheriff of
    Norfolk and Suffolk for this Parliament were--for Norfolk, Sir
    Miles Stapleton and Henry Gray; for Suffolk, Sir _Roger_
    Chamberleyn and Sir Edmund Mulso.]


150

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK TO JOHN PASTON[185.2]

_To oure right trusty and welbeloved servaunt, John Paston, Squier._

_The Duc of Norfolk_.

[Sidenote: 1450 / OCT. 22]

Right trusti and right welbelovid, we grete yo hertily well, prayng you
specially that ye will make you redy to awayte upon us at Yippiswich
toward the Parlement the viij. day of Novembre in youre best aray, with
as many clenly people as ye may gete for oure worship at this tyme; for
we will be there like oure estate in oure best wise without any delay.
Yeven under oure signet in oure Castell of Framlyngham, the xxij. day of
Octobre.

  [Illustration {signature}]

    [Footnote 185.2: [Douce MS. 393, f. 93.] This letter must have
    been written either in 1449 or in 1450, in both of which years
    Parliament met on the 6th of November; and as we have other
    letters, both of the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Oxford,
    relating to the Parliament of 1450, we are inclined to think
    this also belongs to the later year. Framlingham, the seat of
    the Duke of Norfolk, is not more than thirty-two miles from
    Bury, from which he wrote on the 16th.]


151

JOHN DAMME AND JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[186.1]

_To my worshipfull and good maister, John Paston, Escuyer._

[Sidenote: 1450 / NOV. 11]

Please it yow to wete that Sir William Oldhall is chosyn Speker of the
Parlement, and admytted by the Kyng, &c. Item, the day of oier and
termyner shall holde at Norwich on Moneday next comyng, and by that
cause my Lord of Oxenford shall be disported of his comyng to the
Parlement for to attende to the Sessions of oier, &c.

Item, the Lord Moleyns hadde langage of yow in the Kynggs presence as my
Maister Yelverton can telle yow by mouthe. Your presence shuld have do
meche ease here in your own matiers and other, as your weel willers
thynkyn, and your absence do non ease here; netheles my Maister
Yelverton shall telle you all, &c.

It is seid here that the Duke of York and the Duke of Norffolk shulln
not come here this vii. nyght.

Item, it is supposed that an oier and determyner shall come hastily into
Norwich. William Dynne abydeth therfore.

As touchyng Shirefs, ther arn none chosyn ne named, and as men suppose,
non shall be chosyn til my Lord of Yorks comyng, &c.

Wretyn in hast at Westminster, Mercur’ in Festo Sancti Martini.

  Yours,

  J. D. and GR.

It is apoynted that who shall sue any bille in the Parlement, thei must
be put into the Commone Hous by for Seint Edmunds day[186.2] atte
ferthest, &c.

    [Footnote 186.1: [From Fenn, iii. 100.] The date of this letter
    is determined by the fact mentioned in the first sentence. Sir
    William Oldhall was chosen Speaker of the Parliament which met
    on the 6th November 1450. John Damme represented Norwich in this
    Parliament. Moreover, the date at the end of the letter shows
    that St. Martin’s day fell on Wednesday in the year it was
    written, which was the case in 1450.]

    [Footnote 186.2: 20th November.]


152

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON[187.1]

_To my ryght reverent and most wurschipfull Maistre my Maister John
Paston the eldre, esquyer, at London in the Inner Tempyll._

[Sidenote: 1450 / NOV. 11]

Ryght reverent and my mooste wurschipful maistre, I recommaunde me unto
youre goode maisterschip. Like you to witte that I have taken astate in
the londe at Gresham as your maisterschep aviced me; wherfore I besche
you that ther may be taken an axion in my feffes name and myn a yenst
Jamys Gatte, as you semeth beest, and as hasty processe as may be had a
yenst hym, with your goode avice I wold; for what tyme as I had taken
astate he labored to men of the toun to have putte it in a ward, but I
wold not tyll I had spoken with your masterschip, &c. Also John Warles
schal gather the rente and ferme of Basyngham this yere. Item, William
Smythe schal occupie hes ferme this yere, and Croumer. And as for the
yeris aftre I have founde a meane that all your landis schall be letten
as weele as ever they weere in that maner, with helpe of one Robert
Coole, weche Robert fereth hym sore of the affence weche he ded a yenst
John Herbynger; for he is informed that your maisterschip hath taken a
axion a yenst hym, and John Herbynger hath du hym lost in the hundred
xl_d._, and he hath hym in the scheryffis turne. Wherfore that it like
you to withdrawe if any axion ye have a yenst hym for he will a bide any
ij. men award ther aboute; and more over he is the most able man to take
a ferme of lond that I knowe in your lordeship, and he schal be a gret
fermour of your the next yere. Ferthermore, ther is on Robert Wyghte,
otherwise Farbusschour, aftre that your officer of Matelask had seased
al Lyghtfot catell for suche dwtees as whas owynge the seid Robert
Wyght, come upon your bonde grounde, and brak doun the gardeyn dike of
the seid Lyghtfotes and toke a wey a bullok of ij. yere age and hath
caryed it a wey out of your lordschip; wherfore the tenauntes desireth
your maisterschip that ye well take an axion a yenst hym that he may be
punyssched. Item, as for a dey at Mauteby we can non geete, for Wynston
woll not of it in no wice. And as for tidinges here we here non but my
lord of Wurcestre lithe at Blakney and kepith housold there in the
Frieri. Item, Wymondham had entred in to Felbryge and he whas put out be
the comens and like if had beden to have lost hes heed. My ryght
wurschipful mastre, All myghty Jhesu preserve and kepe you. Wreten at
Heyneford on Sein Marteyn Day. Be your pore servaunt and bedman,

  RIC. CALLE.

    [Footnote 187.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 160.] This letter must
    have been written in 1450. We know already that John Paston
    recovered possession of Gresham between September 1450 and March
    1451 (see pp. 170, 219). Here we find that he deputed Richard
    Calle to take possession for him in November.]


153

ABSTRACT[188.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS, PARSON OF CASTLECOMBE.

[Sidenote: 1450 / NOV. 11]

‘Right trusty and welbeloved friends,’ I thank you for the quittance of
Richard Sellyng you have sent me by Worcestre, with a quittance of
Fauconere for the purchase of Davyngton, and another of Roys for the
purchase of Tychewell. Ask my cousin Herry Sturmer’s wife to search for
an indenture and other writings between me and Sellyng or Lady
Wiltshire. As you inform me that Sir Thomas Todenham has sent to John
Clerc to be at London, you must ask him and his wife to go before the
bailiffs of Yarmouth, and certify how it was Bysshop’s wife did not
receive the £100 I was ruled to pay her. John Clerc must not come up
till I send for him.--(_In margin_, ‘eyer and determiner.’) Special
labour has been made that Justice Yelverton should not come down this
Martinmas, but the King and Lords have determined that he shall keep his
day; ‘and the labour that ye, with my cousin Paston, made late to my
Lord Norfolk was right well avised, in case that the Justice should be
countermanded.’ Urge my friends to do their very best for me now in the
matters ‘labored last at the oyer and terminer,’ that they may take a
worshipful end. Thank Nicholas Bokkyng for what he did about the
certificate of the jury in the office[188.2] of Tychewell, and beg him
to get it sealed in time, which will be a great evidence for the
recovery of my manor. Sends home some horses ‘to be occupied in the
cart.’ Commendations to his cousin John Berney.

  _Signed._

Send for William Cole about the accounts, and thank the Parson of
Haylesdon[189.1] for the three writings of Wiltshire’s will and Gorney
he sent me by Worcester; but say I prayed him to search for more.

London, St. Martin’s day.

  [This letter is dated on Martinmas day, at which date in the year
  1450 it will be seen by the preceding number that Justice Yelverton
  was going down into Norfolk, and an _oyer and terminer_ was going to
  be held at Norwich. The reference to the ‘office,’ or inquisition,
  of Tychewell also proves the year to be 1450. --_See_ Nos. 162 and
  164, pp. 199-201.]

    [Footnote 188.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 226.]]

    [Footnote 188.2: An inquisition taken by the escheator of a
    county by virtue of his office was frequently called an
    ‘office.’ Its object was to ascertain the King’s title to
    certain lands.]

    [Footnote 189.1: Thomas Hert was presented to Haylesdon by Sir
    John Fastolf in 1448.]


154

JUSTICE YELVERTON TO SIR JOHN FASTOLF[189.2]

_A Lettre to Sir John Fastoff from Justice Yelverton._[189.3]

[Sidenote: 1450 / NOV.]

My moste worshypfull and best betrusted maister, I recommaund me to yow,
thankyng yow for manye grete gentlenesse and kyndnesse that ye hafe
showed unto me, and for the grete ease that I had of your man and your
horsys also.

As for tydyngs owte of thys contree, here ys a marveyllous disposed
contree, and manye evylle wylled peple to Sir Thomas Tuddenham and
Heydon, and but yff they been putt in comfort there by the meene of a
good shyreve and undreshyreve, they may hafe remedye now by the ordre of
lawe, and ellys grete inconvenices arn lyke for to folowe ther off.
Therfor, Sir, for the weele of all our gode contree, mewyth the Kyng, my
Lord Chaunceller,[190.1] and all othyr Lordes as ye thynk best for thys
matier on thys behalf.

Also, Sir, yff they noysse me by thee meene of my Lord Scalys, or by
anye othyr meene, or by onye bylle sewed by Brygg, or by onye othyr man
by her [_i.e. their_] craft, that it please yow to sey for me yn
savacion of my pore worshyp, whych I wote well they may not hurt but
they doo me wrongs, to the Kyng, my Lord Chaunceller, my Lord of
Wynchester,[190.2] my Lord Cromewell, and in othyr places, as ye semyth,
that no credence be goven to myne hurt yn myne absence.

Also, Sir, that William Geney and Brayn, the clerks of the Sessions, ben
hastyed hedreward as well as they may; and, Sir, my cousyn Paston and my
brothyr Cleere can tell yow moch more thyng that I shuld wryte off to
yow, and I had leyser; but I shall wythynne short tyme sende yow more
tydyngs owte of thys contree, by the grace of God, whych hafe yow yn hys
holye kepyng.

  By your old Servaunt,

  WILLIAM YELVERTON, Justice.

    [Footnote 189.2: [From Fenn, iii. 50.] This would appear to have
    been written in 1450, just after Yelverton’s arrival in Norfolk,
    whither, it will be seen by the last two letters, he was going
    in November. The nomination of sheriffs had not yet taken place,
    and was anxiously expected by many, in the hope that it would
    lessen the influence of Sir Thomas Tuddenham and Heydon, who had
    hitherto been very powerful in Norfolk.]

    [Footnote 189.3: This is only an endorsement on the MS., and is
    not even contemporaneous. The MS. itself is not addressed,
    being, as shown in the margin, only a copy, marked ‘Copia’ in
    the same hand as the document.]

    [Footnote 190.1: Cardinal Kemp.]

    [Footnote 190.2: The celebrated William de Waynflete, Bishop of
    Winchester.]


155

JUSTICE YELVERTON TO JOHN BOCKING[190.3]

_To my welbeloved cosyn, John Bockyng._

[Sidenote: 1450 / NOV.]

Worshipfull and right welbeloved cosyn, I comaunde me to you, prayng you
to recomaunde me to my Maister Fastolf, and thank hym in my name hertily
for his man and his hors. And also for to meve hym for that we may have
a good shereve and a good undershereve that neythir for good favore no
fere wol returne for the Kyng, ne betwix partie and partie, none othir
men but such as ar good and trewe, and in no wyse will be forsworne; for
the pepil here is loth to compleyne til thei here tidynges of a good
shereve. And that William Jenney and Brayne, the clerk of the Cessions,
and Thomas Denys, ben hastid hydirward as fast as thei may, and than men
supposen he nedith not to dowghtyn his materes. And also that my cosyn
Paston be so hastily holpen in his maters that he may sone come hedir
ageyn. And also that my maistir be my sheld and my defense ageyns all
fals noyses and sclaundres meved ayens me by her menes in myn absens.

At Walsyngham, and in othir places in the duche of Lancastre, men shal
be redy to seche Heydon at hom in his own hous, if he come home; and in
lyke wyse standith Sir Thomas Tudenham his neighburs to hymward as the
more part of the pepil seth in this cuntre. His men have told here the
falsest tales of Sir William Oldhall and of me that evere I herd speke
of. It wer ful necessarye and profitable to the Kyng and to his pepil
for to have othir officers in his duche.

Asay how ye can sett hem a werk in the Parlement, for if this maters be
sped as it is aforn desired, thei ar lyke to be sett a werk here well
inough, by the grace of God, which have you in holy kepyng.

  By your cosyn,

  WILLIAM YELVERTON, Justice.

    [Footnote 190.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The correspondence of
    this letter with the last is such as to leave no doubt that they
    were written at the same period. The MS. is a contemporaneous
    copy.]


156

ABSTRACT[191.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS, Pastor of Castlecombe, JOHN BOKKYNG, and
WATKIN SHYPDAM.

[Sidenote: 1450 / NOV. 23]

Thanks the Parson for a letter by Robert Botiller, and one by John
Clerc, advising that Bokking and William Jenney be ‘in that parties’
betimes for the _oyer and terminer_. Has received instruction of the
first purchase of Haylysdon. Is glad John Clerc is come. Much strange
labour has been made to him by Tasborough and Swolle. Complains of the
untruth of Appulzerd of Norwich in the Lady Bardolf’s matter. A bailly
of Hikelyng maintains the Prior in his wrong against Fastolf. William
Barker had a box of evidences of the farm of Lady Bardolf’s lands, and a
deed of Norman’s feoffment with evidences of Saxthorp, which cannot be
found here, and must have been left at Norwich or Castre. Don’t forget
Norman’s matter, and the maintainers of the false inquest of Beyton
Bradwell. Wyndham wants to be friends with me about the Lady Bardolf’s
matter. The master of St. Giles has been with me for the purchase of
Mundham Maner with appurtenances in Cyselond, and I have agreed with him
for 200 marks. Don’t forget the bailly of Hykelyng, who said I should
forge [_i.e._ had forged] evidence, &c.

London, 23 Nov. 29 Hen. VI.

  _Signed._

  [An extract from the latter part of this letter is printed by
  Blomefield, _Hist. Norf._ iv. 388-9 (Note 9).]

    [Footnote 191.1: [From an original, sold by Messrs. Puttick and
    Simpson on the 2nd March 1870.]]


157

ABSTRACT[192.1]

[Sidenote: 1450 / NOV. 28]

Power of attorney by John, Cardinal Archbishop of York, and others, to
John Est and others, including William Worcestre and Geoffrey Sperlyng,
to deliver seisin to Walter Leyhert, Bishop of Norwich, and others, of
and in the manor of Mundham, &c.--28 Nov. 29 Hen. VI.

_20 Seals, of which three are lost._

  Endorsed by Blomefield-- ‘Sir John Fastolff’s Feoffees Release,’
  &c., with a reference to his _History of Norfolk_, vol. ii. 762
  (fol. ed.).

    [Footnote 192.1: [From Add. Charter 17,238, B.M.]]


158

ABSTRACT[192.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS, Parson of Castlecombe, WILLIAM JENNEY,
and JOHN BOKKYNG.

[Sidenote: 1450 / DEC. 2]

Thanks them for their diligence. Has respited the matter against Wyndham
touching the Lady Bardolf till next term, as he offers to come to an
agreement.[192.3] Is ready to agree with all persons who will find
sufficient surety, except Sir Thomas Tudenham, Heydon, and _Pykering_
(_underlined_). Master John Botewright has sent him a letter of great
loss and damage done by Tudenham and Heydon to the ‘comyn’ of Swaffham,
‘benymmyng (?) 600 acres lond of her comyn.’ Has written to ‘my brother
Yelverton,’ and would write also to my Lord of Oxford, but that he is so
vexed in spirit ‘in thys trouble seson,’ that at times he cannot abide
the signing and sealing of a letter. Prays them to see well to the
accountants and auditors’ charges.

London, 2 Dec. 29 Hen. VI.

‘And because I might [not] abide till the writing of the matters that I
commanded Worcester to write, I signed the letter so near the beginning;
but I will ye tender, nevertheless, my letter and articles for my most
profit and avail.’

    [Footnote 192.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 235.]]

    [Footnote 192.3: Fastolf’s signature is placed here, near the
    beginning of the letter, after the first paragraph.]


159

ABSTRACT[193.1]

[Sidenote: 1450]

Memoranda signed by Sir John Fastolf (_mutilated at the head_) viz.
about the Prior of Hikelyng; that John Ulveston and John Andrew be
indicted for forging the office of Boyton, as well as for Bradwell in
Suffolk; Brayn to deliver copies; if they sit in Suffolk, to take heed
of Sypton’s matter. Nicholas Apleyard will doubtless appear to the bill
of maintenance; so the Prior and Sacristan and Sir H. Inglose must be
‘laboured’ to give information. Process against Dynne, Prentis, &c.
Obligation of 200 marks that Brian Stapleton has in keeping. The Parson
of Castlecombe to speak with John Emond of Taverham secretly about one
who pretended title to Dedham, &c. ‘That ready word come alway atwix
Norwich and this of the tidings that are there.’ Matter of Margaret
Brygge, &c. ‘That Paston conceive the crossed letter, and say therein to
my Lady Felbrigg.’ To speak to Paston and Jenney about various matters.
To speak to Reppys ‘that he feel my Lord Scales and the Prior of
Hikelyng jointly if they will yet treat, as my Lord Scales and my master
were agreed at London,’ &c.

  [From the reference to Sypton’s matter, it would appear that this
  paper is a little before the two following in point of date.]

    [Footnote 193.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 277.]]


160

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS AND JOHN BOCKING[194.1]

_To my ryght trusty frende and servaunt, Sir Thomas, Parson of
Castellcombe, and John Bokkyng, at Prynce Inne yn Norwych, or at
Beklys._

[Sidenote: 1450 / DEC. 4]

Ryght trusty and welbelevyd servaunt, I grete you well. And forasmoch as
I undrestand that on Monday next the oyer and terminer shall be holden
at Beklys, and ye avysen to sende yow a certificat for cause of the
forged quytaunce by Sir John Sypton, whych wrytyng I scende you by the
berer here of, prayng you that ye solicit to my councell that the said
Sir John Sypton be endited thereuppon, and that ye foryete not Ulveston,
Andreus, and the othyrs that forged a fals office[194.2] to cast my
maner of Bradwell yn to the Kyngs hand.

Item, I sende you a copie of Sibieton ple and quytaunce forged to
grounde your bille by it.

No more for haste, but God kepe you. Wryt at London, iiij. day of
December, anno xxixº regni Regis H. VI.

Item, Sir John Bukk, Parson of Stratford, physshed my stankys at Dedham,
and holp brake my damme, destroyed my new mille, and was ayenst me
allwey at Dedham, to the damage of 20_l._, which may be endyted allso.

Item, he and John Cole hath by force this yeer, and othyr yeers, take
out off my waters at Dedham, to the nombre of xxiiij. swannys and
signetts, and I pray you thys be not foryeted.

  J. FASTOLF.

    [Footnote 194.1: [From Fenn, iii. 102.]]

    [Footnote 194.2: _See_ p. 188, Note 2.]


161

ABSTRACT[195.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS, Parson of Castlecombe, and JOHN BOKKING,
in haste, at Princes Inn, in Norwich.

[Sidenote: 1450 / DEC. 5]

As the oyer and terminer in Suffolk is to be on Monday next, desires
them to get Sir John Sypton indicted for forging the false acquittance,
and Bury his advocate also. Has inquired of his tenants at Dedham who
were the chief counsel of breaking his mill-dam, and they say Sir John
Squyer was chief, but John Waryn was of counsel and court-holder there;
also Sir John Buk, Parson of Stratton, who fished his stanks, &c. John
Cole of Stoke has also taken in years past more than twenty of his
swans. Let them be presented. The late Parson of Cotton got F.’s late
bailly, Henry Holm (now dead), pledged out by false representations of
the sufficiency of his bail, &c.

London, 5 Dec. 29 Hen. VI.

  _Signed._

    [Footnote 195.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 247.]]


162

FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS[195.2]

_To my ryght trusty and welbelovyd frendys, Sir Thomas, Parson off
Castellcombe._

[Sidenote: 1450 / DEC. 20]

Ryght trusty frendys, I grete you well. And lete you wete that I have
resseyved your lettre thys day, which was wryt xv. day of December, and
undre[stand] well your ryght gode mocions and causes shewed of
inconvenients that myght fall, yff the shyreve have not a gode
undreshyreff whyche were not enclynyng to the partie of T. H.[195.3] And
there as ye meoffe me to wryte to ij. Lordys for the said cause, they be
both forth to theyr contre, and shall therfor wryte unto hem uppon the
tenor of your lettrez in that at y can or may, as forre as reson and
justice wolle, for such an officer as woll not, for no mede, hate, or
losse, execut[196.1] dewlye his office to the weele of the contre.

Item, the day of thys lettre wrytyng, John Bokkyng ys com to me, and
hath expressley enformyd me by mouth as by wrytynges the greete labour
and diligence whych ye have take uppon yow, seth Martismasse, in
especiall, abowte the expedition of my processe of _oyer and terminer_
before the Kyngs Commyssioners attained; and I vele ryght well by the
avauncement of my processe your faithfull diligence, for whych y can you
ryght gode thank, and trustyng uppon your gode continuance. And seth the
Commissioners shall sytt at Lynne after the Epiphanye, such of my maters
as have take none ende, but hang yn processe for deffaut of aunsuer or
apparaunce of my partie, I pray you that the said maters may be called
uppon of the new, and dew processe had as ferre as justice and gode
concience wolle.

Item, it ys so, as I undrestand, that the Lord Scalys woll be at Lynne
thys Cristmasse, and at the oyer and terminer halden there, and Sir
Thomas Tuddenham and Heydon wolle appere, of which I am well content;
and it ys lyke that grete labour and speciall pursute shall be made to
the Lord Scalys that he wolle meynteyn the said Tuddenham and Heydon in
all he can or may, and thus I have herd sey. Wherfor such persones as
have founde hem soore greved by extorcion as I have ben, and have
processe or wolle hafe processe before the Commissioners, they most
effectuelly labour to my Lord Oxford, and to my brothyr Zelverton,
Justice, that they wolle as ferre as justice, reson, and concience do
that justice may [be] egallie mynistred, and not to wythdrawe theyr
couragez well sett from the pore peple; for and they hald not the hand
well and stedfast yn thys mater from hens forth whyle it shall dure, as
they have herebefore, the pore peple and all the grete part of both
shyres of Norffolk and Suffolk be destroyed. For it shewyth well by what
manyfold undewe menys of extorcion they have lyved yn myserie and grete
pouverte by manye yeers contynewed that the moste part of the comyners
have litill or nought to meynteyn their menage and housold, ne to pay
the Kyngs taskys, nothyr theyr rents and servises to the Lordz they be
tenants un too, as it shewyth daylie to all the world, whych ys overe a
grete pitie to thynk. And when the said pore peple have be by such
injuries overladd and so undoon, nedz most the gentlemen that have they
pore lyvelode amongs hem be gretely minisshed and hyndered of their
increse and levyng.

Item, where as I undrestand by a lettre sent to me from my welbelovyd
frende Maister John Botewryght, that grete extorcion have be don by the
officers of the duchee in takyng awey cxl. acres pasture at Swaffam,
whych ys of the Kyngs demeynz and of hys enheritaunce as of the duchee
of Lancaster, for whych pastures, yff it com not ynne ayen, it woll be
grete disheritaunce to the Kyng, and fynall destruccion of the tenauntes
there, for whych the said Maistre John desyryth and prayeth of remedie
yn the name of all the toune of Swaffam. As to thys such as wold here
the encrese and wellfare of hym, of hys parysshons, and off all thoose
mysdon untoo, most by the avice of som lerned man to put theyr
oppressions and grevaunces in wrytyng, well grounded, and as the trouth
of the mater ys, and that the said wrytyng or bille may be enseled wyth
the seles of such gentlemen that have lyvebode there, and wyth the men
that be cowthest knowen,[197.1] and that wrytyng so enseled to be
directed to the Kyng, and to the Lordz of hys Councell. And then it ys
and woll be of more credence to the Kyng and the Lordys then a simple
lettre. And thys doon wyth the labours that they may make there in
shewyng theyr grevaunces to the Commissioners; and the seid grevaunces
shewed also here amongs the Kyng and the Lordz, it ys verrayly to thynk
that they shall be purveyd of a remedie. And foryete not to sende or
wryte to Maister Botewryght in goodly haste of thys article wyth your
correccion to be had where the avertisementes of you and my frendz that
have more particuler knowlege yn such maters.

Item, I have grete mervaylle that yong Jenney, whych ys of my Lord
Cromewell councell, and Robert Ledam, also off hys councell, and hys man
be not spoke with there, that they doo not attaine an accion ayenst Sir
Thomas Tudden[ham], Heydon, and John Gent, whyche have and wold dayly
labour to disseisse my Lord Cromewell of a knyghten service in Saxthorp,
which ye have ryght suffisaunt evidenses by an endentures of Kyng Edward
iij^d dayes enseled, as of Kyng Herry dayes the iiij^the, that the seid
maner ys hald by the iiij^the part of a knyzt fee[198.1] of my Lord
Cromewell as of the maner of Tateshale. And the seid Tuddenham and
Heydon wold after theyr voulente have it hald yn meen of the maner of
Hetersete, whych sufficient evidenses that ye have specifyeth no thyng
soo. And I have lost xx^li. yeerly yn approwement[198.2] of my chatell,
for cause my Lord Cromewell, throw neglicence of hys officers in
Norffolk, have not meynteyned hys ryght. And there as John Bokkyng seith
that John Jenney hath no commaundment of my Lord to pursue hys ryght, it
shewyth off reson that seth he ys of hys councell in especiall for that
shyre, he ought doo hys ryzt to be savyd and kept of hys dewtee. And
thertoo he knouyth well that my said Lord hath commaunded hym dyvers
tymys to take kepe hys ryzt be savyd in thys mater. Wherfor I pray you
requyre hym on my Lord ys behalf[198.3] to compleyn to Justice at thys
_oyer_ [_and terminer_ for a] remedie, and that the [bi]lle be made yn
my Lordys name. And then to . . . . . . have commaundment ryzt sone of
my Lord eftsonys, and [_i.e._ if] he wolle sende unto hym by suche as
goth dayly into that contre to Tateshale. And I had send hym hys
speciall [com]maundment, had he sent me suche word betyme whyle he was
heere. I pray you remembre ye so John Jenney and Robert Ledham as I have
no cause to [wri]te more, ne to compleyn to my Lord of theyr necligence.

Item, Sir Parson, where it ys soo that my cosyn Boys ys passed to God,
whoos soule God assoyle, ye shall fynde amonges my bokes of accomptes at
Castre, or amonges othyr wrytynges, he owed me money for a ferm he heeld
of me, as Watkyn Shypdam ys remembred; and also I lent hym xl^s. whych I
shuld have an obligacion at Castre off, praying you to inquire off thys
dewteez, and see recuvere may be made off it.

Item, I seende a lettre at thys tyme to my cosyn Wychyngham, to hys
modre also, for a mater that touchyth my cosyn Robert Fitzrauff ys
amercement, and the partie also. Whych lettre I woll ye breke to
undrestand my wrytyng and the substaunce off it the more. And y pray you
hertly to speke wyth the partie at Norwych as well as wyth my ryght
welbelovyd cosyn Sir Herry Inglose, and wyth my cosyn Wychyngham assone
as ye goodly may. And meoffe ye the said mater yn such wyse as your
discrecioun can well consider that the rathyr the said mater may take a
gode ende, yff it may be yn ony wyse; yn whych mater ye shall do me
ryght singler plesyr, and that thys be not slewthed, for taryeng drawth
perell. I wryte but briefflye, for I . . . . . . . . . .[199.1]

Item, where as Brome ys not well wyllyng yn my maters, whych for the
wrong takyng and wyth haldyng my shepe I ought take a accioun ayenst
hym; for declaracioun in whate wyse he dyd it, John Bele my sheperefe
can enforme you best, for he laboured about the recuvere of it. My Lady
Norfolk sent me a lettre viij. yere goon, whych I shuld hafe, desyryng
that the processe I was purposed take ayenst hym shuld be respited, and
all that reson wold he shuld obbey. I am avysed therfor let som man
about my Lord Norfolk and my Lady have wetyng, or I begynne. Yhyt I wold
ye had declaracioun before of the conduyt and grounde of thys mater.

Item, where my cosyn Inglose avyse me fully to take a speciall assise on
the priorye of Hykelyng for my rent, I have abydden uppon my cosyn
Paston that he and I shuld take one to ghedyr, and I vele hym no thyng
spede in it. Let me know how he woll doo thys next terme, for elles am I
fully avysed to take myne owt, and to traverse all iij. offices[199.2]
for Beyton, Bradwell, and Tychewell, wyth the help of my frendz, Not
elles at thys tyme; but I pray you comfort all thoo that fynde hem
greved to abyde by theyr ryzt, and that ye woll contynew forth for my
worshup and proffyt as ferre as ryzt wolle. Whych I trust to God shall
better have hys cours then it hath beforn; who have you in hys kepyng.
Wryt at London, the xx. day of Decembre anno xxixº regni Regis H. VI.

Item, that thys lettre commaund me to my cosyn John à Berney.

  J. FASTOLF.

(_On the back_)--Item, I have sende ij. lettres to my Lord Erle of
Oxford, the ton by Robson ys man, a squyer of my Lordys. And the grete
substaunce of the lettre ys that the issues forfeted may be sent upp be
tyme to my Lord Tresorer; for there shall be none assignment made, ne
may not, till it com yn wrytyng; it be don, had it be sent. Grete sute
ys made to pardon it, but the Kynges Councell woll not suffre it. The
ij. lettre Nicholas Bokkyng beryth for excuse of my cosyn Inglose,
because grete labor hath be made to my Lord York ayenst my cosyn Inglose
and Seggeford, that they shuld endyte the Priour of Walsyngham tenaunt
yn Salle. Wheruppon my Lord York, unadvertised of the trouth, sent a
lettre to my Lord Oxford to support the Pryor ys tenaunt ayenst
Seggeford namely.

Item, I desyre that and John Berney or onye man can mete wyth Dallyng,
that fals undre eschetor, in onye place proviable, that he may by force
brought to Castre without damage of hys bodye, and there to be kept yn
hold, that he may confesse the trouth of the fals office he forged off
my maner of Tychewell.

Item, forasmoche as ye shall have to doon at Lynne for my maters there
as for Tychewell and othyr, therfor I wolle that yee doo purvey of gode
frendys as be aboute Flegg that passen yn jureez, that they may wayt
uppon yow there at Lynne, and other suche trusty men that ye can ghete
to spede my processe. And that ye do hem goode chier and cost uppon hem
after that the case shall requyre. I commyt thys mater to be ruled by
your wysdom, that it be net forzeten.

    [Footnote 195.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M., and MS. Phillipps,
    9735, No. 248.] The original of this letter has been torn in
    two, and the first portion is now among the Paston MSS. in the
    British Museum, while the latter part is in the library of Sir
    Thomas Phillipps at Cheltenham.]

    [Footnote 195.3: Tuddenham and Heydon.]

    [Footnote 196.1: ‘Forbear to execute’ doubtless was intended.]

    [Footnote 197.1: Most publicly known.]

    [Footnote 198.1: A knight’s fee was an amount of land sufficient
    to maintain a knight, and held subject to a knight’s service.]

    [Footnote 198.2: _See_ p. 152, Note 3.]

    [Footnote 198.3: Here begins the portion in the Phillipps MS.]

    [Footnote 199.1: Three words indistinct.]

    [Footnote 199.2: _See_ p. 188, Note 2.]


163

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[201.1]

_To our welbeloved John Paston._

Th’erl of Oxenford.

[Sidenote: 1450 / DEC. 23]

Right trusty and welbeloved, we grete you well. And for as moche as the
qwene and my Lord of York have writyn to us for a matier that is
depending betwix the toun of Salle and on [_one_] Sechforth of the same
toune, we pray yow that at such tyme as we purpose yow to be with us now
this Cristemesse at Wynche that ye lete the sayd Sechforth have wetyng
ther of, and that he may be with us that same tyme, for diverse matiers
wich that we have to speke with hym; and that ye fayle not, as we trust
yow. Wretyn in owr manor of Wynche, the xxiij^ti. day of Decembre.

    [Footnote 201.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 168.] The subject of this
    letter is evidently referred to in the postscript of the last.]


164

ABSTRACT[201.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN BERNEY AND SIR THOMAS HOWYS.

[Sidenote: 1450 / DEC. 27]

Begs them to have heed to his matters to be sped on Tuesday after the
Twelfth, especially ‘to labor the jury that was supposed to ’a past in
the office found for Tychewell,[201.3] that they may appear at Lynne,
and there make a certificate before my Lord of Oxford, and the Justice
William Yelverton, that they were never privy nor consenting to such an
office-finding.’ On this an action may be founded against Dallyng, ‘the
false harlot.’ Would like Berney rewarded for his labor, if it were
secretly done, and Dynne also. ‘Ye wete what I mean. I pray you see well
forth, for _Mitte sapientem_, &c.’

London, in haste, St. John’s day in Christmas;[201.4] ‘for he cam to
Castre, and there seye myn evydence, and than made the office therby,
and for Suffolk also, the fals offices found there in likewise, &c.’ You
must sue him to the utmost.

  [The date of this letter is determined by the reference made in it
  to the Sessions held at Lynn, in the January following, before the
  Earl of Oxford and Justice Yelverton. --_See_ No. 167. At the foot of
  the original MS. is this inscription:-- ‘Donum Rev. Fra. Blomefield,
  10 Dec. 1735.’]

    [Footnote 201.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 237.]]

    [Footnote 201.3: _See_ No. 153; also _PS._ to No. 162.]

    [Footnote 201.4: This, which is written after the date, would
    appear to apply to Dallyng.]


165

ANONYMOUS TO ----[202.1]

[Sidenote: 1450]

I prey zu if ze have any old gownys for lynynges and old schetys and old
schertys that may non lenger seven zu, I prey zu send hem hom in hast,
for I must okupye seche thyngis in hast. Wyndham hath medyd the juryorys
and yaf hem mony that xuld passe on the qwhest be twyn zour modyr and
hym; if ther myt ben purveyd any mene that it myt ben dasched in cas wer
that it xuld passe azens zour modyr, it wer a good sport; for than he
wold ben wode. He sent with his men to the afray iij. gunnys in very
trowth. I have inquiryd veryly ther after. He is wode wroth that Daniel
is amrel, for it is told me that on of his men is indytyd in the
amrellys cort sythyn that Danyel was made amerel. I pray zu bewar in
qhat felaschep ze ryd qhan ze com homward, for ther gon many fals
shrewys and thevys in this contre.

Thomas Skipping rod to Londonward on Friday last past in gret hast and
purposyd hym for to ben at London on Sonday be none on erandys of his
maysterrys: qhat the cawse is I wote nott. On sent me word her of that
knowth it for trowth.

    [Footnote 202.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 150.] The date of this
    letter seems to be towards the close of the year 1450; for
    though I have not met with the date of Daniel’s appointment as
    Admiral, which would prove the year, it will be seen by the last
    paragraph of No. 142 that Wyndham was indicted at that time
    along with Toddenham and Heydon, as one of the makers of
    disorder in Norfolk.]


166

SIR JOHN FASTOLF[203.1]

  .   .   .   .   .   .   .   .   .   .

Item, that Sir John Ingelose and the Meyer be spoke to for here worship
that the man weche that herd Heydon seye the langage upon wheche he is
endyted, be sent heder; for that aught not to be kept prevye but
oplyshed, seyng any thyng towchyng or sownyng to treson. And, on the
other part, it is to grett necye (?) to noyse any man with ought cause,
&c. Hit is not here worship this mater, if hit be trew, is so longe kept
prevye with theym, &c.

  J. FASTOLFE.

    [Footnote 203.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is a mere
    fragment, containing nothing but the postscript of a letter, the
    date of which must be either towards the end of the year 1450,
    or the beginning of 1451. A passage to the same effect will be
    found in a letter of Fastolf’s, written on the 7th January
    1451.]


167

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN JERMYN[203.2]

_To my ryght trusty and intierly welbeloved John Jermyn, Shirreve of
Norffolk._

[Sidenote: 1451 / JAN. 2]

Right trusty and intierly welbeloved, I grete yow wele. And where late
by the Kyngs comaundment in the tyme of his Parliament, holden now last
at Westminster, I was in persone at Norwich, holdyng Sessions of oir
determyner[203.3] with Yelverton, on of the Kyngs Juges, by greet space
and greet attendaunce, which for to a do with suych diligence in the
Parliament tyme I wold a be right lothe, but for the pupplyk wele of all
the shire.

It is also not oute of your remembraunce what indisposicion the Commons
of bothe countes in the ende of somer last passed wer of, and how the
Kyng, by the hole advyse of all the greet Councell of Ingland, to sese
their rumour, send hider his said Commission; and how I have do my part
therynne, I reporte me to all the world. I here a gruggyng,
neverthelesse, that trow favour in your office to the pople that hath
compleyned by many and grete horible billes agayn certeyn persones shuld
not be shewid at this next Sessions at Lenn, ne ferther in the said
Comission, which, if it so were, as God defend, myght cause a latter
errour wurs than the first.

I pray yow, therfore, that ye wole write to me your disposicion how ye
purpose to be demened, and how I shal take yow for th’execucion of the
Kyngs Comission, and the pupplik wele of all the shire; and aftir that
that ye write to me, so wole I take yow, latyng yow wete that I were
lothe to labour ferther but if I wist that the Commons shuld be easid as
Godds law wold; and if ony errour grow, the defaute shal not be founde
in me.

I pray yow more over to gif credence to the berer her of, and the
Trinite kepe yow. Wretyn at Wynch, the second day of January.

  THE ERLE OF OXENFORD.

    [Footnote 203.2: [From Fenn, iii. 106.] As this letter was
    written in the year that John Jermyn was Sheriff of Norfolk, the
    date must be 1451.]

    [Footnote 203.3: _See_ page 161, Note 3.]


168

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO SIR JOHN FASTOLF[204.1]

_To my right trusty and intierly welbeloved Sir John Fastolff, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1451(?) / JAN. 2]

Right trusty and intierly welbeloved, I grete yow wele, and pray yow to
be right sadly advysed of the contynue of a bille of instruccion closid
her ynne; and therupon, as I trust yow, to comon with suych my Lords of
the Kyngs Councell as be present now at this tyme, in especiall my Lord
Chaunceller, and that ye wole send me instruccyon agayn of their avise,
and how I shal demene me. And the Trinite preserve yow. Wretyn at Wynch,
the second day of January.

  THE ERLE OF OXENFORD.

    [Footnote 204.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter, which is
    dated at the same place and on the same day as the preceding,
    was probably written in the same year also.]


169

JOHN BOCKING TO WILLIAM WAYTE[205.1]

_To William Wayte._[205.2]

[Sidenote: 1451 / JAN. 2]

Rith feithful and welbelovyd brother, Wiliam Wayte, I comaunde me to yow
as the lord may to his tenant, praying you effectualy to recomaunde me
to my singuler gode mayster and yours, excusyng me that I write not to
hym, for I dar not envolde me in the same. And as for tydyngs her,
I certifye you that all is nowght, or will be nowght. The Kyng borweth
hes expense for Cristemesse; the Kyng of Aragon,[205.3] the Duc of
Myleyn,[205.4] the Duc of Ostrich,[205.5] the Duc of Burgoyn[205.6]
wolde ben assistent to us to make a conquest, and nothyng is aunswered,
ner agreed in maner, save abydyng the grete deliberacon that at the last
zall spill all to goder, &c.

The Chief Yistice[205.7] hath waited to ben assauted all this sevenyght
nyghtly in hes hous, but nothing come as yett, the more pite, &c. On
_oyr and determiner_[205.8] goth in to Kent, and Commissioners my Lord
the Duc of York, Bouchier, my mayster,[206.1] that will not come there,
_de prodicionibus_, &c., but Kent praeth hem to hang no men when thei
come.

Other tydyngs as yett can I non tell you, save Ulveston is Styward of
the Mydill Inne, and Isley of the Inner Inne, be cause thei wold have
officz for excuse for dwellyng this tyme from her wyves, &c. Sir
T. T.[206.2] lost hes primer at the Tour Hill, and sent his man to
seche [_fetch_ (?)] it, and a good felaw wyshed hit in Norffolk, so he
wold fetch hit there, &c. Men ween that Norffolk men wer hardier thanne
thei be.

God graunte, and at the reverence of God help too that an outas[206.3]
and clamour be made upon the Lord Scalez,[206.4] preying hym for well of
the cuntre, neyther susteyn ner help hym ner Heydon in no wyse, and that
ye crye upon my mayster and yours that he obeye not the syrcorar
[_certiorari_] as yett, as ye may se be hes lettre from my mayster,
rudely and in hast be me endited, of which I pray excuse, &c. And pray
Blake[206.5] to do Swafham men sey sum what to the matier.

I wote well T. and H.[206.6] wil not come there at this tyme, as it is
verily reported, &c. _Mitte sapientem, &c._ Brayn and I shalbe with you
on Saturday nest at evyn, with the grace of Jesu, to whom I be take you.
In hast, at London, the ij^de day of Januar.

  By

  J. BOCKYNG.

    [Footnote 205.1: [From Fenn, iii. 134.] The evidence on which
    this letter has been assigned to the year 1451 will be seen in a
    footnote.]

    [Footnote 205.2: This is supplied by the Editor, there being no
    address in the MS. itself.]

    [Footnote 205.3: Alfonso V.]

    [Footnote 205.4: Francis Sforza, one of the most able and
    successful generals of the time. He was a soldier of fortune, of
    peasant origin, and succeeded to the Duchy of Milan by his
    marriage with Bianca Maria, natural daughter of Philip Maria,
    the preceding Duke, whose interests he had at one time opposed
    as general of a league formed by the Pope and the Venetian and
    Florentine Republics against the Duchy.]

    [Footnote 205.5: Albert, surnamed the Prodigal, brother of the
    Emperor Frederic III.]

    [Footnote 205.6: Philip the Good.]

    [Footnote 205.7: Sir John Fortescue.]

    [Footnote 205.8: A commission of _oyer and terminer_ for Kent
    and Sussex was issued in December 1450 to Richard, Duke of York,
    Lord Bourchier, Sir John Fastolf, and others.--Patent Roll, 29
    Hen. VI. p. 1, m. 16 _indorso_.]

    [Footnote 206.1: Sir John Fastolf, whose servant Bocking was.]

    [Footnote 206.2: Sir Thomas Tuddenham.]

    [Footnote 206.3: An outcry.]

    [Footnote 206.4: _See_ p. 196.]

    [Footnote 206.5: Elsewhere mentioned as bailiff of Swaffham.]

    [Footnote 206.6: Tuddenham and Heydon.]


170

WILLIAM WAYTE TO JOHN PASTON[207.1]

_To my Ryght seuere and ryght worchepfull mayster, my mayster Paston, in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 / JAN. 3]

Ryght Reverent and ryght wurchepfull sir, I recomaunde me un to youre
good maysterchep. Late yow wete that Blake the baly of Swafham cam hom
from London on the Saterday after that my mayster departed from yow atte
myn lord of Oxenfordis. And he told my mayster that he cam to London on
Seint John day atte nyte. And he yede streyt to my lord Chaunceler and
told my seyd lord that yf the Kyng pardoned sir Thomas Tudenham and
Heydon her issewes that the shire of Suffolk wold paye no taxe; for what
nedyth the kynge for to have the taxe of hese pore puple whanne he wyll
not take hese issues of thos rych extorssioners and oppressours of hese
puple. And also he told my seyd lord Chaunceler and many more lordes
that yf the kynge pardon hym or graunted any _supersedeas_, London shuld
with inne short tyme have as moche for to do as they hadde for to kepe
London Brygge whanne the Capteyn[207.2] cam thedir; for he told hym that
ther was up in Norffolk redy to ryse V M^l. comons yf they have not
execucion of the _oyre_ and _terminer_. And whanne my lord Chaunceler
herd this he was ryte glade therof, and dede Blake telle all this and
moche more a forn the kynge and all hese lordes, that they blyssed him
whanne they herden yt. And yf he hadde not a seyd this they shuld an
hadd and _supersedeas_ and pardon also, for ther was made a gret
suggestion that it hadde be don of grette malyce. And so the lord Scales
meyntenyth Sir Thomas Tudenham in all that he may goodly, but he wyll
not awow yt; but he shall come don to the _oyre determiner_ sekerly, and
for to make anende atwex sir T. Tudenham and Swafham; for [he] hayth
made and genttyl letter un to the parson, the bayly and the inhabitaunce
of Swafham, and seth that he wyll do hese parte to sette them in reste
and peas. And so my mayster understande that yf Swafham and he werne
accorded that thei shuld sette lytyll be Norwych. And therfore my
mayster prayeth yow that ye wyll speke with the Mayer and hese brethern
that they purvey that ther be atte Lenn a sufficiaunt fellawshep to
gedyr, and that ther be madde a grette noyse up on the lord Scales,
bothe of Tudenham and Heydon, and for all thos that arne of that sekt,
and that wyse purvyaunce ordenance he hadde how they shull be demened;
for this same day was the parson of Swafham with my mayster, and they
arne accorded that ther shall be of here lordshep and sufficiaunt
fellawshep and they shall have here loggyng atte the Frere Menours atte
Lenn. And they wyll not assentte to noone ende but as the Cety doyth.
And it is here avyse that the meyre shuld purveye for hem in sum other
Freres. For Tudenham and H[eydon] wyll brynge with hem sufficiaunt
counceyll as any kun they gete in London; And also the Cetye must purvey
that as many sufficiaunt mene as can be gette or spoke to, that they be
redy yf it happe of any tryall. Also the Cetye hadde nede to have Sir
Miles Stapulton ther show they shuld helpe to hese costys. Ware, Sir,
atte the reverens of God be thenke yow well of all these maters. Blake
was atte London on Thursday and herd no word of the stretes,[208.1] ne
of Robson my lord of Oxffordis man, and or Blake cam to London Sir T.
Terell hadde labored to Sir John Fastolf that Sir T. Tudenham shuld ave
[been[208.2]] bownde to Sir John Fastolf in foure thowsand pounde to
stande to hese rule and ordenance; and so whanne Blake cam and deysshsed
all to gedyr, and so he dede Sir John Fastolf labor to the kynge and to
the Chaunceler for to lette the _supersedeas_ and the pardon; and ther
was grette langage atwex Blake and Tudenham; it wor to moche to wryte yt
un to yow, but he hayth sore noyssed my mayster to the Kynge and to the
lordes. Also Tudenham is owte of the kynges hows, and Cotton is
Warderopper, my mayster shall on Monday dyne with. Also, sir, it wore
grette wysdam that my mayster hadde knowleche atte Walsyngham on Fryday
nest comyng how the Maire and ze be accorded, for my mayster wyle be
recaled therafter. William Geney sent un to my mayster for to ascuse hym
that he shuld not come to Lenn un to the Wedenesday. And, Sir, that were
agrette hurte bothe to the Cyte of Norwych and for Swafham; and therfor
my mayster wold that the Mayer shuld send for hym, that he be ther be
tyme on the Tuesday, and that moo bille be made ayens Tudenham and
Heydon, what so ever falle. The Holy Gost have you and yours in hese
kepyng. Wretyn atte Rougham, the Sonday nyte nest after newe zers day in
hest as it semyth.

  Be your servaunte,

  W. WAYTE.

    [Footnote 207.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 63.] The date of this
    letter is sufficiently evident.]

    [Footnote 207.2: Jack Cade.]

    [Footnote 208.1: _I.e._ the _estreats_.]

    [Footnote 208.2: Omitted in MS.]

  [[Ryght seuere and ryght worchepfull mayster  _printed “ana”_]]


171

ABSTRACT[209.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN A BERNEY AND SIR THOMAS HOWES.

[Sidenote: 1451 / JAN. 7]

Sends John Bokkyng on matters to be sped at the oyer and terminer. They
must remember a _certiorari_ is out of the King’s Bench, and a
_procedendo_ was granted at one time ‘for certain which had not appeared
in the place and pleaded.’ Has received all the stuff contained in a
bill dated 28th November, made by John Davye of Yarmouth, and delivered
to one Roger Metsharp, master of the little boat called _The Blythe_.
Wonders they did not send the great ship with malt. Desires provisions
for Lent by next ship. Remind my cousin Inglos that the man that
‘appeched’ Heydon be sent hither, if he dare stand by his words. All the
indictments against Heydon are not worth a halfpenny. Howes must take
John à Berney’s advice about this matter.

London, Thursday after Twelfth, 29 Hen. VI.

Let all who were on the inquest for Bardolf’s matter be indicted,
whatever it cost.

  _Signed._

    [Footnote 209.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 246.]]


172

WILLIAM WAYTE TO JOHN PASTON[210.1]

_To my ryght reverent and ryght worchepfull mayster, my mayster Paston
in hest posybyll._

[Sidenote: 1451 / JAN. 9]

Syr, lyke yt yow to know that my lord Scalys sent hese pursevaunt unto
my mayster[210.2] on the Twelthe day, that my mayster shuld mete wyth
hym atte Wynche aforn my Lord of Oxenford on the Thursday nest folwyng.
And whanne my mayster cam thedyr, he delyvered my mayster a letter from
my Lord Chauncheler, quych my mayster wyll shew yow atte Lenn. I shuld
send yow a copy therof, but it is so longe that I had no leyser to wryte
it. My mayster rode to Walsyngham on the Fryday folwyng, and ther he
mette with the shereve, and the shereve lyveryd my mayster a letter from
my Lord of Norffolk, qwych I send yow a copy of. And atte Walsyngham my
mayster resceyvyd a letter from Osberne youre man. And ther Heydonis man
made hese avaunte that he was the Justice of the Pease on Caustonheythe;
and so it semyth be here contenaunce that they trost of a good zere.
And, Syr, whanne my mayster cam hom on Saterday ther was lyvered my
mayster a letter from Sir John Fastolf, and a neyther letter cam to me
from John Bokkynge,[210.3] qwych I send you a copy of. Sir, God send us
a fayre day atte[210.4] Lenn. And that ther may be pople jnow to crye up
on the Lord Scales that he mayntene not Sir T. T. and H. in here
wronges, as the copy of B letter makyth mencion. And, Sir, atte the
reverens of God, laborth youre materis wysely and secretely, for Wyndam
noysed yow sore aforn my Lord of Oxenford and my Lorde Scales that ze
shuld reyse meche puple with grette arey owte of Norwyche. And therfor,
Sir, late the puple be wysely and manly gydyd in here frekynge and
demenynge. Also my Lord Scales sent for the parson of Sw[a]fham and
divers men of the same town to mete with hym aforn my Lord of Oxenford
the seyd Thursday, for to trete with hem for Sir Thomas Tudenham; and
ther was the baly of Swafham and Sir Thomas Tudenham prest. And so my
Lord Scales yave the parson of S. grette langage and to men of same
towne. Y. and the parson answherd my Lord Scales manly in the best wyse.
And ther was grette langage twexen Blake the baly and Tudenham prest
that my lordys and my mayster worne acornberd therof. And so it is lyke
that my Lord Scales shall make ther no loveday; and so Swafham wylbe
ther in here best array. Also, Sir, Brygge was atte Walsyngham; and ther
he craked grette wordes, and seyd to many divers men that it shuld be
thanked alle tho that labored a yens hem. And he seyd that it worne but
viij. personys, and yf men be men now it shuld be thanked hym and told
hym atte Lenn. In the lest wysse he is now with the Lord Scales; the
Lord Scales wyte Thomas Denyes, John Lyster and me all those
indytementis. And the Lord Scales seyth that I made all the bylles and
the panell; and so he is hevy lord to me and to Thomas Denyes. Prentys
is atte hom with the Lord Scales; the shereve told me that he wyll do
for the Cyte of Norwych as meche as he may. Sir, I wold ther worne a
thowsand of good Maudby men to crye owte on Tudenham, Heydon, Prentys
and Brygge for here falsse exstorciones. Also, Sir, atte the reverens of
God, make an ende atwexen Sexeford and men of Salle; it lyeth in your
power. I shall make redy youre forsebyll entres ayens Lenn, with the
grace of God, Qwych have yow in Hese kepynge. Wretyn atte Rougham on
Saterday nyte in hest.

Sir, I send yow and lewde letter be Richerd Yenneys. I beseche yow be
ware to whom ze shew your letters; lete them be brente.--Be your
servaunt,

  W. WAYTES.

    [Footnote 210.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 230.] This letter was
    evidently written on the Saturday after the same writer’s letter
    of the 3rd January immediately preceding.]

    [Footnote 210.2: Judge Yelverton. He was lord of the manor of
    Rougham, from which this letter is dated.]

    [Footnote 210.3: No. 169.]

    [Footnote 210.4: _Atte_ repeated in MS.]


173

ABSTRACT[212.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO THOMAS HOWYS, Clerk, and JOHN BOKKYNG, in haste.

[Sidenote: 1451 / JAN. 12]

Begs them to labour his matters, and forget not ‘that old shrew,
Dallyng, for he is sore at my stomach.’ Sends by the Parson a
_procedendo_ against Tudenham, which he has got out with great labour,
with a letter to my brother Yelverton. ‘And as to an assize for
Hikkelyng, I shall be there on in the beginning of this term; and for
Tichewell in like wise.’ Bokkyng must remind my cousin Inglos about the
indictments for treason of Heydon, ‘that the man might be sent up to
preve the said matter.’ Fears it has slept too long. Wishes his ship
_The Blythe_ sent to him.

London, 12 Jan. 29 Hen. VI.

  _Signed._

Get my Lord [Oxford] and Yelverton to write a letter to Blake of the
King’s house, thanking him for his friendliness to the country; ‘and
forget not that Dallyng be had before my Lord and Yelverton, and make
his confession before hem, &c. And let the great men that have most
matters against [him] help somewhat to this good end.’

    [Footnote 212.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 230.]]


174

ABSTRACT[212.2]

SIR J. FASTOLF TO SIR THOS. HOWYS AND JOHN BERNEY at Castre, in hast; or
at his place in Pokethorp, at Norwich.

[Sidenote: 1451 / JAN. 28]

Master Hue Acton has been with him for the new evidences ensealed for
the manor of Mundham, which F. has sold to the use of the Church of St.
Giles that he is master of, &c. Thanks them for what they have done for
him in his causes before the Commissioners of _oyer and terminer_ at
Lynne, &c. Hears Appulzerd’s son expects the inquest of Mancroft in
Norwich to be reversed. Speak to my cousin Inglose about this. Fastolf’s
audit books. My cousin John Berney puts me in great comfort by seeing to
the safeguard of my place in my absence. Would be sorry he should be
injured by having respited his entry into Rokelond Toffts at my request.

Make friends in Norwich against Easter when the _oyer and terminer_ is
to be held again, for I must proceed in the matter against Appulzerd.

London, 28 Jan. 29 Hen. VI.

  _Signed._

Begs them to send his grain and malt in a good vessel, well accompanied,
with a good wind, as he has had great losses before. Speak to the Mayor
of Norwich about Appulzerd’s matter; ‘for there was no city in England
that I loved and trusted most upon, till they did so unkindly to me and
against truth in the Lady Bardolf’s matter.’

  [This letter is referred to by Blomefield (_Hist. of Norf._ iv. 388,
  Note 9), and two short extracts are given from the beginning,
  relating to the Hospital of St. Giles.]

    [Footnote 212.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 236.]]


175

MEMORANDA FOR PROSECUTIONS[213.1]

_Præsentationes factæ et fiendæ in audiendo et determinando._[213.2]

[Sidenote: 1451]

For as meche as the _oyer and termyner_ is thus restreynyd, not
vythstandyng the wrytyngs and all the materis utterid be my Lord of
Oxenford, but if ther folow sumwhat lyke to the perell lyke to be
conceyved be maters that so wern utterid and be the seyd wrytyngs, ellis
shall it gretly sowndyn ageyns the worchep and the weel of all the
personys, lordis, and other that eyther have wreten or utterid owght,
and lyke wyse of hem in whos name seche materis hath ben utterid, soo
that hereaftyr, whan they have ryght gret nede to be herd, and to be wel
spedde, they shul the rather fayle thereof bothen, and here enemyes the
heyer up and the more bold, &c. And therfore herein men must hold fote
as manhod woll wyth wysdom; and ellis _novissimus error pejor priori_.

Item, in the cyte of Norwyche must the falshodys and the fals getyngs of
good ther don ben fowndyn, and thow summ maters ben not presentable, or
peraventure in seche forme not corigyble ther, yet so that the mater in
the self be orible and fowle, and so that summe other be sufficient, yet
it semyth summe men best that all go forthe and be taken, and namely
[_especially_] in this werd [_world_] that now is, &c.

Item, in lyke wyse must it be in the shier, ther me thynkyt it is reson
that my Lordys sett bothe the day and the place of the Sessions, and all
men kepe that wern the robberis at Gresham and to Plumstede, the
shippyng of wolle ageyn the statute, that is felonye, and the lycence
than, if ony be, ther shull come to lyght and disputed, and I suppose
veryly be other statutes and be lawe fownde voyde, and the leveryes that
Heydon hatht yoven to hem that arn not hese menyall men.

Item, the presonment of John Porter of Blykelyng.

Item, the presonment of John Langman of Swafham.

Item, the presonment of Robert Patgrys of Burnham.

Item, the extorcions in her [_their_] cortes.

Item, the prisonynge of Dallynge, and of hese obligacion mad to Sir
Thomas Todenham, and howe he was presonyd at Norwyche, at Thetforthe, at
Lynne, and also of many other that ben don soo too.

Item, to remembre T. Denyes of the tale that Fyncheham told whan he cam
hom for Sir T. Todeham, that he be ware therof, &c.

Item, for to indyte Pryntys of a voluntary eschete that where on Symond
Hamond of Patesle wheche was indyted of felonye, and because of hese
goods he lete hym owte of the castell _anno xvjº Regis nunc_.

Item, for to indyte the same Prentys and William Goodwen of Swafham for
the robbynge of Geffrey Sowle.

Item, the same Prentys and Goodwyn robbed Thomas Irynge of Myleham _anno
xxº Regis nunc_.

Item, the same Prentys toke of Wylliam Dallynge at Norwyche v. mark for
smytynge of of hese feteris whan he was there in preson _anno xixº Regis
nunc_.

Item, to indyte the baly of Swaffham, T. Todenham, Heydon, Prentys, of
felonye as excercarys [_accessaries_].

Item, to speke to Feraris for hese mater at Thyrnyng. Item, to indyte a
cowper at Geyton wheche slow a tenaunt of Danyell at Geyton. Hese name
is Thomas Dowce that was slayn; and ther kan no man indyte hym, for Sir
T. Todenham maynteynyth hym, and therfore he were worthy to be indyted
as excercary, _anno xxvº Regis nunc_.

Item, to indyte Heydon, because he rydyth armyd ayens the statute and
the commyssion of the peas.

Item, for takyng awey of John of Berneys haborjoun at Walsyngham.

Item, to inquere what they dede to Alexaunder Reve of Cokely Clay.

Item, what they dedyn to Shragger, and to hese sone, for they stokked
hym and hese sone at Swafham.

Item, what they deden to Gachecroft at Methewold.

Item, to enquere what they deden to a chanon of Ingham; he was arestid,
and set in prison at Swafham, and [they] dede hym make a obligacioun
[_forced him to give a bond_].

Item, how that be her comaundment Emond Wyghtton was arestid at Hempton,
and put in the stokks at Fakenham more than iij. dayis, till he made a
fyn of v. marks, and yet he spent and yave xl_s._ besyde.

Item, for to endyte Knatesale, John of Woode, Robert of Woode, for
Ferers mater.

Item, that William Kelynge of Castlelaker under eschetor, how that he
rydyth armed, and reysith many men ayens the peas; he met wyth the
Byschop at West Dereham with x. men of armys.

Item, of extorcious amerciaments take of the Prior of Westacre at
Narforthe and Swafham, and hese man there set openly and shamefully and
gret oppression in stokks, and a flok of hoggs taken; and be whyche
appressions and extorcions was the Prior of Westacre compellid to yeven
Sir T. Todenham a fee of xl_s._ a yere, and to make Shuldam her styward,
and yeven hym a fee of xl_s._ a yere there. W. Yelverton and all other
aforn hym had but xxvj_s._ viij_d._; but of these and of many mo wers it
is a gret foly to laboren in as for any indytements, but if ye be ryght
seker of the sherefes office; for if he lyst, he may returne men i nowe
of Swafham, and seche as ye wold have for the enquest of the hunderid,
and it is the more to drede of the undyrschereff that they arn asented,
and drawe all aftyr her draught. And that they wold that no sessions
shuld be because of the massage that he sent to my mayster be Nicholas
Dowyldays clerks, and therfore ther must be the begynnynge of all these
maters, as ye wold save your worchepis, and eschewe shame and the
peryll, &c.

   *   *   *

(_At the bottom of the page_)--M^dm of [_blank_] groond and of the
extorcions of Sporlle.

  On the back of this document occur the following further memoranda
  in two columns:

_Maters sterid to hurt of both parties._

  Sir John Fastolf,} Est’.[216.2]
  Bisshoppis Wif.  }

  The Priour of Norwich,}
  The Cite.             }

  The Abbot of Wendlyng,} Est’.
  The Cite.             }

  The Abbot of Leiston,} Est’.
  William Jeney.       }

  Gregory Guybon,     }
  --[216.3] Perpoynt. }

  John Tatleshale, }
  Robert Mortymer. }

  The Lady Bardolf,}
  Sir John Fastolf.}

  The Lord Moleyns,}
  John Paston.     }

_Ambidexter._[216.1]

  Dux Norff.} Stockton,
  Dux Suff. }   Est’.

  Ed. Wynter, }
  John Mariot.}

  Ferrers,    } Est’.
  Hobbes Wif. }

  Prior Walsyngham,} Est’.
  Ric. Doget.      }

  Mondford,} Est’.
  Danyell. }

  Sir John Curson,   } Est’.
  Maister John Selet.}

  Sir John Curson,} Est’.
  Will. Thurton.  }

    [Footnote 213.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This paper must belong
    to the early part of the year 1451, when it was proposed to
    indict Tuddenham and Heydon at Norwich.]

    [Footnote 213.2: This title is taken from a contemporaneous
    endorsement.]

    [Footnote 216.1: This term is applied to a juror who receives
    money of both parties in a suit.]

    [Footnote 216.2: This abbreviated word is probably _Estreat_,
    indicating that an extract or official copy of the indictment
    had been made.]

    [Footnote 216.3: Blank in MS.]


176

OPPRESSIONS OF TUDDENHAM AND HEYDON[216.4]

These be names of men that arne myschevesly oppressed and wronged by Sir
T. Tudenham and Heydon and here adherentes:--

  Yelverton.
  Fastolf.
  Gregorius Gybon.
  Joh. Maryot.
  Paston.
  Ferrers.
  Berney.
  Straunge.
  Framyngham.
  Trenchemer.
  Joh. Jenney, Senior.
  Joh. Damme.
  Nicholaus Grome.
  Joh. Ode.
  Joh. Knevet.
  Robert Clyfton.
  Thomas Hypgame.
  Homines de Swafham.
  Joh. atte Howe of Helloughton.
  Simon Blake.
  Joh. Botwryghe, Clerk.
  Item, many men indyted in Norffolk and Suffolk be Tudenham and
    Heydon, &c.
  Ric. Wryght of Saham.

    [Footnote 216.4: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This paper no doubt
    belongs to the same period as the last.]

  [[_The intended order of the list is ambiguous. The names _Yelverton,
  Fastolf, // Paston_ and _Gybon, Maryot, // Ferrers_ were shown in
  two columns straddling a page break, followed by the remaining names
  in a single column._]]


177

FRIAR BRACKLEY TO JOHN PASTON[217.1]

[Sidenote: 1451(?)]

Primo. Sciat vestra veneranda discretio quod Episcopus hujus diocesis
est Thomæ Danyell et suis fautoribus maxime benevolus et in ipso
episcopo T. T., J. H.,[217.2] et suis complicibus est ipsius confidentia
maxima, &c.

2º Si justiciarii pacis hujus comitatus omnes et singuli debeant sua
autoritate pacis media pro eorum posse per totum Norfolch. comitatum
diligenter conservare et pacis ejusdem perturbatores carceri vel castro
proprio mancipari facere, quæritur quare dictus episcopus, pacis,
ut creditur, justiciarius, non vult in hac parte hujusmodi pacis
perturbatoribus resistere; sed magis eisdem in talibus insolenciis
favorem et auxilium in omnibus præbere.

3º Si quærantur consiliarii dicti Episcopi, certum est quod Prior
monachorum, M. J. Celot, J. Bulman, T. T.,[218.1] J. H.,[218.2] J.
W.,[218.3] Johannes Yates cum consimilibus ceteris sunt etiam
consiliarii dicti Danielis.

4º Cum, secundum Apostolum,[218.4] furta, homicidia et talia vicia eis
similia sunt abhominabilia Deo et hominibus, ac utriusque legis divinæ
et humanæ contraria sacratis sanccionibus, in tantum quod non solum qui
talia agunt digni sunt morte, sed etiam qui conscenciunt agentibus; ex
quibus certe verisimiliter concluditur quod non solum Kervere, latro, et
Daniel famulus, furator equi ac murre satis notorius, puniretur una cum
fautoribus ejus.

5º Vestra discretio dicta Christi in Ewangelio diligenter consideret,
‘Si in viridi ligno hæc faciant, in arido quid fiet?’[218.5]

6º Non solum hæc pensare debetis pro vestræ personæ defensione seu
vestræ familiæ, sed magis movere vos debet zelus et amor rei publice
totius vestræ patriæ.

7º Si ista indilate et cum omni possibili celeritate citius non
reformaveritis, timendum valde supponitur de insurreccione plebis, quod
absit omnino.

8º Novitque discretio vestra ex paucis indigestis plura politice
percipere. Statui pro præsenti tempore finem scribendi imponere.

    [Footnote 217.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 158.] This undated letter
    may have been written in February or March 1451, when Tuddenham
    and Heydon hoped to regain their ascendency. Though not
    addressed, we may presume that it was written to John Paston.]

    [Footnote 217.2: Sir Thomas Tuddenham and John Heydon.]

    [Footnote 218.1: Sir Thomas Tuddenham.]

    [Footnote 218.2: John Heydon.]

    [Footnote 218.3: John Wyndham.]

    [Footnote 218.4: The reference appears to be to Romans i.
    29-32.]

    [Footnote 218.5: Luke xxiii. 31.]


178

JAMES GLOYS TO JOHN PASTON[219.1]

_To my right reverente and wurchepfull Mayster, John Paston, Esquyer,
be this delivered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MARCH 1]

Right reverent and wurchepfull Sir, I recomand me to you, besechyng you
to wete that Wharles told me that Partrych seid that his lord[219.2]
knewe wele that ye were entred pesibilly in the maner of Gresham; where
fore, he seid, thow the tenauntes and fermors pay you the rents and
fermes the tyme that ye be in possession, his seid lord, thow he entre
ageyn, wuld never aske it them. Item, the seid Partrych seid to Wharles
that his lord wull come down hym self and entre in the seid maner within
short tyme. Wharles wull not discharge your baly of xvvj_s._ and
viij_d._, which he toke the seid baly enseled in a purs. The seid
Wharles told my mayster, John of Berney, at the court, that he repented
hym that he payd you any peny till he had be distreyned; and he seid
than pleynly that he wull nomore pay till he were distreyned. I have be
there divers tymes for to distreyn hym, and I cowde never do it but if
[_unless_] I wuld a distreyned hym in his moders hous, and there I durst
not for her cursyng. The baly of the hundred told me that Wharles spake
to hym in cas he had be distreyned that he wold have gete hym a replevy;
and the baly bad hym kete a replevy of his mayster and he wold serve it.

Item, the maner londs at Gresham, with othre tenaunts londs that be
fallyn in your hands ben letyn to ferme. I can gete no tenaunte to dwell
in the maner hous. And if the rede shuld be caryed thens, the tenaunts
shuld thynk that ye fered sum new entre, and it shuld sore discomfort
hem, for thei whisshed whan it was caried to the maner that it had be
leyd ther thus pesibly ij. yer afore. Asfor the obligacyon that ye shuld
have of the parson of Cressyngham, he seth he cam never at Cressyngham
syth he spake with you, and that he be heste it you not till
Fastyngong.[220.1] His hors ben stolyn, and therfore he may not ryde.

Item, Gonnore kept a court at Routon the Thursday[220.2] next after
Seynt Mathy[220.3] the Appostell, and it was told me that Bettes was
ther with hym; wherefore I rode theder. And be cause that it was a
fraunchised town and within the Duchye,[220.4] and also that Gonnor had
gret rewle in the seid town, I toke with me the baly of the hundred and
set hym with me in my Lord of Norffolks warant, and than yede in to the
court ther as Gonnor and Bettes wern. The seid baly told Gonnor of this
warant, and Gonnor rebuked hym so that he durst not a rest the seid
Bettes. Than I toke it up on me and arested hym myself as he sate be
Gonnor. Gonnor desired than to se my warant, and I shewed it hym, and he
seid he wold obey it as the lawe wold. And he proferyd me suerte, men of
the seid town of Routon. Than I told hym, and [_i.e._ if] he wold be
bownd hym self with othre I would agre ther to, but I wuld have no
shipmen that had nought, ner such men that rought [_cared_] never, and
thei were onys on the see, wheder thei come ageyn or noght. Than Bettes
toke Gonnor a _supersedias_ that he had of Wychyngham twelmoneth ago for
anothre man that asked suerte of the seid Bettes. I wold have had it,
and he wold not lete me have it, ner shewe it me but in his hands. Than
I told hym that it was noght, and he seid it was gode i nowe. I bad hym
take it me for my discharge, and he seid pleynly I shuld not have it.
Than I told hym I wold have my prisoner. The seid Gonnor seid I shuld
not have hym, and dede set alle the tenaunts up on me and made a gret
noyse, and seydyn alle pleynly I shuld not have hym yf he wold abyde
with hem. Than I told Gonnor that I shuld certifie a rescuse, and prayd
the baly of the hundred that he wold record the same. Item, the seid
Gonnor seid I myght have favoryd the seid Bettes the more be cause the
seid Bettes was my mayster Stapylton man, and that his men shuld not be
bownd and I shuld go lose. He seid I shuld be tyed or aght longe and
alle my feleshep bothyn; but, God yeld hym, he hath yovyn me iiij. days
respyte. Than I told hym it shuld never ly in his power to bynde me, ner
non of my feleshep so fast but that it shuld be in your power to make
hym to losyn us, and if that he abode in Norffolk he shuld be made to
seke the skyrts of his sadill or Esterne. And if he had kept his wey
that nyght I shuld have kept hym trewe covenaunte, for I lay on wayte up
on hym on the heth as he shuld have comen humward, and if I myght have
met with hym I shuld have had Bettes from hym; but he had leyd such
wetche that he had aspied us or he cam fully at us; and he remembered
Wyndhams manhood, that iiij. swyft fete were better than ij. hands, and
he toke his hors with the spores and rode to Felbrygge Hall as fast as
he myght rydyn, and I suppose he lay ther all that nyght.

Item, the seid Gonnor manased and thret John of Beston for he wuld not
warn hym her of; and he dede sease alle his lond in Routon, and warned
hym that he shuld not occupy his lyme kyll ner no lond that he had in
Routon; and he mad his avaunte whan I was gon, if that I had not brought
the baly of the hundred with me I shuld never have go thens; and yet,
not withstandyng that I brought the baly with me, and thei had wust
where myn hors had stond I shuld have be wele betyn. All this language
had thei whan that I was gon.

Item, the seid Gonnor seid after that I was gon to the tenaunts of the
seid town, that his _supersedias_ was noght, and as for the rescuse, he
shuld purvey a mene to excuse it. Where fore and it pleasyd you to send
my mastres word how that I shuld be demened with the seid Bettes, and
wheder that ye wuld I shuld a rest hym ageyn or nought, and to purvey
such a mene for Gonnor that he myght ley his bost, it shuld be gret
comfort to all yowr frendes and tenauntes ther abowtyn.

Item, I have be at my mayster Stapilton with your writtes, and he made
it right straunge for to ensele hem. He seid that he knew of nown such
inquiscion takyn at Swafham beforn hym; he seid if it were presented
ther, it was presented in his absens, whill that he was in his inne;
wherfore he seid he wold not ensele hem till he sey the bokes. Whan I
had answeryd hym ther to, than he seid he wold comown with my mayster
Yelverton her of whan he come home, and til he had spok with hym he wold
not ensele hem. I told hym my mayster Yelverton had enseled hem. Thann
he seid he knew not my mayster Yelverton seale. He shewed it to Gonnor,
and asked hym wheder it was his seall or noght. Gonnor seid it was his
sealle. Than my mayster Stapilton brake ought of this mater and spake to
me of the a restyng of Bettes and makyng of affray up on Gonnor. He seid
Gonnor cam to hym to compleyn up on me. I told hym that Gonnor had
enformed hym as it plesyd hym, for I had yove hym no cause to compleyn
of me, and if it pleased hym to her myn excuse he shuld fynd me in no
defaute. Whan he had herd myn excuse, he cowde not blame me. Meche othre
langage we had, for I was with hym ner an ower. Than he asked me wheder
the inquisicion was taken be fore the justice of the peas or the justice
of the _oyer determyner_. I told hym be for the justic of the peas, for
I seid it was the cessyons of the peas at Swafham. Than he bad me put up
my warants, for he seid he wold not ensele hem till he had comowned with
my maister Yelverton. I told hym it shuld not nede to comown with my
mayster Yelverton, ner labor hym therfore, for I seid it myght not hurt
thow he enseled hem not; for I seid the writts were executed, and that
the shereff had mad ought warants of them, and his warants were
executed, and so the seid writts shuld stand you in litill avayll, save
only, I told hym, ye desiryd his sealle, because it was fownd before
othre lords with hym, and that he stode in the _teste_ of the said
writts, and that was cause of my comyng theder. Than he wend I had comyn
for to assayn hym, for forthwith he enseled hem, but me thynk be his
langage he hath be labored of the toder part.

Item, and it pleased your gode maystershep to gete of my mayster
Yelverton a _supersedias_ for John Osborn and an othre for me. We
suppose that Gonnor and Bettes wull do us arest, and we wuld the
_supersedias_ that we haue ought of the Chauncery were kept till more
nede were. My mastres[222.1] recomand her to you, and prayth you to hold
her excused that she write yow no letter, for myche of the mater that
she shuld have wrete to you I had wrete in my letter or she knew ther
of; and also she knew not of so redy a massanger as I had. And it plesyd
your gode maystershep to send us a pardon for to assoylyn Gonnor this
holy tyme of Lentyn, the rather be cause of this gret bulle,[223.1] we
shuld leve in the more reste and peas, and kepe the more our pacyence
than we do. The Holy Trynyte have you in His kepyng. Wretyn on the
Monday next after Seynt Mathie[223.2] the Appostell, in hast.

  Your pore servaunte,

  JAMES GLOYS.

    [Footnote 219.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter was
    written in the spring of 1451, when John Paston had re-entered
    Gresham.]

    [Footnote 219.2: Lord Molyns.]

    [Footnote 220.1: Fastingong, or Shrove Tuesday, fell upon the
    9th March in 1451.]

    [Footnote 220.2: 25th February.]

    [Footnote 220.3: St. Matthias, whose day was the 24th February.]

    [Footnote 220.4: The Duchy of Lancaster.]

    [Footnote 222.1: Margaret Paston.]

    [Footnote 223.1: Probably a bull of indulgence issued at the
    close of the year of jubilee 1450, for the benefit of those who
    had not been able to visit Rome that year.]

    [Footnote 223.2: St. Matthias. His day was the 24th February.]


179

JAMES GLOYS TO JOHN PASTON[223.3]

_To my right reverent and wurchepfull mayster, John Paston, Esquyer,
be this delivered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MARCH 2]

Right reverent and wurchepfull Sir, I recomaund me to you, prayng you to
wete that I have labored divers men that ben enpaneld atwix my mastres,
your moder, and Wyndham.[223.4] Ther be many of them woll do her parte,
and ther ben summe that wull not passe ther upon, for thei ben aferd
that the werd [_world_] shuld turne. It is noysed in Norwhich that my
Lord of Oxenford, my mayster Yelverton, and ye, and John Damme shuld be
endited in Kent for mayntenaunce of the _oyer determyner_ in Norffolk;
and this, with othre feryth sore men of Norwhich. I trow my mastres
writyth to you here of more clerly. Item, Wyndham hath be divers tymes
at my mastres Cler, and mad hym erands to her, and told her that he was
sued in my mastres, your moders name but he supposyd that she knew not
there of. He thought that ye and James Gresham had do it un malyce, my
mastres your moders unknowyng. But whan he knew that I labored the
enqueste, than he sent my mastres Clere word how that he knew wele that
it was my mastres your moders labore. Item, he told my Lady of
Morle[224.1] of this sute, and he seid that he wend that my seid lady
had mad an hend a twix them for the seid sute. Item, Heydons men brought
his awyn hors and his sadyll thourgh Aylsham on Monday, and thei comyn
in at the Busshoppes gates at Norwhich and comyn over Tomelond and in to
the Abbey. Thei a bedyn there all that nyght, and ij. days after, wenyng
to men of the town that Heydon had go over the fery, and so in to the
Abbey; and sythyn thei seid thei shuld go to London for Heydon. Item,
sum seyn that Heydon shuld be mad a knyght, and myche othre langage ther
is which causyth men to ben aferd, wenyng that he shuld have a rewle
ageyn. Item, there were ij. men at John Betes of Holt; thei had langage
of the Lord Moleyns. If it please yow to enquere of Symond, brynger of
this letter, he shall enforme you of her langage. Item, Gonnor was
wetched at Felbrygge Halle with xl. persones of the Lady
Felbryggs[224.2] tenaunts and mor that night that I lay on wayte up on
hym, and he durst not go home on the next day till they brought hym
home. Thei mad a compleynt to my Lady Felbrygge, and my mastres had
excused it. Item, the manase Burflet, and wull sease his lond. Symond
shall telle yow how thei wer answered. Item, as for the subsidy that Sir
Herry I[nglos] and the Lady Felbrygge shuld payn, the meyr knowe not yet
veryly what thei schuld pay, for thei have not cast the valew of her
londs. The bill closyd in this letter maketh mensyon of the valew of
divers gentelmens londs that [ben] examyned in Norwhich. We can not know
what Calthorp payth, for we can not speke with the shereffe, ner the
undre [shereffe], ner no man that gadered that hundred ther as Calthorp
dwellytht. The Holy Trynyte have you in his kepyng. Wr[etyn] the Tuesday
next after Seynt Mathie,[225.1] in hast.

  Your pore servaunt,

  JAMES GLO[YS].

    [Footnote 223.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] From what it mentions
    about Gonnor, this letter will be seen to be of the same year as
    the last. The fears entertained of Heydon recovering his
    influence are also indicative of the spring of 1451. The letter
    is slightly mutilated in the margin at the bottom.]

    [Footnote 223.4: John Wyndham, Esq. of Felbrigg.]

    [Footnote 224.1: _See_ p. 84, Note 2.]

    [Footnote 224.2: Catherine, widow of Sir Simon Felbrigg, was
    lady of the manor of Felbrigg, of which Wyndham only had the
    lease at this time, though he afterwards became the
    proprietor. --_See_ Blomefield, viii. 112.]

    [Footnote 225.1: St. Matthias. --_See_ p. 223, Note 2.]


180

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[225.2]

_To my rith wurshepfull hosbond, Jon Paston._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MARCH 3]

Rith worchipfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, praying you to wete
that ther is a gret noyse in this town, that my Lord of Oxforth and
Yelverton and ye ben endytid in Kent for mayntenyng of the oyer
determyner; and Jon Dame is endytyd ther also of treson, be cawse that
he dede Heydon endytyn[225.3] of treson for takyng down of the quarter
of the man. And the pepyll that ben ayens Ser Thomas Todenham and Heydon
ben sore aferd be cawse of this noyse, and of other langage that is had
bothe in this town and in the contre, that these seyd Todenham and
Heydon shuld ben as well at ese, and have as grett rewill as ever they
hadde.

Jamys Gloys tellith me that he hath sent yow word of Heydonys hors and
of other thyngs, mor of whiche I was purposid to asent yow word of. The
Holy Trinyte have yow in kepyng. Wretyn at Norwiche, the Weddenysday
next after Seynt Mathy.[225.1]

  Yowris,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 225.1: St. Matthias. --_See_ p. 223, Note 2.]

    [Footnote 225.2: [From Fenn, iii. 288.] It will be seen that
    this letter contains a distinct reference to the last which was
    written the day before it. Indeed, the information contained in
    this letter is nearly all anticipated in that of Gloys.]

    [Footnote 225.3: _i.e._ caused Heydon to be indicted.]


181

DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[226.1]

_To my maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MARCH 4]

Right wurshipfull sir, and my right good maister, I recomaunde me to
yow. It is so that up on an hasty sodeyn warnyng I departid from London
and spake not with yow at my departyng, Wherof I was full sory. I pray
yow, neverthelesse, that ye wole eftsones speke to William White with my
Lord Cardinall, for I desire his maistership and good will and wole do
to my power. And as touchyng to that that he semith I haf don agayn hym,
in good feith I wole abide your rule or, by Seynt Kateryne, his owen
rule. He is a gentilman and I wole don it with good will. I am right
sory ye had not set me thorgh with hym erst I went, for I haf prayed yow
ther of, as ye know your self dyvers tymes. The Holy Trynite preserve
yow. Wretyn at Wevenho the iiii. day of Merche.

  Your servaunt,

  DENYES.

   *   *   *

Sir, my Lord[226.2] hath kept sessions at Colchestre, and my maister
Yelverton with hym, and he desired me to write to yow to be wel ware if
ony fals suggestion or lesynges wer made by Tuddenham and Heydon and
that to your power thei be answerd in his absence. As for my Lord
Scales, her be seven of housold meny indited of felony, which are strong
thefes. Item, I pray yow, write in hast to the Meir of Norwich to gif
credens to me whan I come to hym, and if ye so do I shal shape their
articles in billes in to a nother facion I trust, and make thaym redy
and delyver thaym resonably wele. My Lord purposeth to be at London the
ende of the first weke of Lent, and not erst. I pray your maistership,
se sum meane that White do me not that harme in the Chauncery wherof ye
sent me word by Brayn, for, as God sauf my soule at the day of Jugement,
I fonde surete for the pees, but the Maister of the Rolles[227.1] ful
untruly recordeth that surete takyn as a baile, wher of treuth it was
otherwise, and ful synnefully ruleth that mater, and never wold suffir
me to execute the acte but lettid me, notwithstandyng it is a law
private in the self as I shal clerly declare whan I come. The Holy
Trinite preserve yow. I write to yow thus that ye may kyt awey this
lower part of this lettre.

    [Footnote 226.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 169.] This letter must
    have been written in a year when Easter fell after the 20th
    April, as Lent does not appear to have begun on the 4th March;
    and as it was during the life of Cardinal Kempe, we may pretty
    safely fix it to the year 1451. The year 1454, indeed, might be
    possible as regards Easter, but there is no indication here of
    those troubles of which the writer complains so bitterly in that
    year on the 20th March. _See_ No. 239.]

    [Footnote 226.2: The Earl of Oxford.]

    [Footnote 227.1: Thomas de Kirkeby.]


182

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[227.2]

_To my Ryth worshipfull hosband, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MARCH 15]

Rith wurchipfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, desiring hertily to
her of yowr welfar; preying you to wete that Herry Halmannys wif sent to
me word on Saterday last past that Prentys thretyth her hosbond sor, and
John Robyns, for suche thynges as Prentys seyth that they haue donn
ayens hym; he seyth he shall make hem so besy or he leve hem that he
shall make hem not wurth apeny; and they ben aferd that he woll hold hem
conuawnt if he have powyr ther to. It is seyd her that the kyng shuld
com in to this contre, and sir Thomas Todenham and Heydon arn well
cheryeshid with hym. And also it is seyd they shall have as grett rewill
in this contre as evyr they hadde, and many more folkes arn sory
therfore than mery. Sir Thomas Todenhamys man and Heydonys sowyn this
sedde all abowte the contre, that here maysteris shull cum hom in hast
in here prosperite and be als well att esse as ever they wer. As for
that ye dessyryd that I shuld enquyr wher any stuff is of yowris, I wot
not how to don ther with, for if ever wer aspyid that hath of yowr
stuff, and we had it from hym, other that have more ther of wold ben
ware be hym, and avoyd seche stuff as they have of yowris. I suppose
John Osbern shall tell yow whan ye com hom agode meen to wete wher meche
ther of is becom. Jamys Gloys is ayen to Gressam and I suppose John
Damme shall tell yow what he hath donn ther. Yowr tenawntis wold fayn
that summe mene of yowris shuld abyde amongis hem, for they ben in gred
diswyr what they may do; the langage is so grett on the tother party
that it maketh the tenawntis sor afferd that ye shuld not regoyse itt.
I send to yow a letter be Colynys of Frawnceys Costard what dedis he
woll don. It was told me also that the Lord Molyns was lyke to have aday
ayens yow att Thetford at the next assyse. On [_one_] that loueth yow
rythwell told me how it was told hym so, and warnyd me therof in secrete
wyse. Itt is gode to ben war of ther falsed. I pray yow that ye woll
send me word in hast, if ye woll have red to your levery as ye wer
avysid, and if ye woll not, &c. And also I pray yow that ye woll do bey
ij. gode hattis for your sonys for I can none getyn in this town. Mor
tydynges can I not send yow yett. The Holy Trinyte have yow in his
kepyng. Wretyn att Norwiche on the fyrst Monday of Lent.

  Yowris,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 227.2: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 55.] This letter would
    appear to be of the same year as No. 184, written a fortnight
    later. Both letters speak of rumours that Tuddenham and Heydon
    will regain their ascendency.]


183

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[228.1]

_To my right wurchipfull husbond, John Paston, be this delyverid in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1451(?) / [MAR. 22]]

Right wurchipfull hosbond, I recomawnd me to yow, beseching yow that ye
be not displeasid with me, thow my symplenesse cawsed yow for to be
displeasid with me. Be my trowth, it is not my will nother to do ne sey
that shuld cawse yow for to be displeasid; and if I have do, I am sory
therof, and will amend itt. Wherefor I beseche yow to forgeve me, and
that ye bere none hevynesse in your hert ayens me, for your displeasans
shuld be to hevy to me to indure with.

I send yow the roll that ye sent for, in selyd, be the brynger her of;
it was fownd in your trussing cofor. As for hering, I have bowt an
horslode for iiij^s. vj^d. I can gett none ell [_eels_] yett; as for
bever [_i.e. drinkables_], ther is promysid me somme, but I myt not gete
it yett. I sent to Jone Petche to have an answer for the wyndowis, for
she myt not come to me. And she sent me word that she had spoke therof
to Thomas Ingham, and he seyd that he shuld speke with yow hymself, and
he shuld accord with yow wel jnow, and seyd to her it was not her part
to desyr of hym to stop the lyts; and also he seyd itt was not his parte
to do itt, be cawse the place is his but for yeris.

And as for all other eronds that ye have commandid for to be do, thei
shal be do als sone as thei may be do. The blissid Trynyte have yow in
his keping. Wretyn at Norwyche, on the Monday next after Seynt Edward.

  Yowris,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 228.1: [From Fenn, iii. 238.] The date of this letter
    is quite uncertain. Fenn assigns it to the year 1454, when Lent
    began very late, as it is evident the herrings and eels referred
    to were intended as provision for that season. This conjecture
    may be correct; but it must be noted that John Paston was at
    home at Norwich, if not in the beginning of Lent, at least on
    the fourth Sunday of Lent in 1454. Moreover, if the date of this
    letter, ‘Monday next after St. Edward,’ means after the 18th
    March, which was the day of St. Edward the King and Martyr, the
    year 1451 would suit rather better than 1454; for, in the former
    year, the Monday after St. Edward’s day would be the 22nd of
    March, and Ash Wednesday the 10th, while in the latter the
    Monday after St. Edward would be the 25th, and Ash Wednesday the
    6th, so that the provision of herrings would be very late.]


184

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[230.1]

_To my right wurchepfull husbond, John Paston, [be]yng in the Inner
Tempill, be this delivered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MARCH 30]

Right wurchepfull husbond, I recomaund me to you, prayng you to wete
that myn unkyll Phylyp Berney[230.2] was at Lynne this last weke, and he
was at inne at the baylyffes hows of Lynne, and Partrych[230.3] came in
to the same place whill myn unkyll was ther. And the seid Partrych was
wele aqueyntyd with the balyffe, and the balyffe told hym that he sent a
letter to the Lord Molyns, and that the Lord Molyns had sent hym a
nother letter, letyng hym wete that he purposyd hym to be at Lynne thes
weke. Than Partrych seid that he had word that the seid lord purposyd
hym to be ther at that tyme; but he seid summe men supposyd that he wuld
not come here; and the balyffe seid that he was right glad that he shuld
come in to this countre. On of myn unkyll men herd all this langage, and
told it myn unkill. The baly ner Patrych knewe not at that tyme what myn
unkyll was to us ward. Also I purposyd me to have sent to Stapylton,
as ye sent me word be James Gresham, and it is told me that he is to
London. Item, it is noysed abowte Gresham and all that contre that the
Lord Molyns shuld be there in hast. Item, Gonnore had right gret
langage, and he trostyd that the word [_world_] shall turne sumwhat
after ther entent. Othre tydynges have we non, but that Tudenham and
Heydon shuld have ageyn the rewle in this contre, assmych as ever thei
had or more. The Holy Trynyte have you in kepyng. Wretyn at Norwhich un
the Tuesday next before Mydlentesonday.[230.4]

  Yowre,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 230.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter, like
    several of those preceding, speaks of a juncture in which it was
    expected that Tuddenham and Heydon would regain their influence.
    The adherents of Lord Molyns were also in hopes that he would
    shortly be in Norfolk and re-enter Gresham. The date must
    therefore be 1451.]

    [Footnote 230.2: Philip Berney, Esq. of Caston. He was a brother
    of Margaret Mauteby, who was Margaret Paston’s mother.]

    [Footnote 230.3: _See_ p. 101, Note 4.]

    [Footnote 230.4: Mid-Lent Sunday fell on the 4th April in 1451.]


185

PETITION FROM THE TOWN OF SWAFFHAM[231.1]

_To the ryght wise, noble, and discrete Comons of this present
Parlement._

[Sidenote: 1451]

Mekely besechyn, bewailyn, and shewyn the pouer and simple inhabitaunts
in the toun of Swafham, in the counte of Norfolk, that where Sir Thomas
Tudenham of Oxburgh, knyght, this xvj. yeeris last passid before the day
of the Acte of Resumpcion in the last Parlement before this,[231.2] hath
ocupied and governed the lordship and maner of Swafham forsaid, with the
appertenauncez, as styward and fermer of the same; in which ocupacion
and governaunce the said Sir Thomas, and othre his servauntz and
adherentz in a rolle to this peticion annexed named, han petously and
synnefully don and comitted the trespasez, offencez, wronges,
extorcyons, mayntenauncez,[231.3] imbraceryes,[231.4] oppressions, and
perjuryes in the seid rolle conteyned; and of dyverse and many articles
ther of, and of many othre wrongs, and of that that the said Sir Thomas
is a comon extorcioner, the same Sir Thomas be fore the ryght noble,
true, and pleyn lord, our good and gracious lord the Erle of Oxenford,
and othre the Kyngs commissioners of _oire determyner_ withynne the same
shire, the said Sir Thomas Tudenham, and othre his servauntz and
adherentz arn indited.

Please it your noble wisdamis to conceyve that it hath be the comon law
of the land of long tyme that if a comon theef were, in ony cuntre, so
often indited or detect of so many offencez he shuld not, by the law of
the lande, be late to baile ne meynprise, but be kept in prison til he
were put to answere of swich crymes as he were so detect of. And also
please your greet wisdams to conceyve that all the Juges of the Kynges
Benche, of long and late tyme sittyng in their place, laudablely han
usid to comitte to prison, with oute baile or meynprise, for a tyme, al
persones that han be detecte before theym of any ryot or greet cruel
offence agayn the peas, which offence myght a be subvercyon of the law
by ony liklynesse; and advertisyng the greet mischeves that this noble
roialme hath oftyn standyn in for the greet extorcyons and oppressions
that hath be don in the same,[232.1] and how greet a subvercyon of the
lawe and of the polityk governaunce of the land suych extorcyon is; and
of your prudent and sage wisdams lyke yow to make requisicion to the
Kyng our soverain Lord, and to the Lords espirituallx and temporelx in
this present Parlement assembled, that by the consideracion that the
said Sir Thomas wold never apere, in his persone, ne by his atturney, at
no sesions of _oir determyner_ holden in the said counte; plese the Kyng
and Lords forsaid, to comitte the said Sir Thomas Tudenham to preson,
ther to abide til in to the tyme that he to the said inditements hath
answerid, and to the billes and compleynts of the said inhabitauntz in
fourme of law.

And more over, where that the said Sir Thomas Tudenham hath, among many
othre greet wrongs, ful synnefully causid a writte of assise of novell
dissessyn[232.2] to be brought ageyn John Aleyn and xxiij othre of the
said toune, in the name of the Abbot of Sawtre,[232.3] and causid that
assise to passe by perjury, as in the first article in the rolle to this
peticion annext it is more opinly conteyned, please your greet wisdams,
for the reverens of God by that concideracion, that the jurry of the
said assise durst not, for drede of the horrible menaces of the said Sir
Thomas, othrewise do but be for sworn in gevyng their verdite in the
same assise, in which case the said inhabitauntz, for pyte and remorce
of their concyencez, wer lothe to sew a writ of atteynte,[233.1] to pray
the Kynge and Lords forsaid to ordeyn, by auctorite of this present
Parlement, that the said writ of assisse, verdit, recoverer, and the
jugement ther of, with every othre circumstaunce therof, be voide,
revokd, and adnulled, for the love of God.

   *   *   *

[233.2]Item, compleyneth John Bladsmyth of Swafham of that that where
John, late Pryour of Penteney,[233.3] predecessor of the prior that now
is, and the covent of the same place, the Munday next aftir the fest of
Seynt Mathew the Evangelist, the xiij. yeer of the kyng, our soverain
lord that now is, at Swafham forsaid, lete to ferme to the forsaid John
Bladsmyth certeyn londs, rents, tenements, and pasture,[233.4]----

    [Footnote 231.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is a rough draft
    of a Petition which seems to have been intended for presentation
    to Parliament in the beginning of the year 1451. Parliament was
    prorogued on the 18th December 1450 till the 20th January
    following, but it did not actually meet again for despatch of
    business till the 29th April. It would appear from this Petition
    that Sir Thomas Tuddenham and his adherents were indicted before
    the Earl of Oxford at the sessions of _oyer and terminer_ which
    sat on the 2nd March 1451.]

    [Footnote 231.2: This must be the Act of Resumption of 28
    Henry VI.--See _Rolls of Parliament_, v. 183.]

    [Footnote 231.3: _See_ p. 167, Note 3.]

    [Footnote 231.4: _See_ p. 167, Note 5.]

    [Footnote 232.1: [Original note here in margin.] Answer neyther
    to the billes ne inditeing forseid, ne to non of theym.]

    [Footnote 232.2: _See_ p. 47, Note 4.]

    [Footnote 232.3: A Cistercian monastery in Huntingdonshire.]

    [Footnote 233.1: A writ to inquire whether a jury gave a false
    verdict.]

    [Footnote 233.2: This is written on the back.]

    [Footnote 233.3: John de Tyrington. He was succeeded in 1449 by
    Richard Pentney.]

    [Footnote 233.4: The sentence breaks off thus abruptly in the
    MS.]


186

ABSTRACT[233.5]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOS. HOWYS, Parson of Castlecombe, at Castre.

[Sidenote: 1451 / APRIL 13]

Received a letter from them, 3rd April, with the last account of Sir Jo.
Kyrtelyng and Intewod. Understands Rob. Norwych will not occupy as
undersheriff, because Jenneys had given him language not to his
pleasure, and so Aleyn is to occupy, who is not F.’s wellwiller; but
Howys has provided a remedy with the sheriff. When the _venire facias_
is made out, I will try and get it sent you, and I shall have Paston’s
advice. Knows well the obstinate will of false Dallyng, but Bokkyng must
speak with him, and entreat him in his best manner.--Margaret Bryg’s
matter.

As to the oyer and terminer, it is certain Heydon and Tuddenham will be
at Norwich with all the maintenance and fellowship they can. It is said
Justice Prysot will be there. You must do your best to keep your friends
steadfast; and I in the meantime will labour here, and send you word how
the world is set. Men of the city of Norwich have good audience and
favour among the Lords, and are waiting an answer of their matters. Has
delivered up the shipmen, and left the ship here for causes which he
will write; ‘for the rayse hath been full costuys, except they came in
saufftee.’

  London, 13 April, 29 Hen. VI.

    [Footnote 233.5: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 231.]]


187

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[234.1]

_To my right wurchepfull howsbond, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1451 / APRIL 16]

Right wurchepfull howsbond, I recomand me to yow, prayng yow to wete
that the Parson of Oxened[234.2] told me that Wyndham told hym that
Sweynnysthorp[234.3] is hold of the Kyng be the therd part or the fourt
part of a knyt fye, and ho so ever had the maner of Sweynsthorp, he
shuld fynde an armyd man, in tyme of werre in the castell of Norwhic,
xl. days to his owyn cost, and that ye shuld pay xxx^s. to the Kyng
yerly owth of the seyd maner; and it is fond also that your fader shuld
a died seysyd, and that ye shuld a entyryd ther in as heyr after your
fader dysseys, and that ye shuld be now up on the age of xxx. wynter.

The Trinite have yow in hys kepyng. Wreten at Norwhic, the Friday next a
fore Seynt George.

  Yowrs,

  M. PASTON.

    [Footnote 234.1: [From Fenn, iii. 84.] The date of this letter
    depends upon the age of John Paston, who, in November 1444, was
    found to be twenty-three years old. As he is now ‘upon the age
    of thirty winters,’ this letter was probably written in 1451.]

    [Footnote 234.2: His name was Laurence Baldewar.]

    [Footnote 234.3: In 1444, according to Blomefield (_Hist. of
    Norf._ iv. 40), a rent-charge out of the manor of Swainsthorp
    was settled by John and Agnes Paston, the eldest son and the
    widow of William Paston, the Justice, to find a priest to sing
    for the soul of the said William in the chapel of our Lady the
    Great in Norwich Cathedral.]


188

ABSTRACT[234.4]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOS. HOWYS, at Castre in Flegg.

[Sidenote: 1451 / APRIL 21]

Sends two _venire facias_ for Beyton in Norfolk and Bradwell in Suffolk,
returnable _in quindena Paschæ_, which is a short day. You must deliver
them in haste to the Sheriff by Paston’s advice, by whom I send them.
Labour to the Sheriff for the return of such panels as will speak for
me, and not be shamed, for great labour will be made by Wentworth’s
party. ‘Entreat the Sheriff as well ye can by reasonable rewards, rather
than fail,’ for they have taken as false an issue as can be with me ‘by
H. [_i.e._ Heydon’s] advice for cold love.’ I had traversed the plea in
the inquisition that I had disseised Sir Hue Fastolf; but they put it
now that I had only a joint interest in the manor. The names you sent
for Bradwell are like to do well, except Hopton, who has married with
the Lady Wentworth. I am also in doubt of one Reppes of Heringflete, who
is Heydon’s man. Had purposed to have been at the oyer and terminer this
time, but cannot, &c.

Horshighdoun, 21 April, 29 Hen. VI.

  _Signed._

    [Footnote 234.4: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 243.]]


189

DEBENHAM, TYMPERLEY, AND WHITE TO JOHN PASTON[235.1]

[Sidenote: 1451 / MAY 2]

Maister Paston, we comaund us to you, lattyng you witt that the Sheriff
is noght so hole as he was, for now he wille shewe but a part of his
frendeshippe. And also there is grete prese off pepill, and fewe
frendes, as ferr as we can feel yitt. And therfore be ye sadly avised
wheder ye seme best to come your self, or send or, &c., for we will
assay in as much as in us is to prevaile to your entente. And yett, if
it neded, we wolde have a man to giffe us informacion, or shewe evidence
after the case requireth. Also the Shereffe enformed us that he hath
writyng from the Kyng that he shall make such a panell to aquyte the
Lord Moleynes. And also he tolde us, and as ferr as we can conceyve and
feel, the Shereff wille panell gentylmen to aquyte the Lorde, and
jowroures to a quyte his men; and we suppose that it is be the mocion
and meanes of the othir party. And yif any meanes of tretie be proferd,
we know not what meane shulde be to your pleasir. And therfore we wolde
fayne have mor knowlege, yiff ye think it were to doo.

No more at this tyme, bot the holy Trinite have you in his kepyng.
Wretin at Walsyngham, in hast, the secund day of May.--Be your trewe and
feithfull frendes,

  DEBENHAM, TYMPERLEY, AND WHITE.

And also, Sir, as we conceyve, the Lord Moleynes shall not be quyte
before Thurseday; in as muche as he was indyted before the Justice, we
undirstand he shall not be quyte but before the Justice. Wherfore we
avise you, iff ye think it be to doo, to send your frendes in the meane
tyme, and come your self to your place at Sperham, and there abyde unto
tyme that we have knowlege how the saide mater will drawe, and till that
we may have worde from you, and ye from us, &c.

    [Footnote 235.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As this letter speaks
    of the indictment and expected acquittal of Lord Molyns, the
    date must be 1451. This letter is written on parchment.]


190

W. LOMNOR TO JOHN PASTON[236.1]

[Sidenote: 1451 / MAY (?)]

Ryght worchipfulle Sir, yours goode cosynes and frendes avyse yow to
come to Walsyngham, and that ye be there to morw betymes at vj. on the
clok; for the Lord Moleyns offreth a trete for the goodes, and amendes
to be made, or he goth ought of this contre, and if it be not taken,
his men shulle justifie; wherupon your title might be hurte. The Lord
Skales, the Justis, and other knygtes and squyeres merveyle grettly ye
come not, and thow they that have not so true and evident mater as ye
have concelle yow to be absent; yet I wolde ye dede as ye be desyrd be
that felaship, for many wolde yow right welle. Whanne ye come, I shalle
telle yow more.

The Lorde Moleyns shulde not have be aquyte of his comaundement, hadde
he not sworen on a boke, sweche evidens was ayens hym; and ther is no
jentelman wolde aquite his men for no goode, &c.

  W. LOMNOR.

    [Footnote 236.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter has no
    address, but there can be no doubt from the contents it was
    intended for John Paston. It was evidently written about the
    same time as the last, while the Sessions was sitting at
    Walsingham, and Paston’s suit against Lord Molyns was still
    pending.]


191

SIR JOHN HEVENINGHAM TO MARGARET PASTON[237.1]

_To my ryght worchipffull cosyn, Margarete Paston, be this letter
delivered._

[Sidenote: 1451(?) / MAY 7]

Ryght worchipffull and welbeloved cosyn, I commaunde me to you as
herteli as I can, thankyng you off your goode chere the last tyme I was
with you. And, worchippffull cosyn, please that you to calle un to your
remembrauns I wrote un to you for my cosyn Anneys Loveday to have ben in
your service, and I reseyved from you a letter that your wyll was goode,
but durst not to in to the tyme ye hadde spoke with my cosyn your
husbonde.

Worchippffull cosyn, I have labored for hir in othir placez, but I can
not have my entent as yet. Wherffor yff that hit please you to have hyr
with you to in to the tyme that a mastris may be purveyeid for hir,
I pray you ther off, and I shall contente you ffor hir boarde, that ye
shal be wel pleased; for, cosyn, and I hadde a wyff, I wolde not care
for hir. And ther as she is, she is not well at hir ease, for she is at
Robert Lethum; and therfor I pray you herteli that ye wyll tendre this
my writyng, and I beseche you that in cas be that ye wyll fulffylle hit
that ye wel sende my cosyn Will Staunton for hir, and I shal kepe you
trewe promys, as I have be for wretyn. And I beseche Almyghti Jesu
preserve you. Wretyn at Hevenyngham, on the vij. day off May, &c.

  Your oune cosyn,

  JOHN HEVENYNGHAM, Knyght.

    [Footnote 237.1: [From Fenn, iii. 144.] The date of this letter
    is doubtful, but it was evidently written at a time when John
    Paston had been for some considerable time absent from Norwich,
    which appears to have been the case in the beginning of May
    1451. The writer of this letter died in July 1453.]


192

SIR THOMAS HOWYS TO SIR JOHN FASTOLF[238.1]

_To my reverent and worchepfull mayster, Sir John Fastolf, Knyght,
be this lettre delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MAY 9]

Right reverent and worchipfull maister, I recomaunde me louly un to yow.
Please you to wete the Sonday next after the Fest of the Invencion of
the Cros,[238.2] the ix. day of May, at Castre, I receyved a lettre from
you by your clerk, W. Barker, the tenure wherof I shall do spede in all
hast goodly. But for the more special cause of my wrytyng at this tyme
is to gef you relacion of the un true demenyng of this oure determyner,
by the parcialte of the Jugez of it; for whan the Counsell of the cite
of Norwich, of the toun of Swafham, youres, my Maister Inglose,[238.3]
Pastons, and many other playntyfs had put in and declared, bothe by
writyng and by woord by fore the Jugez, the lawfull excepcions in many
wise, the Juges by ther wilfulnesse myght nat fynde in ther hert to gef,
not als moche as a bek nor a twynclyng of ther eye toward, but toke it
to deriscion, God reforme such parcialte; and by cause Prisot[238.4]
thought that yf the Sessions of the oyer determyner had be holden at
Norwich as they bygonne, he supposed it shuld nat so fast passe to
th’entent of Tudenham and Heydon and ther felawes, as it shuld do
ell[es] in other place, but enjorned to Walsyngham, wher they have
grettist rule, ther to be holden on Tuesday, iiij^te day of May.

This knowing, my Maister Yelverton,[238.5] Genney, and other myght weel
conceyve how the governaunce of the oyer determyner shuld procede, for
it was the most parcial place of alle the shire, and thedre wer cleped
alle the frendez, knyghteys, and esquiers, and gentilmen that wolde in
nowise do other wise than they wolde. And the seid Tudenham, Heydon, and
other oppressours of ther set come doun theder, as I understand, with
iiij^c. [400] hors and more; and consideryng how ther wellwillers wer
ther assembled at ther instaunce, it had be right jowpertous and
ferefull for any of the pleyntyfs to have be present, for ther was nat
one of the pleyntyfs ner compleynuantez ther, but your right feithfull
and trusty weel willer John Paston. And my Maister Yelverton seid full
discretly, and countrolled the seid Prisot when he seid, sittyng, in the
Guyhalle of Norwich, these wordys to the Meyre and Commonalte, ‘A, Sir
Meyre and your brethren, as to the processe of youre compleyntez, we
wole put them in contynuance, but in all other we wole procede;’ which
wordys Yelverton thought right parciall. And by side this the seid
Prisot wolde suffre no man that was lerned to speke for the pleyntyfs,
but took it as a venom, and took them by the nose at every thred woord
whiche myght weel by knowe for open parcialte.

And as for the Lord Scalys, ye knowe well what he is toward you, and
namely for Hikelyng matter. Also to knowe som of your feynt frendes,
at that tyme that my Lord Norffolk sat at Norwich up on the oyer
determyner, Sir John Hevyngham myht nat fynde it in his hert to go iiij.
furlong from his duellyng place to the shirehouse, but now he cowd ryde
from Norwich to Walsyngham to syt as one of the Commyssioners. As to the
rule of other, that ye wolde have supposed your wellewillers, how they
have byhavyd them at Walsyngham, I shall sende yow woord in all hast
whan Bernay[239.1] come hom to Castr, for he is nat yet come from
Walsyngham. But this I knowe well, that they founde none obstacle ner
impedyment in ther consciens in all your matter; but how they have do
with Norwich, Swafham, and Paston, I am nat yet clerly informed;
I suppose they arn put in respite. I here sey Heydon seweth for an ende
to be had with the cite of Norwich, and as to the namys of them that
passed on ther acquitaile ayenst yow, Broyn can weell informe yow.
I understand that Sir Robert Conyers, Calthorp, Mundford wer capteyns,
and Maister Ric. Doget also.

Item, as for the ij. _venire facias_ ye sent to be retorned for your
manorz of Bradwell and Beyton, I have do them to be retorned of suche
namys as I have sent woord before, savyng sume be take, and except out.
Moreover, as for the mater of Sir John Sibton, Geney and Raulyns gef ful
counsell that it shuld abyde tyl the mater of Bradwell myght procede, so
that bothe maters myght take up on a day, for they sey it wold drawe xx.
marc to labour the Jure to London, and yet it wer hard to bryng about.
And they gef you counsell in all wise that ye labour to have Yelverton
Juge at that tyme, and in all wise bothe in that materz and in all
other, that ye be war that Prisot have not to have do in any wise, for
than all wole be nought. Of alle other materz I shall send you woord in
all hast goodly, for at thys tyme I had no leyser by cause of the hasty
comyng up of Hug Fen, whom I beseche yow to fele of the demenyng of the
oyer determyner, for he can telle yow moche and [_i.e._ if] he wole;
whether he wole or nay, I can nat sey, for I know wele he was at
Walsyngham. And I beseche All myghty Jesu have yow in his mercyfull
governaunce. Wrete at Castre, the Sonday, ix. day of May anno xxixº
Regis Henrici vj^ti.

   *   *   *

_On the back of the letter is written--_

I prey yow be nowth displesed thow I have nowt subscribed my name
withinne forth, for it is of neclygens, quoth Howys, Parson of
Castlecomb.

    [Footnote 238.1: [From Fenn, iii. 116.]]

    [Footnote 238.2: The 3rd of May.]

    [Footnote 238.3: Sir Harry Inglos.]

    [Footnote 238.4: John Prisot, Chief Justice of the Common
    Pleas.]

    [Footnote 238.5: William Yelverton, Justice of the King’s Bench,
    afterwards knighted by Edward IV.]

    [Footnote 239.1: Probably Philip Berney.]


193

JOHN OSBERN TO JOHN PASTON[241.1]

_To my ryght reverent and worchepful Master, John Paston, be this
delyverid._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MAY 27]

Plese it your masterchep to wete that I have spoke wyth the
Shereff[241.2] at hese placez, mevyng to hym, as for that that was left
wyth hese Under shereff, it is your wyl he shuld send a man of hese for
it; for thow it were more ye wold gladly he shuld take it; he thanked
yow, and sayde hese Under shereff was at London, and hymselff had non
deserved, and if he had he wold a take it. And whan I departyd from hym,
I desyerid hym a yen to send therffore, and than he seyde it shuld abyde
tyl ye come hom, wherby I conceyve he wold have it, and be gladde to
take it. Moreover, I remembred hym of hese promyses made before to yow
at London, when he took hese oth and charche, and that ye were wyth hym
when he toke hese oth, and oder dyvers tymes; and for tho promyses made
be hym to yow at that tyme, and other tymes at the oyer determyner at
Lynne, ye proposed yow be the trust that ye have in hym for to atempte
and rere accions that shuld be to the avayle of hym and of hese office.
He wold a know what the accions shuld be. I sayde I coude not telle hym,
and than he seyde he wold do for yow that he may, excepte for the
aquitell of the Lord Molyns men, in so meche as the Kyng hath wrete to
hym for to shewe favour to the Lord Moleyns and hese men, and as he
seyth the indytement longyth to the Kyng, and not to yow, and the Lord
Molyns a gret lord. Also, as he seyth, now late the Lord Molyns hath
sent hym a letter, and my Lord of Norffolk anoder, for to shew favour in
these indytements, he darnot abide the joporte of that, that he shuld
offende the Kinges commaundment. He know not how the Kyng may be
informed of hym, and what shal be seyde to hym.

And than I sayde as for any joporte that he shuld abyde in any thing
that he doth for yow, or be your desyre, you have offered hym, and wol
performet, sufficient sewerte for to sawe hym harmeles, and therfore I
supposid ther wold non resonable man thynk but that he myght do for yow
wyth owte any joporte. And then he seyde he myth non sewerte take that
passid C_li._; and the Lord Molyns is a gret lord, he myght soon cause
hym to lese that, and meche mo. Than I sayde, be that meane, in defawte
of a Shereff, every man may be put from hese lyvelod; and thann he seyde
iff it were for the lyvelode, men wold take hem the nerer for to abyde a
joporte; but be hese feyth, as he swore, if the Kyng wryte ayan to hym
he wol no lenger abyde the joporte of the Kyngges wrytyng, but he
trustyth to Godde to inpanell seche men as shuln to hise knowleche be
indeferent, and non comon jurors. As me semyth it wold do goode and
[_if_] ye wolde gett a comaundment of the Kyng to the Shereff for to
shew yow favour, and to inpanell jantelmen, and not for to favour non
seche riotts, &c.; for he seyde that he sent yow the letter that the
Kyng sent hym, and ye seyde a man shuld gete seche on for a noble.

Item, I remembred hym of the promyses that he hath made to Temperley,
and that if he wold make yow very trew promys, ye wold rewarde hym as
meche as he wold desire, or any other resonable man for him, and asmoche
and mor then any adverserry ye have wold gef hym; than he seyde he toke
never no mony of non of hem alle. There was proferid hym at Walsyngham
for the Lord Molyns xx. nobles, he had not a peny; moreover, I proferid
hym, if he wold make yow promys that ye myght veryly trust upon hym, ye
wold geff hym in hande as he wold desire, or to leve a summe if he wold
a named it in a mene mannys hand, and seche as he hath trust to. And
then he seyde, if he myght do for yow, or if he do any thyng for yow,
then he wol take yowre mony wyth a good wyl; and other promys I coude
not have of hym, but that he wol do for yow all that he may, excepte for
the inditements. I conceyve veryly he hath made promys to do hese part
that they shul be a quytte, but I suppose he hath made non other promys
ayens yow for the lyvelode; but he lokyth aftyr a gret brybe, but it is
not for to trust hym veryly wyth owte that he may not chese. I suppose
he had no wrytyng fro my Lord of Norffolk as he seyde.

I was at Framyngham for to a spoke wyth Tymperley, Debnam, or Berry,
and they were all ought. My Lord, as he came from London, he was at
Yepysweche on Moneday, and when he wythowth the town toward Framyngham,
he had all hese men ryde forth afore a gret pase, for he wolde felwe
softely; and when hese men were owte of syght, he rode wyth v. men to a
squieris place of hese therby, and on Tewsday, rodde my Lady to hym; and
so I dede nought at Framyngham. No more at thys tyme, but All myghty
Jesu spede yow, and have yow in hese kepyng. Wrete at Norwiche, the
Thursday next aftyr Sent Austyn, &c.

  Be your servunt,

  JOHN OSBERN.

    [Footnote 241.1: [From Fenn, iii. 308.] At the date of this
    letter Lord Molyns had probably been acquitted, but the action
    against his men was still pending. The year must therefore be
    1451. The date ‘Thursday next after St. Austin’ is understood by
    Fenn to be after the Feast of St. Austin, or Augustine, Bishop
    of Hippo, which was celebrated on the 28th of August; but the
    dates of the preceding letters make it more probable that the
    writer means St. Augustine, the apostle of England, whose day
    was the 26th of May.]

    [Footnote 241.2: John Jermyn. --_See_ page 183, Note 2.]


194

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[243.1]

_To [Herry][243.2] Barker of Synt Clements Parys, in Norwych, to delyver
to my Master John Paston, in haste_.

[Sidenote: 1451 or later]

On Thurisday the wall was mad zarde hey, and a good wylle be fore evyn
it reyned so sore that they were fayne to helle the wall, and leve
werke. And the water is fallyn so sore that it standyt ondyr the wall a
fote deppe to Ballys warde [i.e. _towards the land of a neighbour named
Ball_]. And on Friday after sakeryng, one come fro cherch warde, and
schoffe doune all that was thereon, and trad on the wall and brake sum,
and wente over; but I cannot zet wete hoo it was. And Warne Kynges wyfe,
as she went over the style, she cursyd Ball, and seyde that he had zevyn
aweye the waye, and so it prevyt be John Paston is words. And after,
Kyngs folke and odyr come and cryid on Annes Ball, seying to her the
same. Zystyrnevyn wan I xul goo to my bede, the Vycare[244.1] seyde that
Warne Kyng and Warne Harman, betwyxte messe and matynsse, toke Sir
Roberd[244.2] in the vestry, and bad hym sey to me, verely the wall
xulde doun a gayne. And wan the Vycar tolde me I wyste ther of no worde,
nor zet do be Sir Roberde, for he syth he were loth to make any stryfe.
And wan I com out of the cherch, Roberd Emundes schowyd me how I was
amercyde for seute of corte the laste zer vj_d._, and seyd it was
xij_d._ tylle Warne Kyng and he gat it awey vj_d._

I send zou word how John Jamys was demenyd at Cromere, to send to Jamys
Gressham how he xall be demenyd. Gaffrey Benchard, Alexander Glover,
heywards,[244.3] tokyn a dystresse of John Jamys or the bond tenent of
A. Paston, calde Reynalds, in Cromer, the xxviij^ti yer of thys Kyng,
and W. Goodwyn, Baly of Cromer, with the seyd J. Jamys, with forsse toke
awey the dysstres, wech was ij. horsse and a plowe. And Good be with
zou.

  Be ANNES PASTON, your Modur.

    [Footnote 243.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As this letter refers
    to the 28th year of Henry VI., seemingly as a past date, it
    cannot well be earlier than 1451. But probably it is not much,
    if at all, later.]

    [Footnote 243.2: The Christian name _Herry_ is crossed out, and
    _Meye_ (?) appears to be written over.]

    [Footnote 244.1: William Pope was vicar of Paston from 1447 to
    1455.]

    [Footnote 244.2: Probably the Vicar’s Curate.]

    [Footnote 244.3: Haywards were (originally) persons who guarded
    a farm and crops in the night, and blew a horn on an alarm or
    robbers.--Halliwell.]


195

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[245.1]

_To John Paston be thys byll deliverd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 or later]

I spacke thys day with a man of Paston syde, and he told me that a man
of Paston told hym that Paston men wold not goo presessyon ferther than
the chyrche yerde on Sent Markys day,[245.2] for he seyd the presessyon
wey was stoppyd in, and seyd with in chort tyme men hopyd that the wall
chuld be broke doun ageyn. Item, he seyd that I was amercyid for
stoppyng of the seyd [way][245.3] at the last generall court, butt he
cowd not tell who meche the mercyment was. And he that told it me askyd
the man that told it hym if he had the mercyment in hys exstrete for to
distreyn there fore; and he seid nay, but seyd he that chuld do it chuld
bettyr doe take it up on hym than he chuld. Item, the same man told me
that he mett with a man of Blyclyng, hyght Barker, that cam late fro
London, and he told hym that I had a sute att London ageyn Wareyn Herman
of Paston, and seyd that Roberd Branton was hys attornnye, and seyd he
seygh hym ryght besy for hym att London. And for yete not yor
sustyr;[245.4] and God have yow in kepyng. Wretyn att Norwyche the xij.
day of May,

  Be yor modyr,

  A. PASTON.

    [Footnote 245.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter has the
    appearance, to judge from its contents, of being perhaps a few
    weeks later than the preceding one. It is, however, in a
    different hand.]

    [Footnote 245.2: April 25.]

    [Footnote 245.3: Omitted in MS.]

    [Footnote 245.4: Elizabeth Paston?]


196

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[246.1]

_John Paston, dwellyng in the Tempyll at London, be thys letter delyverd
in hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 or later]

I grete yow wele, and lete yow wete that on the Sonday befor Sent
Edmond, after evyn songe, Augnes Ball com to me to my closett and bad me
good evyn, and Clement Spycer with hyr. And I acsyd hym what he wold?
And he askyd me why I had stoppyd in the Kyngs wey? And I seyd to hym I
stoppyd no wey butt myn owyn, and askyd hym why he had sold my lond to
John Ball? And he sor [_swore_] he was nevyr a cordyd with your fadyr;
and I told hym if hys fadyr had do as he dede, he wold a be a chamyd to
a seyd as he seyd. And all that tyme Waryn Herman lenyd ovyr the
parklos[246.2] and lystynd what we seyd, and seyd that the chaunge was a
rewly chaunge, for the towne was un do therby, and is the werse by an
C_li._ And I told hym it was no curtese to medyll hym in a mater butt if
he wer callyd to councell; and prowdly goyn forthe with me in the
cherche, he seyd the stoppyng of the wey xuld coste me xx. nobylls, and
zet it shuld downe ageyn. And I lete hym wete he that putte it downe
chull pay therfor. Also he seyd that it was well don that I sett men to
werke to owle[246.3] meney whyll I was her, butt in the ende I chale
lese my coste. Than he askyd me why I had a wey hys hey at Walsham,
seyng to me he wold he had wyst it whan it was karryd, and he chuld a
lettyd it; and I told hym it was myn owyn grownde, and for myn owyn I
wold holde it; and he bad me take iiij. acre and go no ferther. And thus
churtly he departyd from me in the cherche zerde. And syt [_since_] I
spacke with a serteyn man, and acsyd hym if he herd owt sey why the
dyner was mad att Norfolkys howse, and he told me [he] herd sey that
serteyn men had sentt to London to gete a commyssyon owt of the
chaunstre to putt downe ageyn the wall and the dyk.

I receyvyd yor letter by Robert Reppys thys day after thys letter wretyn
thus far. I have red it, butt I conn yeve yow non aunswer mor than I
have wretyn, save the wyfe of Harman hathe the name of owr Lady, whos
blyssyn ye have and myn. Wretyn at Paston, on the day after Sent
Edmond,[247.1]

  Be yowyr modyr,

  AUGNES PASTON.

    [Footnote 246.1: [From Fenn, iii. 44.] This letter of Agnes
    Paston’s refers to the same subject of dispute as the two
    preceding, and was probably written after them; but the exact
    year is not certain.]

    [Footnote 246.2: The half door of her ‘closet’ or pew in
    church.]

    [Footnote 246.3: ‘To owl,’ says Fenn, ‘may signify to deceive,
    as an owler is a person who carries contraband goods in the
    night; though I rather think it means in this place to oil, that
    is, to smooth to her purpose; but q.?’ The explanation certainly
    is not very satisfactory. From the definition of ‘owler’ we
    might perhaps conjecture with more probability that ‘to owl’ was
    to work in the night time. Did Agnes Paston, to avoid
    interruption, set men to build the wall by night?]

    [Footnote 247.1: St. Edmund’s day was the 16th November.]


197

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[247.2]

_To my rygth worshipfull hosbond, John Paston, be this delyverid in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 / [JUNE 3]]

Rygth wurchipfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, desyring hertyly to
her of your welfar, preying yow to wete that itt was told me this weke
that ther is afayr plase to sell in Seynt Laueransis parysch, and stant
ner the chirche, and by the water syde, the whiche place Toppis hath to
sell. Pyte alyster [_a dyer_] bowgth itt of Toppis and now, for defawt
of payment, Toppis hath enterid ayen therinne, and shall selle itt in
hast, as it is told me. The seyd lyster dwellyth therinne at this tym,
but he shall owte, for he is hald rygth apore man. I suppose if ye lyke
to bye itt when ye com hom, ye shall mowe have itt of Toppis als
godechepe or better than another shuld. Als for tydyngs, we have none
gode in this contre; I pray God send us gode. Itt was told me that
Rychard Sowthwell hath enterid in the maner of Hale,[248.1] the whiche
is the Lady Boysys,[248.2] and kepyth itt with strength with seche
another felashep as hath be att Brayston, and wastyth and dispoylyth all
that theris; and the Lady Boys, as it is told me, is to London to
compleyn to the Kyng and to the Lordys ther of. Itt semyth it was not
for nowgth that he held with Charlys and his felashep. I prey yow that
ye wol vowchesawf to speke to Jamys Gloys to bye the Ungwentum Album
that I spake to hym for; and that ye woll remembr your fayr dowgteris
gyrdyl. I hope ye shull be at hom so sone that I woll do wryte nomor
tydyngs to yow. The blyssid Trinyte have yow in his keping, and send yow
gode spede in all that ye woll spede well inne. Wretyn at Norwyche on
the Asencion day.

  Yours,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 247.2: [From Fenn, iii. 424.] Reference is made in
    this letter to the forcible entry of Daniel into Brayston in
    1450, and, from the terms of the allusion, that event must have
    been pretty recent. The date of this letter, however, cannot be
    earlier than 1451, as Lady Boys must have been a widow at the
    time, and she only became so in December 1450. --_See_ Letter
    162, p. 198.]

    [Footnote 248.1: Holm Hale.]

    [Footnote 248.2: Sibilla, daughter and heir of Sir Robert Ylley,
    and widow of Sir Roger Boys, Knight. She was alive after
    1450.--F.]


198

JAMES GRESHAM TO [JOHN PASTON][248.3]

[Sidenote: 1451 / June?]

Please it your maistership to wete that, as touchyng Blake of the
Kyngges hous, I spak with hym, and he told me that if the Lord Moleyns
wold take suyche appoyntement as ye agreed to, that he shuld lete me
wete therof on Satirday after noon, as I tolde yow whanne ye dyd on your
botes, &c. And sith that tyme I herd no word of hym. Item, there is
laboured a _supersedeas_ for alle them that th’exigend[248.4] is ageyn,
that arn convycted by record of my Lord of Oxenford, except ij. men
which the Lord M. gyveth no fors of. Item, I send yow Treshams letter
and a copie of the same. Item, I send yow the _cerciorari_ for my
maistresse your modir. Item, I send yow the _scire facias_ for Osbern
and Foke _versus_ Heydon and Wyndam. Item, I send yow a _distringas_
ageynst Tudenham, &c. Item, I beseche yow if it may be in cas my Lord of
Oxenford have not Holt hundred, that ye wole take it to suyche on as yow
seme best, for it is told me that Pertriche laboureth therfore. And that
is by the setting on of Heydon, &c. As touchyng the _capias_ ageynst
Pertrich, and the _pros._ a geynst Costard, &c., it wole not be hadde,
&c.

    [Footnote 248.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is
    anonymous, but it is in James Gresham’s handwriting. In Letter
    190 we have Lord Molyns offering to treat with Paston for the
    injury done to his property at Gresham. Apparently Paston has
    now mentioned what terms he would accept. From what is said of
    the _supersedeas_, it would seem that this letter was written
    not long before the next, which is dated on Trinity Sunday.]

    [Footnote 248.4: A writ of _exigent_ lies where the defendant in
    a personal action cannot be found, or anything of his to
    distrain. The sheriff is therein directed to proclaim him on
    five county court days, requiring him to appear on pain of
    outlawry.]


199

JOHN BERNEY TO JOHN PASTON[249.1]

_To the Ryght worshpful John Paston, Esquyer._

[Sidenote: 1451 / JUNE 20]

Ryght worshipfull, &c. Please zou to comfort and help my pouer tenaunt,
Symond Sparre, whech ys a restyd by warant, at the sute of the Lord
Scalys, for Sir T. Tudynham shepp. And, Sir, uppon Fryday last passyd,
Blake, the Kynges secratory, tolde me that there was delyvered a
_supersedyas_ for all men in that sute. But, Sir, as my verry trust is
in zou for this, lat it be easyd, as I may doo for zou, &c.; for, Sir,
I may not attent, by cause I am ocupyed with my suster, for hir husbond,
Sir Rychard Veuuter,[249.2] dessessyd upoon Fryday last, &c. Wretyn in
gret hast upon Trenyte Sunday.

  Be zoure pouer cosyn,

  JOHN BERNEYE.

    [Footnote 249.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] For the date of this
    letter see Note 3 on last page. Trinity Sunday fell on the 20th
    of June in 1451.]

    [Footnote 249.2: Blomefield mentions a Sir Richard Veutre, who
    presented to the living of Cockthorp in 1450.--_Hist. Norf._ ix.
    218.]


200

NOTE

[Sidenote: 1451 / JUNE 28]

A letter of Sir John Fastolf to Sir Thomas Howes, dated 28th June 1451,
29 Henry VI., is mentioned by Fenn in vol. iii., p. 133, in a footnote,
and the following sentence extracted:-- ‘The untrouthe of the Pryour of
Hykelyng draweth away my devotion in such causes.’ The original of this
letter I have not met with.


201

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[250.1]

_To my rygth worshypfull hosbond Jon Paston, be this delyverd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 / JULY 1]

Rygth worchypfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, desyryng hertyly to
her of yowr wellfar, preying yow to wete that I have spoke with my Lady
Felbrygg[250.2] of that ye bad me speke to her of, and she seyd pleynly
to me that she wold not, ne nevyr was avysyd, neyther to lete the Lord
Moleyns ne non other to have ther intents as for that mater, whyll yet
she levyth. And she was rygth evyll payd with Sawtr that he shuld
reporte as itt was told yow that he shuld have reportyd; and she made
rygth moche of yow, and seyd that she wold nowgth that no servaunte of
herys shuld reporte no thyng that shuld be ayens yow other wyse than she
wolld that your servawnts shud do or seyn ayens her; and if other your
servawnts dede ayens her, or any of her ayens yow, she wold that itt
shuld be reformyd be twyx yow and her, and that ye mygth ben all on;
for she seyd in good feyth she desyryth your frendshep; and as for the
report of Sawtr, she seyd she supposyd that he wold nowgth reporte so;
and if she mygth know that he dede, she wold blame hym therfor. I told
her that itt was told me syth that ye reden [? yeden, i.e. went], and
that itt grevyd me mor that the seyd Sawtr shuld reporte as he dede than
itt had be reportyd of another, in als moche as I had awgth hym goodwyll
befor; and she prayid me that I shud not beleve seche reports tyll I
knewe the trowth.

I was att Toppys at dyner on Seynt Petyrs day; ther my Lady Felbrygg and
other jantyll women desyryd to have hadde yow ther. They seyd they shuld
all abe [_have been_] the meryer if ye hadde ben ther. My cosyn Toppys
hath moche car tyll she her goode tydyngs of her brotheris mater. Sche
told me that they shuld kepte a day on Monday next komyng be twyx her
brother and Ser Andrew Hugard and Wyndham. I pray yow send me word how
they spede, and how ye spede in yowr owyn materys also. Also I pray yow
hertyly that ye woll send me a potte with treacle in hast; for I have
ben rygth evyll att ese, and your dowghter bothe, syth that ye yeden
hens, and on of the tallest younge men of this parysch lyth syke and
hath a grete myrr’. How he shall do God knowyth. I have sent myn unkyll
Berney[251.1] the potte with treacle that ye dede bey for hym. Myn awnte
recommawndeth her to yow, and prayith yow to do for her as the byll
maketh mencion of that I send you with this letter, and as ye thenk best
for to do therinne.

Ser Henry Inglose is passyd to God this nygth, hoys sowle God asoyll,
and was caryid forthe this day at ix. of the clok to Seynt Feythis, and
ther shall be beryid. If ye desyer to bey any of hys stuff, I pray you
send me word therof in hast, and I shall speke to Robert Inglose and to
Wychyngham therof; I suppose thei ben executors. The blyssyd Trinyte
have you in his kepyng. Wretyn at Norwyche in hast on the Thursday next
after Seynt Peter.[251.2]

I pray yow trost nott to the sheryve[251.3] for no fayr langage.

  Yours,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 250.1: [From Fenn, iii. 124.] The mention made of the
    death of Sir Harry Inglos at the end of this letter proves it to
    have been written in the year 1451. According to the inquisition
    _post mortem_ 29 Hen. VI., No. 9, he died on the 1st July 1451,
    which corresponds exactly with ‘the Thursday next after St.
    Peter,’ the day this letter was written.]

    [Footnote 250.2: _See_ p. 224, Note 2.]

    [Footnote 251.1: Philip Berney.]

    [Footnote 251.2: St. Peter’s day was the 29th June.]

    [Footnote 251.3: John Jermyn was sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk
    this year.]


202

ABSTRACT[252.1]

SIR J. FASTOLF to SIR THOMAS HOWYS, Parson of Castlecombe.

[Sidenote: 1451(?) / JULY 20]

Has received his letter by Herry Hansson. Does not think he authorised
Howys to have Andrews and his other adversaries noted and corrected at
_oyer and determyner_; but if there was any letter to that effect, F.
will bear him out. Thinks even if there was any letter to that effect
sent by negligence, Howys should have taken counsel, and he would not
have been sued for conspiracy. If Andrews and the others had been sued
in Suffolk instead of Norfolk, they could have had no grounds of action.

  London, 20 July.

  [John Andrews was one of Heydon’s adherents who gave trouble to
  Fastolf and his friends on more than one occasion; but this letter
  seems to have reference to the proceedings taken against several of
  that faction in 1451.]

    [Footnote 252.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 258.]]


203

ABSTRACT[252.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN BERNEY, SIR THOS. HOWYS, AND WALTER SHIPDAM.

[Sidenote: 1451 / SEPT.]

Begs them to hasten Rob. Boothe to London. Hears that the _oyer and
termyner_ is to be at Norwich on Thursday[252.3] after Holyrood day,
and that Will. Yelverton, justice, is to be there. Ascertain, therefore,
how the substantial men of Norwich are inclined in my matter against
Appulzerd, and take Paston’s advice in proceeding. Is advised to send
John Bokkyng or Will. Barker to them before the time. Bids them send an
indenture of Cornelys Floryson about wheat and malt. Has arrested the
ship. As to the matter against Applierd, if Todenham, Heydon, Wymondham,
&c., or any of them, will labour for their acquittal against me in the
Lady Bardolf’s matter, you must oppose it. Trusts the present mayor and
his predecessor know what he has done for the town, and Will. Jenney and
his brother can testify to Applierd’s demeanour. You must get a copy of
the indictment, lest he deny the presentment. Sends a lease of Lady
Sterburgh’s part and Bardolf’s, made by Wichingham and Blake, and a
confirmation of Sir Reynold Cobham,[253.1] and the said Lady Sterburgh
his wife, &c. Commend me to my Lord of Ely[253.2] and my Lord of Oxford
if they be there, and my coz. Yelverton, and ask my Lord of Norwich for
tidings of Hikelyng. ‘Item, blessed be God of his visitation! I have
been sore sick and am well amended, and trust to our Lord to see you
hastily and other of my friends.’

  (_Signature not F.’s own._)

    [Footnote 252.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 233.] From the
    reference to the date of the _oyer and termyner_ mentioned in
    this letter, it is clear that it was written in the same year as
    the letter following, and probably a few days earlier.]

    [Footnote 252.3: September 16th, Holy Rood day being the 14th.]

    [Footnote 253.1: Sir Reginald Cobham of Sterborough in Surrey,
    father of the notorious Eleanor Cobham.]

    [Footnote 253.2: Thomas Bourchier, afterwards Archbishop of
    Canterbury.]


204

ABSTRACT[253.3]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN A BERNEY, JOHN PASTON, AND SIR THOMAS HOWYS.

[Sidenote: 1451 / SEPT. 14]

As the _oyer and termyner_ is to be at Norwich on Thursday next,[253.4]
sends John Bokkyng to wait upon his counsel there to see to his matter
against Appulzerd. They are to spare no cost to bring it to a good end,
especially the bill of maintenance against Appulzerd, who was the
greatest cause that the inquest passed against F. so untruly.

  (_Signature not F.’s own._)

  London, 14 Sept. 30 Hen. VI.

    [Footnote 253.3: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 251.]]

    [Footnote 253.4: 16th September.]


205

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWES[253.5]

_To my trusty frendys, Sir Thomas Howys, Parson of Castellcombe, beyng
at Castre._

[Sidenote: 1451 / SEPT. 23]

Ryght trusty frendys, I grete you well. Item where as the Bysshop of
Norwych[253.6] makyth but delayes in my resonable desyre for an eende to
be had in the xxv. marc of Hykelyng, y am uppon a appoyntement and throw
wyth the heyr of Clyfford, that he shall entree in the hole maner that
ys chargeable wyth my xxv. marc rent, which the Pryour and Convent have
forfeted the seid hole manor to the heyers undre her Convent seele of
record, because of myne nonne payment of xxv. marc; and so then the
Pryour shall lese for ever iiij^xx [_four score_] marc of rent, and that
wythout onye concience, for they have be fals both to the Clyffordys and
to me thys vij. yeere day. And y trust to God to correct hem so by
spirituell law and temporell law, that all othyr Relygyoux shall take an
example to breke the covenant or wille of anye benefactor that avauncyth
hem wyth londs, rents, or gode; and my confessours have exorted me
gretely ther too. And Almyghty God kepe you. Wryt at London, the xxiij.
day of September anno xxxº R. H. VI.

  JOHN FASTOLF, Kt.

There is one Walsam wold desyre acquitaunce of pardon for the wydow of
Hygham, I hafe no cause, for hyr husband left hyr whereoff to pay hyr
debts suffisaunt, and for me he ferre the better. The wydow noysyth you,
Sir Thomas, that ye sold a wey salt but for xx_s._ that she might hafe
had xl_s._ for every wey, I pray you aunswer that for your acquytaille.

Item, sende me the value of Goold ys tenement in Drayton, wyth xx. acres
lond therto, what it was worth yeerly when it stode hoole; for Sellyng
seith it was worth but j. noble by yeer.

    [Footnote 253.5: [From Fenn, iii. 132.]]

    [Footnote 253.6: Walter Lyhart or Hart.]


206

RICHARD SOUTHWELL TO JOHN PASTON[254.1]

_To my mastir, John Paston, Esquier._

[Sidenote: 1451 / DEC. 18]

Right worshippful sir, I recomaunde me unto you. And please it you to
witte of oure newe tydinges here; as this day com writing both to my
Lorde[254.2] and to my Lady from London, that there be certein lettres
directed to my Lorde from my Lady his moder,[255.1] and diverse other
Lordes for to have Danyell[255.2] in his favour a geyne, and as it is
supposed by the meanes of the Duc of Somersette,[255.3] for he hath ben
right conversaunte with hym all this quarter of this yere. And also thei
that sente this writing sayn playnly that the Lorde Skales is gode lorde
to hym, and that he hath promysed hym to make Sir Thomas Tudenham,
Heydon, and hym accorded, and other men in the cuntre, and that he shall
be suffred to entre in to Brayston, and kepe it to th’entente that the
cuntre shall thinke, and my Lord also, that he hathe grete favour amonge
the Lordes of the Counsell, and cause men to fere hym the more. Whethir
it be thus or non I can not say; never the lesse me thinketh ye shall
sone knowe if Mounford will agree that he shall entre in to Brayston,
and if that be trewe, all the remenant shall seme the more likly.

I pray you brenne this letter when ye have redde it. My Lorde and my
Lady sayn ye shall be right welcome and ye will se theym this
Crisemasse. I reporte me to your wisdom, and God have you in his keping.
Writon at Framlyngham, the xviij. day of Decembre.

  RIC. SOUTHWELL.

    [Footnote 254.1: [From Fenn, iii. 366.] This letter must have
    been written in 1451. It appears from No. 119 that Daniel
    entered the manor of Brayston or Braydeston during the sitting
    of the Parliament at Leicester in the spring of 1450. He was
    dispossessed by Mundford and Heydon on the 7th September
    following, but he entered the place a second time in the 30th
    year of Henry VI., _i.e._ some time between the 1st September
    1451 and the 31st August 1452. In this letter it is anticipated
    that he will be enabled to enter the place by his influence with
    Lord Scales and the Duke of Somerset. This cannot refer to his
    first entry, as Somerset was in France for a long time before.]

    [Footnote 254.2: John Mobray, Duke of Norfolk, married Ellenor,
    daughter of William Bourchier, Earl of Ewe, in Normandy.--F.]

    [Footnote 255.1: Catharine, daughter of Ralph, Earl of
    Westmoreland, and widow of John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk.--F.]

    [Footnote 255.2: Thomas Daniel, Esq., was Constable of Rising
    Castle, and married Margaret, sister of John Howard, afterwards
    Duke of Norfolk.--F.]

    [Footnote 255.3: Edmund Beaufort.]


207

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[255.4]

_To John Paston dwyllyng in the Tempyll at London be this letter
delyverid in haste._

[Sidenote: 1451 or later / NOV.]

I gret zou well, and lete zou wete that Warne Harman on the Sonday after
Hallumesday after ensong seyd oponly in the cherch zerde that he wyst
wyll that and the Wall were puddoun, thou he were an hundryd myle fro
Paston he wyste well that I wolde sey he ded yt and he xuld bere the
blame, seying Telle yte here ho so wyll, thou it xuld coste me xx.
nobyllys it xall be puddoun azen. And the seyd Warnys wyfe with a lowd
vosse seyd All the deuyllys of hell drawe her sowle to hell for the weye
that she hat mad. And at euyn a sertyn man suppyd with me and tolde me
that the patent[256.1] grantyt to closse but a perch on bred, and that I
had clossyd more than the grant of the patent is as men seyd. And John
Marchall tolde me that there was a thryfty woman come forby the
watteryng and fond the weye stoppyde and askyd hym ho had stoppyd the
weye, and he seyd, they that had pore to zeue it, and askyd here Wat was
freer than zyfte, and he seyd she sey the day that Paston men wold not
asofferyd that. And God be with zou. Wretyn at Paston on Monday after
Hallumys day.

  Be zour modyr,

  ANNES PASTON.

    [Footnote 255.4: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 76.] This letter is
    evidently of the same year as Nos. 194 and 196, which must be
    1451 at the earliest.]

    [Footnote 256.1: The patent granted to her husband in 1443
    (21 Hen. VI.). _See_ Introduction.]

  [[_See_ Introduction.  _printed in Roman (non-Italic) type_]]


208

OSBERT MUNDFORD TO JOHN PASTON[256.2]

_To Right Worshipful sir and my gode maister Johan Paston, escuier, &c._

[Sidenote: 1452 / FEB. 9]

Right worshipful Sir, and my Right gode Maister, I Recommaunde to yow
with al myne hert. Plese yow that I have understanden that Daniel hath
entred in to Brayston, and put owte my servantes and dispoiled my godes,
notwithstandinge I am here in the Kinges service and under his
proteccion, which was shewed him; for the whiche owtrage I write to the
King at this tyme and to other my gode lordes, for to be kepte in my
pocession, and to be restored again to my godes. And if so be that I may
not have my pocession ayene and be restored to my godes as I desire,
I wol take an accion be your avis of forsable entre in my name and my
wifes for owre title, &c., and an accion of trespasse for dispoiling of
my godes ayenst him and al tho that were helpinge or consenting therto,
&c., and assisse of a novel Disseson in my sonnes name, Johan of Berney,
for to trye the title and ende debate with Goddes help and youres, &c.;
for the whiche matere I write unto my fader, to myne Eme[257.1] Adam, to
my Cosyn Fyncheham, to Edmond Piers, and to other divers of my frendes
to be my helpers in thes mater in myne absence. For I may not come nor I
wol not come, though I shulde lese al Brayston, and it were myne,
considering that the enemyes drawen dailly hedirward, as it is openly
said, &c. Wherfore I praye yow, as my ful trust is in yow, to tendre
this matere in myne absence. And that it shal plese yow to recommaund me
to my worshipful maistresse and gossip, your wif. And my maistresse
recommaundes her vnto yow, and to her worshipful nece, and to al youres.
Prayinge Almighty God to have yow in his kepinge and sende yow right
gode lif and longe, after your awne hertes desire. And, Sir, if it plese
yow to come to Calais with the king, ye shul have a stope of bere to
comforte yow after your travaille of the see. And if ther be any service
that ye wol commaund me to do for you here, ye shul fynde me your owne
man. Written at Calais, the ix^e. day of Feveree, &c.--Your awne
seruant,

  OSBERNE MUNDEFORD.

    [Footnote 256.2: [Add. 34,888, f. 79.] It appears by No. 119
    that Daniel entered the manor of Braydeston, or Brayston, first
    during the time of the Parliament at Leicester, 28 Hen. VI.
    (_i.e._ May or June 1450), and a second time during the
    thirtieth year of the King, _i.e._ 1451-2. As this letter is
    dated February, 1452 must be the year.]

    [Footnote 257.1: ‘Eme,’ _i.e._ uncle.]


209

JOHN CLOPTON TO JOHN PASTON[258.1]

_Unto myn right worshipfull sir, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1452 / APRIL 1]

Right worshipfull Sire and myn good maister, I recomaund me unto you,
thankyng you of your gentilness chewed unto me; praying you of
contenuance as myn full trust is. Furthermore, and it please you to be
atte aleyser un Seynt Markis day next comyng and to be at Thetford, myn
brodir Tyrell and I wole awayte uppon you ther for the matere ye woet
of. And I praye you to hold me excused that I myght not kepe myn day in
the Passion wike, for in good feight I was so occupied I myght not. And,
Sire, yif this day may be hol . . I praye you sendith me woord that I
myght send warnyng to the todir party. Also, Sire, I have warned your
atteynt accordyng to your comawndment. Sir, the kyng hath sent unto me
by Howard to be frendly to the lord Moleyns; not with stondyng myn
service shall be redy at your comawndement in that matere er any othir
by the grace of God, Who preserve you, body and sowle. Wreten at
Melford, the furste day of Aprill.

  Be youris,

  J. CLOPTON.

    [Footnote 258.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 60.] The date of this
    letter must no doubt be referred to the year when the writer was
    Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, which he was from November 1451
    to 1452.]


210

PROCLAMATION BY THE DUKE OF NORFOLK[258.2]

The Duc of Norffolk

[Sidenote: 1452 / [APRIL]]

Be hit knowen to alle the Kyngs trewe liege peple, the cause of our
comynge in to this contre ys, by the comandement of the Kynge our
soverayn Lorde, for to enquer of suche gret riotts, extorcyons, oryble
wrongis and hurts as his Highnesse ys credybyly enformyd ben don in this
contre, and to know in serteyne, by yow that knowe the trowthe, by what
persone or personys the seyde gret riotts, extorcions, oryble wrongis
and hurts be done. Wherfor we charge yow alle, on the Kyngs behalve our
soverayne Lorde, that ze spar neyther for love, drede, ne fer that ze
have to any persone of what estat, degre, or condicion he be, but that
ze sey the soth by whome suche offences be done, and that ze spar no man
that ze knowe gilty; and be the feyth that we owe to our soverayn Lorde,
they schal be chastysid after ther desert, and hit reformyd as lawe
requyrith.

Also hit ys opunly puplysschid that serteyne servaunts of the Lord
Scales schulde in his name manasse and put men in feer and drede to
compleyne to us at this tyme of the seide hurts and greves, seynge that
we wolde abyde but a schort tyme her, and aftir our departynge he wolde
have the rewle and governaunce as he hath had affore tyme. We lete yow
wete that nexst the Kynge our soverayn Lord, be his good grace and
lycence, we woll have the princypall rewle and governance throwh all
this schir, of whishe we ber our name whyls that we be lyvynge, as ferre
as reson and lawe requyrith, hoso ever will grutche or sey the
[contrary[259.1]]; for we woll that the Lord Scales, Sir Thomas
Tudenham, Sir Mylis Stapylton, and John Heydon have in knowleche, thowh
our persone be not dayly her, they schal fynde our power her at all
tymes to do the Kynge our soverayn Lord servyse, and to support and
mayntene yow alle in your right that ben the Kyngs trewe lige men. For
hit may non ben seyde nay, but that her hath ben the grettest riotts,
orryble wrongs and offences done in thise partyes by the seide Lord
Scales, Thomas Tudenham, Mylis Stapilton, John Heydon, and suche as ben
confedred on to theym that evir was seen in our dayes; and most
myschiffe throwh ther maliciouse purpose lyke to have fallyn amonge the
Kyngs trewe liege peple now late at Norwiche, ne had we better providid
therfor. And also that God fortunyd us to withstande ther seyde
malicious and evill disposid purpose.

Wherfor makith billiz of your grevance, and come to us, and we schal
brynge yow to the Kynges presence our selfe, whos presence wyll be her
in all the hast with the mercy of God, and see the reformacion ther of
his owyn persone.

    [Footnote 258.2: [From Fenn, iii. 248.] The intended royal visit
    to Norfolk mentioned in the end of this proclamation appears to
    tally best with the date of April 1452, when, it will also be
    seen from the letters following, the Duke of Norfolk was at
    Framlingham, hearing complaints from the gentlemen of Norfolk.]

    [Footnote 259.1: Indicated by Fenn as illegible in MS.]

  [[by whome suche offences de done  _text has “be done”_]]


211

SOME GENTLEMEN OF NORFOLK TO [THE SHERIFF?][260.1]

[Sidenote: 1452 / APRIL 23]

Right wurchipfull, we commawnd us to yow. Please it yow to wete that we
and other jentilmen of the shyer of Norffolk hath be in purpose assewyd
[_have sued_] to the hygh and myghty Prynce and owr ryght gode Lord the
Duke of Norffolk to Framlyngham, to have enformyd his Highnesse of
dyvers assaughtes and ryottes made be Charles Nowell and other ageyn the
Kyngs lawe and peas, withowte any cause or occacion, up on John Paston
and other of owre kynne, frendes and neyghborys, ne had be that dayly
this x. days it hath be do us to wete that his Highnesse shuld come in
to Norwych or Claxton, we not beyng in certeyn yet whedyr he shall
remeve; praying yow as we trust, that ye woll tender the welfare of this
shyer and of the jentylmen ther in, that ye woll lete owr seyd Lord have
knowyng of owr entente in this, and after to send us answher wheder it
please his Highnesse we shuld come to his presens, and in what place, or
to send owr compleynt to hym if mor informacion be thowch behoffull,
trostyng to his gode Lordshep of remedy in this mater; whiche do [i.e.
_done_], semyth us, shall be owr seyd Lordys honur and gret rejoyng to
all the jentylmen of the shyer, and cause the peas to be kept her after
be the grace of God, how have yow in hys blyssed kepyng. Wretyn at
Norwyche, on Seynt Georgys day.

  SIR JOHN HEVENYNGHAM.   JOHN FERRERS.   THO. GURNAY.

  JOHN GROOS.   W. ROKEWODE.   JOHN BAKON, Senior.   JOHN BAKON,
  Junior.[261.1]

  J. PAGRAVE.   ROBT. MORTIMER.   NICHOLAUS APPILYARD.

    [Footnote 260.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] There are two copies
    of this paper, besides a draft written on the back of that which
    follows. The date both of this and of the two following letters
    will be seen by comparing them with No. 217 following.]

    [Footnote 261.1: The names subscribed thus far are in the same
    handwriting as the document. Those below may perhaps be
    autograph signatures, although the names of Pagrave and Mortimer
    are in a hand much like that of John Paston.]


212

JOHN PASTON TO [THE SHERIFF OF NORFOLK?][261.2]

[Sidenote: 1452 / APRIL 23]

Reverent and ryth wurshepfull sir, and my god maister, I recommaund me
to yow. Plese yow to wete that Charles Nowell with odir hath in this
cuntre mad many riot and sautes; and, among othir, he and v. of his
felachip set upon me and mo (?) of my servants at the Chathedrall chirch
of Norwich, he smyting at me, whilis on of his felawis held myn armes at
my bak, as the berer herof shall mor playnly inform yow. Whech was to me
strawnge cas, thinking in my conseyth that I was my Lords man and his
homagier, or Charlis knew hys Lordschipe, that my Lord was my god Lord,
and that I had be with my Lord at London within viij. [days?][261.3] bey
for Lent, at which tyme he grantyd my his god lordship, so lagerly
[_largely_] that it must cause me ever to be his trew servant to myn
pow[er]. I thowt also that I had never geff cawse to non of my Lords
hous to ow me evill will, ne that ther was non of the hows but I wold
have do fore as I cow (_sic_) desir anioone (?) to do for me, and yet
will except my adversare; and thus I and my frendes haff miusid of this
and thowt he was hard to do thus. And this notwithstanding, assone as
knolech was had of my Lords coming to Framlingham, I never attemptid to
precede ageyns hym as justis and law wuld, but to trust to my seyd Lord
that his Hyghnes wold se this punischichid (_sic_), and desirid my
master (?) H. . . . . . mi cosin (?) Tymperle, the dene and odir to
(?)[262.1] and dayly hath be redy with such jentilmen as dwelle here
abought that can record the trought to have come (_sic_) compleyn to my
Lord; but we have had contynually tydynges of my Lordes comyng heder
that causid us for to abide ther up un, besechyng your gode maystershep
that ye wull lete my Lord have knowlech of my compleynt. And that ye
wull tender the gode spede of the entente of the letteris wretyn to you
fro jentilmen of this shire. Prayng yow that ye woll yeve credens to the
berer herof, and be his gode mayster in cas any man make any qwarell to
hym. And what that I may do be your comaundment shall be redi with the
grace of God, how have in his blissid kepyng. Wretyn at Norwhich, un
Seynt Georges day.

    [Footnote 261.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is printed from
    a rough draft in John Paston’s handwriting, on the back of which
    is a draft of the preceding letter. The date of both letters is
    the same. The reading of particular words in this draft is very
    uncertain, owing to the cramped handwriting used in corrections
    and interlineations, and the manner in which several of the
    words are abbreviated.]

    [Footnote 261.3: Word omitted.]

    [Footnote 262.1: The preceding words from ‘and desirid’ are a
    peculiarly illegible interlineation, and do not appear to form a
    consecutive sense along with the passage following. Perhaps the
    words ‘and daily hath’ should have been erased, which would make
    the connection intelligible.]


213

JOHN PASTON TO ----[262.2]

[Sidenote: 1452 / APRIL]

Ryth worchepfull sir and cosyn, I recommaund me to yow, [and] pray yow
that ye will in mi behalf inform my Lord of the domag of Charlis Nowell
to meward, withow occacion gef on min part, as the berer herof knoweth
(?).[262.3] I am and was my Lords man and homagier, or the seyd Charlis
knew my Lord, and will do my Lord sech servis as I can, and that ye will
tendre the god sped of the mater of the letter direct to you from
serteyn jentilmen of thes shir, with whech jentilmen or odir to bere
recor of this thowt, I have bene dayly toward my Lord to compleyne to
his Lorship, but the continuall tydings of my seyd Lords coming heder
hath cawsid us to awayt ther opon. Beseching yow, cosine, as my trust is
in yow, that ye will help to kepe the god rewll of thes shir, and my por
honeste, and geff credens to the berer herof, and be his god master if
any querel be mad to him. And what I may do for you, I am and ever shall
be redi to do it be the grace of God, hoo ----

    [Footnote 262.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter, like the
    preceding, is from a rough draft in Paston’s handwriting. It is
    clearly of the same date as the two last, or perhaps a day or
    two later. There is nothing to show with certainty who was the
    person addressed; but we should think it was probably Sir John
    Fastolf.]

    [Footnote 262.3: The reading is very uncertain, being partly
    interlined in a very cramped hand, partly corrected in the
    text.]


214

THE SHERIFF OF NORFOLK TO THE KING AND COUNCIL[263.1]

_To the Kyng and the Lordes of his Councell._

[Sidenote: 1452 / [APRIL 30]]

I John Clopton, Shereffe of Norffolk, certifie that wher oon John
Falyate and othre were take within the hundred of Blofeld in the seid
shire, and led to the castell of Framlyngham in the counte of Suffolk,
I, the forseid Shereffe, be the comaundement of my Lord of Norffolk,
the last day of Aprill receyved at the seid castell a bille of divers
knowlech and confessyons which were enformyd me shuld have be mad in the
presens of my seid Lords Councell be Roger Chirch and othre, which the
seid John Falyate, as it was enformed me, shuld have confessid to have
be trewe. After which bille receyved and be me red and understand,
callyng befor me the seid John Falyate and alle othre that where
examyned, except the seyd Roger Chirch, in the presens of divers of my
Lords Councell there, I red to the seid John Falyate the tale comprised
in the seid bille seid be the seid Roger Chirch, demawndyng hym of the
trought her of; wherto he answered, and seid that he wust wele ther was
no wey with hym but deth, and therfore, as he wuld answer afore God, he
wuld sey the trought, and seid that the substaunce of the tale told be
the seid Roger Chirch was untrewe, and feyned and imagyned be the same
Chirch, and that he never had knowleched that the tale to be trewe.
Neverthelesse he seid that he was with a felesshep gadered undre
Possewykwode be the prokeryng of the seid Chirch, which feleshep, whan
thei were all togeder, passid not the nombre of xv. persones. And that
the seid Chirch wast the furst that ever mevid hym for to come theder,
seying that he shuld have feleshep i nowe and do goode, for he was
balyffe of the hundred, and be colour of his office he shuld send in men
i now, and that he knew a gode name for her capteyn, that shuld be John
Amend Alle. More over I the seid Shereffe asked the seid Falyate if thei
whan thei wer to geder spoke of Paston and othre gentilmen named in the
seid bille to have assisted hem; and he seid pleynly nay, but that thei
and othre thryfty men were noysid be the seid Chirch and be his
councellores sith the tyme of the gaderyng of the seid feleshep, and
never was spokyn of ther. In like wyse seid othre that were examyned in
the seid bille.

    [Footnote 263.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] John Clopton was
    Sheriff of Norfolk from Michaelmas 1451 to Michaelmas 1452.]


215

JOHN OSBERN TO JOHN PASTON[264.1]

_To my right reverent and worchepful maister John Paston in the Iner In
of the Temple be this delyverid in hast._

[Sidenote: 1452 / MAY 14]

Please it your maisterchep to weete that John Reyner and Nicholas
Strecok of Sparham have gete a respyte of Nicholas Byschop for the
distresse that the seid Byschop had take, as ye knowe wele, tyl seche
tyme as ye may speke wyth Symond Blake for the trought of the mater; not
wythstandyng this respite myght never be gete tyll that Byschop had a
reward of mony; it is told me he toke viij_d._ for hese reward. The
dryvers ought of the catell fro Sparham ground to Lyng grownd were Hugo
Sadde of Baldeswell, Byschoppis man, Nicholas Gatesend, Roberd Joye,
Jacobis Baxter of Lyng. James Gloys hath a bill of the tyme and day.
I pray your maisterchep to know that on Fryday in the afftyr none I spak
with my lord of Norwiche in hese chamber more than the space of j. owre
and ther I dede to hym myn erand that ye commaunded me for to a do to
chalanches, and when my lord woost that ye were to London he was right
sory that he had not a spoke wyth yow or that ye reden; he told me that
he had iij. letters fro my lord of Norffolk the day before. Alle I wet
wel were they not for yowre mater of Charlys Nowell. Aftyer that he had
told me of these letteris he askid me how ye dede. I sayde wel, for I
trostid to my lord of Norffolkis lordchep and ritewesnesse that he wold
see that Charles shuld be sharply correctyd for hese trespasse and
mysrewle, or ellis the jentelmen of the shire must to giddyer purvey
anodyer meane; and he seid it wold never odyerwyse be, but if he had
spoke wyth yow or ye redyn to London he hopid be your avys he shuld a
perveyd a meane to a set that in correccion, and also the trobyl for the
maner of Brayston, for that was cause of all. For he seide he had spoke
wyth my lord Skales and he is wel disposid to yow and vn the best wyse
and wel do . . . yow that he can, so that he wold forsake Danyell. This
was seyde in a diswere, savyng he told me he must . . . . pleayne he
told me many more thyngges and tales I pray you of your maistechep
(_sic_) hold me excusid that I wryte hem [not], but they were not alle
of gret substans, &c. I had gret cher, he comaunded me to be had into
the seler, and for to drynk wyne and ale bothe; and so I had and goode
chere. My mastras recomendith her to yow and pray yow that ye wol do the
cost vn my mastras Margery for to do make her a new gyrdyl a yens
Witsontyde, for she shal never have, my mastras seith, till she hath
nede; and my mastras prayith yow to send her tydyngges, as hastely as ye
may, how ye do in your maters. The Holy Trenyte have yow in hese kepyng.
Wrete at Norwiche the xiiij. day of Maii.

  Be your seruaunt,

  JOHN OSBERN.

    [Footnote 264.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 83.] The reference to the
    outrages of Charles Nowell, the bailiff of Bradeston, and the
    trouble about that manor, show that this letter must be of the
    year 1452.]


216

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[266.1]

_To my rygth wirchipfel hosbond, John Paston, be this delyverid in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1452 / JULY 4]

Ryth worshipfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, desyryng hertyly to
her of your welfar, praying yow that ye woll send me word in hast how ye
be agreid with Wychyngham and Inglose[266.2] for that mater that ye
spake to me of at your departyng; for if I shuld purvey other wood or
hey, it shuld be bowgth best chepe be twixt this and Seynt Margretys
messe,[266.3] as itt is told me. As for Applyard, he com not yett to
this town syn he com from London. I have sent to Sir Bryse to lete me
have knowleche when he comyth to town, and he hath promysid that I shall
have knowleche, and when he comyth I shall do your commawndement. My
moder bad me send yow word that Waron Herman hath dayly fyshid hyre
water all this yer, and therfor she prayith yow to do therfor while ye
be att London as ye thynk best.

Chyrche[266.4] of Byrlyngham was toke and browte to the castell
yisterday be the Beshopys men, and all his godys ben seysid for that he
owyth to the Boshop. And the seid Chirche seyth as for that he hath seyd
of hem that he hath appelyd befor this tyme, he woll awow itt and abyd
therby; and seyth that he woll appele one that hath mor nobelys than
they have all that he hath spoke of yett, and that shall avayll the King
more than they have all that he hath speke of yett; but what he is, he
woll not name tyll he know mor. I trow but if that be the grett labour
made ayens hym, he is lyke to have grett favour of hem that have be his
supportors. Men thenk that have spoke with hym that he hopeth to have
good helpe. I pray God that the trewth mote be knowyn.

I pray yow that ye woll vouchesaff to send me an other sugor loff, for
my old is do; and also that ye well do make a gyrdill for your dowgter,
for she hath nede therof. The blyssid Trinyte have yow in his kepyng.
Wretyn at Norwyche in hast, on the Tewysday next befor Seynt Thomas
day.[267.1]

Paper is deynty.[267.2]

  Yours,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 266.1: [From Fenn, iv. 14.] What is said in this
    letter about Church of Burlingham clearly shows that it belongs
    to the same year as the last and the letters following.]

    [Footnote 266.2: _See_ p. 251.]

    [Footnote 266.3: 20th July.]

    [Footnote 266.4: Roger Church. --_See_ p. 263.]

    [Footnote 267.1: Translation of St. Thomas, Apostle, 7th July.]

    [Footnote 267.2: Fenn says that the letter is written upon a
    piece of paper nearly square, out of which a quarter had been
    cut before the letter was written.]


217

INFORMATION OF OUTRAGES[267.3]

[Sidenote: 1452]

Charlys Nowel, Otywell Nowell, Robert Ledeham, John the sone of Hogge
Ratkleff, Robert Dallyng, Herry Bangge, Roger Cherche, Nicholas
Goldsmyth, Robert Taylor, Christofer Grenescheve, ----[267.4] Dunmowe,
Elis Dokworth, Christofer Bradle, Jon Cokkow, assemblyng and gadderyng
to hem gret multitude of mysrewled people, kepe a frunture and a forslet
at the hows of the seid Robert Ledeham, and issu ought at her pleser,
sumtyme vj., sumtyme xij., sumtyme xxx^ti and mo, armed, jakked, and
salattyd with bowis, arwys, speris, and bylles, and over ride the contre
and oppresse the people, and do many orible and abhomynable dedis lyke
to be distruccion of the shire of Norffolk, wythoute the Kyng owre
Sovereyn Lord seth it redressid.

Un Mydlent Soneday[267.5] certeyn of the seid felechep in the chirche of
Byrlyngham made a fray upon tweyne of the servauntes of the reverent
fadyr in Godde, Byschop of Norwiche,[267.6] the seid servaunts at that
tyme knelyng to see the usyng of the Masse; and there and than the seid
felechep wold have kelled the seid two servauntes at the prestis bakke,
ne had they be lettyd, as it semed.

[268.1][Item, un the Moneday[268.2] next before Esterne daye, sex of the
seid persones made a saute upon John Paston and hese two servauntes at
the dore of the cathedrall cherche of Norweche, wyth swerdes, bokeler,
and dagareis drawe smet at the seid Paston, on of them holdyng the seid
Paston be bothe armes at hese bakke, as it semyth purposyng there to
have morderid the seid Paston and they had not a be lettyd; and also
smet on of the servaunts of the seid Paston upon the naked hed wyth a
swerd, and poluted the seyntewary.]

Item, on the Monday[268.2] next before Esterne day, x. of the seid
persones lay in awayte in the hey weye undyr Thorp Woode up on Phelep
Berney, Esquier, and hese man, and shet at hem and smet her hors wyth
arwes, and then over rede hym and brake a bowe on the said Phelippis hed
and toke hym presoner, callyng hym traytor. And when they had kepte hym
as long as thei lyst, thei led hym to the seyd Byshop of Norwiche and
askid of hym swerte of the peas, and forwyth relessid her suerte and
went her way.

Item, iij. of the seid felechep lay unawayte upon Emond Brome,
jentelman, and with nakid swerds fawte wyth hym be the space of a
quarter of a owre and toke hym presoner; and when they had kepte hym as
long as they lyst, lete hym goo.

Item, xl^ti of the same felechep come rydyng to Norwiche jakked,
and salettyd, with bowys and arwys, byllys, gleves, un Maundy
Thursday,[268.3] and that day aftyr none, when service was doo, they,
in lyke wyse arrayid, wold have brake up the Whyte Freris dores,
where,[268.4] seying that they came to here evesong; howbeit that they
made her avaunt in towne they shuld have sum men owt of town (?), qwhyke
or deede; and there made a gret rumor, where the mayre and the aldermen,
with gret multitude of peple, assembled, and therupon the seyd felischep
departid.

Item, dyvers tymes serteyn of the seid felechep have take fro John
Wylton, wythoute any cause, hese net, hese shep, and odyr cattell, and
summe there of have saltyd and eten, sume thereof have aloyned,[269.1]
so that the seid Wylton wot not where for to seke hese bestes; and un
the morwe[269.2] next aftyr Esterne day last past, they toke fro hym xj.
bestis, and kepte hem two dayis wythowte any cause.

Item, in lyke wyse they have do to John Coke and Kateryn Wylton.

Item, in lyke wyse they have take the goodys and catelles of Thomas
Baret and many odyr.

Item, certeyn of the seid felechep late made a sawte upon John Wylton in
Plumsted cherche yerd, and there beete hym so the [_that_] he was [in]
dowth of his liff.

Item, in lyke wyse upon John Coke of Wytton, brekyng up hese dores at
xj. of the clok in the nyght, and with her swerdis maymed hym and gaf
hym vij. grete woyndis. Item, smet the modyr of the seid Coke, a woman
of iiij^xx [_four score_] yeres of age, upon the crowne of the heed wyth
a swerd, wheche wownde was never hol to the daye of her deth.

Item, the seyd Dunmowe, on of the seid feleche[p], now lete beet the
parson of Hasyngham, and brake hese hed in hese owne chauncell.

[269.3][Item iii^xx [_three score_] of the seid felechep, arayid as men
of werre, now late enterd with fors upon Phelep Berney and dissesid hym
of the maner of Rokelandtoftys, wheche darnot, for feer of mordyr,
reentre hese owne londe; how be it, he and hese aunseters have be
pesibely possessid therof many yeris.]

Item, Alredis sone of Erll Some, fast be Framyngham, un the
Saterday[269.4] next before Palme Soneday last past was pullid ought of
a hows and kyllid. Whedyr any of the seid felechep were there or not men
kan not sey, there be of hem so many of wheche many be unknowe people.

Item, the seid felechep make seche affrayis in the contre abowte the
seid Ledehams place, and so frayith the people that dyvers persones for
feer of mordyr darnot abyde in her howses, ne ride, ne walke abowte ther
ocupacions, wyth owte they take gretter people abowte hem then acordith
to her degre, wheche they wol not do in evel exaumple gevyng.

Item, the seid felechep of a fer cast maleys and purpose now late toke
Roger Cherche, on of ther owne felechep, be hese owne assent, wheche
Roger Cherche be her assent had movid and sterid a rising in the hundred
of Blofeld, and hath confessed hym self to be at that arysyng, and hath
enbylled, as it is seid, divers jentelmen and the most part of the
trysty yomen and husbondis and men of good name and fame of the hundred
abowte the seid Ledehams place, where the seid felechep is abydyng, and
nameth hem wyth odyr suspecious people for risers, to the entent to hide
and cover her awn gylt, and to holde them that be trw men and innosent
in that mater in a dawnger and feer that they shuld not gader peopell,
ner atempte to resiste ther riotows governauns of the seid reotows
felechep.

[270.1][Item, it is conceyved that if the seyd riotows felechep, and
they that drawe to them were dewly examyned, it shuld be knowe that if
there were any seche rysyng, it was conjectyd, don, imagened, and
labored be the seid reotows felechep and be ther meanes; for aswele the
seid Cherche, as dyvers of the most suspeciows persones be the seid
Cherche enbelled for rysers, as it is seid, be and have be of long tyme
dayly in compeny wyth the seid reotows felechep.

Item, on of the seid felechep of late tyme, as it is seide, to encresse
her maliciows purpose, hath proferid rewardis and goode to anodyr
persone for to take upon hym to apele certeyn persones, and afferme the
seying of the seid Roger Cherche.]

In wytnesse of these premesses, dyvers knytes and esquieres, and
jentelmen whos names folwen, wheche knowe this mater be seying, heryng,
or credible reporte, to this wrytyng have set her seall, besechyng your
Lordcheppis to be meanes to the Kyng owre sovereyn Lord for remedy in
this behalve. Wrete, &c.

  On the lower margin of this paper, and on the back are scrawled a
  few additional memoranda, of which the following are the most
  important. One paragraph, which is in the handwriting of John
  Paston, is so carelessly written that the names contained in it are
  quite uncertain.

Memorandum, that Jon, sone of Roger Ratkliff, bet T. Baret, and Beston
and Robyn Taylor tok and imprysonyd Thomas Byrdon of Ly[n]gwode. Item,
Robert Dalling bet Nicholas Chirch at Stromsaw Chirch. Memorandum of
manassing of the quest at Hengham. Item, Robert Dallyng bete Thomas
Dallyng.

Roger att Chirche, Robert Dallyng and Herry Bang with other went with
fors and armys, and fechid William Clippisby oute of his faders hous,
and brought hym to the town of Walsham, and kept hym there ij. days and
ij. nytys, and fro thens had hym to Romgey (?), and there inpresonyd hym
and made hym [give] to Eusdale (?) an oblygacion of C. libr. made after
her owyn desyr.]

    [Footnote 267.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The misdemeanours of
    Roger Church, who is here complained of among other malefactors,
    must refer to the same period as Letter 214. The date is
    rendered even more certain by a comparison with the letter
    following.]

    [Footnote 267.4: Blank in MS.]

    [Footnote 267.5: Midlent Sunday fell on the 19th March in 1452.]

    [Footnote 267.6: Walter Lyhart or Hart.]

    [Footnote 268.1: This paragraph is crossed in the MS.]

    [Footnote 268.2: April 3, Easter day being the 9th April in
    1452.]

    [Footnote 268.3: April 6.]

    [Footnote 268.4: After the word ‘where’ the original text had
    ‘the seid Paston dwellith,’ but these words have been struck
    out, and other alterations made in the paragraph.]

    [Footnote 269.1: Eloined (French _éloigne_), removed to a
    distance.]

    [Footnote 269.2: April 10.]

    [Footnote 269.3: This paragraph is crossed out.]

    [Footnote 269.4: April 1.]

    [Footnote 270.1: These paragraphs are crossed through.]

  [[had movid and sterid  _text has “and and”_]]


218

A PETITION TO THE LORD CHANCELLOR[271.1]

_To the right reverent fader in God, Cardynale Archebusshop of
York[271.2] and Chaunceler of Inglond._

Please it yowre gode Lordeshep to know that oon Roger Cherche, other
wyse callyd Roger Bylaugh, Roger Wryte, and Roger Baly, late[271.3] was
at a gaderyng and assemble of xv. persones in a feleshep under a wode in
the town of Possewyke, in the counte of Norffolk, which feleshep, as it
is seid be hem, was procured and gaderyd be the seid Roger Cherche and
be his councelores, the same Roger seyng to summe of the same
feleshep,[271.4] he had remembred a gode name for her capteyn, that
shuld be John Amend Alle; and the seyd Roger aftyr the seyd gaderyng
aggreyd hym self to be take and examyned be persones of his own covyne,
and be color of his seid feleshep of xv. persones be hym gaderyd,
enbilled divers gentilmen, and many thrifty and substanciall yomen, and
thryfty husbondes, and men of gode name and fame, noysyng and diffamyng
to the Kyng and his Councell that the seid gentilmen, yomen, and thryfty
husbondes, with other, to the nombre of ccc. persones, shuld have mad a
gaderyng and a risyng ageyn the Kynges peas under the seid wode,
contrary to the trought; which is veryly conceyved to be don of malyce
to put the seid gentilmen and yomen in feer and trobill that thei as
wele as alle the contre shuld not be hardy to attempt, ne lette the
purposyd malyce of the seid Cherche and his councellores in divers
riottes, extorciouns, forsibil entreys and unlawfull disherytauns of
gentilmen and other of the Kynges liege peple in the seid shire that
thei dayly use, which riottes, extorcions, aswele as the seid untrewe
diffamacions, causyth gret grudgyng, trobill, and comocyon in the seid
shire. Please it yowre gode grace, these premysses considered, not to
suffre the seid Cherche to have no pardon of the comune grace graunted
be the Kyng owre soverayn Lord un Gode Fryday last past,[272.1] un to
the tyme that he hath fownde sufficient suerte of wel namyd persones of
the seid shire of his gode beryng; and to direct a comyssion un to such
notabill persones in the seid shire as please you, to take and examyn
the seid Roger Cherche, as wele as othre that them semyth necessary to
examyn in this behalf, so that thei that be giltles in this may be so
declared, and that thei that be gilty may be ponysshed acordyng to her
demerytes; and to beseche the Kyng owre soverayn Lord in the behalf of
the gentilmen of the seid shire that his Hignesse wull not take hem,
ne any of hem, in conceyt to be of such rewle and disposicion up un
enformacion of such a mysse rewled and encredibill man as the seid
Roger. And thei shall pray to God for you.

    [Footnote 271.1: [Add. Charter 17,241, B.M.] The date of this
    petition will be seen by a footnote.]

    [Footnote 271.2: Cardinal Kemp.]

    [Footnote 271.3: Here the words ‘before Crystmasse last past’
    originally stood in the text, but are crossed out.]

    [Footnote 271.4: Here occurs a caret referring to some illegible
    words in the margin.]

    [Footnote 272.1: On Good Friday the 7th April 1452, Henry VI.
    offered general pardons for offences against himself to all who
    would sue them out of Chancery. --_See_ Whethamstede, 317, 319.]


219

PARTIES IN NORFOLK[273.1]

[Sidenote: 1452]

Itt is to remembre under hos rule that the gode lord[273.2] is at this
day, and whiche be of his new cownseyll.

Item, that Debenham, Lee, Tymperle, and his old cownseyl and attendans,
as well as the gode ladijs servawntys, be avoydyd, and Tymperle of malys
apelyd of treson.

Item, that the sescionys of the pees wyth owte cause was warnyd in the
myddys of hervest, to grette trobill of the contre, whiche was never se
in Norffolk at seche tym of the yere; and itt was unlawfully warnyd to
appere with inne iiij. or v. days after the warnyng. Howbeitt the contre
was before warnyd at the shyer day to have had the sescionys the
Tewysday befor Michelmes.

Item, that at the seid sescionys was non other cawse of settyng thereof
declaryd but a commysyon beryng date before Estern, &c., to arest, take,
and expungne traytorys and rebellys, of whiche, be Goddis grace, is no
nede in this contre at this tyme, &c.

Item, be the demenyng of the seyd sescionys was verily conseyvid be the
jantylmen of the shyer that it was set of purpose to have, be
indytements, defowlyd seche personys as wer of the old counseyl with the
seid Lord, and seche as kepe Wodhows lond, or seche as help or confort
Osbern Munford, marchale of Kalys, in his rygth of the maner of
Brayston, of whiche he is now late wrongfully dyssesyd,[273.3] and
generally to have hurt all other that wold not folwe the oppynyons of
the seyd new cownseyll; whiche malysiows purposid oppynyon the jantylmen
of the seyd shyer that wer sworyn att the seyd sescions kowd not fynde
in her conciens to observe, but dede the contrarye as it apperyth be
here verdyte if itt be shewyd, &c. Remembre the verdyt of Brayston, &c.

And where on Roger Chirche, wyth on Robert Ledham, Charlys Nowell, John
son of Hodge Ratcleff, and on Robert Dallyng had the rewle and kepyng of
the seid maner of Brayston to the use of Thomas Danyell after the
dyssesing of the seyd Osbern Monford, the seyd Roger be the comon ascent
of his seyd felashep, be the colowre of xv. personys gadderid be the
exitation of the seyd Roger Chyrche and his felashep, accusid many
notable and thryfty men that were well willid to the seyd Munford for
the seid maner of Brayston, to be ryseris, wher as the seyd thrifty men,
as well as all that contre, hath at all tymys be pesyble and of no seche
disposicion: It was purposid after the seid sescions, whan the intents
of the seyd new cownseyl mygth not be executyd be indytements, than to
have had the seyd Roger Chirche owte of the Kyngs gayle, seying that he
shuld appele for the Kyng, and wold have do the sheryff delyverid hym
owt of prison, howbeit he was comyttyd thidder be the justyse of assyse
and gayle delyvere be cawse he was indyted of fellonye, and that ther
apperid not suffycient inquest to delyver hym.

Item, day seth thei labour feynid materis to hurt jentilman and odir be
soch acusements, &c.

Memorandum, as itt semyth be the confescion of dyvers of the seid xv.
personys that thei were innocent and knew not whi thei assemelyd but
only be the excitacion of the seyd Chirche and his menys, and after the
tyme of that they conseyvid itt was do to no good intent, thei never
medillid forther in the mater. Item, to remembre how suttely the seyd
Chirche was, be his owyn assent, led to my Lord of Norffolk be his owyn
felashep to the entent to accuse and defame seche as they lovyd not.

Memorandum, of the sescion at Norwich. Memorandum, of my Lord of
Somerset and of the Blak frers.

Memorandum, that Charlys Nowell is baly of Brayston, and hath ther
ij_d._ on the day, and of that mater growyth his malys.

Item, memorandum of them that for fer of disclosid of her falsenes
acusid odyr that they shuld not be thowth gilti hemself, and labour to
have the mater handlid be her frends that the trowth shuld not be triid
owt.

    [Footnote 273.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This paper bears upon
    the same matters as the last, and must be attributed to the same
    date. The MS. is a draft, with corrections in John Paston’s
    handwriting.]

    [Footnote 273.2: The Duke of Norfolk.]

    [Footnote 273.3: Mountford was disseised of Brayston by Daniel
    in the spring of 1450, but recovered possession on the 23rd
    September. I find no note of his having been disseised again,
    but I should think he must have been, as this paper is certainly
    two years later.]

  [[the gode lord[273.2] is at  _footnote marker [2] invisible_]]


220

EDMUND WYCHYNGHAM TO JOHN PASTON[275.1]

_To my ryth trusty Cosyn, John Paston, escwier._

[Sidenote: 1452-3 / OCT.]

Ryth reverent and trusty Cosyn, I recomande me to zow, thankyng zow of
zour good wil and counseill. Like zow to wete, I cam hom be myn Lord of
Oxeford and told hym of the greet labour of Sir Thomas Tudenham and
Heydon for schirevez of owr schire, and namyd the personez quom thei
laboryd fore, and myn Lord agreeyth not to tweyne of hem; to the knyth
he seyd not moch to, but I felt my lord he wold labore for William
Dorward, myn neview.[275.2] And thanne I answerd, Sir, he may not
profite me in myn matere for he hath weddyd myn nece. Also I felt myn
Lord that myn Lord Crumwell laboryth for Stonham of Huntyngton schire,
Sir John Tirell howe [_who_] weddyd hese modir, hese sone executour to
my Lady Clyfton, with Heydon and othir memento, &c. And to fore I cam to
Framyngham myn lord of Norffolk hadde wrytyn for Sir Robert Conyers,
takyng promys of hym to be rewlyd in alle matterez as myn Lord of
Norffolk wil avyse hym, and as an undirschireve ze schall be acounseill
therof. And as touchyng Lee, as I am enformyd, ther ys no man that he
wil do lesse for thanne for Sir Thomas Tudenham. And as touchyng myn
seyd Lord of Norffolk, he hath wrytyn, or I cam, be Debenham, as he may
not wel returne, and the personez ben Sir Robert Conyers, Henry Gray,
Thomas Brews. And I suppose as for Thomas Brews he schall be translate
in to myn brothir John Blake, but myn seyd Lord of Norffolk hath previly
(?) wrytyn to the Kyng for Sir Robert Conyers promisyd[276.1] be the
seyd Sir Robert that he schall non undirshireve, ne non othir officer
make, but be the avyse of myn seyd Lord of Norffolk counseill, to qwhom
ze schall be prevy to And I have no dowte zour owyn materez schall ben
speed aftir zour entent myn seyd Lord of Norffolk wil with alle hese
herte that Blake schuld be it, or ellez the seyd Sir Robert with alle
hese herte. And yf myn Lord of Norffolk, to for myn comyng, hadde be a
vertysyd, he wold a do hese trew parte ther to, as I suppose he schall
have vere knalich from myn Lord. I preye zow remembre William Bury for
myn _venire facias_. And yf it likyd myn brothir Blake to remembre my
welbelovyd mayster Sir John Bawryte (?) of myn mater I trust he wold
remembre the Kyng ther of atte hese leyser; for he knowyth the matere,
and that Debenham hath greet charge to labore myn seyd Lordys materez of
Norffolk, levying the favour of Sir Thomas Tudenham. Aftir I here I
schall send zow be wrytyn. I preye zow in like forme. God preserve zow
to Hese grace. Wrytyn atte Framyngham the Fryday next to fore the feste
of Simon and Jude.

  E. WYCHYNGHAM.

    [Footnote 275.1: [Add. MS. 33,597, f. 1.] The year when this
    letter was written is not exactly certain, but seems to have
    been either 1452 or 1453. It might be 1450, except that one
    would have expected in October of that year to hear something
    about the parliamentary election, as well as the election of
    sheriffs.]

    [Footnote 275.2: William Dorward, according to Blomefield
    (_Hist. of Norf._ vi. 519), married Margaret, daughter of
    Nicholas Wichingham, who thus appears to have been a brother of
    Edmund the writer of this letter.]

    [Footnote 276.1: The sentence here is a little confused, and we
    forbear to supply punctuation.]


221

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[276.2]

_To my right worchepful husbond, John Paston, be this delyverid in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1452(?) / NOV. 5]

Right worchepful husbond, I comaund me to yow. I pray yow that ye wol do
bye ij. doseyn trenchors, for I can none gete in this town. Also I pray
yow that ye wol send me a booke wyth chardeqweyns[276.3] that I may have
of in the monynggs, for the eyeres be nat holsom in this town; therfor I
pray yow hertely lete John Suffeld bryng it hom wyth hym.

No more but the blyssid Ternyte have yow in Hese kepyng, and send yow
good sped in all yowre maters. Wrete on Sent Leonard even.

My uncle Phelyppe[277.1] commaund hym to yow, and he hath be so seke
sith that I come to Redham, that I wend he shuld never a askapid it, nor
not is leke to do but if he have redy help; and therfore he shal into
Suffolk this next weke to myn aunt, for there is a good fesician, and he
shal loke to hym.

My Lady Hastyngs[277.2] told me that Heydon hath spoke to Geffrey
Boleyn[277.3] of London, and is a greid wytht hym that he shuld bargeyn
wyth Sir John Fastolff to bye the manor of Blyklyng as it were for
hymselff, and if Boleyn byet in trowght Heydon shal have it.

  Yowr,

  M. P.

I cam to Norwiche on Sowlemesday.

    [Footnote 276.2: [From Fenn, iii. 168.] This letter was written
    during the life of Philip Berney, most probably in 1452, while
    he lay sick of the wounds, of which he afterwards died. _See_
    No. 227 further on.]

    [Footnote 276.3: A preserve made of quinces. --_See_ Index to
    Furnivall’s _Manners and Meals in Olden Times_. In the
    ordinances of the household of George, Duke of Clarence,
    ‘charequynses’ occur under the head of spices, their price being
    five shillings ‘the boke,’ or £2, 10s. for 10 lbs.--See _The
    Society of Antiquaries’ Collection of Ordinances for the Royal
    Household_, p. 103. The word also occurs pp. 455, 471 of same
    volume.]
      [[_Early English Meals and Manners_, Project Gutenberg ebook
      24790.]]

    [Footnote 277.1: Philip Berney.]

    [Footnote 277.2: Margery, widow of Sir Edward Hastings of
    Elsing, Norfolk, who styled himself Lord Hastings and
    Stutvill. --_See_ Blomefield, viii. 112, and ix. 513, 514.]

    [Footnote 277.3: An ancestor of Anne Boleyn and Queen Elizabeth.
    He was Mayor of London in 1457.]


222

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[278.1]

_This lettre be delyvered to John Paston, beynge at London, in the
Innere In of the Temple._

[Sidenote: 1452(?) / NOV. 16]

I grete you well, and sende you Goddes blissyng and myn. And as touchyng
the mater wheche ye desyryd my cosyn Clere shulde write fore, she hath
doo, and I sende you the copy closed in this lettre. As for the enquerre
I have sent by Pynchemore to enquere and sent myn owen men to William
Bakton, and don hem enquered in dyverse placs, and I can here no woord
of noon suych enquerans; I wot not what it menyth. Roberd Hill was at
Paston thys wyke, and the man that dwelled in Bowres place is oute ther
of, and seid to Roberd he durst no lenger abyde ther in, for Waryn
Herman seyth to him it is his place. As for Cokets mater, my doughter
your wyf told me yester even the man that suyth him will not stonde to
your awarde.

Bertilmow White is condemnyd in Forrenecet Court in xl. marc, as it is
seid.

Item, as for Talfas, the Sherevis hav be hest to do all the favour thei
may. I sente the Parson of Seynt Edmundes to Gilberd, and he seide ther
was come a newe writ for to have him up by the xv. day of Seynt Martyn,
and how Caly hadde ben at hem,[278.2] and desired to carye up Talfas on
his owen cost, and yeve hem goode wages.

Item, John Osbern seide to me this day that he supposed thei will not
have him up be forn Estern, and Margerete Talfas seide to me the same
day that men tolde hire that he shulde never have ende till he wer at
London, and asked me counsell wheder she myte yeve the Sherevys sylver
or non; and I tolde hire if she dede, I supposed she shulde fynde hem
the more frendly.

Item, as for Horwelbur, I sende you a bill of all the rescyts syn the
deth of your fader, and a copy wrete on the bak how your fader lete it
to ferme to the seide Gurnay. I wulde ye shulde write Gurnay, and charge
him to mete with you fro London warde, and at the lest weye lete him
purveye x_li._ for [he] owyth be my reknyng at My helmesse last passed,
be syde your faddes dette, xviij_li._ xiiij_s._ viij_d._ If ye wolde
write to him to brynge suerte for your fadyrs dette and myn, and pay be
dayes, so that the man myte leven and paye us, I wolde for yeve him of
the olde arrerags x_li._; and he myte be mad to paye xx. marc be yer, on
that condicion I wolde for yeve him x_li._, and so thynketh me he shulde
hav cause to praye for your fader and me, and was it leten in my fadres
tyme. I fele by Roberd, his wif is right loth to gon thens, she seide
that sche had lever I shulde have all her gode after her day, than thei
schulde go out ther of.

Item, John Dam teld me that the Lady Boys[279.1] will selle a place
called Halys,[279.2] but he seith sehe speketh it privyly, and seith it
is not tayled, as John Dam kno, wech will she hath seide as largely of
other thyngs that hath not be so.

Item, he tolde me, as he herd seyn, Ser John Fastolf hath sold Heylysdon
to Boleyn[279.3] of London; and yf it be so, it semeth he will selle
more. Wherfor I praye you, as ye will have my love and my blissyng, that
ye will helpe and do your devoir that sumthyng were purchased for your
ij. bretheren. I suppose Ser John Fastolf, and he wer spake to, wold be
glader to lete his kensemen have parte than straunge men. Asay him in my
name of suych placs as ye suppose is most cler.

It is seid in this contre that my Lord of Norfolk seith Ser John Fastolf
hath yoven him Castr, and he will hav [it] pleynly. I sende you a bill
of Osbern hand, whech was the ansuer of the Sheref and John of Dam.

Jon, brynge me my lettre hom with you, and my cosyn Cler is copy of her
lettre, and the copy of the reseyth of Horwelbury; and recomaunde me to
Lomnor, and tell him his best be loved fareth well, but sche is not yet
come to Norwich, for thei deye yet, but not so sor as thei dede. And God
be wyth you. Wreten at Norwych, in right gret hast, the xvj. day of
Novembr.

  By your moder,

  ANNEYS PASTON.

    [Footnote 278.1: [From Fenn, iii. 162.] This letter is certainly
    not earlier than 1451 or later than 1453; for it was written
    some time after Lady Boys became a widow, which was in December
    1450 (_see_ p. 198), and before Sir John Fastolf’s removal from
    London into Norfolk, which, as will be seen hereafter, was in
    the autumn of 1454. Probably the true date is 1452, for in the
    summer following, owing to Gurney’s utter inability to pay his
    rent, we find Agnes Paston urging her son seriously to look out
    for another tenant for Orwellbury.]

    [Footnote 278.2: The modernised version in Fenn reads ‘at
    home.’]

    [Footnote 279.1: _See_ p. 248, Note 2.]

    [Footnote 279.2: Holm Hale. --_See_ p. 248.]

    [Footnote 279.3: Geoffrey Boleyn. --_See_ p. 277, Note 3.]


223

THE DUKE OF YORK AND SIR JOHN FASTOLF[280.1]

[Sidenote: 1452 / DEC. 18]

This endenture witnesseth that where Richard, Duc of York, by his lettre
of saal [_sale_] bering date the xv. day of the monneth of Decembre, the
xxxj^ti yere of the regne of oure soverain Lord Kyng Henry the Sext,
hath bargaigned, aliened, solde, graunted, and confermed unto John
Fastolf, Knyght, the jowelles undrewriten:--That is to wite, a nowche of
gold with a greet poynted diamand sette up on a roose enameled white;
a nowche of gold in facion of a ragged staf, with ij. ymages of man and
woman garnysshed with a ruby, a diamande, and a greet peerle; and a
floure of gold, garnysshed with ij. rubyes, a diamande, and iij. hanging
peerles. To have, holde, and rejoyce the same jowelles to the saide
John, his executors and assignees, frely, quietly, and pesibly for evere
more, like as in the saide lettre of saal more openly is conteened.
Nevertheles the saide John wolle and graunteth herby that yif the saide
Duc paie or doo paie to the same John or to his attornee, his heires or
to his executors, in the Fest of the Nativitee of Sainte John Baptist
next commyng, iiij^c xxxvij_li._ [£437] sterlinges withouten delay, that
than the saide letter of saal to bee hold for notht; but he to delivere
ayein unto the saide Duc, or to his attornee paieng the saide iiij^c
xxxvij_li._ sterlinges in the saide Fest, the saide jowelles. And yif
defaulte bee made in the paiement of the saide iiij^c xxxvij_li._ in
partie or in all ayenst the fourme aforesaide, than wolle and graunteth
the saide Duc herby that the forsaide lettre of saal, by him as is
abouve saide made, stande in ful strengh and vertu, this endenture
notwithstanding. In witnesse wherof, to the parte of this saide
endenture remaynyng towards the saide John the saide Duc hath sette his
seel. Yeven at Fodringey, the xviij^e day of the saide monneth of
Decembre, the xxxj^ti yere of the regne of oure saide souverain Lord
King Henry the Sext.

  R. YORK.

  Seal attached mutilated.

    [Footnote 280.1: [Add. Charter 17,242, B.M.]]


224

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[281.1]

_To my right worchippfull hosbond, John Paston, be thys delyveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1453 / JAN. 30]

Right worchipfull hosbond, I recommand me to yow, desyring to here of
your welfar; praying yow to wete that Sir Thomas Howes hath purveyed
iiij. dormants[281.2] for the drawte chamer,[281.3] and the malthouse,
and the browere, wherof he hath bought iij., and the forte, that shall
be the lengest and grettest of all, he shall have from Heylesdon, whiche
he seyth my Mayster Fastolf shall geve me, be cause my chamer shall be
made ther with. As for the laying of the seyd dormants, they shall be
leyd this next weke, be cause of the malthous, and as for the remenant,
I trow it shall abyde tyll ye come hom, be cause I can nother be
purveyed of pysts [_posts?_], ne of bords not yette.

I have take the mesure in the draute chamer, ther as ye wold your cofors
and cowntewery[281.4] shuld be sette for the whyle; and ther is no space
besyde the bedd, thow the bedd wer remevyd to the dore, for to sette
bothe your bord and your kofors ther, and to have space to go and sitte
be syde. Wherfor I have purveyd that ye shall have the same drawte
chamer that ye had befor ther, as ye shall ly to your self; and whan
your gerr is remevod owte of your lytil hous, the dore shall be lokkyd,
and your baggs leyd in on of the grete koforis, so that they shall be
sauff, I trost.

Richard Charles and John Dow have fetched hom the chyld[282.1] from
Rokelond Toftes, and it is apraty boy; and it is told me that Wyll is
att Blyklyng with a pore man of this town. A yonge woman that was
sometyme with Burton of this town sent me word therof; I pray yow send
me word if ye woll that any thyng that ye woll be do to hym or ye com
hom. Richard Charles sendeth yow word that Wylles hath be at hym here,
and offerd hym to make hym astate in all thyngs according to ther in
dentur, and if he do the contrary ye shall sone have word.

My moder prayith yow to remembr my suster, and to do your parte
feythfully or ye com hom to help to gette her agode mariage. It semyth
be my moders langage that she wold never so fayn to have be delyveryd of
her as she woll now.

It was told here that Knyvet the heyer is for to mary; bothe his wyff
and child be dede, as it was told here. Wherfor she wold that ye shuld
inquyr whedder it be so or no, and what hys lyvelode is, and if ye
thynke that it be for to do, to lete hym be spoke with therof.

I pray yow that ye be not strange of wryting of letters to me be twix
this and that ye come hom. If I myght I wold have every day on from yow.
The blyssed Trinyte have yow in his kepyng. Wrete att Norwyche, on the
Tesday next after the Convercion [of] Seynt Poull.

  Be yours,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 281.1: [From Fenn, iii. 324.] The beginning of this
    letter refers to building operations, which I presume to be the
    same as those to which the next letter relates, and therefore of
    the same date. They were probably at Caister Castle.]

    [Footnote 281.2: Large beams.]

    [Footnote 281.3: Draught chamber. A
    withdrawing-room.--Halliwell.]

    [Footnote 281.4: Cowntewery must mean his counter, desk, or
    board to sit and write, etc., at.--F.]

    [Footnote 282.1: Probably a member of the Berney family (_see_
    Sir John Fastolf’s letter of the 28th January 1451). Philip
    Berney, as will be seen by No. 217, was disseised of the manor
    of Rockland Tofts during the year 1452.]


225

JOHN PASTON TO JOHN NORWODE[283.1]

_To John Norwode._

[Sidenote: 1453]

I lete you wete that Hache hath do no werk of myn wherfore he aught to
have receyvid any mony, savyng only for the makyng of the litill hous
above the halle wyndownes, for the remenaunte was that fell down in his
diffaute. And as for the makyng of that litill hous, he toke that in a
comenaunte [_covenant_], with makyng of too chymnyes of Sir Thomas Howys
for xl_s._, which comenaunte may not hold, be cause that I must have
thre chymnyes and in a nother place.

Item, the seid litill hows drawyth not v. thowsand tyle, which after
xvj_d._ the thowsand shuld drawe vj_s._ viij_d._ Notwithstandyng, if Sir
Thomas thynk that he shuld be alowyd mo, he shall be. And ye must
remembre how that he hath receyvid vj_s._ viij_d._ of you, and of Robert
Tolle before Halwemesse, as apperith in his accompt, viij_s._ And he
hath receyvid of Tolle sith Halwemesse v_s._ iiij_d._ And than be this
rekenyng he shuld be xiij_s._ iiij_d._ a fore hand, which I wold ye
shuld gader up in this newe werk aswele as ye myght, for I am be hold to
do hym but litill favour.

Item, be war ther leve no firsis in the deke that ye reparre, and that
the wode be mad of fagot and leyd up forthwoth as it is fellid for
taking away. I wold ye wer her on Satirday at evyn thow ye yed ageyn on
Moneday.

  JON PASTON.

  _The following memoranda occur on the back of this letter:--_

  Rec’ W. Hach.
  Rec’ de Joh’e Paston, anno xxxº, vj_s._ viij_d._
  Item, de Roberto Telte, xiij_s._ iiij_d._
  De Thoma Howis, xx_d._
  Item, de Joh’e Norwod, anno xxxj. pro camino l_s._
          Summa, lxxj_s._ viij_d._
  Will’ Hach fecit quandam kaminam v. mark, et pro le closet x_s._
          Summa, lxxvj_s._ viij_d._

  Sic debentur dicto Hach, per Joh’em Paston, v_s._; et dedit ei
  xv_s._ in recompensationem cujusdam billæ ibe (?) et omne jus ipsum
  et Mo (?) Unde tradidi ei xiiij_s._ iiij_d._ per plegios Thomæ Howis
  qui manusepit (_sic_) quod dictus Will’ perimplot [_perimpleret?_]
  barganium suum et in fine operis haberet de me vj_s._ viij_d._
  residuum.

    [Footnote 283.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] From the memoranda on
    the back of this letter, it would appear to belong to the 31st
    year of Henry VI.]


226

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[284.1]

_To my right wurshipfull Mayster, Jon Paston, be this delyveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1453 / APRIL 20]

Right wurshipfull hosbond, I recommand me to yow, preying yow to wete,
&c.[284.2] . . .

As for tydyngs, the Quene[284.3] come in to this town on Tewysday last
past after none, and abode here tyll itt was Thursday, iij. after none;
and she sent after my cos. Elysabeth Clere[284.4] by Sharynborn, to come
to her; and she durst not dysabey her commandment, and come to her. And
when she come in the Quenys presens, the Quene made ryght meche of her,
and desyrid here to have an hosbond, the which ye shall know of here
after. But as for that, he is never nerrer than he was befor.

The Quene was right well pleasid with her answer, and reportyht of her
in the best wyse, and seyth, be her trowth, she sey no jantylwoman syn
she come into Norffolk that she lykit better than she doth her.

Blake, the bayle[285.1] of Swaffham, was here with the Kyngs
brother,[285.2] and he come to me, wenyng that ye had be at hom, and
seyd that the Kyngs brother desyrid hym that he shuld pray yow in his
name to come to hym, for he wold right fayn that ye had come to hym, if
ye had ben at home; and he told me that he west wele that he shuld send
for yow when he come to London, bothe for Cossey and other thyngs.

I pray yow that ye woll do your cost on me ayens Witsontyd, that I may
have somme thyng for my nekke. When the Quene was here, I borowd my
coseyn Elysabeth Cleris devys, for I durst not for shame go with my beds
among so many fresch jantylwomen as here were at that tym. The blissid
Trinyte have yow in his kepyng.

Wretyn at Norwych on the Fryday next befor Seynt George.

  Be yowrs,

  M. PASTON.

    [Footnote 284.1: [From Fenn, i. 68.] According to Blomefield
    (_Hist. of Norf._ iii. 158), Margaret of Anjou, Queen of
    Henry VI., visited Norwich in the spring of 1452; but by the
    same authority, it would appear that she had returned to
    Westminster before the 17th of March in that year, which would
    not suit the date of this letter. Besides, John Paston was at
    Norwich in April 1452, and dates a letter at Norwich on St.
    George’s day, complaining of the assault made upon him at the
    door of Norwich Cathedral on Monday before Easter. It is
    impossible, therefore, that Margaret Paston could have written
    to him from Norwich two days before St. George’s day in that
    year. From an undated entry in the Norwich city records, which
    bears internal evidence of having been made in the year 1453, it
    would appear that the King’s half-brothers, Edmund, Earl of
    Richmond, and Jasper, Earl of Pembroke, visited Norwich in that
    year.--(_See_ fol. 19 of a volume, entitled _An Old Free Book_,
    in the Norwich city archives.) As to the Queen’s visit I find no
    direct evidence, but I think it possible she may have come with
    _one_ of the King’s brothers, and that the other may have come a
    little later.]

    [Footnote 284.2: Here (says Fenn) follows some account of money
    received, etc.]

    [Footnote 284.3: Margaret of Anjou.]

    [Footnote 284.4: Widow of Robert Clere, Esq. of Ormesby, who
    died in 1446. Fenn says his daughter, but no notice is found of
    a daughter of that name, while the widow occurs frequently in
    this correspondence.]

    [Footnote 285.1: Bailiff.]

    [Footnote 285.2: Either Edmund Tudor, who was created Earl of
    Richmond about November 1452, or Jasper, who was created Earl of
    Pembroke at the same time. They were half-brothers to the King,
    being sons of his mother, Catherine, Queen of Henry V., by her
    subsequent marriage to Sir Owen Tudor.]


227

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[285.3]

_To my welbelovyd Son, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1453 / JULY 6]

Sone I grete yow well and send you Godys blessyng and myn, and lete you
wete that Robert Hyll cam homward by Horwelle bery, and Gurney tellyd
hym he had byn at London for mony and kowd nat spedyng, and behestyd
Robert that he shuld send me mony be you. I pray for getyt not as ze com
homward, and speke sadly for i. nothyr fermor.

And as for tydyngs, Phylyppe Berney[286.1] is passyd to God on
Munday[286.2] last past wyt the grettes peyn that evyr I sey man; and on
Tuysday Ser Jon Henyngham zede to hys chyrche and herd iij. massys, and
cam hom agayn nevyr meryer, and seyd to hese wyf that he wuld go sey a
lytyll devocion in hese gardeyn and than he wuld dyne; and forthwyth he
felt a feyntyng in hese legge and syyd don. This was at ix. of the clok,
and he was ded or none.

Myn cosyn Cler[286.3] preyt you that ze lete no man se her letter,
wheche is in selyd undir my selle. I pray you that ze wyl pay your
brothir William for iiij. unces and j. half of sylke as he payd, wheche
he sende me by William Tavyrner, and bryng wyt yow j. quarter of j. unce
evyn leke of the same that I send you closyd in thys letter; and sey
your brothyr William that hese hors hath j. farseyn and grete rennyng
sorys in hese leggis. God have you in kepyng. Wretyn at Norwyche on Sent
Thomas evyn in grete hast.[286.4]

  Be your modyr,

  A. PASTON.

    [Footnote 285.3: [From Fenn, iii. 182.] Sir John Heveningham,
    whose death is mentioned in this letter, was found, by an
    inquisition taken on the 29th September 32 Henry VI., to have
    died on the 3rd of July preceding, which was in the year
    1453.--(Inquis. _post mortem_, 31 Hen. VI., No. 7.) He left a
    son named John, over twenty-three years old, who was afterwards
    knighted.]

    [Footnote 286.1: Third son of John Berney, Esq. of Reedham, who
    was the father of Margaret Paston’s mother.]

    [Footnote 286.2: July 2.]

    [Footnote 286.3: Elizabeth, widow of Robert Clere, Esq. of
    Ormesby.]

    [Footnote 286.4: The Translation of St. Thomas the Martyr
    (Becket) was celebrated on the 7th July.]


228

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[286.5]

_To my ritht worchipfull Mayster John Paston, be this deliveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1453 / JULY 6]

Rytht worchipfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, praying yow to wete
that I have spoke with Newman for his place, and I am thorow with hym
therfor, but he wold not lete it in no wyse lesse than v. marc. I told
hym that sekyrly ye shuld not know but that I hyrid it of hym for
iij_li._ I seyd as for the noble,[287.1] I shuld payt of myn owyn purse,
that ye shuld no knowlech have therof. And this day I have had inne ij.
cartfull of hey, and your stabyl shall be made I hope this next weke.
I kowd not gette no grawnt of hym to have the warehows; he seyth if he
may in any wyse forber itt her after, ye shall have itt, but he wull not
grawnt itt in no convawt [_covenant_]. He hath grawntyd me the hows be
twix the vowte and the warehows, and that he seyd he grawntyd not yow.

And as for the chamer that ye assygnyd to myn unkyl,[287.2] God hath
purveyd for hym as hys will is; he passyd to God on Monday last past, at
xj. of the clok befor none, and Sir John Hevenyngham passyd to God on
Tewysday last past; hois sowlys both God assoyle. His sekenesse toke hym
on Tewysday, at ix. of the clok befor none, and be too after none he was
dedd.

I have begonne your inventare that shuld have be made or this tym, if I
had ben well at ease. I hope to make an ende therof, and of other thyngs
both this next weke, and ben in that other place, if God send me helth.
I must do purvey for meche stuff or I come ther, for ther is nother
bords ne other stuff that must neds be had or we come there. And Richard
hath gadderid butt lytill mony syth he come from yow. I have sent John
Norwod this day to Gresham, Besigham, and Matelask to gete als meche
mony as he may. The blissid Trinyte have yow in his keping. Wretyn at
Norwych, on the Utas day of Peter and Powll.[287.3]

  Yowrs,

  M. P.

    [Footnote 286.5: [From Fenn, iii. 186.] This letter chronicles
    the same two deaths as the preceding, and is therefore of the
    same date.]

    [Footnote 287.1: A noble was a coin of the value of 6s. 8d.
    A mark was 13s. 4d. Five marks therefore were equal to £3, 6s.
    8d.; but Margaret said she would pay the odd noble, or 6s. 8d.,
    out of her own purse, and not let Paston know but that he had
    the place for £3. A little artifice for accepting terms which
    she had doubtless told Newman her husband could never agree to.]

    [Footnote 287.2: Philip Berney. --_See_ p. 251, Note 1.]

    [Footnote 287.3: The day of St. Peter and Paul is the 29th of
    June. The _utas_ or octave of a feast is the eighth day of the
    feast--that is to say, the seventh day after, which in this case
    is the 6th of July.]


229

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[288.1]

[Sidenote: 1453 / SEPT. (?)]

Ryth worchepfull howsbonde, I recomende me on to yow. Plesyt yow to wete
that I sent Tomas Bon to Edwarde Coteler to have one ansuer of the mater
that ye spak to hym of, and he sent me worde that he hade spok to hys
man therof, and he tolde hym that he hade no wrytynge nor evidens of no
swyche thyng as ye spak to hym of, ner not wyst were he scholde have
cnowlage of no swyche thyng, save that he tolde hym that he receyvyd
onys j.c._s._ [100_s._] of the same rent; but and he may have cnowlage
of ony man that havyth ony wrytyng or ony thyng that may out prevayle,
he schal late yow have cnoulage therof.

As for Wylliam Yellverton, he come here never syn ye yede. As for my
Lady Stapullton, att the wrytyng of thys letter sche was not come home.
Wyndhamys[288.2] erand to my Lady of Southefolk[288.3] was to desiyr hyr
gode Ladychep and to beseche hyr that sche wold spek to my cosyn
Evenyngham[288.4] that he myt have hys gode wyll, for he levith in hope
to have hys modyr, and he hath made menys to have her by John Gros and
hys wyf, and by Bokynham and by odyr dyvers, and profuryth hyr to find
suerte to acquitt hyr housbondys dettes, the qwyche is CCC. marc, and to
payit doune on j. day. And by thys mene, as he seyth, he hathe bargeynid
with j. marchande of London, and hath solde to hym the manage of hys
son, for the qwyche he scal have vij. C. [700] marc, and of that the
iij. C. [300] marc schoulde be payd for the forseyd dettes; and also he
proforyth to yeve hyr the maner of Felbryg to hyr joyntour, and odyr
la[r]ge profors as ye schal here eraffter. As for the good wyll of my
cosyn Hevenyngham, he seyth Wyndh[am][289.1] he schall never have hytt,
nott for to have hyr gode konyth he [abydyth][289.2] hys soull hevy
therof, for he is aferde that and if the large profors may be
perfor[m]yd, that sche wyll have hym. My seyd cosyn preyith yow, att the
reverens of Gode, that ye wyll do yowyr [devoir][289.3] therin to brec
it and ye can. He schall be here ayen on Mychaell mas evyn. He was full
sory that ye wer outt att this tyme, for he hopyd that ye schoulde have
do myche goode att this tyme. He hathe seyde as myche ther ageyns as he
dar do to have hyr gode modyrchep. My Lady of Southfolce sent j. letter
to hyr yesterday by Stanle, the qwyche is callyd j. well cherysyd man
with my seyd Lady, and desyiryng hyr in the letter that sche wolde owe
hyr godde wyll and favor to Wyndham in that that he desyiryd of hyr, and
of more matterys that ye schall here er after, for I suppose sche wyll
schew yow the same letter and mak yow of hyr counsel in many thyngys,
and I schall do my part as feythfully as I can to lett Wyndhamys porpose
tyl ye come home. I pray yow sende me a copy of hys petygre, that I may
schew to hyr how worchepphull it is, for in goode feythe sche is
informyd bi hyr gentyll son Gros and Bokenham that he is mor
worcheppfull in berthe and in lyvelode therto than they or ony odyr can
preve, as I suppose. I pray yow lett nott thys mater be discuyryd tyl ye
her more therof or after, for my cosyn Hevenyngham tolde myche here of
in secret wyse, and of odyr thyngis qwyche ye schall have cnoulage of
qwan ye come home, &c.

  In hast, all in hast.

    [Footnote 288.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] There is neither
    signature nor address to this letter, but it is undoubtedly from
    Margaret Paston to her husband. The handwriting is the same as
    that of her other letters. The date seems to be after the death
    of Sir John Heveningham in 1453, and is not likely to have been
    a later year, as the Duchess of Suffolk’s influence must have
    been diminished when the Duke of York came into power, though it
    may possibly have been powerful again in 1456.]

    [Footnote 288.2: John Wyndham, Esq. of Felbrigg.]

    [Footnote 288.3: Alice, widow of William de la Pole, Duke of
    Suffolk.]

    [Footnote 288.4: John, son of Sir John Heveningham. --_See_ p.
    227, Note 3.]  [[_error for p. 285, n. 3 (Letter 227)_]]

    [Footnote 289.1: Mutilated.]

    [Footnote 289.2: Erased in MS. Apparently some further
    correction should have been made.]

    [Footnote 289.3: Omitted in MS. ‘Do your devoir,’ _i.e._
    endeavour, seems to have been the phrase intended.]


230

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK’S PETITION[290.1]

[Sidenote: 1453]

My Lordes, ye know well ynough the grete peynes, labours, and diligences
that before thys tyme y have doon, to th’entent that the over greete
dishonneurs and losses that ben come to thys full noble royaume of
England by the fals menes of som persones that have take on theym over
grete autoritee in thys royaume shulde be knowen, and that the persones
lyvyng that have doon theym shulde be corrected aftyr the merites of her
desertes. And to that entent y have denounced and delyverd to you in
wrytyng certeyn articles ayenst the Duc of Somerset, whych ys one of
theym that ys gylty thereoff, whertoo the Duc of Somerset have aunsuerd;
and to that that he hath aunsuerd y have replyed yn such wyse that y
trowe to be sure ynough that there shall no vayllable thyng be seyd to
the contrarie of my seyd replicacion, and asmoch as he woold sey shall
be but falsnesse and lesyngs, as be the probacions that shall be made
thereuppon shall mow appiere; how be it that to alle people of gode
entendement, knowyng how justice owyth to be ministred, it ys full
apparaunt that the denunciacions ayenst hym made ben sufficiently preved
by the dedes that have folowed thereoff; whereuppon y have requyred to
have ouverture of justice by yow, whych ye have not yhyt doon to me,
whereoff y am so hevy that y may no lenger beere it, speciallie seth the
mater by me pursued ys so worshipfull for all the royaume, and for you,
and so greable to God, and to alle the subgettys of thys royaume, that
it may be no gretter. And it ys such that for anye favour of lignage, ne
for anye othyr cause there shulde be no dissimulacion, for doubt lest
that othyr yn tyme comyng take example thereoff, and lest that the full
noble vertue of justice, that of God ys so greetly recommaunded, be
extinct or quenched by the fals oppinions of som, that for the grete
bribes that the seyd Duc of Somerset hath promysed and yoven them, have
turned theyr hertys from the wey of trouth and of justice; some seyeng
that the cases by hym committed ben but cases of trespasse, and othyr
takyng a colour to make an universell peas. Whereoff every man that ys
trewe to the seyd Coroune auyth gretely to marveylle, that anye man wold
sey that the losse of ij. so noble duchees as Normandie and Guyen, that
ben well worth a greet royaume, comyng by successions of fadres and
modres to the seyd Coroune, ys but trespasse; where as it hath be seen
in manye royaumes and lordshyps that, for the losse of tounes and
castells wythoute sege, the capitaynes that hav lost theym han be deede
and beheded, and her godes lost; as in Fraunce one that lost
Chyrborough; and also a knyght that fledd for dred of bataille shulde be
byheded, soo that alle these thyngs may be founden in the lawes wryten,
and also yn the boke cleped _L’arbre de Bataille_. Wherfor, for to
abbregge my langage, y requyre you that forasmech as the more partie of
the dedes committed by the seyd Duc of Somerset ben committed yn the
royaume of Fraunce, that by the lawes of Fraunce processe be made
thereuppon; and that all thyng that y have delyvered and shall delyvere
be seen and understand by people havyng knoulige theroff, and that the
dedes committed by hym in thys royaume bee yn lyke wyse seen and
understand by people lerned yn the lawes of thys land; and for preffe
thereoff to graunt commissions to inquere thereoff, as by reason and of
custom it owyth to be doon, callyng God and you all my Lordes to
wytnesse of the devoirs by me doon in thys seyd matere; and requyeyng
you that thys my bille and alle othyr my devoirs may be enacted before
you. And that y may have it exemplified undre the Kyngs grete seele for
my discharge and acquytaille of my trouth, makyng protestacion that in
case ye make not to me ouverture of justice upon the seyd caas, y shall
for my discharge do my peyn that my seyd devoirs and the seyd lak of
justice shall be knowen through all the royaume.

  _Einsi signé_,

  J. M. NORFF.

    [Footnote 290.1: [From Fenn, iii. 108.] This paper is headed
    ‘Copia’ in the MS. It is entitled by Fenn, ‘The Speech of John
    Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, against Edmund Beaufort, Duke of
    Somerset, in the House of Lords.’ This title, however, is
    clearly no part of the original document, which has much more
    the character of a petition to the Privy Council than of a
    speech in Parliament. The paper itself professes to be a ‘bill’
    signed by its author, who demands that the conduct of the Duke
    of Somerset in France and in England should be made the subject
    of investigation by separate tribunals according to the laws of
    either country. Now the House of Lords, being only a branch of
    the English Legislature, would have had no right to authorise a
    judicial investigation in France. The date of this petition must
    have been in the end of the year 1453, after the loss of
    Guienne. The Duke of Somerset appears to have been committed to
    the Tower a little before Christmas in that year; for, after his
    liberation on the 4th March 1455, he declared before the Council
    that he had been confined there ‘one whole year, ten weeks, and
    more.’ --_See_ Rymer, xi. 362.]


231

WILLIAM REYNOLDS, OF CROMER, TO AGNES PASTON[292.1]

_To my ryght reverent and wourchipfull mastras, my Mastras Paston, the
modyr of my maister John Paston, be this delyvered._

Ryght reverent and wourchipful Mastras, with most humble and louly
servyce in moste goodly wice I recomaund me to your contynuell
supportacion. Please it your good grace to have notycion that I have
late a place of yours in quiche John Rycheman dvellyd, for it stode at a
grete dyspeyr and I have late it for xv_s._, but up your good grace, for
the lockis of the dores arn pulled of and born a waye, and the wyndowes
ben broken and gone and other bordys ben nayled on in the stede of the
sayd wyndowes. Also, the swynysty ys doun, and all the tymbyr and the
thatche born a way; also the hedge ys broken or born a wey, quiche
closed the gardeyn; querthorgh the place ys evyl apeyred to the tenaunt.
On Sent Marckes daye I entred the seid place and lete it to your be
hove, and on the day after cam Henry Goneld and seyd my latyng schald
not stond, and went and seled the dores; querfor I beseche your graciows
favor that my latyng may stond, for I have late alle your londis
everychone. I know not oon rode unlate, but alle ocupyed to your
profyghte. The tenaunt quich by your lycens schuld have youre place to
ferme by my latyng ys gretely be hated with oon Johane, the wyfe of
Robert Iclyngham, chapman, quich ys voysed for amysse governyd woman of
hyr body by the most parte of owr town wel recordyth the same, and sche
dvellyth al by your seyd place; and by cause this seid tenaunt ys
gretely ayens hir for hir ungoodly governaunce, therfor sche mad menys
to one Abraham Whal, quiche ys one of hir supportores, and he hath spoke
with the seyd Henry Gonelde that he myght seke a remedye to cause this
seyd tenaunt to be a voydyd and kept oute your seid place and not come
ther inne.

He that is bryngger of this bylle ys the man to quich I have late to
ferme by the licens of you; therfore I beseche your gracaus favor to be
schewed onto hym, and mekeli I beseche your contynuell supportacion that
ye wuld send me wrytyng under your seele how I schal be demened. Nomor,
&c. Wrytin at Crowmer the nest day after Sent Marc.--Be your servaunt at
alle tymes,

  WILLIAM REYNOLDES of Crowmer.

_The following memoranda are written on the back:--_

  Firmale terræ ten’ Roperes in Crowmer Anno xxxjº.

  In primis Gylmin (?) tenet ad firmam ij. acras ad terminum
      ---- [293.1] annorum et reddit per annum                  xx_d._

  Item, Johannes Parnell tenet iij. rodas ad terminum xij. annorum et
      reddit per annum                                         xij_d._

  Item, Willelmus Reynoldes pro iij. rodis in ij. peciis ad terminum
      x. annorum et reddit per annum                            ix_d._

  Item, Thomas tenet pars (_sic_) terræ et reddit per annum
                                                          ij_d._ _ob._

  Item, Ricardus Child pro prato et j. inclausura vocata Longclos ad
      terminum annorum et reddit per annum            iij_s._ iiij_d._

  Item, Rogerus Caryour pro j. orto per annum                    x_d._

    [Footnote 292.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 225.] This letter is shown
    by the memoranda on the back to be of the year 1453, _i.e._ 31
    Henry VI. Agnes Paston had tenants at Cromer, and her property
    there descended to her grandchildren, as she outlived her son
    John.]

    [Footnote 293.1: Blank in MS.]


232

THE COUNTESS OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[294.1]

[_To my_] _right trusty and welbeloved Jon Paston, Esquier._

[Sidenote: About 1454]

Right trusty and intierly welbelovyd, I grete you wele. Prayng you as I
specially trust you that ye wole be good frend to James Arblaster in his
mater touchyng the maner of Smalbergh, as I wote wele ye haf ever be to
hym ryght especiall frend; and thogh it so be that the sayd James had
gret trebles, losses, and adversite herbeforn, neverthelesse he shall
not be so bare of frendys ner goodes but that I wole se hym holpyn with
the mercy of God. In performmyng wherof the berer of this shal enforme
you of myn inten and disposicion more largely than I wole put in
wrytyng. And the Trinite have you in hys kepyng. Wretyn at
Wefnow,[294.2] the vij. day of August.

  ELIZABETH VER, Countes of Oxenford.

    [Footnote 294.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] At the bottom of the
    letter is a contemporary note which appears to show that it was
    filed along with others of various dates before Michaelmas
    1454:-- ‘Literæ de diversis annis ante Michaelem xxxiij.’ More
    precise evidence of its date does not seem to be attainable.]

    [Footnote 294.2: Wivenhoe, near Colchester, in Essex.]


233

THE COUNTESS OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[294.3]

_To John Paston, Sqwyer, dwellyng in Norwich._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Ryght entierly welbeloved, I grete yow well, and pray yow that ye woll
be good frende un to Arblaster in suche matiers as he shal enfo[rme]
yow, and I thanke yow for the good frendship that ye have shewed to hym.
And I sent a letter to Margaret Gurnay byfore Cristemesse of certeyn
langage that I herd, wich plesed me nowght, and so I prayed my Lord to
gif me leve to wrytte to hir; and therfore and ye here any thyng,
answere, as my trust is in yow. Right entierly welbeloved, the Holy Gost
have yow in his kepyng. Wretyn in hast the first day of February.

  OXENFORD,          }
                     }
  ELYZABETH DE VEER. }

    [Footnote 294.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This and the letter
    immediately following are inserted here merely on account of
    their similarity to the last. Their dates are quite uncertain.]


234

THE COUNTESS OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[295.1]

_To my right, entierly welbeloved John Paston of Norwich, Squyer._

Right entierly welbeloved, I grete yow well, thankyng yow of the gret
jentylnesse that ye have shewed un to my right welbeloved James
Arblaster, prayng yow of contynuaunse; and if ther be any thyng that I
may doo for yow or any of yowres, here or in any other place, I pray yow
let me wete and I shall be redy to do it, with the grace of God, ho have
yow in his kepyng. And I pray yow to be frendly unto my right welbeloved
Agneys Arblaster, wich is to me gret plesier and hertes ease and ye so
be. Wretyn at Wevenho the xiij^e day of Aprill.

  OXENFORD.

  ELYZABETH.

    [Footnote 295.1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 82.]]


235

NEWSLETTER OF JOHN STODELEY[295.2]

[Sidenote: 1454 / JAN. 19]

As touchyng tythynges, please it you to wite that at the Princes[295.3]
comyng to Wyndesore, the Duc of Buk’ toke hym in his armes and presented
hym to the Kyng in godely wise, besechyng the Kyng to blisse hym; and
the Kyng yave no maner answere. Natheless the Duk abode stille with the
Prince by the Kyng; and whan he coude no maner answere have, the Queene
come in, and toke the Prince in hir armes and presented hym in like
forme as the Duke had done, desiryng that he shuld blisse it; but alle
their labour was in veyne, for they departed thens without any answere
or countenaunce savyng only that ones he loked on the Prince and caste
doune his eyene ayen, without any more.

Item, the Cardinalle[296.1] hathe charged and commaunded alle his
servauntz to be redy with bowe and arwes, swerd and bokeler,
crossebowes, and alle other habillementes of werre, suche as thei kun
medle with to awaite upon the saufgarde of his persone.

Item, th’erle of Wiltshire[296.2] and the Lord Bonvile have done to be
cryed at Taunton in Somerset shire, that every man that is likly and
wole go with theym and serve theym, shalle have vj_d._ every day as long
as he abidethe with theym.

Item, the Duk of Excestre[296.3] in his owne persone hathe ben at
Tuxforthe beside Dancastre, in the north contree, and there the Lord
Egremond[296.4] mette hym, and thei ij. ben sworne togider, and the Duke
is come home agein.

Item, th’erle of Wiltshire, the Lord Beaumont, Ponynges, Clyfford,
Egremond, and Bonvyle, maken all the puissance they kan and may to come
hider with theym.

Item, Thorpe[296.5] of th’escheker articuleth fast ayenst the Duke of
York, but what his articles ben it is yit unknowen.

Item, Tresham,[296.6] Josep,[296.7] Danyelle,[296.8] and
Trevilian[296.9] have made a bille to the Lordes, desiryng to have a
garisone kept at Wyndesore for the saufgarde of the Kyng and of the
Prince, and that they may have money for wages of theym and other that
shulle kepe the garyson.

Item, the Duc of Buk’ hathe do to be made M^{l}. M^{l}. [2000] bendes
with knottes, to what entent men may construe as their wittes wole yeve
theym.

Item, the Duke of Somersetes herbergeour hath taken up all the loggyng
that may be goten nere the Toure, in Thamystrete, Martlane, Seint
Katerines, Tourehille, and there aboute.

Item, the Queene hathe made a bille of five articles, desiryng those
articles to be graunted; wherof the first is that she desireth to have
the hole reule of this land; the second is that she may make the
Chaunceller, the Tresorere, the Prive Seelle, and alle other officers of
this land, with shireves and alle other officers that the Kyng shuld
make; the third is, that she may yeve alle the bisshopriches of this
land, and alle other benefices longyng to the Kynges yift; the iiij^th
is that she may have suffisant lyvelode assigned hir for the Kyng and
the Prince and hir self. But as for the v^th article, I kan nat yit
knowe what it is.

Item, the Duke of York wole be at Londone justly on Fryday next
comyng[297.1] at night, as his owne men tellen for certain, and he wole
come with his houshold meynee, clenly beseen and likly men. And th’erle
of Marche[297.2] cometh with hym, but he will have a nother feliship of
gode men that shall be at Londone before hym . . . that he is come;
and suche jakkes, salettes, and other herneys as his meyne shulle have,
shalle come to Londone with hem, or before hem in cartes. The Erle of
Salesbury[297.3] wille be at Lon[don] on Monday[297.4] or Tywesday next
comyng with seven score knyghtes and squyers, beside other meynee. The
Erles of Warwyk,[297.5] Richemond,[297.6] and Pembroke[298.1] comen with
the Duke of Yorke, as it is seide, everych of theym with a godely
feliship. And natheles th’erle of Warwyk wole have M^{l}. men awaityng
on hym beside the feliship that cometh with hym, as ferre as I can
knowe. And as Geffrey Poole seithe, the Kynges bretherne ben like to be
arrested at their comyng to Londone, yf thei come. Wherfore it is
thought by my Lordes[298.2] servauntz and welwillers here that my Lord,
at his comyng hider, shalle come with a gode and clenly feliship, suche
as is likly and accordyng to his estate to have aboute hym; and their
harneys to come in cartes, as my Lord of Yorkes mennes harneys did the
last terme, and shalle at this tyme also. And over that, that my Lord
have a nother gode feliship to awaite on hym and to be here afore hym,
or els sone after hym, in like wise as other Lordes of his blode wole
have.

And for the more redynesse of suche feliship to be hade redy, that my
Lord send sadde and wise messagers to his servauntz and tenauntz in
Sussex and elswhere, that they be redy at London ayenst his comyng, to
awaite on my Lord; but lete my Lord beware of writyng of lettres for
theym, lest the lettres be delivered to the Cardynalle and Lordes, as
one of my Lordes lettres was nowe late, for perill that myght falle,
for that lettre hathe done moche harme and no gode.

And as for suche tydynges as ben contened in the lettre sent home by
John Sumpterman, I can nat hiderto here the contrarie of any of theym,
but that every man that is of th’opynion of the Duke of Somerset[298.3]
makethe hym redy to be as stronge as he kan make hym. Wherfore it is
necessarie that my Lord loke wele to hym self and kepe hym amonge his
meyne, and departe nat from theym, for it is to drede lest busshementes
shuld be leide for hym. And yf that happed, and my Lord came hiderward,
as he hathe ben used for to come, he myght lightly be deceyved and
betrapped, that God defende. And therfore lete my Lord make gode wacche
and be sure.

The Duke of Somerset hathe espies goyng in every Lordes hous of this
land; some gone as freres, som as shipmen taken on the sea, and som in
other wise; whiche reporte unto hym all that thei kun see or here
touchyng the seid Duke. And therfore make gode wacche, and beware of
suche espies.

And as touchyng the privee scale and my Lordes seurtee, it is necessarie
that my Lord be advertised that yf the Chaunceller,[299.1] or any other,
make any question to my Lord of his comyng contrarie to the teneur of
the seid privee seall, that my Lord by his grete wisdom make answere
that he was credibly enformed that aswele the Duke of Somerset beyng
prisoner, as other beyng at large, holdyng his opynyon ayenst the wele
of the Kyng and of the land, made grete assemblees and gaderyngs of
people, to mayntene th’opinion of the seid Duke of Somerset and to
distrusse my Lord; and that the comyng of my Lord in suche forme as he
shalle come is onely for the saufgarde of his owne persone, and to none
other entent, as my Lord hym self can sey moche better than any that is
here kan advertise hym.

Thise thinges aforseid ben espied and gadred by my Lord Chaun   ,[299.2]
John Leventhorpe, Laurence Leventhorpe, Maister Adam, William Medwe,
Robert Alman, John Colvyle, Richard of Warderobe, and me, John Stodeley.
And as sone as we kun knowe any more in substance we shull send home
word. Writen at London, the xix. day of Janyvere.

   *   *   *

The meire and merchauntz of London, and the mair and merchauntz of the
staple of Caleys, were with the Chaunceller on Monday last passed[299.3]
at Lamhithe, and compleyned on the Lord Bonvile for takyng of the
shippes and godes of the Flemmynges and other of the Duke of Burgoynes
Lordships, and the Chaunceller yeve theym none answere to their plesyng;
wherfore the substaunce of theym with one voys cryed alowde, ‘Justice,
justice, justice!’ wherof the Chaunceller was so dismayed that he coude
ne myght no more sey to theym for fere.

    [Footnote 295.2: [Egerton MS. 914, B.M.] There is no evidence
    that this letter had anything to do with the Paston
    correspondence, but as a very interesting political letter of
    the period we have thought it right to give it a place in the
    collection. The date is quite certain, being after the birth of
    Prince Edward in October 1453, and before the death of Cardinal
    Kemp in March 1454.]

    [Footnote 295.3: Edward, only son of Henry VI., born 13th
    October 1453.]

    [Footnote 296.1: John Kemp, Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury.]

    [Footnote 296.2: James Butler, Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond.]

    [Footnote 296.3: Henry Holland.]

    [Footnote 296.4: Thomas Percy, third son of Henry, Earl of
    Northumberland.]

    [Footnote 296.5: Thomas Thorpe, one of the Barons of the
    Exchequer, who was also Speaker of the House of Commons, but was
    at this time imprisoned in the Fleet in consequence of an action
    brought against him by the Duke of York.--(See _Rolls of Parl._
    v. 239.)]

    [Footnote 296.6: Thomas Tresham, who as ‘Sir Thomas Tresham,
    Knight,’ was attainted under Edward IV. for fighting on the
    Lancastrian side at Towton, but his attainder was afterwards
    reversed in Parliament 7 and 8 Edw. IV., on the ground that he
    was a household servant of Henry VI. and had been brought up in
    his service from a child.--_Rolls of Parl._ v. 616-617.]

    [Footnote 296.7: William Joseph, who, with Thorpe, was
    frequently accused by the Yorkists of misleading the
    King.--_Rolls of Parl._ v. 280, 282, 332, 342.]

    [Footnote 296.8: Thomas Daniel, Esq. --_See_ p. 255, Note 2.]

    [Footnote 296.9: John Trevilian.]

    [Footnote 297.1: 25th January.]

    [Footnote 297.2: Afterwards Edward IV., the Duke of York’s
    eldest son.]

    [Footnote 297.3: Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, father of
    Warwick the King-maker.]

    [Footnote 297.4: 21st January.]

    [Footnote 297.5: Richard Nevill, Earl of Warwick, afterwards
    known as ‘the King-maker.’]

    [Footnote 297.6: Edmund Tudor, the King’s half-brother. He was
    the father of King Henry VII.]

    [Footnote 298.1: Jasper Tudor, brother of the Earl of Richmond,
    and half-brother to the King.]

    [Footnote 298.2: Probably the Duke of Norfolk.]

    [Footnote 298.3: _See_ p. 255, Note 3.]

    [Footnote 299.1: Cardinal Kemp was at this time
    Chancellor. --_See_ p. 296, Note 1.]

    [Footnote 299.2: So in MS.]

    [Footnote 299.3: 14th January.]


236

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[300.1]

_To my right wurshipfull hosbond, John Paston, be this delyveryd in
hast._

[Sidenote: 1454(?) / JAN. 29]

Right worshipfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, praying yow to wete
that I spak yistirday with my suster,[300.2] and she told me that she
was sory that she myght not speke with yow or ye yede; and she desyrith
if itt pleased yow, that ye shuld yeve the jantylman, that ye know of,
seche langage as he myght fele by yow that ye wull be wele willyng to
the mater that ye know of; for she told me that he hath seyd befor this
tym that he conseyvid that ye have sett but lytil therby, wherefor she
prayth yow that ye woll be here gode brother, and that ye myght have a
full answer at this tym whedder it shall be ya or nay. For her moder
hath seyd to her syth that ye redyn hens, that she hath no fantesy
therinne, but that it shall com to a jape; and seyth to her that ther is
gode crafte in dawbyng; and hath seche langage to her that she thynkyt
right strange, and so that she is right wery therof, wherefor she
desyrith the rather to have a full conclusyon therinne. She seyth her
full trost is in yow, and as ye do therinne, she woll agre her therto.

Mayster Braklee[300.3] be her yisterday to have spoke with yow; I spak
with hym, but he wold not tell me what his erond was.

It is seyd her that the cescions shall be at Thetford on Saterday next
komyng, and ther shall be my Lord of Norffolk and other with grette
pupill [_people_], as it is seyd.

Other tydyngs have we none yett. The blissefull Trynyte have yow in his
kepyng. Wretyn at Norwyche, on the Tewysday next befor Candelmasse.

I pray yow that ye woll vowchesawf to remembr to purvey a thing for my
nekke, and to do make my gyrdill.

  Yowris,

  M. P.

My cosyn Crane recommawndeth her to yow, and praytth yow to remembr her
mater, &c., for she may not slepe on nyghtys for hym.

    [Footnote 300.1: [From Fenn, iii. 170.] The request made at the
    end of this letter that John Paston would procure his wife an
    ornament for her neck, is noted by Fenn as one that she had made
    in April 1452, and of which this was probably a repetition nine
    months afterwards. There seems no better evidence of date to go
    by, so we follow the same mode of inference; but as we have
    placed the letter containing the first petition for the necklace
    in 1453 instead of 1452, we must attribute this letter to the
    year 1454.]

    [Footnote 300.2: Elizabeth Paston.]

    [Footnote 300.3: John Bracklee or Brackley was a brother of the
    Convent of Grey Friars, or Friars Minors, in Norwich. He took a
    Doctor of Divinity’s degree, and was a famous preacher.--F.]


237

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[301.1]

_Thys letter be delyverd to John Paston, dwellyn in the Inder In of the
Tempyll at London, in hast._

[Sidenote: About 1454]

I grete yow well, and lete yow wete that thys day I was with my doughtyr
yor wyfe, and che was in good hele att the makyn of thys letter, thankyd
be God! and sche lete yor sustyr and me wete of a letter wheche ye sent
hyr, that ye have be laboryd to for Ser William Oldhall to have your
sustyr, and desyryng in the seyd letter to have an answer in schort
tyme, who [_how_] sche wyll be demenyd in thys mater.

Yor suster recomaundyt hyr to yow, and thankyt yow hertyly that ye wyll
remembyr hyr, and lete hyr have knowleche ther of, and prayt yow that ye
wyll do your dever to bryng it to a good conclusyon; for sche seythe to
me that sche trystyt that ye wyll do so, that it xall be bothe for hyr
worchup and profyt. And as for me, if ye can thynke that hys lond
standyt cler, in as meche as I fele your sustyr well wyllyd ther to,
I hold me well content.

And as for the oblygacyon of the persen of Marlynferthe, wheche I sent
yow by John Newman, I pray yow lete it be suyd; and as for the Parson
and Lyndesey, they be a cordyd. And God have yow in kepyn, and send yow
hys blyssyn and myn. Wretyn at Norwyche on Pulver Wedenesday.[302.1]

  Be yor moder,

  AUGNES PASTON.

    [Footnote 301.1: [From Fenn, iii. 188.] This letter refers to a
    proposal for Paston’s sister which was probably in or a little
    before 1454, as in a letter of the 15th July in that year Paston
    states that several such offers had been under consideration.]

    [Footnote 302.1: If in 1454, Ash-Wednesday was the 6th of
    March.]


238

INGHAM’S PETITION[302.2]

[Sidenote: 1454]

Ful mekely bisecheth your humble liege man, Walter Ingham of youre
schire of Norffolk, gentylman, that where the seide Walter was in Goddes
pees and youres at Dunston in the seid shire the xj. daye of the monthe
of January, the yere of youre rengne the xxxij., oone Thomas
Denyes,[302.3] of ful grete malice, prepensed ungodely soore agaynste
gode feithe and concience, imagynyng utterly to destroye youre seyde
besecher, contryved a lettre in the name of my Lord of Oxenforde, he not
knowyng of ony soch lettre comaundyng youre seide besecher to be with
the seide Lorde at Wevenho, in your shire of Essex, the xiij. day of the
seide monthe of January, for divers grete maters towchyng my seide
Lorde. The seide Thomas, thenkyng in his conceite that youre seid
besechere wolde in noo wyse disobeye the seide wrytyng, but that he
wolde putte hym in his devoyre to fulfill my seide Lords desyre, layde
dyvers folks arraied in maner of werre with jakkes, saletts,
langedebiefs,[302.4] and boore speres in ij. busshements for youre seide
besecher in ij. places, knowyng wele that youre seide besecher must come
oone of thes ij. weyes for, tho [_there_] were no moo, to that intent
that they [might] murdre your seide besecher be cause he had laboured
for his fadir in a wryte _sub pena_ agaynst the seide Thomas Denys and
Anneys his wyf for a notable somme of money that the seide Anneys shulde
have payede to the fadir of your seide besecher; the seide Thomas
comaundyng the seide mysdoers in any wyse whech of theym that mette
first with youre seide besecher shulde sle hym, and they shol be
nota[b]ly rewardet for ther laboure, and the seide Thomas shulde kepe
and save theyme harmeles. Bicause of whech comaundement oone of the
seide busshements mette with the forsaide besechere the xij. day of the
seide month, as he came toward my seide Lorde of Oxenforde acordyng to
his lettre at Dunstone afore seide, and hym than and there grevosly
bette and woundet, aswell upon his hede as uppon his leggs, and other
ful grevous strokes and many gaf hym upon his bakke, so that youre seide
besecher is mahaymed upon his ryght legg, and feyne to goo on crucches,
and so must do al dayes of his lif to his utter undoyng; notwithstandyng
the seide mysdoers and riotous peple in this conceite [lef]te youre
seide besecher for dede. Uppon the whech ryot it was complayned to my
Lord Chauncelere[303.1] by the frends of yowre besecher, desyryng of hym
by ca[use of th]e grete ryote doone by the seide Thomas, and also for
the sauf garde of youre seyde besechere, that oone of your serjantes of
armes myght be comaundement [go][303.2] and areste the seide Thomas to
appere before you in your Chauncerie for the seide ryot, because the
seide Thomas was at that tyme at London; bi force of [whech
com]aundement oone of youre serjants of armes went to Lyncolne Inne to
arreste the sayde Thomas. The whech areste the seide Thomas utterly
diso[beyed in] grete contempte of your highnesse; nevertheles he is now
in the warde of the Wardeyne of the Flete by the comaundement of my
Lorde Chaunceler. [Wher]fore plese it your highnes of youre most noble
and habundante grace, by the assente of your Lordes Spirituel and
Temporel, and of your Comons in this your present Par[lement assem]bled,
and by auctorite of the same, to ordeyne and estabelessche that the
seide Thomas Denys may abide in the seide prisone of the Flete, and not
to be [admitted to bayl] nor meynprise in noo wyse in to soch tyme that
the seide Thomas have answered to soch accion or accions as youre seide
besecher schal take agaynst hym for the seide mahayme and betyng, and
also unto soch tyme as the same accions ben folly discussed and
determyned bi twene your seide besecher and the seide Thomas Denys,
consideryng that if the same Thomas scholde go at large, he wolde never
answere your seide besecher but hym delay by protecions and other weies,
so that the same besecher schulde never be content nor agreed, for the
exhorbitant offence done to hym; and also un to the tyme the seide
Thomas fynde sofficient suerte of his gode beryng fro this tyme forthe.
And he shal pray to God for youre moste noble astate.

    [Footnote 302.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is a petition to
    the King in Parliament which, supported by the influence of
    Cardinal Kemp, appears to have met with a favourable hearing
    from the House of Lords. The date will appear by the letter
    following.]

    [Footnote 302.3: _See_ Nos. 123 and 124.]

    [Footnote 302.4: The _langue-de-bœuf_ was a kind of glaive with
    a double edge half down the blade.]

    [Footnote 303.1: John Kemp, Archbishop of Canterbury and
    Cardinal.]

    [Footnote 303.2: Mutilated.]


239

THOMAS DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[304.1]

_To my right wurshipfull maister, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1454 / MARCH 20]

Right wurshipfull and myn especiall good maister, I recomaund me to you
with all service and prayer to my power. And like it you to wete that
how be a full straunge acte is passid agayn me in the Higher House
before the Lords, wherof I send you a copie. Neverthelesse I hope to God
that it shal not passe in the Comon House; but me is be falle the most
sorwfull infortune that ever por man had, standyng in suych case as I
do, for my Lordis the Cardenale and of Oxenford haf imprisoned my wif in
the countour, and how thei shal guyde hir forth, God knoweth. Which
standith to nygh myn hert, if Godds will were; but wel I know that by
thes vengeable malics don to hir and me thei wole [not?] be content,
for Ingham lithe beside that to take awey my wyves doughter out of
Westminster to make an end of my wif if he can, and also to arest my
servauntz, that I drede that she nor I shal haf no creature to attend us
ne help us; and suych malice haf I never herd of herbeforne. And it is
told me that beside that thei wole dispoil, if any good thei can fynde
of myn in Norwich or Norffolk, and imprisone my servauntz there.
Wherfore I lowly beseche your maistership, for our Lords mercy, that ye
vouchsauff to socour theym in this necessite; and if ony entree be made
or shuld be made upon myn wifes place in Norwich, that ye vouchsauff to
socour my servauntz, and do ther inne after your wisdam for Crists love
and seynt charite.

Beside this, a frend and kynnesman of myn, oon Robert Clement of Betele,
hath writen to me that he is arestid, and like to be imprisoned bi a
writte of dette, take agayn hym upon an obligacion of C_li._ [£100] in
which he and I and other wer bounde to my Lorde of Oxenford xiiij. yeer
agone, wherof I haf many acquitaunces. Wherfore I pray your good
maistership to send to the Shirreve that my said kynnesman may ben
easid, and no retourne made ageyn hym, but that he may answer the next
tyme bi attourney; for truly that writte was take oute in the end of the
terme aftir I was arestid, and aftir it was aperid to.

I pray your maistership, for Godds sake, to be not displesid, ne wery to
do for me in these materes of your charite, for I had lever gif the said
Robert suych good, litell if it be, as I haf, than he wer undone for me,
or ony man ellis that ever ded for me. And I hope, if God vouchsaf that
the mater may come to reson, to sauf hym harmles, and all other with
Godds mercy, ever prayng you of your maistership and socour for Godds
love, who ever kepe for his mercy.

Wretyn in Flete, the Wednesday the second weke of Lent.

Mor over, in augmentyng of my sorwe, I wend my wif shuld a dyed sith,
for aftir she was arestid she laboured of hir child, that she is with
all, waityng either to dye or be delyvered, and she hath not gon viij.
weks quykke. What shal be falle Almighti God knoweth, and shull dispose
mercifully.

Aftirward my wif was sum dele easid bi the labour of the Wardeyn of
Flete, for the cursed Cardenale had sent hir to Newgate. God forgif his
sowle. Now she is take to baile til Tuesday. The Cardenale is dede, and
the Kyng is relevid.[306.1]

    [Footnote 304.1: [From Fenn, iii. 174.] This letter is without a
    signature, and the writer was unknown to Fenn; but a comparison
    with the letter which follows (now printed for the first time)
    leaves no doubt that it was written by Thomas Denyes, whom we
    have already met with as a dependant of the Earl of Oxford
    (_see_ Letters 123, 124, and 132). The date is fixed by the
    reference to the death of Cardinal Kemp in the postscript.]

    [Footnote 306.1: This last sentence must have been added a few
    days after the date of the letter, for Cardinal Kemp died on the
    22nd of March 1454. Wednesday in the second week of Lent was the
    20th March.]


240

JOHN PASTON TO [THE EARL OF OXFORD][306.2]

[Sidenote: 1454 / MARCH 31]

Right wurchepfull and my right especiall Lord, I recomaund me to your
gode Lordshep, besechyng your Lordshep that ye take not to displesauns
thow I write you, as I here say that Agnes Denyes, be the meanes of your
Lordshep and of my Lord the Cardynall,[306.3] hos sowle God assoyle and
forgeve, was set in preson, beyng with child--which, and the sorough and
shame there of, was nygh her deth--and yet dayly is vexed and trobled,
and her servauntes in like wyse, to the uttermest distruccion of her
person and godes. In which, my Lord, at the reverens of God, remembre
sche was maried be you and be my meanes, be your comaundement and
writyng, and draw therto full sore ageyn her entent in the begynnynge;
and was worth v.^c. [500] marc and better, and shuld have had a
gentilman of this contre of an C. marc of lond and wele born, ne had be
your gode Lordshep and writyng to her and me. And this considered in
your wise discrecion, I trost, my Lord, thow her prisonyng were of
oderes labore, ye wuld helpe her; and if she be destroyd be this
mariage, my conscyens thynketh I am bownd to recompense her after my
pore and sympill power. My Lord, ye know I had litill cause to do for
Thomas Denyes, savyng only for your gode Lordshep. Also, my Lord, I know
wele that Water Ingham was bete, the mater hangyng in myn award, right
fowle and shamefully; and also how the seid Thomas Denyes hath, this
last terme, ageyn your nobill estat, right unwysely demened hym to his
shame and grettest rebuke that ever he had in his lyve. Where fore it is
right wele do his person be ponysshed as it pleaseth you. But this not
withstondyng for Godds love, my Lord, remembre how the gentilwoman is
accombred only for yowr sake, and help her; and if aught lyth in my
power to do that that myght please yowr Lordshep, or cowde fynde any way
for Water Ingham avayll and wurchep, I wull do it to my power; and the
rather if your Lordshep support the jentilwoman, for I know the mater
and that longe plee is litill avayll, and every thyng must have an ende.
I have told my brother Mathew Drury more to enforme yowre Lordshep than
I may have leyser to write for his hasty departyng. Right wurchepfull
and my right especiall Lord, I besech All myghty God send you asmych joy
and wurchep as ever had any of my Lords yowr aunceters, and kepe you and
all yowres. Wretyn at Norwich the iiij. Sonday of Lent.

  Yowre servaunte to his powr,

  JOHN PASTON.

    [Footnote 306.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter was so
    manifestly written on the receipt of the last, that there can be
    no question about the date. It bears no address upon the back,
    so that it is probably only a copy, or, if an original, it
    certainly was not sent; but the person for whom it was intended
    was evidently the Earl of Oxford.]

    [Footnote 306.3: Cardinal Kemp.]


241

INFORMATION AGAINST ROBERT LEDHAM[307.1]

[Sidenote: 1454]

Thees be the persons that enformyd the Justicez of the Kyngis Benche the
last terme of suche ryottis as hath be done be Robert Ledham: The Lord
Skales, Sir Thomas Todenham, Sir John Chalers, Edmond Clere, Water
George, John Alyngton, Gilbert Debenham, John Denston, William Whit,
William Alyngton, Reynald Rows, John Berney, Richard Suthwell, John
Paston, John Henyngham, Raff Shelton, Henry Grey.

These be the names of the knyghtes and esquyers that endittyd Robert
Ledham:--Thomas Todenham, knyght, Andrew Ogard, knyght, John Henygham,
knyght, William Calthorp, esquyer, Bryan Stapelton, esquyer, Osbert
Mondford, esquyer, John Groos, esquyer, William Rokwod, esquyer, Thomas
Morle, esquyer, Thomas Scholdham, esquyer, John Wyndham, esquyer, John
Berney, esquyer, William Narbow, esquyer, John Chippysby, esquyer,
William White, esquyer, John Bryston, esquyer, John Paston, esquyer.

These be dyvers of the ryottis and offensis done in the hundred of
Blofeld in the counte of Norffolk, and in other townys be Robert Lethum,
otherwyse callyd Robert Ledham of Wytton, be Blofeld in the counte of
Norffolk, and by his ryottys men and by other of his affinitez and
knowleche, whos names folowyn, and that they contynually folow and
resorte unto his hous, and ther be supported and maynteynet and
confortid.

These be the principall menealle men of the sayd Robert Ledham ys hous
be the whiche the sayd ryottys have be done, that use in substaunce non
other occupacion but ryottys:--_In primis_, John Cokett, Thomas Bury,
Thomas Cokowe, Cristofer Bradlee, Elys Dukworth, William Donmowe,
Cristofer Grenesheve, Roger Chirche. Notwythstondyng the sayd Robert
Ledham kypith dayly many mo in his house and chaungeth such as have be
oppenly knowyn for riottis and takith other for hem as evill as they.
And these be the most principale persons comyng and resortyng unto the
house of the sayd Robert Ledham, and ther be supportid and mayntened in
ryottes be whom the sayd ryottes have be don, that ys to sey: _In
primis_, Robert Taillor, Henry Bang, Robert Dallyng, John Beston,
Charles Navell, John, the sone of Roger Ratclyff, Robert Berton;
notwythstondyng ther be money moo whos names ben unknowyn. With the
which persons, and many moo unknowyn, the sayd Robert Ledham kept atte
his hous in maner of a forcelet and issith ouute atte here pleaysour and
atte his lust, the sayd Ledham to assigne, somtyme vj. and sometyme
xij., somtyme xxx^ti and moo, armyd, jakkid, and salettyd, with bowys
and arrowys, speris, billys, and over ryde the countrey and oppressid
the Kyngs peple, and didde mony oryble and abhomynable dedes, like to
have be destruccion of the enhabitantes in the sayd hundred, in the
forme that folowyth, and warse.

_In primis_, on the Monday[309.1] next before Ester day and the shire
daye, the xxx. yere of oure soverayne Lord the Kyng, x. persons of the
sayd riottors, with a brother of the wyff of the sayd Robert Lethum,
laye in awayte in the hyght way under Thorpe Wode upon Phillip Berney,
esquyer, and his man comyng from the shire, and shette atte hym and
smote the hors of the sayd Phillipp with arowes, and than over rode hym,
and toke hym and bette hym and spoillid hym. And for thayr excuse of
this ryot, they ledde hym to the Bysshopp of Norwiche, axyng seuerte of
the peas wher they hadde never waraunt hym to areste. Which affray
shorttyd the lyffdayes of the sayd Phillippe, whiche dyed withynne
shorte tyme after the said affray.[309.2]

Item, iij. of the sayd riottys feloshippe the same day, yere, and place,
laye on awayte uppon Edmond Broune, gentilman, and with naked swerdes
and other wepyng faght wyth hym be the space of on qaurte (_sic_) of an
houre, and toke and spoillyd hym, and kepte hym as long as them lyst,
and after that lette hym goo.

Item, xl^ti of the sayd riottys felowshipp, be the comaundement of the
same Robert Lethum, jakket and saletted, with bowes, arowys, billys, and
gleyves, oppon Mauyndy Thursday,[309.3] atte iiij. of the clokke atte
after nonne, the same yere, comyn to the White Freres in Norwyche, and
wold have brokyn theyr yates and dorys, feynyng thaym that they wold
hire thayre evesong. Where they ware aunswered suche service was non
used to be there, nor withyn the sayd citee atte that tyme of the daye,
and prayd them to departe; and they aunswered and sayd that affore
thayre departyng they wold have somme persons ouute of that place,
qwykke or dede, insomuch the sayd freris were fayn to kype thaire place
with forsse. And the mayr and the sheriffe of the sayd cite were fayn to
arere a power to resyst the sayd riotts, which to hem on that holy tyme
was tediose and heynous, consedryng the losse and lettyng of the holy
service of that holy nyght. And theroppon the sayd ryotors departid.

Item, the sayd Robert Lethum, on the Monday[310.1] nest after Esterne
day, the same yere, toke from on John Wilton iiij. neet for rent arere,
as he said, and killed hem and layd them in salte, and afterward ete
hem.

Item, the sayd Robert Lethum, with vj. of his sayd ryottes, the same
yere made assaute uppon John Wilton in Plumstede churche yerde, and
theer so bete hym that he was in doute of his lyff; and also dede to hym
many grete wronggys and oppressioun, unto the undoyng of the sayd John
Wilton.

Item, in lyke wyse the sayd Robert Lethum and his men assauted on John
Coke of Witton, in brekyng uppe his dorys atte a xi. of the cloke in the
nyght, and wyth thaire swerdys maymed hym and gaff hym vij. grete
wondys, and toke from hym certayn goodys and catalls, of the whiche he
hadde, nor yitte hath, no remedy nor restitution.

Item, the same day and yere they bete the moder of the same John Coke,
she beyng iiij^xx. [_four score_] yere of age and more, and smote hure
uppon the crowne of here hed with a swerd; of the whiche hurte she myght
never be helyd into the day of hure deth.

Item, John, the sone of Hodge Ratleffe, and other of the sayd
felowshipp, toke on Thomas Baret of Byrlygham out of his house, and bete
hym and wondid hym that he kept his bedde a month, and toke from hym
certayn goodes and catells.

Item, the sayd Robert Taillor, because the sayd Thomas Baret complayned
of the same betyng, lay in awayte oppon hym, with other of his
feloushippe, and bete hym agayn.

Item, John Beston and the sayd Robert Taillor, and other of the sayd
riottes felowshipp, toke on Thomas Byrden of Lyngewod and bete hym and
prisoned hym till unto such tyme that he was delyvered by the mene of my
Lord of Norwych; and for that sorow, distres, and grete payne and
betyng, the sayd Thomas Byrden toke suche kynesse that he dyed.

Item, the sayd Robert Dallyng and Herry Bange, and other of the sayd
felowshippe, toke and bete on Nicholas Chirche atte Strumpeshawe, beyng
in the church of the same towne, that he was [in] dout of his lyff.

Item, the sayd Robert Dallyng lay on awayt uppon on Thomas Dallyng,
and hym grevously bete.

Item, on Middleynt Sunday,[311.1] the xxx^ti yere of oure soveraigne
Lorde the Kynge that now ys, Robert Dallyng, Robert Churche, Robert
Taillor, Herry Bang, Adam atte More, with other unknowyn, be the
comaundement and assent of the sayd Robert Ledham, made affray uppon
Herry Smyth and Thomas Chambre atte Suthbirlyngham, the sayd Herry and
Thomas and that tyme knelyng to see the usyng of the masse, and than and
ther wold have kyllyd the sayd Herry and Thomas atte the prestys bakke,
ne had they be lettyd.

Item, the sayd Robert Lethum, with his sayd ryottis felawshipp, the same
yere dide and made so many ryottes in the hundred where he dwellyth that
dyvers and many gentilmen, frankeleyns, and good men, durst not abyde in
here mansyon place, ne ryde, nother walke aboute thaire occupacions
without mo persons, arrayd in maner and forme of werre attendyng and
waytyng uppon them than thayr lyvelode wold extende to fynde hem. And
so, for savacion of thaire lyves, and in eschewyng of suche inordinat
costys as never was seen in that countrey befor, many of them forsoke
and leffte thaire owyn habitacion, wyff and childe, and drewe to
fortresses and good townes as for that tyme.

_In primis_, Phillipp Berney, esquyer, Edmond Broom to Castre; Thomas
Holler, John Wylton to Norwych; Oliver Kubyte to Seynt Benetts; Robert
Spany to Aylesham; Thomas Baret, with many others, to Meche Yarmouth and
to other placys of strenght.

Item, the sayd Robert Ledham, contynuyng in this wyse, callyd unto hym
his sayd mysgoverned felowshipp, consydryng the absence of many of the
well-rewlyd people of the sayd hundred of affere cast malice, and
congected, purposed and labored to the sheriff of the shire that the
sayd Roger Chirche, on of the sayd riottous felawshipp, was made bailly
of the hundred; and after causid the same Roger to be begynner of
arysyng and to take oppon hym to be a captayn and to excite the peple of
the countrey therto. And ther oppon, be covyne of the sayd Robert
Ledhaum, to appeche all these sayd well rewlyd persones, and as well
other divers substanciall men of good fame and good governaunce that
were hated be the sayd Robert Ledhaum, and promittyng the sayd Roger
harmeles and to sew his pardon be the mene of Danyell; to the which
promyse the sayd Rogger aggreed, and was arested and take be the sayd
Ledham be covyne betwixt hem, and appeched suche persons as they lust,
to the entente that the sayd substanciall men of the countre shuld be by
that mene so trowblyd and indaungered that they shuld not be of power to
lette and resist the mys rewle of the sayd Ledham and his mysgoverned
felawshipp, the whiche mater ys confessid by the sayd Roger Chirch.

Item, William Breton and John Berton, and other of the sayd ryottes,
come into the place of on Robert Spany of Poswyke and serched his
housez, hous be hous, for to have bete hym yf they myght have founde
hym.

Item, William Donmowe, servaunt of the sayd Robert Ledham, and by his
comaundement, the same yere bete the parson of Hashyngham, and brake his
hede in his owyn chauncell.

Item, the sayd Thomas Bery, Elys Dukworth, Thomas Cokowe, George of
Chamer, the v. day of Novembre last past, with divers other onknowyn
men, onto the nombre of xx. persons, and noman of reputacion among hem,
comen, under color of huntyng, and brake uppe gatys and closys of
Osburne Monford atte Brayston; and xij. persons of the same felowshipp,
with bowys bent and arowys redy in thair handys, abode alone betwixt the
maner of Brayston and the chirche, and there kept hem from vij. of the
clokke on the mornyng unto iij. of the clokk after none, lyyng in awayte
oppon the servauntez of the sayd Osburne Monford, lorde of the sayd
maner, so that nonne durst comen ouut for doute of thair lyves.

Item, viij. of the sayd felowshipp, on the Wennesday next after, prevely
in an hole layn in awayte oppon William Edworth and Robert Camplyon,
servauntz to the sayd Osburn Montford, comyng from Okill[313.1] market,
till that tyme that the said William Owell and Robert come uppon hem
onwarre, and theruppon chasid hem so that yf they had not be well
horssyd and well askapped, they had ben dede and slayne.

Item, vj. or vij. of the sayd Ledamys men dayly, boyth werkeday and haly
day, use to goo aboute in the countrey with bowys and arowys, shotyng
and playng in mennys closis among men catall, goyng from alhous to
alhousez and manassyng suche as they hated, and soght occasion and
quarels and debate.

Item, notwithstandyng that all the lyvelod that the sayd Ledham hath
passith not xx_li._ [£20], be sydes the reparacion and outcharges, and
that he hath no connyng ne trew mene of getyng of any good in this
countre, as for as any man may conceyve, and yette xypith in his house
dayly xx. men, besydes women and gret multitude of such mysgoverned
peple as ben resortyng to hym, as ys above sayd, to the whiche he yevith
clothyng, and yitte bysyde that he yevith to other men that be not
dwellyng in his household; and of the sayd xx. men ther passith not
viij. that use occupacion of husbondrye; and all they that use
husbondrye, as well as other, be jakked and salettid redy for to werre,
which yn this countrey ys thoght ryght straunge, and ys verely so
conceyved that he may not kepe this countenance be no good menes.

Item, the sayd Ledham hath a _supersedias_ oute of the chauncerie for
hym and divers of hys men, that no warant of justice of pees may be
served agayn hem.

Item, please unto your Lordshipp to remembre that the sayd Ledham and
his sayd mysgoverned feloushipp be endited of many of these articles and
of many moo not comprehendit here, and in especiall of the sayd rysyng
agayn the Kyng. Wherfore, though the sayd Ledham can prove the sayd
enditement of treson voyde in the lawe for symplenesse of them that
gaffe the verdit, that it lyke you, for the Kyngs availl, not redely to
suffre the sayd Ledham to departe atte large unto the tyme that the
mater of the sayd enditement be better enquered of for the Kyngs avayll,
and that the sayd Ledham fynde surte of his good aberyng; and the
inhabitauntz of the sayd hundred of Blofeld shall pray for you. And els
they be lyke to be destruyd for ever.

    [Footnote 307.1: [From Add. Charter 16,545, B.M.] This paper
    refers mainly to events of 1452 and 1453, but was probably drawn
    up in 1454, after the Duke of York had come into power.]

    [Footnote 309.1: 3rd April 1452.]

    [Footnote 309.2: Philip Berney died, as we have seen, on the 2nd
    July 1453, fifteen months after the date assigned to the
    outrage.]

    [Footnote 309.3: 6th April 1452.]

    [Footnote 310.1: 10th April 1452.]

    [Footnote 311.1: 19th March 1452.]

    [Footnote 313.1: Acle.]

  [[she beyng iiij^xx. ... yere of age
    _printed “vere” (error or broken “y”)_]]

  [[toke suche kynesse that he dyed
    _text unchanged: error for “sykynesse” or equivalent?_]]


242

JOHN CLOPTON TO JOHN PASTON[314.1]

_Un to ryth reverent Sir, and my good mayster, John Paston._

[Sidenote: About 1454]

Ryth wurthy and wurchypfull Sir, and my ryth good mayster, I recomaunde
me on to you, thankyng you evermore of your gret jentylness and good
maystyrhod shewyd on to me at all tymys, and specyally now to my herthys
ease, qwyche on my part can nowt be rewardyd, but my sympyll service is
ever redy at your comaundement. Ferthemor, as for the mater that ye wete
of, I have laboryd so to my feydr that your entent as for the jointoure
xal be fulfellyd; and, Sir, I besheche you sethyn that I do my part to
fullefelle your wyll, that ye wolle shew me your good maystyrhod in here
chambyr, as my full trust is, in so moche that it xall nowth hurthe you
nor non of youris, and the profite ther of xal be on to the avayle of my
maystress your suster, and to me, and to non odyr creature.

And also my maystress, your modyr, xall nouth be charchyd the with her
bourd aftyr the day of the mariage, but I to discharge her of here
persone, and to ease me that hat here chambyr may be non contradiccion.

And, Sir, I am redy, and alwey wolle to performe that I have seyd on to
you, &c.

Ferthemor, lykyd you to wete I was a Thursday last passyd at Cavendyshe,
to dylyver an astate to Wentworth in the londe that was my brothyr
Cavendyche, as I tolde you wan I was last with you. And ther I spak with
Crane; and he be sowthe me that I wolde sende over to my maystress your
modyr for his excuse, for he myth nowth be with here at this tyme, but
on the Saterday in Esterne wyke he wolle nouth fayll to be with her.
So he counsellyd me that I and my brothyr Denston xulde mete with hym
there; and so, withoute your better avyse, I and my brothyr purpose us
to be with you ther at that tyme; for the sonner the levyr me, for, as
to my conceythe, the dayys be waxyn wondyrly longe in a scorte tyme.
Qwerfor I besheche you sende me your avyse how ye wolle have me rewlyd,
&c.

No more I wrythe to you at this present tyme, but be schechyng you to
recomaunde in the lowlyest wyse. And the Trinite preserve you body and
sowle.

Wretyn with my chauncery hand, in ryth gret haste, on the Fryday be forn
Palmesoneday.

  Your,

  JOHN CLOPTON.

    [Footnote 314.1: [From Fenn, iii. 192.] The exact year of this
    letter is uncertain, but from what John Paston writes to Lord
    Grey on the 15th of July 1454, about proposals having been
    recently made for his sister, it is not unlikely to be that
    year.]


243

JOHN CLOPTON TO JOHN PASTON[315.1]

_Maryage Artycles betwix Anneys Paston, &c. on the one partie, and
William Clopton, Squyer, on the other partie._

This indenture, made betwix Anneys that was the wyfe of William Paston,
John Paston hir sone, and John Dam on the one partie, and William
Clopton, Squyer, on the other partie, witnesseth that accord is take
attwyn the seid parties that John Clopton, sone and heir of the seid
William Clopton, by the grace of God, shall wedde Elizabeth, the
doughter of the seid Anneys. For which mareage the seid Anneys, &c.
shall paye to the seid John Clopton CCCC^th marc in hand of lawfull mony
of England; and over that, yf the seid mareage be holdyn with the seid
Anneys, the seid Anneys shall bere the costages therof the day of the
weddyng, with swech chaumbeyr as shall be to the plesir of the seid
Anneys; and the seid William Clopton shall do his feffees make a lawfull
estate to the seid William of londs, tenementz, rentz, and servysez to
the yerly value of xl_li._ over all chargez born, to have and to hold to
hym terme of his lyfe, withoutyn empechement of wast, the remaindr
therof to the seid John and Elizabeth, and to his heirs male of hir body
lawfully begotyn, withoute impechement of wast, withynne xij. dayes
after the seid weddyng.

And over that, withynne the seid xij. dayes the seid John shall do
lawfull estate to be made to the seid William of londs, tenementz,
rentz, and servysez to the yerly value of xl. marc over all charges
born; to have and hold to the seid William terme of his lyfe, withoute
empechement of wast; the remayndre therof to the seid Elizabeth, to have
and hold to hir terme of hir lyfe withoute empechement of wast.

Also it is accorded that the seid William shall make estate of all the
residue of his londs which he is sesid of, or any other man to his use,
to swech personys as the seid John shall name, to the use of the seid
John.

Also the seid John Clopton shall do lawfull estate to be made to the
seid Elizabeth of londs, tenementz, rentz, and servysez to the yerly
value of xxx_li._ over all chargez born, to have and hold to hir duryng
the lyfe of the seid William.

And moreover the seid John permytteth and ensureth be the feith of his
body that he shall leve, over the xl_li._ worth lond aboveseid to his
heirs and issue male of the body of the seid Elizabeth begotyn, londes
in fee symple or in taill to the yerly value of xl. marc, in cas the
same issue male be governyd to the seid John as the sone oweth to be to
the fadir. And, &c.

    [Footnote 315.1: [From Fenn, iii. 196.] The date of this draft
    settlement is no doubt about the same period as that of the
    preceding letter, whatever may have been the exact time that it
    was written.]


244

THOMAS DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[317.1]

_To my maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1454 / APRIL 8]

Right Reverend and wurshipfull Sir, myn especyall good maister,
I recomaund me to you. And for as moch as adversite and prosperite bothe
ly in the disposicion of o [_one_] man above, I thank God, and late you
wete that I stand yet in as greet troble as ever I dede or gretter;
praying you ever to be my good maister and to contynue your benyvolens
as I am ever bounde to you. Myn hevynes is sum whet incresid, for a fals
harlot, sauf your reverens, one James Cook, a servaunt of myn, falsly
and traitourously is hired bi Watte Ingham and hath accused and diffamed
me and my wif of settyng up billes agayn lordis, that, Almighti God I
take to record, I not am ne never was gilty therof; but the same theef
and Asshcote han made an appoyntement to come and robbe me of suych
littel goodis of myn as thei can gete in Norffolk or Norwich. Wherfore I
beseche your maistership for charite of your help and socour to my
servauntz if such case falle. For I trowe this is a troble that never
man suffrid non like in such case, and therfore, gentill Sir, as God
hath indued you of myght and power to socour suych troubles, shew your
bounte to me in this nede, and that for Goddes love, Who Almighti
preserve you. Wretyn in Flete the viij. day of Aprill.--Your wofull
servant,

  DENYES.

The said Asshcote can counterfete my hand and therfore I drede he wole
stele by sum fals letters suych as he myght gete. I haf wretyn my
servantz theraftir.

    [Footnote 317.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 94.] That the year in
    which this letter was written was 1454 is evident from its being
    dated from the Fleet. _See_ Nos. 239 and 245.]


245

THOMAS DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[318.1]

_To my Maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1454 / MAY 3]

Right reverent and wurshipfull Sir, and myn especiall good maister,
I recomaund me to you. And for as moche as oon Lord above giffeth and
takith as hym plesith, I thank His grace of every thyng; and for the
bounte that ye shew to me in this troble, I haf no spirite to thank you
as I shuld. Sir, as for certeyn evidence of myn touchyng your place in
Seint Andrues Parissh, my wif tellith me that she lefft thaym in a chest
at Ovyes shette; the key ther of she hath sent now to Ovy also. And as
for more evidence, sum is in the kepyng of Frere John Mendham, wherto I
beseche your maistership that ye wole se for the sauf and secreet kepyng
therof. God wote my wif delyvered all, myn unwetyng; ever therfore I
doute, trustyng with such hope as is be lefft me to the best, with Godds
grace.

Othre evidence of myn is at Folsham, I wote not with whome. I thank God
of my conyng; but as sone as I may know, I shal write to you. Wherfore,
sith it is thus, I beseche your maistershep disdeigne not, but for our
Lords love ye vouchsauf to take it to you, or to se that it be sauf, if
it plese you. And that ye wole send for John Maile, for I conceyve hym
right feithfull to me, and I am enfourmed that he is gretly manasid for
me. And that ye vouchsauf to do put hym in comfort that I lese not his
good wille, and that ye shew hym your good maistership and favor that he
be holpen and not hurt for me. Ferthermore, I wrote to you for such smal
thynges as I had leid to plegge to you for such good as that I borwid of
you. Wheryn I beseche your maistership that if my frends pay you
accordyng to my writyng, that ye than vouchsaf to do the said plegges be
sent hider to me by such conduyte as your wisdam like to avise, and that
they myght be here by the iiij^to die of the xv^cim[319.1] of Ester, for
than is my grettest jouparte touchyng myn imprisonement; for sith myn
enmyes coude not avail to send me to the castel of Bristow (which was
their purpose, whan thei undirstood the disposicion of the Comons Hous
agayn their billes), ever sith they make a privy labor to haf me
remevid, and I wote not whedir, ne wethir that tyme I shal be sent to
the Kynges Bench, and abide ther, or remittyd hider agayn.

Neverthelesse, if I haf releve of such pouer godes as shuld be myn by
reson, than I hope to do better, and sumwhat to aquyte, wherby I hope to
put my frends in gretter corage to do for me. And if I haf no releve,
than can I nomore, but all refere to God as I do daily. Wherefore, if ye
be not paied, I pray you to councell my said frendes to send me suche
mony as thei may gete of myn agayn that day, ever your maistership and
wisdam seyng to the conduyte therof. More over, I doute lest that
Richard Davy of his untrouth enfourme myn enmys wher such pouer thyng as
I haf is, to that intent that thei may riffel and dispoil all. Wherof,
if such case hapne, I can no ferthre, but I besech your help in every
thyng. It is yours all, ther is a dede of gifft therof to you among myn
evidence, as ye vouchsauff to do or do to be don in every thyng I holde
me content. And Al myghti God preserve you.

Wretyn in non hertis ease at Flete, the iij. day of Maii.

  WOFUL DENYES.

    [Footnote 318.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] For the date of this
    letter it may be sufficient to refer the reader to Letters 238
    and 239 preceding. Both Denyes and his wife are here still in
    prison, but he expresses himself grateful to Paston for efforts
    made in his behalf.]

    [Footnote 319.1: The fourth day of the quinzaine of Easter.]


246

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[320.1]

_To my right and welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: 1454 / MAY 17]

Right trusty and welbeloved frend, I grete you wel; and for as mych as I
have understande that ze have do take a distresse of certayn bestes upon
certayn land, which I stande infeffed in, in the town of Pagrave, for
what cause I knowe not; wherfor I pray you that ze wyll make deliverance
ageyn of the said bestes, and if any thing ze can axe be dute of right,
setteth a day, and lete your evydences and right be shewed, and I shall
assigne conceill of myn to be there to se it; and all that reson or lawe
wyll, I wyll be right glad ze have, and otherwise I trowe ze wold not
desire. And if ze wyll do this, I wyll be wel paied, and elles ze
constreyn me to pourveye other wise, as lawe may gyde me. Oure Lord have
you in governance. Writen at Walsyngham, the xvij. day of May.

  Youre frend,

  THE LORD SCALES.

    [Footnote 320.1: [From Fenn, iii. 200.] This letter is dated by
    a contemporary note at the bottom of the original, which is
    given thus in Fenn: ‘Li’t a͞a Mich. xxxiijº.’ But for ‘a͞a,’
    according to the Errata in vol. iii., we should read ‘a͞e,’
    _i.e._ ‘Litteræ _ante_ Mich. [Festum S. Michaelis] xxxiij.’
    [_i.e._ anno Regis xxxiii.].]


247

BOTONER TO JOHN PASTON[320.2]

_To my Maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1454 / JUNE 8]

Worshypfull Syr, and my gode maister, after dewe recomendacion, wyth
alle my trewe servyce precedyng, lyke you wete that as to nouveltees,
&c., the Prince shall be create at Wyndesour, uppon Pentecost
Sonday,[321.1] the Chaunceller,[321.2] the Duc of Bokyngham, and manye
othyre Lordys off astate, present wyth the Quene.

As to my Lord Yorke, he abydyth aboute Yorke tille Corpus Crist
Feste[321.3] be passyd, and wyth grete worship ys there resseyved.

And certeyn Justices, Prysot,[321.4] Byngham,[321.5] Portyngton,[321.6]
and &c., be thedre for execucion of justice uppon such as hafe
offendended yn cause creminall.

It ys seyd the Duc of Exceter[321.7] ys here coverdtlye. God send hym
gode councell hereafter.

And the Pryvee Sele[321.8] ys examynyd how, and yn whate maner, and be
whate autorite prevye selys were passed forthe in that behalf, whych ys
full innocent and ryght clere yn that mater, as it ys welle knowen.

The Frenshmen hafe be afore the Isles of Gersey and Gernessey, and a
grete navey of hem, and v^c. [500] be taken and slayn of hem by men of
the seyd trew Isles, &c.

Syr Edmond Mulso ys come from the Duc of Burgoyne;[321.9] and he seyth,
by hys servaunts rapport, that he wolle not discharge the godes of the
mrchaunts of thys land, but so be that justice be don uppon the Lord
Bonevyle, or els that he be sent to hym to do justice by hym self, as he
hath deserved, or satisfaccion be made to the value.

Yowr mater[10] is enseled as of the thyng ye wote of.

I can no more for haste and lak of leyser, but our Lord kepe you. Wryt
hastly viij. of June.

I sende a lettre to Maister Berney to lete you see for the gouvernaunce
yn Yorkshyr.

  BOTO-H.R.-NER.[322.1]

    [Footnote 320.2: [From Fenn, i. 76.]]

    [Footnote 321.1: June 9 in 1454.]

    [Footnote 321.2: Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, was
    appointed Chancellor on the 2nd April 1454.]

    [Footnote 321.3: June 20 in 1454.]

    [Footnote 321.4: John Prisot, Chief Justice of the Common
    Pleas.]

    [Footnote 321.5: Richard Bingham, a Justice of the King’s
    Bench.]

    [Footnote 321.6: John Portington, a Justice of the Common
    Pleas.]

    [Footnote 321.7: Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter. On the 11th May
    this year he had been ordered to appear before the Council on
    the following Thursday (16th May). --_See_ Nicolas’s _Privy
    Council Proceedings_, vi. 180.]

    [Footnote 321.8: His name was Thomas Lyseux.--See _Patent Roll_,
    32 Hen. VI., m. 14.]

    [Footnote 321.9: Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy.]

    [Footnote 321.10: Doubtless the grant of the wardship of Thomas
    Fastolf of Cowhawe. --_See_ p. 322, Note 2.]

    [Footnote 322.1: William Worcester, or Botoner, as he called
    himself indifferently, secretary to Sir John Fastolf. He
    frequently introduces the letters ‘H. R.’ into or above his
    signature, and sometimes at the top of his letter. Fenn reads
    the name ‘Botener,’ which is certainly wrong according to the
    facsimile given of the signature in this place.]


248

R. DOLLAY TO JOHN PASTON[322.2]

_Un to my ryght worshypfull Mastyr Paston, be thys byll delyveryd in
haste._

[Sidenote: 1454 / JUNE 29]

Ryght trusty and well belovyd master, I recomande me un to yow, desyryng
to her of your good prosperite and wellfar. And as towchyng for Ser
Phylyp Wentforde, he rood on to London ward up on Seynt Jon ys day, and
on the evyn afor he sent to my master for to have sum of hys men for to
ryd with hym to Colchester; and for be cawse he shulde not have no
suspesion to me, I rod myself and a felaw with me; and he rood with an
C. [_hundred_] hors with jakks[322.3] and saletts,[322.4] and rusty
habyrjons;[322.5] and ther rood with hym Gyboun of Debnem, and Tympyrle,
and all the felashyp that they cowd make. And Gyboun seyde that he wolde
endyte as many as he cowde understonde that wer of the toder party; and
longe Bernard was ther also; and he mad Ser Phylyp Wentforde to torne
ageyn, and maad every men to beende her bowys, and lyth down of her hors
for to wyte and ony man wolde come ageynstem, and he seyde how he shulde
not let hys wey nor for Ser John Fastolf nor for Paston, nor for noon of
hem all.

And as for the ward,[323.1] he was not ther, but ther was had anoder
chyld lyk hym, and he rood next hym, and whan that he was ij. myle be
zonde Colchester, he sent hym hoomageyn with a cer tey[n] meyny. And Ser
Phylyp Wentforde, and Gyboun of Debnem, and Tymperle, and Bernard, they
took a man of Stratford, a sowter,[323.2] and hys name ys Persoun; and
they enqueryd hym of every manys name of the toder party, and he tolde
hem as many as he cowde; and they bad hym enquer ferther for to knowe
all, for they desyryd of hym for to enquer as fer as he cowde, and he
shulde have well for hys labor.

No mor to yow at thys tyme, but the Holy Gost have yow in hys kepyng.

Wretyn at Hadley, the Saturday after Seynt John ys day. And I beseeche
yow hertyly recomande me to my Master Alblaster.

  By yowr man,

  R. DOLLAY.

    [Footnote 322.2: [From Fenn, iii. 210.] This letter gives an
    account of certain proceedings for taking possession of the
    person of a minor in opposition to the claims of Paston and Sir
    John Fastolf as guardians. Fenn supposes the ward in question to
    have been Thomas Fastolf of Ipswich; but it appears, by a
    petition afterwards presented to Parliament (see _Rolls of
    Parl._ v. 371), that he was another Thomas Fastolf, viz. the son
    of John Fastolf, Esq. of Cowhawe, Suffolk, whose wardship was
    granted on the 6th June 1454 to John Paston, Esq., and Thomas
    Howes, clerk. The St. John’s day mentioned in this letter is
    therefore St. John the Baptist’s day, 24th June, not St. John
    the Evangelist’s, 27th December.]

    [Footnote 322.3: The jack or jacket was a military vestment,
    calculated for the defence of the body, composed of linen
    stuffed with cotton, wool, or hair quilted, and commonly covered
    with leather.--F.]

    [Footnote 322.4: A salet was a light helmet of various
    construction.--F.]

    [Footnote 322.5: The haubergeon was a coat composed either of
    plate or chain-mail without sleeves. For a fuller account and
    view of these, the reader is referred to Mr. Grose’s accurate
    _Treatise on Ancient Armour and Weapons_, 4to, 1785.--F.]

    [Footnote 323.1: Thomas, son of John Fastolf, Esq. of Cowhawe.]

    [Footnote 323.2: A shoemaker.]


249

WILLIAM BOTONER TO JOHN PASTON[323.3]

_To my gode maister, John Paston, Escuier, in Norwich, and yn hys
absence, to John Berney, at Caister, Squyer._

[Sidenote: 1454 / JULY 5]

Worshypfull Sirs, I recomaund me to yow. Lyke yow wete that as to the
waraunts and copes that ye remembred to be gheten owt, it ys laboured
for, &c.

And as to the assisse, it shall hald at Norwych, the Monday next com
fortendayes.

The Duc of York, the Lord Cromewell, and othyr Lordys of the North that
were wyth my seyd Lord York, comen hedre by Monday next, as it ys
credybly seyd. The Lordys that be appoynted to kepe the see maken hem
redye yn all haste; and the Tresourer also, the Lord Wyltshyre[324.1]
for the west coost. And a stately vessell, only for the warre, ys made
new at Brystow by the Mayr, called Sturmyn[324.2]. And the seyd toune
with the west coosts wolle do her part, and [i.e. _if_] they may be
supported or favoured.[324.3]

Mastere Pownyngs[324.4] hath day tille the next terme by a remayner.
Manye a gode man ys hert he hath.[325.1] God comfort hym in ryght!

And justice ys don dayly uppon thevys and malefactours, and people be
glad that justice may precede.

The Lord Bourchier hath a gode renomee of hys wyse demenyng at Calis,
but he ys not yhyt comen.

The Soudeours be more temperat then they were. Not ell[es] for lak of
leyser, but our Lord kepe you.

Wryt at L. [London], the v. day of Jullet.

Gressam qwyts hym well yn your erandys doyng to me.

  Your,

  W. BOTONER.

    [Footnote 323.3: [From Fenn, i. 140.] The year in which this
    letter was written must be that of the mayoralty of Robert
    Sturmy at Bristol, as shown in p. 324, Note 2. It certainly
    could not be 1457, Fenn’s date, as Lord Cromwell died in January
    1456.]

    [Footnote 324.1: James Butler, Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond. He
    was appointed Lord Treasurer of England on the 15th March 1455
    (Patent, 33 Henry VI., p. 2, m. 20), but on the 29th May
    following the office was taken from him, and given to Henry,
    Viscount Bourchier (_Ib._ m. 12). But this letter, which is
    dated in July, cannot be in 1455; indeed, we have positive
    evidence that it is in 1454. How, then, are we to explain the
    manner in which Wiltshire is referred to above? It is just
    possible--though not likely, as Wiltshire was a
    Lancastrian--that his appointment may have been enrolled in the
    wrong year, and that he was really made Lord Treasurer on the
    15th March 1454. A difference in punctuation will perhaps solve
    the difficulty best:-- ‘The Lords that be appointed to keep the
    see maken hem ready yn all haste, and the Treasourer also: the
    Lord Wyltshyre for the west coast.’ John Tiptoft, Earl of
    Worcester, is mentioned as Lord Treasurer on the 11th February
    1454.--See _Rolls of Parl._ v. 238.]

    [Footnote 324.2: The name was printed by Fenn ‘St’myn’,’ and in
    the modern version on the opposite page, ‘St. Myn.’ Robert
    Sturmy was Mayor of Bristol in the year 1453-4. It was probably
    this very ship that was captured by the Genoese in 1457, of
    which disaster there is the following notice in the MS.
    Calendars of Bristol:-- ‘Mr. Robert Sturney [_alias_ Sturmey],
    who was Mayor in 1453, had this year a ship spoiled in the
    Mediterranean Sea by the Genoese, which ship had gotten much
    wealth as having been long forth. She had spices fit to be
    planted here in England, as was reported, but the men of Genoa
    in envy spoiled her. Which wrong, when King Henry understood, he
    arrested the Genoa merchants in London, seized their goods, and
    imprisoned their persons, until they gave security to make good
    the loss; so that they were charged with £6000 indebted to Mr.
    Sturney.’ --Seyer’s _Memoirs of Bristol_, ii. 189.]

    [Footnote 324.3: ‘The said town,’ it would appear, did ‘do her
    part’ on the occasion; for besides this ship fitted out by the
    Mayor, Bristol subscribed £150 to a loan raised by the Duke of
    York from the seaports for the protection of trade. This sum may
    appear insignificant for a flourishing seaport; but London
    itself only subscribed £300, and Southampton, which was the next
    largest contributor, only £100, while Norwich and Yarmouth
    contributed the latter amount between them.--Seyer’s _Bristol_,
    ii. 188; see also _Rolls of Parl._ v. 245. We must remember,
    however, that these sums probably represent about fifteen times
    their value in modern currency. At all events, by comparison
    with other places, Botoner had no cause to be ashamed of his
    native town.]

    [Footnote 324.4: Robert Poynings. --_See_ p. 154, Note 3.]

    [Footnote 325.1: ‘Many a good man’s heart he hath.’ --We should
    have thought this explanation unnecessary, but that Fenn, in his
    modern version, gives the following most extraordinary
    rendering:-- ‘Many a good man is hurt (_that_) he hath.’]


250

EDMUND, LORD GREY OF HASTINGS TO JOHN PASTON[325.2]

_To my trusty and wele belovid John Paston, Squyer, be this lettre
delivered._

[Sidenote: 1454 / JULY 11]

Trusty and welebelovid frend, I comaund me to zow, certifying zow that
and zour sustyr be not zit maried, y trust to God y know that where she
may be maried to a gentylman of iii. C. [300] marc of lyvelod, the which
is a grete gentylman born, and of gode blode; and yf ze think that y
shall labore ony ferder therynne, y pray zow send me word by the bringer
of this lettre, for y have spoke with the parties, and they have granted
me that they wolle precede no ferder therynne tyll y speke with hem
azen; and therefore, y pray zow, send me word in hast how that ze wylle
be desposed therynne; and God have zow in hys kepyng. W[r]ettin at
Ampthill, the xj. day of July last past.

  By EDMOND GREY, LORD OF HASTYNGES, WAIFFORD, AND OF RUTHYN.

    [Footnote 325.2: [From Fenn, iii. 214.] This letter is dated by
    a memorandum at the bottom of the original, in the handwriting
    of John Paston-- ‘Liberat. per Will. Aleyn, valetum dicti domini
    xiiij. die Julii anno xxxijº. H. vi.’]


251

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO THOMAS HOWYS[326.1]

_To my ryght trusty frende Sir Thomas Howys, Parson of Castelcombe._

[Sidenote: 1454 / JULY 12]

Ryght trusty frende, I grete you well, and wolle ye wete that I thynk it
to greete merveylle of your trouth and wysdom that ye shuld haf, that ye
hafe noysed me, and seyd to John Andreus at Yeppyswych, in presence of
dyvers men, that ye have suffisaunt waraunts undre my lettre and sele to
safe you harmlese, in case ye be condempned yn the somme this Andreus
sewyth you for. And know for certeyn, there passed no such warauntis
undre my sele; nothyr I comaunded you not for to labour ne do thyng that
shuld be ayenst the law, nether unlawfully ayenst ryght and trouth. And
therfor y ought not ne wolle not pay for yow. Wherfor I charge you sende
me your warauntis and lettres or acomp of them, and of whoos hand
wrytyng they ben; and whate evidences, instruccions and informacions ye
had and by whom, as well as of my lerned councell as of othyrs. And also
that ye comyn with my cosyn John Paston, &c., and take his gode avice
whate remedie ys best, whethyr to sew an atteynt ayenst th’enquest a
_decies tantum_ in your oune name or by the parlement; for y wolle do
seke all the remedies that may be had ayenst the seyd Andreus. And kepe
ye close and sure from hym in all maner wyse, for your oune welfare; for
know ye for certeyn that Andreus wolle ley all the wayt and aspies of
such as ye wene to take for your true frendys to arrest you; and then be
ye as it were be thout remedie, for ye not be tyme to sende me the
materes abofe specyfied.

Item, Robert Inglose hath spoke wyth me and hath offred me to by lond to
satisfye my dewtee that lyeth in Rakhyth, and y am avysed to by it,
if ye can send thedre som trusty man that can telle whate it ys worth
cleerly, and off whome it ys halde, and also yf it be sure lyvelode, and
your avice wythall; but beware that ye com not owt, God kepe you. Wryt
at London in haste the xij. day of Julle, Aº. xxxij^do. Regni Regis
Henrici VJ.

  JOHN FASTOLF, ch’l’r.

    [Footnote 326.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 102.]]


252

JOHN PASTON TO LORD GREY[327.1]

_Dominus de Grey._

[Sidenote: 1454 / JULY 15]

Right worshipfull and my ryght gode Lord, I recomand me to yowr gode
Lordship. And where as it pleasyd yowr Lordship to dyrecte yowr letter
to me for amaryage for my por suster to a jantylman of yowr knowleth of
CCC. marc lyflod, in cas she wer not maryd; wherfor I am bownd to do
your Lordship servyse; forsothe, my Lord, she is not maryd, ne insurid
to noman; ther is and hath be, dyvers tymys and late, comunycacion of
seche maryages wyth dyvers jantylmen not determynyd as yett, and whedder
the jantylman that yowr Lordchip menith of be on of hem or nay I dowth.
And wher as your seyd letter specyfyith that I shall send yow word
whedder I thowght ye shuld labour ferther in the mater or nay, in that,
my Lord, I dare not preswme to wryte so to yow wythowte I knew the
gentylmans name,--notwythstandyng, my Lord, I shall take uppe on me,
wyth the avyse of other of here frendys, that she shall nother be maryd
ner inswryd to no creatwr, ne forther prosede in no seche mater befor
the fest of the Assumpcion of owr Lady next comyng, dwryng whyche tyme
yowr Lordship may send me, if itt please yow, certeyn informacion of the
seyd gentylmanys name, and of the place and contrey where hys lyfflod
lyth, and whedder he hath any chylder, and, after, I shall demene me in
the mater as yowr Lordship shall be pleasyd; for in gode feyth, my Lord,
it were to me grette joy that my seyd pore suster were, according to
hier pore degre, marijd be yowr avyse, trustyng thanne that ye wold be
here gode Lord.

Ryght wurchipfull and my ryght gode Lord, I beseche Almyghty God to have
yow in His kepyng. Wrete att Norwych, the xv. day of Jull.

    [Footnote 327.1: [From Fenn, iii. 216.] This letter is the
    answer to No. 250, originally printed from a copy in Paston’s
    own handwriting, without signature.]


253

THOMAS PLAYTER TO JOHN PASTON[328.1]

_To my ryght reverent and worshipfull maister, John Paston, be this
dylyverd at London, and ellys sent to hym to Norwic._

[Sidenote: 1454 / JULY 20]

Rygth worshipfull Sir, and my rygth good maister, I recomend me to you.
Lyke you to wete I have spoken wyth my lord Chaunceler[328.2] and put
the bylle by for hym and all the lordis upon Wednesday at after non last
past, wenyng to me to have an answer upon Thursday. And my lord
Chaunceler told me that they sped no partycler mater yet syn they cam,
nor han no leyser to attend swych maters. I have spoken to my Lord
Wylchyre,[328.3] and he promysed to help forth that he can, and my Lord
Beauchamp[328.4] bothe. Fenyngley cam but on Thursday at evyn. Item,
Sir, I have do made a new bylle whyche I purpose to delyver to the kyng.
And, Sir, the lordes merveyle sore of the entre that was made by the
straunge man or my lord entred; they thynk that was a straunge werk and
a sotyll. Item, I spake to my Lord Chaunceler how my maister[328.5] and
ye and your frendis were pute owte of the comyssyon of pees; neverthe
les he hath not graunted yet non newe. And as for the questyon that ye
wylled me to aske my lord, I fond hym yet at no good leyser. Item, Sir,
after the lordys seying, the Councell schuld breke up on Monday next
comyng. And as for the Archebysshop of York[329.1] is heyll and mery,
&c. Wretyn the xx. day of July.

  By your man and servaunt,

  THOMAS PLAYTER.

    [Footnote 328.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 217.] The reference to
    Lord Wiltshire proves the date of this letter to lie between
    1449 and 1460, and it would seem to be 1454 when the 20th July
    was a Saturday, Wednesday and Thursday being spoken of as past
    dates and Monday as a future one.]

    [Footnote 328.2: Richard, Earl of Salisbury.]

    [Footnote 328.3: James Butler, Earl of Wiltshire and Ormonde.]

    [Footnote 328.4: John, Lord Beauchamp.]

    [Footnote 328.5: Sir John Fastolf.]

    [Footnote 329.1: William Booth was Archbishop of York from 1452
    to 1464. If the letter had been earlier Cardinal Kemp would have
    been Archbishop of York, and would have been called ‘Cardinal of
    York.’]


254

WILLIAM PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[329.2]

_To his wurchypfull Brodyr, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1454 / [JULY]]

Ryth wurchypfull broder, I recomande to yow; and as for tedyng, my Lord
of Yorke hathe take my Lord of Exsater[329.3] in to hys awarde. The Duke
of Somerset[329.4] is styll in prison, in warse case than he was. Syr
Jon Fastolf recomande hym to yow, &c. He wyll ryde in to Norfolke ward
as on Trusday, and he wyll dwelle at Caster, and Skrop[329.5] wyth hym.
He saythe ye ar the hartyest kynysman and frynd that he knowyts. He
wolde have yow at Mawdeby dwellyng.

I had gret cher of Byllyng be the way, and he told me in cownsayle wathe
he sayd to Ledam.

Ledam wulde a do hys wyse to a mad a complent to Pryothe[329.6] in the
scher-howse of yow, and Byllyng consallyd hym to leve, and tolde Ledam
ye and he wer no felawys, and sayd to Ledam, ‘That is the gyse of yowr
contre men, to spend alle the good they have on men and lewery gownys,
and hors and harnes, and so beryt owth for j wylle [_bear it out for a
while_], and at the laste they arn but beggars; and so wyll ye do.
I wylde ye schull do wyll, be cause ye ar a felaw in Grays In, wer I was
a felaw. As for Paston, he ys a swyr [squire] of wurchyp, and of gret
lyvelode, and I wothe he wyll not spend alle hys good as [_at?_] onys,
but he sparyt yerly C. mark, or j. C. _li._ [£100]; he may do his ennemy
a scherewd turne and never far the warse in hys howsholde, ner the lesse
men abowthe hym. Ye may not do so, but if yt be for j. [_one_] sesun.
I consayll yow not to contenu long as ye do. I wulle consalle yow to
seke reste wyth Paston.’

And I thankkyd Byllyng on yowr behalfe.

God have yow in hys kepyng.

Be yowr por Brodyr,

  WYLLYAM PASTON.

Meche odyr thyng I can telle an I had lesur. Recomande me to my suster
Margeth [and] my cosyn Elizabeth Clyr, I pray yow.

    [Footnote 329.2: [From Fenn, i. 72.] The date of this letter is
    fixed by the fact referred to in Note 3, and by Sir John
    Fastolf’s going into Norfolk, which, though delayed a little
    later than is here projected, certainly did take place in 1454.
    See another letter of William Paston further on, dated 6th
    September.]

    [Footnote 329.3: Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter. On the 24th July
    the Duke of York was charged by the Privy Council to convey him
    to Pomfret Castle. --_See_ Nicolas’s _Privy Council Proceedings_,
    vi. 217.]

    [Footnote 329.4: Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, who was
    committed to the Tower in the end of the year 1453. --_See_ p.
    290, Note 1.]

    [Footnote 329.5: Stephen Scroope, Sir John Fastolf’s ward, son
    of Lady Fastolf, by her former husband.]

    [Footnote 329.6: John Prisot, Chief Justice of the Common
    Pleas.]


255

WILLIAM PASTON TO MARGERY PASTON[330.1]

_To his rythe worchypfull and harthy wellebelovyd suster, Margere
Paston, dwellyng in Norwyche._

[Sidenote: [1454] / AUG. 10]

Rythe harthely well belovyd suster, I recomand me, &c. And I have
received zowre letteres. And as for my nevewes, they lerne rythe well
bothe, and there gownys and there gere schall be mad for hem a cordyng
the enthenthe of zowre letter, and all oder thynggis that behovyth on to
here profythe harddely to my powere. And, Suster, God zelde zow for
zowre labore fore me, for gaderyng of my mony. And I pray, as sone as ze
receyvyth, send it heder be some trusty man; and that it plese to calle
ther on, &c. My suster and my broder recomand hem to zow bothe, and I
may say to zow in counsayll sche is op on poyn of mariage, so that moder
and my broder sett frendely and stedfastely there on, leke as I wothe
well ze wolld, and it lay in zow as it dothe in hem, &c. I pray zow do
zoure parthe to kall theron. It were to long to wrythe on to zow all the
maner of demenyng of this mater; and therfor I have spoke to Wyllyam
Worseter and to Wethewell to tell it zow holly as it is. I wothe ryth
well zow (_sic_) good labore may do moche; and send me word how ze here
as hastely as ze may. Item, Howard spak of a mariage betwex his sone and
my neece Margery, zowr dother: it wer well do such materes wer nawthe
sclawfully laboryd; it is wurchypfull, &c. Send me word, and Gog (_sic_)
have zow in His kepyng. Wretyn at London on Sent Lawrens day in
hast.

  Be zowre brodyre,

  WYLLYAM PASTON.

Item, send zow a letter directyd to Wollysby. I pray zow lethe it be
delyvered hym as hastely as ze may; and if ze come to this contre I am
leke to se zow, and we schall make rythe mery I trust.

    [Footnote 330.1: [Add. MS. 33,597, f. 5.] This letter is in the
    handwriting of William Paston, son of the judge; but the
    ‘Margery’ Paston to whom it is addressed seems to be his brother
    John’s wife, Margaret. His nephews, John Paston’s sons, were at
    school in London. His sister Elizabeth, who was married to
    Robert Poynings in 1458, is here said to be upon the point of
    marriage, but no doubt this refers to the negotiations of the
    year 1454, as the eldest of John Paston’s sons must have been
    sixteen in 1458. St. Laurence’s day, on which the letter was
    written, is the 10th August.]


256

RICHARD, DUKE OF YORK, TO JOHN PASTON[331.1]

_To our right trusty and welbeloved John Paston, Esquire._

_The Duc of York._

[Sidenote: 1454 / AUG. 19]

Right trusty and welbeloved, we grete yow hertily wel. And of your
benivolence, aide, and tendre love by yow, at th’instance and at the
reverence of us, to our right trusty and welbeloved in God, the prior
and convent of the hows of Our Lady of Walsingham, of our patronage, in
suche matres as they had adoo for certain lyvelood by tham claymed to
belonge unto the seid hows, favorably and tendrely shewed,--as hertily
as we can we thank yow, and desire and pray yow of your good
continuance; and as far as right, lawe, and good conscience wol, to have
in favorable recommendacion suche personnes as been or shal bee
committed to take possession and saison, in the name and to the use of
our ful worshipful nepveu, th’erl of Warrewic, in and of the manoirs and
Lordeships of Boules and Walcots,[332.1] with th’appertenauntes in Litel
Snoring in the countee of Norffolk, as our grete trust is unto yow. And
God have yow in His keping.

Yeven undre our signet at our castel of Sandhall the xix. day of August.

  R. YORK.

    [Footnote 331.1: [From Fenn, i. 92.] This and the following
    letter could hardly have been written in any year except 1454 or
    1455, when the Duke of York was in power. In the former year he
    is very likely to have been at his own castle of Sandal on the
    19th August, seeing that on the 24th July he was commissioned to
    convey the Duke of Exeter to Pomfret Castle.]

    [Footnote 332.1: According to Blomefield (vii. 186), Catherine,
    widow of John Cokerell of Albergh Wykes in Suffolk, died seised
    of the manors of Walcotes and Boles in 6 Henry VI., which she
    left, with others, to Catherine, daughter of John Cokerell,
    junior, her son, who died before his father. This younger
    Catherine died a minor in 10 Henry VI., and the jury knew not
    who was her heir. In 29 Henry VI. George Heath of Mildenhall
    released to Humphrey, Duke of Buckingham, all his rights in
    Walcotes and Boles; but in the 18th of Henry VII. Christopher
    Conyers and Alice his wife conveyed it to the Heydons. Of its
    having been purchased by the Earl of Warwick or having belonged
    to the Prior of Walsingham, as stated in the next letter,
    Blomefield tells us nothing except that Richard, Earl of
    Warwick, presented to the rectory of Snoring Parva in 1460 and
    1466.]


257

THE EARL OF WARWICK TO JOHN PASTON[332.2]

_To the worshipfull and my right trusty frende John Paston, Squyer._

[Sidenote: 1454 / AUG. 23]

Worshipfull and my right trusty and welbeloved frende, I grete you well.
And forasmuch as I have purchased of the worshipfull and my welbeloved
frende, Priour of Walsyngham, ij. maners in Lityl Snoryng, with
thappurtenants, in the Counte of Norffolk, which maners be cleped Bowles
and Walcotes,--I desir and hertily praye yow, that ye woll shewe to me,
and my feoffes in my name, your good will and favour, so that I may by
your frendship the more peasably rejoy my forsaid purchase.

And more over I praye you to yeve credens in this mater to my welbeloved
chapellayn, Syr John Suthwell, berer of this my lettre, and in the same
mater to be my feithfull frende, as my gret trust is in you, wherin ye
shall do to me a singular pleasir, and cause me to bee to yow right good
lord, which sumtyme shall be to you available by the grace of God, who
preserve you and sende you welfare.

Yeven under my signet at Midilham, the xxiij. day of August.

  RICHARD, ERL OF } R. WARREWYK.
  WARREWIK.       }

    [Footnote 332.2: [From Fenn, i. 88.] See preliminary note to the
    last letter (p. 331, Note 1).]


258

WILLIAM WORCESTER TO JOHN PASTON[333.1]

_To my Maister Paston._

_H. R._

[Sidenote: 1454(?) / SEPT. 2]

Aftyr dewe recomendacion wyth my simple service precedyng, please your
maistershyp to wete, that as to such remembraunce that ye desyre me to
contynew forth to the uttermost, I shall wyth gode wille, so as my
maister wille licence me, as oft as I can, th’officer to hafe leysure to
be wyth me, for ye know well I can not do it alone, &c.

And where as ye of your pleasure wryte me or calle me Maister Worcestr,
I pray and requyre yow foryete that name of maistershyp, for I am not
amended by my maister of a ferthyng yn certeynte, but of wages of
housold in comune _entaunt come nows plaira_. By Worcestr or Botoner I
hafe v_s._ yerly, all costs born, to help pay for bonetts that I lose.
I told so my maister thys weke, and he seyd me yerstenday he wyshed me
to hafe be a preest, so I had be disposed, to hafe gofe me a lyvyng by
reson of a benefice, that anothyr most gefe it, as the Byshop, but he
wold; and so I endure _inter egenos ut servus ad aratrum_.

Forgefe me, I wryte to make yow laugh; and our Lord bryng my maister yn
a better mode for othyrs as for me.

At Caistr, ij^d day of September.

   *   *   *

I pray yow displeser not your servaunt be so long, for my maister lettet
hym.

  Your,

  W. WYRCESTYR.

    [Footnote 333.1: [From Fenn, iii. 318.] This and the next letter
    were certainly written on the same day, but the precise year may
    be questioned. From a comparison of the two together, with
    William Barker’s letter of the 3rd Nov. following (No. 265),
    I am inclined to think all three belong to the year 1454, when
    Sir John Fastolf had just come to settle for the rest of his
    days in Norfolk. Sir John Fenn, I think rightly, considers this
    first letter to have been written between jest and earnest; and
    this tone may be very well explained by the supposition, that on
    Fastolf’s settlement at Caister, Worcester expected to have had
    some position of importance assigned to him in his master’s
    household. That such would be his fortune was probably the
    expectation of others as well as himself, and apparently John
    Paston had written to him in the belief that Worcester’s
    influence with Sir John might occasionally be of value to him.]


259

THOMAS HOWES TO JOHN PASTON[334.1]

_To my maister, John Paston, Squier, be this delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1454(?) / SEPT. 2]

Ryght worshypfull Sir, I recommaund me to yow. And my maister hertly
thankyth yow for the venyson that ye sent hym from my Lord of Oxford,
and prayeth yow that he may be recommaunded to hys noble Lordshyp. And
God thank yow for your speciall remembraunce of my mater that ye hafe it
so tendyrly to hert, for ye may know weel the gode spede of that ys my
wellfare and the contrarye ys my utter undoyngs. I hafe sent to John
Porter to wete verrayly how it standyth with hym, as ye shall wete the
certeynte thys weke. As for the mater wryt to Bokkyng he hath rad ys
lettre, and wille remember your desyre, and also of William Geney
comyng, yn case he know of it rathyr then ye.

And my maistre herd the substaunce of your lettre red, and lyked it ritz
well. And as for the mater of Worcester remembraunce, he shall geve hys
attendaunce therto yn that he can. And where ye calle hym maister, he ys
displesed wyth that name, for he may spend v_s._ yerly more by the name
of Worcestr or Botoner, and by hys maister not a ferthyng yn certeynte.
He prayth yow foryete it.

I pray God kepe yow. Wryt at Castr hastly ij^d day of September.

  Your oune,

  T. HOWES.

Item, yn case Jankyn[335.1] be hole, my Lord of Norffolk hath graunted
[him] by moyen of Robert Wyngfeld, to be yn my seyd Lord ys houshold,
as my maister hath it by lettre from Wyngfeld.

    [Footnote 334.1: [From Fenn, iii. 320.] With regard to the date
    of this letter, see the preliminary note to the last (p. 333,
    Note 1).]

    [Footnote 335.1: This appears to be the John or Jankyn Porter
    above named, who will be found mentioned hereafter.]




END OF VOLUME II


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